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Religion and Ethics 



Relimon and Ethics 








And Othek Scholars 

^ ',1 -^M^ Y;/-^'^ 



Edinburgh: T. & T. CLARK, 38 George Street V 

New York: CHARLES SCRIBNEK'S SONS, 153-157 Firm Avenub x '^ 

V 1910 - ^ V 



Printed bv MoRnisoN & GiBi! Limited 



[The Rights of Translation and of Reprodurtion are Reserved.] 


Alexander (Hartley Bukr), Ph.D. 

Professor of Philosophy in the University of 

Communion with Deity (American). 

Anwyi, (Edward), M.A. (0.\on.). 

Professor of Welsh and Comparative Philo- 
logy, anil Dean of the Faculty of Arts, in 
the University College of Wales, Aberyst- 
wyth ; author of Celtic Religion, Grammar 
'if Old Welsh Podrij. Wdah Grammar. 
Children (Celtic), Communion with Deity 

.Armitaoe-.Smith (George), .M.A., D.Lit. 

Principal of Birkbeck College, London ; for- 
merly Dean of the Faculty of Economics in 
the University of London. 
Business, Competition. 

Baikie (.James). 

r'ellow of the Royal Astronomical Society ; 
Minister of the United Free Church, An- 
Confession (Egyptian). 

Barker (Henry), M.A. 

Lecturer in Moral Philosophy in the University 
of Edinburgh. 

Barns (TiioMA.s), M.A. (Oxon.). 

Vicar of Hilder.stone, Stafi'ordshire. 

Barton (George Aaron), A.M., Ph.D. 

Professor of Biblical Literature and Semitic 

Languages in Bryn Mawr College ; author 

of A Sketch of Semitic Oritjins, 'Ecclesiastes' 

in the International Critical Commentary. 

Circumcision (Semitic), Communion with 

Deity (Hebrew). 

BaTESON (JO.SEPH Harger). 

Secretary, Wesleyan Army and Navy Board. 
Calendar (Buddhist), Charms and Amulets 


Bernard (John Henry), D.D., D.C.L. 

Dean of St. Patrick's, Dublin, and Archbishop 
King's Professor of Divinity in the University 
of Dublin ; sometime Fellow of Trinity Col- 

Bethe (Erich), D.Phil. 

Proie.ssor der Klass. Philologie an der Univer- 
.'titat zu Leipzig ; Geheimer Hofrat. 

Bloomfield (.Maurice), Ph.D., LL.D. 

Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Philo- 
logy in Johns Hopkins University ; Presi- 
dent of the American Oriental Society. 

BoLLiNG (George Melville), A.B., Ph.D. 

Professor of Greek and Assoc. Professor of 
San.skrit and Comparative Philology in the 
Catholic University of America. 
Charms and Amulets (Vedic). 

Bonet-Mauky (Amy-Gaston), Knight of Legion 
of Honour, D.D. (Paris, Glas., Aber.), LL.D. 
(St. And.). 
Professeirr honoraire de I'Universite de Paris ; 
Professeur titulaire h la Faculte libre de 
Theologie protestante de Paris ; Membre 
correspondant de I'Institut de France. 
Commemoration of the Dead, Communion 
with the Dead (Christian). 

Brough (Joseph), B.A., LL.D. (Cantab.). 

Professor of Logic and Philosophy in the 
University College of Wales, Aberyst'wyth ; 
author of The Study of Mental Science. 
Concept (Logical). 

Bullock (Thomas Lowndes), M.A. 

Professor of Chinese in the University of 
Calendar (Chinese). 

Burn (Richard), LC.S. 

Financial Secretary to the Government of the 
Upper Provinces. 
Central India. 

Burns (Tslay- Fkrrier), M.A. 

Tutor and Librarian in Westminster College, 
Cambridge ; formerly Snell Exhibitioner at 
Balliol College, Oxford. 
Charites, Chastity (Greek). 

Cabaton (Antoine). 

Professeur ii I'Ecole des Langues orientales 
vivantes, Paris ; .Vncien Membre de I'Ecole 
Francaise d'E.xtrcnie-Orient. 
Calendar (Indo-Chinese, Siamese), Cam- 
bodia, Chams. 


Carleton (Jamks Gkoroe), D.D. 

Canon of St. Patrick's, Dublin, and Lecturer 
in Divinity, Trinity College, Dublin ; autbor 
of The Part of Rheims in the Making of the 
English Bible, 'The Prayer Book Psalter with 
Marginal Notes. 
Calendar (Cbristian), Collect. 

Carlile (Wilson). 

Prebendary of St. Paul's Catliedral ; Rector 
of St. Rlary-atHill, Eastcheap, London ; 
Founder and Hon. Cbief Secretary of tbe 
Clnircb Army. 
Church Army. 

Carra dk Vau.x (Raron r.ERNARD). 

Professevir ii 1 ficole libre des Hautes fitudes ; 
Menibre du Conseil de la Soci^ti asiatique 
de Paris. 
Charms and Amulets (Muhammadan). 

Carter (.Iesse Benedict), Ph.D. (Halle). 

Dircitor of the American School of Classical 
Studies in Rome. 
Chastity (Roman). (Louis Charles), M. A. (Lond.),D.D., 
•ind D.Litt. (Louvain), M.R.A.S. 
Bisbop of Salford ; Lecturer on Iranian Lan- 
guages and Literature in the University of 
Manchester ; formerly Professor of Zend and 
Pablavi in tlie University of Louvain. 
Celibacy (Iranian), Charms and Amulets 

Chadwiok (Hector Munro), M.A. 

Fellow and Librarian of Clare College, Cam- 
bridge ; author of The Cult of Othin. 
Calendar (Teutonic). 

Chamberlain (Alexander Francis), M.A. 
(Toronto), Ph.D. (Clark). 
Assistant Professor of Anthropology in Clark 
University, Worcester, M.ass.; editor of the 
Jovrnal of American Folklore (1900-1908); 
author of The Child and Childhood in Folk- 
Children (American). 

Chapman (Sydney John), M.A., M.Com. 

Professor of Political Economy, and Dean of 
the Faculty of Commerce in the University 
of Manchester. 
Chartism, Commerce. 

Clark (Francis Edward), A.B., D.D., LL.D. 
President of tbe United Society of Christian 
Endeavour and tbe World's Christian En- 
deavour Union. 
Christian Endeavour. 

Clement (Ernest W.). 
Tokyo, Japan. 

Calendar (Japanese). 

COE (George Albert), Ph.D., LL.D. 

Professor of Religious Education and Psycho- 
logy m the Union Theological Seminary, 
New York; author of The Religion of' a 
Mature Mind. 

Ceawley (Alfred Ernest), M.A. (Camb.). 

Fellow of tbe Royal Anthropological Institute 
and of the Sociological Society; autlior of 
The Mystic Rose, The Tree of Life, The Idta 
of the Soul. 

Ceookk (William), B.A. 

Ex-Scholar of Trinity College, Dublin ; Fellow 
of tbe Royal Anthropological Institute ; 
President of tbe Anthropological Section of 
the British Association, 1910 ; late of the 
Bengal Civil Service. 
Charms and Amulets (Indian), Chasa, 

Cross (George), M.A., Ph.D., D.D. 

Professor of Cbristian Theology in the Newton 
Theological Institution, Newton Centre. 

Celibacy (Cbristian). 

Curtis (William Alexander), M.A., B.D. 
Professor of Systematic Theologj' In the Uni- 
versity of Aberdeen ; formerly Heriot Tra- 
velling Fellow, and Pitt Club Travelling 
Scholar, in the University of Edinburgh. 

D'Alviella (Count Goblet), Ph.D., LL.D. (Glas. 
and Aber.). 
Member and Secretary of the Belgian Senate ; 
Professor in the University of Brussels ; 
Hibbert Lecturer, 1891 ; Commander of tbe 
Order of Leopold ; author of The Migration 
of Symbols. 

Davids (T. W. Rhy.s), LL.D., Ph.D., D.Sc. 

Professor of Comparative Religion, Man- 
chester ; President of tbe Pali Text Society ; 
Fellow of the British Academy ; author of 
Buddhism (1878), Question.^ of King Milinda 
(1890~!I4), Buddhist India (1902). 
Celibacy (Buddhist), Ceylon Buddhism, 
Charity (Buddhist), Chastity (Buddhist). 

Davidson (John), M.A., D.Sc. 

Formerly Professor of Political Economy in 
tbe University of New Brunswick. 
Civil Rights, Compurgation. 

Davidson (William Leslie), M.A., LL.D. 

Professor of Logic and Metaphysics in the 
University of Aberdeen ; autbor of The 
Logic of Definition, Christian Ethics, The 
Stoic Creed. 
Charity, Chrysippus, Cleanthes. 
Deubner (Dr. Ludwig). 

Ausserordentlicber Professor flir Klassische 
Philologie an der Universitafc zu Konigsberg. 
Charms and Amulets (Greek). 

Dimont (Charles Tunnacliff), M.A. (Oxon.). 
Vice-Principal of Wells Theological College. 
Charity (Christian). 

VON Dobschutz (Ernst), D.Tbeol. 

Professor der Neutestamentlicben Exegese an 
der Universitat zu Breslau. 
Charms and Amulets (Christian). 

Duff (J. Wight), M.A. (Oxon.), D.Litt. (Durham). 
Professor of Classics, Armstrong College, in 
the University of Durham. 
Communion with Deity (Greek and 

Edgell (Beatrice), M.A. (Wales), Ph.D. (Wurz- 
Lecturer in Philosophy in Bedford College, 
and Demonstrator in Experimental Psy- 
chology in the University of London. 
Conception (Psychological). 


EucKEN (Rudolf Christoph), Dr. theol. u. philos. 
Geheiiner Uat ; onlentlicher Professor tier 
Pliilofopliie an tier Universitat zu Jena. 

1 ixTOE (Oh.\ri.ks Lett), P.D. 

Rector of Ripple, near Dover ; formerly Fellow 
of Clare College, Caniliriiige. 
Catechumen, Catechumenatfc. 

I'iCK (Dr. Richard). 

Oberlnliliolliekar nn der konigliclien Biblio- 
tliek, Uerlin. 
Child Marriage (in India), Children 

Forrester (Robert Blair), M.A. (Edin.). 

Lecturer on Economics in the University of 

FoTHERiN"r.ii.\M (John Knight). M.A., D.Litt. 
Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford ; Lecturer 
in Ancient History in King's College, London. 
Calendar (Introductory). 

FOUCART (Gkorce B.), Bocteur es-Lettres. 

Professeur d'Histoire de.s Religions h I'Univer- 
site d'Aix-Marseille : Professeur k I'Institut 
Colonial de Marseille (Religions et coutumes 
des peuples d'Afrique) ; auteur de MHhoch 
Comparative dans VHisimre des Beligions. 
Calendar (Egyptian), Children (Egyptian), 
Circumcision (Egyptian). 

Fowler (William Warde), M.A., Hon. D.Litt. 

Fellow and late Subrector of Lincoln College, 
Oxford ; Gifl'ord Lecturer in Edinburgh 
University (1909-1910). 
Calendar (Roman), Children (Roman). 

Freire-Mareeco (Barbara). 

Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford ; Diploma in 
Anthropology, University of Oxford ; Re- 
search Fellow, Romerville College, Oxford 

Charms and Amulets (Introductoi-y and 

Fulfohd (Henry William), iM.A. 

Fellow of Clare College, Cambridge, and 
Rector of Datclnvorth, Herts. 
Conditional Immortality. 

Gait (Edward Albert), CLE. 

Chief Secretarj- to the Government of Bengal 

Gardner (Alice). 

Lecturer and Associate of Newnham College, 
Cambridge; Fellow of the Royal Historical 
Society; author of Julian, Philosoj^ker and 
Emperor, The Ci'nflift of Duties. 
Civility, Courtesy. 

Gardner (Ernest Arthur), M.A. 

Y.ites Professor of Arclin'ology in the Uni- 
\ ersity of London ; late Director of the 
British School of Archa-ology at Athens. 

Garvie (Alfred, M.A. (Oxon.), D.D. 
Principal of New College, London ; author of 
Tlie Eitschlian Thcolofiy, Studies in the Inner 
Life of Jesus. 

Gaskell (George Arthur). 

Completeness, Concentration and Con- 

Gaster (, Ph.D. 

Chief IJabbi, Sjianish and Portuguese C(m- 
gregation.s, London ; formerly President of 
the Folklore Society, and of the Jewish 
Historical Society. 
Charms and Amulets (Jewish). 


Professeur h I'licole Coloniale; Charge de 
Cours ii I'Ecole des Langues Orientales, 

Geden (Alfred S.), M.A. (Oxon.), D.D. (Aber.). 
Professor of Old Testament Languages and 
Literature, and of Comparative Religion, in 
the Wesleyan College, Richmond, Surrej' ; 
author of Studies in Comparative Religion, 
Studies in Ed.sttrn Religions. 
Chaitanya, Charity (Hindu). 

De Goeje (MichaEjl Jan), n.j.liil., D.D. (Camb.). 
Late Professor of Arabic in the University of 
Leyden ; Foreign Member of the Institute of 
France and of the Societe Asiatique ; Corre- 
sponding Member of the British Academy ; 
editor of Tabari's Annahs, Bihliotheca gco- 
graphorum, arabir<irnm, and other Arabic 
texts ; author of Memoires d'histoire et de 
gfographic orientales. 

Gray (Louis Herbert), Ph.D. 

Sometime Member of the Editorial Staff of the 

Ncu' International Encyclopiedia, Oriental- 

ische Bibliographic, etc. ; Member of the 

American and German Oriental Societies, 

etc. : Author of Indo-Iranian Phonology 


Calendar (African, Chinese, I'ersian, 

Polynesian, Slavic), Camel, Children 

(, Circumcision (Introductory), 


Grierson (George Abraham), CLE., Ph.D. 
(Halle), D.Litt. (Dublin), I.C.S. (retired). 
Foreign Associate Member of the Societe 
Asiatique de Paris ; Corresponding Member 
of the Konigliche Gesellschatt der AVLssen- 
schaften zu Gdttingen ; Vice-President of 
the Royal Asiatic Society : Superintendent 
of the Linguistic Survey of India. 
Charan Dasis. 

Grieve (Alexander James), M.A. (Oxon.), B.A.. 
B.D. (Lond.). 
Professor of New Testament and Church His- 
tory in the Yorkshire United Independent 
College, Bradford ; Acting-Minister of the 
Congregational Church. St. Anne's-on-the- 

DeGroot(J. J. M.), D.Phil. 

Professor of Chinese and Archa;ology in the 
University of Lej'den ; author of The Re- 
ligious Si/stems of China. 
China (Buddhism in). 

Hall (Thomas Cumino), B..'\., D.D. 

Professor of Christian Ethics in Union Theo- 
logical Seminary, New York. 


Hastinc-.s (James), M.A., D.D. 

Editor of The Ex/>osilvri/ Times, Dictionary of 
tlie Bible, Diclionavj/ of Christ and the 
Gospels, Encyclopcedia of Religion and 

lllCAD (FnF.DEniCK Wai.deoravk), M.A. 

Fellow ami Tutor of Emmanuel College, Cam- 
Church of England. 

HiBBEN (John Grier), Ph.D., LL.O. 

Stuart Professor of Logic in Princeton Uni- 
versity ; author of Inductive Logic, The 
Problems of Philosophy. 

HiLDBURGH (Walter L.), M.A., Ph.D. 

Fellow of the Koyal Anthropological Insti- 
tute ; Member of Council of the Folklore 
Charms and Amulets (Japanese). 

Hill (Georok Francis), M.A. (Oxon.). 

Of the Department of Coins in the British 
City and City-Gods, Coins and Medals 


HoMMEL (Fritz), Dr.phil. 

Professor der Semitischen Sprachen an der 
Universitiit zu Miinchen. 
Calendar (Babylonian). 

Horn (Edward Traill), D.D., LL.D. 

Pastor of Trinity Lutheran Cliurch at Reading, 
Catechisms (Heidelberg and Westmin- 

Button (William Holden), B.D. 

Fellow and late Tutor of St. John's College, 
Oxford ; Examining Chaplain tu the Bishop 
of Rochester. 

Hyamson (Albert Montefiore). 

Vice-President of the Union of Jewish Literary 
Societies ; author of .<4 Histvry of the Jews in 
China (Jews in). 

Hyslop (James Hervey), Ph.D., LL.D. 

Secretary of the American Society for P^chi- 
cal Research ; formerly Professor of Logic 
and Ethics in Columbia University. 

Uterach (James), M.A., D.D. 

Principal, and Professor of New Testament 
Language and Literature, in the United 
Free Church College, Aberdeen ; author of 
Is God Knoivable? (1SS7), Evolution and 
Christianity (1894), Theism in the Light of 
Present Science and Philosophy (1900), 
Descartes and Spinoza (1904). 

Jacobi (Hermann), Ph.D. 

Professor des Sanskrit an der Universitat zu 
Bonn ; Geheiraer Regierungsrat. 

Jeremias (Lie. Dr. Alfred). 

Pfarrer und Privatdozent an der LTniversitat 
zu Leipzig. 
Communion with Deity (Babylonian). 

Jones (William Henry Samuel), M.A. 

Fellow and Lecturer, St. Catherine's College ; 
Lecturer at Selwyn College, Cambridge. 
Children (Greelj). 

Joseph (Morris). 

Senior Minister of the West London Syna- 
Charity (Jewish). 

JuYNBOLL (Th. W.), Dr. juris et phil. 

Adjutor interpretis ' Legati Warueriani,' 
Chastity (Muslim). 

Keane (Augustus Henry), LL.D., F.R.G.S., 
Late Vice-President of the Anthropological 
Institute ; late Professor of Hindustani in 
University College, London ; author of Eth- 
nology, Man Past and Present, The World's 
Cagots, Charity (Primitive), Chibchas. 

Kennedy (Archibald Robert Stirling), D.D. 
Professor of Hebrew and Semitic Languages 
in the University of Edinburgh ; E.'iaminer 
in Hebrew in the Universities of London 
and Wales. 
Charms and Amulets (Hebrew). 

KiDD (Benjamin). 
Ditchling, Sussex. 

Klementz (Demetrius). 

Conseiller d'Etat ; Directeur de la Section 
Etlmographique du Mus6e Russe de TEm- 
pereur Alexandre III. ; Merabre de la 
Soiiite G^ographique Riisse, de la Societe 
Anthropologique de Moscow, de la Societe 
Archeologique Imperiale. 

Keoeber (A. L.), A.M., Ph.D. 

Assistant Professor of Anthropology in the 
University of California. 

Kroll (Wilhelm), Dr.Phil. 

Professor der Klass. Philologie an der Uni- 
versitiit zu Miinster. 
Concubinage (Greek and Roman). 

Lake (Kiesopp), M.A. (Oxon.). 

Professor of New Testament Exegesis and the 
History of Early Christian Literature in the 
University of Leyden. 

Lambert (John Chisholm), M.A., D.D. 

Examiner in Di\inity in the LTniversity of 
Call, Calling. 

Lehmann (Edvard), D.Theol.. D.Phil. 

Ordentlicher Professor der Theologie (Re- 
ligionsgeschichte und Religionsphilosophie) 
an der Universitat zu Berlin. 

Christmas Customs, Communion with 
the Dead (Persian). 

LiLLiNCSTON (Frank), M.A. 

Late Rector of Sail, Norfolk, and Diocesan 
Inspector of Schools ; formerly Theological 
Lecturer at Selwyn College, (.'ambridge ; 
author of The Brnhmo Samaj and Arya 


LowiE (Robert 11.), Ph.D. 

Assistant Curator, Departiiient of Aiitluo- 
pology, American Museum of Natural 
Hi.story; Secretary, Amei-ican Ktlmolouical 
Society ; Pre.'^iflent, New York Uranch of 
the American Folk-Lore Society. 
Charms and Amulets (American). 

MacCulloch (John Arnott), Hon. D.D. (St. 
Rector of St. Columba's, Portree, Isle of Skye ; 
Canon of the Catliedral of tlie Holy Spirit, 
Curabrae ; author of Comparative Iheoloqy, 
lielifjion : its Origin and Forms, 2'he Child- 
hovil nf F'iction. 

Cakes and Loaves, Calendar (Celtic), Can- 
nibalism, Celts, Changeling, Charms 
and Amulets (Celtic), Concubinage (In- 

M.\cCuRDY (George Grant), A.B., A.M., Ph.D. 
Lecturer, and curator of the anthropological 
c(j|lections, in Yale University, New Haven ; 
author of Th£ Eoldhiu Problem (1005), 
Som^ Phases of Prehistoric Archmology 
(1907), A Study of Chiriquiayi Antiquities 


Mini-ster of Higligate Congregational Church, 
London ; editor-director of the London Mis- 
sionary Society ; author of The Life and 
Letters of Alexander Mackennal, Construetive 
Congregational Ideals, Nature of lidigiotis 
Bushnell, Carlyle. 

Mackintosh (Koeeet), M.A., D.D. (Glasgow), 
B.D. (Edin.). 
Professor of Ciiristian Ethics, Apologetics, and 
Sociology in the Lancashire Independent 
College, and Lecturer in the LTniver.sity of 

MVCLAGAN (P. J.), D.Pliil. 

Of the Engli«:h Presbyterian Mission, Swatow. 
Celibacy (Chinese). 

Maclean (Arthur John). D.D. (Camb.), Hon. 
D.D. (Glas.). 
Bishop of Moray, Koss, and Caithness. 
Chastity (Christian). 

Maclek (Frederic). 

Ancien Attache h, la Bibliotheque Nationale ; 
l.aureat de I'lnstitut ; Professeur charge d« 
cours d'Armenien a I'Ecole des Langues 
oriciitales \-ivantes. 
Calendar (Armenian). 

M.\cRitchie (David), F.S.A. (Scot, and Ireland). 
Mciiilier of the Royal Anthropological Institute 
of Great Britain and Ireland ; President of 
the St. Andrew Society, Edinburgh ; author 
of Ancient and Jlodern Britains ; Fians, 
Fairies, and Picts. 

Margoliouth (David Samuel), M.A., D.Litt. 
Fellow of New College, and Laudian Professor 
of Arabic in the University of Oxford ; author 
of Moh/nmncd and the Pise of Islam. 
Circumcision (Mr.slim), Communion with 
the Dead (Muslim). 

Maude (Joseph Hooper), M..\. 

Rector of Hilgay, Norfolk ; Late Fellow and 
Dean of Hertford College, O.viord. 
Catechisms (Anglican, Ivoinan Catholic, 
Eastern Churches), Catholicism. 

Modi (Shaii.s-ul-Ui,ma Jivanji Jamsiiepji), B. a. 

Fellow of the University of Bombay ; Oflicier 

d'Acadcmie; Ollicier de I'lnstnu-tion I'ub- 

licpie, France ; Vice-President of the Bombay 

Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

Children (Parsi). 

Morice (Adrian Gabriel), O.M.I. 

Rector of St. Mary's Church, Winnipeg. 
Canada ; Laureate of the Gecgraphiial 
Society of Paris. 
Carrier Indiajis. 

MoRRi.soN (David), M.A. 

Examiner in English in the Univer.-ity of St. 
Andrews and on tlie Joint Board ; formerly 
Examiner in Philosophy in the University lif 
St. Andrews ; Ass^iciate Editor of Miml. 
Common Sense. 

Moss (Richard Waddv), D.D. 

Professor of Systematic Theology in Didsbury 
College, Manchester. 

MUNEO (Robert), M.A., M.D., LL.D. 

Hon. Vice-President of the Koyal Archa>o- 
logical Institute of Great Britain and Irelami ; 
Dalrymple Lecturer in Areliieology in the 
University of Glasgow ; author of Thr. Uih'- 
Dwellings of Europe. 

Naville (Henri Edouard), Hon. D.C.L., LL.D., 
D.l'h., D.Litt., D.TheoL, Hon. F.S.A. 
Professeur d'Archeologie et d'Egyptologie ii 
rUniversite de Genfeve ; Menibre de I'ln- 
stitut de France et de I'Academie Hongroise 
des Sciences ; Fellow of King's College. 
Charms and Amulets (Egyptian). 

Neilson (George), LL.D. 

The Stipendiary Magistrate of Glasgow : 
author of Trial by Combat. 

Nicholson (Reynold Alleyne), M.A., Litt.D. 
Lecturer in Persian in tlie University of Cam- 
bridge ; sometime Fellow of Trinity College. 
Communion with Deity (Muslim). 
Oman (.Iohn), D.Phil. (Edin.), D.D. 

Professor of Systeniatic Theology in 
minster College, Cambridge. 

Orr (James), M.A., D.D. 

Professor of Systematic Theology and Apolo- 
getics in the L'nited Free Church College, 
Glasgow ; author of The Christian View of 
God and the World, David Hume in the 
' Epoch Makers ' series. 

Paton (Lewis Bayles), Ph.D., D.D. 

Nettleton Professor of Old Tcstanicnt Exegesis 
and Criticism, and Instructor in Assj-rian, in 
tlie Hartford Theological Seminary; late 
Director of the American School of Arclue- 
ology in Jerusalem ; author of The Early 
History of Syria and Palestine, ' Esther' in 
the International Critical Commentary. 


Pf.ake (Arthur Samuel), M.A., P.D. 

Kylands riofessor of lUbliial Exegesis in tlie 
I'liivorfity i>! Miiiulustcr ; Tutor in the 
Primitive Mctluulisl College, Manchester, 
and I-eoturerin l.anriishire Independent Col- 
lege; si'Mii'time Fellow of Merlon College, 
and Lcolurer in Manslield College, Oxford. 
Cerinthus, Cerinthians. 

Pktrie (William Matthew Flinders), D.C.L. 
(Oxon.), LL.D. (Edin. and Aber.), Litt.D. 
(Camb.), Ph.D. (Strassbiug). 
Fellow of the Royal Society and of the 
Aeademy ; Edwards Profe.ssor of Egyptology 
in the l/niversity of London. 
Communion with Deity (Egyptian). 



Lecturer in Assyrian at Universitj' College, 

London, and at the Institute of Aichaeology, 

Liverpool ; Hon. Member of the Society 


Chastity (Semit.-Egj^p.), Children (Bab.- 

Assyr.), Confession (Assyi-o-Bab.). 

PowiCKE (Frederick James), M.A., Phil.D. 
Hathei-low Parsonage, Cheshire ; author of 
Jo!i)i Norris of Bemerton ; Henry Barron-, 
Separatist; Bobert Browne, Pioneer of 
Mochrn Conffir/jritionoHsm. 

PozNANSKi (Samuel), Ph.D. (Heidelberg). 

Rabbiner und Prediger in Warschau (Polen). 
Calendar (.Tewish). 

Peeuss (Konead Theodoe), Dr.phil. 

Kustos am Ktiniglielien Museum fiir Volkev- 
kunde zu Berlin. 
Calendar (Mexican and Mayan). 

Rademacher (Kectoe Carl), 

Direktor des Prahistorisch(;ii Museums in Coin. 

Ramsay (Charlotte Lilia.s), C.S.B. 
Of Bamff. 

Christian Science. 

Rapson (Edward .Tame.s), M. A. 

Professor of Sanskrit in the University of 
Chaitya, Coins and Medals (Eastern). 

Reid (James Smith), M.A., LL.D., Litt.D. 

Fellow and late Tutor of Gonville and Cains 
Ccillege ; Professor of Ancient History in the 
University of Cambridge. 
Charity (Roman). 

Revon (Michel), LL.D., D.Lit, 

Late Professor of Law in the Imperial Uni- 
versity of Tokyo and Legal Adviser to the 
Japanese Government ; Professor of History 
of the Civilization of the Far East in the 
University of Paris; author oiLe Shinntoisme. 
Communion with Deity (Japanese). 

Rose (Herbert Jenmngs), M.A. (Oxon.). 

Fellow and Lecturer, Exeter College, Oxford. 
Calendar (Greek). 

Russell (Robert Vane), I.C.S. 

Superintendent of Ethnography, Central Pro- 

Central Provinces. 

Ryan (Michael J.), Ph.D., D.D. 

Professor of Logic, and History of Philosophy 
in St. Bernard's Seminaiy, Rochester, N.Y. 

Savoe (Archibald Henry), Hon. D.Litt. (Oxon.), 
LL.D. (Dublin), Hon. D.D. (Edin. and 
Fellow of Queen's College and Professor of 
Assyriology in the Universitj' of Oxford ; 
President of the Society of Biblical 

Schaff (David Schley), D.D. (Univ. of Geneva, 
Professor of Church History in the Western 
Theological Seminary, Pittsburg, Pa. 
Concubinage (Christian). 

Schneider (Giorgio), Dr.Phil. 

Professor in the Royal University, Rome. 

ScheADER (Otto), Dr. phil. et jur. h.c. 

Ordentlicher Professor fiir vergleichende 
Sprachforschung an der Universitat zu Bres- 
lau ; author of Prehistoric Antiqtoities of 
the Aryan Peoplcf:. 

Charms and Amulets (Slavic), Chastity 
(Teutonic and Balto-Slavic). 

Scott (Charles Anderson), M.A. (Camb.). 

Professor of New» Testament in Westminster 
College, Cambridge. 

Scott (David Russell), ^LA. (Edin.), B.A. 
Congregational Minister at Montrose ; late 
Pusey and Ellerton Scholar in the University 
of Oxford, and Assistant Lecturer in New 
Testament Greek at Mansfield College. 
Complacence (Biblical). 

Scott (Sir James George), K.C.I.E., RLR.G.S., 
F.B.G.S., F.S.A., F.Col.Inst. 
Hon. Member of the Council of the Buddhist 
Societies of Bangkok, Siam, and of Rangoon, 
Burma; Superintendent and Political OHicer, 
Southern Shan States, Burma. 
Burma and Assam (Buddhism in). 

Seler (Eduard), Dr.phil. 

Professor fiir Amerikanische Sprachen, Volker- 
und Altertumskunde an der Universitat zu 
Berlin ; Mitglied der Konigl. Preussischeii 
Akademie der Wissenschaften ; Abt. Direk- 
tor des Konigl. Museums fiir Volkerkunde ; 
Professor onor. Mus.-Nac, Mexico. 
Central America. 

SiMPSsoN. (Andrew Findlatek), M.A. 

Professor of New Testament Exegesis and 
Criticism in the Congregational Tlieological 
Hall, Edinburgh. 

Simpson (David Capell), M.A. (Oxon.). 

Lecturer in Hebrew and Theology in St. 
Edmund Hall, Oxford ; Reader in Hebrew 
and Old Testament in Manchester College, 
Communion with Deity (Christian). 

Smith (Vincent Aethue), JSLA. 

Of the Indian Civil Service (retired) ; author 
of Asoka in ' Rulers of India,' Early History 
of ludia. 
Celibacy (Indian), Chandragupta. 


SbDERBLOM (Nathan), D.D. (Paris), Hon. D.D. 
El^ve dipl6ni(^ de I'Ecole des Hantcs Etudes ; 
Professor in tlie University of Upsala ; 
Member of tlie Chapter of Upsala ; Pre-}- of Holy Trinity in Upsala. 
Communion with Deity (Introductory, 

Spaeth (AnnLPH), D.D.. LL.D. 

Formerly Professor in the liUtheran Theo- 
loiricai Seminary, Phil.adelphia. 
Catechisms (Lutiieran). 

Spence (Lewis). 

Edinburgh; author of Mythologies of Ancient 
Mexico and Peru, The Popol Vuh, A Dic- 
tionary of Mythologi). 
Calendar (AnK-rican), Celibacy (Ameri- 
can), Charms and Amulets OleNicin 
.nnd JIayan), Cherokees, Cheyenne, 
Chilan Balam, Chile, Chinooks, Choc- 
taws, Circumcision (American). 


Warden of New College, and Hon. Canon of 
Christ Church, Oxford ; Examining Chap- 
lain to the Bishop of Peterborough. 
Charity (Biblical). 

Srawi.ey (.James Herbert), D.D. 

Tutor and Theological Lecturer in SelwjTi 
College, Cambridge ; Examining Chaplain 
to the Bishop of Lichfield. 
Cappadocian Theology. 

Staebuck (Edwix Dii,ler), Ph.D. 

Professor of Psychology in the State Uni- 
ver.sity of Iowa ; author of The Psychology 
of Ixcliaion. 

Stewart (.John Alexaxder), M.A., Hon. LL.D. 
(Edin. and Aber.). 
White's Professor of Moral Philo.sophy ; Fellow 
of Corpus Christi College, and Hon. Student 
of Christ Church, Oxford. 
Cam.bridge Platonists. 

Stokes (George J.), M.A. (Trinity College, 
Of Lincoln's Inn, Barrister-at-Law ; Professor 
of Philosophy in the National University 
of Irelaiil, University College, Cork. 

Stone (Darwell), M.A., D.D. 

Principal Pusey Librarian, Oxford ; author 
of A Hisfoi-y of the Doctrine of the Holy 
Church, Doctrine of the (Anglican), Com- 
munion with Deity (Christian). 

SVEFEIX (A. E.), M.A. (Oxon.). 
Vicar of Waterlooville, Hants. 
Confession (Hebrew). 

Tasker (John G.K D.D. 

Princiijal and Professor of Church History 
and Apologetics in the Wesleyan College, 
Handsworth, "Birmingham. 
Caprice, Certainty (Religious). 

Taylor (Uohei'.t I5i;uce), M.A. 

Examiner in Economics in the University of 
Communism, Communistic Societies of 

Temple (Lt.-Col. Sir Bichard C, Bart.), CLE. 
Hon. Fellow of Trinity Hall, Cambridge ; 
late of the Indian Army ; Deputy Com- 
missioner, Burma, 1888-94 ; Chief Com- 
missioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, 
1S94-1903; Editor of i\\c Indian Antiquary 
since 1884. 

Templeton (Thomas), M.A. (Edin.). 

Minister of Panmnre Street Congregational 
Church, Dundee. 

Tennant (Frederick Robert), D.D., B.Sc. 

Rector of Hockwold ; University Lecturer in 
Philosophy of Religion in the University of 
Cause, Causality. 

Thompson (R. Campbell), M.A., F.S. A., F.R.G.S. 
Formerly Assistant in the Department of 
Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities in the 
British Museum (1899-1905) ; formerly As- 
sistant Professor of Semitic Languages in 
the University of Chicago (1907-l!i09). 
Charms and Amulets (Assyio-Babylonian). 

Thomsox (Basil Home). 

Barrister-at-Law ; formerly Acting Native 
Commissioner in Fiji. 
Communion with Deity (Fijian). 

Thurston (Herbert), B.A., S.J. 

Joint-Editor of the Westminster Library for 

Priests and Students ; autlior of the Life of 

St. Hugh of Lincoln, The Holy Year of 

Jubilee, The Stations of the Cross. 

Church, Doctrine of the (Roman Catholic). 

Tracy (Frederick), B.A., Ph.D. 

As.sociate-Professor of Philosophy in the Uni- 
versity of Toronto. 

TuRMEL (Joseph). 

Pretre ; ancien Professeur de Th^ologie ati 
S(5minaire de Rennes ; auteur de Histoirede 
la thiologie positive, Histoire du dogme de la 
Papautf. des origines a, la fin du quatriime 

VoLLERS (Karl), Dr. phil. 

Ehemals Professor der Semitischen Sprachen 
an der Universitat, und Direktor des Gross- 
lierzogl. Munzkabinets zu Jena. 
Calendar (Muslim). 

Waddell (L. Austine), C.B., CLE., LL.D., 
E.L.S., F.R.A.L, Lt. -Colonel, LM.S. 
Late Professor of Tibetan in University Col- 
lege, London ; author of 7'he Buddhism of 
Tibet, Lhasa and its Mysteries. 
Celibacy (Tibetan), Charms and Amulets 
(Tibetan), Chorten. 

Walshe (W. Gilbert), M.A. 

London Secretary of Christian Literature 
Society for (,'hina ; late 'James Long' Lec- 
turer ; author of Confucius and Con- 

Chastity (Chinese), China, Communion 
with the Dead (Chinese), Communion 
with Deity (Chinese). 


Wenlky (Kobert Mark), D.Phil., Hon. LL.D. 
(Glasgow), D.So. (Edinbuifrh), Hon. Litt.D. 
I'rofessor of Pliilosopliy in the University of 
Michigan; author of Modern Thoufjht and 
thf Crutis ill Belief, Kant and Nis Philo- 
sophical Revolution. 

WiiiTTucK (Charles Augustus), M.A. (Oxon.). 
Vicar of St. Mary-the- Virgin, Oxford ; Lite 
Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford ; author 
of The Church of England and Recent Be- 
ligioiis Thought. 

Clericalism and Anti-Clericalism. 

Williams (Hugh), M.A., D.D. (Gla-sgow). 

Profe.'^sor of Ecclesiastical History in the 
Theological College, Bala ; editor of Gildas, 
De Excidio ; author of Christianity in 
Earl;/ Britain. 
Church (British). 

WooDHousE (William J.), M.A. 

Professor of Greek in the University of Sydney, 
New South Wales. 

Charity (Greek), Cimmerians. 

Woods (Francis Henry), M.A., B. D. 

Rector of Bainton, Yorkshire ; late Fellow 
and Theological Lecturer of St. John's 
College, Oxford. 
Calendar (Hebrew). 

Worrell (William Hovt), A.B., B.D., Ph.D. 
Professor in Hartford Theological Seminary. 
Charms and Amulets (Abj-ssinian). 
WiJNSCH (PiICHARD), Dr.phil. 

Ordentlicher Professor der Klassischen Pliil- 
ologie an der Universitiifc zu Konigsberg. 
Charms and Amulets (Roman). 

YouNGSON (John W.). 

Of the Church of Scotland Mission, Pooua. 


In addition to the cross-references throughout the volume, the foUowiiio; list 
of minor references may be useful : 

Butterfly . 
Byss, Bythus 
Ctesarians . 
Cairn . . . . 
Callistians . 

Calvinistic Jlethodists 



Canonical Hours. 


Capuchins . 

Capuciati, Caputiati . 

Cardinal points . 

Caribs . 


Cat . . . 



Catholic Church . 

Catholic Emancipation 

Cattle . . . . 

Cave Temples 


Cemeteries . 

Cenobitisni . 

Cerdonians . 




Probable Title of Article. 


Abyss, Gnosticism. 

Sects (Chr.). 



Sects (Chr.). 



Covenanters, Presbyter- 

Sects (Chr.). 

Sects (Chr.). 



Religious Orders (Chr.). 

Sects (Chr.). 

Air, Orientation, Vedic 


Sects (Chr.). 




Western Church. 







Sects (Chr.). 

Vedic Religion, Wheel. 


Carrier Indians. 

Chirus . 

Chitral Tribes . 
Christian Brothers 
Christology . 
Christolytes . 
Church and Stnte 
Church Discipline 
Church Government . 
Church of America 
Church of C4od 
Church of Jesus Christ 
Circle (stone) 
City of Refuge 
Clapham Sect 
Class Meeting 
Cleanliness . 
Clouds .... 
Collegiants . 
CoUyiidians . 
Communion of Saints . 
Compassion . 

Concentration (Bud.) . 

Probable Title of .\riiclb. 
Sects (Chr.). 
Person of Christ. 
Sects (Chr.). 

Discipline (ecclesiastical). 
Church, Ministry. 
Sects (Amer.). 

Spiritualism, Theosophy. 
Spiritualism, Theosophy. 
Sects (Chr.). 

Sects (Chr.). 
Sects (Chr.). 
Sacrifice (Sem.). 
Discipline (Chr.). 
Act, Action. 


A.H. = Anao Hijiae (A.D. 622). 

Ak.= Akkadian. 

Alex. = Alexandrian. 

Amor. = American. 

Aj)oc. = Apocalypse, Apocalyptic. 

Apocr. =Apoerjplia. 

All- = Acpiila. 

Arab. = Arabic. 

Aram. = Aramaic. 

Arm. = Armeaiaii. 

Ary. = Aryan. 

As. = Asiatic. 

Assyr. = Assyrian. 

AT = Altes testament. 

-W = Authorized Version. 

AA'm = Authorized Version margin. 

A.v. =Aiino Yazdigird (A.D. 639). 

Bab. = Babylonian. 

c. =,-(■/■(•«, about. 

Can. = Canaanite. 

«". = compare. 

(•t. = contrast. 

D = Deuteronomist. 

E = Elo!iist. 

edd. = editions or editors. 

Egyp. = Egyptian. 
En-'. = English. 

Eth. =Ethiopic. 

EV = English Version. 

f. = and foUo^^Tng verse or page : as Ac lO'^'- 

ft'. = and following verses or pages : as Mt 1 1-" 

i-'r. = French. 

Germ. = Gi^rman. 

Or. = Greek. 

H = Law of Holiness. 

Heb. = Hebrew. 

Hel. = Hellenistic. 

Hex. = Hexateuch. 

Himy. =Himvaritic. 

Ir.=' " 

Iran. = Iranian. 

Isr. =I.sraelite. 


J" = Jehovah. 

Jerus. = Jerusalem. 

Jos. = Josephus. 

LXX = Septuagint. 

!\Iin. = Minajan. 

MSS = Manuscripts. 

MT = MassoreticText. 

n. =note. 

NT = New Testament. 

Onk. = Onkelos. 

UT = 01d testament. 

1' = Priestly Narrative. 

Pal. = Palestine, Palestinian. 

Pent. = Pentateuch. 

Pers. = Persian. 

Phil. = Philistine. 

Phcen. = Pho-nician. 

Pr. Bk. = Prayer Book. 

R = Redactor. 

Rom. = Roman. 

RV = Revised Version. 

RVm = Revised Version margin. 

Sab. = Sabsean. 

Sam. = Samaritan. 

Sem. = Semitic. 

Sept. = Septuagint. 

Sin. =Sinaitic. 

Skr. = Sanskrit. 

Symm. = Syramachus. 

Syr. = Syriac. 

t. (following a number) = times. 

Talm.= Talmud. 

Targ. =Targum. 

Tlieod. =Theodotiou. 

TR = TextiLs Rcceptus. 

tr. = translated or translation. 

VSS = Versions. 

^'ulg. = Vulgate. 

■\VH = Westcott and Horfs text. 


Old Testament. 

Gn = (;enesis. 

Ex = Exodus. 

IjV = Leviticus. 

Nu = Numbers. 

1)1 =I)eutevonomy. 

Jos = Joshuii. 

Jg = Judges. 

Ru = Ruth. 

1 S, 2 S = l and 2 Sanmel. 

1 K, 2 K = 1 and 2 Kings. 

1 Ch, 2 Cli = l and 2 

Ezr = Ezra. 
Neh = Nehemiah. 
Est = Esther. 

Ps= Psalms. 
Pr= Proverbs. 
Ec = Ecclesiastes. 

Apocrypha . 
1 Es, 2 Es=l and 2 To = Tobit. 

Esdras. Jth = Judith. 

Ca = Canticles. 
Is= Isaiah. 
Jer = Jeremiah. 
La = Lamentations. 
Ezk = Ezekiel. 
Du = Daniel. 
Hos = Hosea. 
Am = Amos. 
Ob = Obadiah. 
Jon = Jonali. 
Nah = N!ihum. 
Hab = Habakkuk. 
Zeph = Zephaniah. 
Zec = Zechariali. 
Mai = Malachi. 

Ad. Est = Ailditious to 

Sir = Siracli or Ecolesi- 

Bar=Barui li. 
Three = Song of the Three 


iVeu) Tcsi 
Mt = Matt!iew. 
Mk = Mark. 
Lk = Lukc. 
Jn = John. 
Ac = Acts. 
Ro = Romans. 
1 Co, 2 Co = 1 .-.nd 2 

Gal = Galatians. 
Eph = Ephesia ns. 
Ph = Philippians. 
Col = Colossians. 

Sus = Susanna. 

Bel = Bel anil the 

Pr. Man = Prayer of 

1 Mac, 2 Mac= 1 and 2 



I Th, 2 Th = l and 2 

1 Ti, 2 Ti=l and 2 

Tit = Titus. 
Philem = Philemon. 
He = Hebrews. 
Ja = James. 
1 P, 2 P= land 2 Peter. 
1 Jn, 2 Jn, 3 Jn = l, 2, 

and 3 John. 
Rev = Revelation. 


III. FoK THE Literature 

1. The following authors' uaiues, when uiiaccompanieil by the title of a book, stand for 
the works in the list below. 

Baethcen =S«»<ro</e «»r«em. Religionsgcbxh. , 1888. 
BaJdwiu = Z)ic<. of Philosophy and Psychology, 

3 vols. lSlOl-1905. 
^a.Tt\\ = Noininalbihlung in den sem. Sprachen, 

2 vols. 18S9, 1891 (-1894). 
Ik-nzin<rer=ire6. Archdologic, 1894. 
Broc-kulnmnn = ffftscA. d. araib. Litteratur, 2 vols. 

1 897-1 9U2. 
Bruns - Saehau = Syr. ■ Bom. Eechtsbuch aics dem 

funftcn Jahrhundert, 1880. 
Budge = (r0(/6- of the Egyptians, 2 vols. 1903. 
Darembera-Saglio = /?£(:<. des ant. grec. et ram., 

De laSaussaye = Lehrbuch derMdigionsgesch.', 1905. 
Deussen = i^Vt' Philos. d. Upanishads, 1899 [Eng. 

tr., 190(j]. 
Doughty=.^;a6ia Descrta, 2 vols. 1888. 
GT'amn = Deutsche Mythologic*, 3 vols. 1875-1878, 

Eng. tr. Teutonic Mythology, 4 vols. 1882-1888. 
Ma.mhwx'^et^RealencyclopddiefurBibelu. Talmud, 

i. 1870 (=1892), ii. 1883, suppl. 1886, 1891 f., 1897. 
^o\AQX = Alt<-dtischer Spraclisohatz, 1891 if. 
Holtzmaun-Zopfl'el = iea;ico»i/. Theol. w. Kirchen- 

wescn'-, 1895. 
Howitt =A^a<n-c Tribes of S. E. Australia, 1904. 
Jastrow=Z)te Religion Bahyloniens u. Assyriens, 

2 vols. 1902-1905. 
Jubain ville = Cowri de Lift, celtiqtie, i.-xii., 1883 ff. 
l,a.gvsi.iige =Etudessurles religions simitiques^, 1904. 
Lane = .4n Arabic-English Dictionary, 1863 ff. 
hang = Myth, Ritual and Religion', 2 vol.s. 1899. 
l,efsivLS = Denkmdler aus Mgypten u. Mthiopien, 

Lichteuberger =£»cyc. des sciences religieuses, 1876. 
l,iizh3,Tski = Handbuch dcr nordsem. Epigraphik, 

'^'LcCwx&y = History , Prophecy, and the Monuments, 

2 vols. 1894-1896. 
Mmi=Sansknt Texts, 1858-1872. 
Muss-Arnolt = ^ Concise Diet, of the Assyrian 

Language, 1894 tf. 

Nowack=XeAr6McA d. heb. Arc/tdologie, 2 vols. 

P£M\y-'Wisaov!a,= Realencyc. der classischen Alter- 

tuiiiswisscnschaft, 1893-1895. 
Perrot-Ciiipiez = fi^(i<. de I' Art dans I'Antiquiti, 

1881 ff. 
FielleT = Rd7nische Mythologie, 1858. 
'Riv\i\e = Religion des peuples non-civilises, 1883. 
'R\e\n^ = UandiBorterbuch d. bibl. Altertums-, 1893- 

'RohmiiOU = Biblical Researches in Palestine", 1856. 
Roscher = iea;. d. gr. u. rmn. Mythologie, 1884. 
Schafi-Herzog = TAe New Scha'jf- Herzog Encyclo- 
pedia of Relig. Knowledge, 190811'. 
Schenkel=£ibel-Lexicon, 5 vols. 1869-1875. 
Schurer = (3/K3, 3 vols. 1898-1901 [HJP, 5 vols. 

1890 ff.]. 
Schwally = Leben nach dem Todc, 1892. 
Siegfried-Stade = fl'e6. Worterbueh zum AT, 1893. 
^mendi = Lehrbuclideralttcst. Religionsgesch.^, 1899. 
Smith (G. X.) = Historical Geography of the Holy 

Land\ 1896. 
Smith (W. }i.) = Religion of five Semites', 1894. 
Speucer {H.) = Principles of Sociology^, 1885-1896. 
Spencer-Gii\en''= Native 2'ribcsof Central Australia, 

Spencer-Gillen •> = Northern Tribes of Central 

Australia, 1904. 
Swete = rA6 OT in Greek, 3 vols. 1893 ff. 
Tylor (E. B.) = Primitive Culittre'', 1801 [■'1903]. 
Ueberweg = -£f isi. of Philosophy, Eng. tr., 2 vols. 

Weher = Jiidische Theologie auf Grund des Talmud 

■II. verwandtcn Schriften', 1897. 
Wiedemann = Die Religion der alien jEgypter, 

1890 [Eng. tr., revised, Religion of the am: 

Egyptians, 1897]. 
Wilkinson = il/(i«wej-s and Customs of the Ancieid 

Egyptians, 3 vols. 1878. 
Zunz = Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrdge der Juden ', 


2. Periodicals, Dictionaries, Encyclopaedias, and other standard works frequently cited. 

AA = Arcbiv fiir Anthropologie. 

AAOJ = American Antiquarian and Oriental 

ABA W = Abhandlungen d. Berliner Akad. d. 

jl£=Archiv fiir Ethnogiaphie. 

^£'G = Assyr. and Eng. Glossary (Johns Hopkins 

.4GG=Abhandlungen d. Gottinger Gesellschaft 
der Wissenschaften. 

.4GPA= Archiv fiir Geschichte der Philosophie. 

.4fl^iJ=American Historical Review. 

.4fi'3'= Ancient Hebrew Tradition (Homniel). 

^J'PA= American Journal of PhUosophy. 

^J'P«= American Journal of Psychology. 

-4 Jii;P£ = American Journal of Religious Psycho- 
logy and Education. 

^ /jSX=Araerican Journal of Semitic Languages 
and Literature. 

.i4J7'/i = American Journal of Theology. 

.43/(? = Annales du Mus^e Guimet. 

.<1PJ?A'= American Palestine Exploration Society. 

APF=Ajch.iv fiir Papyrnsforschung. 

j4.S = Anthropological Review. 

ARW = Axchiv fiir Religionswissenschaft. 

.45= Acta Sanctorum (BoUandus). 

^S(? = Abhandlungen der Sachsischen Gesellschaft 

der Wissenschaften. 
^,S'f/c = L'Ann6e Sociologique. 
vl/Sir/= Archaeological Survej' of W. India. 
.<4Z=Allgemeine Zeitung. 
JS»4 (? = Beitrage zur alten Geschichte. 
S^6'.S=Beitrage zur Assyriologie u. sem. Sprach- 

■wissensehaft (edd. Delitzsch and Haupt). 
B(7i7= Bulletin de Correspondauce Helleniqiie. 
i}£= Bureau of Ethnology. 
iJG = Bombay Gazetteer. 
iJJ'=BeUum Judaicum (Josephus). 
iJi = Bampton Lectures. 
£££■ = Bulletin de Litterature Eccldsiastique. 
.BOi? = Bab. and Oriental Record. 
iJS=Bibliotheca Sacra. 

BSA = Annual of the British School at Athens. 
iJ,SM^ = Bulletin de la Soc. archeologique k Alex- 

' andrie. 
BSA L = Bulletin de la Soc. d' An thropologie de Lyon . 
i>'i',iP = Bulletin de la Soc. d'Anthropologie, etc., 

iJ.S'ff = Bulletin de la Soc. de Geographic. 
Pr5=Buddhist Text Society. 
£jr= Biblical World. 
£2=:Biblische Zeitsehrift. 


CA IB L = CQni^tes rendus de I'Acaderuie des In- 
scriptions et Belles-Lettres. 

67^75= Calcutta Uuddliist Text Society. 

CJ''=Cliildlioo(l of Fiction (MacCuUoch). 

CGS—Cn\t3 of tiie Greek States (Farnell). 

C/= Census of India. 

C/.^ = Corpus Inscrip. Atticarum. 

C/G — Corpus Inscrip. Grascarum. 

C/L = Corpus Inscrip. Latinarum. 

C/^'= Corpus Inscrip. Seniiticaruni. 

(70r= Cuneiform Inscriptions and the OT [Eny. 
tr. of KAT'^ ; see below]. 

Ci? = Contemporary Keview. 

C<;iJ = Celtic Keview. 

CTiJ = Classical licview. 

CQR = Chnrch Quarterly Keview. 

C,b'£'i = Corpus Script. Eceles. Latinorum. 

DACL = Diet. d'Arcli^ologie chr^tienne et de 
Litiugie (Cabrol). 

DB = Dict. of the Bible. 

DCA = Diet, of Christian Antiquities (Smith - 

DOB = Diet, of Christian Biography (Smith-Wace). 

X»C'(r = Dict. of Christ and the Gospels. 

D/=Dict. of Islam (Hughes). 

Z)iVB = Diet, of National Biography. 

DPhP^Dict. of Philosophy and Psychology. 

Z>1K^ IF=Denkschriften der Wiener Akad. der 

£2^* = Encyclopaedia Biblica. 

££r = Ency clopa'dia Britannica. 

EEF3I =Egyi>. Explor. Fund Memoirs. 

EliE = 'r\\e present work. 

Exp = Expositor. 

.E;'pr= Expository Times. 

/'//&= Fragraenta Historicorum Griecorum (coll. 
C. Muller, Paris, 1885). 

i^X = Folklore. 

FLJ— Folklore Journal. 

/'LiJ= Folklore Kecord. 

GA = Gazette Archeologique. 

(?B-= Golden Bough" (Frazer). 

G'(>-'.<4=G6ttiugische Gelehrte Anzeigen. 

GtfiV"=Gottingische Gelehrte Nachrichten (Nach- 
richten der kbnigl. Gesellschaft der Wissen- 
schafteu zu Gottingen). 

(?/ylP = ( d. Indo-Arischen Philologie. 

6'/rP=Grundriss d. Iranischen Philologie. 

(i./F=Gescliichte des Jiidischen Volkes. 

G F/=Gesehichte des Volkes Israel. 

///JS = Hastings' Diet, of the Bible. 

//&"=Historia Ecdesiastica. 

i/Gi7i = Historical Geography of the Holy Land 
(G. A. Smith). 

HI= HUtory of Israel. 

H.f= Uibbert Journal. 

//./P= History of the Jewish People. 

/:/A'=Historia Naturalis (Pliny). 

.ff irJS= Haiuhviirtcrbuch. 

//l=Indian Antiepiary. 

/CC= International Critical Commentary. 

/CO = International Congress of Orientalists. 

/C'i;=Indian Census lieport (1901). 

J&'.-1 = Inscrip. Grjcca; Antiquissima;. 

/G/=Iniperial (iazetteer of India- (1885); new 
edition (1908-1009). 

/■/£ = International Journal of Ethics. 

/j^X = International Theological Library. 

J A =Journal Asiatique. 

,AI AX = Journal of American Folklore. 

c/'yl/= Journal of the Anthropological Institute. 
JylO,S'= Journal of the American Oriental Society. 
./rl67i = Journal of the Anthropological Society of 

JBL = 3om-ni\\ of Biblical Literature. 
J'/-.'7',S'=JournaI of the Buddhist Text Society. 

<//> = Journal des Debats. 

J'/>7'A = Jahrbiicher f. deutsche Theologie. 

/./? = Jewish Encyclopedia. 

J'GO.S'= Journal of the (ierman Oriental Society. 

J//C'=.rohns Hopkins University Circulars. 

t///,y= Journal of Hellenic Studies. 

.7/,/^= Jeniier Litteraturzeitung. 

J^/'A = Journal of Philology. 

JPrA = Jahrbiicher f. protest. Theologie. 

/PTS=Journal of the i'ali Text Society. 

J^-B— Jewish (Quarterly Review. 

J'/t.-l.S'= Journal of the lioyal Asiatic Society. 

J A'.1.s7j.'c = Journal of the Koyal Asiatic Society, 

Bengal branch. 
</AM.S'iio = Journal of the Koyal Asiatic Society, 

Bombay branch. 
J"P.-15-/=Journal of the Koyal Asiatic Soc, Japan. 
J'i?(V'.S' = Journal of the Koyal Geoyra]jliical Society. 
■/77iSi! = Journal of Theological Studies. 
A'yl2"- = Die Kellinschriften und das AT (Schrader), 

A".4jr^ = Zimmern-Winckler's ed. of the preceding 

[really a totally distinct work], 1903. 
KB or A7i" = Kei]inscliriitli<-he Bibliothc-k (Schra- 
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schung, 1878. 
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ische Volkskunde. 
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schaft des Judenturas. 
MI= Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas 

MNDPV = Mittheilungen u. Nachrichten des 

deutschen Palastina-Vereins. 
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R. Smith). 
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BURIAL.— See Death and Disposal of the 

BURIATS. — I. Language and population. — 
The Buriats fonii a branoli of the Eastern 
Mongols, and speak a dialect of the Mongolian 
language which diflers both from the spoken 
tontjTie of the true Mongols of Khalkas and from 
the language of Mongolian literature. The Buriat 
language is distinct also from the Kalniuk. The 
degi-ee of relationship between these four groups 
of the Mongol lanjmage has not yet been clearly 
defined, and, indeed, no thorough study of all the 
Mongol dialects has yet been made. 

Speaking generally, the Buriats are found within 
the following territorial limits, viz. the Baikal 
Basin and the upper course of the river Angara 
from Irkutsk to the point where the river Ilim 
flows into the Angara ; but a number of them — tlie 
Aga Buriats — live about the tributaries of the 
rivers of the Amur Basin — the Onon, Ingoda, and 
Argun — while in Mongolia itself, along the 
Russian frontier, a small tribe — the liargu Buriats 
— is found. Further, Buriats are met ■with in 
other places within the limits of the Kussian 
Empire, viz. on the upper tributaries of the Vitim, 
which is a right tributary of the Lena, and also 
on the upper left tributaries of the Lena itself. 
All the aljove-mentioncd homes of the Buriats are 
within the lioundaries of the two admini.strative 
territorial divisions of Easti'rn Silieria, viz. the 
Irkutsk Province and the Trans-Baikal Region. 
According to data obtained in 1831, the Buriats 
were estimated in all at 152,000 souls. Castren 
reckons them as being about 190,000, but at the 
[)resent time their number may be fi.\ed at 

2. Laraaisra and Shamanism. — According to their 
religious lidicls, tbr lluriats may be divided into 
two groups -th.' ShuI hiTii and the Northern. The 
Southern Buriats, who dwell on the coniines of 
Mongolia, are zealous Buddhists, and belong to 
the Yellow-hat men, or Liimaists, followers of 
Tson-ka-pa, the well-known Tibetan reformer 
of Northern Buddhism, and founder of the above- 
mentioned sect. This sect has a predominating 
influence in Tibet, and pre\ails, without any 
division, over Mongolia. Us doctrines, which have 

VOL. III. — I 

so large a following, are contained in a voluminous 
literature and require no special examination, see- 
ing that Buriat Lamaism does not difler in any way 
from the Mongolo-Tibetan Lamaism. The Buriat 
Lamaist studies under the Mongolian and Tibetan 
Lamas, and he finds his religious literature in 
the sacred Tibetan language. Lamaism did not 
reach the Biu'iats earlier than the end of the I7th 
cent., \'iz. at the time of and after the Djungar 
wars, when, as is known, a multitude of peaceful 
people (amongst whom, of course, were Buddhist 
teachers) sought a quiet refuge amongst the 
Buriats. Buddhism, therefore, is a comparatively 
new factor in the religious life of the Buriats. 
Animated, as it has been, by a very tolerant 
spirit, this religious teaching, in ci'ossin" over from 
India into Tibet, not only brought witTi it a host 
of non -Buddhist beliefs, but also incorporated a 
whole body of local ones in Tibet, and a great 
many still more extraneous ones in Mongolia. And 
it was in this condition that it finally reached the 
Buriat plains. Now Lamaism is the predominat- 
ing belief among the Buriats dwelling to the south 
of Lake Baikal. An exception is furnished only 
by the Buriats living at the mouth of the river 
Selenga ; but these do not belong to the original 
inhabitants of Trans-Baikalia, being colonLsts f rom 
the northern shores of Lake Baikal, who migrated 
southwards in the first half of the 18th century. 
Further, we must note that about the north-eastern 
extremity of Baikal, among the Bargudji Buriats, 
who are kinsmen of the Bargu Buriats living in 
Mongolia, there is, along with Buddhism, an ex- 
tensive cult of Shamanism. Until recently, our 
investigators, among whom was the author of this 
article, thought that there could not be anj' room 
for the adherents of the old religion in the .southern 
part of Trans-Baikalia among the zealous Lamaists, 
wlio were under the influence of their teachers, and 
manyof whom had received their religious education 
in Urga — the residence of the first enlightener of 
Mongolia, Djebtsun-damba-kut\ikta (see Lamaism) 
— and some in Lhasa. But this ojjiniou was due 
oidy to our insufficient acquaintance with the 
religious life of the Buriats. A young investigator, 
Djamtsaranolf, himself a native Buriat, in the 
year HlO.'i discovered in liis native district, viz. in 
the \allc5- of the river Aga, worshippers of the 



old faith along with their priests, the so-called 
Shainaiis. And lie asserts that the liuddhist 
Buriats of the Alar district are seini-Sli.uiianists, 
and that their Lamas perform many Shaman 
rites. (l'"or the sake of completeness, it should be 
mentioned that tlie Kussian Mon^'olian scholar 
Professor Pozdiieycll' discovered <;<'">'i"^ Buriat 
Slianianists amoii^' the I'hakars, living to the north 
of Kalgan on the soiithern frontier of Gobi.) To 
the west and north of Lake Baikal, Lamaism is by 
no means wide spread. It is met with to the south- 
west of the Baikal, in the valley of the river Tunka, 
along the Irkut, the Oka, and the White River, 
and on the small rivers Alar and Golumet. Ac- 
cording to the traditions of the inhabitants, both 
the Tiuika and the Alar Buriats are settlers from 
Mongolia. The rest of the Buriats of the Irkutsk 
Province profess the religion common to the whole 
north of Asia and to the non- Aryan north-east of 
Europe — a religion which is well known in scientific 
literature under the name of Shamanism (q.v.). 

This t«rm, originally employed only for the beliefs of the 
north-east of Europe and of Asia, has iu comparatively recent 
times received an extended signification, wliich has been ad- 
hered to in the work of the Moscow scholar Mikhailovski on this 
subject— a work which, unfortunately, has not been completed. 
Taking a general, ethnological point of view, he includes as 
Shamanism the beliefs of the American Indians and the ab- 
origines of Africa, Polynesia, etc. Without here entering into 
an unsuitable polemic, we shall merely remark that, for con- 
venience' sake and to be strictly methodical, we shall speak of 
Shamanism only in the restricted sense of the word. We do not 
dispute that in the New World and in southern countries we 
meet with forms of belief at the same stage of development as 
contemporary Shamanism ; but, indeed, we also know that 
there exists a whole series of monotheistic religions, whose 
monotheism does not prevent their differing from one another 
in their conceptions about the Deity and His relations to men 
and to the world, in ritual, forms of worship, and ideas about the 
destiny of mankind, etc. One must not lose sight of the fact 
that in the various beliefs of the Siberian tribes a very close 
connexion is noticeable, and, likewise, there can be observed an 
uninterrupted identity in the foundations of their mythology 
and in their rites, even extending as far as the nomenclature — 
all of which gives one the right to suppose that these beliefs are 
the result of the joint work of the intellectual activity of the 
whole north of Asia. The Buriat Shamanism is one of the most 
highly developed forms, but, in order to elucidate certain rites 
and beliefs, we must draw parallels from other Shaman beliefs. 

3. Religious development. — In determining the 
degree of development of the religious belief of 
the Buriat Shamanists, we must assert that, like 
some other Shamanist modes of worship among 
the more enlightened Siberian tribes, such as the 
Yakuts and the South Siberian Turks, it has reached 
a degree of somewhat advanced polytheism, re- 
minding one of the Homeric polytheism. The 
Shamanists have their own Olympus, while among 
the Yakuts and Turks, who come more into con- 
tact with Christianity, there is noticeable a tend- 
ency to hierarchical monotheism. The supreme 
deity of the Altaians — Ulglien, or, as he is called in 
some places, Khormtrsta-Tengri (the Uyim-artoyen 
of the Yakuts) — stands far higher and farther 
removed from mortals than the thunder-bearing 
Zeus. These deities are freer from human weak- 
nesses and stand on a more unattainable height, 
in comparison with the minor gods and genii, 
than Olympic Zeus. Buriat Shamanism has not 
evolved from itself such a Supreme Deity ; it has, 
however, a whole assembly of heaven - dwellers 
(Tengris), some of whom are well-disposed to man- 
kind, and some hostile. To some of tliem sacrifices 
are ofl'ered regularly, to others only on rare occa- 
sions. The Buriats have a whole series of thunder- 
gods. The influence of Buddhism in its later form, 
with its numerous Buddhas — Buddhas of non- 
earthly origin, Dhyani-Buddhas, and deities — has 
obscured the monotheistic tendency. Amongst 
almost all Shamanists we see a cosmogony per- 
vaded with dualism, a complex doctrine of the 
soul, and a conception about a future life and 
about requital. The priestly hierarchy remains 
in a primitive form, out of which caste has not yet 

been evolved ; one must take into consideration 
that such evolution can be ellected only in a more 
advanced and developed social state, to which the 
Buriats have never attained, although the hier- 
archy of the Shaman, as we shall see, has already 
been elaborated somewhat distinctly. In Homer 
we often see Agamemnon, Ulysses, and Achilles 
offering sacrifices to the gods. Here leaders and 
chiefs of clans enter into direct relations with the 
gods, but in Shamanism this has now almost dis- 
appeared. On important occasions they always 
resort to the Shaman. 

One constantly hears it stated that, in Shamanism, there are 
to be found, together with polytheistic beliefs, examples of 
animism, fetishism, the worshipping of animals, of trees, and 
of hills, and other lower forms of religious belief. We can 
answer to this, that, owing to the conservatism of mankind 
and to their lack of initiative, primitive habits of life and old- 
fashioned beliefs very seldom disappear altogether. Many 
Christian sects, even among highly-civilized peoples, maintain, 
alongside of the Gospel teachings, a whole series of heathen sur- 
vivals in the shape of prejudices, superstitious rites, and so on. 
The folk-tales and traditions collected by the brothers Grimm 
still live among the people. The German folk-lorist« still con- 
tinue to collect a rich harvest of living antiquity in Bavaria and 
the Tirol. Slavonic countries are full of dual beliefs in which 
paganism survives in Christian form. In Russia, especially 
amongst the common people but also in the higher classes of 
society, rationalism often flourishes along with the belief in 
fortune-tellers and sorcerers, and beUef m the production of 
miracles. What are the spiritualism and occultism, by which 
Europe is periodically carried away, but survivals of barbarous 
times ■? The determining of the average level of the religious 
horizon of some civilized people would present a far more di rticult 
task than, for example, that with which we are now occupied ; 
for a semi-civilized people, like the Buriats, does not present 
such a variety in the character of its development as a more 
highly civilized peoi>le. We may take it then for granted that 
the majority of the Buriats profess a polytheistic reUgion in the 
shape of Shamanism. It is at least the predominating feature 
of their present-day belief. 

In comparison with the more studied and more 
higldy elaborated polytheism of the classical 
peoples, the Buriat polytheism must be character- 
ized as immature, and, in a sense, chaotic. The 
anthropomorphization of even the highest divinities 
of the Buriat pantheon has been by no means com- 
pleted ; throughout it there is apparent a simple 
worshipping of the phenomena of Nature. Indi- 
vidualization into separate personages has only 
been aimed at. There is no need to look here for 
such plastic images as we see in Zeus, Phoebus, 
Pallas Athene, Aphrodite, and so on. The Buriats 
and Mongols possess neither the poems of Homer, 
nor odes, nor hymns ; they have not the Eclmdyana 
or even the Finnish Kalevala. They possess only 
a series of detached narratives, incantations, and 
prayers, in which is represented to us, with very 
indistinct features, the theography of this nomad 
people, who had only here and there adopted a 
settled mode of life, being at the same time 
occupied with hunting and trapping wild animals, 
not by way of sport, but as an indispensable 
element of their economic existence. 

4. Tengris or heaven-gods. — The higher heaven- 
dwelling deities among the Buriats are called 
by the name of 'Tengris.' Tentjri, tegri, tiger, 
tangara in all the Turco-Mongolian dialects sig- 
nifies ' the heavens.' One of the leading experts in 
Mongol-Buriat mythology, Dordji Banzarofi', in 
his book. Black Faith, or Shamanism (St. Peters- 
burg, 1892), adduces a whole series of proofs of the 
existence of the worship of the heavens among 
the Mongol races. Mongolian otficial documents 
usually begin with the formula;, munkii ten- 
griin khutzun dor, ' by the power of the eternal 
heavens ' ; tengri chi midnya, ' heaven, know 
thou'; tengri chi shitegehuy, 'heaven, be thou 
judge ' ; which are common expressions among the 
Mongols. They assert also that Jenghiz-lChan 
appeared by the command of Heaven. The wor- 
ship of the heavens does not in itself present any- 
thing exceptional among pastoral peoples ; but 
among the Buriats a remarkable metamorphosis 


took place in this worship. Instead of one single 
eternal heaven, they ackno\vleil>,'e 99 ilill'erent 
Tengris, of which 55 are AV'estern ami 44 Eastern. 
The sliarply defined dualism, peculiar to the whole 
Siberian Sliamanisni, honours in the Western Ten- 
gris the divinities or forces that are well-disposed 
to mankind, in the Eastern the forces that are 
destructive anil hostile to man. Everywliere else 
where Shamanism is professed tlicse hostile fon-es 
are placed, not in any part of the licavens, but in 
the lower regions, notwithstanding the fact that 
the cosmogony, about w-liich we shall speak further 
on, testifies that once upon a time Father Ena, 
Erlik-Klian, or Erlen-Klmn, lived in the heavens, 
whence, after a struggle with the spirit of light, 
he was cast down with his servants into the 
lower world. His assistants ai)pcar upon the 
earth and work evil there, but in heaven there 
is no place for them. Agapitoff and Khangaloff 
(of whom the latter is still actively investi- 
gating the Shamanism of his native country), 
being firm believers in the theory of the atmo- 
spheric explanation of myths, in their first work. 
Materials for the Study of Shamanism in Siberia 
(Irkutsk, i8S3), were of the opinion that, in the 99 
Tengris, the heavens in their various states are 
personified : in a quiet, a clear, a dull state, during 
storms, gales, winter snow-storms, wind, etc. But 
the Tengris not only control the atmospheric 
phenomena — they bring about diseases, they 
bestow happiness upon mankind, protect particu- 
lar tribes, trades, etc., and perform a number of 
other acts. 

One must not lose sight of the fact that there 
is, indeed, another name for ' heaven ' — oktorgoi 
— viz. the physical heaven (the sky), with its 
phenomena ; and the word tengri among the 
Mongols has a double signilication, viz. the 
heavens, and the particular beings inhabiting 
the heights beyond the clouds of the worldly 
mountain Sunieru, with their leader Khormusta- 
Tengri. The Tengris have their antagonists in 
the Asseuris — beings living under the moun- 
tain Sumeru. The Tengris are holy and benevo- 
lent ; the Asseuris are spiteful and quarrelsome. 
Between them a constant war is carried on. It 
does not seem to us improbable that the division 
of the Buriat Tengris into two hostile camps is 
inspired partly by this idea about the Tengris and 
Asseuris, borrowed from the Buddhist mythologj'. 
"We shall meet with similar examples more than 
once in our discussion of the subject. It appears 
almost superfluous to mention that the Tengi'is, 
at any rate those about whom we have fuller in- 
formation, in their life appear as genuine Buriat 
nomads. The3-, just like the Buriats, possess 
flocks and herds acquired from sacrifices, and 
betake themselves to the Shamans in circum- 
stances of difficulty. All about whom we possess 
any information have families, and their children 
for the most part occupy a position inferior to that 
of the Tengris in the Buriat mythology, and bear 
the title of Khan. 

The Buriats who live along the river Kuda, a 
tributary of the Angara, regard Zayan-Sagan- 
Tengri, the white deity of the Tengi'is, as the 
eldest among the Tengris. (Among the Balagans, 
instead of Zayan-Sagan-Tengri, stands Khan 
Tiurmes-Tengri, who has three sons, Zasa, Isykhur, 
and Akha. ) Merchen-Tomch, the .second one, came 
down to earth to save people (the Balagan Buriats 
call him Abay-Ghesser-Bogdo), and the tliiifl, 
Erkhe-Basliatey (the great wise man), wrote laws 
for the government of nations. Here, under the 
influence of the written Tibetan narratives, the 
old local names have partly given way to foreign 
ones. Khan Tiurmes, as the Russian folk-lorist 
Potanin has proved by numerous comparisons 

and parallels, is identical with Khormusta- 
Tungri. Abay-(!liesser-Khan, in the well-known 
lici'oic tale, is the second scm of Khormusta, viz. 
lllu-liutugekhchi (the accomplisher of works) (see 
the Mongol te.\t of this tale, published by the 
Russian Academician Schmidt). He comes down 
to this world to eradicate the sources of the ten 

The most popular among the Western Tengris, 
who is constantly mentioned in the Shaman in- 
cantations and the nanatives of the Buriats, is 
Esseghe-Malan-Tengri. According to some narra- 
tives, he is one of the sons of tlie Monkhon Tengi'i. 
This name Agapitott' and Khangaloti' translate by 
the words ' heaven — bottom of the vessel.' We 
prefer to leave the word tenrjri untranslated, 
since it has a double signification, meaning at 
the same time the heavens, as an object of 
worship, and an anthropomorphized being dwell- 
ing in the heavens. Other narratives affirm that 
Esseghe-Malan was a man, who lived on the earth 
and promised certain nine deities to build a palace 
up to the sky, on condition that, in the event of 
his carrying out the undertaking, the nine gods 
should come down to earth to mankind and give 
up to him theh- place in heaven. Esseghe-Malan 
carried out the proposed undertaking, the gods took 
up their abode on earth, and he in heaven. In the 
Buriat narratives Esseghe-Malan sometimes lives 
not in heaven, but on earth, somewhere beyond a 
high mountain. He often appears in these narra- 
tives as a simple-minded Buriat ; iu the story ' Gir- 
gulai-Mergen,'' the sister of the hero Agu-Nogon- 
Abakhai, the maiden Vatiaz, in order to resuscitate 
a brother who had been killed, and to obtain a bride 
for him, goes as a suitor to seek the hand of 
the three daughters of Esseghe-lMalan-Tengri ; she 
vanquishes the other claimants for marriage with 
the daughters of Esseghe, in all warlike sports and 
exercises. Esseghe-Malan is prepared to give his 
daughters to the victor, but the Shamans warn 
the god that he is giving them in marriage to a 
woman ; yet the god, notwithstanding this, gives 
his daughters. The clever girl-heroine makes the 
daughters of Esseghe-Malan bring her dead brother 
to life, and afterwards gives them in marriage to 
him. In the tale about the old man Khoridai, the 
her(j does not fulfil the orders of Esseghe-Malan, 
and the enraged Buriat thunder-bearer prepares to 
strike him with lightning. The old man Khori- 
dai appeases the wrath of the god by a sacrifice, 
and excuses himself for his transgressions with 
somewhat flat excuses and sophisms. In heaven 
Esseghe-Malan has a box with round stones ; by 
throwing them on the earth he produces thunder 
and lightning. One clever Buriat, during a period 
of drought on earth, made his way to heaven, and, 
taking advantage of the absence of the person who 
was entrusted with the box containing the stones, 
began to throw them down of his own accord, 
and produced a storm and rain-shower on earth. 
Esseghe-Malan has a somew-hat large family and 
an extensive household. His wife, Ekhe-Urani, 
is mentioned in all ritual oli'erings to the Tengri, 
although she herself appears as rather a colourless 
person. This couple have nine daughters, accord- 
ing to the incantations of the Shamans, but only 
three according to the narratives of the Buriats. 
These have the power of making the poor rich and 
bringing the dead to life. The eldest of them 
(according to the Buriat accounts) steps over the 
bones of the deceased per.son, si)its on them, waves 
a black handkerchief, and tlie skeleton is put 
together ; the .second one, having executed the 
same manipulations, completely restores the phy- 

1 Records of the Kast-Sibcriajt Section of the Imp, Russ. Geoit. 
Soc, Section ot EthnofcTaphy, vol. i. pt. i., 'Buriat Talcs alicl 
Superstitions,' Irkutsk, 1S49, pp. 33-43. 


sical outline of tlie ilcoeaseil ; the third one i;ives 
life. In juUlilion to his iliwiuhtcrs, l•',ssoJ;llo■^lHhlll 
has three sons. The ehicst ui these is lomuiloil iis 
ruler of the large ishuul of Olklion (ni l.ako I'.aiUal ; 
but, by oilier accounts, the lord of OlUlion is Oren, 
who will be referred to nioro fully in describing 
animal- worship ; the second son a-piie.irs before 
the Tengris aa the princiiiivl representative of the 
elder earthly gods (children .and kinsfolk of the 
Tengris) ; the youngest son is the palron of 
Kiakhta (a trading stiition on the frontier of 
China), and lord of the red goat. Besides children, 
Esseghe-Malan possesses also three shepherds, the 
first of whom, ftlakita-Mangi, acts as intermediary 
between the Tengris and mankind, and is the 
patron of the Shamans, whom he protects from 
the evil Tengris, hostile gods, and genii. The 
second, liadsliiudai, having been present at the 
creation of man, protects people from diseases 
sent upon them by the hostile Eastern Tengris. 
Debetsoi, the third, is the patron-shepherd of 
flocks and herds ; he rides on horseback with a 
quiver, a bow, and lasso in his hands. 

Besides the thunder-bearer, Esseghe-Malan, there 
are others, both Eastern and Western, who con- 
trol atmospheric phenomena, such as, for example, 
Muudur-Tengri {inundiir = \\aM), the god of hail, 
loud thunder, and lightning ; Galta-Ulan-Tengri 
(the tire-red Tengri), the god of heat and drought 
and storm-lightning causing conflagrations. In 
some places the Buriats assert that from this 
Tengri people received tire ; but, generally, the 
principal lord of storms and lightning is con- 
sidered to be Zayan-Sagan-Tengri. He sends forth 
storms against unclean and evil spirits, and he 
hurls upon earth sakhilgata biidav — stones from 
heaven causing lightning. Such a stone was found 
by the white Shaman of Unga, Barnak-Khog- 
nuyev, and is preserved as a relic by his descend- 

There are, further, a whole body of Tengris 
who throw stones upon the earth. Some of these 
cast down special red stones, the zada, by means 
of which storms can be caused at will. There are 
three Tengris of the Northern, and three of the 
Southern winds, Tengris of gentle, warm rain, 
and of cold rain. As to the family position and 
actions of these Tengris we have no information ; 
it is evident that here anthropomorphization has 
scarcely yet commenced. Of the remaining Ten- 
gris we shall mention only those whom it is neces- 
sary to notice in giving an account of other beliefs 
of the Buriats ; for example, Seglien-Tengri, who, 
it is said, was the cause of the dissensions between 
the Western and Eastern Tengris. He had a 
beautiful daughter, for the possession of whom 
rivalry sprang up among the heaven-dwellers, 
Dolon-Kliukhu-Tengri (the seven blue Tengris). 
They are the bestowers of rain ; but when rain 
is required, one does not apply directly to them, 
but ofl'ers sacrifices to the Ukhan Khans, the 
water divinities, and asks for theii- mediation 
witli the seven blue Tengris. Shara-Khasar- 
Tengri (the yellow-cheeked one) has been in- 
directly connected with the legends about the 
origin of the Buriats. His three daughters, 
dressed in swans' skins, came do\vn to earth to 
bathe in a lake, and there tliey took oft' the 
swan's dress ; the Buriat Khoridai was watching 
them, and he hid the dress of one of them, 
Khoboshi-Khatun. The heavenly maiden could 
not fly up to heaven without the wings of the 
swan's dress. Khoridai, having seized her, married 
her, and had children by her, from whom sprang 
the Buriat tribes Kh.anghin and Sharat. Subse- 
quently the wife of Khoridai discovered her swan's 
dress and flew oil' to heaven in it, leaving her 
husband and children behind. .Budurga-Sagan- 

Tengri deserves mention, as being the progenitor 
of many persons who play a foremost p;ut in the 
Buriat mythology — his eldest .son, Uklia-Solhon, 
being the patron of horses. This Ukha-.Sullion hail 
two wives of heavenly origin, but his third was 
snatched by him from earth. Whilst she, as a 
Buriat bride, was being conducted to her bride- 
groom, Ukha-Solbon sent down a storm, during 
which he seized the maiden. The second son of 
Budurga - Sagan - Tengri is Bukha - Noin - Baobai 
(father-master-ox), the hero of a whole series of 
narratives. No less signilicance have the third 
sou of the above-mentioned Tengri, Sakliidai- 
Noin, and his wife, Sakhala-Khatun, the rulers of 

g. Folklore of the smith. — In many primitive 
religions, a divine origin is ascribed not only to tire 
and domestic animals, but to various handicrafts. 
The lame god Vulcan, the wise cripple, son of 
Juppiter and Hera, is not the sole instance of a 
blacksmith god, a god-artisan. But the blacksmith 
is regarded in two ways : the Hellene, with his 
bright intellect and his artistic creativeness, saw in 
him a divinity favourable to mankind, the teacher 
of the artist; among many other peoples the black- 
smith is a magician, living and working amid fire 
and smoke and covered with soot. He, in an in- 
comprehensible manner, works iron out of stone. 
He is acquainted with the dark forces of Nature. 
He is wise and yet terrible. Such a view might 
easily establish itself where the blacksmith's handi- 
craft was borrowed from some immigrant foreign 
people ; and this view prevails also among the 
Siberian natives. There traditions have been pre- 
served about one-legged men, dwarfs dressed in 
skins, living in caves, and possessors of various 
mineral treasures and precious metals. In the 
Buriat mythology both views about blacksmiths 
have been maintained at one and the same time. 
They have both white and black smiths, just as 
there axe white and black Shamans ; the former are 
favourable and well-disposed to men, the latter are 
malicious and hostUe towards them. The patron 
of the white smiths is considered to be the Western 
TengTi, Daiban-Khukhu-Tengri, who, by command 
of all tlie Western Tengris, sent on earth his smith 
Bojntoi. The latter descended on the Tunka 
mountains, to the south-west of Lake Baikal, and 
began to teach people his trade. The patron and 
progenitor of the black smiths is an Eastern 

6. In concluding our discussion of the Western 
Tengris it is necessary to refer to a special act of 
benevolence which several of them perform. Dur- 
ing raiu and storms they send down from heaven 
to the liouses of their favourites, in the shape of a 
small cloud, urak, thick cow's milk. This is col- 
lected and preserved when it comes down in visible 
manner ; when unseen, the gift is made know-n by 
the results. The possessor of the urak becomes 
successful in everything — he gi'ows rich, his chil- 
dren thrive well, his cattle multiply. 'This urak 
appears in the shape of a scum which forms on the 
puddles during heavy showers. 

7. Hostile Tengris.— The Eastern Tengris in- 
habit tlie eastern half of the heavens. They are 
hostile to man, or, speaking more accurately, they 
are in general wicked, irascible, exacting. They 
afflict people with infectious diseases, storms, and 
misfortunes. They are the patrons of the black 
Shamans, who often pimish people and steal their 
souls, and of the black smiths, wlio, at one and the 
same time, are master-artisans and niagicians who 
ruin people. In the Eastern Tenuis is personified, 
as it were, the negative principle of evil, which 
carries on an irreconcilable struggle with good and 
light ; but in the Buriat Shamanism this struggle 
has become obscured, and it has not such a definite, 


permanont character as among the other followers 
of Shamanism. 

According to the cosmogony of the Shanianlsts, the enmit}' 
between good and evil begins with the Creation. Here thi.s 
antagonism is preached with the same consistency and inexora- 
bility as in the ancient teachings of Iran and in the duaUstio 
Christian sects. Krlik-Klian carries on an implacable strng,u:Ie 
with the spirit of light, UIghen, or the Khan Tiurmes of the 
Altaians, the Kudai of the South Yenisei Turks. Erlik once 
lived in heaven, but for his impiety and struggle against good 
was thrown into thf iietlierniost ]'art5. At one time the Eastern 
and tile Western Tcn;:^ris lived at peace with one another, but 
tliey quarrelled .'iiur a while ; then they became reconciled 
and even entered into relationship with one another. Thus a 
daughter of a Western Tengri was given in marriage to an Eastern, 
and her father endowed lier with a chestnut steed and a red 
cow. In honour of this occasion the Kuda Buriats consecrate 
to the Eastern Gujir-Bogdo-Tengri a chestnut steed and a 
red cow. Afterwards, however, the feud was again renewed. 
As eldest among the Eastern Tengris we find not Eriik-Khan, as 
one would have expected, but only some little-known person- 
ages ; among the B.-dagan Buriats inhabiting the district round 
the town Bala^nsk, Ala-Ulan-Tengri, and, among the Kuda, 
Khimkhir-Bogdo-Tengri. ErIik-Khan is not even to be found 
among the Tengris ; this Satan and Ahriman of Shamanism is 
here degraded from his high position to that of a Khan ; he 
appears as judge of the dead, as a Buriat Slinos. >\'e shall 
speak more in detail about him when we reach the subject of 
the Khans. The Eastern Tengris, like the Western, are ihvided 
into groups. Among these a prominent place is occupied by the 
Yuklum-Shukhan-Tengris, nine bloodthirsty Tengris — the cause 
of destructive hailstorms and of bloody rain ; they are also the 
patrons of the Eastern Khans. In the exorcism consecrated to 
tliem it is said : 

* Red blood is (our) beverage 

Food consists of human flesh 

Black wine is our knowledge (wisdom, inspiration) 

Black is (our) kettle 

Food is black as tar. . . .' 
After these bloodthirsty heaven-dwellers come 13 Assaranglii 
Tengris, the mighty patrons of the blacksmiths, of the black 
Shamans. Among these Assaranghis, Khara-Dargakhi-Tengri 
(^the blacksmiths' Tengri), or Boron - Khara - Tengri (= the 
Tengri of black rain), by order of the others taught a man 
named Khojir the blaclismith's handicraft, and the seven sons of 
lihojir became blacksmiths. The exorcism says : ' Wisdom was 
taught us by Boron-Khara-Tengri, one of the 44 Eastern Tengris ; 
he it was who placed in our hands the magic art.' Some 
Shamans consider certain Tengris of darkness and Tengris of 
multi-coloured mists as teachers of the blacksmiths. The 
invocation addressed to them says : ' From the dark Tengi-is, 
Tengris of the mists, Tengris of the multi-coloured mists, take 
their origin the seven blacksmiths, sons of Khojir.' Among the 
Eastern Tenuis we find a whole series of such as inflict various 
grave maladies, as frenzy or insanity, on people, and epidemics 
on cattle. Cattle being the chief source of hvelihood, some of 
the incantations against epizootics are especially touching ; thus, 
in the exorcism of the Trans-Baikal Buriats, taken down by the 
writer upon the occasion of an epizootic, it is not the originator 
of the misfortune, Ukhin-Booum-Tengri, but his father Gujir- 
Tengri, who is thus addressed : ' Thou, owner of 400 milk-cows 
and 40 hulls, thou, bellowing Tengri, who possessest 99 catlle- 
jards, 13 fences, and 13 lassos, deliver us from troubles and 
maladies, and do thou restrain Ukhin-Booum-Tengri ! And 
do thou help also, father Aikushi (another Tengri), and thou, 
too, mistress Almoshi (his wife). . . .' Such is the approximate 
characteristic of the higher aristocracj' of the Buriat Ol^'mpus ; 
and this aristocracy is quite recent in the Shamanist pantheon, 
which has been largely renovated by borrowing from Buddhism. 
In Trans-Baikalia, among the Shamanists of the mouth of the 
river Selenga, there appears, as the progenitor of some Tengris, 
a purely Buddhist personage, not Khan Tiurmes, whose identity 
wnth Khormusta-Tengri has been established by approximation, 
but the chief Tengri of Mount Sumeru himself, under his own 
name of Khormusta-Tengri. The DaLai-l^ama of Tibet ancl 
Bogdo-Gegen of Urga appear as gods of the dawn. The next 
rank in the descencUng order of the deities is occupied by the 
Khans living on earth, but related, for the most part, to the 
Tengris, although here also the same relations to man are 
maintained as among the Tengris : the Eastern are hostile, the 
Western favourable to man. But even among the Tengris one 
and the same person is looked upon by different Buriat tribes 
now as an Eastern, now as a Western Tengri ; among the Khans 
such intermixture occurs oftener. The most popular among 
the Western Khans is Bukha-Noin-Baobai, a mytliical bull and 
progenitor of one of the Buriat tribes. He appears, according 
to some narratives, as the son of Budurg.a-Sagan-Tengri ; 
according to others, of Zayan-.Sagan-Tengri ; while again other 
narratives give him the name Elbit-Khara-Noin, an otlicial 
attached to the person of Erlik-Khan, the judge of the dead, 
the guardian of the infernal dungeons, the most terrible of tlic 
Eastern Khans. 

8. Origin of strife among the Tengris. — Once 
tipon a time men led a jieaeeful, liapi)}' life on 
earth, lived to an advanced at;e, and died, after 
having enjoyed life to the full, peacefully and 
without regret, like the patriarchs of the J5ible. 
Such a life, free from cares, was led by the Western 

Tengris ; hut the Eastern Tengris did not slumber, 
and propagated diseases aimmg mankind. (Here 
also one cannot help noticing an echo of Buddhist 
traditions.) The Western Tengris once happened to 
open the window through which tliey probably not 
very frequ(!titly cast glances down ujion earth, 
and noticed the frightful dc\astation which was 
being caused by their rivals. They <lecided to send 
down the Tengri Shargai-Noin, distinguished for 
his intellectual and physical powers, who used to 
beat the Eastern Tengris at all warlike sports, and 
■who successfully brought about the marriage of a 
maiden of the Western Tengris with an Eastern 
Tengri. Sliargai-Noin, however, could not alone 
overcome the malicious Tengris and their repre- 
sentatives on cartli, so he was reinforced by Bukha- 
Noin, and finally a third associate was sent, and 
then only were they able to subdue the fuiy of 
the enemies of manlcind. According to some ac- 
counts, Bukha-Noin, the son of one of the Western 
Tengris [another tradition reckons them as Eastern 
Tengris], is transformed into a young bull, having 
Iieen born of one of the cows belonging to Esseghe- 
JNIalan's son (see above), and descends to earth. 
He is followed thither by Esseghe-Malan's son ; his 
father calls him back, since he has no one to talk 
to during the son's absence. ' You can talk to the 
son of the Tengri Jenghiz-Khan,' rejoined the .son 
of Esseghe-Malan, and he remained on earth. The 
chief episode in the history of Bukha-Noin is his 
struggle with another beast of divine origin. The 
Eastern Tengri Gujir transforms himself into a 
sjieckled bull in the herd of Taidji-Klian on the 
southern shore of Lake Baikal, and challenges 
other bulls to fight him. Bukha-Noin from the 
northern shore hears the bellowing, swims across 
the lake, and accepts the challenge ; tlie combat 
lasts several days. Bukha-Noin fights with his 
adversary, and, from time to time transforming 
himself into a handsome young man, makes love 
to Taidji-Ivhan's daughter, who, as the result of 
this liaison, gives birth to a son. The father is 
indignant with his daughter. Bukha-Noin places 
his son in an iron cradle and throws him over the 
Baikal ; then he himself swims across the waters 
and nurses his son. Two childless Shaman women, 
wishing to have children, sacrifice to Bukha-Noin. 
He gives his son to the .Shaman woman Assukhan 
as her child. The infant is named Bulagat. He 
gi'ows up and runs about playing on the shore of 
Lake Baikal. From the water a boy emerges, 
and [days with him. The Shaman women, hearing 
of this, give their boy some well-cooked food {hen), 
with tlie intention that his playmate may partake 
of it also. The chiJdren, having played, partake 
of the nice dish and fall asleep. The Shaman 
women come to the shore and carry the sleeping 
boys away with them; thus the second Shaman 
woman also came into possession of a son, who was 
named Ikhii'at. From tliese boys originated the 
two Buriat tribes Bulagat and Ikhirat. Tradition 
also as.serts that Bukha-Noin, during the time of 
his struggle with the bull, Bukha-.Mul, journeyed 
along the mountains ICbnkliu - Mundurgu (the 
Tunka Alps to the south-west of Lake Baikal) ; 
at tlie places through which ]iuklia-Noin passed, 
there grew up juniper bushes (Junipcrus communis) 
and pitch pines (Abies sibirica). 'These plants are 
considered sacred, and are used for incense at the 
sacrificial rites. 

9. The Khans. — Among the Western Khans, 
according to tlie traditions of the Kuda Buriats, 
are reckoned the nine sons of Bukha-Noin. These 
|iersons are accountcil lords of difierent localities 
in the Province of Irkutsk, as, for instance, the 
mouth of the Angara, the source of the river 
Irkut, Kiakhta in Tr.ans-Baikalia, etc. Among the 
Balagan Buriats, whose traditions and beliefs have, 



in {"eneral, liorrowed largely from the BmUUiist 
mythology, ve iigain liiul Khan Shargai-Teiigii as 
founder on oartli of tlie Western Khanate ; but the 
tradition loiiceiniiig hin\ is a repetition of the tale 
about l!ogdo-Ghesser-Khan descending upon eartli, 
with the sole dill'erenee that he appears here not 
as a son, but as a grandson of Khormusta-'l'i'iigri, 
the chief of the 33 Tengris iidiabiling Mount 
Sumeru. Among the Bahigan Burials also ve 
lind the same Khans— lords of various localities, as 
among the Kuda Burials, but under dili'erent names. 
New personages are also to be found here, as, for 
instance, the Khans — protectors of wedlock, and of 
young cliUdren, of both the male and the female 
sex. Among the Trans-Baikalian Shamanists, the 
Eastern Khans are specially respected. This, 
we think, is due, not to any special strongly 
developed worship of the terrible gods, but to the 
fact that local gods, lords of various regions lying to 
the East, far away from the dwelling-places of tlie 
Idgins on the northern side of Lake Baikal, were 
turned into Khans. Of these Idgins there is an 
iuliuite number, and, as far as their rSle is con- 
cerned, they are often completely identical with 
the Khans. The dill'erenee is often a purely ex- 
ternal one. The majority of the Idgins are 
deified human beings, — the Khans are the children 
of celestials. Similar in character to the cult of 
these Idgins is the worship of the Water Khans. 
These latter, Ukhan-KIiat (Ma< = plural of khan), 
like the various terrestrial Khans, came down from 
heaven, having made for themselves bridges out of 
rays of light — some of red, others of yellow, and 
others, again, of blue rays. By means of these 
bridges they iirst descended upon Mount Sumeru, 
and afterwards into the water. A fourth party, how- 
ever, came down from the heavens on the wings of a 
blue eagle. In the invocation to the Water Khans, 

12 Western Tengris, or heavens, are mentioned, 
whence the Water Khans descended. Here the 
Tengris have positively a dual character ; they 
may be regarded both as personalities and as 
divers divisions of the heavens. In the Shamanist 
cosmography, e.g. among the Altaians, there are 

13 heavens covering each other like concentric 
envelopes, and over each heaven presides its own 
peculiar deity. There the anthropomorphization 
is more sharply pronounced than in the Buriat 
Shamanism. Agapitoff states positively that in 
the different personages of the Uklian Khans the 
various properties of water are personified : its 
glitter, its mobility, its faculty of being agitated, 
and so on. Being in possession of but scanty 
materials — only a single prayer addressed to the 
Ukhan Klians — we cannot undertake to say how 
far the personality of the deity is here separated 
from the element itself which he controls. 

The subsequent stages of the settlement of the Water Khans 
in their new surroundings are as follows. In the sea they be- 
came kings of the fishes ; after that they travelled along the 
bottom of the sea, where among their attendants was the 
Uriankhai Shaman, Unukhuieff ; then they visited the yurta, of 
Ukha-Lobsan-Khan, the eldest of the Water Khans, whence 
they flew away by the smoke-outlet, transforming themselves 
into a whole series of new beings, which we do not enumerate. 
Here we shall make one remark : the designation ' the eldest 
among the Water Khans — Ukha-Lobsan,' as Agapitoff and 
Khangaloff give it, seems to us incorrect. This passage pro- 
bably should read * Ukha Lusan,' or ' Ijusat.* In that case, the 
name would be explicable — Lu, Lus meaning a water-dragon, 
the lord of the seas among the Chinese and Mongol Buddhists, 
whereas Lobsan is simply a proper name borrowed from the 
Tibetan, and has no relation whatever to the element of water. 
In a prayer to the Ukban Khans, mention is made of their pos- 
sessing a meadow, full of snakes and buzzuig bees, and also a 
lake swarming with froga. Side by side with this, just as the 
blacksmiths have patrons of their handicraft, so among the 
Ukhan Khans there are patrons of fishing and navigation. We 
find there the lord of the boat, of the oar, of the pole, etc. The 
Water Khans, descended as they are from the Western Tengris, 
are generally well-disposed towards mankind. 

In describing the water kings, one is involuntarily confronted 
by the question : \\Tiat about the Khan-king of the great 
Baikal? Does he exist? If there are lords of the river-sources 

and of insigniflcant tracts of land, can it he then that the Baikal 
liaa no king of its own? Agapitoff in 1883 expressed himself 
lis certain of the existence of one, and probably, wherever the 
Buriat Shamans in their prayers mention the sea. Lake Baikal 
is really meant. The writer in 1883 succeeded in recording 
among the Burials living on the shores of Lake Baikal, at 
Iho moutll of the river Selenga, invocations to several deities 
connected with the lake. The shortest of them is uttered by 
people starting on a voyage or fishing expedition in the sea, 
and is in the form of a prayer or petition : ' Chief of the eighty 
black water-dragons (Lu— see above) and of the eijjht black 
Belkites (the Shaman could not explain of what kind tbcse 
water beings were), we pray to thee.' . . . Then follows the 
exposition of the request, according to the needs of the sup- 
plicant — for mild, quiet weather in the case of coasting, for a 
fair wind in the case of distant voyages, for success in fishing, 
and so on. In an invocation addressed to Khagat-Noin, one of 
the Eastern Khans, the following is sung : ' Thou, O son of 
Khormusta-Tengri, Khagat-Noin, art our father; thy wife, the 
hairy mistress, is our mother ! The lowland of Olkhon (the 
island) and the small stormy black sea are thy dwelling-place ; 
the mountainous Olkhon, the wide stormy sea, is thy dwelling- 
place.' . . . This is followed by the supplication. The name, 
small sea, small Baikal, is given to the straits between the 
island of Olkhon and the northern shore of Lake Baikal, that 
of great sea to the remaining part of the lake. 

Exactly in the same manner to another Khan, Kharhariai- 
Noin, is sung as follows : ' High is thy dwelling-place, O Idjibey, 
upon the dark, wind-swept, wide black sea. On the one side, 
tiiou art descended from a bird, the swan, and the warlike 
Mongols, from father Khaga-Tai-Noin, from the sacred bird and 
a hairy mother, and from the thirteen Ivhalithases. Thy distant 
relatives are the seven Dokshids (terrible Buddhist deities) and 
lords of the Dalai-Lama and the Bogdo-Gegen.' The name 
of Bogdo-Gegen is usually given to the regenerator of the 
famous Buddhist teacher in Tibet, the historian of Buddhism, 
Taranatha. He became incarnate in the person of a saint of Urga, 
in Mongolia. There is another prayer (to the lord of the black 
ram) in which there is also a reference to domination over 
the Baikal and its transference from the Baikal to the river 

Here we discern an indication of the Mongolian and non- 
Buriat origin of one of the gods ; but there are several of them. 
With regard to the water kings, it has already been noticed that 
their cult was established by Unukhui's son from IJriankhai. 
The connexion between the Buriat Shamanism and the Sha- 
manism of the neiglibouring peoples is, however, not Umited 
to this. Among the gods and the spirits of the dead, the Buriat 
Shaman in his prayers often mentions the Shamans of the 
Karagases (a small tribe inhabiting the Eastern Sayan moun- 
tains), and especially those of the Tunguses. In the prayer to 
the lord of the black ram, mention is made of his pulling up a 
larch tree and making a scourge of it ; also of his subsequently 
entering into relationship with the 99 and the 77 Orotchons — 
Eastern Trans- Baikal Tunguses. 

10. Tea-gods. — Side by side with the Klians, 
descendants of the Western Tengris, a peculiar, 
as yet little kno>\Ti, worship of ' tea-gods,' who are 
also well-disposed to mankind, like the Western 
Khans, is gradually being elucidated ; but nothing 
beyond a few names is known concerning it. In 
this cult the name of Bejin-Khatun, 'self-created 
mistress Bejin,' demands particular attention. 
From the fragments of exorcisms which have 
been wTitten down, one observes only indications 
concerning palaces of the watery sea ; these are 
described as having drawn up before them 90 
black steeds, and 90 grey ones, their saddles 
covered with costly fur cloaks. Together with the 
sea-palaces, a palace of the Dalai-Lama is men- 
tioned ; it has been introduced into the exorcism 
probably for no other reason than the temptation 
presented by the word dalai, ' sea.' 

Mention is made in this prayer of 50 biu-ning 
candles (a novelty borrowed from Christians or 
Buddhists), and of 99 mallets for the Shamans' tam- 
bourines. The deities dealt with here are called 
tea-gods because no bloody sacrifices are oflered 
to them, and libations are made not in wine, but 
in tea. This cult is developed among the Buriats 
living along the river Kuda, a tributary of the 
Angara. Tliey have also a certain other cult — 
that of the Western, white gods, favourable to 
men. These are not descended from the Tengris, 
but have them as protectors. Side by side with 
the ten-burkhans (-gods) there is to be found among 
the Kuda and Balagan Buriats a cult of similar 
beings, favourable to men — khvrJuts. The only 
thing that is kno«Ti concerning them is that they 
are under the protection of Oer-Sagan-Tengii, and 


that their (laughters and sons have at various times 
been j;reut Slianianesses and Sliamans. 

11. Eriik-Khan. — The Eastern Khans, children 
and relatives of the 44 terrihie Tenj^ris, are as 
ferocious as their celestial progenitors. I'he lirsl 
jilaoe anionj; theni is occujiied by Erlen-Khan or 
ErlikKhan, the judge and overseer of the sub- 
terranean dungeons. He has children, sons-in-law, 
and otiii-r relatives. It is remarkable that the 
court and numerous retinue of Erlik present, in re- 
gard to their organization, an exact copy of Russian 
judicial anil administrative institutions. Erlik- 
Klian has his own chancelleries, his own function- 
aries for special missions, couriers, etc. One of 
lliese, Som-Sagan-Noin, in executing the Khan's 
instructions, is in the habit of riding in a cart, 
which ilies through the air without wheels or 
horses. The functionaries of the Siberian viceroys 
and governors boasted of the speed with which 
they moved from one place to another. Besides 
tliat, Som-Sagan-Noin tries law-suits. The Buriats 
who have litigation or suits pending in the Russian 
courts oiler sacrifice to Som-Sagan-Noin. As most 
of the Siberian functionaries have subordinates, 
assistants, factotums, so Som-Sagan-Noin has two 
sucli assistants : Ukha-Tolegor-Khovduiefi' of the 
black Shamans, and Khan-Kliormo-Noin, whose 
origin is not clear. They are commissioned l)y 
Erlik-Khan to preside at various tribunals. Be- 
sides these, ErliK-Khan has yet another important 
official, Khurmen-Edjin, overseer of 88 prisons, to 
which again hundreds of clerks and other function- 
aries are attached. They are all engaged in ex- 
amining the ali'airs of men, whilst evil spirits are 
busy catching the souls of the guilty ; men do not, 
however, die on that account, but only sicken. 
The souls remain in these prisons until their 
earthly possessors die. Powerful Shamans are able 
to deliver a soul from its prison, but with great 
diiiiculty. There are also other prisons whence a 
Shaman can deliver a soul only with the help of 
the ancestors of the Shamans. There are some 
from which souls cannot be freed. The world is 
full of evil — hence, besides Erlik-Khan, there are 
others who, in the opinion of some Buriats, are 
even more terrible than Erlik himself ; such are 
Albin-Khan and Kharlak-Khan, who also have 
their tribunals. Albin-Khan is remarkable for 
the extraordinary swiftness of his movements and 
actions. The Buriats have a saying, ' to drive like 
Albin,' i.e. very fast. 

If in other Buriat deities we see true Buriat 
nomads and hunters possessing supernatural powers, 
as far as Erlik is concerned, we have before us a 
real ' culte niodeme.' In the transformation of 
Erlik from the spirit of darkness, Abriman, to the 
judge of the dead, Minos, a Lamaist influence may 
be discerned, but his attributes are certainly 
modem. The Erlik-Khan of the Shamans does 
not even make use of a mirror to see the deeds 
of a deceased person. Erlik-Khan has become a 
judge, an official, a governor-general sent by the 
celestial gods. Wishing to depict the sufferings of 
the sinful soul, the Buriat could think of nothing 
more terrible and unrelenting than Russian red- 
tapeism and the Russian prison system. The 
image of Erlik obscured the more ancient iilea of 
retribution in another world for the deeds com- 
mitted in this one. We shall enlarge on these 
things in examining the question of Animism and 
its part in the beliefs of the Buriats. Other 
Eastern Khans harm man in various ways, by 
destroying his cattle (see above), or by inflicting 
maladies, especially infectious ones. Smallpox, 
typhoid fever, syphilid, measles, cancer, and other 
maligiKint dis-eases li:ue their own lords. 

12. Deified human beings. — The Buriat |)an- 
theon, as we have described it, presents a sulli- 

cientiy familiar picture of a dualistic religion at 
its polytheistic stage ; but it is not yet complete. 
Deilieil human beings. Shamans, and, in general, 
prominent persons who have attained to the rank 
of zaijans (deities) and i)rotectors of various locali- 
ties, must be included in it. According to some 
narratives, Esseghe-Malan himself was a man who 
had migrated to heaven, and there became a 
Tengri ; Jenghiz-Khan also is looked upon as a 
Tengri. The process of canonization has not been 
completed up to the present time, and we have 
contemporary examples of it. 

A retired major in the Russian army, Yefim Pavlovich 
Sedykh, a poor solitary wretch, settled on the river Selenga 
in the villaf^e o£ Fofanova ; he was in the habit of taidug a 
walk every Sunday up a hill situated near the village. For his 
amusement on these occasions he drank vodka, and under its 
influence he sang and danced till sleep overpowered Iiim, when 
a Buriat servant brought him homo without waking him. And 
so it happened that Yefim Pavlovich Sedykh died and was 
nearly forgotten. His memory, however, was resuscitated 
during a severe epizootic of horned cattle, a calamity tiiat 
came from Mongolia and made its way down the river Selenga. 
Tlie Shamans exhausted all their arts in adjurations and sacri- 
fices, but the epizootic rapidly advanced to the mouth of the 
Selenga, and ruin threatened the Kudara Buriats. Now, one 
of the Buriats, having remembered JIajor Sedykh, proposed to 
offer sacrifices to him, as the lord of the Fofanov hill. Shamans 
were found who were able to compose an invocation to him, and 
a hymn in his praise ; sacrifices were offered, and the epizootic, 
so it is affirmed, ceased. Now Major Sedykh is considered as 
tlie lord of the Fofanov hill, and colleague of the lord of the 
river Selenga. The second instance of contemporary canoniza- 
tion took place almost under the eyes of the writer. Two girls 
were terribly persecuted by their step-mother. Being unable to 
endure their sufferings or to obtain protection from their 
father, they complained to the local authorities ; but the latter 
did not take any steps in the matter, since it is the duty of 
children to obey their parents, and not to make complaints 
against them. The girls, showing extraordinary pluck and 
energy, applied to all the numerous tribimals of' the Russian 
judicial and administrative system ; they got as far as the 
Governor-General of Irkutsk, but here also they failed to obtain 
redress. They returned to Trans-Baikalia, and probably died 
forgotten by everybody. Traditions concerning a wicked step- 
mother persecuting her step-daughters may be found among 
many Buriats. In 1SS9 a destructive epidemic of influenza 
broke out among the Buriats at the mouth of the river Selenga. 
Again the local Shamans were at their wita' end, and, notwith- 
standing all their efforts and their prayers, could not succeed in 
warding it off. They decided to send some Shamans to the isle 
of Olkhon to ask the old and experienced Shamans of that place 
for counsel and help. The wise men of Olkhon found that the 
malady, being a new one, required prayers to new zayans. The 
two sisters above mentioned were remembered ; information 
was collected to the effect that, after their return from Irkutsk, 
they began to practise Shamanism. Gurls and, to a certain 
extent, women, according to the Buriat tales, often possess a 
magic power, foretell the future, perform heroic deeds, and the 
like. Thus a cult of the two sisters was formed, and ceremonies, 
almost mysteries, were arranged, in which not only the 
Shamans, but also the youth of both sexes, depicted the ad- 
ventures and trials of the two sisters. In these invocations it 
is asserted that the unhappy sisters went in search of protec- 
tion, not only to the Governor-General of Irkutsk, but even to 
the Chmese Emperor, the Bogdo-Gegen of Urga, and the Dalai- 
Lama. The last, indeed, prophesied that their misery would 
end on their return to their native place. 

13. Idgins. — Idgins, i.e. lords, protectors of local- 
ities and of tlie phenomena of nature, originating 
from posthumously deified human beings, are 
very numerous. The famous Shamans of old are 
mostly looked upon as jirotectors of their own 
tribesmen, of certain localities, and even of par- 
ticular animals. Every taiga (a primeval forest 
thicket) has its lord. Often, when hunting has 
been unsuccessful in a certain place, one bears that 
the lord of the tiiii/a has lost liis squirrels, sables, 
etc., to the master of a neighbouring <ai(/a at cards. 
The multitude of lords will become quite 
comprehensible when we leave the regions of poly- 
theism and come down to the more ancient strata 
of Burial InOiefs. 

14. Animism. — Ifere, above all, we encounter a 
widely developed .Animism. In stories, a hero, when 
encountering riis adversary, esjiecially if the latter 
is a monster, a multi-headed semi-snake, or semi- 
man (nuingu.s-), often hears the following question : 
' What is that standinj^ belund thee? — thy soul or 
the soul of thy steed ? 



Not men only, bnt also certain objects and 
animals, have souls— not such, however, as men 
liave, but of a lower sort. In answer to the qiiestion 
whether all objoils possess a suncs.'iiin, a soul of 
inferior finality, a Kmlara Shaman said ' No ! ' It 
appeared from questioninj; that only self-moving 
ol)jects possess a siiiic.i.tun, or such as, although 
incapable of moving themselves, ap|iear to have 
the power of manifesting or producing motion, as, 
for instance, a gun or a bow. An arrow, according 
to Buriat stories, .is certainly endowed not only 
with a suiicssKH, but even with traces of a 
rational soul. A discharged arrow gives chase to 
its lleeing victim ; it threatens it. Here we come 
into contact with the question of the complexity 
of the soul. This idea, extremely wide-spread as it 
is anion" imcivilized nations, is a further step in 
the ilevelopment of primeval Animism. Believing 
that everytliing in nature has a spirit, never- 
theless observes that the capabilities and sphere 
of action of dill'erent beings are not identical, and 
that their faculties also are different. Evidently 
in many of these, besides an 'animus,' and besides 
a breadi, simUar to a breeze or atmosphere, there 
is also a whole series of other capabilities ; conse- 
quently in them the soul also is difi'erent. In man, 
and in the higher animals also, capabilities are 
not at once developed ; consequently they do not 
acquire a complete soul immediately. 

The doctrine concerning the complexity of the soul, and the 
existence of several kinds of souls, has long since been noticed 
by European and American ethnologists among almost all the 
Indians of North America. Its existence among the Eskimos 
has been demonstrated bj' Kranz, among the Polynesians by 
Ellis, and among the West Africans by M. H. liingsley, while 
this belief among the ancient Egyptians is too well known to 
require more than a mere mention. As far as the Siberian 
Shamanists, and especially the Buriats, are concerned, this 
subject was first broached by Podgorbunski, a priest, who based 
his researches on materials previously collected by Khangaloif , 
Shashkoff, and Potanin. His article, 'Conceptions about the 
soul, the next world, and the life hereafter, among the Shamaiiist 
Buriats,' was published in the Records of the Eastern Siberian 
Section of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, 1S92. 
Later, the same thing was brought to light by Trostsbansky 
among the Yakuts, and by Shvetsott among the Altaians. 

Among some Buriats a belief exists that a child 
acquires a soul only at the age of four years. The 
Olthonian Buriats, according to observations of 
the young Buriat investigator Diamtsaranoff, con- 
sider that man has tliree souls : the least important 
one rests on the bones, and the intermediate one 
flies in the air, and after death becomes a ' Daklnil ' 
(see below). We have already mentioned that the 
souls languish in Erlik-Khan's prisons, but their 
possessors do not die, they only sicken ; and a good 
bhaman may deliver the soul. Shashkofl' ('Sham- 
anism in Siberia,' Eec. of the Imp. Jiuss. Gcog. 
Soc, 1864, i.) tells us why the Shamans of the 
present day do not possess the same power as their 
predecessors. The son of a rich man had fallen 
ill. A wise Shaman guessed that the invalid's soul 
had been taken and was in the possession of the 
highest amongst the gods. Tlie Shaman went to 
him and saw that the soul in question was kept by 
the god in an empty bottle, which he had closed 
w-ith his finger. The Shaman transformed himself 
into a vicious fly, and bit the god so painfully in 
the cheek that he pulled his finger out of the bottle 
and grasped his cheek; the captive soul jumped 
out of the bottle, and the Shaman took it up 
and brought it back to the invalid. After this 
unpleasant incident the god thought fit to limit 
the power of the Shamans. Sometimes the Tengris 
take human souls to theniseh-es, and if they 'are 
pleased with them they call tlie souls up a number 
of times. Such attention on the part of the higher 
beings is not particularly flattering to the Burfats, 
the chosen persons having to pay for the favour by 
sacrificing their longevity. The Buriat scholar 
Dordji BanzarofF, in his book The Black Faith (2nd 

ed., St. I'etersburg, 1S93), has already shown that 
the souls of the wicked remain ;:al-hiiri(-bcn, or 
occupy the middle part between lu^avcn and earth. 
The more circumstantial infoniiiilion of which we 
arc now in ]i(i-isrssi(in tiucs to explain that the .soul 
■HJiiili iicilhrr liiis liri'n ^liilcn nor has accidentally 

il<']Kii IcI h I he IkhIv, bill lias been removed only 

by way of luiliiral dcatii, cannot at first comprehend 
tiie chaujie in its situation, and does not know what 
to do. It sus]iect-s that something unusual has 
happened, nn noticing that its feet leave no traces 
liiOiiiid llii'in cm the ashes of the hearth, and that 
\\:i ^^ i iiu 1 1 1 1 ' 'Uiih woods or over grass does not make 
the slirulis bend beneath its weight or the grass to 
appear trampled. 

As these wandering souls often injure the living, 
it happens that among many Shamanist tribes the 
remaining members of the family in which death 
has taken place migrate to other localities. The 
influence of this fear of the defunct is very great. 
In Mongolia the writer has seen Buddhists, i n the case 
of someone's death in a house late in the autumn, 
move their winter camp away from places where 
they had already collected large stores of fuel — a 
thing by no means easy either to obtain or to keep 
there — to otherplaces, whiletheirformer neighbours 
were afraid to make use of the neglected fuel and 
other winter stores collected by the fugitives. 

15. Souls of the dead. — The Buriats, like many 
other semi-civilized peoples, believe in the existence 
of several categories of souls that after death be- 
come injurious to the living. The best known of 
them are the Dakhuls, Mu-Shnhu, Bokholdoys, and 
Adas. The ' Dakhuls ' mostly spring from the souls 
of the poor, both men and women. Every Buriat 
hamlet has its Dakhul ; but it is injurious only to 
little children. Adults treat them with inditi'er- 
ence. Children of the gods themselves also suB'er 
from Dakhuls. Ukha-SolboiiTengri, having 
married a common Buriat woman, thereby oftended 
the goddess of the sea, and she transformed 
herself into a Bakhul and attacked Ukha-Solbon's 
son. The Tengri sought the help of two Shamans, 
the second of whom managed to save the semi- 
divine child from his sickness. The Alar Bui-iats 
have another enemy of children, a human blood- 
sucker of the vampire kind ; this little creature, 
called Aniukha, has never been seen by any one. 
It sucks up the life blood of an infant. In these 
cases the help of a Shaman is sought. 

The souls of deceased young women or girls are 
transformed into creatures called ' Jlu-Shubu ' — a 
bad or injurious bird — if their father puts tinder 
with them into the grave. A ]Mu-Shubu has the 
ajjpearance of a woman, but its lips project like 
a bird's beak ; it can transform itself into various 
animals, but its beak remains unchanged. It 
always cames tinder under its right armjiit : if 
the tinder is taken away from it, it cries, ' Look in 
your hand ' ; if the person does so, the tinder turns 
into worms ; if he does not, the tinder is preserved, 
and by means of it one may become rich. Be3-ond 
trifling annoyances, the Mu-Shubu cannot do people 
any harm. Souls of the dead sometimes take the 
shape of more injurious beings, such as the so- 
called ' Bokholdoys,' which steal human souls. 

In the story Upitel-Ehubun (= * Orphan ') (Records of the East- 
Siberian Section of the Imp. Russ. Geoff. Soc, Ethnog. Section, 
vol. i. pt. 2nd, Ii'kutsk, 1890), the hero, who understands the 
language of birds, finds the means of curing the king's son. He 
accorduigly presents himself tipfnre the Khan, cures the latter's 
son, and, having hem r> a\ ivli '1. 'if]tarts. On his way he meets 
a number of Bokliel! ., >lr:i-j',ii- ;iway the stolen soul of the 
king's son, and end r- min .■i>ii\ rrsation with the kidnappers. 
He asks them what llie i;ol,)iuMoys are afraid of. It appears 
that thej- are most afraid of prickly shrubs. The Bokholdoys, 
in their turn, ask him why the grass he is walking on gets 
trampled, and why the shrubs break under his feet. ' Because 
I died only recently, and have not yet learned to walk as you 
do,' comes the answer from the living man. Then a second 
question is put to him; 'What were you most afraid of when 



you were alive ? ' It turns out that he was most afraid of fat 
meat. He tlien asks them to tcacli him how to steal souls. 
'Come and just carry this soul,' reply the Bokholdoya, hut 
the cvumiuu' Huriat, having got hold of the soul, hides himself 
vrith it in a lliicket of thorny shrubs. The liokholdoys, in order 
to compel the man to pive up the soul, throw pieces of fat 
meat at him. He screams terribly, but does not part with 
the soul. In the end the liokholdoys depart without havinjx 
achieved anything, and the orphan returns the soul to the 
kin(;'s son and thus completes his cure. 

I'lic ' Alias ' are the souls of dead children. They 
look like miniature human beings, hut their mouth 
is situated tinder the lower jaw, and opens not 
upwards and downwards, but to the right and left. 
( »n raeetinj; people they hide the lower jiart of their 
face in their sleeves in order to avoid being recog- 
nized. People often see the Adas, jiarticularly the 
Shamans. The Adas greatly fear horned owls, and 
in houses where there are children the skin of one 
of these birds is hung up. The Ada.s are injurious 
to chiklren, drink up the ndlk in the yurtas, eat up 
the food, and spoil things. M'lien the Adas become 
too troublesome to a family, a Shaman is summoned. 
One Shani.-tn forced thirteen Adas into a cauldron, 
shut them in with the lid, and burnt them over the 
fire. The Adas can be killed. AVhen dead they 
resemble a little aninial. Besides evil Adas there 
are also good ones that keeiJ watch over dwell- 
ings and guard them from thieves. If a thief 
or an unknown person takes anything belonging 
to the owner of the house, the Adas will not 
give it up, and shout: ' Manai, maiiai!' {'Ours, 
ours ! '). 

Like most other semi-civilized and primitive 
tribes, the Buriats have no marked boundary be- 
tween life and death. The heroes in their stories 
rise up from their graves, and not only they but 
the monsters — the Mangkhatais — slain by them do 
so too. To prevent a slain Mangkhatai from re- 
turning to life, it is necessary to scatter its bones 
and reduce its flesh to ashes. Notwithstanding 
the wide-spread cult of snakes, we do not consider 
that of the Mangkhatais to be merely a local 
Buriat one. Agreeing with Podgorbimski, we 
consider it to have been brought from the South. 
'I'lie Mangkhatais are absolutely identical with the 
Mongolian Mangus and the Raksasas of India ; the 
same must be said of the winged snakes. But let 
tis now return to the question about life and 
death. Besides the idea of life after death, retri- 
bution also is not unknown to the Buriats. Among 
the Records of tlic East Sibcruin Section of the 
Gcor^raphical Society, which liave so often been 
quoted, there are in the section relating to the 
ethnography of the Buriats characteristic data on 
the above question. 

In the story about Mu-Monto, the hero set out for the other 
world in or<Ier to induce' his grandfather to give him a horse 
and a saddle which the father of Mu-Monto had promised him. 
He got to the other world by holding on to a fox's tail. There 
he saw a drove of horses pasturing on bare stones, and yet 
they were very fat ; farther on he saw a herd of lean domestic 
cattle on a splendid pasture-ground. After that be came across 
some women sewn together ill pairs by their mouths ; then 
he encountered Shamans and officials being boiled in cauldrons, 
men with hands and feet tied, and naked women embra(;ing 
knotty stumps of wood. In another place farther on he saw- 
women apparently not possessing anything at all, but living 
in plenty ; and finally, starving ones surrounded by riches. 
At last he found his grandfather, who gave to the hero the 
coveted horse and s.arldlo, and explained to him everything he 
had seen. The fat horses fattening on the stones belonged dui-ing 
their lifetime to a good master, the lean cattle to a bad one. 
The women sewn together by their mouths were slanderers and 
gossip-mongers ; the women embracing stumps were in the 
habit of leading an immoral life ; the ollicials and Shamans 
were being boiled in a cauldron for oppressing the people ; the 
contented-looking women were compassionate ta the poor. In 
another story the hero goes to the Sun's mother, and on his 
way meets with three women : one hanging on a door, another 
on a cow's horns, and a third fixed with her back to a Iwat. 
The first drove the i>oor from her door, the second refused 
niilk to them, the third would not give even water. 

The souls of the dead have a chief of their own 
over them who has only one eye. He can be killed 
by shooting him in the eye. After being killed 

this chief becomes transformed into a pelvis, which 
must be burnt. 

16. Worship of ancestors. — Having to deal with 
such a widely develo])(!d Animism, one is involun- 
tarily confronted by the question of the worshii) 
of ancestors. Among the materials hitherto col- 
lected there are few data relating to this subject. 
Only distinguished jiersons are venerated. Here 
perha[)s the very ancient custom of depriving old 
people of their lives did not jiass away without 
leaving a certain lasting influence. Aged men and 
women were dressed in their very best clothes, were 
seateil in the place of honour among the circle of 
their relatives and friends, and, after conversation 
and libations of wine, were made to swallow a long 
strip of fat. This, of course, resulted in their 
death from suirocation. The custom, according to 
tradition, was droppeil by order of Ks.seghe-Malan- 
Tengri himself; Imt, notwithstanding this, we heard 
of a Buriat who drove away with his feeble gi'and- 
f:itlier and left bim to die in the forest. Stories 
full of examples of parents causing the destruction 
of their children for fear of being maltreated by 
them are not rare. At the same time, between 
brothers and sisters we find again and again ex- 
amples of tender allcction and self-denial. Young 
women are distinguished for their perspicuity, their 
supernatural knowledge, their bravery, strength, 
and proficiency in the use of weapons. Such 
heroines often vanquish the most famous warriors 
and monsters. 

17. Worship of animals. — From the example 
of the above-mentioned horses (§ 15) we have seen 
that animals also pa;is over into the world beyond 
the gi'ave, and live there after death. So it should 
bo, for a is the closest fi'iend of its master. 
The knight and his steed are inseparable. When 
a hero is born in a family, a rare and heroic horse is 
born for him too. Each liero speaks of himself as 
' I, So-and-so, rider of a chestnut, or a black, or a 
steed of some otlier colour.' The horse gives his 
master advice, extricates him from calamities, and 
dies defending his rider. In Bukha-Noin-Baobai, 
the bull that subsequently became one of the 
Western Khans, a Tengri's son and progenitor of two 
Buriat tribes, are clearly seen the germs of totcmism, 
the only diilerence being the fact that Bulclia-Noin 
is not claimed as the protector of any particular 
clan, but is worshipped by all B.uriats. Not less 
honoured is the eagle. In the Jlongolian history 
of Sanan-.Sozcn-Khan (of Ordos) it is mentioned 
that the Buriats presented an e.agle to Jenghiz- 
Khan in token of submission. The eagle is looked 
upon as the son of Khagat-Noin, Khormusta- 
Tengri's son. The eagle was born without feathers, 
and went to the Western Tengris, who stuck 
feathers over the right half of its body ; the other 
side was covered with feathers by the Ea.stern 
Tengris. The e.agle was the first Shaman ; but, 
being unable to communicate with men, it re- 
(juested that its duties should be tr.ansferred to a 
man, and a human son was born to it ; this son 
became the first Shaman in human form. Con- 
sitlerable respect by reason of its wisdom is enjoyed 
by the hedgehog, concerning which many legends 
are current. 

One of theni relates that the lord of the earth, Dibia-Sagan- 
Noin, whilst visitiiig lihormusta-Tengri, .asked the latter to make 
him a present of the rays of the sun and moon. Khormusta was 
puzzler!. To refuse his guest's request was impossible, and to 
gratify it meant to deprive mankind of light. The master of 
the earth took his departure, threatening to vent his venpeance 
on mankind for the violation of tlie rules of hospitality. 
Khornuista, wishing to save uian from such a calamity, tried to 
catch the rays of the sun and moon, but did not suftceed. A 
<'ouncil of all the Tengris w-as convokefi, and the hedgehog was 
invited to it. The hedgehog's apjiearance among the Tengris 
caused general laughter, because it rolled like a ball (as the 
IJtiri.ats think) instead of using its limbs. The hedgehog took 
offence and went home. Khormusta sent spies after'it to listen 
in case the animal on its way might talk to itself. (In all the 



le^ciuls the hodgchofj shows an inoHnation to express its 
thou^'hta uloml.) The hed^'ehog; on it» way home was, iiulceil, 
talkiiii; to it«el(. 'To catoh the ra.vs of the sun and moon is 
impossible,' it was sa^vin^ ; * the loi-d of the earth must lie com- 
pelled to withdraw his demand. Were Khormusta to visit him, 
and ask o( him as a present a horse out of the sun's reliexion 
and an arrow made of an echo, the lord of the earth would be 
unable to procure them.* This speech, overheard by spies, was 
comluunicAted to Khormusta-Tengri, who acted on the hcds^e- 
hog's advice, and in this way extricated himself from the 
ditnculty and saved the human race from misfortune. 

The wise hedgehog is often subjected to ridicule ; 
but it also takes revenge. Once, wliile it was passing 
by a herd of oxen, and, later on, some horses, the 
animals laughed at it. The hedgehog cursed them, 
and declared that they should be men's slaves. 
After that people began to domesticate oxen and 
horses and to make them work. On another 
occasion, when a bridegroom, after taking up his 
abode in his bride's house (this was a Tengri 
wedding), soon left his wife, the hedgehog said 
that the bride ought to be sent to the bridegroom, 
because a bride would not leave her husband's 
liouse, whereas a husband is prone to escape at the 
first favourable opportunity from his father-in- 
law's house. After this both the Tengris and 
mankind discarded the old custom and followed 
the hedgehog's advice. Swans are also highly 
honoured, since in their form the Tengris' daugh- 
ters frequently appear. Swans have their lord 
and protector. Any one killing a swan is doomed 
to die soon afterwards ; the same is altirmed by 
the Buriats respecting ravens and kites. The fox, 
too, in Eastern lands, retains the traits of 
cunning Keynard ; but they are not so malicious 
as tliose of his Western brother. Neither on the 
wolf nor on the bear does he play his malicious 
tricks. The fo.x more frequently plays the part of 
protector, of simpleton, and helps them on in the 
Avorld. In one story two swans get the better of 
the fox in cunning, and almost drown that animal 
in the sea. 

The Buriats, being a race of cattle-breeders, and 
at the same time hunters, have an immense num- 
ber of legends about various animals, of which 
many have their Idgins (lords). 

Besides that of the Mangkhatais, or monsters, 
there exists also a snake-cult widely spread over 
the whole Shamanist world. Ribbons, straps, and 
twisted thongs over the Shaman's vestments repre- 
sent snakes or their souls. Even the world of 
lower animals is not forgotten : these are supposed 
to possess an organization similar to that of human 
society. Ants have their king — Sharagoldgi- 
Khan ; field-caterpillars and worms are also 
divided into communities governed by chiefs, who 
in their turn are under kings. All the animal 
kingdoms have their sovereigns : the birds have 
Khan Garideh, a mythical bird of the Indian tales ; 
the beasts— Arslan-Zon, the lion ; the snakes— 
Abyrga-Mogoi, the snake ; Abarga-Ekhe-Za- 
gassun, the great fish, ranks as king of the 
fishes ; it has 13 tins. The bat alone is not subject 
to any one, it being neither bird, nor beast, nor 
fish, nor insect. The bear, which is so prominent 
in the cult of other Shamanists, does not play an 
important part in the beliefs of the Buriats. 

i8. Tree-worship. — The vegetable world also 
has its sacred trees, «ith their corresponding 
Id<Tins (lords). A sacred tree must liave red pith ; 
it is known by the name of Gan-mod, the fire- 
tree. If used for building bouses, it Mill be warm 
in winter, but it is insecure in of fire and 
lightning. In woods, along footpaths, at fords, 
and on the highest points of mountain-passes, 
trees decorated with ribbons (ircn) are often met 
with. It does not, however, follow that such 
sacrifices are otlered to the tree itself. Jlore fre- 
quently they are intended for the lord of the 
mountain-pass, ford, or forest. Only trees of a 

sliange and uncommon aspect are considered 
worthy of worship. Some plants, according to the 
belief of the Buriats and other Slianianists, cause 
rain and thunderstorms, if dug out; such is the 
root of the Slulirc (iinlini. Others, such as the 
Juniperus cojnniunis, I'irca sibinca, Thymus scr- 
pyllain, Bctitla alba, and Betula daurica are con- 
sidered pure and sacred, and are used in religious 
rites. Along with these there exist also unclean 
trees, such as the aspen tree (Populus trcmulans). 
Wicked black Shamans of both sexes sometimes 
drive even gentle and peaceful Buriats to the most 
extreme degree of exasjieration and even to murder. 
But to kill a Shaman does not mean to have got 
rid of him. To deprive the corpse of the power 
of working harm, it must be fixed down in the 
grave with aspen poles and covered over with 
aspen logs. 

19. Nature-worship. — In inorganic Nature also 
Shamanists find objects of worship. We refer here 
to mountain summits, clilis, etc., which haie their 
own lords or Idgins, one of the most terrible of 
whom is the lord of a clift' at the source of the 
river Angara. At this spot runs a range of sub- 
merged rocks, and amongst them rises a high and 
steep cliff, past which the stream rushes with 
incredible rapidity, the high foaming waves un- 
ceasingly hurling their spray at the rocky ram- 
parts. In former times Buriats susi^ected of great 
crimes were sworn in before this rock. The 
Russian Government, however, has been specially 
requested by them to put an end to this practice, 
as it frightened not only the accused but also 
those who had to administer the oath. ' An un- 
godly man even there, at that awful spot, would 
not be afraid of lying, whilst believers and god- 
fearing men do not dare to disturb the terrible 
zayan even in a right cause, and, however Innocent, 
rather take the guilt upon themselves ' (see Saino- 
kvasoft'. The Law of Custom among the Siberian 
Aborigines). According to the Altaians, the lords 
of mountains quarrel with one another, enter into 
relationship, get married, and form alliances. 

20. Fetishism. — In the part dealing with the 
Tengris we mentioned the stones cast do'nTi by them 
from heaven — the buman shulun and zada. Here 
we have already real fetishes, possessing magic pro- 
perties similar to a magnet, which has the property 
of attracting iron. The Shamanist Turks do not 
stop here : every strange-looking little stone is 
regarded as a saat and tchaat task (saat and 
zada reveal the common origin of the names). 
Such stones are often worn on the girdle, together 
with their knife and tinder, by the Uriankhai 
Sojots. In localities which abound in ancient 
archjeological monuments, ttmiuli, and statues of 
stone, these are called tchaa ta-s, and to some of 
them even sacrifices are offered. According to 
tradition, Jenghiz-Khan was in possession of a very 
powerful magic stone, and in a decisive battle with 
the Naimans, after which the Mongol conqueror ac- 
quired a powerful influence over Eastern politics, 
he made use of his stone, causing a terrible snow- 
storm to arise against his enemies and thus putting 
them to flight. 

21. Earth-worship. — Among the Buriats and 
Mongols earth-worship exists, but it assumed 
different forms among the two. To the Mongols, 
according to Banzaroft', the earth appears as a 
female principle, and heaven as a male one. This 
ancient belief has, according to BanzarofTs state- 
ment, been observed by older travellers among the 
Kumans who inhabited the steppes of South Russia, 
and in ancient Russian historical documents were 
known under the name of Polovtsi, as well as 
among an earlier people that lived in the present 
Northern Mongolia — the Tukiu, according to the 
Chinese transcription, and Turks, according to 



aiRieut luiies, like lapidaiy inscriptions, first 
(IwiipliereJ in 1S93 by the Danisli scliolar Tlionisen. 
Tlie name of tlie KoiWess of the earth was lituf;en ; 
by the Mongols she is luoro often called Tele},'len- 
Edzen, the master or mistress of the surface of the 
earth. In the higher style on Mongolian docu- 
ments the earth is called Altan-tclgey (the golden 
surface). Banzarolfs remarks lead one to believe 
that the word Ktugen was also used in the collec- 
tive sense of the 77 Etugons as a ' pendant ' to the 
99 Tengris. The indications relating to tlie exist- 
ence of this cult among the Kumans and the 
Tukiu, the ancient Turks, and the number 77, 
which is a favourite with the Siberian Turks, 
instead of the multiple of 9, which is usual among 
the Mongols, make one suspect the non-Mongolian 
origin of the cult. Simpler, more original, and 
more exact is the conception concerning the lord 
of the earth among the lialagan Huriats. His 
name is Daban-Sagan-Noin, he is an old man with 
white hair ; his wife is a gi-ey-haired t)ld woman 
called Deleyte - Sagan - Khatun. The Olkhonian 
Huriats, living as they do in the midst of the 
Baikal, otter sacrifice to the mistress of the sea — 
Aba-Khatun — whilst as lord of the whole earth 
we find here Bukha-XoLn, with wlioni we have 
already acquainted the reader. Sacrifices to the 
lord of the earth are made when the agricultural 
season is over. 

22. The cult of the heavenly bodies. — This is 
but slightly developed in the Buriat Shamanism. 
The sun is said to liave its Idgin — a woman to 
whom it is the custom to sacrifice a ram. A 
former investigator, Sliashkoff, saw ongons of the 
sun and moon in the shape of discs covered with 
red stuff; but Khangaloff and Agapitotf could 
find no trace of them ; thus one may perhaps 
agree with Agapitoff that this cult is passing into 
oblivion. The moon is better remembered : accord- 
ing to Shashkofl', it is sometimes the cause of a 
woman's pregnancy. In the short Mongolian 
annals, Allan Tobchi (golden button), it is men- 
tioned that one of Jenghiz-Klian's ancestors was 
conceived of a moon's ray. A legend about a mali- 
cious woman and her step-daughter, whom a wolf 
wanted to devour, but who was saved Ijy the sun 
and the moon, is wide-spread among all the Sha- 
manist tribes. The sun and the moon descended 
and carried off the persecuted girl to the heavens, 
together with the pail she was using to get water 
with, and the shrub by which she held herself whilst 
coming down to the water's edge. The moon pre- 
vailed upon the sun to leave the girl to him, because 
of his feeling lonely on his tedious nightly rounds. 
In the spots which appear on the moon's surface 
the Buriats and other Shamanists discern a girl 
with a paU and a shrub in her hands. We have 
already mentioned Venus — Ulvlia-Solbon, the even- 
ing star, which is considered a Tengri's son. The 
conceptions concerning heavenly bodies are prob- 
ably very ancient ones. The Great Bear is called 
by the Buriats and the Mongols ' seven old men,' 
and sometimes 'seven Tengris.' Banzaroff tells us 
that, in the book of sacrifices, or the veneration of 
the stars and gods, there is a prayer to seven 
Tengris, but he tloes not (piote it. The Turks of 
Siberia call the Great Bear Djity Kudai, ' seven 
gods,' and also Djity Khyz, 'seven maidens.' The 
common name is here an indication of ancient 
origin. In the constellation of Orion every one 
can see three marals (Ceroies iiuiral) chased by a 
huntsman and three dogs. The star with a reddish 
tint has been wounded by the Ininter's arrow. We 
have heard that this hunter is the son-in-law of 
Erlik-Khan. The dogs in time will overtake the 
marals, and that will be the end of the world. 
The Polar star along with the two bright stars 
of the Little Bear group is called the picket, to 

which two lassoed horses are tethered and .-uound 
which they move. We have already spoken of the 
fact that certain occupations (e.(j. the fisherman's 
and the blacksmith's) have their protectors. 

23. Fire-worship. — There are also gods of the 
(■Iiase and of the household, as ' Udeshi-Burkhat,' 
t li<! doorkecjiers ; but the Tengri of fire, the brother 
of Ukha-Solbon— Sakhidai-Noin — stands above all 
and commands the greatest rcs])ect : liis wife is 
known by the name of Sakhala-lChatun. The 
master of fire is called in incantations the nuikcr 
of happiness ; he sits by the hearth nodding his 
head, and with his tinder strikes fire and kindles 
a flame. His wife sits swinging to and fro like 
a person in a state of intoxication (depicting 
the dancing flame on the hearth). Just as among 
the Indo-European nations, fire has a sacred im- 
portance to the Jlongols and Buriats. ' His fire 
is out,' one says of the head of an extinct or 
ruined family. The Mongols, when selling a per- 
son's property for debt, close up his dwelling and 
exting-uish the fire by pouring water down tlie 
smoke-outlet. A bride, in taking leave of the 
paternal house in the company of her friends, 
walks round the fire. On entering her husband's 
house she bows before the lire, arranges the fire- 
wood, and, by way of sacrifice, throws pieces of 
mutton grease on to the hearth. Among many 
Shamanists, tinder, being the means of procuring 
fire, is never placed with the deceased. The ex- 
planation of this is twofold : a corpse is considered 
unclean, and tinder may not be placed alongside 
of one, as it is the symbol of fire, the all-cleans- 
ing element. Likewise a deceased person, as he 
may jjerhaps show hostility towards the living, 
must not be given the dangerous implement pos- 
sessing the mysterious power of creating fire. 

24. Cosmogony. — The cosmogony of the Buriats 
is not distinguished by originality. Other Sha- 
manists have more elaborate cosmogonies : from 
the very beginning they evolve in regular sequence 
the idea of two principles of good and evil. In 
the four Buriat variations known to us we discover 
only fragments, retained in the memory of the 
people, of an entire epic which has been jjre- 
served in the greatest detail in the Altai tales. 
The Bui-iats say that formerly there was nothing 
except water ; then the god Sonibov-Burkhan, 
or (according to others) three gods or Burkhans, 
Esseghe-Burklian, JIaidari-Burkban, and Shibe- 
geni-Burkhan (in the last two are clearly seen 
the Buddhist Maitreya and Sakyamuni), met a 
bird, Anghir(^-1 nrts rutilu), that swam on the waters, 
and compelled it to dive to the bottom of the sea 
and fetch up from there some earth. Anghir 
brought up some black earth in its beak, and on its 
feet some red clay. Thereupon God, or the gods, 
threw both the black and the red earth round 
about, and thus hard soil was formed, upon which 
grew up both trees and a variety of grass. After- 
wards the gods created man (man and woman) 
covered w-itli wool, and in order to decide to whom 
should fall the honour of giving life to the couple 
so created, they agreed to place each a candle in a 
vessel and to retire to rest. He whose candle 
should burn till morning and in whose vessel a 
flower should blossom was to give life to men. 
Shibegeni awoke before the others, and observing 
that only Maidari's caudle was still burning, and 
that there was also a flower grown, whereas his 
own can<IIe was already extinguished and there 
was no llower in his vessel, hastened to change 
candU^s with Maidari and to transjilant his llower 
into his own ])ol. When the others woke \\\i and 
found-the flower and burning candle in Shibcgeni's 
ves.sel, they decided that he was to give life to 
men. Maidari, however, in virtue of his capability 
of knowing everything, was aware of the deception 



Iier|>etratc(l, anil sai*l to Shiboi^eni : ' Tlion liast 
deceived us, and oonsequently the men f^iven life 
by thee will bo deeeivers.' Thereuj^ion the two 
lUnklians tlew up to heaven, and ShibejLjeni j^ave 
life to men, and .set a doj; to "watch tliem. Here 
there api>ears on the scene a new persoji, Shitkur 
(devil), who promised to feed the dog and <^ive it a 
liair coverings to >vard oil" tlie attacks of winter 
frosts, if the dofi" permitted his approach to men 
(llie do;,' was created nukril. without any liair). 
TIio dog was teuipted by this iiruniisc of food and 
hair, and admitted Shitkur to men : Uie latter were 
spat upon, and the dog got covered -with coarse 
hair, hhibegeni thereupon came down to earth 
and cursed the dog, saying that notwithstanding 
its liair it would sutler from frosts in winter, and 
would l)c enslaved by man; it would get beaten, and 
to satisfy its hunger it would have to gnaw bones 
and to devour excrement. As to man, Shibegeni 
shaved oil' all his hair, excepting that on the head, so 
that now man became naked, and only here and 
there, when he is grown, does he get some hair on 
his body. According to this legend men were 
created by a deceiver. In the Altai version, over 
the waters there appear the god of light and his 
assistant Erlik-Khan. Tlie latter plunges doM'n to 
get earth, but on handing it to the god he keeps 
back a part of it ; it grows in his mouth, and he is 
compelled to pray to God to be delivered from this 
infliction. The earth taken out of the mouth 
of Erlik forms, later on, mountains and stones. 
Between the two principles a struggle is carried on, 
until at last the giant of the god of light, INIandy- 
goshun, precipitates Erlik-Khan into the abyss. 
At the present time, according to the Altai cosmo- 
logy, the god of light, TJlghen the Good, governs 
the world, but his goodness prevents him from per- 
secuting and punishing men for their faults. He 
only deprives them of his protection ; then it is 
Erlik who assumes his right to torture men. Having 
sufiered his infliction, men imj^rove again, and re- 
turn to Ulghen. The god of light restrains Erlik. 

25. Ongons. — Turning now to the material and 
ritual side of the ciilt, we shall first treat of the 
ongons. The Turks of Yenisei call the ongon 
ti/us, whereas among the Altaians it is named 
kurmes. On the one hand, it is an image of God, 
and, on the other, God himself, a fetish possessed of 
his own power. The tyus, or ongon, reminds us of 
the role which among some Christian peoples is 
filled by the images of saints. 

In the teaching of the Church the icon is a representation of 
some saint, and has for its object to call up in believers pious 
reminiscences of the life and deeds of the depicted person, and to 
arouse the desire to follow his example, but the common people 
look upon the icons in a different light. Candies lighted before 
the icons are not merely an outward sign of veneration, but 
also a sacrifice to God ; bowings and prayers are petitions and 
thanksgivings for benefits vouchsafed. The saints have their 
own special spheres of influence. St. Humbert is looked upon 
as the patron of hunters ; St. Nicholas as the patron of sailors. 
There are patrons of cattle, and healers of diseases. Even one 
and the same person possesses different qualities on different 
icons. In every chapel one can find several pictures of the 
Madonna, and yet we see the lame and the crippled make their 
pilgrimages of hundreds of miles to pray to a Madonna, the 
healer of the cripple ; others go to another icon to free them- 
selves from nervous fits, hysteria, and epilepsy. The icons 
perform miracles ; consequently in one way or another, either 
by their own power or by that obtained from another source, 
they manifest their capability of acting, and therefore cannot be 
considered as simple representations, or as pictures which en- 
gender certain feelings and dispositions, but as an independent 
power. The conception of the ongons is much more coarse and 
naive. Together with the ongons, pictures are also known 
under the name of ongons ; these represent the deities of a lower 
order. According to Banzaroflf, all the relatives and forefathers 
of Jenghiz-Khan have become ongons ; as ongons also are 
accounted some dead, but renowned, Shamans. The method 
of representing the ong:on does not present much variety. 
Generally speaking, it is either a piece of some material, or 
several pieces with designs, mostly of human figures, and 
%'arious accessories in the shape of owl-feathers or bits of 
otter fur. In some instances we find a coarselv made wooden 
figure of man. The Baikal Buriats (of Kuda, Olkhon, and Ver- 
kholeniik)acknowledge the so-calledmountain ongons. Theseare 

found mostly among newly married couples. On a small piece 
of brocade or silken material are (k-signed a few coarsely made 
bunian figures, the Irvmk being represented by a straight line, 
as also the hands and legs, while the eyes are made of glass beads 
sewn on, over the head being fixed the feathers of an owl ; 
from the ujipcr side of tlie ends of the piece with the above 
designs ril>lKmH haiitr down; on the breast of every image are 
suspcrji] <l hii!: I' 111' s made of tin. Among the anti'iuities 
found I :i / ' . I ii>'iiitains in the Government of Perm, one 
frc'iiM I : , l>ronze figures of birds with their wings 

oiilstii I ,.[,■, 1 , lumian beings with small human figures 
on their br* .i^ls. A i^robable explanation of these little figures 
found on bronze articles and upon ongons is that they re- 
present the souls of the large figures. The number of figures 
and tlieir names vary in different localities. The mount;iin 
ongons are not kept inside the ytirta, but in the yard, and more 
frequently in the neighbourhood of the winter quarters. A 
niche is cut out in a column, and therein is placed an on^on, 
which is first deposited in a wooden case or a felt bag, in which, 
by way of an offering, are also placed branches of the Thymus 
serpyllxmi and tobacco. The Buriats of Olkhon construct a low 
deal enclosure with an overhanging roof, and suspend their 
ongons within the enclosure ; sometunes they cut down a birch 
tree and put it mth its branches in the ground, suspending their 
ongons in felt bags from the branches, just as birds are sus- 
pended in their cages ; then they erect over the tree a protect- 
ing roof of deals. The acquirement of mountain ongons aft-er a 
wedding, when the couple are moving into their own house, 
and the variety of figures on the ongons and of their names, 
seem to point to their representing local, specially venerated, 
household deities. Each of these ongons serves only for its 
particular owner ; after his death the ongon is burnt, and the 
new master calls in a Shaman to consecrate a new one and place 
it in position. Among some Shamanists, as, for example, those of 
Altai, the ongon is fixed for a time only. They make ongons of 
hares' skins and keep them for seven years only, after which 
period they are replaced by new ones. The ongons which are 
kept inside the yurtas are divided into men's and women's; 
the former are kept on the left-hand side of the entrance, or 
Imsband's part ; the latter on the right-hand side, which is 
destined for women and their special belongings. Speaking of 
men's ongons, Agapitoff mentions a very ancient one among 
the Balagan Buriats, which was brought from Mongolia by a 
progenitor of one tribe of Buriats. It consisted of a coarsely 
made human head with hair on it and a beard of sheepskin, 
and had iron rattles round the neck. It was called Borto. 
Judging from the name, it may represent an ancient, senii- 
mj'thical ancestor of Jenghiz-Khan, Burte-Chono. Its Mongo- 
lian origin is corroborated by the fact also that devotions before 
it are performed in the same way as the Buriat Lamaists bow 
before their Buddhas. Although the ongon spirits are accounted 
as lower deities, the ongon pictures are sometimes representa- 
tions also of the highest personages of the Buriat 01,>Tnpus. 
The son of a Tengri, the god of fire. Sakhidai-Noin, and Sakhala- 
Khatun, his consort, have their own ongons — two coarse wooden 
figures covered with red cloth. Such an ancient ongon 
Agapitoff saw in the house of a Buriat fifty years old, who told 
him that it belonged to his grandfather, i.e. to the period 
of the expedition of Pallas and of Georgy. Some ongons of 
fire seen by Agapitoff were evidently of a more recent, com- 
mon origin (ong^an^ 2wniAAf an = ongons with designs on them). 
The Ukhan-Khat ongons, i.e. those of the Water Khans, present, 
on comparison with the above described, the peculiarity that, 
besides the pictures of men, on the upper part of the piece of 
stuff there is a line representing heaven, the human figures are 
drawn in two rows, one beneath the other, and under the lower 
row there are representations of the camel, the snake, and the 
frog. On many ongons which are to be seen in the Russian 
Museum of the Emperor Alexander m., over the human heads 
and above the line roughly representing heaven, a number of 
points stand for the stars. Among the latter one can always 
distinguish the constellation of the Great Bear ; other stars are 
also indicated, but their arrangement has not the slightest 
resemblance to the actual arrangement in the heavens ; some- 
times a cloud in the sky is represented on the ongons by a 
curved line. 

The ongons are very numerous, and would almost require 
an article to themselves. It will suffice here to mention only a 
few of them. Women's ongons, placed on the right-hand of the 
entrance, are generally considered as protectors of children, but 
there are also some which protect child-bearing. Ongons of the 
lords of animals, such as the ferret, the ermine, and the marten, 
are also met with. As lord of the ferret is considered a famous 
ancient Shaman Ollengha, who came from Mongolia, learned 
Shamanism in Pekin, and travelled not on horseback, but on a 
ferret. This Shaman, according to tradition, lived at the time 
when the Buriats were subjugated by Russia, and was the first to 
pay tribute to the White Czar. Tlie distinguishing feature of 
the ongons of animals, with the exception of the lord of the 
goat, consists in the skin of the animal, or a part of it, entering 
into the composition of the design. The Baikal Buriats have 
an ongon with a human figure representing a Shaman with a 
tiimbourine. This ongon was known to Georgy, but we have 
little information about it. Agajjitoff alfirms that, according 
to the accounts of the Buriats, it is a representation of an 
ancient Shaman. There are also ongons of diseases. The one 
which is considered helpful in cases of swellings and boils con- 
sists of a bit of skin cut up into strips in the form of a ring, and 
there is an ongon of the itch— viz. a bit of sheepskin. Ex- 
tremely complicated is the Balagan Khotkho ongon. It is dedi- 
cated to fifty-eight personages among whom are included both 



Ukha-Solbon and the nine tlau^Oiters of Ksae^he-Mftlan and Gaizu- 
ehin— two (;irl3 who had died in winter of cold and hun^'er, and 
who are invoked in the placea at the estuary of tlie Selenj^a in 
cases of influenza (see* above)— and the lord o! the moon and 
sun, IJut all the Khotkho ongoiis seen by the writer had less 
than fifty-eight jiicturcs. The most complete ongon, which is 
preserved in the Museum of the East Siberian section of the 
Geographical Society, has only thirty-eight pictures. 

The ongona of the white smiths— the sons of Bojntoi— stand 
quite apart They, it is asserted, came down from heaven, and 
each one held some smith's implement in his hand. Their ongons 
represent small human figures of iron, holding smith's imple- 
ment-s in their hands. 

With the ongons should be mentioned also the so-called zj/a. 
If a person desires to destroy his enemy, he draws a figure of 
him on a bit of cloth-stuH or paper, and, with adjurations, hides 
it in, or somewhere near, the house of his victim. This is a very 
dangerous thing, esi>eciaUy if done with the help of a black 
Shaman. The victim begins to sicken, and his only safety is to 
he found in calling in a good Shaman, who finds the zya and 
burns it. 

26. Dedication of animals. — Alongside of the 
oiiguns, tliure is a custuiu among Sliamanists of 
(Icdicaliug to tlieir yoils domestic animals. The 
'I'urks of Yenisei and the Altai black Tatars, 
even at the time w-heu an ongon or tyus is being 
prepared, frequently deem it necessary to dedicate 
to the ongon some animal possessed of certain defi- 
nite marks. The process of dedication consists in 
fumigating the animal with the smoke of a burning 
JunijKrus commmiis, in sprinkling it with wine, 
and hanging coloured riboon on it, whilst the 
Shaman chants his adjurations. The colour of the 
ribbon depends on the ongon and the god to whom 
the animal is consecrated. The consecrated animal 
is then sent to the herd, and becomes something 
like a Polynesian tabu. It mtist not be ridden (if it 
be an animal for riding) by any one but its own 
master ; a married woman may not touch it, and 
it must not be used for any heavy work. An animal 
may be so consecrated either for a time or for life. 
These animals are called by the Turks of Yenisei 
yazijkh, by the Sojots adijkh, by the Mongols 
setcHcy. All these words denote both the dedica- 
tion and the tabu. This custom prevails also 
among the Mongolian Buddhists. In Pozdneyell's 
book, T/te Life of the Biulclhist Monks in Mungolia 
(St. Petersburg, 1894), there is a table showing 
the colour which horses must have when they are 
dedicated to certain Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. 
Evidently Buddhism, in its toleration of religious 
superstition among its followers, whilst spreading 
over Mongolia, adopted the ancient custom of dedi- 
cating animals to the higher beings, but changed 
the ancient Shamanist names of the deities into the 
new Buddhist ones. These animals may be con- 
sidered as living ongons up to a certain point, 
although there is a substantial diti'erence between 
the two. The ongon, be it what it may, is at all 
events a god, but the sotertcy is merely an animal 
dedicated to God, and is frequently adopted as an 
addition to the ongon. To every ongon oti'erings 
are made of wine, meat, incense, etc. In the writer's 
work on the tyuses (ongons) of the South Yenisei 
Turks, the order of offering sacrifices to them is 
given in detail. The sacrifices are extremely 
varied. An animal dedicated only to a god is 
carefully kept, but no oflerings are made to it. 
The Buriats also have the same custom. Georgy, 
in his time, saw a horse dedicated to a god. To 
Bukha-Noin is dedicated a grey uncastrated ox ; to 
the Water Khans, a red breeding-ox, and some- 
times also fish or eels ; to the Shaman Itzerkel- 
Aiakhanzaieir, a piebald horse ; to the lord of the 
black horse and his wife, a dark bay horse, and, 
in saciilice, a raven - bhiek one ; to the Eastern 
Tengris are dedicated a chestnut horse and a cow 
of the same colour. To some deities are also dedi- 
cated wild animals or birds : for example, to the lord 
of the ishmd of Olkhon, a j)igeon. Among the 
Buriats' neighbotus — the Karagals — the traces of 
totemism are clear. According to their traditions, 

their people sprang from four brothers — the mole, 
the bear, the eclpout, and man. A totem of the 
mole — the eldest brother — is to be found in the 
yurla of almost every Karagal ; but these people 
are ilying out, for in ISS8 tliero were; only 300 of 
them, and now there are not more than 150. They 
are dying hot h physically and morally , as may be seen 
in their forgetting of their traditions and customs. 
27. Imitative dances. — An interesting phenome- 
non is presented in the so-called naihtn ongoner 
(= merry-making ongons). At the evening parties 
of young people a Shaman is frequently invited to 
enliven the company. Before entering tlie as.sembly, 
he stops at the door and takes oU' his boots and 
girdle (i.e. he follows the customary proceeding 
when tieities are to be invoked), takes into his 
hands the conjuring wands (morini-khorbo = horse- 
staves ; see p. 16''), and begins his invocation to the 
ziiyans (gods). Having finished his invocation, be 
calls fortli one of the deities, and thereupon turns 
himself into that deity, and plays the part of the 
latter. The themes vary greatly. Sometimes he 
plays the part of Batya-ubugun — an old man who 
complains of the infidelity of his wife, tells stories 
of her scandalous on-goings, and seeks her among 
those present. Thereupon the woman herself comes 
forth, and enlivens the young people by her cynical 
sallies. Afterwards Ukha-Solbon, with his three 
wives, is invoked. The most popular personages 
are the belted ongon and the joking ongon. Some- 
times a scene of taming a horse is played. But 
more frequently the Shaman induces the young 
people to dance, to go through different gj-mnastic 
tricks, and awkward persons he jokingly re- 
wards with blows fi'om his staff". The Shaman 
also plays the part of the bear, ox (Bukha ongon), 
wolf, pig, and, among the Kuda Buriats, also of 
Zarya - Asarghi, i.e. the porcupine. In all these 
roles the Shaman imitates the personages whom he 
represents. The funny nature of these displays 
does not obscure their signification. Here we may 
see the origin of those masquerades which have a 
sacred meaning, and in which the youth of Poly- 
nesia still participate ; there, not one person only, 
but a whole assembly or club, a secret society, 
participate in the mysterj'. With fearful masks 
of ghouls on their faces, they terrify the spectators 
(see Schurtz, Urgcschichte der Kultnr, Leipzig, 1900, 
and bis more detailed work, Alterskl(i.sscn und 
Mdnnerbiinde, Berlin, 1902). Masks are by no 
means unknown to the Shamanists. Formerly the 
Shamans used to wear leather and metallic masks 
on their faces ; nowadays they have plaits which 
fall down from their hats over their faces. The 
complete costume of a Buriat or Tung-us Shaman, 
by its numerous i)rojections, imitates a human 
skeleton whose toes are provided with claws. At 
sacrifices, especially great ones, the Shaman carries 
on dialogues consecutively with different deities. 
Not infrequently he performs the ceremony with 
assistants. In Shamanism, however, the dramati- 
zation of religious rites stopped short in the primary 
stage, but it became highly developed in ]S(irlliorn 
Buddhism, in Tibet, also here and there in Mon- 
golia, and partly among the Buriat Lamaists. In 
Tibet they represent whole dramas and mysteries 
from the life of Sakyamuni in his former trans- 
migrations (see Waddell, Buddhism of Tibet, 
London, 1895, \<. 515). 

28. As regards the rites of Buriat Shamanism, 
the presence of a Shaman is by no means required 
in all of them. The feeding of ongons is done by 
the master of a ; even .some women's ongons 
are made by women themsc'lves, without the par- 
ticipation of a Shaman. When crossing a moun- 
tain, there is hardly a Shamanist who would not 
jump off his horse to cast tarasun (wine of milk) 
"before the lord of the pass, and a person of import- 



once ties a piece of ribbon and liorso's liair to a tree 
on tl\e i>as9, near a heap of ytones wbicli has been 
collecteii by tbo faithful. BanzavoH*, in his time, 
notioed lliat even publie saorilit^osuere not all cele- 
brated in the pre.sence, and with the partieipation, 
of a Shaman. The Turks of Yenisei, in summer, 
celebrate tlie so-ciillcd mmmtain s.-u-riliccs (ftfj-f'ti) 
and heaviMiIy siu-rilicrs {fitjer-f'ii), tlie latter bi-in^ 
performed by tiie .ildest of tlie tribe but not by a 
Shaman. Certain .saeiilicfs, on tlit- ormsion of tlie 
birth of aehild, and also of it^ i-a — in- ImiiK hildliood 
to adolescence, are made w itlmut t lie assistance of a 
Shanu\n, just as on the above-mentioned occasions. 
Here everything is done by the eldest of a family, 
and, in case the rites and the pra3fers are forgotten 
by him, he is helped by some experienced person 
acting as a promj)l er. Divination and foretelling the 
future are done also by ordinary competent people. 
The future is guessed by the sound of the string of a 
bow, but the most popular way of divination is by 
means of a sheep's shoulder -blade burnt on the tire. 
This has been knoA\'n from the times of Attila, and 
in Mongolia a large literature exists on the subject. 
Divination is practised also during the sacrilices to 
the Water Khans, and consists of pouring melted 
tin into water : if the tin comes out entire at 
once, without being separated into parts, it is 
regarded as a favourable sign. If the tin poured 
out does not form a regular figure, the latter is 
examined with a view to determining the future 
accordingly. Divination is also practised by arrows, 
for the discovery of missing things. A thick arrow 
is taken, placed on the hand, and the direction 
towards which it inclines is followed. This kind 
of divination is now practised by some Buriat 
Lamas, although every indication points to its 
Shamanist origin. It probably stands in connexion 
^^ith the stories about divining arrows which of 
themselves seek out the object aimed at. 

2g. Sacrifice. — In their form the Buriat sacrifices 
may be divided into private (kirik) and public 

Indispensable adjuncts of every sacrifice are sprinkling 
with wine, milk, sometimes tea, and libations. Tliese are the 
simplest forms of offerings, and are made almost daily. Before 
a Buriat drinks a cup of wine, he throws some drops of it into 
the fire, upwards, and round about. Further, in more compli- 
cated forms of appeal to the gods, there come real sacrificial offer- 
ings, which are slain to the accompaniment of divers ceremonies. 
In this case the soul of the proceedings is the Shaman. He directs 
the libations and invokes the deities ; then he himself plays the 
part of a deit>', and in the latter's name relates the story and 
adventures of the god or gods whom he has invoked previously. 
There is still another very simple way of making offerings, 
which, in the majority of cases, does not require a Shaman. 
This consists in tying ribbons and throwing coins in those places 
in which the presence of some deity is expiected. By far the 
most common and frequent occasion for sacrifices is supplied by 
diseases. For that reason, the Shaman is considered by many 
rather as a physician and diviner than as a priest. The simplest 
form of exorcism against an illness consists in the sick person's 
being seated with his hat on near the fire, when a cup of wine is 
handed to him ; by his side a Shaman takes his stand, fumigates 
him with sacred herbs, and utters an invocation to the particular 
deity ; he relates the biography of the latter, and entreats the 
deity to help the sick one. During the prayer a libation of wine 
is made thrice ; the fourth libation ia for the ongon, lord of the 
ferret, who is considered as the patron of the hearth ; after 
this a cup of wine is handed to the Shaman, who, after 
sprinkling to the lord gf fire and drinking some of the contents, 
hands the cup back to*he members of the household ; the next 
cup is poured out for the sick person, who shares it with his 
relatives ; and the last cup is intended for the Shaman. There 
are other ways of curing diseases, into which is introduced, 
together with the mystic acts, an element of a purely thera- 
peutic character : such are the tarhns, Ukhan-tarim, viz. 
the water-fanm, consists in the sick man, most frequently 
suffering from rheumatism, being, after divers exorcisms and 
aspersions made by a Shaman, besprinkled or (as in a Russian 
bath-house) beaten with a hunch of sacred herbs dipped in 
boiling and consecrated water. In doinc; this the Shaman 
raves like a madman, calUng out 'Ehal^ai, khalkai,' 'Hot, 
hot'; and then 'Tijti/, tyty,' 'Cold, cold,' in this way driving 
out the disease. This rite over, the patient, who has been per- 
spiring very freely, is wrapped in his fur coat and put to bed. 
The fire-?an?/i is the rite at which the Shaman brings iron to a 
white heat, rubs his foot on it, and places it over the diseased 

Sometimes, but rarely, the water- and fire-(an7?w follow one 
another, i.e. first the water cure ia applied, and then the Are. 

Very intertsting arc tlie cures consisLing in the substitution 
for a sirk ni;ui nt another person or animal. An astonishing 
hist-orii'.'il I \;iiii[»Ir '■{ litis was shown in the sickness of a Mon- 
golian Mian, rill' ilhifss would not yield to either Lama's or 
ShanianV h. ihii' nt, therefore recourse was had to an extreme 
incasiin- : instraii ^i the Khan's soul, the souls of a hundred of 
his Buhjcct-s who inhabited the woodlands of the Mongolian 
mountain chain, 'Ghentey,' were presented to the evil spirit 
Shitkur. The details of this remarkable rite are not known 
to us; but evidently the bargain was struck, since the Khan 
recovered ; and yet the people offered to the devil remained 
alive also. This" lihan and his successors did not dare any 
longer to interfere in the government of another's subjects, 
and asked the Bogdo-Gegen of Urga to transfer them to himself. 
The Bogdo-Gegen himself is the incarnation of a deity, and he 
has no fear of the devil. This small group of the inhabitants of 
Northern Mongolia is known even now under the name of ' the 
devil's subjects.' People shun them, and avoid any relationship 
with them as imclean. The only obligation which they have to 
perform consists in supplying a yearly tribute of game to the 
Bogdo-Gegen, of wild boars, wild goats, and zerens {Anti- 
lope gutturosa). But the Bogdo-Gegen does not himself par- 
take of this tribute ; he distributes it in presents. The Buriats, 
however, have no means to pay to the devils such costly ransoms, 
and they manage to dispense therewith by a simple device. 
Should a child suffer from dysentery, the women of the family 
fill a sheep's stomach with sheep's blood, boil it in a pot, and 
put it, whilst still warm, over the child's stomach, and then, 
taking three pieces of tinder and giving them the names of three 
of the oldest women in the neighbourhood, they place these 
pieces so named in the sheep's stomach, over the child's body, 
and set it on fire. If one of the three pieces of tinder begins to 
crackle in burning, it denotes a favourable issue, since it is 
supposed that, Instead of the child, the old woman whose name 
was ^ven to the crackling piece will die. In carrying out 
this rite, neither the Shaman nor men generally take any part ; 
everything is done by child-lo\'ing mothers and experienced neigh- 
bours. At another similar rite, dolio, no Macbeth-like witches 
take any part. An experienced Shaman is brought to a danger- 
ously ill person, and, in some cases, he offers, in the place of the 
sick man's soul, stolen by an evil spirit, some animal known by 
certain definite signs, which the Shaman with great care and 
minute details specifies. This animal is led into the yurta, 
thrice it is dragged up to the sick-bed, and the patient three 
times spits upon it. Thereupon the latter is killed, its flesh 
boiled, and the patient is made to inhale the steam of the soup. 
The meat is eaten by those present, but a part of it is left until 
the recovery of the patient ; of this a bit is thrown into the 
fire, and the remainder eaten. 

Eirik, like the preceding rites, belongs in intention to pro- 
pitiatory rites, but it presents a generalized form. It is per- 
formed not only in cases of sickness, but of any misfortune. The 
sacrifice in this rite does not denote a substitute for the soul 
of the sick man, but is rather a propitiatory offering. Gener- 
ally domestic animals are sacrificed, and only in rare cases 
fish. The selection of an animal for the sacrifice, as well as the 
enumeration of its signs and peculiarities, is left to the Shamans. 
In kirik we can distinguish three chief moments of action. The 
first is devoted to the consecration of the dishes and beverages 
prepared for the sacrifice, viz. milk-wine and sour milk. The 
invited Shaman fumigates them with the smoke of the fir bark ; 
then he walks out of the yurta, followed by men carrying the 
prepared food ; outside, the Shaman begins to sing a hymn to 
the invoked zayan (deity), three of those present sing with him, 
whilst the others arrange the food, previously prepared at a spot 
which is called turghe, and light the fire under the pot in which 
the sacrificial meat is to be boiled. The consecration ol the 
victim goes on, the Shaman reads a prayer and sprinkles wine. 
This sprinkling may be considered as a distinct moment ; it is 
called sasali barokhu ( = to make sasali, i. e. a libation). "This rite 
is an essential feature and an invariable adjunct of all sacrificial 
offerings when a Shaman is present, as well as a shortened form 
of a sacrifice which every one offers almost daily. When sasali 
is over, the animal is kUIed, its skin is taken off with the head 
and legs, and the larjTix, lungs, and heart are left with the skin. 
The skin is stuffed with straw, and birch branches are stuck in 
the nostrils ; on the forehead, by means of a small stick, is fixed 
a bit of the bark of Picea sibirica called jido ; afterwards the skin 
is hung on a birch tree, full of branches, previously set in the 
ground, care being taken that the animal's head shall look in the 
direction where, in the opinion of the participants, the invoked 
zayan (deity) resides. The boiled meat is separated from the 
bones, the latter being scraped for the removal of the adhering 
flesh, and the whole is placed in a wooden vessel ; part of the 
contents is burnt later on, but the greater portion is consumed. 
"The Shaman, who during the performance of the rites above de- 
scribed is seated with his hosts and drinks tarasun, stands up 
after the sacrificial mounted skin has been hung, and begins his 
invocations to the zayan. The latter makes his approach, and 
the Shaman trembles, feeling the breath of the deity ; he now 
goes up to the latter, now springs back from him, under the 
influence of fear ; at last, getting into a most ecstatic state, 
he suddenly changes his manner : the deity has entered into 
him, and in a tone of authority begins to talk within hmi. The 
zayan, having entered the Shaman, relates his whole history, 
his exploits, and foretells the future. Ha\'ing accomplished 
what he was invoked for, the zayan comes out of the Shaman, 
and the latter at that moment groans, cries loudly, shivers ; he 
undergoes a very painful process; the deity forsakes him, the 



light and the power which were in him disappear, raove away 
from him ; he feela weak ; round about him is darkness ; his 
thouKhta get confused, and sometimes he falls down in a fit, or 
continues standing as it hypnotized ; it is only by di'jjrocs, and 
09 if awakening; from a deep sleep, that he returns to his usual 
mode of life. Such is the description of his sLite given to the 
writer by a young and poi)uIar Turkish Shaman. 

The tailgan is a public sacrifice, performed on behalf of a 
whole community, the sacrificial animals being supplifd l)y 
several household's, according to their means; but the meat after 
the sacrifice is divided equally amongst the participants. The 
tailgan, at the same time, is enjoyed as a popular festival, at 
which the youths engage in wrestling and jumping, whilst in 
olden times there was arrow-shooting. The tailgans dedicalid 
to the various 2ai/ans&re performed at certain definite seasons 
of the year: the one to the Western Tengris in spring corre- 
sponds to the Yakutsk spring festival called yAsycfc/i ; that to the 
Water Khans is in summer, and to the mother-earth at the end of 
the summer season. All the tailgans have a general character ; 
the only special features are connected with the character of 
the deities invoked. The most widely - spread and common 
form of the ritual is that which is practised at the sacrifices 
in honour of the Western Khans. For this aicrifice people go 
into the fields and select there a fine commodious space at the 
foot of a liill. In this festivity only men and girls take part; 
married women and wi<iows have to stay at home. The 
utensils, wine, and sour milk are fumigated with pine bark, 
before starting for the selected spot, by one of the men (cf. 
kiTik). The sprinkhng with tarasvn is done by the Shaman 
at the house of one of the more respected participants in the 
taiigan, where the others also assemble and take part in the 
rite. On an appointed spot utensils with provisions are arranged 
in a row from west to east, whereas the participants take their 
seats towards the south ; the place where they sit is called 
turghe ; in front of the utensils are stuck birch branches, which 
are ^so called turghe. The sacrificial animals are kept apart ; 
there also are steaming the big kettles for boiling meat. When 
everj-thing is arranged, birch trees are stuck into the ground, 
on which later on are hung the skins of the sacrificed animals ; 
thereupon every participant has to supply a white rope of hair 
intertwined with white and black ribbons, which each one 
prepares beforehand. These ropes are tied together, and to 
them is affixed a white hare skin. By means of this rope they 
bind the tops of the birch trees ; the latter are placed in an 
inclined position and are supported with pegs. After the trees 
have been fixed and their tops united with the rope, the Shaman 
reads a prayer, and the participants, having cups filled to the 
brim in their hands, at the command of the Shaman, ' Seg ! ' pour 
out the contents of their cups. This libation is repeated three 
times, after which they throw away their empty cups. For him 
whose cup falls on its bottom the omen is considered favourable ; 
tWs person is acclaimed by all with ' Torokh ! torokh!' These 
libations are further repeated, but previously the Shaman places 
in every cup a branch of the Picea (Jid-o). Afterwards sour 
milk is" offered to the sacrificial animals. Among classical 
peoples it was also a custom to offer drink to the sacrificial 
animals before they were killed. Afterwards the sacrificial 
animals are killed, and their skins and meat are treated as has 
been already described at the kirik. The bones of the animals, 
each one separately, are collected on little tables made of 
birch sticks and burnt ; the ends of the intestines of the animals 
are burnt on a separate fire. The principal rite is performed 
after the ceremony. E\'er>" one takes a pail, in which meat is 
put, and stands up ; the Shaman invokes the Western zayans ; 
they come in turns and relate their own stories, until it is the 
turn of Bukha-Noin-Baobai. The Shaman then stands on all fours, 
bellows Uke a bull, butts those present as if with horns, and 
attempts to upset the birch trees tied with white rope, whilst 
several men keep them in position. After his unsuccessful 
attempts at up^'otting the trees, Bukha-Noin goes away, bellowing 
ten times mrif <>Ti hi^ r.-^tum, the Shaman invokes another 
zayan, Nagi'i . i :, i : i tin n the rite is concluded by petitions 
andentreati' '■ v- mi t,'ods for divers favours. Thisends 
the whole c> t- n,. ■ ,>i n \\y speaking, the tailgan is, in its 
form, a moru wuleuiiily performed kirik. At other tailgans 
the ritual observed is almost identical, but at the tailgan to 
the lord of fire the principal part is done in the yurta, since the 
sacrifice is offered to the lord of the domestic hearth ; the 
tailgan to the Water Khans is arranged at a river, the partici- 
pants drinking the water thereof, and divining not by means 
of throwing down the cups, but by pouring melted tin upon the 
water. The Shaman here does not butt with his horns, but 
tries to throw himself into the river. 

At the domestic sacrifices of the blacksmiths, the master 
heats the iron and strikes it with a hammer, whilst the Shaman 
reads the prayers. Striking the heated iron enters also into 
the ritual of the tailgan to the Eastern Khans. 

30. The Shaman. ^ In all the religious cere- 
monies the SImman is the principal actor. No 
people nowadays call their priests by that name. 
Banzaroir derived the word * Shaman' fron» a 
Manchu root. A Sauioyed would call a Shaman 
Taibey ; a Lapp, Not/da ; a Siberian Tatar, 
Kam\ a Biiriat and >ion<rolian, Loo. BanzarofV 
assures ua that the word ' Shaman ' is met \vit!i in 
Chinese writings of the 7th cent., when Northern 
Mongolia was dominated by Yuan-YuaUy a people 

of Tungus-Manchu origin. But, generally speak- 
ing, the most am-ient mention of Siianuausni may 
be found in Ilcrodotus's reference to ^)ricsts who 
used to divine l)y means of rods. In his works we 
lind also that the way of killing animals by means of 
compressing the aorta is exactly the sanm as that 
which is made use of by the Shaman at saci'iHces 
{iv. 60, 67). The Shamans of the Buriats believe 
in their origin from the eagle, the son of a Tengri, 
and many of the black and white Shamans boast 
of long pedigrees ; they have also many a quarrel 
and reckoning amongst themselves. The an- 
cestors of many became zayans, whose memory is 
honoured by sacrifices. A real Shaman has to 
possess many qualifications. First of all, his 
organism has to be sensitive, full of nerve, and 
receptive. He must have a good memory to re- 
member the manifold formulas and conjurations 
necessary for him to repeat by heart ; he has also 
to make extempore prayers for certain occasions, 
and consequently must be able to give rhythmical 
form to his speech. Above all, he must not 
doubt his own calling and aliilities, and has to be 
sincere. Many of the Shamans are capable of 
most sincerely and devotedly giving themselves 
up to the role they have to fill. When a nervous 
child cries in its sleep or is inclined to hallu- 
cinations, the aborigines say he is ti'oubled by 
spirits and must become a Shaman. It must also 
be mentioned that the native races in Siberia 
are very liable to sutler from nervous diseases. 
Young girls, during their monthly periods, fre- 
quently fall into a temporary aberration ; the 
young men also suffer from aimless yearning, 
which drives many to suicide. All this, of course, 
may account also for the Shamans' disposition and 
hallucinations. Among some tribes there are 
epileptic Shamans, who murmur disjointed words 
during the services ; such Shamans are provided 
with assistant interpreters. We have not, however, 
seen such Shamans among the Buriats. Although 
among them any man who shows certain quali- 
fications may become a Shaman, yet, his abilities 
notwithstanding, he would find himself in an un- 
favourable position in comparison with others who 
had a Shaman's origin and a whole series of Shaman 
ancestors ; these help him and mediate for their 
client, even before Erlik-Khan himself. It is 
possible, however, to note even among the Buriats 
the commencement of an evolution of hered- 
itary priesthood, which keeps up not only the 
education of the people, but also the memory of 
the achievements of their ancestors. The black 
Shamans of the Buriats have gone still further : 
they conceal from the crowd the secret of their 
mysterious lore. They monopolize it in order to 
keep ordinary mortals in fear. It is owing to this 
circumstance that the etibrts of native investi- 
gators, and of persons closely connected with the 
Buriats, are so barren of results in respect of 
knowledge of the servants of the awe-inspiring 
Tengris. There are some cases of grown-up and 
even aged people becoming Shamans ; but these 
are exceptional. Generally it is a child of Shaman 
origin w-lio begins almost from infancy to learn 
his business. The writer saw among the Uriankhis 
a boy of ten years old singing the conjurations 
with his mother during Shamanic attendance on a 
sick man. 

Tlie future Shaman visits the tailgans and the ktriks, watches 
the proceedings attentively, learns of experienced elders how to 
sing prayers and conjurations; but, whilst preparing, ho fre- 
(luently retires into the mountains and forests, and there spends 
many days at a streU:h in solitude. There, by the side of a log 
fire, he utters conjurations, brings himself into a state of ecstasy, 
and masters the technique of Shamanic actions. Sometimes, 
after such practice, a neophyte comes straight out and begins 
his work ; but generally it is necessary for him to obtain the 
consecration which enlightens the Shaman's mind. In thia 
case the principal actor is the father-Shaman, usually the earlj 



instructor o( tho oandidato. The consecration begins witli the 
rite of piiriflcation bv water. Tho water is taken from three 
B«rini,'S, at wliieh an offerinj; of wine is made (o tho lords of 
the sprinjrs. The water is tlien carried hnme :\ni\ w.irmi d ; at 
tlic same time, bundles of vniintf liinhia, iilurli,.! willi tluir 
root*, are also brought in. Iiitn iln- wutrr ar.- Uiinwn ti.,../,Mj/- 
ptnu,Thi/mus scritiiHiivi, .Tnd lln' Lark •■! llu /■,.■-( ..'.;,/r,i. 
Then follows the s:^Tilii-r ,.f :i ,,ii, wi,- i, i i.'i!, i i,.,i i,v 

C0mi>reSSitlg tho aorl i v.a\i I'm I.'i;i<1 Ihru: I ! ii.i'N ill i.iii i., i pi';. i ni i ,,•. i ■ ;,; , ■'. ■ i:, ivi. 

Some drops of the M^ .-1 ,iLr l i l:rl n lli.- w.i; . l , 1 Iirr- 

Shaman, helped at tin- . .n-iii.iii.\ b.v iiiiiu;i.viiMaiiis wlm an- < allid 
sons of the Shaman, divines by means of the shoulder-blude, and 
makes a libation to the ancestors of the Shaman ; then, lowering,' 
the birohes into the cauldron and making them soft, he htriUes 
the naked Shaman with them, at the same time {iivin^j him 
instruction rOL^ardinir his future duties. These deserve to be 
mentioned in detail. " '(1) Wlien a poor man calls thee in, go to 
liitn on foot, claim from him no renuuieration and be satisfied 
with what is given thee. (2) Always take good care of the poor, 
help them, defend them from evil spirits, and intercede for 
them with the good spirits. (3) If a rich man should call thee 
in, proceed to him on an ox (only the poor make use of such 
conveyance), and do not claim much for thy trouble. (4) If a 
rich and a poor man should call thee in at the same time, go first 
to the poor man.' The consecrated one swears duly to obey 
tlie instructions imparted to him. 

After the purification, in a few days, follows the first conse- 
cration. There are in all nine of them ; but there appear to be 
no longer any Shamans who have undergone all these. In the 
first place, every consecration requires some expenditure ; in 
the second place, the persecutions and extraneous hindrances 
to which all non-Christian religions are subjected make the 
native races avoid and shun all public ceremonies. At the first 
consecration, the neophyte, with the nine sons of the father- 
Shaman, goes about the houses to collect the means for def ra3ing 
the expenses of the ceremony. Afterwards the father-Shaman, 
his nine sons, and the consecrated one proceed into solitude 
to hold a nine days' fast, their food consisting only of tea and 
toasted flour. To keep away evil spirits from the yurta, or rude 
hut, in which the fasters reside, it is tied three times round with 
a rope of hair, and some wooden ornaments having a symbolical 
meaning are here and there attached to it On the eve of con- 
secration a Shaman arrives, and along with those fasting 
stags a hynin to the zayans. For the day of consecration the 
following preparations are made. (1) A birch tree is planted in 
the yurta of the Shaman, the top of the tree being passed 
through the upper aperture of the yurta. This tree is called 
izdeshi-burkhan — a symbol of God opening the gate of heaven 
to the Shaman. (2) A birch tree decorated with coloured ribbons 
— red and yellow if a black Shaman is being consecrated, white 
and blue if it be a white Shaman, or all four colours if the 
Shaman is going to serve both the black and the white zai/ans — 
is also placed in position. (3) A burch tree (Azariilii senihi) to 
which is tied a small bell and a sacrificial horse. (4) Ekhc'.shari- 
mes (i.e. the large yellow tree) with incisions made on it in the 
sides, so that the Shaman can spring up it. Afterwards posts are 
fixed to which to tie the sacrificial animals, as well as the trees 
on which the bones of the sacrificial animals will have to be 
burnt. From the tree fixed in the yurta to the posts outside 
either a coloured ribbon is stretched or a path of turf is laid 
out^the way for the neophyte to his high callmg. Next, the 
Shaman's unplements are consecrated, viz. the horse-staves 
(which, among the Buriats, are a substitute for tambourines), 
little bells — k-hcst^ Hchcs^, khesm, strictly speaking, means a 
tambourine, but among the Buriats, who "have the horse-staves, 
its place is talccMi by a little bell) — and the khur^ a musical instru- 
ment somewhat resembling a tuning-fork, having a thin wire 
of steel fixed between the two side-pins. When being played, 
it is put into the mouth, which serves as a resonant, and the 
middle wire is set in motion, which then gives a dull, jarring 
sound. The consecration is accompanied by pr.ayers chanted 
to the Western Tengris, and by the smearingof the ends of the 
staves with blood. Over the khur is sprinkled tarasun pre- 
pared on the spot. After the consecration of the implements 
a fresh invocation to the Tengris commences, in which the 
neophyte also takes part. Thereupon they all proceed from 
the yurta outside, and here, as at the purijacation with water, 
hot water is prepared and mixed with the blood of the sacri- 
ficial goat; with this is smeared the bead. Mie ovf.«, and the 
ears of the neophj'te, who is then a- en ^n!.i,, i,,l to strokes 
of the birch on the bare body, the ii. i : . n liim at 

the preceding purification by water ! ' - ip !- The new 
Shaman, with the staves arid the klu.i m 1,il, liands, chants 
along with the others the adjurations, above all to the lord of 
the pole-cat, who established the rites of consecration, viz. the 
learned Shaman who brought to Baikal from Pekm the science 
of Shamanism. The Shaman then climbs up the birch tree to 
the very top, followed by the others. Such, at least, is the 
assertion of Agapitofl and Khangaloff. According to otliers, 
however, the Shaman, at his first consecration, springs up 
only to the first notch made in the tree, the second 
cration entitling him to climb up to the second notch. Every 
new consecration gives the Shaman new privileges, e.g. to add 
new stripes and to hang new rattles on his costume. After the 
fifth consecration he acquires the right to carry the shiri', i.e. a 
box on four legs, the sides of which are filled with representa- 
tions of the sun and the moon and other sj'mbolic figures. It 
IS asserted that with every new consecration, up to the ninth 
the dimensions and the height of the shiri go on increasin"- 
This statement, however, cannot now be verified, since there 

are no longer such multi - consecrated Shamans to be found ; 
more especially, as the custom of carrying the .sVaVtf has been pre- 
served only among the poorest of the Olkhon Buriats. Be that 
as it nia.v," wo have here tho beginning of a priisll) liiriarrli\ . 

Tilt' iiica'iiiiig of the notches on the tree can be , I i' - -1 1 

irniii tin- Altaian Lamaism. Whilst praying to I i h ii_i,i. 

I'li;Iieii, llie .shaman also by degrees raises hiniM m I. _ !,■ r an. I 
higher during tho ceremony. Kvery such notnli deimles a 
special heaven, including tho ninth ; every heaven has ita 
.special deity, whom the Shaman consecutively meets and with 
whom ho holds converse. 

A consecrated Shaman, like the minititers of 
other religions, is distinguished from ordinary 
mortals by special outward attributes, besides 
liaving obligations of service to the gods and 
natural characteristics of his own. As the most 
essential implement of a Bmiat Sliaman must be 
considered the liorse-staves — morini-khorho ; with- 
out them he cannot perform any of the principal 
rites. Tlie stall' is about 80 centimetres in length ; 
tlie upper end is bent, and out of it is cut the 
ligure of a horse's head ; at some distance from 
the upper end tlie stall' forms a small knot ; in 
the middle part the stall' is thicker (the knee- 
joints of the horse), and on the lower end a hoof is 
cut out. On the upper half of tlie staff are lixed 
miniature stirrups, little bells, conical weights of 
iron (shamshorr/o), and coloured ribbons. The staves 
are cut, for the newly consecrated Shaman, from a 
live birch tree standing in a forest where Shamans 
lie buried. It is considered desirable to cut oil' the 
pieces for the staff in such a manner that tlie tree 
shall not perish, otherwise it is of bad omen for 
the Shaman. A Shaman who lias already had five 
consecrations may provide himself with iron horse- 
staves. Their signification can be gathered from 
the description : they are the horses on which 
Shamans fly to heaven and to the earthly zayans. 
As to the tambourine (khcsi), it is but little 
known among the Buriats, although among the 
Mongol Shamanists and Mongolized Uriankhis it 
is in use. At great Shaman ceremonies, in which 
a Shaman and his nine sons take part, and some 
of which the writer witnessed at the estuary of the 
river Selenga, among the Kuda Bmiats, one of the 
assistants holds in his hands a small tambourine ; 
but neither the meaning of the tambotirine, nor 
the role of the assistant, is quite clear. Next, as 
an appurtenance of a Shaman may be considered 
the khur, a tuning-fork, with a wire tongue 
between the sides (see above), an implement 
largely in use among Shamanists. It may be met 
with from the sources of the Amur to the Ural, 
and from the Arctic Ocean down to Tashkent. 
Here and there it is merely a musical instrument. 
The Shaman's mantle (orgoy) is now in some parts 
put on only after death, for biu'ial ; with the white 
Shamans it is of white stufl', and among the black 
Shamans of a blue colour. One no longer hears 
about the Shaman's boots, or about the metal 
diadem, consisting of an iron ring with two convex 
arches, also of iron, crossing one another at 
right angles, and with a long jointed diain, which 
hangs down from the nape of the neck to the heels 
— we know of them only from the descriptions of 
travellers, and from specimens preserved in a few 
museums. The old-fashioned orgoy was shorter 
than the orgoy of the present day. In front, over 
tlie chest part, there used to be sewn at the sides 
thin iron jjlates, and on these Avere hung iron figures 
of single- and double-headed birds, with pictures of 
small fishes and animals. The whole of the back 
jiart was covered with twisted strips of Iron, 
which represented snakes and their rattles (sham- 
shorgo). On the back also were suspended two 
planchets, with a whole row of little bells and 
tambourine-bells. On the chest, above the thin 
plates, used to hang little copper planchets with 
radii. On the sleeves were also hung thin iron 
plates, in imitation of the slioulder, forearm, and 



ray bones {os radialis). On the slices tliere were 
also sewn thin plates in imitation of the tibia, and 
toes of iron witli claws. This prompted Gnielin to 
assert that two Shamans who caiue to him from 
Nizlmeudinsk resembled chained devils. About the 
masks on the faces we have spoken above. Some- 
times the Huriat Shaman has, besides, a whip with 
bells. A proper explanation of all the parts of a 
Shaman's costume luus still to be given. The exist- 
in" accounts are extremely contradictory, since the 
old travellers were so little prei)ared for the study 
of Shamanism at the period of its development. 

31. Thus equip))ed, the jiricst enters upon his 
difficult calling. If he be a white Shaman and his 
first ellbrts are successful, he is beloved and re- 
ceived by all. But if he be a black (or a female) 
Shaman, he (or she) is feared rather than loved. 
Cases of miudering female and male Shamans, 
simply on their being suspected of having stolen 
sou^, spread disease, or caused drought and other 
misfortunes, are not infrequent. Shamans are 
rarely well-to-do or possessed of means ; they are 
unpractical people, and sometimes, when their 
work is hard, tliey have recourse to stimulants, 
which shatter still more their disordered nervous 
system. The writer saw a big Shaman the day after 
he had worked throughout the night. He was lying 
utterly exhausted and could scarcely breathe. We 
offered him a glass of brandy, in the hope that it 
would refresh liim, and that he would take food to 
strengthen Idm : but instead of taking food he at 
once jumped oH' his bed, snatched his tambourine, 
and, in token of gratitude, wished to entreat the 
gods to grant a favourable issue to our travels ; but 
the excitement soon passed off', and he fell down 
and went to sleep. We had to leave the place with- 
out his blessing, as we could not wait until he awoke. 
Nearing the end of his eartlily travels, when there 
no longer remains any hope of recovery, notwith- 
standing all the efforts of his brethren, the Shaman 
begins to foretell his own future, what Tengiis he 
will serve, promises to take care of his own people, 
and names the horse which should be despatched 
with him. A dead Shaman's body is kept in the 
ynrta for three days, dressed in a new costume, 
over wliich his orgoy is put. The yoiuig peo]ile, 
his nine sons, compose and sing hymns to his 
memory, and fumigate his body with sacred herbs. 
Thereupon the body is put on the back of the 
horse named by the deceased, one of those present 
sitting with the body and supporting it on the 
horse's back. When the horse has been led three 
times round the yurtn, the dead body is taken into 
a wood, to the cemetery for Shamans. His 
relatives and clients accompany the dead man, 
making libations, and at a place halfway to the 
cemetery they set a table with eatables. On arrival 
at the grave, the dead body is placed upon a felt 
matting, and the ninth arrow is dischai-ged in the 
direction of the house, the remaining eight, with 
quiver and bow, being jilaced with the body to 
enable the deceased to defend good people from 
evil spirits. All the other marks of the Shaman's 
calling are either broken or burnt. A pyre is then 
erected, they set the body on lire, kill the horse, 
and return liome. On the third day they return to 
collect the Shaman's bones, put tliem into a sack, 
and, having made a hole in a thick pine, put the 
sack into it, cover the hole, and jilaster it over. 
Sometimes tlie Shamans' bodies are not burnt, but 
placed ujion a scalfuldiiig erected for the purpose in 
a wood. This kind of burial is also practised by 
the Yenisei Uriankhis. 

32. The present decay of Shamanism is to be 
explained not so much by persecutions as by the 
fact that under the inlluence of Buddhism and 
Christianity the religious horizon of the people 
has expanded to a gi'eat extent. The reUgious 
VOL. III. — 2 

missionary |)olemicists saw in the Shaman nothing 
but a cheat and a conjurer, a man morally depraved. 
His religion was unhesitatingly proiKninced to be 
the w^orship of the evil spirit. One of the most 
enlightened and impartial Russian missionaries, 
who has done a very great deal for the study of 
Shamanism in the Altai, the Arch])riest Basil 
Verbitzky, asserted that in some of the mysteries 
of the Shamans one could not deny tlie participation 
of the spirit of darkn(^ss. 

Let us conclude this sketch by the wor<ls of 
another authority on Shamanism, the academician 
Kiullotl', taken from his Aus Siliiricn, 1884 : ' It is 
perfectly comprehensible when a minister of a 
certain religion and a missionary, preaching and 
glorifying his own teaching, criticizes what he 
considers to be a delusion ; but it is absurd to be 
obliged to read and to hear such asseverations as that 
the Shamanist religion is the worship of the spirit 
of falseliood and of evil, whereas the most import- 
ant of the Shamanist rites — the worship of the god 
of light, Ulghen (among the Altaians)— consists 
entirely of prayers and entreaties for protection 
against the enemy of mankind — the evil spirit ! 
This dirty, half-savage Shaman, illiterate inhabitant 
of the forest — ignorant and poor man as he is — after 
all appears as a propagator of the idea of truth, 
goodness, and mercy in the midst of his country- 
men, who are ignored by the civilized world. ' 

LiTEEAlURE.— Gmelin, /.- ;.. / • ■./ii«ii, Gdttingeii, 1750; 
Pallas, Reise durch r. , i . h inzen des russUchen 

Rcickes, esp. vols. ii. aiil , , 1 :: lu is also a Fr. tr.), also 

Sammlungen der histonicl. _ ,i .\ ajli . A ten liber die numgolischen 
Vulkerschaften, vols. i. and ii., 1787 ; Georg, Beschreibung alter 
Valker des russischen Reiches, 1792, also Merkioiirdigkeiten 
bei den unbekannten VOlkem des russischen Reiches, 1797 ; 
Georgy, Reise durch Sibirien, 1785 ; Alexander Castren, 
Vcrsuch einer buriatischen Graimrmtik, 1845, also EthnotOfjische 
Vorlesinvjcn, and Jieiseberichte uiid Briefe, and Rei^eerinncr- 
vngen (the work'^ of Castri^n do not treat largely of the Buriat 
Shamanism !.iv.|„.r. The works above enumerated form part of 
a seri'^ ' ■),'-■ . 1 ;,- * Jii- i 1\ si ,. iner and published by the 
St. I'tti It I' ! ' r - ■ liiiiler the general title of 

■Ak-.x.u,!, r 1 II, ■.' ~ : . ; ! I liungen'); Shashkoff, 

' Shaii;uui.-.iu 111 .iiULii.!, i.i i.' ■ ' .- ■;/' Imp. Russ. Geog. 6'yc., 
1S64, bk. ii.; Rccurds oj' the i^astcrii Siberian Section 0/ Imp. 
Uuis. Geog. Soc, section of Ethno^aphy, vol. i. pt. v., ' Folk-tales 
of the Buriats, collected by various collectors,' Irkutsk, 1889, 
also vol. i. pt. ii. ' Stories of the Buriats, collected by various 
collectors,' 1889 ; Agajpitoff and Khangaloff, Materials /or 
Research into Shainanisin, ' Shamanism amongst the Buriats,' 
Irkutsk, 1883 ; Records of the East. Sib. Sec. oj Imp. R-uss. Geog. 
Soc, section of Ethnography, vol. ii. pt. i.; Agapitoff, Further 
Materials respecting Shamanism anumg the Buriats, 1890 ; 
Podgorbunski, ' Ideas of the Buriat Shamanists about the 
Soul, the Next World, and a Future Life,' Records 0/ East. Sib. 
Geog. Soc, 1892 ; Dordji BanzarofF, Black Faith, 2nd ed. edited 
by G. N. Potanin, 1893 (Banzaroff gives a whole series of refer- 
ences to Mongol sources) ; Altan Tobchi, Short Mmigolian 
Chronicle, translation of the Lama Galsan-Gombocff, IS.'iG ; 
Mikhailovski, Shamanism: A Comparative Ethnogr. Study, 
Moscow, 1892, partly tr. by O. Wardrop, JAI xxiv. G2-100 (in 
this work the Buriat Shamanism is referred to ; but the autlior 
has worked upon literary sources, and has no original observa- 
tions) ; G. N. Potanin, 'Sketches of North-West Mongolia, 
vols. ii. and iv. publ. of the Imp. Russ. Geog. Soc. 1882, 1885 
(this work contains a great quantity of materials regarding 
Shamanism, obtained both from personal observations and 
from literary sources. It is an indispensable aid to students of 
Shamanism, hicluding Buriat Shamanism. The fundamental 
sources for the latter are Nos. 12 to 17 inclusive. Nos. 1 to 7 
are important for details concerning tlie material side of the 

BURMA. — In order to arrive at definite ideas 
on the religious notions of the population of a 
country like Burma, which is a meeting-point of 
distinct varieties of m.ankind and distinct civili- 
zations, its geographical, ethnological, linguistic, 
and historical positions and the resultant ethics 
have all to be taken into consideration. 

I. GEOGRAPUY. — Geogiaiihioally the country 
known as Burma lies east of India, south of China, 
and west of Siam and modem Indo-China; and 
the population has been ilet'ply aflected by all the 
surrounding religious iulluences. Politically it is 
divided into Upper and Lower Burma — divisions 



that do not nt all alloct religions coiisiUeiations. 
Upper ISiinna is a fairly compact area, roughly 
between 92" and 101° E. longitude, and between 
28° and 20° N. latitude in its extreme limits. 
Lower nurnia is a veiT long-drawn-ont and strag- 
gling area along the Is.E. and E. coasts of the 15ay 
of ISengiil, stretching from about 20 N. a long way 
down the Malay Peninsula as far as 10° N. The 
whole country, therefore, covers a large irregular 
space, within which dwells an apparently hetero- 
geneous population of some ten and a half million 
jjeojile, of many nationalities, and certainly pre- 
senting a great variety of appearance and civiliza- 

II. ErBNOLOGT. —The whole of the existing 
indigenous, i.e. non ■ immigrant, population of 
Burma belongs to the general Indo-Chinese type 
of mankind in one form or another. Ethnologi- 
cally it was, nevertheless, originally an immigrant 
population from the North, migrating from Western 
China — probably from between the upper courses 
of the Vangtse Kiang and Hoang Ho rivers — 
which in very early times entered t'ue area now- 
known as Burma in three main waves. These 
in^■asions are represented at the present time by 
the three chief races iuhabiting the country — the 
Talaings, tlie Shans, and the Burmese— spreading 
over it in that order. Belonging ethnologically to 
these races, themselves all considerably civilized, 
there are a great many lesser tribes in every stage 
of civil de\'elopment from practical savagery up- 
wards. These crop up all over the country, which is 
mainly mountainous. They have been left in the 
wilder parts as backwaters in the rolling stream of 
invasion. The congeners of these tribes are to be 
found all about the long frontiers of Burma, in 
Tibet and the Northern borders of India, in isolated 
patches in India itself to the westwards, eastward 
all over the Indo-China of to-day as far as the 
shores of the ocean, and beyond doubt in many 
parts of Southern Cliina as well. The foundations 
of the religious notions of the whole people must 
be sought, therefore, in those of the aboriginal Indo- 
Chinese races. 

1. The Talaings. — Of the principal races now- 
inhabiting Burma, the Talaings, as the Burmese 
and Europeans call them, or Peguans, as they are 
known to Europeans particularly, or Mons, as 
thej- still call themselves in their own language, 
are the remains of the earliest irruption (Mon- 
Anna,m or Mon-Khmer) of the Indo-Chinese into 
the S.E. corner of Asia, which once presumablj' 
covered the great area between the Khasi Hills of 
Assam and the Pacific Ocean. Although nowadays, 
as the result of conquest by the Burmans as late 
as the middle of the 18th cent., the Talaings are 
almost altogether absorbed by the predominating 
Burman, they always before that exercised an 
enormous influence on the population generally 
as a rulino; race ; and their religious ideas have 
consequently greatly coloured those of the other 
occupants of a large part of the country. 

2. The Shans.— The Shans, as they are known 
to tlie Burmese, or Tai, as they call tliemselves, 
represent what may be termed the mid-irruption 
(Siamese-Chinese) from the North— this time, so 
far as there is acceptable evidence, from S.W. 
China. Beyond the Eastern borders of Burma 
their best known representatives are the Laos and 
the Siamese,^ w-hile to the West they became power- 
ful as the Ahoms (q.v.) of Assam. In fact, they 
have at some time or other extended from the 
Brahmaputra to the Gulf of Tongking, and even 
into the islands of the China Sea. They, too, have 
been a ruling race in many parts of JJurma, and 
have exercised a great influence on the religious 
notions of the people. 

3. The Burmese.— Tlie Bama {wTitten Mramma), 

whom we call the Burmese, constitute the results 
of the latest of the gieat expansions of the Indo- 
Chinese, which took place in comparatively recent 
times, southwards into Burma and the Eastern 
borders of India, and westwards into Tibet, where 
they formed respectively the chief divisions of 
a "reat TibetoBurman race represented by them- 
selves and a number of allied tribes in all stages 
of civilization, from the Western Himalayas down 
to the southernmost portion of Burma. After a 
long and var3'ing struggle for supremacy, the 
Burman has succeeded in the land of his adoption 
in attaining an overwhelming influence, which is 
still increasing owing to the beaten races seeking 
to merge their nationality where they can in that 
of the conqueror. 

4. Classification of allied tribes. — In a country 
where the population is practically of one ultimate 
stock, language plays the most important part of 
all considerations in relation to internal classifica- 
tion and to establishing local affinities and difier- 
ences. It must obviously have a great influence 
over the religions professed by the people. In 
Burma, consciously or unconsciously, students of 
ethnology have almost invariably tended to classify 
race by language, and language no doubt in that 
country is the surest criterion of difl'erence. 

5. Burman tribes. — Adopting the above method 
now, it may lie stated that attached to the Burmans 
proper are eigliteen minor tribes and divisions. 
Of these the Maghs or Arakanese, on the Bengal 
borders to the S.W., and strongly influenced by 
situation, form the chief civilized division ; whUe 
the Lihsaw wild tribes, living among the Shans 
on the Chinese frontier to the N. E. , are the principal 
reiu'esentatives of the lower culture. 

6. The Kachins. — Then follows, in many petty 
subdivisions, the important race of the Kachins, 
also known as Chingpaws and Singhphos. These 
are a specially interesting people as relics of a post- 
Mon-Aimam irruption of Tibeto- Burmans left 
behind in the Northern Hills of Biu-ma, after the 
branches that subsequently liecame the Tibet- 
ans, Nagas, Burmans, and Kuki-Chins had passed 
onwards. Their most interesting feature is that 
they are still following the ancient instinct of the 
main race and spreading steadily southw-ards, 
showing all the old fight and turbulence that 
no doubt served to bring success to their ancestors 
in their emigrations of long ago. Though minutely 
subdivided, they are all one people. All the chiefs 
are considered to be of one family, and a Szi Kachin, 
for instance, settling under a ftfaran chief becomes 
a Maran. 

7. The Kuki-Chins. — All along the western 
frontier of Burma, and spreading far into the 
Assam hills to the West, lies the TibetoBurman 
race of the Kuki-Chins in eigliteen tribes, known 
under a bewildering variety of synonyms, according 
as they have been reported on by Assamese or 
Burmese officials. Tliis people in its still existing 
w-Od condition probably preserves to the present 
day many of the customs once prevalent among 
the whole Burman race, before the civilizing 
influences of Buddhism acted on that nationality. 
On this ground the Chins are of special interest to 
the student of the religions prevailing in Burma. 

8. Shan divisions. — Turning to the minor con- 
geners of the Shans, we find them spread about 
the country as widely as the Burmans from N. to 
S. , but chiefly round by the East. Of the Shans 
proper we have the Southern Shans with Siamese 
influence, and the Northern Shans with the older 
Chinese and Ahom (ancient Assamese) influence. 

9. The Karens. — For our present purpose the 
Karens are perhaps the most interesting and 
valuable division of the Siamese-Chinese race. 
They are now- spread, in fifteen tribes, over the 


a.E. fioiilier and the Talainj; area, ami are alsu 
weil^'eil ill lietwccii the Shans ami liunnans proper 
in Upper Jiurnia. The Karen iindouhlodlj' had 
his original home in China, and his spee<:h helongs 
to the Siamese-Chinese siih-family ; but his ethnic 
peeuliarities are many, and he is not readily to be 
identified with the other races anionj; whom ho 
dwells, and with whom his aflinities lie. A striking 
modern characteristic is his readiness to adopt the 
teachitiLis of,-uiily. 

10. Talaing divisions. — As in the case of the 
other two main races in Burma, the Mon-Annam 
trihcs allied to theTalaings are to be found scat- 
tered about the country, chielly on the N.E. 
frontiers of the Shan States, and even in the centre 
of Upper ISurma, sometimes in a very primitive 
condition. The Talaings themselves may be re- 
ferred to the Northern Cambodian people, and the 
allied tribes, numbering a dozen, may be called 
the Wa-Palaung group. Of these the ' W"M 
Was ' arc chiolly known, outside their habitat, 
for head-hunting on religious ceremonial principles, 
though their close relations, the Palauugs, are 
|ieaceful and industrious traders of some 

1 1 . Relative strength of the races. — By language 
the Census af I'JUI returned roughly 77i per cent 
of the indigenous population as speaking Burmese, 
5 per cent Tibeto-Burmese, 17 per cent Siamese- 
Chinese, i per cent Mon-Khmer. The extent to 
which the Burman is absorbing the other races, as 
shown by domination of language, may be stated 
thus, so far as it is possible to co-ordinate the 
Census statements on this point : of the indigenous 
population the Burmese number 69 per cent, the 
other Tiheto-Burmans 4 per cent, the Siamese- 
Chinese 2G per cent, and the Mon-Khmer 1 per cent. 

12. Minute subdivisions. — One cause of the 
enormous immberof subdivisions of the hill peoples 
especially is well illustrated by the remarks made in 
the Upper Burma Gazetteer, pt. i. vol. i. p. 592, wlien 
speaking of the Akhas (also Akhos, Kaws, II ka- 
Kaws), a remote Lihsaw tribe of the higher hills 
in the Shan State of Kengtung on the Chinese 
border. They have strong Chinese leanings, and 
are of a simple, timid, nnresourceful nature. Akha 
girls will marry any stranger. 

'One often finds half a dozen Cliinanien with Akha wives 
li\ing in an Akha village. Aldi.'i settlements, in which a good 
proixirtion of the male inhahitanta are Chinese, or in which the 
inhabit.ants are of mixed Chinese and Akha descent, style them- 
selves Khochia, or Communities of Guests. It is as well to 
record this fact, because the word will certainly become cor- 
rupted and unintelligible before long, and the people will have 
a distinctive type of feature, which may well puzzle the ethno- 
grapher of the future.' 

Such communities will have also a confused 
mixture of Chinese ancestral and Burmese animistic 
worship. Such must also be the case with the 
ott'spring of the numerous marriages permitted 
between free men and Kachin and Chin female 

13. List of tribes. — The locally recognized divi- 
sions of the peojde are usually spoken of as if 
their names and ethnical reference were well known, 
and in describing superstitions and customs it is 
ditficult to avoid making references to small sub- 
trit)es. It is necessary, therefore, to give here 
a list of those more commonly spoken of under 
their best known names, grouped together accord- 
ing to the ethnology above adopted. 

lyDO-CiiiNESE Tribes. 

(a) Lunnese Group. 
Burmese, Arakanesc, Tavoyan, Yaw, Chaungth.i, Yabein, Inth.a, 
Taungyo, Kadu, Slro, Upon. 

Lihsaw Sub-grouj). 
T.ihsaw, LahCi, Akha, Akho. 

(6) Kachin Grmip. 
Chingi)aw, .Singhpho, Kauri, Szi, Lashi, Marfi, Maingtha. 

(f) Kiiki-Chin Group. 
Xorlhcrn : Thado, .Sokte. Sivin. 
Central : T.ash6n, Lai, .shoiishe, Kvaw. 

Smilhem: Chinnie, Wclaung, "ChinbOk, Vawdwin, Yindu 
(Shendu), Chinbon, Taungtha, Kami, Auu, Sak (Thet), Yoma 

(a) Tai(Shati)Grimp. 
Northern : Burmese Shan, Khiiniti, Chinese Slian. 
Southern : Siamese, l^ao, likun, Lu. 

(It) Karen Grovp, 
Northern : Karenni (Red Karen), Ure, Mano, Sawngtimg, Padcng 
/ayein, Banyang Zayein, Kawnsawng, Y'intale, .Sinhmaw 
Mepauk, Y'inbaw, White Karen. 
.Southern : Sgau, Pwo, Mopgha, T.aungthu. 

(a) North Cambodian Group. 

(//) Wa.PalauHff Group. 
Ilka Jluk, Lemet, Palaung, Wa, Tai Loi, En, Ilsen Sum, 
Mong Lwe, Hka La, Son, Riang, Danaw. 

III. SlSTORr.—The history of Burma, so far as 
the present puri)ose is concerned, is that of a 
struggle for supremacy among the Burmans, the 
Shans, and the Talaings, lasting through all his- 
torical times, with practically no intervention on 
the part of alien races imtil the arrival of the 
English in 1824. The story is a veritable tangle 
of successive conquests and re-conquests of tlie 
whole or part of the country by these races, whose 
influence as such may be said to have been para- 
mount roughly in the followmg regions : the Bur- 
mans in the valleys of the Irrawaddy and Sittang 
Kivers above Brome and Toungoo ; tlie Talaings 
in the deltas of these two rivers below those points, 
and in that of the Salween and what is now the 
Province of Tenasserim ; and the Shans in all the 
country in the hills to the East and North. For 
considerable periods each of these races has been 
supreme over the whole area, the last to rule 
being the Burmans after the middle of the 18th 
cent. A.D. 

Taking as comprehensive a view of the situation 
as is possible in the face of the kaleidosf^opic changes 
presented to us, we may say that there were 
Burman dynasties at Tagaung in tlie North at 
any rate in the early cents. A.D., followed by a 
dynasty connected with them at Prome, succeeded 
in its turn by another at Pagan, which lasted till 
1298. This last gave way to two contemporary 
Shan dynasties at Piuya and Sagaiug up to 1364, 
while a Burman dynasty was set up at Toungoo 
from 1313 to 1540. Contemporaneously there was 
an ancient Talaing dynasty at Thaton and Pegu 
from 573 to 1050, which then became tributary to 
the Burmans of Pagan till 1287, at which date a 
Shan dynasty was set up at Pegu till it was ousted 
by the Burman line of Toungoo mentioned above, 
which then became the Burman dynasty of Pegu 
in 1540. 

In 1364 the Shan lines of Pinya and Sagaing 
became merged in the Burman dynasty of Ava, 
and this in its turn was upset by the Burman line 
of Pegu in 1551. This general dynasty of Pegu 
and Ava lasted, with a good many Shan irruptions 
from Siam, as regards I'egu, till 1740, when for 17 
3 ears a second Shan line was establislied at Pegu, 
giving way linally to the Alonipra dynasty of 
Shwebo, Ava, Amara[)ura, and Mandalay till 
1886, when the whole (country came under the 
domination of the English. The English had in 
tlie meantime taken Arakan and Tenasserim in 
1S26, and all Burma as far north as Thayetmyo 
and Toungoo in 1852. 

All this time there had been an independent 
State in Arakan from early times with varying 
capitals, the last of which was Myaukii (Myo- 
hauiig, the Old City), near Akyab, until it was 
conquered by the Alonipra dynasty in 1782. 

The main point to grasp in all this confusion of 
struggle is tliat the conquerors for the time being 



usurped the chief iulhienco over the popiihitiou, 
aiul dul tlieir best to tlostroy the individuality of 
the conquered, ^vith varying success iihuost up to 
the lutint of oxtiiution, us in the case of the Ta- 
lain;»'s hy the liiuniuns after 1757. And so the 
result hus been thoroughly to mix up t!ie ethical 
ideas of the people subjected to so much change 
of iulluence. 

The capitals of the various dynasties have ex- 
isted all over the country as centres of religi- 
ous influence. Tagaung and Shwebo arc to the 
North. Then come Ava, Sagaing, Myinzaing, 
Piiiya, Amarapura, and Alandalay, all close to- 
gether. Some distance to the South lie Pagan, 
Toungoo, and Prome. The rest, INIartaban, Tha- 
tou, Pegu, and Rangoon, are all in the deltas near 
the sea. Kangocn, liowever, though containing 
the most important Buddhist shrine in the East, 
the Shwedagou Pagoda, was never a native 
capital. Arakan was ahvaj'S a district apart, and 
inTenasserim proper there was never an important 

The religious history of Burma, apart from the 
indigenous influences created by the conflicts of 
the native popiilation, has been materially atlected 
by the introduction of Buddhism from India and 
the consequent Indian modilications of the ethics 
of the people. The history of that introduction is 
still a controversial subject, but it may be gener- 
ally stated thus : The Northern (Mahayana), or 
debased ritualistic School of Buddhism, was the 
first to come into Burma from the North, and also 
among the Talaings in the South with a consider- 
able admixture of pure Hinduism. This brought 
with it a perceptible leaven of Hindu and Indian 
animistic ceremony. In the early centuries A.D. 
the Southern (Hinayana), or purer School of 
Buddhism from Ceylon, began to have influence in 
the Talaing country, and was introduced into 
Burma proper by the conqueror Anawrahta of 
Pagan in the 11th cent, wherever he had power. 
There was then a further overwhelming reWval of 
the same school in the 15th cent., again among 
the Talaings, under the whilom monk. King Dam- 
mazedi or Yaziidibadi of the Kalyani Inscriptions 
at Pegu. This has spread all over Burma, and 
has so wiped out the Northern School that the 
very existence of the latter in the country at any 
time is denied by the orthodox natives of the 
present day, 

LiTEKATURE.— C. C. Lowis, Ceusus Report, pt. i., 1901 ; H. L. 
Eales, Censris Report, 1891 ; G. A. Grierson, Linnuistic 
Survey of India, ii. and in., pts. ii. and iii. ; F. Mason, 
Burma, its People and Productions, ed. Theobald, Hertford, 
1882 ; C. J. F. S. Forbes, Camp. Grammar of the Languages 
of Further India, London, 1881, British Burma and its People, 
London, 1878; A. P. Phayre, Hist, of Burma, London, 1883; 
H. R. Spearman, British Burma Gazetteer, Ran^'oon, 1880 ; 
J. Stuart, Burma through the Centuries, 1909; E. H. Parker, 
Burma Relations with China, Ranjjoon, 1893. 

IV. Ethics and religion.—H will be clear 
that the basis of the religious notions and ethics of 
the people now inhabiting Burma must lie in those 
of the general Indo-Chinese race, as preserved in 
the tliree gxeat branches thereof that have spread 
themselves over the land. The superstructure 
must be the result of such variations as partial 
isolation, caused by local antipathies covering a 
very long period, has brought about in the ease of 
individual tribes and associations, and of such 
accretions and modifications as contact with sur- 
rounding aliens has produced in the couise of 

1. Buddhism. — The professed religion of Burma 
is Buddhism (see next art.). It counts among its 
adherents, according to the Census of 1901, jirac- 
tically the whole indigenous population ; but tlie 
Census returns are in reality entirely misleading, 
as w-Wl be exjilained below (§ 3). 

2. Alien religions.— Of tlie other great religions, 

l)rofessed chiefly by alien immigrants and tem- 
porary residents, the representatives are insignifi- 
cant in numbers. There are about 800,000 Hindus, 
mostly foreigners ; some 340,000 Muhammadans ; 
and about 150,000 Christians, many of whom be- 
long to tlie native population. All the natives 
lirolessing these religions present interesting 
phenomena to the student. There are also a few 
Jews, Jains, Sikhs, and Parsis, who need not be 
considered here. 

(1) Hindu Animists.—Among the Hindus are some 50,000 
Paraiyans and Malas, representing the ' low-caste ' pariahs of the 
Madras Presidency. The uiterest attaching- to these classes in 
Uurma is that they are regarded as Hindus, and are liliely to 
increase largely in immigrant numbers. In reality, however, 
they go to swell the ranks of the undiluted Animists in the 
countrv. In their Indian homes they are classiGed as followers 
of the Saiva form of the Hindu religion, but they are neverthe- 
less ' Devil-worshippers,' i.e. Animists, just as the great majority 
of the inhabitants of Burma are Animists at heart, as will be 
shown later on. 

(■2) Manipuri Hindtts.— There is in Upper Burma, and spread 
in families over many parts of the country, a considerable com- 
munity of Manipuris from Assam, across the hills on the 
Western borders. They were originally Hindu captives from 
Manipur, brought over in the ISLh and early 19th cents., and 
settled about Upper Burma. The lower classes of these forced 
immigrants are now known as Kathes, and the upper classes as 
POnnas. The former have mostly become Buddhists, while 
retaining many of their old Hindu customs, but the latter have 
exercised a great influence as priests and astrologers over all 
classes of their conquerors from the former Koyal Court down- 
wards, and have no doubt had much to do with the existing 
unorthodox practices and beliefs of the professedly Buddhist 
population. Their name implies that they are Brahmana 
(Ptmi/d), though very few could have had any claim to be such 
in their own homes before capture. 

(3) Muhammadans, — Among the Muhammadans there are in 
Burma two native communities which attract considerable 
general attention — the Zairbadis or PathTs, and the Pantbays. 
The Zairbadis are in various ways descendants of Indian 
Muhammadans, who acquired a Burmese domicile and reared 
families by local wives. They have, except in the case of the pro- 
ducts of recent intermarriages in Arakan, thoroughly mixed with 
the people, and in appearance, manner, and costume are not 
easily distinguishable from the ordinary Burman. They are apt 
to be fanatical Muhammadans, with an admixture of belief and 
custom adopted from their surroundings. For instance, their 
women have the same extreme freedom of movement as the 
other indigenous women enjoy. No doubt it would repay the 
student to give the Zairbadis a closer examination than has 
hitherto been accorded them. The Panthays are the well- 
known Muhammadan Chinese of Yunnan, of mixed alien military 
and native descent, who until quite recently ruled there. Some 
of them are settled on the extreme North-Eastern borders, and 
numbers wander about the country as traders, but they can 
hardlv be said to influence the religion of the people. 

(4) 'The Chinese.— There are altogether some 65,000 Chinese 
in Burma, chiefly from the Southern parts of China, who were 
all returned at the Census of 1901 as Animists, except such as 
definitely called themselves Christians, Muhammadans, or Bud- 
dhists, "in the words of the Census Report (p. 35), 'Taoism 
and Confucianism differ but little in their essence from the 
national worship of the people of Burma.' 

(5) The SelU7igs.— In the Mergui Archipelago off the coast of 
Tenasserim is a small race of ' Wild Malays,' known as the 
Selungs, who are primitive Animists, but do not properly 
belong to Burma and its civilization at all. 

(0) Christiaiiiti/. — The strength of the various forms of Chris- 
tianity among the native population is purely a question of 
missionary effort. The Protestants compare with Roman 
Catholics as 90 to 36, and of the Protestants, the Bajitists 
(American) compare with the rest as 67 to 23, the great bulk 
of the remainder being Anglicans. 

(7) The * Christian' sect.— In addition to these there were no 
fewer than 18,000 persons, or over II per cent of the whole com- 
munity, that returned themselves in 1901 merely as * Chris- 
tians.* They largely represent a secession from the Baptists, 
which is of interest as illustrating the manner in which sects 
can arise in obscure and unexpected places. In 1SS4, certain 
members of the American Baptist Church at Lamadaw, Ran- 
goon, had a dispute with their missionary and were formally 
excommunicated, a proceeding acutely felt in an isolated com- 
munity such as any body of Christians must be in a country 
like Burma, Among these people were some who held promi- 
nent official and other positions, and they formed themselves 
into a sect labelled merely 'Christian' without any qualifica- 
tion. They elected pastors of their own, and created their own 
ritual and literature, all printed in Burmese at Rangoon and 

(8) Chi'istianit!/ among the ffare/w.— Christianity among the 
wilder converts, as in the case of the Karens, of whom whole 
villages are now reckoned as Baptist Christians (American), Is 
largely tinged with the old Animism. The mental attitude of 
these people towards religion is still best illustrated Ijy a legend 
recorded in Smeaton's Lopnl Karens of Burma, p. 184, often 
quoted because it so clearly explains so many phenomena ol 



religious practice in general, and because it admirably describes 
' the whole spirit of compromise in which nide uncultured 
minds regard new faiths tliat appeal more to the reason than 
to the iiistiTict— that licrilajjo of an inmiemorial past ' (Census 
Report, I'Jin, p. 2J). The story relates that some children, 
along with a litter of pigs, had been left by their parents on 
a high platform, out of the way of a dangerous tiger. The 
tiger came, and, disappointed of his prey in the house, soon 
scented out the children. He sprang at Iheni, but fell short. 
He tried to cUmb, but the hard, smooth surface of the bamboo 
deQed his claws. He then frightened the children by his 
terrible roars. So in terror the children threw down the pigs 
to him, one after another. Their eyes, however, were fixed not 
on the tiger, hut on the path by which they expected to see 
their father come. Their hands fed the tiger from fear, but 
their ears were eagerly listening for the twang of their father's 
bowstring, which would send the arrow quivering into the 
tiger's heart. And so, say the Karens, ' although we have to 
make sacritices to the demons, o\ir hearts are still true to God. 
We must throw sops to the foul demons who afllict us, but our 
hearts are ever looking for God.' 

3. Animism : Nat-worship. — It is now a recog- 
nized fact tluit, wliatever the profession of faith 
may lie, the practical everyday religion of the 
whole of tlie IJurmcse people.^ is Animism, called 
generally in Uurmese ' Nat-worship,' yiat being tlio 
generic term for all kinds of supernatural beings. 

The term nat is probably not derived from the Indian im- 
ported word natha, 'lord,' though that term has precisely the 
same scope and sense. Its use to describe the indigenous spirit-s, 
and also those adopted from India, is possibly the result of its 
happening exactly to translate such Indian terms as (leva, 
deeatd, and the like, denoting subordinate gods, so far as the 
Burman is concerned with them. 

To the Burman Buddhists, even among the 
members of the late Royal Court and ihe pongyis 
(Buddhist monks and teachers) themselves, the 
propitiation of the Nats (called also by the Karens 
Las, and by the Talaings Kaluks) is a matter of 
daily concern, and in this they are followed by the 
Buddhist Shans and Talaings. Meanwhile, as Sir 
J. G. Scott says, tlic formal exercise of their pro- 
fessed religion need only ' be set about in a business- 
like way and at proper and convenient seasons.' 
In daily life, from birth to maiTiage and death, 
all the rites and forms observed are Animistic in 
origin, the spirit-wor.shipper's object being to 
avert or ndtigate calamity. Nat-worship is the 
most important and the nrost pervading thing in 
religiotis life. Even the Buddhist monasteries are 
protected by the Nats, the spirit-shrines (natkun, 
rmtsin, usually tr. ' nat-houses ') stand beside 
pagodas, and the Buddhist monks themselves 
take part in Aniuiistic rites and act as experts in 
astrology and fortune-telling. * 

' The I:in-man has nmch more faith in ascertaining lucky and 
unhK'ky days and in the derhlctions from his horoscope than in 
the virtue of alms (to Buddhist monks) and the elBcacj' of 
worship at the pagoda' {Thirty-Seven Nats, p. 2). 

At the extremity of every village (yuCison) there 
is a natsin for the guardian nats of tlie neighbour- 
hood, in whose honour feasts arC held at reguLited 
seasons. Certain feasts in honour of the Nats 
were also formally recognized by the former Bur- 
mese Court. Ministers of State, and even the 
King himself, who was the religious as well as the 
secular chief, attended them in tlnir ofiicial capa- 
city ; while the ritual to be obscrveil was carefully 
set forth in the Lawka Byuhd, the Sliwa roriniddn, 
and other treatises on Court etiquette and duties. 
A highly educated Talaing has thus described 
{T/iirty-Seven Nats, p. 2) the prevailing feeling : 

* Not only has ever>' human being, but also every conspicuous 
object and every article of utility, a guardian spirit. When 
people die, it is said that they become spiritual bodies requir- 
ing spiritual food ; and in order that these spirits or nats may 
not harm the living, they make certain customary offerings io 
them. Some persons who have familiar spirits make annual 
offerings to the nats,' He then goes on to say that the great 
Buddhist reforming conqueror in Bunna, Anawraht-a, in the 
11th cent. A.D., attempted to destroy the worship, with the 
result that, ' when the people came to hear about the order 
of the king directing the destruction of their n«(-houses, they 
obeyed it, but they hung up a cocoanut in their houses to 
represent them, and as an offering to the dispossessed nats.' 

In Nat-worship, as practised at the ]>resent day, 
we have, in fact, presented to ns aconijiosite faitli, 
the result of all the influences which have through 

the ages been brought to licar on the modern iii- 
haliitaiit of Burma. Perhaps the best way to 
define the Nats is as supernatural beings derived 
from three .separate sources: (1) The tutelary 
spirits that fill the earth and all that is tliereon, 
man himself and all the creatures, objects, and 
places among which he lives and moves and has 
Ills being — .springing out of the ancient indigenous 
Animistic beliefs of the people. (2) The ghosts 
and spirits of the departed — the ancestor-worship 
of the Chinese and Indo-Chinese races to the 
North and East. (3) The supernatural beings of 
the Buddhists, celestial, teiTestrial, and infernal 
— imported with the professed faith, derived 
westward from the old Brahmanic cosmogony of 
India, and indicating in its terminology and form 
the sources of importation. The Nats and their 
worship represent, indeed, a mixture of three dis- 
tinct cults — nature-worshii), ancestor-worship, and 
demon-worship. The comparatively recent im- 
ports from Inilia are not yet, however, completely 
assimilated in the minds of the Burmese with 
their indigenous spirits. They more or less clearly 
distinguish between them, and keep the ancestors 
and the spirits of nature distinct from the demons 
and godlings that have come to them from across 
the western borders. 

The multiple origin of the modern Nat-worship 
accounts for the long-established attitude of the 
educated and the late Royal classes towards the 
cult of the Nats, in that it lias made them accept in 
its entiretj' the demonolatry accompanying the im- 
portation of Buddhism, and reject the grosser forms 
of nature-worship inherited from their forebears. 
It also accounts for the opposite attitude of the 
uneducated classes, who have accepted in a con- 
fused way the Indian demonolatry, and have at the 
same time adhered to the old mixed nature- and 
ancestor-worship of their inheritance as their chief 
cult. Among the wild tribes, the further they are 
removed fi'ora civilization the more surely do their 
beliefs and practices accord with their descent or 
with their environment. 

This mixture of variant indigenous Animistic in- 
fluences and Indian Brahmanic demonolatry with 
Buddhist modifications tliereof pervades all the 
religion and ethics of the civilized Burmans, Shans, 
and Talaings, and colours all their customs, cere- 
monies, beliefs, and superstitions, and the practices 
resulting therefrom. It is by no means absent 
from those of the uncultured peoples, and even wild 
tribes, who have come and are steadily coming year 
by year in greater numbers, under the influence of 
Buddhism, and in the case of the Karens both 
luider Buddhism and Christianity. This fact should 
never be lost sight of by any one who wishes 
to describe or to study the mental equipment and 
attitude of the peoples of Burma. 

Eclecticism in Bunna. — A confused intermingling of every- 
thing around them is often observable in the religious ideas of 
the more uncultivated tribes of mixed origin, e./j. the Taws, 
Danus, Danaws, Dayes, Kadiis, Yaws, Hpons, etc., but it reaches 
a climax in the Lahus or Muhsos (called also Lahuna, Lahu-hsi, 
and Kioi), who are the Musus, Mo.s8os, and Luchais of Garnier, 
Prince Louis of Orleans, Bons d'Anty, and other French ob- 
servers. The Lahiis are a Tibeto-Burman tribe of the liuiinese 
group and Lihsaw sub-group, living among the Shans and VVaa 
on the N.E. frontier bordering on China. Their traditions are 
Tibetan, and their cult .an amalgam of ancestral Animism, 
Chinese Buddhism, and Burmese practices, with an a<lmi\ture 
of Confucianism. They worsliip tiwara, guardians of houses, 
villages, the flood, the fell, and so on, of the ordinary tJTJe, and 
also a great general sky-spirit, Ne-u. They had priests (Auye) 
in charge of shrines (fv/atig). under a la/uj/e, or high priest. 
All this is Tibetan Buddhism with Chinese nomenclature. There 
is still a ta/uye, the Chief of Moiig Hka, who is civil and ecclesi- 
astical ruler. Uis abode and the temple he controls are Confucian 
in form, but with the usual Burmese Buddhist accessories. The 
shrines are called indifferently tnmnd (Burmese) or /u/ang 
(fUiinese), and are decorated with Chinese inscriptions. Their 
chief festivals (imidoni; and wnuniui) are held at the Chinese 
New Year (like those of the Lihsaws generally), with Chinese 
and Indo-Chinese characteristic^. 



4. Attitude towards Divinity. — Tliere is no doubt 
that the iilea of a siiij;le universal Goil is foreign to 
the Indo-Chinese mind as developed in Hurmii. 
There is no tendency towanls a belief in God, or in 
idols or priests, as tlic symbols or interpreters of 
Divinity, or towards the adoration of stocks and 

The nearest ftppvoaeli to an a]>|>rehension of the idea o! God- 
head is anions the Kacliins. wlio in one series of legends refer 
to Chinun Way Slum. lie is said to have existed before the 
fonuation of the world, and to have created all the Nats. But, 
under the name Ka, he is also the Spirit of the Tilth. 

Nevertheless, there has always been much made of the pos- 
session by the Karens of ti-aditions concerning: God and of ethics 
of a distinctly Christian t.\pe before 1S28, when the existing; 
American Uaptiyt missionary influence commenced. The pro- 
nounced Christian and Judaistic tone of these traditions has 
naturally excited much comment, but there can be no doubt 
that they are imported, probably through early Roman Catholic 
missionaries about 1740 (Vita di Gian Maria Percoto, 1781). 
Their strongly Jewish form has g:iven rise to a rather va;;ue con- 
jecture that they were learnt from early Nestorian Christians, 
during the wanderings of the Karens southwards from their 
original Indo-Chinese home. 

5. The soul. — To the Burman the soul is an in- 
dependent immaterial entity, bound by special 
attraction to an individual body, and giving life to 
it. But the soul can leave the body and return to 
it at will, or be captured and kept away. It is, 
however, es.sential to the life of the body that the 
soul should be in it, and so when it wanders the 
person afl'ected is thrown into, an abnormal con- 
dition, and dreams and swoons, or becomes ill. In 
a general way these ideas are shared by the 
Kachins, Chins, and Karens. The soul is material- 
ized in the form of an invisible butterfly {leippyd), 
which hovers a while in the neighbourhood of the 
corpse after death. The leippyd of King Mindon 
Min, who died in 1878, dwelt in a small. Hat, heart- 
shaped piece of gold (tMnyon), which was suspended 
over his body until burial. 

Sickness is caused bj^ the wandering leippyd 
being captured by an evil spirit or a witch. It is 
recalled by ceremonies (leippyd-hkaw) for adults, 
consisting of offerings to the spirit to induce it to 
give up the leippyd. Infants w-hose mothers have 
died are in great danger lest the dead woman, 
having become a spirit, should retain the leippyd 
of her child. Tlie ceremony in this case consists in 
propping up a mirror near the child, and dropping 
a film of cotton on it. If the film slips down into a 
kerchief placed below the mirror, it is laid on the 
child's breast, and thus the leippyd is saved. 

Among the Kachins there is a belief that persons 
with the evil eye have two souls (nunild), while all 
other people have only one. The evil eye is caused 
by the secondary soul. The Kachins say also that 
the spirit of a man lives in the sun, which is the 
universal essence (probably an echo of Indian 
Vedantic philosophy through Burmese Buddhism), 
and from it the threads of life spread out to eacli 
individual, in whom life lasts until the thread 

The soul is so much mixed up with the idea of a spirit in the 
popular philosophy of all the races, that European observers 
have called the Karen ?a, which is really a synonym for an 
ordinary spirit or nat, the soul. Thus, the Sawngtung Karens, 
the Taungthus, and the Taungyos have a sabd-leippya (paddv- 
butterfl}-), which is the Spirit of the Tilth. So essential is this 
spirit to the success of the tilth of the Karens that, when paddv 
is sold, a handful is always retained out of each basket, to pre- 
serve the saba-leippyu to the sellers. Allied to this belief, 
among the Sgau and Pwo Karens, is the Spirit of Harvest, 
Pibiyaw, which is a cricket that lives in a crab-hole. And so 
the earth thrown up by crabs is used on the threshing-floor, and 
crickets are placed on the yoke-supports of ploughing oxen. 

6. The future life.— Ideas as to a future life are 
but feebly developed in the Indo-Chinese mind as 
exhibited in Burma ; and, where distinct notions 
of heaven and hell are reported (as amongst Kauri 
and Szi Kachins, and amongst Siyin and other 
Chins), they are due to contact with Burmese 

.TI?° Kachins generally do not go beyond consigning the spirit 
of the dead to a position among the Nats, or to the place ' where 

its fathci's and mothers have gone,' accordingly as harm does 
or does not befall the famil.v or any of its members after the 
death. Wy certain ceremonies they induce the spirits of the 
recently dead to go away and not return, but they do not know 
where thev go. Siyin Chins after death still enjoy drinking and 
bunting, but in no definite place. The Haka Chins believe in 
.Mithikwa (Dcadman's Village), divided into Pwethikwa and 
Sattikwa, pleasant and unpleasant. Every one goes to the 
former except those who are slain by the enemy, for they have 
to remain his slaves in Sattikwa until avenged by blood. This 
liresents an Animistic explanation of the blood-feud. When 
Sawngtung Karens die they go to Loi Maw Hill, the home of Lei, 
the tribal guardian. 

7. Benevolent spirits. — The Kachins say that 
Shingrawa, the man-creator of the earth, which he 
shaped with a hammer, is kind and good, and 
therefore little notice is taken of him, and shrines 
to him are few and neglected. This attitude to- 
wards benevolent nnts is important as explaining 
the absence of their worship in Burma, and also 
the statement of most European observers that all 
nnts and spirits are malevolent, which is not the 
case. The Southern Chins also have a national 
spirit, Kozin, who is indift'erent. The house- 
guardian (eing-saung nat) of tlie Burnians and 
Talaings is another instance of a spirit who is 
described as simply indill'erent. 

Besides Shingrawa, the Kachins recognize as 
beneficent nats : Sinlap, the giver of wisdom ; Jan, 
the sun ; and Shitta, the moon. These may be 
worshipped only by the chief, once a year or at 
the periodical national festival [manau), and then 
without sacrifices. Trikurat, or Kyam, is a good 
spirit of the forest, who fascinates tlie game which 
the hunter stalks. He is propitiated by treading 
on ashes from the house-hearth on return from a 
hunting expedition, and sprinkling the blood of the 
victim towards the jungle. The Spirit of the 
Forest himself, Chiton, is, however, of doubtful 
character. In some places he is represented as 
malignant and in others as good-natured. 

The attitude of the ordinary Burman Buddhist in regard to 
this point is shown by an extract from the inscription in 
Burmese on a bell for a village pagoda : ' May the nats who 
dwell in the air and on the earth defend from evil creatures the 
two fat bullocks which plough the fields. May the guardian 
nats of the house and the village keep from harm Chit-ii, our 
son, and Uttle Mil Mi, our darling daughter.' 

8. Nature -worship. — There is a distinct worship, 
or propitiation, of spirits representing Nature 
generally among all the tribes, in addition to that 
of the individual,, familiar, or tribal guardians. 
There are everywhere national spirits of the Sky, 
the Sun and Moon, Rain and the Flood, of the 
Fell, the Forests and Trees, and of Agriculture. 
But the tendency to localize the national spirit is 
everywhere visible, and in reality the national 
spirit is often hardly difl'erentiated from the tribal. 
Good instances of this are to be found in Uyingyi, 
the Spirit of the Neighbourhood, among the Tal- 
aings, and in the ' District ' iiat of the Bmnians and 
Talaings, who is known as ' the Lord ' (Ashingyl in 
Burmese, Okkayd in Talaing). 

(1) Spirits of the Sky. — Mu, or Mushang, is the 
nat of the heavens among the Kachins. I'onphyoi 
of the Kachins dwells in the sky, and generally 
interests himself in the affairs of mankind, and so 
does Upaka of the Burmans ; but his interest is 
sinister, as he snaps up mortals. On the other 
hand, Sinlap, the Kachin Spirit of Wisdom, also 
dwells in the sky. 

(2) Spirits of the Sun and Moon .are found in 
various places. The best instances are the Kachin 
Jan, the Sun, and Shitta, the Moon, already men- 

(3) Spirits of Rain. — The Thein nats of the 
Burmese are the Spirits of the Showers. They 
cause showers by coming out of their houses, the 
stars, to sport in mimic light. Thunder and light- 
ning are the clash of their arras. 

(4) Spirits of the Wind. — Mbon, the Spirit of the 
Wind among the Kachins, may be worshipped only 



at the national liarvest festival {manmi), and then 
by the chiefs alone. The iierioilical winds brin^' 
the feitilizinf,' rain ; hence, no doubt, the oult and 
its impoitanre. 

(5) Spirits (if the Fhod.—The Burmans and Tal- 
aings believe that Manng Ingyi lives in the walcr, 
and canses death by drowning. He has a feast to 
himself in WasO (the liiuldhist Lent). The wild 
hcad-lnintinfi Was are careful to appease Ariyuoni, 
the Spirit of the Flood, on their expeditions after 

(6) Spirits of (he Fell.— The Wild Was are care- 
ful also to propitiate Hkumturu, the Spirit of the 
Fell, on their iiead-hunting expeditions. 

(7) Sjiiritxo/t/'i- Farestsaiulfhe rrec.?.— The most 
wiih'ly s[irend nature-cult of all is that of the forest 
and tree trnts. All the bill tribes dread them, and 
the most characteristic superstitions of the people 
of the cultivated plains are related to them. Every 
prominent tree, every grove, every area of jungle, 
besides the forest in general, has its special nat 
(seikthd in Uurmese), often with a specialized name. 
Everywhere the ordinary home of the non-personal 
and non-famUiar nat attached to the earth is in tlie 
trees. Among all the tribes, every dark and pro- 
minent hill-coppice has a M«<-shrine in it. Among 
the Karens and all the allied tribes, the village- 
guardian lives in a tree, coppice, or dense grove 
near the village, where be has a shrine. Among 
the Tame Was also the village nat dwells in a tree, 
while the Wild Was always hang the guardian 
heads taken in headhunting on the avenue ap- 
proaches to the villages. The general character of 
the forest-«a< is that of an evil spirit. Among the 
Burmans, Hniin Nat drives mad those who chance 
to meet him ; and, despite his occasional good 
character. Chiton, the forest-?if(< of the Kachins, 
represents the evil principle. Wannein, or Pie, Nat 
of the Taungyos is feared throughout a district 
which is larger than the habitat of the tribe. The 
familiar Burmese Akathaso, Seikkaso, and Boni- 
maso, who live respectively in the tops, trunks, 
and roots of trees, are, however, direct importa- 
tions, names and all, from India. 

The attitude of the more civilized peoples in the 
hills towards the forest spirits is well explained in 
an account (jf the Buddhist Palaungs in the Upper 
Burma Gazetteer (i. 491) : 

' Their nats live in a big tree, a well marked hill, a large rock, 
or some such natural feature. They are male and female, and 
all of them have names. The most powerful is the spirit who 
dwells on Loi Seng HUl and is called Takalu. Others of note 
are : Taru-Rheng, who lives near the group of p.Tgodas at Zey.Tn 
Village ; Pcng-516ng, who frequents the dense jungle on the 
west side of the big hiU near Zeyan ; Tahkulong used to live 
close to the ruin of an old pagoda near Payagyi or Selan Village, 
but he was nmch neglected, and has been invited to bestow 
himself in the clump of junjjle on the hillock at the east gate of 
Namshan, due east of the Sawbwi's (chiefs) palace ; the Loilan 
Nat lives on a hill near Myothit, and there are many more.' 

Palaung customs are often illuminating, and one 
of the most instructive is the national festival held 
in March on Loi Seng Hill for the worship of the 
' first tea tree.' Tea is their chief form of agricul- 
ture, and tlie interest in this worship and annual 
fe.stival is that this tree is said to have been intro- 
duced only three hundred and seventy years ago. 
Here we have, then, before us the actual rise of an 
Animistic ritual. 

(,s) S/iirits of Agrieidture. — These are, of course, 
univcrMil, and are best dealt with generally, when 
(Ummi- iiij 1.- tivalsand ceremonies. The Burmans 
and 'l',il,nn.j, liave Pulmadi (Indian origin) and 
Nri;:\ i, S|iii ii > of the l'".arth and Grain respectively. 
Among the Kachins, Wawm or Chinwawm can be 
worshipped by the chiefs alone, and only at festivals. 
The snlja-lcippj/d (iiaddy-butterfly), the Spirit of 
tlie Tilth among the Karens, is worshipped by 
sprinkling lighted distilled litjuor over the ground 
at the time of jungle-clearing by lire (taungijd 

cultivation). Often the tribal guardian and the 
Spirit of Agriculture are mixed up, as in the case 
of the Nat of Loi Maw Hill among the Karens, 
whose festival is in May. 

9. National Festivals. — (1) Quasi-Bud/lhist. — 
The Burmau has a natural talent for making hi.s 
proceedings attractive and beautiful, and his 
national festi\als have, therefore, attracted much 
attention, but the chief of tlicm are now Buddhist, 
or so overladen with Buddhism as not to come 
within the present purview, the Animism in them 
being more or less tlirectly Indian. Such as these 
are the New Year's Feast, Thingyan Pwe, a feast 
of otlerings (to the monks), the Water Feast of 
European observers held in Tagu (April) ; the 
illununations in Thadingyut (October) ; the Tawa- 
dcintha in Tasaungmon (November). 

At the A^ew Year's Feast, the dousing of every 
one met with is perhaps the most remarkable 
custom that the European observes in the country, 
but it is really a reference to Indian Brahmanism, 
as the water represents consecrated water used for 
washing the sacred images. The root-idea of 
throwing it on human beings is to honour them by 
treating them as sacred. Its true ceremonial 
nature comes out well in the words of Sir J. G. 
Scott {The Burinan, ii. 51) : 

'The wetting is considered a compliment. A clerk comes up 
to his master, shekos to him, and gravely pours the contents of a 
silver cup down the b.ack of his neck, sayuig, " I'e kttdaw mi," 
" I will do homage to you with water." ' 

At the Tdwadeinthd Festival, the padi-thd bin, a 
sort of Christinas tree, representing the abode of 
the nats and covered with gifts of all kinds, includ- 
ing money, is of an Indo-Chinese type. It is, 
however, deposited at the jiagoda or monastery, 
and is used for the maintenance of the place or for 
alms at the disposal of the custodians [kyaung- 
thufiyl, kdppiyd ddyakd). 

(2) Indifjcnoiis seasoned. — The majority of the 
indigenous festivals are seasonal feasts connected 
more or less directly with agriculture, and they 
exhibit two prominent .phenomena : There is no 
prayer for assistance connected with them, but 
plenty of precaution that the spirits may not 
interfere, and they mostly include a drunken orgy. 
The root-idea of much of the ceremonial is illus- 
trated by the great October ren<-feast of the 
Palaungs held at Namshan, in which the »ats are 
simply invited to join, their arrival being signified 
by atmosijheric changes determined by the wise 
man called in. 

The Red Karens \\a,vs a. seedtime festival in April, 
at which the ceremony is chielly a maypole dance 
round a ceremonially selected post ; and before 
sowing, the Kachins have six holidays, all connected 
with agricultural operations. What the object of 
the Karen festival is does not appear, but that of 
the Kachins is distinctly to avert danger to the 
coming crop. 

Averting danger is also the clear object of the 
harvest festivals. At the Edu festival of the Bed 
Karens (the term implying merely a 'public 
ceremony'), a tribal scape-goat in the shape of an 
image of an elephant or horse is provided. The 
same idea runs through the harvest feast of the 
Talaings and Burmans, at which a straw woman, 
clothed in skirt (tamein), kerchief, and articles 
of female attire, and a quantity_ of kauk-hnyin 
(sticky rice confection) are put into a cart and 
driven round the fields, and finally .set up at the 
place selected for the bin. The village boys usually 
eat the rice, though in some fear and trembling for 
the vengeance of the nat. The Bed Karens are 
not, however, satisfied with their scape-goat, but 
further ])r(«-eed to frighten away the ghosts of 
friends and relatives by noise, and to appease them 
by small pieces of roasted bullock or pig sent in 



procession to the noxt vill,ai;e, to be eaten l>y friends 
there. 'I'lioy thus avert ilanj,'er in all tlie occult 
ways known to them. 

10. Ancestor-worship. — The obvious origin of 
tlio races inhaliitin;; IJurnia would argue strong 
proclivities towards pronounced aneoir.rworship, 
but it is a matter of great intnv-.i ■.u\<\ iiii]Hiilance 
in the study of religion in the i'ar i;.i>l l hut the 
facts point the other way. The further removed 
tribes are from the Chinese frontier and influence, 
tlie vaguer is the natm-e of the worship of ancestors, 
and the more do their spirits become mixed up witli 
the worship of the mats in general. Thus, among 
the Southern Cliins, as well as among the cultured 
Talaings, Slians, and Burmans, strongly imbued 
with Indian ideas, the ancestors and the general 
iiats are all mixed up. Among the Kachins any 
one may, but does not necessarily, become a nat 
after death, and additions are constantly being 
made to the number of such ancestral nats, on the 
motion of the mediums called in when sickness 
occurs. The most primitive form of ancestor- 
worship is observable among the Hpons, a wild 
nomad waterways tribe of the Burmese group who 
worship only the dead parents, and not even tlie 
grand-parents. When there is any sickness about, 
food is placed at the north end of the house, 
perhaps indicating the origin of immigration, and 
the head of the family prays to his parents to help 
themselves and him. 

On the other hand, tribes along the Eastern 
frontiers show strong Chinese proclivities. The 
recently arrived Mengs (Miaotzu) to the N.E. are 
practically purely ancestor-worshippers, with very 
vague ideas of a general over-ruling power. The 
Yaos, also strongly Chinese, have a particular 
dread of the ancestors, who are worshipped shortly 
after a marriage, at a special altar, which is carried 
into the hills and left there. The more secluded 
the place, the less chance have the ancestors of 
finding their way home. The Aklias propitiate 
the ancestors {miksas), who are said to live in the 
regions of the setting sun, in order to prevent their 
returning home and injuring them. They enter 
the house by the u-cst door, which is tabued to 
inales, though women may use it reverently. 
Similarly, the gates and great entrance arches to 
Akha villages are meant to keep out the ancestors, 
and are closed when a sacrifice is going on. It 
may here be noted that among Karens and other 
tribes the house nats live to the west of the house. 
The Akhas will not talk about the ancestors, as 
they might avenge any derogatory remarks on the 
speaker. The allied Akhos believe that the ances- 
tors dwell at a special hearth in the house tabued 
to all but the family. The Lihsaws, who have 
many Chinese leanings, have a mixed worship of 
ancestors and nats of the forest and fell. 
• ^n '^°temism.— Totemism may be said to exist 
in Burma in certain indications to be found only 
in customs relating to eating and marriage, and 
doubtfully in the naming of children. The tendency 
throughout the country is to eat all edible living 
creatures, without superstitions being attached to 
those selected ; but the tribes will sometimes 
eschew certain animals. Kachins except from 
their diet snakes, wild cats, monkeys, and usually 
dogs. Karens will not eat any monkeys, except 
the white-eyelid monkey. Among Kachins and 
Karens there is in some instances a very strict 
limitation of marriage to certain villages. In the 
Burmese Royal Family marriage between the king 
and his sister (half-sister preferred) was prescribed, 
and such marriages between the original ancestors 
are the rule in tales of origin. Kadu villages are 
divided into two factions, Ama and Apwil, which 
take each other's girls in marriage ; the girls then 
belong to the faction into which they have married 

The strongest indication of a former totemism is in 
a custom among the Kachins by which persons of 
the same ' family name ' are all consiilered to he of 
the same blood, and may not marry even when 
belonging to dillerent tribes. The Shan and Kachin 
.system of naming children after animal ' birthday' 
names, and of changing and concealing personal 
names in after life, has been referred to a former 
totemism ; but this is an extremely doubtful refer- 
ence, especially as the Burmese 7iiin (Indian nama), 
or animal name, distinguishing the birthdays of 
Burmans, relates solely to astrological ideas. 

12. Tales of origin.— The meaning and objects 
of tales of origin told by the tribes in Burma, where 
not directly intended to connect a tribe with some 
revered personage or people of a higher civilization, 
are obscure, and it would be difficult to trace any 
connexion even between tales of animal origin and 
totemism. Most of the tales are merely historical, 
or meant to be historical, as in the cases wliere 
origin is traced to a certain village (Sokte and 
Kweshin Chins), or in the common ascription of 
the birthplace of a tribe to a rock or liill with a 
special name, usually in remembrance apparently 
of some place before migration. Other tales are 
obviously attempts at an explanation, such as 
coming out of the bowels of the earth (Thado and 
Yo Chins). The more civilized tales are old-world 
stories, partly out of their Scriptures, dished up 
afresh, as when the Burmans relate in a circum- 
stantial way their descent from nine celestial 
beings — five men and four women. Sometimes we 
find incomimtible origins recorded by dilierent 
observers of the same tribes or groups of tribes. 
Thus Was are variously said, in dift'erent stories, 
to be descended from celestial beings, frogs, and 

(a) Human origin.— 'Ia.]ea of human origin generally contain 
a miraculous element, but not always. The White Iv'arens say 
that they came from the children of a married brother and sister 
that quarrelled and separated. Kachins alsoclaim descentfrom 
a married brother and sister— Pawpaw Nan-chaung and Chang- 
hko— and the fragments of her child cut up by a nat. White 
Chins came from a man and a woman that fell from the clouds. 
The miraculous elementsometimes involves the idea of virgin con- 
ception, perhaps more or less directly Buddhist. Thus, a variant 
of the Kachin tale of Chang-hko describes her as having no 
husband : and the Inthas claim descent from a Burmese princess 
by the spirit of a lover whom she had never met. The miracu- 
lous element often involves descent from an egg. The Yahao 
Chins are descended from an egg laid by the sun and hatched in 
a pot by a Burmese woman, the Palaungs from one of three eggs 
laid by a Naga (sei-pent) princess ; but this last legend is largely 
of Buddhist origin. The Taws, however, simply say that thev 
came out of an egg. Magic is sometimes brought into play to 
account for tribal origin, as when the Sgau and Pwo Karens say 
that they are descended from a primeval ancestor, Tawmaipah, 
through the magical powers of a boar's tusk. 

(6) Animal on^m.— Hsenwi (Theinni) Shans are descended 
from tigers, and all their sawbunls (chiefs) include hso (tiger) in 
their personal name. Yokwa, Thetta, and Kapi Chins were all 
born of a wild goat. The ancestor of the Maru Kachuis was a 
nat married to a monkey, and their children were the bear and 
the rainbow, and a brother and sister that married. All these 
were nats. 

(f) Vegetable onjin.— Accoi-ding to the Kachins, the Creator 
Chinun Way Shun, made the first man, Shingrawa, out of a 
pumpkin with the aid of the nate. Shingrawa made the earth. 
The primeval pair of the Siym Chins came out of a gourd that 
fell from heaven and split open as it tell. The Tame Was also 
came out of a gourd. 

13. Deluge tales.— Closely connected with tales 
of origin, stories of a Deluge are common in Burma 
among Shans, Kachins, and Karens. The Kachins 
say that the world was destroyed by a flood, and 
only a brother and sister were saved in a boat, 
though the nats were unali'ected by it. This seems 
to point to a partial Hooding of the country at some 
period, as the Deluge tale of the Kengtung Shans 
refers directly to the time before the great lake in 
the Kengtunj: .State was naturally drained otl". 

14. Evil spirits.- (1) Grncni/ fliarcictcristirs.— 
The root cliiuactci istic of the imf.^ is power. They 
can do as they like, and the fullilment of wishes 
depends on them. They are all-powerful, and 



irresistilile so far as niankiiul is conceineil. As In 
the supposed exercise of tlu^ir powers, it is coiu- 
iiionly said liy observers that among the wild 
trilies all the spirits are maleliceiit {nfit.w) ; but 
tiiis is an obvious error, arising out of the fact that 
worship is almost entirely devoted to the warding' 
oil' of the evil spirits, the kindly ones being not 
usually worshipped at all. This is shown in the 
notable instance, inter aim, of the Kachin belief 
that the ghosts of the murdered cannot trouble the 
murderer, as they would bo too much afraid of his 
ghost after his death to worry him while still 

The general attitude of the people of Burma 
towards the evil spirits is well illustrated by that 
taken respectively by the Chins, and the Sgau and 
I'wo Karens. To the Chins the evil spirits are 
individual, and belong to everything — village, 
liouse, clan, family, person, the Hood, the fell, the 
air, the trees, and especially the groves in the 
jungle. They are innumerable. In the house 
aloiie there are twenty, of whom the following six 
are important : 

' Dwopi lives above the door of the house, and has the power 
of inflictins; madness. Inmai Hves in the post in the front comer 
of the house, and can cause thorns to pierce tlie feet and legs. 
Nokpi and Nalwun live in the verandah, and can cause women 
to be barren. Naono lives in the wall, and causes fever and ague. 
Awaia lives above and outside the gate, and can cause nightmare 
and bad dreams' (Upper Burma Gazetteer, pt. i. vol. i. p. 473). 
The Sgau and Pwo Karens believe that Na is 
incarnate in all dangerous animals, and he is cere- 
monially driven away from the fields and houses. 
The Seven Na destroy by the tiger, old age, 
sickness, drowning, man, fall, and 'every other 

(:2) Gho-its. — Tctse is the generic terra for malignant 
ghosts, which are the spirits of those who have 
existed as human beings and are still endowed with 
pa.ssions and material appetites. They roam about 
after sunset in search of human prey. There isi a 
great fear of the ghosts of the recently dead. This 
is illustrated in various ways. Thus to the Kachins 
the ordinai-y evil spirit is the ghost of a recently 
deceased ancestor, and among the Red Karens no 
dead body may be taken through the ■\-illage, or by 
any way but that nearest to the (-emetery, even if 
a hole in the house wall is entailed thereby. T.ur- 
mans have a moiliiied form of the Karen idea as to 
carrying the dead to burial. 

(a) Haunting ghosts.— To the Burmans nati-ein are the ghosts 
of persons who have died a violent death {thatfi) and haunt the 
place of death. Under Buddhist influence the idea has been 
extended to monks and nuns who break their vows. 

((/) Ghosts of women who die in childbirth.— in common with 
every part of India, all the people of Burma have a special dread 
o( the ghosts of women who die in childbirth {thahei). Among 
the Ited liarciis (Ere) no man may help to bury such a woman. 
The Kachin swawm is a vampire, composed of a woman dying in 
childbirth and her child, which transmigrates into animals ; but 
this notion is, no doubt, due to mixed lirahmailic and Buddhist 
influence, from propinquity to Shans and Burmans. 

(3) Forms assumed by evil spirits. — The ideas 
cunent in the most civilized parts among the 
Hunnans as to the forms which evil spirits assume 
are typical of the whole country. They may be- 
come incarnate in dangerous animals, especially 
the large poisonous snake, hamadryad. They may 
be contained in anything, such as a large wooden 
lirabun (low food-stand), which disappears on being 
touched, or a stone pillar embedded m the ground, 
which will rise and disappear suddenly (Mandalay 
District). They take terrifying forms— a leopard, 
a black pig swelling into an enormous black 
shadowy lignre, a white ajiparition rushing at its 
victim (iMandalay District). Ilminzd are the 
ghosts of children in the form of cats and dogs. 
Thnye and tliabct are hideous giants with long 
slimy tongues, whi(-li they use as an elephant uses 
bis trunk (borrowed from India). 

(4) Disease and death. — Disease and death are 
always due to the action of evil spirits. The origin 

of this belief is well illuslrat(rl by the I!ed Karens, 
who say that Lu is a particularly wicked spirit, 
living on corjises and causing disease and death in 
order to supply himself with food. So among the 
Talaings the bouse guardian will cause fever, unless 
oll'erings of money, rice, eggs, sugar, and fruit are 
made to him, as he has to be kept well fed. 

Much of the belief in the causing of disease aiul 
death by spirits is due to the idea of vengeance on 
the li\ing for misfortunes that the spirits have 
snfi'ereii during life. The spirits of the unfortunate 
(tasi, thuyc, thnbit) all cause death or epidemics. 
This idea has brought about a peculiar form of 
vengeance, inflicted by the living on the man who 
introduces an epidemic into a Karen village. The 
unlucky indivi<lual incurs a perpetual debt, p.ay- 
able by bis descendants until the ' value ' of each 
life lost in consequence is wijied out. Vengeance 
for slights and injuries inflicted on spirits is, of 
course, expected. Thus, fever is the natural 
consequence of mocking at a spirit-shrine {natsin, 

There is a mixture of the ideasof the beuevolent guardian and 
the malignant spirit in this connexion, no doubt due to the notion 
of vengeance above alluded to. This comes out clearly in the 
legend of Mabagiri or M.igaye Nat, one of the Thirty-seven. He 
was in the story a blacksmith put to a cruel death at Tagaung, the 
first capital of" the Burmans, and he is .also the house guardian 
of to-day {eingsaung nat). He causes a fatal colic, known as 
Tagaung cohc, and recognized as such in Burmese pharmacy. 
Among the Kachins disease and death are caused by the action 
of ancestors, who have become nats, and pain by the bite of nats. 
In 1902 a quantity of circumstantial evidence was produced to 
the Land Revenue Settlement Oflice of Mand.alay as to a number 
of deaths occurring in succession in consequence of cultivating 
certain fields of the Kanniza and Nanmadawza kwins (cultivated 
areas), all attributed to the action of the guardian nats. 

15. Guardians. — The people of Burma regard 
guardian spirits with mixed feelings. They look 
to them for support and safety in all conditions of 
life, and at tiie same time consider them to be 
decidedly capable of infinite mischief. Thej- occupy 
a place midway between the indiflcrent benevolent 
spirit and the actively malignant spirit. The pre- 
dominant feeling towards the guardians is that 
they have to be kept in a good temper. 

Guardians are, of course, infinite in their variety, 
as everything connected with mankind and his 
environment has its guardian. The propitiatory 
candles ollered eveiywhere at pagodas are in the 
shape of the guanlian 7iat of the day on which the 
worshipper was bom. The combination of the 
guardians of the birthdays of the bridal pair con- 
trols the lucky and unlucky days for marriage. 
All this, how'ever, is Brahmanic influence on a 
Buddhist people. 

(a) Human guardians. — The Sgau and Pwo Karens s.-iy that 
every man has his guardian {la), which may wander in his sleep 
or be stolen by demons, and then follow sickness and death. 
Sickness can be removed only by a sacrifice at which every mem- 
ber of the family must be present, or it is unavailing. Incident- 
ally this is a cause for reluctance to being baptized as a Christian, 
as refusal to join in the ceremony is looked on as committing 
murder ; or, on the other hand, it may lead to entire families 
being baptized together. A convert to Ohrislianity is treated aa 
dead, and there is a mock burial to induce his la to believe that the 
convert really is dead, so as not to miss him at the next sacrifice 
for restoration to health. 

(6) Hotusc guardians.— The eingsaung nat, or house guardian, 
is regarded and treated in a great \ aricty of ways. One use 
made of him by the Talaings is to scare away burglars. The 
Burmese liave largely incorporated their ideas regarding him 
into their acquired Buddhism, and make images of Buddha 
(thayo) out of the bones of respected relatives who have been 
cremated, ground to powder, and mixed with wood. oil (thissi). 
They pray to these ini.agc3 as the house guardians. The incor- 
poreal housenn( of the Burman, however, li\ es in the south post 
of the house (fhabijileing), and so it is adorned with leaves, and 
all cori)se8 are placed beside it when laid out. Among the 
Taunglhus the interest of the house guardian in the people is so 
great that he must be informed if the family is increased or 
■ li'crcased in size. Tlie Karens think that the best way to pro- 
|)itiale the house guardian is to supply him with liquor— an 
instance of anthropomorphism. The abiding terrors of the Wild 
Wa are Ariya and I.iyea, his house gunrdian'J, and he pro- 
pitiates them with perpetual sacrifices of considerable value 
whenever anything goes wrong. 
I (c) VUlaijc and loim gimrdiaiis. —Tbc terror of the house 



guardian exhibited by the Wild Wa is iiitcnsifled to such an ex- 
tent when In; contemplates llkum Yen;;, the villaitc guardian, 
that it has led to the human 8;iorince and to the head'-hunting for 
that purpose which have made him famous throughout Burma 
and Indo-Chiiia and many parts of China itself. Among the 
Burmans and the people generally the village and town nats 
(J'hvc saunff, itpoma) are regartled nuich in the same light as 
are the house rtatn. 

(d) Tribal and national giiardiaw.— Among the Chins the 
foundera of elans (Witiii) are the guardians of all their descend- 
ants—a fact which gives a clue to the institution ot tribal or 
State guardians gencrallj'. Sometimes the State or national 
guardian existvS at a special locality, hut has no particular cere- 
monial attached to him. Thus Lei, the national of the 
Sawngtung Karens, lives on Loi Maw Hill, but is not propitiated ; 
and Nong Naga, the female nal of Yang llpa Hin Hill at Keng- 
tung, who is the guardian of that State, has no particular 
ceremonies belonging to her. This is modified usually to an 
annual festival, as with the Hpons, who are said to know of no 
other spirit than the Great Nat (Natgyi), and have the idea of 
the national guardian in its simplest form. Formal worship on 
a large scale is, however, fairly common, as with the Kachins. 
It is sometimes most reverential, as when the Szi Kachins 
worship Yunnu with bared head and crouching attitude. 
Wannem or Pie Nat of the Taungyos is a generic name for the 
guardians of groups of villages. lie is worshipped at a consider- 
able festival held annually. 

(«) Property guardiam.—The guardians of objects belonging 
to or connected with mankind assume an infinite variety of form. 
Examples are the spirit maidens (nai'thami) who guarded the 
eleven royal umbrellas at the Palace of Mandalay, one being 
specially attached to each. Racing boats, and therefore the 
royal boats, are possessions of great value in Burma, and the 
whole world of the nnts was called in to guard those at the Royal 
Palace of the late dynasty. The guardians were represented by 
carWngs and pictures in great variety all over the boats : squir- 
rels, tigers, fish, birds, centipedes, nats of Indian origin, men, 
centaurs (afAamdA.'A:i), crocodiles, parrots, nats of the sun and 
moon, and the man-lion (manuthiha). The lake-dwellers of the 
Yawng Hwe Lake, the Inthas, have copied this idea in the 
worship of the Rpaiuigdaw-u, live images of Buddha, on their 
ancestral barge. To this category of nats belong the Oktazaung, 
or treasure-guardians, of the Burmese, who are spirit maidens m 
charge of treasures buried in the earth. Sawlapaw, the late 
great chief of the Red Karens, had a special spirit-guarded 
treasury above ground {aukhaw); but this was due to Shan 

16. Propitiation.— (1) Ceremonies.~A\\ propiti- 
atory ceremonies among tlie wild tribes end in 
drinldng and dancing, and commonly in drunken 
orgies. Among the Burinan villagers a typical 
instance of the procedure at sucli a ceremony is that 
here extracted from the UpjHr Burma Gazetteer, 
pt. i. vol. ii. p. 30 : 

' The rites were performed in a stretch of thick jungle, about 
a quarter of a mile from the village. There were about twenty 
men and as many boys, but no women. Although women are 
most commonly the hierophants in the exorcism of nats, they 
are never present at formal nat feasts. The natsin (shrine) was 
a small wooden house on piles at the foot of a fine padauk tree, 
which was connected at the back of the door of the shrine by a 
number of plies of white thread, called the nats' bridge. The 
spirit ordinarily Uved in this tree, and only came to the shrine 
to secure the offerings. He was a jungle spirit, a hamadryad. 
Their othciating wise man was an old Burman of no particular 
position in the village. He commenced proceedings by offering 
a corked bottle ot kaungye (rice beer) to the seiktha (jungle 
spirit) ot the padauk tree. This was followed by another of 
water, and then Uttle heaps of lapH (tea salad) placed on large 
leaves were deposited with the same genuflexions as are custom- 
ary at the pagoda. This was done by the assembled villagers, 
and, while it was going on, the saya (wise man) sprinkled water 
all round the shrine, and strewed rice in handfuls about it. 
This rice was furnished by each household in the village. The 
officiating saya then recited a long prayer for rain from the 
north and from the south (which was the main object of the 
ceremony), and tor peace and deliverance, and for immunity 
from evil generally.' 

A formal tug-of-war is performed by the whole village taking 
sides. This is a Burman ceremony, and its object is to rouse 
the thein nats, spirits of the showers, to come out ot the stars, 
which are their houses. In the Chindwin district a bamboo 
basket, on which is painted a woman's face, swathed in a jacket 
and skirt ((ometn), is carried on a man's shouldei's, to the dancing 
ot youths and maidens. 

(2) Offerings and sacrifices. — The Kachins give 
an explanation of the objects of animal sacritices 
and of the common practice of consuming the flesh 
of the sacrifice. They say that, when they are in 
trouble, their primeval mother, Chang-hko, de- 
mands the pigs and the cattle, or she will eat out 
their lives. So, when any one is sick, they say, 
'We must eat to the nats.' The Kachins have, 
further, an illuminating custom of being able to 
promise the sacrilice oi-dered by the tumsa (exor- 

cist) at some future time, if it be not available 
when tirst ordered. Here we seem to have the 
embryo of the idea leading to the pictures and 
elligies, in lieu of actual sacrifice, used by the 
Chinese and their followers in lndo-('liina. 

The princijilc of .'iiicrifice is to give a small portion 
of the animal or thing sacrificed to the nats and to 
devour the rest, or to cat up what has temporarily 
been dcjiosited as an oli'ering. Sometimes only the 
useless jmrts of the sacrifice are ofi'ered. 'fhus 
the White Karens give up small portions only, 
and the Kachins a portion, cut off by the village 
butcher (kyang-jong), of all animals taken in hunt- 
ing, to the house guardians as ' nats' Hesh.' Among 
the Burmans the edible parts of large animals sacri- 
ficed are jjlaced on the nats' shrine for a short time. 
The commoner practice, however, is to give what is 
useless. Burmans hang round slirines the entrails 
of fowls used for divination. Some Kachins give 
only the otlal of sacrificed animals, while Red 
Karens deposit the head, ears, legs, and entrails, 
on the shrines of nats. 

Absolute sacrifice, though uncommon on any 
considerable scale, is not unknown. In times of 
sickness. Red Karens give offerings of pigs, fowls, 
rice, and liquor, at tlie cemetery, to the evil spirit, 
\m. Akhas offer a portion of all feasts to the 
ancestors, at the place where the last death occurred, 
or to the west of the house ' where the ancestors 
live,' in a pot which is afterwards buried. 

On a small scale, absolute sacrifice is common 
enough. Burmans always pour out a libation 
(yisctkya) at alms-givings and funerals. Maru 
Kachins make a libation to the rutts before drink- 
ing any liquor. Talaings offer the first morsel of 
all food to the \'illage guardian, by holding the 
platter in the air. At the great national pastime, 
boat-racing, there is always a preliminary paddle 
over the course by both sides to propitiate tlie 
guardian spirits of the river ; ' at the stem of each 
boat a man crouches, holding with outstretched 
arm a bunch of plantains, some cooked rice, flowers, 
and betel ' (Scott, The Burman, ii. 59). 

The animals and food sacrificed are usually those 
used for food by the people : buffaloes, pigs, fowls 
(Kachins, Chins, Karens); pigs and fowls (Was, 
Shans, Burmans, White Karens) ; dogs (Kachins, 
Chins) ; cows and goats (Kachins, Chins) ; fish and 
eggs (most tribes). Of vegetable foods, cooked rice 
is the usual offering, and also the locally made 
liquors. Taungthus offer annually fish {ngapein), 
liquor, rice, and the household stew in Kason 
(April-May) to the house nats ; and fish, rice, 
ginger, salt, and chillies in Nayon (May-June) to 
the village nats. 

17. Human sacrifice. — There can be no doubt 
that human sacrifice prevailed in Burma until 
recent days, butli as a propitiatory and as a pre- 
ventive action in reference to the unseen powers ; 
and, in the case of the Wild Was, the extension of 
the practice even to the present time in the form 
of head-hunting is of the greatest interest, because 
that custom has there a direct ceremonial origin. 

(1) BiirDinns. — When Alaunghpaya, the founder 
of the last or Alompra dynasty of Burma, founded 
Rangoon in 1755, he sacrificed a Talaing prince, 
whose spirit became the Sille Natgyi, or Guardian 
{Myosade), of Rangoon, still worshipped at the Sule 
Pagoda, a prominent shrine in the heart of the 
now great city. When his last great successor, 
Mindon Min, father of Thibaw who \\'as deposed 
in 1SS5, founded Mandalay in 1857, he caused a 
pregnant woman to be slain at night on the advice 
of a pon^ncl (Hindu astrologer), in oi'der that her 
spirit might become the gu.ardian nat of the new- 
city. Offerings of fruit and food were openly made 
by the king in the palace to the spirit of the dead 
woman, which was supposed to ha\e taken tlie 


shaiie of a snake. It slionld be liurne in mind 
that the word ' Ahiiin_!.'lipaj'a' as a name means 
'a cominj; Buddha,' and tliat Mindou Min was a 
strict Buddhist in ordinary life. In tlie Anglo- 
Burman war of 1826, the commander of the Bur- 
mese army, the I'ukhan Wuiigyi, proposed to offer 
the European prisoner.s at Ava as a saeriliie to the 
nats, and sent them to the Aun^'binle Lake, near 
Mandalay, for the purpose. 

In addition to tins direct evidence, there is that 
afibrded by the stone ligures, grasping chibs, as 
guardians {mule), at tlie corners of (lie city walls 
at Mandalay, seated above jars lilled with oil of 
various kinds. Circunistautial talcs exist of human 
sacrifices on the setting up of such ligures both at 
Amarapura (17S2) and at Mandalay. 

The object of such human sacrilices, also 
attached to the foundation of the main city gates, 
is that the haunting ghost (nntscin) of the de- 
ceased shall hover about the place, and attack all 
strangers who come with evil intentions. The 
frequent change of capital which has occurreil 
throughout Burmese history is said by the Bur- 
mans to have been due to the loss of etiiciency on 
the part of the guardians, as shown by the dis- 
appearance of the oil in the jars under their images, 
and other portents. 

(•2) Shans. — About a hundred years ago the 
boundary at Kenglaw between the Shan States 
of Kengtung and Kenghung, now the British 
and Chinese boundary, was h.\ed by burying two 
men alive, one facing north and the other south. 
In British times two images of Buddha were sub- 
stituted, back to back, at the same place for the 
same purpose. 

(3) White Karens and Danaii>s. — White (Mepu) 
Karens have abandoned slaveiy, but, while it ex- 
isted, slaves were buried alive with their masters. 
A small hole was left through which they could 
breathe, and food was supplied to them for seven 
days. If they could then rise unaided from their 
graves, they became free. The same thing is said 
of the Danaws. 

(4) Wild Was: head-hunting .—Tha Wild Was 
expose human heads for the general propitiation 
of guardian spirits, the custom being one of the 
most instnictive among those to be observed in 
Burma, as these people have to hunt annually for 
the heads they thus set up. The Wild Was' own 
description of the origin of their head-hunting is 
thus given in the Asirttic Qiutrlciiy licvieiv, Jan. 

* Va Htawm and Ya Iltai are the father and mother spirits of 
the Was, and of all their spirits alone were genial and benignant. 
The most seemly offering to them was a snow-white grinning 
skull. The ordinary sacrifices on special occasions were, how- 
ever, to be buffaloes, bullocks, pigs, and fowls, with plentiful 
libations of rice spirit. The special o^'-a^ionf were marriage, 
the commencement of a war, death, rnnl i) . ^ !irt||,,_^ np of a 
human skull. In addition to these hm *i i , ,i human 

skull was .always desirable under exCLj: . .! luuies, or 

for special objects. Thus, when a new .i.L.^c ...i^ luunded, a 
skull was an imperative necessity. If there were a drought 
which threatened a failure of the crops, no means would be so 
successful in bringing rain as the dedication of a skull. If 
disease swept away many victims, a skull alone would stay the 
pestilence. But tlie good parental ogres expressly said it was 
not necessary that the villagers should slay a man in order to 
get his head. They might get the skull by barter.' 

The regulated posting up of men's heads ensures 
plenty of dogs (to eat), corn, and liquor. The Wa 
regards his skulls ;is a protection against the spirits 
of evil. Without a skull his harvest might fail, 
his kine might die, the ancestral spirits might be 
enraged, or malignant spirits might gain entrance 
to the village and kill the inhabitants or drink all 
the liquor. 

The skulls are placed on posts (tak-ke.nri) or in 
an avenue approaching the village, usually under 
over-arching trees or dense undergrowth, after the 
fashion of the Kachin avenue approach, which 

consists of jMists ornamented with symbols and 
imitation weapons to keep oti'evil spirits. 

A Wa never misses an ojq)ortunity of taking a 
head, because the ghost <>t the dead man hang.s 
about his skull and resents the approach of other 
spirits. For this reason the skulls of strangers are 
the most valuable, for such a ghost does not know 
his way about, and cannot jiossibly wander from 
his earl lily remains. An imiirotected stranger is 
therefore pretty sure to lose his head if he wanders 
among the Wild Was, no matter what the time of 
tiie year may he. The more eminent he is, the 
more sure he is to die. 

There is a regular season for head-hunting — in 
March and April — to protect the crops, and at least 
one new head is required annually. The head- 
hunting iiarty is usually about a dozen strong. 
V^ill.-iges are never attacked, nor does the party 
leave its own country. They sometimes meet and 
attack each other for heads, but this does not pro- 
voke revenge. There is a tariff for heads when 
bought, according to ease in securing them. Lem 
are lowest ; Lahii much more expensive ; Chinese 
very expensive ; ordinary Shan are rare ; Burmese 
never secured. 

When heads are brought home there is a general 
dance ending in drunken orgies. They are cleaned 
before being put up. No oflerin|;s are ever made 
in the avenue of skulls, and sacrifices are all made 
at the spirit-house in the village, while the bones, 
skins, horns, hoofs, and feathers are deposited there 
or in individual houses, never in the avenue. 

One proof of the sacrificial nature of tlie human 
head-hunting lies in the treatment of InillUlo heads. 
Each house stands apart on its own plot of uneven 
ground, and is usually enclosed within a slight 
fence. Inside this is the record of the number of 
buffaloes the owner has sacrificed to the spirits. 
For each beast he puts up a forked stick, in shape 
like the letter Y, and there are usually rows of 
these from three or four to hundreds. 'Phe heads 
thus represented are piled up in a heap at the end 
of the house, as a guarantee of good faith in the 
matter of the .sticks. 

As a consequence of this head-hunting habit, 
Wa villages are cleverly contrived savage fort- 
resses ; but, except in this matter, the Wild Was 
are harmless, unenterprising agriculturists, well 
behaved and industrious. 

Tlie breaking down of the custom from head-hunting 
to mere symbolism is seen from the Chinese view of the Was. 
They reckon the Wa's civilization by his method of head- 
collecting. The most savage, the Wild Was proper, are those 
who take any he.ids, next those who take heads in lights only, 
next those who merely buy them, and the most civilized are 
those who substitute heads of bears, panthers, and other wild 
beasts for human heads. There are, however, real Wild Was 
who ring all these changes round the head-hunting centre, 
which is about the Nawng Ilkeo Lake. 

i8. Protective action. — Apart from the emploj-- 
meiit of such agents as mediums, exorcists, and 
the like, with their arts, such as necromancy, 
magic, and so on, the peoples of Burma take pro- 
tective action on their own account against the 
unseen powers of evil. This is roughly a residuum 
of the various kinds of knowledge that their ' wise 
men ' have taught them. No part of the population 
is free from the resultant practices. Buddhism is 
quite powerless not only to restrain these practices, 
but even to belli the people to escape from them. 
Orthodox Buddhist monks will not, in the more 
civilized parts and under the ordinary conditions 
of life, join in the more openly Animistic protective 
ceremonies, yet they will be present on sufficiently 
important occasions, and take, as it were, a scrip- 
tural share in them. The use of the monk at 
deathbeds, with which be is not professionally 
concerned, and which he is not always asked to 
attend, is that the good influence of his pious 
presence may keep away evil spirits. His prea- 



ence is, in fact, an acUlitional protective charm 
against t!ie ndf^. 

(1) GViicni/ }'i-ot*ri;. Ill .ill Iiniinesc houscs thoro is kept 
a pot of I'haniuil u;il i i \ nvcr whidi ftii nylrolo-^iT 
hns utteriil spells. I'l. j /i uiklcd about the house, as 
a protection a^'ainst i\ il ~.\>\\ ii - :, ;Mi;il|y. Another specitic (or 
protection Uijainst truuhlesoiiR- mniihar spiriU is a (^hanj^o of 
namo practised by Htirnmns and Shans. Uunnans wlicii on a 
journey keep away evil spirits by tying a Imneh of plimtaiiis 
and a twi^ of the thahyi' tree to a cart or boat. An olYerin^^ to 
the nearest ^lii;ii' {''/■). ach time a fishing boat is launched 
will prevent M,. u. . intorferingwith a haul. Hunters tie 
back the tu i : ^ : \ , ; i ice they meet in their way, to scare 
awav the foi> i i- in ; , (t.i 'vsaung nat). At all boat-races the 
main object i<\ Uir preliminary paddle over the course with 
otterini,'s is to jirevciit the tiatu who inhabit that particular reach 
of the river from intirfciinj,^ with the race. 

(2) Sjiccijic actimi. — (u) ProUctum against the spirits of the re- 
eentip deceased. — The Kachins and other tribes put up entangle- 
ments to prevent the dead from entering their villages, and 
supply them with models of whatever they may be supposed to 
want. The protective nature of the death ceremonies comes 
out clearly in those of the Taungtbus, who tie the thumbs and 
great toes together, and release the spirit by measuring the 
corpse wth twisted cotton, setting food before it, taking it to 
the cemetery, pouring water over the face as an emblem of the 
division between the quick and the dead 'as a stream divides 
countries,* and setting a torch in front of the biers of jiersons 
dying on hoUdays (when domestic ceremonies are impossible) 
•to show the way.' Among the Padaungs the bodies of women 
who die in childbirth are first beaten with sticks to ascertain 
death, and are then cut open, so that the infant may be buried 
separately. The protection here is found in the idea that the 
woman's spirit will hover round the infant and leave the village 

(6) Protection agaitist cpidemics.—The avowed attitude of 
the Karens towards ceremonials in times of distress explains 
them. They say that at such times it is well to make peace 
with all religions. This feeling comes out in all popular efforts 
in Burma to scare away the spirits that cause epidemics. 
Burmans paint the figure of an ogre (balU) on a pot, which is 
then broken. On three nights the whole village turns out to 
frighten away the spirits of disease by noise. If that fails, the 
Buddhist monks are called in to preach away the pestilence. 
If that fails, the village and the sick are abandoned. Before the 
people return, the monks read ' the Law ' {Dammathat) through 
the streets, the nat shrine is repaired, and new offerings are 
abundantly supplied. Among the Talaings, when the Buddhist 
ceremonial has failed, the Village Saving Ceremony (^Ka-/iA.//(() 
is resorted to. This is pure devil-dancing on the part of the 
people, who impersonate evil spirits {tase), ogres (balu), nats, 
witches, dogs, and pigs. The object is to get an answer from 
the spirits that the sick will recover. There is always a favour- 
able answer, whereupon there is a wild rush for the leippyds 
(errant butterfly souls of the sick). They are captured in loin- 
cloths (paso) and shaken over the head of the sick. Burmans 
drive away the cholera nat by beating the roof and making as 
much noise as possible (thayetbp), after a (Buddhist) ceremony 
of consecrating water-vessels (payet-o), which contain, inter alia, 
sticks with yellow strings wound round them. These strings are 
afterwards worn as prophylactic bracelets, and are also hung 
round the eaves of the houses in bags. The noise-making in all 
these ceremonies is largely copied from the Chinese. 

(c) Protection of houses and sacred buildings. — The Talaings 
suspend a coco-nut wrapped in yellow or red cloth in the south- 
east angle-post of a house, to invoke the protection of the house 
guardian {eingsaung nat), Min Magaye, one of the Thirty-seven. 
The Burmans place a piece of white cloth, with fragrant ihandkd 
ointment, on the tops of all the posts, or on one in three, 
t-o protect all wooden buildings, houses, wayside rest-houses 
{zaydts), and bridges from the ill-luck brought by the evil spirits 
inhabiting the knots in the wood of the posts. The object of 
striking the great bells on Buddhist pagoda platforms is spirit- 
scaring. During the foundation ceremony of a village pagoda 
built by a Shan, a round earthen vase, containing gold, silver, 
and precious stones, besides rice ;and sweetmeate, was closed 
with wax, in which a lighted taper was stuck, and deposited 
by the builder in the south-eastern hole made for the foundation. 
The builder also repeated a long prayer while earth was being 
filled into the hole and sprinkled with water. All this was to 
scare away the great serpent in whose direction the south- 
eastern corner of the foimdation pointed (Anderson, Mandalay 
to Momein, 52). 

(3) Transfer of evil spirits ; scape-goats. — The ideas of in- 
ducing evil spirits to betake themselves elsewhere and of making 
scape-goats in some form or other are universal in Burma. Red 
Karens have a scape-goat in the shape of an image of a horse or 
elephant carved on the top of a post set up at the harvest fes- 
tival (fid It), and surrounded by offerings of rice spirit, fruit, and 
flowers. The animal is supposed to carry off all evil spirits to a 
safe distance. Sgau and Pwo Karens never forgive injuries, real 
or fancied, of village to village. When it is necessary, however, 
to combine in times of common danger, they create a scape-goat 
in the shape of a man chosen ' to confess the sins of the nation.' 
He runs off, and is captured and made to repeat each injury in 
turn, which is settled then and there. Burmans, on occasions 
of sickness, set up small figures of clay outside the house, anri 
draw pictures of peacocks and hares (representing the spirits of 
the sun and moon respectively) on small fans kept in the house. 
Small coffins, with miniature etfigie of the sick persons (ayOt) 

inside them, arc buried to the east or the west of the house. 
This ceremony (prtjTtta/y'f) is a protection against further sick- 
ness, and the image and pictures are sc^pe-goats for carrying 
away the spirits of disease. 

ip. DivinaLt'ion. ~{l) General met hofls, — In Burma, 
(livinatioii is left to the people by the monks, and 
ttio Drittnn {Ditthfivfivff, The Collection of False 
Doctrhies), tlie ;^^veat l)ook useil hy the lliMlinsayas 
(iinporte<l Indian astrologers), is not admitted into 
tlie monasteries. Tlie governing principle is, as 
elsewhere, augury from uncontrollable chance. 
The Kachins heat bamboos {satnnn) till they split, 
and the length of the resulting fibres settles the 
augury. So do the knots in torn leaves {s-hippa 
wot) — a system of augury copied by the Hpons 
under another name. Szi Kachins count the odd 
sticks in each group placed haphazard between 
the lingers of one hand, out of thirty-three selected 
bamboos. Chins go by the direction in which the 
blood of sacrifices flows. Uurmans boil eggs hard, 
and judge by the "whiteness : the whiter the egg, 
the more favourable the omen. 

The most important form of divination in Burma 
is that of the Karens, from the bones of fowls. 
This has spread far and wide, and decides 
everything in the Ked Karen's life, even the 
succession to the chiefship. Any one can divine. 
The thigh and Aving bones are scraped till holes 
appear, and that bone is selected in which the 
holes are even. Bits of bamboo are placed in the 
holes, and the augury is taken from the slant of 
the bamboos : outwards, for ; inwards, against. 
Amono; the Kachins the bones are kept until they 
are grimed with the smoke of years, as they have 
then acquired an established reputation. War 
chiefs keep such old bones in carved bamboo 
phials, and usually store them in the roof. 

Kachins use also the brains, sinews, and entrails 
of fowls, and the entrails of cattle and pigs. 
Divining from the entrails of fowls is common 
among tlie Burmans. The birds are cut open from 
the tail, and the entrails are extracted and turned 
larger side uppermost. The longer and thicker 
they are, and the larger the stomach, the more 
favourable the omen. The White Karens extend 
the idea to t!ie livers of fowls and pigs : smooth, 
straight, or pale wins ; malformed or dark loses. 
This augury is so trusted that it will serve to 
break off a love match. 

Spirit action is also brought into play for the 
purposes of divination. Among the Taungthus, 
if the otlerings at the annual festival to the village 
guardian are insufficient for the appetites of those 
present, there will be a bad harvest. The heavi- 
ness of a good crop depends on the surplus after 
all have finished. At funerals, Kachins place heaps 
of rice-flour at or near graves. If they are found 
to have been disturbed in the morning, there will 
be another death in the family. One kind of 
augury the Burmese people have in common with 
most of the world. Sgau and l*wo Karens place a 
clod of earth under the pillow, so that dreams may 
pomt out the proper site for hill-side cultivation 
{taungyd, forest-burning). 

The Chins employ an obscure method of divina- 
tion from the contents of eggs blown through a 
hole at each end. After the operation the shells 
are placed on sticks with some cock's feathers. 

{•2} Ordeals and oaths.— OvAqvlU and oaths are 
hardly separated in the native mind in Burma, 
and eacii is in reality a form of divination. Oaths 
of the native sort are in consequence much dreaded, 
Miiereas the form adopted by the English {chanzd) 
from the Buddhists, with its Indian spiritual 
horrors, has not now any supernatural Ij' terrifjing 

(rt) Ordeals.— Tt\A\ by ordeal (kabba) was constantly in re- 
quisition in the native courts, and the treatment of witches 
was horrible. There were four regular kinds of judicial ordeal. 


(1) CnncUe-Imrninj; (f/ii-A^Htl). Cuiullcs are placed on an altar, 
and the party loses whose candle (;rocs out first. (2) Thrusting: 
the linger into molten lead {hke-htauk). The fore-flnj;er is 
protected except at the tip ; the least hurt, as decided by the 
tlow of serum on pricking, wins. (:t) Water ordeals (yUd), 
Whichever party can stay under in deep water longest wins. 
(1) Chewinp or swallowing rice {santvii). The guiity cannot 
swallow, probably through anxiety affecting the nerves. This 
is also a common Indian idea. 

Kachins deposit stakes on each side. Rice is then boiled on 
a leaf ; the best boiled rice wins. Among chiefs the accused puts 
his hand into water boiled in a bamboo ceremonially selected 
by an exorcist (tuiiufa). If the skin comes off, he loses. 

(fo) Oaths. — Among Lai Chins, the oaths most feared arc 
drinking water which has been poured over a tijjer's skull, and 
drinkint: blood mixed with liquor. Among the ^orthern Chins, 
contracting chiefs pour liquor over a cow and shoot or stab the 
animal, cut off the tail, and smear their faces, to an imprecatory 
chant. A stone is set up to mark the spot. The oath most 
feared by the people is to eat earth. Sgau and Pwo Karens lay 
hands on the sacrifice (buffalo) in settlement of claims, and 
divide it into portions, each party eating half his jjortion and 
burying the rest. 

(c) Oaths of allegiance.— hmaag Sgau and Pwo Karens, 
individuals, v jl].ages, and clans are bound together by drinking 
spirits in which the blood of the parties has been mixed. 
Blood-brotherhood of this nature is also known amonj? the 
Burmans. Another method of swearing allegiance is to divide 
an ox exactly in two, and every member of each contracting,^ 
party eats a part of the half belonging to his party. Each side 
also takes one horn so marked that they are recognized as being 
a pair. Production of the horn compels either party to aid the 
other in any circumstances. See Brotiierfiood (artif.) i. 3. 

(3) Astrology. — Tlie Biirman is so fettered by 
his horoscope (sadd) iiud the luckj' and uuhiclcy 
days for him recorded therein, which are tauglit 
him in rliymes (lingd) from childhood, that the 
character lias been given him by strangers of 
alternate idleness and energy. But both are en- 
forced by the numerous days and seasons when he 
may not work without disaster to himself. Un- 
lucky da3's {pijalthddane) cause him so much fear 
that he will resort to all sorts of excuses to avoid 
business on them. Similarly, on lucky days (yct- 
ydza) he will work beyond his strength, because 
he is assured of success. These facts are worthy of 
careful attention, as it is so easy for European 
observers to mistake Asiatics : e.g., the character of given to the Nicobarese is greatly due to 
their habit of holding their very frequent feasts 
and necromantic ceremonies all tlirough the night. 

Burmese astrology, and the superistitions on 
which it is based, are prima facie Indian. Many 
of the terms used are certainly Indian. Neverthe- 
less, they are only partially Indian, and Chinese 
influence has had much to do witli the development 
of Burmese astrologj' as we now find it. The 
astrologers of the Burmese Court were all potmd.i 
(supposed Brahraans from Manipur), whose chief 
study was tlie Samaveda, and wliose books were 
the Tanlra, Jyoti, and Kama isastras of Bengal. 
Their title was Bedinsayii, ' learned in the Vedan- 
gas.' Their astronomy is purely Hindu. They 
worked the Iloyal clep.sydra, calculated the 
incidence of the year and the intercalary months, 
drew up tlie hon)sco|jes, calculated the lucky days, 
and told fortunes. But they are dying out, and 
at no lime did they have much influence on the 
astrology of tlie country side, which followed the 
Hjh'wdit — the Shan system of the Sixty- Year Cycle, 
so well known in China, Siam, Cambodia, Annani, 
etc. — for reckoning the calendar. Shan sooth- 
sayers are considered the most learned, and all 
tlieir prognostications are worked out from the 
Hpftrdn. Almost all the Burmese superstitions 
about the path of the dragon (/mgd-h/e), which 
regulat<!s the lucky daj's, and the lucky rhymes 
{>iiiiiga/'i lingd) that control marriages, are taken 
direct from this table, which in its main lines is 
exactly that of Taoist fortune-tellers in China. 

The Ujjewdn is nsed to work out hoioscopes, 
settle marriages (by the theory of hostile i)airs 
taught in yan-pet-lingd, rhymes known to every 
Jiurmese girl), partnerships, and undertakings 
generally ; and since, in Burma, the Shans have 

partially adopte<l the Buddhist calendar, such 
confusion is caused in the almanac that much 
practice and experience are required to work it. 
Hence partly its charm and power. Its influence 
is proved by the fact that the Buddhist monks 
nowadays issue annually an almanac (malul-thin- 
gdn), which shows many traces of the Hjiiwdn. 

Based on this difhcult method of calculation, a 
very complicated astrological system has been set 
up, wliicli has, however, a strong admixture of Bud- 
dhist astrological notions in it. The day of birth 
is one governing point, and on horoscopes the days 
of the week are represented by numbers and 
symbols of ' the presiding animal of the day.' 
Another governing point is the position of the 
dragon (topai, nagd), as the great thing to aim at 
is to avoid facing its mouth in any transactions, 
especially cattle-buying. This is ascertained by 
the terminal syllables of the names of the days. 
The Hpilnmn is also used to ascertain, by a simple 
calculation, which looks like a real puzzle to the 
uninitiated, what offerings to the nats are suitable 
on any given day. 

Lucky and unlucky days are fixed according to 
the Shan and not the Burmese calendar ; and, as 
they do not correspond, the Burman cannot cal- 
culate them for himself, and is thus forced to go to 
the astrologer. There is a long list of lucky days 
for building operations, picked, in eclectic fashion, 
out of the imported Buddhist and indigenous 
animals and nats ; the unlucky days depend on 
the final syllable of the names. Lastly, a long 
series of days are indi\-idually unlucky for a very 
gi'eat variety of enterprises, practically for all the 
business of native life. The lucky days in the 
month are in a considerable minority. 

There is a curious superstition as to bleeding, 
which has an astrological basis. The centre of 
vigour in the human body is believed to shift down- 
wards during the week : on Sunday it isin the head, 
Monday in the forehead, Tuesday in the shoulders, 
Wednesday in the mouth, chin, and cheeks, Thurs- 
day in the waist and hands, Friday in the breast 
and legs, Saturday in the abdomen and toes. 
Bleeding from any of these jiarts on their par- 
ticular day is considered very dangerous and 
sinister {Upper Burma Gazetteer, pt. i. vol. ii. 
p. 63). 

20. Necromancy. — (1) Nature of necromancy in 
Bicrma. — ' The object of the Burmans' necromancy 
is to acquire influence over the spirits and make 
them do their bidding. Witches and wizards are 
supposed to be materialized spirits or beings who 
can project their bodies into space and regulate 
their movements' (Taw Sein Ko, Upper liurma 
Gazetteer, pt. i. vol. ii. p. 73). Sucli beings are 
usually women. Although the familiar spirits and 
spells of the Burman necromancer can be shown to 
be chiefly Indian in origin, his incantations are 
composed in Sanskrit, Pali, 15urmese, Tabling, and 
Shan, or in an unintelligible jargon made up of 
one or more of these languages, thus showing both 
their eclectic and their indigenous nature. They 
are used in conjunction with something to be worn 
or kept with a view to protection from disease or 
injury of a pronounced kind — gunshot wounds, 
famine, jilague, epidemics, hydrophobia, enemies 
in general, and the like. 

All necromancers (wczd, 'wise men ') are mixed 
up in the Burman's mind, and arc divided into 
good (mediums and exorcists) .■ind had (wizards 
and witches), and each of the two categories is 
divided into four classes, according to the element 
with which they work — mercury {pyudd), iron 
{than), medicine (se), magic squares {in). AH this 
is Indian. 

Medicine, which among the Burmans is Indian 
in origin, is not clear of necromancy. The doctor 



{sft/tt7ma) is a mere quju-k, wiUi an empirical 
knowlodge of loaves, barks, llowers, seeds, roots, 
and a few minerals. The dCttsayCt is a dietist, and 
the betnd(iw.\'(ti/d is a drnjigist, bnt a doctor seldom 
combines both practices, and in either case is 
largely necromantic, profossin«; to cure the witch- 
caused diseases (son) comnionly believed in. Tlie 
position of the moon and the stars lias more to do 
witli the cure tlian the medicine, and the horoscope 
than the diet. Cases of death or failure to cure are 
attributcfl to error in the astrological or horoscopic 
information supplied. In Lower Burma there is 
siipposed to be a wizards' town at Kale Thaungtot 
on the Cliindwin River, with a wizard king, wlio 
can undo the etlects of bewitehment in those who 
go on a pilgrimage there. 

The methods of wild necromancy appear in the 
practice of the Kachins. Somebody wants a power- 
ful man to be made ill. The tumsa (exorcist, 
wizard) recites the special charm necessary to 
cause the particular sickness desired, and mean- 
Avhile his client plants a few stalks of long grass 
by the side of the road leading towards the 
victim's house. Then either a dog or a pig is lulled, 
and the body is wrapped in grass and placed by 
the road and left there, while spears are cast and 
shots fired in the same direction. The ceremony 
closes by the tumsa and each of those present 
taking up four or five stalks of gi'ass and casting 
them similarly towards the person who is to be 
charmed {kuinjyachin khyemnai) {E. C. S. George, 
Upper Burma Gazetteer^ pt. i. vol. ii. p. 427). 

(2) Alchemy and palmistry. — The Burmese are 
inveterate alchemists and palmists, and their prac- 
tice is a mixture of all the occult superstitions 
known to the people, from Indian alchemy and 
jialmistry to Karen augury from chicken bones. 

(3) Exoi-cism. — Evil spirits and malignant ghosts 
{tase, hminzd^ thaye, thabet) are exorcized by the 
general public by making a loud jarring noise, by 
beating anything that comes in their way— walls 
and doors of houses, kettles, metal trays, cymbals, 
and so on. In cases of spirit-caused sickness the 
nat is sometimes simply scared away by threats ; 
but it is usual to apply drastic measures, such as 
severely beating the patient and rubbing pungent 
substances into theej'es. The argument is that the 
ill-treatment falls on the si)irit, and that, therefore, 
when it has departed, the patient will be free from 
any after effects. The methods of the exorcists 
are usually as eclectic as possible ; but among the 
Chins every spirit has its own special sacrifice, 
known only to the wise men and women, and will 
accept no other. 

Every professional eurer of disease — physician, 
priest, medium, wise man, necromancer, or wizard 
— is an exorcist, following practices that are hardly 
to be difierentiated one from the other. 

(a) Prissts.—Thf: idea of a priesthood is forei^ to the un- 
tutored Indo-Chinese mind, and a recognized priestly class does 
not exist among the uncultivated tribes in Burma, or indeed 
among- the more civilized population. The persons who profess 
to deal with supernatural matters follow in ordinary life occupa- 
tions carrying no particular respect, often the reverse. The 
Burman, Talaing, or Shan pongyi, or Buddhist monk, is not 
technically a minister of religion, and the only approach to 
priesthood among the Kachins is the jaiwa, who is an exorcist 
(tumsa) practising his art for powerful chief s (duwan). Some 
tribes, notably the Kachins, have an incipient priesthood, 
however, in the persons of their chiefs, who alone can perform 
certain tribal and national sacrifices ; and the idea of personal 
sanctity in its very infancy is to be seen in the triennial feast 
of the White Karens, at which men only may be present. The 
cases of the tafuye, high priest chief of the Lahus, and of the 
damada sawbwd, the hereditary priest of the nats among the 
Palaungs, are not to the point. The former is the result of a 
jumble of Chinese and Indo-Chinese ideas on the part of 
a tribe of Tibeto-Burman origin with strong Chinese proclivities, 
and the latter of a Mon-Annam tribe settled in the Shan country, 
of some education derived from Burmese sources. This last 
hereditary priesthood is an inaccurate adaptation of the Bur- 
mese thdthandbaing, or 'head of religion,' whose title is usually 
with equal incorrectness translated by the English term ' arch- 

bishop,' as he is merely the chief of tlie heads of the Monastic 
Order, priimis inter pai-es. Ortlinarily tlie priestly personage 
is not to be distinguished from the necromancer or exorcist, 
and acquires his qualifications in the same way. 

(h) K ise men and women.— The Burman wise men and women 
and diviners generally (natsatv, tumsa, niitwe) are merely 
ordinary villagers of no social standing, who act in a quasi- 
priestly capacity as occasion demands. The chief professional 
exorcist (of Indian origin) is the wise-man physician who ' works 
in iron ' (than irezd), and is a vendor of charms against injury. 
The female medium is known as the nat's wiie (natkadaw), and 
retains her powers only so long as the nat possesses her and 
keeps her in an hysterical condition. This condition is recog- 
nized as necessary, and a formal marriage with the 7iat is 
celebrated. At the late lloyal Court, under Indian influence, 
mediums and professional exorcists, both male (natsapd, nafok, 
natsaw, natthungc) and female (natkad<iu\ natmeijnmd), were 
employed to chant and pray in the proper form at the State 

(c) Qxuitifications. — The qualifications of an exorcist or wise 
man commence with none at all, as in the case of the Wild Was, 
who have no priests or mediums, and among whom any old man 
can conduct the invocations. The Red Karens require ver}' 
slight qualifications, and the diviners are usually selected old 
men, who carry out the national chicken-bone divination, and 
have charge of the village 7ia^shrine. But the Kachin exorcist 
(tumsa) succeeds to the office by natural selection after a volun- 
tary apprenticeship, and the Kachin diviner (mitive), who is 
a medium entirely under spirit possession, divining while in 
a state of frenz^', has to undergo a severe apprenticeship and 
ordeal to prove that he has communications with the spirit 

Among the civilized Burmans, the qualifications of the exor- 
cists (kmawsayd) are much more sophisticated. They drink 
water in which ashes of scrolls containing cabalistic squares and 
mystic figures have been mixed, or take special medicines, or 
are tatued with figures of nats, magic squares, and incantations. 
Some of these exorcists maintain their reputation by conjuring 
tricks (hkontelet pwe) which are regarded as miracles. 

(d) Methods. — The ordinary use of an exorcist or medium is 
to restore health, and the methods usually employed are magic 
and dancing. In the Chindwin District, Aung Naing Nat 
causes cattle disease, and he is exorcized by placing a betel box 
and a pipe in a bag hung from a bamboo pole, and by dancing 
round the diseasedf animal, which is tied to a post. Some exor- 
cists have a divining rod (yivdtdn), with which they thrash the 
possessed to drive out the ^itch in possession. The true 
dancing mediums are generally women (natwuji), who limit 
their operations, as a rule, to hysterical chanting and whirling 
dances, though they occasionally exorcize as well. Such women 
wear a distinctive garment in the shape of a red cloth wrapped 
round the head. Among the Talaings the dancing medium is 
of importance, and is employed at the triennial national feast 
to the village guardians, to dance away sickness in general. A 
costume suited to the particular spirit to be addressed or 
invoked is customary among Burmans, Kachins, and others — a 
custom that is specially noticeable in the festivals in honour of 
the Thirty-seven Nats, when the dress of the medium is an 
essential part of the ceremony. 

(e) Ceremonies. — A typical instance of a Burman exorcizing 
ceremony, applicable also to the Kachins, to drive out sickness 
is the following : * A bamboo altar is constructed in the house, 
and various offerings (boiled fowls, pork, plantains, coco-nuts, 
rice, etc.) are placed on it for the nat The exorcist (natsayd) 
then stands a bright copper or brass plate on end near the 
altar, and begins to chant, at the same time watching for 
the shadow of the nat on the polished copper. When this 
appears, the officiant begins to dance, and gradually works her- 
self into a state of ecstasy. The state of tension produced 
frequently causes the patient to do the same thing, with 
obvious results one way or the other, especially if, as not 
unseldom happens, this invocation of the possessing spirit is 
continued for two or three days ' ( Upper Burma Gazetteer, pt. i, 
vol. ii. p. 29). 

Sick children are afflicted by Chaungzon Nat, the Spirit of 
the Junction of the Waters. Little boats, in which are placed 
an egg, some of the child's hair, and some sweetmeats, are made 
and consigned, by way of providing a scape-goat, to the Irra- 
waddy after such a ceremony as that just described. 

(f) Spirit possession. — The idea of spirit possession in other 
creatures than mediums has not been much developed in Burma ; 
but Burmans, possibly un(ier Indian influence, believe that evil 
spirits and malignant ghosts enter into alhgators and tigers and 
cause them to destroy human life. 

(4) Magic. — The oliject of Burmese magic [pyin- 
salct) is to secure hallucination in respect of the 
five senses, and to confer temporary invulnerability. 
This is achieved by potent mixtures, such as the 
following: equal parts of the livers of a human 
being, monkey, black dog, goat, cobra, and owl, 
and a whole lizard, pounded from nddnight till 
dawn, and kept in a gold or silver box, and rubbed 
on various parts of the body. This will secure 
second sight, invisibility, death of an enemy, and 
a good many other objects of desire. 

(a) liidian iniiuence. — Certain specific kinds of magic have 
no doubt come from India— which accounts for the otherwise 



jiuzzling fact tliat Buddliist monks (pungj/is) themselves arc 
mu.;h addietcd to it. That they have drawn on native Animistic 
sources to enlarse tlieir l<no«ledKe is but natural. The name, 
story, and exorcism of Ponnaka Nat are all from the West. He 
docs mischief throu};h an invisible agency in three ways : throw- 
ing stones at a bouse, beating people with a stick, and htirnin^^ 
houses or villages. Invisible stone-throwing on the roofs of 
houses, attributed to nats^ is a common grievance in Kurina. 

(6) tt'ikl (ntcs.— Among the wilder tribes.Tuagic takes a simpler 
and more directly utisophisticated form. The Sgau and the 
Pwo Karens, when embarking on an expedition, kill a bog or a 
fowl, and roll up in a leaf, with some salt, a portion of the heart, 
liver, and entrails. This ties up the heads of the enemy. 

(c) Articles mbiectcd to magic— (i.) Boats. The Great Nat 
(Buddhist iu origin) of the Palaungs visited Loi Seng Hill in 
TawBgi>eng in a magic barge (hpaung setkyd). Inthas, who are 
lake-dwellers on the Yawn^ Hwc Lake, worship the magic boat 
(hpaung-daw) in which their original ancestor came (prouably of 
Burmese origin).— <ii.) Stones. At Nyaung.u there is a twisted 
stone, in which dwells Ape Shwe Myosin, a spirit. If the sick 
can lift it, they will recover ; if not, they will die. On Mandalay 
Hill, before a shrine, there is a flat oval stone. If the stone is 
heavy to lift, it is a bad sign for a journey.— <iii.) Charms. 
There are numerous charms for invulnerability and security 
from violence, which consist of internal medicine, bathing in 
medicated water, carrying balls of mercury, iron, or orpiment. 
and amulct.s and talismans about the body, especially in the 
head.dress(r/OTm(7iaHlij),orwearingsmall silver charmsinserted 
underthesk'in, which is tatuedwithflguresand cabalistic squares. 
The main charms for invulnerability are Indian, and are con- 
nected with the legend of Bawithada, the miraculous leaper, 
which is but the Burmese pronunciation of an uncorrupted Pali 

(.5) Evil eye. — Except as the result of Hindu 
influence, the idea of the evil ej'e (lusonkyd) has 
never developed in Burma, though it exists ; and 
among the Kachins some people who have two 
souls (mimla), one of which possesses the evil eye, 
are looked upon as dangerous, and are murdered. 

(6) Tattling. — Every self-respecting Burman is 
extensively tatued from the waist to the knee. 
The practice is largely connected with magic. 

(rt) Male tatuing. — Among Burmans the tatuing is almost 
always for reasons of magic. Exorcists (hmausaya) attain 
their powers by being tatued with figures of nats, incantations, 
and cabalistic squares (in). With these also every Burman is 
tatued. Being tatued with figures of nats in red, by means of 
a charmed mixture of vermilion and human fat, gives protec- 
tion against wounds inflicted by sword, gun, or cudgel, and 
confers reckless courage. Figures of nats and cabalistic squares 
confer invulnerability. Conventional figures of tigers on the 
legs confer swiftness of foot, and are sought after by thieves 
and highwaymen. The sources of this kind of magic are eclectic, 
and even Buddhist inscriptions in Pali are brought into requisi- 

Shan military officers of rank were tatued in order to acquire 
the powers of deceased heroes, and the ceremony was accom- 
panied with ceremonial cannibalism. Red Karens are tatued iu 
red mth the tribal emblem of the rising sun on the small of the 
liack, as a magic symbol. Sawngtung Karens had two black 
squares beneath the chin for the same reason. Was are occasion- 
ally tatued on the arms and breast with charms. 

The tatuing of the Burman from waist to knee is nowadays a 
mere custom for ' beauty,' but was beyond doubt originally a 
protective magical charm, as is shown by the figures ordinarily 
selected, and by the incantations repeated during the operation. 
Shan tatuing of the same kind is more extensive, down the 
calves and up the back and chest, and is still more avowedly of 
a necromantic nature, as are all the additional figures about 
the bodies of some Burmans. Tatuing with the figure of 
Bawdithada, the miraculous leaper, as a symbol of fighting 
capacity, and carried out with occult ceremonies, is a notable 
instance of necromancy adopted originally from Indian sources. 
The Burman has an ineradicable belief in the efficacy of 
tatued charms. In 1881 a youth in Rangoon was tatued with a 
htjeing (paddy-bird) as a protection from drowning, and was 
throw-n with his consent into the Rangoon River and was 
drowned. The tatuers (sayd) were convicted of manslaughter ; 
but all the Burmans thought it a miscarriage of justice, as the 
drowning was due in their minds to some mistake in the cere- 
mony (Scott, The Bvrman, i. 5(i). 

(6) Female tatuing. — Among Ilurmans, female tatuing is rare 
and disreputable, aiid is resorted to as a love-charm — a small 
triangle of three red dots. 

Lai Chin women are tatued in black all over the face and 
breast, originally probably as a means of identification if cap- 
tured by outsiders. A similar custom is said to exist in the North 
at the sources of the Nam Ma, the extreme north.cast of the 
Shan States. Maru Kachin women used to be tatued in a series 
of rings from the foot to the knee, perhaps for identification. 

(c) Tatuing as a fcfldf/^;.— Burman soldiers were tatued with 
the animal badge of their regiments on the small of the back — 
dragon, lion, rat, etc. — no doubt as a charm. 

(d) Tatuing as rtpM7l^8Am*Jl^— Burman criminals were tatued 
with a circle on the check (pagw^t), or with descriptive devices 
on the chest, to show that they were murderers {tuthat), thieves 
{IhU'hko), or dacoits (damyrl] highwaymen). Sometimes the 
offence was tatued on them iu words. 

(7) Witcficnift. —Biiihuuimc influence, tliiongh 
Buddhism, has had a distinct ollect on the modern 
Burmese iiracticc of « itclicraft, which is recognized 
in the Burmese ' l^aw-Books,' wherein are instruc- 
tions as to the finding of witches and as to tlic 
manner of punishing them. The Talaings con- 
.sider that witches and wizards are the result 
of the 'devil-dances' instituted to drive away 

Witches {somnci) and wizards {.in/i] can harm 
others by occult influence, and by sending out their 
own spirits (IcippyS) to possess theiu. Proofs of 
their action in case of death used to be found by 
cremating the body of the person afl'ected, and 
discovering pieces of hide or beef (apin) in the fire ; 
in the case of the living, similar information is 
sought by placing food in a platter outside the 
house at nightfall, for the dogs to eat. If in the 
morning grass was found in the platter, the victim 
was under a ^^•itch's displeasure ; if stones, he would 
recover ; if earth, he would certainly die. 

If a witcli confessed on accusation, she was 
merely banished. If she would not confess, she 
bad to go through a cruel and disgusting ordeal by 
water, when, if she floated, she was judged to be 
guilty, because she must have £loa<ted on account 
of tlie charmed empty gourd or bladder in her 
stomach. If she sank, she was not guilty, and had 
to be hea^-ily compensated. She was not allowed 
to drown. 

Among the Kachins, some exorcists (lumsa) are 
also wizards, and can cause sickness by liewitching 
their victims (nuirong nmisai). The ' wild ' attitude 
generally towards witchcraft and its professors is 
thus well described by George in the Upper Burma 
Gazetteer, pt. i. vol. i. p. 427, when summarizing 
a case between Kachins before himself : 

'C, the brother of A and B, happened to die of fever, and 
before dying declared that D had bewitched him. Within a 
fortnight A and B collected a following, attacked D's house, 
shot him dead, and, capturing the whole of the household and 
relations, some thirteen in all, sold them into slavery. Even on 
trial A and B would not admit the possibility of C having made 
a mistake, and were scandalized that the British Government 
should interfere on the behalf of the wizard.' 

21. Cannibalism. — Cannibalism is persistently, 
but quite doubtfully, ascribed to the Wild Was, 
Kachins, and even Shans. It probably always 
existed in a ceremonial form, to obtain magical 
powers, among Shan military officers of distinction, 
while undergoing a particular form of tatuing. 
In 1888 the captured rebel chief Twet Ngalu was 
shot and buried bj' his guard. He had been a 
monk, had a great name as a sorcerer, and was 
elaborately tatued. The nearest Shan sav;bivd 
(chief) dug up the corpse, and boiled down the 
liead and other portions of the body into a 
potent decoction, and was with difficulty dissuaded 
from sending a small phial of this for the use of 
tlie British Chief Commissioner (Upper Burma 
Gazetteer, pt. i. vol. ii. p. 37). The existing head- 
hunting of the Wild Was is a relic of cannibalism, 
as is admitted by themselves, and it has been 
attributed to them as long as there have been 
Europeans in the East (see Camoens, Lusiad<i.s, 
cant. X. SO). 

22. Domestic customs.— (1) Pregnatiey.— Cus- 
toms connected with pregnancy are not common. 
Kachin women must not eat honey or porcupine 
flesh at that time, as they cause miscarriage. 
Among Shans the husband should not drive pigs, 
carry the dead, dig or fill in liole-s, or mock at 

(2) Birth. — Kachin <ustoms explain the reason 
for the observances at birth. Normal births are 
under the protection of tlie housi; guardian. Ab- 
normal births occur when the jungle iiat^ (sawn) 
have driven out the guardians — a situation which 
the exorcist ascertains by divination from bamboos 



{chi/'paivol). Tlieri'foie, liy way of geiioial proiiitia- 
tion, at all liirtlis two pots of beer are preparcii : 
one for the geneial lomiiaiiy ami one named after 
the cliiKl immediately on its apiiearanee, and drunk 
in its honour. So also it is necessary to notify Hiu 
fact of the birth to the nnis liy sacrilices. After a 
normal birth the mother remains at home out of 
the niifx' way for three days, and on the fourth she 
is formally proteeted from the nnts who desire to 
carrj' o(V her child, by throwing a spear at a sjiring. 
At abnormal births the tints are appeased by 
sacrilices, aiul dri\-cn away by noise ami the burn- 
in" of foul-smellinj; things. 

The Red Karens improve on the beer-drinking 
of the Kachins by turning their birth feasts into 
orgies of nu;at and drink, and teaching the infant 
to drink liquor while still at the breast. When 
the child is three or four days old, the mother 
takes it aiul a hoe in her arms, and hoes a little 
gromid, soon after which the ear-boring ceremony, 
usually a function at puberty, takes place, show- 
ing its protective origin. Sawngtung Karens on 
the birth of a child place a brass ring and a skein 
of wldte cotton on tlie shrine [iifitsin) of the house 
guardians. Among them, too, twins and triplets, 
being spiritually dangerotis, are always killed. 

Spirit-searing, combined with spirit protection, 
under cover of driving out evil humours — an idea 
acquired from Indian medicine of no very early 
date — is no doubt responsible for the extraordi- 
narily cruel birth-customs of the modern Burman. 
Immediately after the birth of the child, the 
mother is rubbed over with turmeric (na-mvin), 
and then heated witli fire, blankets, and hot bricks 
{of pn) for seven days. She is then steamed over 
a jar of boiling water, and linally has a cold bath. 
All this time she perpetually drinks sein, a secret 
green concoction prepared by midwives {'unmzwc), 
and smells at samonnet (balls of the Nigella sativa). 

Among Shans, and Ked Karens especially, a 
good many articles of food are forbidden to the 
mother, and even to her husband, for from seven 
days to a month. Impurity of the mother is recog- 
nized bj' tlie Shans for seven days, and purification 
is effected by exposure to the fire of any wood that 
does not exude milk or gum, and finally by bath- 

Among Ked and White Karens there are curious 
traces of the couvadc. Among the Ked Karens 
only the father may act as mitlwife, and he may 
not speak to any one after the birth of his child. 
Among the White Karens (Mepu) no one may leave 
the village after a birth until the umbilical cord is 
cut, this event being announced by bursting a bam- 
boo by heating. This custom is said to be extended 
to the birth of domestic animals. No stranger may 
enter the house of a woman during her confine- 
ment. No customs seem to exist connected with 
the umbilical cord, except that the Ked Karens 
hang up all the cords of the Nollage iu sealed 
bamboo receptacles [lojcdauk) on a selected tree. 
The Shans have a custom, borrowed from India, 
of bathing male infants in a bath containing 
articles of value. 

(3) and naming. — Kachins give a child a 
name immediately after birth, or the nats will 
give it a name that will kill it. There is a good 
deal of restriction in naming children. Shans, 
copied in this by the Kachins and White Karens, 
are confined to quite a small choice of names, 
according to the order in which the child is born. 
Among the lire and Sawngtung (Red Karens) a 
child must he named after its maternal grand- 
parent, according to sex — by the mother, unless 
the chicken-lioiie augury is against her, when the 
father has the right. Burmans are named after 
the initial of the name of the day of the week on 
which they are born (Indian iniluonce), and the 

future character of the child is deduced from the 
name of the birthdaj'. 

There is a good deal of clianging of names. All 
boys, on entering on the obligatory probation in a 
monastery, are given a scholastic name in Indian 
horoscopic fashion, which is retained for life if 
they become monks, but may not be used if they 
return to lay life. I5ut amongst Shans, if there is 
illness or misfortune or suspected hostile spirit 
inllueneos, the name is changed, to avert evil and 
procure better luck, according to horoscopic rules 
which are Buddhist, subjected to Chinese influence. 
In the case of infants, a lucky name is given by a 
supposed exchange of the child for something after 
which it is named : e.g. cloth, silver, weight, roast 
meat, visitor, moon, birth-marks, alms (to a 
monastery). A Burman, however, may change his 
name at any time by merely sending a packet of 
tea salad (lapct) to all concerned, and announcing 
the fact. Among Sgau and Pwo Karens the 
parents change tlieir names on the birth of a child. 

(4) Puberty is not much noticed domestically. 
Ear-boring is obligatory on all girls, but is optional 
with boys, among the Burmans. All Bre (Red 
Karen) children stain their teeth black with much 
ceremony at about ten years of age — no doubt in 
connexion with puberty. 

(5) Marriage. — Marriages in Burma present an 
astonishing variety of practice and principle, and 
nearly all the methods known to mankind are 
there in vogue somewhere or other. The only 
general guide disclosed as to the mental attitude 
of the people towards the subject is that marriage 
is on tlie whole regarded as a purely civil matter 
with which religion has very little concern — an 
attitude that is encouraged by tiie Buddhist 
religion, but not at all suited to the notions of 
Brahmanism, or of the modern Hindu astrologers, 
who have introduced all the ceremony possible to 
them in the conditions. 

(a) Forbidden degrees. — The rule is that marriage with 
parents, grandparents, children, grandchildren, brothers and 
sisters, is forbidden, but sometimes uncles and aunts are added 
(Shans). A Burman may raarr.v his stepmother. The matri- 
archal s.vstem of forbidden degrees is in vogue among the 
Kachins, so that the usual marriage is with the daughter of the 
mother's brother, hue never with the daughter of the father's 
or mother's sister. Likewise an.v one, even a stranger, with 
the same family name (father's side) is within the forbidden 
degrees, and consequently all blood-relationship runs through 
the females. The same idea obliges a Kachin or a Chin to 
marry his elder brother's widow, or in extreme cases to provide 
a substitute for her re-marriage. 

A severely restrioted area of marriage found among the 
Karens lool^ like a relic of totemism, but probably has quite a 
different explanation. Among Sgau and Pwo Karens, in times 
of general danger, the girls of allied villages are given in ex- 
change as brides to become hostages for the good faith of the 
villagers towards each other. Hence we seem to have an 
explanation of some curious Karen customs. The Sawngtungs 
may marry only among cousins residing in specified villages, and 
then not without the consent of the elders. The area of choice 
is so small that many aged enforced bachelors and spinsters 
exist, and it results in great irregularity of age in the married 
couple. This is carried to an extreme extent by the Eanj'oks 
of Banyin in Loi Seng, where the field of choice is among six 
families at the order of the chief official of the district {taungsd). 
It has nearly wiped out the tribe. 

The Szi Kachins have a custom which looks like an instance 
of Indian h.vpergamy, but is probably really referable to those 
above mentioned. They have permanently connected families, 
one of which gives daughters to another, but cannot receive 
them back. E.g.^ Chumlut girls may marry Maiangs, but 
Slalang girls may not be married to ChumliiU, ' 

(6) Freedom of choice. — Absolute freedom of action is a 
characteristicof the Burman woman. She has separate property, 
whether owned before or acquired after marriage, and she takes 
this property with her on divorce. She marries whom she 
pleases, and separates or divorces, if offended, without any cere- 
mony beyond the consent of the village elders. She has a voice 
in all domestic matters and in purchases and sales of family 
property, and acta with her husband's authority in his absence, 
when he is a village official. All this is in direct contradiction 
of the equally prevalent marriages by capture or by purchase. 

(c) Courtship. — Courtship among Burmans and Shans is 
formallj' conducted accordmg to social rules, so as to prevent 
improprieties. The exactly opposite custom of recognized ex- 
pei'iinental cohabitation before marriage is practised by the 
Kachins, who provide 'bachelors' hu"ts' (dum-ntd) for the 


purpose. A child born in consequence iaa 'debt' to the girl's 
lather, and its father has to pay a ane or marry the t'irl. On 
the other hand, among Sawiigtung Karens boys on attaining 
puberty must live entirely in a baehclor's hnt (/irtic) outside the 
villaKc, and may not speak to a girl until married, except at 
death-fcasti) and marriages. 

Among the Meng (Miaotzu) there is a sort of irrevocable 
betrothal, at which the engaged couple sing and dance and go 
off together at intervals for years, or until the girl is enceinte. 
The Yao have the same custom, but less crude— the girl 
remaining at home until claimed, and the singing of the couple 
being by way of strophe and antistrophe, while there is^ some 
consultation of horoscopes. Karens, however, have infant 
marriage, or irrevocable betrothal between children of live or 
six, when a feast, consisting of orgies, takes place, and another 
is held at the subsequent marriage. Breach of such a betrothal 
is expiated by a tine. 

(if) ilarriage by purc/iOSC— Palaung girls are bought and 
retained for life in the husband's family. Lihsaw girls arc 
bought at fixed customary prices, become their husbands' 
property, and are saleable if they cannot agree with them. 

(«0 Marriage by capture. — Marriage by capture is a wide- 
spread custom among hill tribes. Kachin marriages are 
preceded by actual capture, after a respectalile houaeiiolder in 
the girl's village has fixed her dower. The girls are not 
consulted, and are bound by their parents' wishes. Even tlie 
bought wives of the Lihsaws are actually abducted as a 
preliminarj'. Among the Palauugs, boys and girls first romp 
together and are subsequently drawn by lot in pairs. The 
marriage is a concerted elopement, without ceremonies. 
Among Akhas, the pair leave the hut for the night, and in the 
morning inform the girl's parents. 

Among Burmans, throwing stones on the roof of the bridal 
pair on the marriage night, and tying a string across the bride- 
groom's path in order to demand a present, are probably relics 
of a bygone marriage by capture. This last custom is practised 
also by secluded tribes on the eastern frontiers. 

(/) Absence of ceremontai.— Everywhere the feeling is that 
marriage does not require any ceremony. There is none 
amongst the Mengs, Chins, Akhas, Taungyos, orBanyok Karens, 
or among Shans and Burmans in the villages. 

(H) Cere^nmial.—li rarely happens that anything takes place 
bevond public announcement to friends or a feast of rejoicing. 
The Bed Karens and Kachins indulge in drunken orgies. 
Amongst educated Burmans, Shans, and others who copy them, 
there are sometimes ceremonies of an Indian type conducted 
by pounds, but these are foreign to the indigenous ideas. 
Kachins have a simple ceremony, the essential point of which 
is feeding each other in public. The Akhos tie the arms of the 
bridal pair together. The Sgau and Pwo Karens are more 
elaborate in their ceremonies. They drench the bride with 
water as she enters the bridegroom's house, and the binding 
ceremony is the drinking of a cup of spirits by the elders 
representing tlie parties. Among Red Karens the cup is drunk 
by the bridal pair themselves in each other's houses. The only 
approach to a regular ceremony is among the Kadus. Both 
tliey and the Tauugthus ask the daughter of the house from 
the house nat, but the Kadu bridegroom makes a present of a 
bamboo, full of tea, equal in length to the king-po^:t of the 
bride's house ; and small packets of lapet are susjicndijcl by a 
string, the whole length of the king-post. The hands of the 
young couple are then joined, and they go hand in hand 
down the stairs and shikho to the nat of the house at the 

(A) Adultery.— One hears but little of married adultery, but 
a good deal of connexion between the unmarried. The usual 
penalty is expulsion from the village among some tribes, as 
the Tauugthus, who resent it when it results in illegitimate 
children. Among Taungyos, the mother of an illegitimate 
child must either be married or compensated. If she cannot 
prove the affiliation, she is turned out of the village. Sawng- 
tung Karens expel the runaway couples of their villages, but 
punish elopements of their own girls with strangers by en- 
forced suicide of the guilty parties nr by hanging. 

(i) Polt/ffamy. — Polygamy is unrestricted among the Ciiins, 
and is the rule among the Akhas. It is permitted to the 
Taungyos, where the wife is merely cook antl household 
servant. Among the Kachins, it is the result only of the 
obligation to marry a widow of an elder brother. It is not 
forbidden, but rare, among Burmans, Talaings, Shans, and 
Padaungs. It is forbidden to all Karens, except Padaungs, and 
to Akhos. 

(j) Dimrce. — Among Burmans, Shans, and Red Karens, 
divorce is by mutual consent ; nevertheless it is neither 
common nor reputable. Palaungs copy the Burmese, but 
adulter.y demands compensation merely, not divonie. Among 
Akhos it is easy on a money payment. It is unknown among 
Sawiigtuiig and White Karens, and among Chins, who-sc 
absconding wives, if recovered, are taken back on the murder 
of the seducer. 

(6) Death. — Tliror.<;hotit Btinii.t Uie object of the 
death ceremonies is to prevent the spirits of the 
dead, especially of the person just deceased, from 
injuring the living ; and the origin of the tiniversal 
wakes and feasting is to propitiate the spirits by 
letting them have a share in them. The ceremonies 
are a combined exorcism atid propitiation. This is 
shown in tlio [.rnctice of postponing funer.als until 
VOL. in. — 3 

the community can properly carry out the necessary 

Among Palaungs, bodies are kept unburied for soma time 
under the control of the village elders, and the whole village is 
feasted in the interval. AH funerals are public, the entire 
community attending. If a Red Karen dies away from home, 
his funeral cannot be celebrated until his fjuardian spirit 
permits it. Feasting, dancing, and noisc-making go on until 
the spirit announces its arrival by tinkling a cow-bell, when 
the funeral tokes place over a straw elflgy. Here the sense of 
the funeral ceremonies clearly comes out. 

Postponement of funerals is general. A prominent example is 
tlie often described pangylbydn, or funeral of a respected monk 
long after his death. Lihsaws keep their dead in a wooden 
colhn surrounded by stakes, until the spirits are consulted. 
Siyin Chins artificially dry corpses for a year or more before 
burial, by smoking and sun-drying, until they are reduced to a 
quarter of their original size. The Kachins bury the dead at 
once, without ceremony, but postpone the funeral ceremonies 
till a convenient period. In the case of chiefs, the body is kept 
in a coftin supported above the earth. 

Kachins commence the funeral ceremonies 
{manmakhoi) !jy presenting the naW portion of a 
sacrifice (buH'alo, oullock, pig, or fowl), chosen by 
an exorcist (tuiiisa) in consultation with tlie s]iirit 
of the decea.scd(/rt((H,v^ (////"«•/ it"i), at his temporary 
shrine {m'lnjniii;) at the back of the liouse, where 
the household uats are worshipped. The sacrilice 
is then devoured. Among the Akhas, the slaughter 
of live bull'aloes and a drinking-feast are the only 
ceremonies, even at the death of a man of position. 
Wakes are universal, and are intended to be 
projiitiatory in tlie sense that the spirits can join 
in them. The Siyin Chins commence the funeral 
ceremony (fiiithi) with a slow measured dance, 
with locked hands and bent heads, round a plat- 
form on which the corpse is set upright, covered 
witli gay cloths and ornaments. They wind up 
with a drunken debauch, such as is common on 
similar occasions among Red Karens, Kachins, and 

The Kachin's elaborate death ceremonies, after 
he has propitiated the spirit of the deceased, are 
all designed to frighten it away. There is a 
death-dance and a wild rush into the jungle to 
frighten the ghost and drive it away. Tlie spirit 
is requested not to become a }uit and worry the 
living. The reason is made clear by the belief 
that a man returns six days and a woman seven 
days after a funeral; therefore the temporary 
sliriue to the deceased {manjiing) is destroyed so 
that it ma}' not be found, and the lirst thing 
caught in the interval is oliered to the ghost with 
spirits, with the avowed object of inducing the 
ghost to keeji away. There is a death-dance after 
the destruction of the shrine, and a general drinking 
bout ends the ceremonies. Red Karens fire otl' 
guns at an approaching death, and make all the 
noise possible at funerals, to frighten away the 
nuts. Burmans still do the same, althougli the 
practice is discouraged by their Buddhism, and 
was not permitted under native rule. So great is 
the fear of the returning spirit that, among Sgau 
and I'wo Karens, widows and orphans are banished 
the house, lest their misfortune should prove con- 
tagious. Shans sweep the place selected for the 
grave, with brambles and thorns, to clear oil' the 
evil spirits. 

Kachins and some Karens have disconcerting 
notions as to exacting compensation for injury of 
whatever kind, real or fancied. Deaths, and even 
any debts or injuries, are avenged by murder or 
blood-money, or by reprisal against the [dace or 
thing causing the injury, at any time thereafter 
as long as memory lasts. A stream (in theory its 
nat) will be hacked with .swords (f/fw) if any one is 
drowned in it. 

Botli Burmans and Shans have special customs, 
which do not appear to be indigenous, and are due 
to the Brahmanism introduced witli Buddhism. 
Of these may be mentioned placing 'ferry-money' 
l^kciliikA) between the teeth of the deceased ; swing- 



iiif; tlio <'()r|ise three times over the grave, and 
throwing; in a hamifiil of eartli by each person 
jjresont (iitii/c) liefuro the body is lowered into the 
jjrave ; allo\viii<; no marks of a burn on the 
wrappings of (lie corpse ; and not allowing people 
who have touched the corpse to enter the village 
without bathing. 

(7) Dixpasat of t/ie dead.- — The various peoples 
anil tribes in liurnia dispose of the dead by burying 
till' body, or burning it and burying the ashes, or 
by both these nietliods. Where burial is resorted 
to, cotiins are universal, and there is much variety 
as to place of burial. With different tribes there 
are customs of burying in formal cemeteries, in 
separate graves, and in lonely places in the jungle. 
So also there are many ways of dealing with 
graves — from ignoring and forgetting tliem to 
elaborate monuments, dolmens, cromlechs, and 
barrows. The principle determining all the cere- 
monies and practices seems to be the prevention of 
injury to the living from the spirits of the dead by 

(a) BnnAL. — (i.) Burial in cemeteries. — Formal public ceme- 
teries are used hy Burmana, Karens, and Chins (Lai, Siyin, 
Sokte, Thado, and Tashon), the last named burying their dead 
outflide the village in structures of mud and stone erected on 
the surface of tlie ground. In the Wild Wa country, barrows 
are found near the villages, three feet high by three wide, and 
up to a hundred yards long. 

(ii.) Separate burial. — Tame Was bury inside their villages, 
and Wild Was at the foot of the steps leading to the house. 
Northern Chins (Haka, Shunkla) bury in deep catacombs in the 
yard in front of the house. Among Chins also (Siyin, Sokte, 
Thado, Tashon), superior families have vault-like structures 
entered by a door, and surrounded by stone pillars and tal! 
carved posts. Chiefs are separately buried on the road leading 
to the village. 

(iii.) Burial in remote places. — The object of burial in remote 
and lonely places is to keep the spirit from haunting the living. 
The living forget the place, and the dead their way home. The 
idea in an attenuated form is seen in the Shan custom of 
burying separately in the jungle or near the village, and in the 
Burman custom of putting up no stone or other mark on or 
near the grave. Lihsaws merely bury the corpse at a distance. 
Akhas simply bury in a lonely place without ceremonies, and 
forget the grave, which is made level with the earth. Yaos 
bury in some remote spot, and mark the grave by three stones 
placed in a small triangle, but the poorer classes make no 
mark on the grave. Menga (Miaotzu) bury in the deep jungle, 
and the nearest relative tends the grave for three years, after 
which it is forgotten. Kachins explain all these customs by 
their habit of burying at any spot chosen by a Chinese sooth- 
sayer (semen) as favourable for security from the ghost of the 

(iv.) Cf#ns.— Burial is nearly always in a coffin, but the 
poorer Yaws merely wrap the corpse in matting. The usual 
coffin in the jungles is made from a trunk, hollowed out for 
the purpose. Tbose of the Red Karens are large, and contain, 
besides the corpse, food, clothing, implements, and necessaries 
of life. They are decor,ated during life as handsomely as the 
owner can afford. The Burman, on the other hand, is buried 
in a light coffin roughly nailed together. 

(6) Cremation.— (1.) Objects of cremation.— Cremation is 
resorted to both for reasons of safety and of honour. All 
Kachins burn lunatics (.rnard), victims of violent deaths (sait'd) 
or of smallpox, and women dying in childbirth (ntang)—i.e. all 
persons likely to become dangerous ghosts. Palaungs burn 
their chiefs, and the Yaos their wealthy personages, in coffins. 
Some tribes burn all their dead (Szi, and formerly Marii Kachins 
and Lai Chins). The ashes of cremated bodies are always 
buried. Lai Chins bury them together with the clothes of the 

(ii.) Cremation of the respected and holy dead.— The well- 
known cremation of a respected pongyl, or Buddhist monk 
(pongyibyan), with all its Indian Buddhist ceremonial, is in 
reality an indigenous ceremony. Burmana bum especially 
respected and aged persons as well, collect the bones, wash 
them, and bury them in a pot in the cemetery or near a pagoda. 
Over the ashes they erect a small pagoda without the crowning 
umbrella (A(i), but over the ashes of a great pmgyi an ordinary 
pagoda is erected. 

(c) Burial at ancestral home.— In direct contradiction to the 
lonely grave, which is to be forgotten as soon as possible, there 
is the strong feeling among Karens and Chins of the necessity 
of being buried at the ancestral home. The explanation is to 
be found in the Bed Karen funeral ceremonies, which show 
that the guardian spirit of the deceased will haunt the living 
until the corpse has been disposed of with its permission. All 
Chins attach great importance to burial in the ancestral villages, 
and (Jhinbon China who die at a distance from home are burnt, 
and their ashes are carried to the ancestral cemetery. AmonfJ 
Red Karens the body should be taken, if possible, to the grave 
from the deceased's houae ; if that is impossible, there must he 
a mock funeral over an efflgy. I 

(d) Monuments. — The object of the ordinary moimment in 
Burma is to provide a home for the spirit of the deceased, in 
the hope that it may remain there. Kachins erect a conical 
thatch ilup) over graves, but Szi Kachins a lup or a hut. The 
Chinbrui ('liins build a miniature house of the ordinary type, 
and the Ited Karens a miniature shed containing food. In 
the Wild Wa country are found cromlechs and collections of 
boulders, with pointed stones in the centre which are said to ho 
the abode of house nats. This statement ia supported by the 
Meng custotn of raising oblong heaps of stones over the lonely 
graves they make in the deep jungle, evidently in the hope of 
keeping the spirits of the deceased, or house nats, at a distance. 
Lai Ohms erect a dolmen over the ashes of the cremated dead. 
(8) Slavery. — Slavery is almost among 
the hill tribes. It has a distinct effect on their 
phj^sical development, and accounts for the great 
variety of form and feature, and sometimes of 
custom, observable where it is prevalent. Usually 
it is the result of raids on neighbours, but people 
of the same tribe and even of the same village 
{Kachins, Chins, Karens) and also relatives (Red 
Karens) may be enslaved or sold into slavery. 
Slavery for debt is everywhere recognized, and the 
general principle of legalized slavery is clearly 
shown by the Sgau and Pwo Karen custom of selling 
into slavery defaulting debtors, captives in forays, 
and confirmed thieves. This principle, in its ex- 
treme application common in the Far East, is visible 
in the Aklia custom of selling themselves into 
slavery when their crops fail. The Chins prefer 
monks (pongy'iJi) and women as slaves, because they 
are the least likely to escape, and Sgau and Pwo 
Karens killed the men and the children in forays, 
but saved the women as slaves. 

The custom is to treat slaves well, and not to 
make them work harder than their masters, 
provided they give no trouble. The female slaves 
are not turned into concubines, and are not made 
to sutler indignities (Red Karens, Chins, and 
Kachins). They may marry free men, the master 
acting as father-in-law (Kachins), and slaves may 
marry free women (Kachins). But the abiding 
principle in Burmese slavery is — once a slave 
always a slave for all succeeding generations. All 
the children of slaves are slaves. It is the only 
idea of ' caste ' that has reached the Indo-Chinese 
races in Burma, and it has been applied to religious 
uses with cruel effect. It begins with a superstition. 
The Sgau and Pwo Karens sell into slavery widows 
and widowers who cannot pay the ' price ' of the 
deceased, and those who introduce epidemics — a 
principle that was extended to the tillers of the 
Royal lands (Inmaing) in Mandalay, who were all 
slaves ipso facto. With the help of imported 
Brahmanical ideas, the principle was further ex- 
tended to the attendants at Buddhist shrines, the 
so-called pagoda slaves (pardgyiin). The pagoda 
slave, absolutely dedicated to the service of the 
pagoda, is a familiar spectacle in Burma. He 
could not be liberated or find a substitute, and the 
slavery descended for ever to all children, wives, 
and husbands of pagoda slaves, and to any free 
children they miglit have had on marriage. The 
duty was to keep the pagodas In order, and the 
slave might be employed in no other capacity, on 
pain of the employer being sent to the lowest 
(Buddhist) hell. The pagoda slaves are, in fact, a 
'low caste.' The whole idea is Indian, no doiibt 
introduced with Buddhism from the analogy of 
the dedicated attendants of Hindu shrines, with 
the help of the indigenous practices as to slavery. 
So great is the stigma attached to slavery of this 
nature, that all the prestige and authority of the 
British Government have been unable materially 
to alter the status or means of livelihood of this 
unfortunate class since the emancipation granted 
them under British rule. 

23. Palace customs. — The customs of the late 
Royal Court of Burma, up to the British occupa- 
tion of the country in 1885, are preserved in the 
Lawkabyiihfi Inyon volume, and in the VHzawimlaw 



(Roj-al Chronicle) of Maiulalay. They not only 
present a faithful picture of all the religious and 
superstitious ideius of the iicople, but are also a 
sort of epitome of them, whether indigenous or 
imported. Many of tlie allusions contained in the 
religious or o;«f.v('r('li}rious practices of the I'aliue 
refer directly to liuddhism, or to the old Urah- 
manism which accompanied it, or to the nioderu 
Hinduism introduced Ijy the Royal astrologers. 
The references to the indigenous Animism arc also 
numerous, and of these the most instructive and 
important for the study of religion in Burma are 
recorded in the following account : 

(1) Enihrotiemcnt ce.reiiioni/tl. — At the enthrone- 
ment of the kings of the last dynasty, a temporary 
palace was erected, called the Thagyanan (the 
Palace of Thagya, the arch)!«< of the Thirty- 
seven and 15uddnist 'archangel'), where the king 

Eerformed the cer(Mnonial washing of his liead 
efore ascending the throne. Here was also 
deposited a golden casket containing some ' golden 
quicksilver' with the nine precious stones (Indian) 
and some charmed water. After the washing the 
king was ' anointed ' with water blessed by eight 
Hindu astrologers (punnds), and presented by 
them with a charmed flower (paycitpdn). After 
this ceremony a pound fixed the auspicious day 
for ascending the throne, which was made of plpal 
wood (the Indian sacred fig). As soon as the royal 
couple were seated thereon, the lucky silver gong 
(niingald ngxoemaung) was sounded. 

(2) The king's sacred position. — The king's title 
was Athet-u-san-paing-than-asliln, ' Lord of the life, 
head, and hair of all human beings.' His word was 
above the law and infallible. His orders were 
Divine communications (byd-theit). He Avas im- 
measurably above every other human being ; all, 
even the chief queen, were obliged to treat him 
and all his personal property with the utmost 
respect as sacred, and a special honorific language 
was used in his presence with respect to him. 

(3) The royal wives. — The king was obliged to 
have eight queens and as many concubines as 
Chinese and Shan potentates presented to him. 
The neglect of Thibaw, the last king, to comply 
with this custom caused much concern among his 
most law-abiding subjects. The chief queen was 
usually a half-sister, but sometimes even a sister. 

(4) The Order of the ' Salwe.' — This was an 
Order established in the persons of those who were 
entitled to wear the salwe, a belt of golden chains 
tied together by bosses, worn over the shoulder, 
the number of strands indicating the rank. The 
regulations concerning it are recorded in the Sal- 
wedin Saddn (Book of the Order of the Salwe). 
These show that the salwe is nothing but the 
Indian janea (Brahmanical cord) turned to secular 

(5) Court festivals. — In every month of the year 
there was a Royal feast for the Court and the 
public. Some of these were national, some 
peculiar to Mandalay, some almost exclusively 
Court functions. Animistic practices were current 
at many of them. 

(a) March- April, Tagu: Unil-lhii Thigydndaw Pwe, New 
Year's Day and Wat«r Keast. — On New Year's Day water from 
the Irrawaddy, doubly sacred from the blessing of the ponnds 
and the handliiig of the king, was used to wash the sacred 
images in the pagodas. The king and chief queen washed 
their hair in water from the hollows of sacred cotton trees 
growing in the villages of Bok and Kyuwun, while ponnds 
nivoked the nats of hon (Are) and gyo (planets). 

(6) April-May, Kasan : Syaungyedaw Pwe, Charmed Water 
Feast. — Water from the Irrawaddy was formally presented to 
the king and chief queen, and given by them to the courtiers 
and maids of honour to wash the sacred images within the 
palace walls. 

(c) May-June, Nayon : MSndt Puzmc (Hindu Stoghandtka- 
piijd), Worship of the I/ord of tlie Clouds.— This consisted of 
prayers for rain {nga-payeik) by the sadaws (heads of Buddhist 
monasteries), also known as Ngayan Min's Prayer. lie was 
king o( the murrcl Qsh (snake-head), whose prayer when hia 

lagoon dried up is known all over Burma. At this ceremony 
punnds prayed to Ggures representing the nats of the rain, 
which are human spirits, and the nats of the water, which are 
the spirits of alligators, frogs, and niurrel fish. These were set 
up in tazauags (temporary seven-tier structures), and finally 
thrown into the Irrawaddy. The whole festival has a strong 
Indian bias. 

(ff) In the sante month was held the feast of the Mingald 
Ledan Puie, the Feast of the Lucky Ploughing, when the king, 
in full military costume, ploughed and harrowed a certain field 
to procure a good harvest, while pounds offered prayers to 
fifteen Hindu gods, and male and female necromancers (TUlf- 
sayds, natijks, natsawfi) invoked the Thirty -seven Nats. 

(e) July-August, Wdgau7ig : Sayeddn Pwe, the Feast of the 
Offerings. — The king sent officials (natoks and natteijis) with 
offerings of clothing to the shrine (natkun) of the Shwebyin 
Nyinaung Nats, two of the Thirty-seven, at Taungbyon. 

(/) October-November, Tasaujigmon : Kateindaxv Pwe, the 
Feast of the Presentation of Robes (to the monks). — The wives 
of the Court officials had to perform, between sunset and 
sunrise, the whole process of making cloth for draping the 
most sacred images in the Seven Nanthin Pagodas, from spin- 
ning to the woven material, out of raw cotton supplied by the 
king. At the full moon the fifteen chief nats of the royal 
family (all really Hindu deities), whose metal images were 
kept in a special building with a three-tier roof, were wor- 
shipped by the Court. 

ig) At the Tazaungdaing Pwe, the Feast of Burning the 
Shrines, also held in this month, eight large pydtthdts (orna- 
mented wicker work spires) and many snj.-ili bamboo models of 
pagodas were displayed to the king and chief queen and then 

(h) November-December, Nadaw : Mahd-peinne Pwedaw, 
the I'eastof the Royal First-fruits. — The first-fruits of the royal 
fields from the crown predial lands {latnaing), were sent by ttle 
king to the Maha-peinne Nat at the Arakan Pagoda at Amara- 
pura. Maha-peinne represents Mahavini^ia or Gaije^a, the 
Hindu god of learning, and the whole ceremony was largely 
Indian, including the distribution of largesse in the shape of 
Maundy money {kyulmi), received as revenue from Bhamo. 

(i) February. March, Tabaung : Paya Pwe or Thepon Zedxdaw 
Pwe, the Feast of the Shrines. — This is the month for wor- 
shipping the nats, and royal offerings were sent to the Nats, 
Aungzwamagyi, Ngazishin, and Mahagiri (Magayc) of Popa 
Hill (all of tlie "Thirty -seven), and also to the guardians (jwifs, 
bolus) of the four great gates of the city of Mandalay. 
Pagodas of sand were also reared to gain or retain good 

24. Hindu influence. — In cases where the old 
Brahmanism (introduced with Buddhism) and the 
modern Hinduism (introduced by the Manipuri 
astrologers) have affected the religious ideas of the 
natives of Burma, the fact has been already pointed 
out in eacli instance. But there are certain other 
prominent examjiles of the influence of Hinduism 
which require to be considered separately. 

(1) On the Eoyal Court. — Tlie late Koyal Court 
was strongly impregnated with Hindu super- 
stition, which was prominently present in the 
punishment by the legal flogging of persons who 
habitually killed cows or ate beef. It came out 
strongly after the king had been deposed, in the 
doings of various persons wlio had been connected 
with the Court. A Hindu Manipuri astrologer 
(poymd) was employed by the two Chaunggwa 
princes in a plot against the British Government 
at Mandalay in 1886, though they were accom- 
panied by a Burman Buddhist priest (po7igyi). He 
drew their horoscopes, prophesying that the 
younger brother only would succeed. The party 
of the elder brother thereupon dissolved. The 
sadaw (abbot) of the MOdi Monastery at Mandalay 
was in the plot, and during a second plot, hatched 
in 1888 in that Monastery, the horoscope of the 
prince, a charmed bullet-proof image, and a jar of 
sacred water were found, when the pl.'ice was 
attacked. The jar had been used for taking the 
oath of allegiance to the prince, and the ceremony 
had consisted of drinking a cupful of the water 
from the jar, in which an image of Gautama 
Buddha, made out of wood from the Bo-tree at 
Bodh Gaya, had been dipped. The Indian pro- 
clivities of the Court also appear in the magic 
stone in the courtyard of the Shwedagon Pagoda 
at Rangoon, which is engraved with the hare 
(moon) and the peacock (sun), symbolical of the 
claim of the last dynasty to both ' lunar and solar ' 
descent (Rajput). The worship of tht White 



Elephant was j;ioully iiii\ed up witli the Court 
ceremonial, ami, tlio\isli apiiareutly a iicculiarly 
BunnOso anil Kir Kasteni institution, is uever- 
thcloss an instance iif Indian inlluonce introduced 
with r.nddhisiii. The Smlddii, or Siiihi/ih/aw, or 
White l-lephant, was nut white, but was an 
aninnil enilowed with mystical signs and powers of 
so pronounced an Indian type that Hindus greatly 
reverenced it. 

(2) On tliD people. — Among the people it is 
lierhaps natural to find, considering their source, 
that powers of witchcraft, sorcery, and necromancy 
generally sIhuiUI follow the typical Indian custom 
of running in families. Hindu influence also causes 
much confnsion in belief, and nats (Burman), 
baliis (ogres, doubtfull}' Burman), and pyeittds 
(ghosts, clearly Indian prcta) are all found mixed 
up in the same story as disease- and death-bringing 
spirits. Most of the Animistic customs of the 
Burmans, Talaings, and Shans are nowadays 
referred incorrectly to a Brahmanic origin through 
Buddhism. Hindu inlluence, too, much affects the 
Burmans as to lucky and unlucky days of the 
week, and these in their turn exercise so great an 
influence on theii' actions, ceremonies, and medicinal 
dieting as seriously to interfere with daily life. 

(3) Pagoda slaves and other outcasts. — The 
Pagoda slaves (pardgyun) [see above, 'Slavery'] 
are an ' outcast ' caste of the true Indian type — an 
idea entirely foreign to the Indo-Chinese mind. 
There is the same feeling towards professional 
wandering beggars (tadnungsa), who may follow 
no other occupation ; and with these are associated 
lepers, the deformed and the maimed (recalling 
the Indian idea of the 'sin of misfortune'), con- 
ductors of funerals, makers of coffins, and diggers 
of graves (sandale). The feeling was extended to 
the slave tillers of the government lands {lamaitig), 
to the lictors (letyatnung thingyeing), and to 
those specially tatued for crime (pagwet), who were 
also constables, jailors, and executioners. No one 
associated with them, and they were often denied 
burial, being thrown out along with the town 

(4) The Naumgtung vestals. — The marriage of 
four virgins every three years to Sao Kaing, the 
Spirit of Lake Nawngtung at Kengtung (Shan 
States) is Hindu in type, the influence in this case 

Erobably coming up from the South through Siam 
■om Cambodia. There is little dedication, how- 
ever, as the girls go home after the ceremony and 
may maiTy ; but if one of them dies soon after- 
wards, the nat has ' accepted ' her. 

(5) Onfcstivals, — Hindu influence clearly appears 
again at the New Year Festival at Kengtung, 
when an indecent figure of Lahu Nat, a frog, is 
carried through the to^^•n, and thrown into the 
river with obscene antics, ' for the public welfare.' 

(6) On superstitions. — A ponna, by means of 
necromantic dreams, successfully cultivated a field 
in Nanmadawza Kwin near Mandalay, in which 
dwelt a death-dealing nat, when every Burman who 
tried to cultivate it came to an untimely end. The 
posts of a house are believed to be male, female, 
neuter, and the ogre's (balu) respectively, or ac- 
cording as they are of one size throughout, or bulge 
at the bottom, in the middle, or at the top. 
Female posts are the best for building, next the 
male ; the others must be avoided. Nat shrines in 
trees are connected to the trees by a bridge made 
of threads for the use of the yiat. 

(7) Serpent-worship. — The accepted Burmese 
tradition is that King Anawrahta (Anawrahtazaw) 
of Pagan, the Buddhist reformer of the 11th cent. 
A.D. , put an end to the nagrX- (pronounced in 
Burma nfigd), or serpent-worsliip then prevalent. 
He probably merely scotched it, as is shown by the 
naga images about the Shwezlgon Pagoda at 

I'agan, biiilt after liis death. The cult must, 
however, as its name imjilies, have been imported 
from India, and the numerous legends and folk- 
talcs now current of nnga maidens and nriga 
heroes nuvy safely be referred to a form of Animism 
that is not indigenous in the country, or be re- 
garded as indigenous animal fables coloured by 
the cosmogony received through Buddhist sources. 
The presentation of a monster naga to the Pagoda 
is still an annual ceremonj' at the T.awadeintha 
(Buddhist) festival in Tasaungmon (November), 
and on either side of the Mintet Tagu, or State 
Staircase at the Palace at Mandalay, are four 
guardian images {pyawthd tayintha) directly refer- 
able to Indian jiaf/a-worship. 

(8) The Five Nats. — Burmese books lay much 
stress on the Five Nats, which have all Indian 
names combined with the native word so, meaning 
'ruler.' They are all 'nature' spirits: Mekkaso, 
Lord of the Kain (megha) ; Bommaso, Lord of the 
Earth (bhummi) ; Yokkaso, Lord of the Trees 
(rttkkha) ; Akathaso, Lord of the Sky (dkasa); 
and Tharaso, Lord of the Waters [sdra, lake). 

(9) The Thirty-seven Nats. — The Thirty-seven 
Nats, famous throughout Burma, are clearly of 
Buddhist origin, and represent the inhabitants of 
Tawadeintha, the tdvatimsa heaven, the abode of 
the Thirty-three, where dwell the ruling spirits 
that interfere with mankind. To the Thirty-three 
four have been added in modern times, making up 
the now orthodox number of Thirty-seven. The 
existing spirits are not by any means, in name, 
form, or representation, identical with the original 
Thirty-three, whose images, much debased from 
the Indian form, are still in existence at the 
Shwezigon Pagoda at Pagan, which was con- 
structed at various dates from A.D. 1094 to 1164. 
At the present day, the Thirty-seven are all, with 
one exception, national heroes or heroines, whose 
story or life has caught the popular fancy. Con- 
sequently there is some vagueness in the orthodox 
list, though there is an extraordinary unanimity, 
among those who profess to know the subject, as 
to their names, and even the order in which they 
should come. In their existing form they exhibit 
in a remarkable manner the tendency of all man- 
kind to fasten old-world stories and attributes on 
popular heroes. The Thirty-seven Nats are now 
purely Animistic in nature. The one nat of this 
Order that retains his original characteristics is 
Thagya Nat, Mho represents Indra in the form of 
Sakra (by Burmese phonetics Thugyd), the primus 
inter pares in the heaven of the Thirty-three in 
Buddhism, and the Recording Angel of Burmese 
orthodoxy. He is the first or chief of the Thirty- 
seven among the Burmans, birt the Talaings find 
no place for him, and rank the second of the 
Burmans, Mahagiri or Magaye, the house nat 
personified, as the first. 

On analysis, the Thirty-seven Nats resolve themselves into 
five groups, each connected with a cycle of ji«m-historioal 
tales, an explanation of which in detail would involve an 
examination of the very complicated history of Burma, often 
in its more obscure passages. Roughly, the five cycles of tales 
are all connected with royal families, including several kings, 
and therefore with great heroes and heroines. They commence 
with stories of m}-thical times in Tagaung and Prome, and are 
continued all through Burmese history to modern times. The 
great king of Pegu, Tahin Shwedi (1530-1550), and a prisoner of 
war taken by Bayin Naung of Pegu (1561-16S1), the Br.anginoco 
(Baylngyinaungzaw) of the contemporary Portuguese writers, 
are included in the list. Even the great-grandson of Brangi- 
noco, alive in the middle of the 17th cent., is one of the Thirty- 
seven. Only one of the Order besides Thagya Nat belongs to 
no special category. He was a personage of no particular con- 
sideration, Maung"Po Tu, a tr-oder of Pinya, who was killed by 
a tiger, and becameTamous by his- tragic death. Tragedy in 
life, indeed, has been the usual passport to inclusion in the 

Each member of the Order has his or her own 

particular festival, and there is a well-known book, 

I the Mahugita Medanigydn, which purports to be 

BURMA AND ASSAM (Buddhism in) 


a buuk ul odes to the Nats, tliouj;li, 
strictly .si)eakiiig, it contains a series of sliort 
bio;;rap!iical and genealogical sketches in verse for 
recitation under spirit possession by female 
mediums {nat-huhiw) at the festivals. They are 
by way of being moralities, and are meant to 
impress on the audience the sins of treason, 
rebellion, and assassination. The ceremonial at 
the festivals of the Thirty-seven Nats is distinctly 
Animistic in tone. 

25. Superstitions. — The superstitions of Burma 
iialuniliy t'liibody tags of every kind of belief that 
has at one time or otlier attracted tlie attentioti of 
tiie people. Superstitions are apt to run through 
tlie country without regard to origin. Those of 
the iJurmans may be looked on as common, at any 
rate, to the Talaings and Slians also, and to the 
tribes that have come in contact with them. They 
all have, Iiowever, some that are peculiar, more or 
less, to themselves. Of these superstitions some 
are now selected as samples : 

(1) Bunnans and general. — Combings of hair and parings of 
nails are tied to a stone and sunk in deep water. Water 
soiled by washing clothes, and saliva, are carefully disposed of. 
Children's cauls bring promotion in life to the possessor. The 
smell of cooking brings on fever, especially frying in oil. The 
mother of seven sons or daughters will become a witch. Women 
dying in childbirth are cut open and the chihl (,alon) is buried 
in some secret spot to prevent necromancers {hmawsayd) from 
digging it up and misusing it. At the funeral of a pungyl 
(pOTif;j/idi/an) there is a tug of v/at {lonswe), to ascertain which 
side is to have the merit (kutko) of dragging the body to the 
pyre. The natural ' spirit flames ' at Kama, between Prome and 
Thayetmyo, are the fire of a spectral blacksmith. A live boa- 
constrictor (sabdffiji) is kept on fishermen's boats as a warning 
of storms, as, when one is coming, it slips overboard and makes 
for the shore. The gall bladder of the snalce is a good medicine, 
and the fat a remedy for rheumatism. It is unlucky for bees to 
hive under the house, but lucky on the house-top. Shavings of 
rhinoceros horn cure epilepsy and poisons. Horns of buffaloes, 
when flawless and solid (thandt-hpi), are a charm for invulner- 
ability. Stones found in the heads of birds, in trees, and in 
animals (anmde) are highly prized as amulets. In the Manda- 
lay Palace grounds there stood the Hkonan, the palace of the 
king of the pigeons. If a hen lays an egg on a cloth, the owner 
will lose money. A snake crossing the path will delay a lawsuit, 
a Journey, or a raid. If a dog carries an unclean thing into tlie 
house, it'denotes riches to the owner. The steps of a monastery 
{kyaunfi) must be in odd numbers. Knots in the side pieces 
Ihhgatit) of the steps leading to the house determine its luck. 
Oil at the Yenangyaung oil-wells is found by the direction in 
which a marble elephant on a flat stone moves of itstlf, or in 
which its shadow falls on the surrounding offerings. S^ rapiiiga 
from meteoric stones cure ophthalmia. Eating lapet (te:i salad) 
setti' s ;i]l bargains, and is sometimes the binding part of a 
marn:i'„'t (Ceremony. In all the native Courts, except the 
SupniiR- Court (i/^^(rfa?^), decisions were finally settled when 
the parties had received and eaten a packet of lapet. Appeal 
after that in any circumstances was a crime, punished by public 
flogging (maung-kpaic) round the roads. Omens are drawn 
from the sun and moon, howling of dogs, flight and song of 
birds, twitching of the eyelids or any part of the l>ody. If a 
mushroom is met with at the beginning of a journey, it will 
siircocd. Small charms (hkaung-beit-.set) to secure invulner- 
ability, up to as many as thirty, are let in under the skin ; they 
consist of discs of gold, silver, lead, pebbles, tortoise-shell, and 
bom. Charmed necklaces and bracelets are worn for the same 

(2) 6'Aa?ts.— Inhaling the smoke of pine-wood or taking a 
mixture of monkey's blood and turmeric prevents bleeding at 
the nose and mouth in lying-in women. Corpses of the un- 
married are married to stumps by being knocked against them 
on the way to burial. 

(3) Talaings.— H is dangerous to mention any one by name 
during a devil-dance held to frighten away an epidemic, as the 
e\il spirits might afflict the owner with it. 

(4) A'acfti7i5.— Eclipses are catised by a dog {sftittdhvd) 
swallowing the moon. The rainbow is from a (;rab (chikdn), 
which lives in marshy hollows connected with a subterranean 
ocean. Thunder is the voice of Mushang, the Nat of the 
Heavens. Lightning is represented by a phrase, viyit fipyap 
kalamai, * rolling and shakmg the eyes (of Mushang).' Earth- 
quakes are tensed by crocodjles burrowing in the eartli ffim 
the subterranean ocean. The markings of the moon are due to 
the foliage of the rubber tree. It offends the house nat if :i 
visitor goes out at the backdoor. Snakes and porcupines across 
the path are unlucky ; deer, hedgehog, rhinoceros, and otler art- 
lucky. The wild cat is doubtful, being classerl both ways in 
different places. It is unlucky for young men to drink the beer 
named at births after a new-born child. 

(5) Karens.— It is lucky if a cricket, representing the Harvest 
Spirit, crawls up the yoke-support of the oxen and Hies upwards 
from the top. Lights on graves are the spirits of the dead, and 
are the occasion of an annual festival. The Bre Karens drink, 

for strength and courage, the blood of any animal they kill. 
Among tlie Sawngtung Kart-ns no one may leave the village on 
the day of the birth of a child in it, and no eggs ma.\- be kept in 
tlie village while the fields are being reaped. The first ancestor 
of the White Karens had a magic; wishing drum. Taungthii 
ghosts do not walk on festival days. Giving away anything at 
all on sowing or planting days means blight for the crop. 
Among the Taungyo Karens no paddy may be taken out of the 
bins during Pyatho (December-January). 

(G) Was and Palaungs. —Amon^ the Palaungs, if a person diea 
on the last day of the month, the body must be buried at once, 
or there will be fire, epidemic, ormurder in the village. Among 
the Ens, if a tree is felled, a man dies, and so over extensive 
areas the people will not work bill-fields, for fear of offending 
the spirits. 

l.rriiRATURE.— In addition to the works mentioned at the end 
of § III. the following may be consulted : 

Modern- Books: Scott and Hardiman, Ga.-.ff., , ..>' I'rrrr 
Burma and the Shan States, 6 vols., pt. i. 1 '" ' i : i . 

Carey and Tuck, The Chin Hills, 2 vol?,, I : i " . 

Shway Yoe [Sir J. G. Scott], The Burma». A /' ^ nd 
.Yotions, 2 vols. 1SS2 ; Nisbet, Burma under Jinl>s/, Uul.e and 
before, 'I vols., Westminster, 1901 ; M. and B. Ferrars, Burma, 
U»00; A. M. Hart, Picturesque Burma, 1897; Bigandet, Li/e, 
or Legend, of Gaudama^, 2 vols., 1886 ; H. Fielding, Soul of a 
People, 1898; E. D. Cuming, In the Shadow of the Pagoda, 
1893; A. R. Macmahon, Far Cathay and Farther India, 
1893 ; H. Yule, ^'arrative of the Mission to Ava, 1S55, London, 
1858 ; Smeaton, The Loyal Karens of Burma, 1887 ; Wylie, 
Gospel in Burmah, 1859 (for Karens) ; Maung Tet Pyo, Cits- 
tomary Law of the Chin Tribe, Rangoon, 1884 ; Temple, The 
ThiHy-Seven Sats, 1906 ; Goss, StoT^ of Wethandaya, Rangoon, 
1886 ; Taw Sein Ko, Selecti&ns frmn the Records of the Ulutdaw 
(in Burmese), Rangoon, 1889; Indian Antiquary : Taw Sein 
Ko, 'Folklore in Burma,' xviii. xix., *Thwe-thauk' (l>lood- 
brotherhood), xx., 'Notes on the National Customs of the 
Karennes," xxi. ; Houghton, * Folklore of the Sgaw Karens,' 
xxii. ; Temple, 'A Native Account of the Thirty-Seven Nats,' 
XXXV. ; Whitehead, 'The Chins of Burma,' xxxvi. 

Modern Travels-. Anderson, Mandalav to Momein, 1876; 
Gill. liirrr of Golden Sand, 1880 ; Clement Williams, Through 
Bonn.-l, '.< \\-. t ,n China, 1868; Holt Hallett, A Thousand 
Mt!. ; . , ',,nit in the Shan States, 1890; Colquhoun, 

Ai'h . , 1S85 ; Gouger, Personal !^arrative of Two 

IVrr, !,::/. ri r .w nt 171 Buiina, ISGO. 

OLDiin Boi'KS: Crawfiird, Embassy to Ava, 1829; Sanger- 
mano, Description of the Burinese Empire, ed. Tandy, Rome 
1833, ed. Jardine, Westminster, 1893 ; Symes, An Account of 
an Embassy to Ava in 1795, London, 1800 ; Cox, Journal of a 
Residence in the Binnhan Empirr in !7'.'0, ed. 1821 ; Wilson, 
Docwnents relative to the li"r„"-<:c H'a;-, Caliutta, 1>J7 ; 
Judson, An Account of the Aonrn-un IJ<ij'rist Mission intn the, 
Burman Empire, 1827; Malcom, Tni'-'ls in South Eastern 
Asia, vol. i., 'Burman Empire' (American Baptist Mission), 
London, 1839. 

Parliamentary PAPERS: Sladen, Report on the Bhamo 
Rm/^?, No. 251, Session 1868-9 (17th Aug. 1870); M*Leod and 
Richardson, Journeys, 1836 (10th Aug. 1869) ; Baber, Report 
on the Route of Grosveiwr's Mission between Talifu and 
Momein, 1878, China, No. 3. 

Books on Siam, Annam, Cambodia, and travels in Southern 
China and French travels to the East of Burma, as well as books 
on Assam to the West, can also be studied with advantage for 
information on Animism in Burma. K. C. TEMPLE. 

BURMA AND ASSAM (Bviddliism in). — 
i. Burma. — i. Origin and history. — The common 
assertion is that Buddhism was iirst established in 
Burma by Buddhaghosa from Ceylon about A.D. 
450. The delta lands were not even called Burma 
then, and the Mons or Talaings were the inhabit- 
ants, to the complete exclusion of the Burmese 
proper. The capital of the Burmese was then 
Pagan. It is supposed that the iigliting, which 
ended in the destruction of Tharokettara (tlie 
modern Prome) and the buildinji: of Pagan, was 
carried on by settlers from India, some of whom 
had come by sliip to Prome, which was then on 
the sea, and others who Iiad come to Northern 
Burma by way of Manipur. These last were cer- 
tainly Mahayanists, who followed the canon drawn 
up by Kanishka, at the synod held at Jalandhara 
in the Panjal). The Mon converts, antl assumedly 
the Indian immigrants, were Hinavaiiists, who 
adopted the canon of Asoka, formulated by liim 
at his synod in 250 B.C., hehl at Patalijjutra. This 
canon was taken to Ceylon, where it has been 
followed ever since. Pajj:an was established about 
the beginnin*;: of our era, and Tharekettara, tlie 
site of which is a short distance east of the modern 
Prome, had been a famous capital for something 
like five centuries before this. 


BURMA AND ASSAM (Buddhism in) 

Tliere is no real history of Bumm till the time of AnnwrahtA, 
who sua-etMJcii to the throne of Paj;;m in a.d. 1010, and is 
renowneii n3 the lii-st Burim-so national hero— a sort of Alfred 
the Great. He be[;:an the stru^illG between Burma proper and 
Voinanya, between the Burmese and the Mons, which did not 
end till 1756, when I'agau was captured and Uanpoon founded. 
This was also the strujrjjle between Buddhists of the Northern 
canon and Uudilliists of the Southern ; between Sanskrit and 
Mac:adhi, as the Iturmese call VMi ; between the Mahiiyanista 
and the Hinayanists, the Great Vehicle and the Little Vehicle. 
The doctrinal form of the conquered was imposed on the 
cODQUerors, but this came about through the personality of the 
originator of the great struggle. 

Serpent-worship had been followed for about a hundred years 
before the time of Anawrahta. It was grafted on the KanishUa 
canon by a usurper king. Saw Yahan, and the ministers of this 
debased religion were called Art or Arij/a^ 'the Noble.' They 
lived in monasteries, but are said to have been of dissolute life. 
Their robes were blue like those of the lamas of Tibet and 
China, and they let their hair grow two inches long. Anawrahta 
was converted to the purer form of Buddhism by a wandering 
monk, who is called Arahan, and is therefore practically name- 
less. The first act of the proselyte king was to send a messenger 
to the Mon king, Manuba of "fhaton, asking for a copy of the 
Tripitaka, the three Caskets of the Law. King Manuha refused. 
Anawrahta made no second request. He raised an army, 
marched to Thaton, levelled the city with the ground, and 
brought everything— the Books of the Law, the king Manuha, 
and the people — in a body to Pagan. From this time dates the 
erection of the temples which make Pagan so remarkable a 
ruined city, and also the spread of the present form of Buddhism 
over all the land of Burma. 

This is the common story, and it may very well 
represent the establislinient of Buddhism of the 
Southern school througliout Burma ; but the slow 
disinterment of buried cities and the study of 
Chinese and Tai annals seem to show that Buddha- 
ghosa had j)redecessors as missionaries, and it is 
quite certain that there were Buddhists in Burma 
proper long before Buddhaghosa's time. 

Hitherto the assumption has been that Buddhism firmly 
established itself in Burma about the time when it was begin- 
ning to disappear in India. It may be true that it was then 
first universally accepted in the form which it retains to the 
present day. it seems very clear, however, that Buddhism had 
been introduced lon^ before, perhaps only to struggle with the 
Animists, who then inhabited the country, but at any rate had 
been introduced and stayed, and was certainly not merely a 
tolerated religion. 

Buddhaghosa landed at, or near, Thaton with 
his volume of the Scriptures. Thaton was then 
certainly on the sea-coast, but Forchhammer main- 
tained that the apostle landed, not at the modern 
TliatOn, but at Golanagara, which lies twenty-two 
miles north-west of it. This is quite possibly the site 
of the original Thaton, for the changing of capitals 
was always a characteristic of the peoples of Burma, 
whether Burman, Mon, or Tai. There are frequent 
references to the struggle between Brahmans and 
Buddhists in the coastwise lands before this, and 
it seems quite probable that there is some truth in 
the legend, believed by all Burmans, that king 
Dhammathawka, as they call Aioka, sent two 
missionaries, Thawna and Ottara, to what we call 
Burma, after the sitting of the third great synod 
in 241 B.C. 

Kanishka, the last and probably the greatest of 
the three great Buddhist monarchs of Northern 
India, is commonly called the Constantine of the 
East. His date is very uncertain, but the best 
authorities seem to agree that he ascended the 
throne about -\.D. 120. He carried Buddhism to 
far-away Khotan. He defeated the armies of the 
emperor of China, and he beat back the attacks of 
the Parthians. It is possible that it was he who 
introduced Buddhism into China and Japan. 

But the name of the Buddhist monarch best known 
in Burma is that of A^oka (Dhammathawka), who 
was crowned in 269 B.C. and reigned till 231 B.C. 
He was the grandson of Chandragupta, the petty 
chief wlio founded the Maurya dynasty, the great 
military monarchy that held the whole of India 
from I'atna to the Panjab. Asoka was the greatest 
of these Maurya monarchs. He was converted to 
Buddhism, and made it the State religion of all 
Northern India. Kanishka is called the Constan- 
tine of the East, but A^oka was both a Paul and a 

Constantine. Ho sent missionaries over all the 
world known to him. lie ordered the dedication 
of stupas to the Buddha in the remotest parts. It 
is nearly certain that he iutroduceil Buddhism into 
the Tai kingdom of Nanchao, which had its capital 
at Talifu, and remained there till it was overthrown 
by Kublai Khan. 

The Burmese Buddhists know little of Kani-shka, 
but the name of Dhammathawka is well known, 
and tradition credits him with the foundation of 
many pagodas with the bones and relics of the 
Buddha (see art. Buddha in vol. ii. p. 884'' f.). 
There are such stupas at Tavoy, Sloulmein, 
Toungoo, and Thayet in Lower Burma. There 
are many of these shweindkthos and shwomokdaws 
in the Upper Province, and even farther off still, in 
the triliutary Shan States : at Kyauksfe, Sampe- 
nago, in the Bhamo District ; at Pwela in the 
Myelat, round the Inle lake, and in many parts 
of the hills. They are all implicitly credited to 
Dhammathawka, and it can hardly be that some 
of them are not on the list of the 84,000 which he 
ordered to be built. It is perhaps significant that 
the Burmese royal liistory says that a band of 
ksatriyas came after the founding of Tagaung (old 
Pagan) and established a capital which they called 
Mawi-iya, in the neighbourhood of the present vil- 
lage of Mweyen, 

When the Maurya empire broke up, Buddhism 
did not cease to be the dominant religion of the 
north of India. The Questions of Milinda give us 
the history of the conversion of the Greek Menander 
and of his disi)utations with the sage Nagasena. 
The Bactrian Greeks, though they were pushed 
southward and farther south by the Sakya, or 
Hun tribes of the Scythian steppes, established a 
great kingdom in the Panjab, and Menander's 
empire was hardly less extensive than that of the 
warlike A^oka, and even included for a time the 
sacred Magadha. The Scythians themselves were 
not content with driving the Greeks across the 
Oxus. They pushed on and established the Kushan 
dynasty, and seized the Middle Land itself, the 
sacred heart of India. It was then that Kanishka 
fixed his home in the holy city of Peshawar, and 
it was there that he received and befriended YUan- 
Ch'ang (Hiuen-Tsiang), the Master of the Law, the 
great traveller and writer. Kanishka buUt a great 
audience-hall for the monks, and a noble relic- 
tower. It is not impossible that this is the shrine 
discovered in 1909. Kanishka also convened a 

freat coimcil to examine and codify all the Bud- 
hist writings. The canon which we now have was 
laboriously drawn up and engraved on copper. It 
was buried in the relic-chamber of a pagoda, and, 
since the ashes of the Buddha claim to have been 
found after more than 2500 years, possibly this canon 
also will be discovered in tne same neighbourhood. 
With the death of Kanishka the decay of Bud- 
dhism in India began. It seems likely that the 
growth of Buddhism in Burma began at least then, 
and probably earlier. At any rate, everything 
seems to show that the theory that it did not 
begin till five centuries later is mistaken. All the 
researches of the very poorly supported Archseo- 
logical Department in Burma tend to establish the 
certainty of the early connexion of Burma >vith 
India, and indeed to prove that the Burmese race 
came from the north-west, and not from the north- 
east ; from the northern slopes of the Thian Shan 
range, and not from any liart of the modern China. 
The Burmese Chronicle, the Mahdydzmvin, asserts 
this, and all recent discoveries tend to prove that 
it is right. 

In the year 1908-09, excavations conducted under 
the direction of Taw Sein Ko at Hmawza have 
conclusively proved that the Northern school of 
Buddhism was established at Prome, the ancient 

BURMA AND ASSAM (Buddhism in) 


Tharekettara. Votive tablets found at tlic Legii 
pagoda, and tlie sculjituro there, are in tlie same 
style as the faiiiiliar Gupta work of Northern 
India. It seems, therefore, tliat 
there was communication between the kingdom 
of Tharekettara and Northern India, when the 
Guptas (A.I). 319-GuO) rose in Kanauj, and the 
term 'I'ali' began to be used instead of 'Ma^'adhi.' 
Ma^^adlii declined as the Guptas rose, just as ICosali 
declined when Magadha conquered and annexed 
Kosalu. It may be asserted with some coniidence 
that communications did not begin with the Guptas, 
and that there was connexion between Burma and 
India long before, and that Buddhism came much 
earlier than lias been hitheito believed. 

NeithiT the Mahajiiiists nor tlie llinayinist3 use the tongue 
in whicli the Buddha Uautama preached, the widely diffused 
dialect of Kosala, or Koshala, where he was born and brought 
up. After his death Kosala was conquered, and Magadha took 
ita place. The edicts of A^oka were issued in Magadhi, though 
history records that the Sanskrit of the Veda was still in official 
use at the court of his grandfather, Chandragupta. Kosala was 
the ancient land of Oudli, and Magadha is the modern Behar. 
Khys Davids, however, points out that the official tongue of 
Magadha differed from the local Magadhi, or Kosali, in many 
little ways, because it was based on the tongue which Gautama 
spoke, the dialect which had been the form of speech used by 
Rama and his race. The Uterary form of Kosali was known as 
Pali, that is to say, 'canonical,' because the Pali, or canon, of 
the Buddhi.sts was composed in the ancient dialect of Oudh. 

The relation of Pali to Sanskrit may be roughly compared 
with that which the Romance languages bear to Latin. Because 
it became the language of the Buddhist canon, Magadhi gradu- 
ally came to be called Pali, and so identified itself with the 
reformers. Sanskrit remained the form in which the orthodox 
Brahmans expressed themselves. It may be noted that the 
people of Burma and Ceylon still prefer to use the old name 
' Magadhi ■ instead of ' Pali.' Magadhi, at the time of the mis- 
sionary journeys of the first Buddhist apostles, was a sort of 
lingua Jranca, as Hindustani or Malay is now, and the Sinhalese 
language is, as a matter of fact, derived from Magadhi. Any 
one talking Pali could probably make himself understood by the 
people of Ceylon, just as a Yun-nanese can understand a Peking 
Chinaman, or a Lao Shan can follow a Siamese on the one side, 
or a British Tai on the other. 

It seems to be proved bej'ond reasonable doubt 
that Buddhism was established both in Southern 
and in Western Burma long before the hitlierto 
accepted dates. Very probably it got no great 
hold on the country. It is also probable that the 
JMahayanist school was niucli the more strongly 
represented until the time of xVnawrahta. It 
can hardly be doubted that some of Asoka's 
apostles visited and settled in both Upper and 
Lower Burma. Probably, however, the mission- 
aries of Kanishka were much more numerous and 
more successful. 

By the time of Kanishka, Indian Buddhism had 
lost the simple morality and ' agnostic idealism,' 
as Waddell c.-tlls it, of its founder, and had taken 
in much from the Bhagavad-Ottd and from fjaivism. 
It had become 'a speculative theistic system witli 
a mysticism of sophistic nihilism in the back- 
ground' (W.oddell, Buddhism of Tibet, p. 10). 

It is unfortunate that the age of kanishka is very imper- 
fectly determined. We have so far records varying from the 
year 3 to the year 18, and the learned are at variance as to 
whether these are years of reign or years of an era. Fleet 
holds that they refer to the .Sanivat era, while others take 
them to refer to other eras with omitted hundreds. The net 
result is that Kanishka may be planed anywhere between ."ie 
B.C. and AD. 28ii— rather a wide interval for a monarch who 
made hi.s influence felt from the upper reaches of the Tigris to 
the Great Wall of China. 

It has been authoritatively as.serted that the 
Mahay.\nist form of Buddhism w-as introduced 
into liurnia by Chinese missionaries in the 4tli 
century. If for this we read Tai or Slian mis- 
sionaries between the 1st and 4th cents., it will 
probably be much nearer tlie truth. Hinayanist 
Buihlhisni had probalily come in a tentative way 
witli Asok.i's apostles before this, and, as is clearly 
establislicil, Mahaj'anism penetrated even as far 
as the Malay I'eninsula, not at all impossibly 
througli Burma, at tlie time when Buddhism is 
generally credited with being lirst planted in 
Burma itself. 

The Northern school may certainly be called 
corrupted in comparison with the lirst teaching 
of the Buddha, and it was still further corrupted 
by the Tantra system. This was founded by 
Asaiiga, a noted monk of Peshawar in the Panjab, 
ajnd is a mixture of magic and witchcraft with 
Siva-worship. This was grafted on the already 
corrupted Buddhism, and has left many traces in 
Burmese Buddhism. The religion wliich existed 
in Pagan before Anawrahta's rape of the king and 
the religious books and the jieople of Tliaton was 
a medley of naga- or serpent->soisliip, Tantrism, 
and Mahayanism, with not a few traces of Tibetan 
lamaism, which came with the Stli cent, and possibly 
gave the country the word pOngyl, or ' monk,' which 
may be compared with bon-gyepa, the Tibetan 
bon, ' mendicant.' 

"The professors of the Northern school of Bud- 
dhism, the Aril/a of Pagan, were full of supersti- 
tions, and they were workers of miracles. Burnouf 
had little respect for them. 'The pen,' he says, 
' refuses to transcribe doctrines as miserable in 
respect of form as they are odious and degrading 
in respect of meaning.' How long they had been 
found in Pagan there is nothing to show. It is, 
however, quite certain that the autocrat Anaw- 
rahta effected the fusion of the two schools in 
the 11th century. He finally put an end to the 
Aril/a, but traces of Mahay.anism have clung to 
the outward form of Hinayanism in Burma ever 
since. If the religion may be said certainly to 
belong to the Southern school, it may no less 
certainly be asserted that it was moulded by the 
Northern. But Buddhism can hardly be called 
a reli,gion. In its concrete form it is rather a sort 
of philosophy practised by a monastic organization 
like that of the Dominican or Franciscan Orders. 

2. Buddhist Scriptures and religious works. — 
The canons of Buddhism may have been the work 
of an immediate disciple of the Buddha, drawn up 
at the first council in the year after the Benign 
One's death, but it is certain that the canon of the 
Tripitaka was really first, settled at the council 
lield under Asoka in the 3rd cent. B.C. From the 
inscriptions we may rest assured that at that time 
the most important part of the Buddhist canon 
existed, as we now have it, divided into five 

The miracle-mongering Mahayanists enlarged 
the original canon to a huge extent by exjianding 
the texts of the original documents, by adding 
material of their own, and by entering into com- 
l)romises with any local form of popular super- 
stition ; but however the individuals may have 
aflected Burmese forms, this canon was never 
adopted in Burma. The Buddhist of the Southern 
school may be a scientific freetliinker, as Lillie 
calls him, but he maintained with great tenacity 
the purity of the early Buddhistic teaching. This 
exists in the canon of Ceylon, and it is tnis form 
wliich Burmese Buddhism implicith' adopts. The 
Burmese also recognize only the Pali, the canon 
language. This is as distinctively the language 
of the Hinayanist school as Sanskrit is of the 
Mahayanist. When the natives of India began to 
use Sanskrit as their literary language, from the 
2nd cent. A.D. onwards, the people we call Bud- 
dliists gave up writing in Pali, though they pro- 
bably understood it. But the books they wrote 
in BuddhisUc S:ui>krit were new books. We find 
that the Buddhisl ic S:iiiskrit texts abound in wild, 
extravagant, .'uhI exa-^iicrating digressions. Such 
works as the Lalila Vistani, the tiuddha Charita, 
and some others are based on the old myths of 
Asia. In these we can detect the common origin 
of the story of Bacchus, of Krsna, and of many 
other gods and liernes. 
The last census of India showed that out of 

BURMA AND ASSAM (Buddhism in) 

neaily nine ami n li.ilf million Buddhists in tlie 
Indian ICniiiire, all but about 300,000 are in 
Uurnia. Ceylon may bo ie";arded as the holier 
place by the IJuddliist, possibly even by the Bur- 
mese Buihlhist, but. since very shortly after the 
permanent establishment of Buddhism in Tagan 
oy Anawiahtfi, Burma has consistently held a very 
higli place in the interpretation of the autlientic 
Buddliist Scriptures in the language which they 
call Magadhi, or the Mnla-bhasa, and Western 
scholars call Tali. This Magadhi, or Pali, has 
been to the Burmese what Latin was to the 
mediieval scholiasts and scholars of Europe. This 
has been so much the case that Burmese writings 
dealing with m.atters of religion or philosophy are 
as full (if Magadhi terms as European scientific 
phrasculogy is lllled with classical terminology. 

Since the 11th cent, there have been produced 
in Burma, in the Pali language, great numbers of 
religious works, grammatical treatises, and dis- 
sertations on philosophy, which have attained a 
reputation far beyoncl the limits of Burma. They 
have been studied in Siam and perhaps not least 
in Ceylon itself. 

The palm-leaf manuscripts spread so much that 
copies may be found both in C'evlon and in Siam, in 
any monastery which pretends to a respectable 
library ; and of later years, when all the more 
noteworthy works of Burmese authorship have 
been printed at the local presses, Burmese treatises 
have become still more common. 

The reputation is well deserved. The Burmese bhiksus, 
since the days of the Pagan monarchv, have been noted, 'not 
merely for their study of the Abhidhamma, but for scholarly 
researches in the canons which deal with metaphysics and 
psychology. For centuries monks from .Siam and from Ceylon 
have come to study in Burmese monasteries, which have 
always been rich in commentaries and exegeses on the Abhi- 
dhamma (q.v.). Only one specimen of this literature is to be 
read m any Western language. The Dhamma-saiigani 
translated in the first few years of the 20tb cent, by Mrs. Khvs 
Davids under the title of Buddhist Manml of Psychological 
Ethics. This introduction to Buddhist metaphysics is the 
shortest of the canonical works, but it is to be followed by a 
translation of the Satigaha by Mrs. Rhys Davids in collabora- 
tion mth a Burmese scholar, Maung Shwe Zan Aung. A Pali 
dictionary is also in process of production to take the place of 
Childers' dictionary, which has fallen far short of the know- 
ledge and needs of the Western student of Piili. 

3. Religious education.— While the Buddhist 
monks of Burma have long been noted for their 
scholarship, the Buddhist people of Burma have 
been no less noted for their education. The jier- 
centage of literates among the men is almost as 
high as it is in Ireland, and is higher than the pro- 
portion in Italy. Burma has less than a third of 
the population of the Madras Presidency, yet the 
number of literate persons is very nearly the same. 
The census figures of 1901 are not nearly so favour- 
able as those of 1891, because at the latter census 
a much higher proportion of hUl peoples were enu- 
merated, and, besides this,- the number of natives 
of _ India in the country had largely increased. 
Still, even on this less favourable estimate it ap- 
pears that, on an average, of every five persons in 
Burma one individual would have been found who 
could read and write. The proportion of literates 
is much higlier in the rural districts, and especially 
in Upper Burma, than in the delta, where the 
number of illiterate immigrants from India is 
very considerable. 

The credit for the superiority of the Burman is 
entirely due to the monastic schools. These have 
existed for centuries, much as they may be seen 
now in country places. If the iramanas had done 
nothing else, they Avould deserve honour for the 
way in whicli they instruct the boys of the 
country. The theory of Buddhism is essentially 
selfish, or at any rate it encourages selfishness. 
Each individual must work out his own salvation, 
and no one else can help him, except by example, 
just as the Buddha is a model not only for the 

people, but for the bhilcsu himself. There are no 
regular services held by the mendicants ; no 
preaching of sermons at stated times ; no assem- 
bling of congregations ; no religious forms for 
burials, or liirths, least of all for marriages. Some 
energetic and zealous monks do read homilies and 
<leliver sermons, but there is no need for them to 
do so, and there is no summoning of the religious 
to attend. The one religious ceremony is the 
admission of the novice to the Order, when the 
postulant has completed his studies, has decided 
to put oif the world and join the company of the 
samiincra, and this is really a continuation of the 
teaching of the youth of the country. It enables 
the creature to become a human being, for no 
Burman can claim to have attained humanity 
until he has put on the yellow robe, and the cere- 
mony of initiation is intended merely to provide 
that no one defective mentally or physically shall 
enter the Noble Order. 

At the age of eight or nine every Burman boy goes to the 
monastery school, except in the towns, where tiie people are 
degenerate, and, as often as not, are half-Chinese, half 
Muhamniadan, half-Hindu, or half-English, and go to the 
Government or Mission schools. In the country villages — 
and the Burman is not a lover of towns, but essentially a 
tiller of the soil — it may be taken for certain that every one 
sends his boys to the monastery. There they begin by learning 
the alphabet, shouting out the letters at the top of their voices, 
and copying them out with steatite pencils from the roughly 
made black wooden board on which the teacher-monk has 
written them. 

As soon as the boy has learnt his alphabet thoroughly he is 
started on his first text. This is practically always the 
Mingala-thut (Mifigala Sutta), which may be translated, ' the 
Buddhist Beatitudes.* It is made up of twelve Pali vereicles, 
with a short introductory preface. In the version given to the 
schoolboy each Pali word has its Burmese equivalent. This 
is learnt ploddingly word by word, and verse by verse, and the 
pupil is not considered to have mastered it tiU he can repeat 
the text and its translation without blundering or hesitation 
of any kind. After this the meaning is taken up word by word 
and stanza by stanza, and the whole is explained in simple 
language. The choice of this poem is a most admirable one, 
for the Pali is exceedingly simple, and the sentiments are of 
the most elevating kind. After the text and its meaning have 
been thoroughly learned, the easiest rules of grammar in con- 
nexion with the Mingala-thut are explained. Time is of no 
object to the monk or the boy, or to the Burman of any age or 
position ; and the study of" ' the Beatitudes ' in many cases 
takes a year, more or less, according to the application and the 
intelligence of the pupil. But when he does know the text, he 
knows it thoroughly. 

The second text taken up is generally the Ndnui-kdra of 
Buddhaghosa, which is a short lyric, composed in a moment 
of inspiration by that apostle. A small treatise giving a list 
and description of the most excellent things is often studied 
instead of the Ndma-kara. These are : the Nine Excellences 
of the Buddha ; the Six Excellences of the Law ; and the 
Nine Excellences of the Assembly of the Perfect. This also 
is in verse, as indeed is the case with by far the greater 
part of the literature not merely of Burma, but of the 
rest of Indo-China and of India. By the time the monastery 
schoolboy has got through the Miftgala-thut , the Nama-kdra^ 
and the Book of the Excellent Characteristics of the Church 
and its Founder, he has acquired considerable proficiency in 
both reading and writing, and he is able to go on to the study 
of the works of Shin Silavamsa, Shin Eatthasara, and others of 
the poetical composers of the Burmese classics. These are the 
most noted writers, and it is only after he has mastered them 
that the young Burman student begins to read the Ten Great 
Zats, the descriptions of the avatdras of the Buddha, which 
are in prose. It is with these prose works that the Western 
student usually begins his Pali reading. 

But the monastic scholar does not merely read these easier 
poetical works. Step by step he continues his grammatical 
studies with them, and the meaning of the text, and it« appli- 
cations tothe Buddhist religion, are exhaustively explained to 
him by his bedesman teacher. From the very beginning the 
boy is taught, with many illustrative examples and stories from 
the Scriptures and from the Commentanes, to shun evil in 
thought as much as in deed, because it is an obstacle to pro- 
gress towards a higher form of life, and final emancipation 
from the sorrow of earthly existence. He is taught to be upright 
and pure, not in the hope of escaping punishment, but because 
of the peace of mind which rewards him. He is taught to 
reverence parents, wife, children, and teachers ; and, above 
all, the duties which every Buddhist owes to the Lord, the 
Law, and the Assembly are impressed upon him. He is in fact 
educated in e\-erything that a proper citizen owes to his 
country, to society, and to himself. The theory is excellent, 
and the education of the monasteries far surp.isses the instruc- 
tion of the Anglo-vernacular schools from everj^ point of view, 
except that of immediate success in life and the obtAining of a 

BURMA AND ASSAM (Buddhism in) 


])Ost under Government. At the time when the hoy is at his 
most impressionable stage, his mind is built up, instead of 
being buried in a n;as3 of ill-digested information ; and liis 
heart is being trained instead of being ignored. 

A boy whose parents can permit liim to stay on in the 
monast<'rv, and are willing that he stiould learn (lie literature 
of his country, instea<l of lli,- s.i.rH r :.iM w;*1o.h ..( V:. W •■■'.. m 

n.ations. now'p.issi'H on to tli- /■>:,. .iI':,h. 11.. / ' ..•./', Ihe 

Dhammamti, and the R;j'uuh. Tl,- /■..,,,//,,,„, ■„■ 1;.„,1. ,,f 
I'rotei-tion, is a eollection of u.\ceri'ls in j.iuse ami urMJ tmni 
the Tn'pHakas, each of which is supposed to be a safeguard 
against some calamitv or danger; against e\il spirits, plague, 
pestilence, and famine, fire, battle, and murder, snake-bite, and 
even against jioison. The Laxvkaniti teaches him worldly 
wisdom; ibf I'hntninanlli gives furtber moral instruction; 
and the lir^iunti is a work like TItv Prince of Macchiavclli, 
compiled, til ^uil, Oriental ethics, by the sage Chaiiakya. 

Many pupils slop far short of this. In the old days all 
parents who could afford to keep their son idle let him 
proceed as far as this if he had the necessary intelligence 
and industry. At this point, however, ordinary teaching 
ended. If tlie pupil contirmed bis studies, it was usually as a 
samancra, or novice. The boy was dressed up in princely 
robes to recall Siddartha's renunciation of the world. He 
made the tour of the town or village in jubilant procession, 
with troops of gaily dressed maidens. He bade farewell to 
parents, relatives, and friends, entered the monastery, and 
went through the customary examination before the he,ad of 
the connnunity. Then his head was shaved. He was robed in 
the yellow monkish garments, had the begging bowl hung 
round his neck, and fell in among the body of the mendicants. 
He received his religious name, which he kept for the rest of 
his life if he remained in the Order, and remembered only as an 
incident if he went back to secular life. 

Tlie old-fashioned rule was that every youth should spend 
three Lents (roughly from July to October) in the monastery 
and conform to all its rules, including fasting after noontide 
and going the begging round in the morning. One Lent was 
for the father, one for the mother, and one for the samanent 
himself. To spend less than one entire Lent was considered 
hardly decent. Western influences, however, have taught 
many that life is not long enough for this, and the Lent is 
often cut down to a month, A week, or even a few days. Three 
days is considered the shortest period that is respectable. The 
novices, of course, go on with their studies. The code of the 
ri7Ml;/(7, the lluddhist Ancren Riwle, the doctrine taught in 
the Dlnhanikdya, and, finally, the psychological ethics of the 
A bhidnaimna, are as much as the most apt are able to study 
before they are qualified for formal admission to the Order. 

The Southern scliool of Buddhism Iia.s nevor 
recognized a hierarchy. There is nothing like the 
system of Tibet, ■\vliicli is so surprisingly like tlmt 
of the Church of Konie, even to the practice of thi; 
confessional and the recognition of purgatory. The 
need for unity and the requirements of church 
disci])line, liowever, call for some sort of grading, 
and a system of classes is recognized, which is 
very much the same as existed in the time of the 
Buddha himself. 

There is, firstly, the sAm, the novice, or samanera, who is 
not a professed member of the Order; secondly, the upasiii, 
who, after the prescribed time, has been formally admitted to 
the Order, and becomes a irdmana or bhik^ii ; and thirdly, the 
jynnffyi, or 'groat glory,' who, by \irtue of not less than ten 
years' stay in the monastery, has proved his steadfastness, and 
becomes a thcra. In actual practice there is a slightly ex- 
tended system of grades: first, the Rhin, or postulant; second, 
the pyitshiyi, the full member of the Order ; third, the mya, 
the head of the monastery, who never has fewer than ten 
Lents ; fourth, the uainfink, whose control extends over groups 
of monasteries ; and fifth, the .milaw, who might be compared 
to a vicar-general. The Ihalhanapainff, or Grand Superior of 
the Order, in the time of the Burmese monarchy, was ap- 
pointed from among the .<tff<fairs, and had a council, called 
the thudhamina, varying in numter from eight to twelve. In 
1904 the British Government recognized in formal darbar a 
thalhanapaing, chosen by the sadaws, and gave him a formal 
patent., and it is probable that this course will be followed in 
the future. 

Notwithstanding these ranks, however, the re- 
ligion is eminently republican in character. The 
monasteries are open to all, — to the peasant and to 
the highest dignitary, — and the longest st.aycr has 
the greatest honotir. Hank counts liy number of 
Lents spent in the monasl,eiy, no matter whether 
llie ijhih.pi is a provincial or merely a wandering 
friar, .and individual dignity releases no one from 
the duty of the daily begging round. Nothing 
except the frailty of age excuses the most learned 
;ind famous sridiiw from the morning round. The 
bedesman's robes are the same for the postulant 
and the member of the thudhamnui. The monk 
has no obligation to bestir himself on behalf of his 

fellow-monks or the laity. lie is not lailed upon 
to convert the unbeliever or to reassure the doubter. 
All he has to do is to work out bis own salvation. 
But he teaclies the youth of the country, and this 
binds the entire population to his supjiort. He 
not merely teaches them letters, but forms their 
mind and character. The niglitly vesjiers, when 
tlie lauds are chanted and all bow three times 
before the figure of the Buddha, and three times 
before the head of the monastery, are more im- 
lue.ssive than the most eloquent .sermon would be. 

4. Schism. — Tliere is very little non-conformity, 
t(j say nothing of heresies, among the Burmese 
Buddhists. For ye.ars there were bitter disputes 
as to ordination, after Anawrahta bad established 
Ilinayanism in Pagan. Chapada, the monk, had 
received the iiprixiimpadil onlination from the 
Ihcriis of tliQ Mahaviliara in Ceylon, and he loftily 
denied the validity of the orders conferred on the 
Liurmese religious of the old school, called the 
M'tniiiiiHa-saiiif/ha, not less than those of I'urima 
Bliikku .Samglia, who claimed apostolic sanction 
from Sona and Uttara, saiil to have been sent 
forth by King Asoka. Tliiise bickerings ended 
only with the destruction of Pagan itself, and they 
have never since been revived. 

The sects of modern times have mostly risen out 
of revolt against e.xcessive austerity, or as a protest 
against reprehensible laxity. Tliere are a few 
communities, called Sawtis or Mnns, who are anti- 
clericals. They neither reverence the mendicants 
nor support the monasteries, and some do not even 
worship before the }iagodas, but recite tlicir prayers 
in the open fields instead. The doxologics which 
they use are the same as those repeated by the 
ordinary orthodox Buddhists, and the schism is 
unimportant. The disputes between the Maha- 
r/andis and the Sulagandis are simjily the sempi- 
ternal quarrel between the ascetic and the weak 
of flesh, between the High Churchman and the 
Low, the Catholic and the Puritan, the 
and the austere. These dillerences have some 
dignity imparted to them by the a.ssertion of the 
Mahrifidvdis that man is endowed with free will. 
This tlie Sulagandis deny, claiming that a man's 
whole life is controlled entirely by Imh (karmu), 
the influence of past good and evil deeds on exist- 
ences to come. The Sulagandis attribute all 
importance to the intention ; the Mahdgandis 
think that action is sutiicient and the intention 

5. Spirit-worship. — But doctrinal schisms are 
insignilicant compared with the undoubted fact 
that all Burmese Buddhism is tainted with spirit- 
wor.ship. The Southern form of the faith triumphed, 
but the Northern belief in magic and devil-worship 
has left lasting traces on the religion of Burma, 
and still more on the Buddhism of the Slian States. 
It is not merely that they recognize the Twelve 
(tuardian Spirits, whom they have borrowed from 
the Hindus. The nats, the spirits of the air, the 
Hood, and the fell, are much more present influ- 
ences to the Burman than the calm, philosophic 
model of the liuddha. The nats are constantly 
consulted and propitiated. The Buddlia is, as a rule, 
directly addressed only on worship days. .Spirit- 
trees sometimes intrude into the limits of the 
monastic grounds, and spirit-shrines are to be seen 
in tlie shallow of the pagoda, and have as many 
ollerings as the relic-.shrine. .-Vnd the spirits, as 
always, are malignant, and have to be propitiated. 
The W'orld-Uenowned One is long-suHering and 
benign. Moreover, he is only .a model. The 
s]iirits are everywhere, and lliey are malicious, 
and eonstiintly active. So the Burman does his 
best to serve l»th, and has the greater bias towards 
the .spirits. 

I There is a pagoda at, or near, every village in the 


BURMA AND ASSAM (Buddhism in) 

country, ami probably also a monastery, but there 
is a spirit-sliriue in every house, and the spirits are 
consulteil before houses are built, marriages made, 
iMirgains struck, or journeys begun. In the times 
of native rule, spirit-feasta were formally recog- 
nizeil by the State, and the ritual was very care- 
fully set forth in lengthy treatises. Moreover, 
there is a precise list of 'The Thiity-seven Xata 
(spirits) of Uurma,' with forms of the odes to be 
sung to them, the dances to be performed before 
them, the vestments to be worn on the occasion, 
and the life histories of these anthropomorphic 

All this is written at length in the MakdgUa Meilaiii, and 
presentments ot the Thirty-seven Nats are to be seen in the 
curtilage and enclosure of the Shwezigon pagoda at r.igaii. 
Further details of spirit-worship are to be found in the Dt:inon, 
of which a summary is given in Father Sangermano's Buniiese 
Empire (1833). 

Notwithstanding all this, the Burman would be 
greatly oll'ended if he were called a spirit-wor- 
shipper, and genuinely believes himself to be a 
most orthodox Buddhist. 

The census of 1901 showed that there were 
15,371 monasteries in Burma. This gives an 
average of over two for each village and town 
in the province, and implies one monastery for 
every ninety-three houses. In these religious 
houses there were 46,278 fully ordained monks 
and probationers, and 45,369 acolytes, wearing the 
yellow robe. There were thus more than 91,500 
wearing the bedesman's robes, and this represents 
2i per cent of the male population of Burma. 
Perhaps Burma is not so conspicuously the centre 
of Buddhist religious life and learning in Indo- 
China as it was in the time of the Pagan dynasty, 
from the 10th to the 13th century. In those days 
fraternities came to Pagan from Ceylon, then 
called Sihaldipa ; from the conquered HariisavatI 
(Pegu) ; from Ayuttara (Siam) ; from Kampoja (the 
Shan States) ; from Nepal, and from China ; and 
each sect or fraternity had separate quarters given 
in which it could live. But even now, notwith- 
standing the spirit- worshipping taint, Burma can 
claim to maintain Buddhism in a form nearer that 
of the Buddha's teaching than any other country. 

6. Buddhist architecture.— (a) Monasteries. — The 
Burmese monastery never varies in design. Some 
few may be built of bricks ; most are of timber. In 
very poor neighbourhoods, they may be of bamboo, 
but the ground plan is always the same. The 
pongyi-kyaunrj so strongly resembles the wooden 
temples of Nepal that it can hardly be doubted 
that the model came from there, or that both have 
a common origin. The whole building stands on 
pUes, and there are technically only two rooms (if 
they can be called rooms). In some cases there 
may be partitions, but there are never any doors, 
so that the whole interior is practically one hall. A 
staircase, generally of brick and stucco, frequently 
embellished with dragons, leads up to the verandah. 
The verandah, called zingyan, is open to the sky, 
and runs roimd three sides of the building, and 
from this there is free entrance on all three sides 
to the main body of the monastery, which is really 
one big chamber. The flooring rises in steps. 
There is one grade from the verandah to the 
outer chamber, where lay visitors find their place ; 
another step up marks the entrance to the inner 
chamber, where the monks sit ; and a third rises 
to the structure, always on the eastern side of the 
buUding, where the image of Gautama Buddha is 
enthroned. Over this is built the tiered spire, 
called the pyathat, shooting up in regularly 
diminishing, super-imposed roofs to the hti, or 
urnbrella, which is placed on the top. Both the 
spire and the umbrella are marks of sanctity, and 
the spire has three, live, or seven roofs, according 
to the dignity of the pongyl-kyaung , or rather of 

its head. The wood for a monastery is always 
chosen from the best and most seasoned logs avail- 
able, or within the means of the pious founder. 
Sometimes these are excessively large. At the 
south-west corner there is a chamber, which is 
used a.s a store-room. On the west side there is 
another, which the younger members of the com- 
munity use as a dormitory. The head of the 
house, whether sadnw, gaingok, or plain pongyi, 
sleeps at the south-east corner of the building, 
that is to say in the part closest to the hpaya- 
kyaung, where the image of the Buddha is. The 
north-eastern part is used as the schoolroom and 
for the reception of visitors, and has the appear- 
ance of a separate room, but is not really so. 

Outwardly the monastery looks as if it had 
several storeys, but this is never the case. The 
national, and still more the religious, feeling 
against having any one's feet above the indweller's 
head is very strong. The outside line is broken 
up into apparent pavilions, with a profusion of 
gabled roofs, culminating in the eastern spire, all 
adorned with carvings, lavished on gables, ridges, 
eaves, finials, and balustrades, greater or less, 
according to the wealth of the founder. No monk, 
it may be remarked, can buUd a monastery for 
himself, nor can he ask to have one built for his 
accommodation. The monasteries are the only 
national buildings, now that there is no palace, 
which make any attempt at ornamentation. 

A pongyl-kyaung is never, at any rate when it is 
first built, inside a village or a toivn. Dwellings 
may spring up around it later, but always at a 
considerable distance. The monastery always has 
the best and quietest site, and stands in a spacious 
compound, fenced in and planted with umbrageous 
trees and bamboos, and often with fruit trees, 
flowering shrubs, and rare and curious plants. 
The monastic library is invariably detached from 
the main building, to avoid danger from fire. 
Within a certain limit from the monastery fence, 
pUlars mark out a boundary, inside which the 
taking of any kind of life is forbidden. All 
Buddhist visitors take oS' their shoes or sandals 
as soon as they enter the hparnwaing, as the 
monastic curtilage is called, and carry them to 
the foot of the staircase, where they are left rmtil 
the visit is over. Inside the monastery compound, 
but perhaps more frequently on a site of its own, 
is the thein, where monks are admitted to the holy 
Order. This is seldom more than a spire, rising 
over a lofty pillared space for the ceremony. 

(b) Pagodas. — The characteristic pagoda of 
Burma is a solid pyramidal relic-shrine, such as 
is called a tope or a stupa in India. The masonry 
temples are almost entirely confined to Pagan. 
The Arakan temple, the Mahamyatmuni of the 
suburbs of Mandalay, is almost the only not- 
able example outside of that ruined city. 

Pagoda is almost certainly a metathesis for dagoba. The 
Burmese name is zedi or hpaya. The Burmese recognize four 
kinds of zedi : first, dat-daw zMi, containing reUcs of a Buddha 
or of a rahanda ; second, paribawga zedt, erected over the 
clothing or utensils of a Buddha or of a sainted personage ; 
third, dhamma zedi. built over sacred books or tc.xt« ; and 
fourth, udeiksa zedi, containing images of the iiuddha or 
models of sacred buildings. The last two classes are naturally 
by far the most numerous. 

It is the desire of every Burman Buddhist to be 
known as the founder of a pagoda, and sacred 
texts and facsimiles of noted shrines are obviously 
more easily obtained than relics, or even exact 
models of relics. The vast majority of zedis are 
of brick, covered over with stucco, and white- 
washed at intervals during the founder's life-time. 
Very rich men gild either the whole sluine or the 

Many of the most famous shrines, notably the Sbwedagun 
in Rangoon, have been cased and re-cased and cased again 
many times. The original shrine was of quite modest dimen- 

BURMA AND ASSAM (Buddhism in) 


Bions, and a tunnel, which was driven into the centre of the 
Uangoon zedi at tlie tune of the First Burmese War, sliuwed 
that it had been enlarged in this way seven times. The ori;,'inal 
pagoda is thought to have been only twenty-seven feet hi;.;h 
and to have been erected in 586 B.c, The present spire rises Lo 
a height of three hundred and sixty-five feet. 

The modern Hurniese pagoda is undoubtedly the lineal 
descendant of the ancient Buddhist stitpas of India, and the 
tievelopniunt of the tj-i)e can therefore he traced for a iieriod 
of over two thousand years. The oldest forms were massive 
and simple. The modern ones have fined away into slender 
spires, and have added a great deal, in the way of exterior 
adornment. They have gained in elegance, but have lost in 

All tlie more notable pagodas have palm-leaf 
thdmiiiiHjs, or chronicles, very often containing 
much tliat is of interest in secular history. Like 
the monasteries, they all stand on a wide open 
platform, and on this there are built numbers of 
smaller pagodas, shrines, rest - houses, tazaimg 
pyat/utts, crowded with tier upon tier of images 
of the IJuddha, altars for ofierings, and tagdn- 
daings, flag-staQs crowned with umbrella litis, 
metal caps, or figures of heraldic creatures. The 
approaches to the pagodas in very many cases 
are along covered ways called snungdnn, the sides 
of which are adorned -with fresco paintings, and 
the stairways are mostly in groups of steps of 
uneven numbers, just as, according to immemorial 
rule, the stair to a monastery must have an odd 
number of steps. 

Pagodas, as far as structitre is concerned, are 
divided into foiir distinct parts. There is first the 
teiTace. This is square, and is usually of brick or 
mason work. At the comers are often found the 
manotthiha, the curious, human-faced lions, with 
one head and two bodies, embellished with wings. 
They inevitably recall the ancient winged lions of 
Assyria. Upon this terrace stands the plinth, 
usually of an elaborate polygonal form, and with 
a boldly moulded, stepped contour. Above this 
rises the bell-shaped body of the pagoda, divided 
into an upper and a lower part by an ornamental 
band. Upon this stands the spire, which is made 
up of a number of rings : a lotus-leaf belt, with 
a bead moulding in the centre, and lotus leaves 
fringing it aliove and below. The spire ends in 
a spike-shaped cone, which is finished ofl' with the 
metal-work crown, or hti. This is usually very 
graceful in design, made of open metal-work, very 
commonly gilt, and always hung with bells, some- 
times of gold and silver and studded with gems. 
The Burmese divide important pagodas into 
twelve parts, most of which are symbolical sub- 
divisions of the spire portion of the zedi. 

The symbolical meaning of the different parts of the pagoda 
is not universally recognized by the Buniiese, but it is a 
favourite subject of discourse with many monks, and seems to 
have uonie to Burma from the Shan States and perhaps from 
China. According to this view, the four-sided base is intended 
to represent the dwelUntjs of the four great world-kings, 
' Chaturlokapalas,' whose figures are enthroned within the four 
arched shrines, and who act as (guardian spirits of the world. 
The eight-sided centre, called shittaung, is the tti^ta heaven. 
It is here that Arimadeya or Maitreya, the Buddha of the next 
world-cycle, dwells, and with him are all the other Bodhisattvas, 
or Buddhas in embryo, awaiting the season when they will 
descend to the earth as Buddhas. The upper bell-ehapcd 
portion, above the circular moulding, called the kyiwautr/, is 
mtended to rei)re5ent the highest heaven, where the Buddhas 
go after they have attauied to complete erdightenment and 
have fulfilled their high mission. This is called the kaung- 
laun;jht}n. Another symbolization represents the live dim- 
inishing terraces of the base, to stand for M^ ini Mi ] u ;n its 
five-fold division; or a triple basement ri' i,!,_ ii. i!ir.._- 
worlds of kainaldka (sense), rupalvka (fonm l (, i,( 

(shapelessness), the Benign One, called 7V;'' .- '/ ' , i - in^' 
' the revered of the three worlds.' 

(c) Temples. — The mtisonry temples of I'agan 
are not nearly so characteristic of the cotmtry, 
though they are the pride of Uurma. They are 
absolutely different from the national zedi, and 
the general details may almost all be traced to 
Indian art, but at tlie same time there ai-e notable 
originalities. The arches and vaults resting on 
their pilasters, with cornice, cai)ital, and base, are 

quite foreign to Hindu tirchitecture, ami suggest 
rather the Bactrian Greeks of the time of Milinda. 
In one sense, therefore, they are Burmese, for 
nothing like them is to be found anywhere 
Unlike the pagodas, the purpose of tliese temples 
is to contain, not relics, but huge images of the 
Buddha. This naturally afl'ects their plan, and 
instead of rising in bell-shajie they are con- 
structed in gradually dimini.sliing terraces, and 
are only capped by a spire of the type of the 
ordinary Hindu iivdlaya, or perhaps more like 
the Jain temples of Northern India. The Thapinyu 
temple has only one shrine, directly below the 
sikra, to receive the image, but the Ananda has 
four, with presentments of all four Buddhas of 
tills world-cycle, fronting to the four cardinal 
points of the compass. A striking feature is the 
narrow slit windows, so placed that a shaft of light 
falls full on the placid features of the Buddha. 

Such temples have always been rare in Buddhist countries, 
and are foreign to the idea of Buddhism, which does not 
recognize idol-worship. The only example existing in India 
is that of the Mahabawdi at Bodh Gaya, in the charge of 
Hindu viahants. A model of it may be seen at Pagan, and 
the original is believed to date from about a.d. 6U0, when 
Mahayanism was the form of North Indian Buddhism. There 
is no similarity between the Mahiibawdi and any of the Pagan 
temples. Of late years a fashion has sprung up, especially in 
the Shan States, of budding temples of this kind, on the model 
of the Mahamyatmuni in Mandalay — the Arakan pagoda of 
the tourist, and presumably 'the old Moulmein Pagoda' of 
Rudyard Kipling. 

(rf) Images. — It seems clearly established that 
the making of images of the World-Kenowned 
One did not appear in Buddhism until some time 
after the beginning of the Christian era. They 
are extraordinarily abundant in Burma now. 
Only three forms are recognized : seated images, 
figTires standing erect, and recumbent images, 
called by the Burmese respectively tinbin/cwe, 
mayat-daw, and shinbin tha-lyaung. They repre- 
sent the Buddha in the act of meditation under 
the Bo-tree, where he attained to supreme wis- 
dom ; in the act of preaching ; and after death, 
when he had attained to the blissful calm of 
nirvana. The seated form is by far the most 
common. In the Eastern Shan States, in the Lao 
country, and in Siam, figures which suggest the 
worship of Indra are not uncommonly found and 
suggest Mahayanism. So also do the images, 
enthi'oned in vaults, under the bell - shaped 
pagodas, which are not uncommon in the Shan 
States, but are rarely, if ever, found in Burma. 

ii. Assam. — The Buddhism of As.sam is fast 
disappearing. At the time of the census of 1901 
there were only 9065 Buddhists in the country, 
that is to say, no more than "16 of the population. 
At one time they held the whole, or at any rate 
the whole of the Brahmaputra area, which is the 
main portion, of Assam. The rest, even to the 
present day, is inhabited by hill tribes : Ching- 
paws, Nagas, Mishmis, and the like. In the early 
part of tlie 13th cent, the Tais invaded and occu- 
pied the country. Tliey gave themselves, or were 
given, the name of Ahoms, from which the name 
Assam is derived. The Shanscalled it Wehsali-long, 
and the Buddhistical name of the province is 
Weisali. The invaders were an army sent by 
Hso Hkan-hpa, the Tai king, who founded the 
Mong Mao empire, which may not impossibly 
have been the ' kingdom of I'oiig.' They settled 
on two long islands, formed by branclitw of the 
Brahmaputra, and nt^vi^r returned to their Shan 
homes, tjrailually they occupied the whole of 
the valley, or main part of Assam, and estab- 
lished Buddhism everywhere except in the hills. 
For four Immlrcil years they maintained them- 
selves and Buddhism, and then in 1611 their ruler 
Chu-cheng-li]ia (an essentially Tai name) was 
converted to Hinduism, and practically the whole 
of his subjects followed his example. 



At tlio i)i'c'scnt tUiy the Kalilns, as tlic nioiiks of 
the Aliiiiiis Merc called, are found in only a few 
remote recesses of Assam, and it seems iirol)alplu 
that even these will disappear before lonj;, and witli 
them Assamese Bmldhism. All that will remain 
will be the Mongolian features which characterize 
n considerable proi)ortion of the inhabitants of 
Assam. The Tai language is almost as much 
changed, where it is used at all, as the religion 
of the country. The few pagodas, fast crumbling 
away, are of the same type as the pagodas of 
liurnia and of the Shan States, and none has 
any special celebrity. The monasteries of the 
Kalilas seem to be of the immemorial type of 
the IJuddhist monastic buildings, which, some 
saj', reproduce the traditional forms of ancient 
wooden architecture in India, Assyria, and parts 
of Central Asia. They may represent to us the 
wooden palaces of Nineveh, and hint at the archi- 
tecture of King Solomon's temple, built of the 
cedars of Lebanon. 

Buddhism has never been a propagandist religion 
ammig the Eastern peo|iIes who have adopted it. 
In iiuite recent times, however, the faith has been 
adopted, chiefly in Burma, by Europeans of zeal, 
education, and energy, who are ^vriting and preach- 
ing its merits and beauties. It is possible that 
they may revive Buddhism in Assam and plant 
it elsewhere, but it does not seem very prob- 

LrrERATFRB. — Sangermano, Description of the BnrmfM 
Empire, Rome, lS3;i ; Spearman, British Burma Gazetteer, 
Ranj^oon, ISSO ; J. G. Scott, Buirna as it was, as it is, and a^ 
it will be, London, 18S6 ; Bigandet, Life, or Legend, of Gau- 
dama^, 2 vols., London, 1880; W. R. Winston, Four Years 
in Upper Burma, London, 1892 ; C. C. Lowis, Census Report, 
pt. i., 1901 ; Scott and Hardiman, Gazetteer of Upper Burma 
and the Shan ,'ittttes, 6 vols. pt. i., 1900; Monier Williams, 
Buddhism, London, 18S9 ; Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, 
Strassburg, 1896. J. GEOKGK ScOTT. 

BURNING.— See Death and Disposal of 
THE Dead. 

BUSHIDO.— See Ethics (Japanese). 

BUSHMEN.— See Bantu. 

BUSHNELL. -I. Life.— Horace Bushnell was 
born on April 14th, 1S02, in Litchfield, Connec- 
ticut, U.S.A. His father, Ensign Bushnell, came 
of a family with a Huguenot strain of mental 
alertness and religious sincerity. His mother, 
Dotha (7!^e Bishop), had been brought up in the 
Episcopal Church. When the family removed to 
New Preston, Connecticut, in 1805, they joined 
the Congnregational Church there. The mingling 
of religious traditions in his home saved Horace 
from being brought up in the strict and arid 
Calvinism of the time. He described his mother 
as 'rising even to a kind of sublimity in the 
attribute of discretion.' There was no atmosphere 
of 'artificial pious consciousness in the home, but 
stress was laid on industry, order, time, fidelity, 
reverence, neatness, truth, intelligence, prayer.' 
In this way he experienced the meaning of 
' Christian nurture ' before he attempted to in- 
terpret it as a theory of the beginning of the 
religious life. Similarly, his practical education 
in household duties is described in the lecture on 
the ' Age of Homespun,' in his book, Wurk and 
Play (186-t). 

He entered Yale College in 1823, when he was 
21 years old, and, having graduated, became 
Tutor in Law in 1829. He threw oft' his doubts and 
hesitations in a College revival. His own account 
was: 'When the preacher touches the Trinity 
and logic shatters it all to jiieces, I am all at tlie 
fonr winds ; but I am glad I have a heart as well 
as a head. My heart wants the Father ; my heart 

wants the Son ; my heart >vants the Holy Ghost, 
and one just as much as the other' (Cheney, p. 56). 

In 1831 ho took leave of his pupils, telling them 
as his parting advice: 'Be perfectly honest in 
forming all your opinions and princijiles of action ; 
never swerve in conduct from your honest con- 
viction. If between them both you go over 
Niagara, go' (ib. p. 62). 

He was ordained pastor of the North Church in 
Hartford in 1833. In the same year (13tli Sept.) 
he was married to IMary Apthorp, a lineal de- 
scendent of John Davenport, the tirst minister of 
New Haven. 

The main part of his life was passed in Hartford, 
where his public service to the town is kept in 
memory by the Bushnell Park. The important 
events of his life were the publication of his books 
challenging the dogmas held by the Churches of 
the 'standing order' (i.e. tlie original Congrega- 
tional Churches of New England), the replies made 
to his challenge, and the public and private con- 
sequences of his views. He was a keen but sweet- 
tempered controversialist, and without bitterness 
accepted what came. He had four children, of 
whom two, a daughter and a son, died. Two 
daughters, to whom he wrote some delightful 
letters, survived him. Other events were his 
holidays in search of health, some of which were 
spent in California and in Europe, and his invita- 
tions to important lectureships and appointments. 
He lived ' till all men were at peace with him,' 
and died at the age of 74, on 17th Feb. 1876. 

2. Theology. — Bushnell's life work was largely 
determined by the theological atmosphere in which 
he found himself. In his own Church there was 
an old and a new school, and he found himself 
' daintily inserted between an acid and an alkali, 
having it for his task both to keep them apart 
and to save himself from being bitten by one or 
devoured by the other. ' 

The religious atmosphere of New England was 
still more heavily charged with theological ajiimus. 
Bellamy, Hopkins, Emmons, the younger Edwards, 
Dwight, and Taylor were engaged nominally in 
making improvements on the Calvinism of Jonathan 
Edwards, really in trying to aceonmiodate that 
system to the pressure of modern thought by in- 
troducing, in various degrees, a leaven of pantheism. 
In 1828, Dr. W. N. Taylor of New Haven had 
made an unqualified assertion of the self-determin- 
ing power of the will. Bushnell brought into this 
environment both a fresh and vigorous personality 
and a new method. He was a builder, but on 
a new foundation, rejecting fundamentally the 
syllogisms of Calvinism, and endeavouring to 
interpret rationally the religious e.xperience of the 
Christian heart. 

Outlined against the theological background of 
New England Calvinistic theology, Bushnell's 
work may be described as the work of a mediator 
between old and dualistic, and new and monistic 
schemes of Divine and human relations. 

His eye is always on the Christian experience of 
spiritual things. If it be the nature of religion to 
deal with the things of the Spirit, Bushnell makes 
his impression by keeping close to nature. He is 
deferential to tradition but not bound by it, and 
frankly distrustful of all dogmatic definitions, 
as creating UK^re difficulties than they allay. Al- 
though strenuously critical of the theologies which 
he found in possession, his aim was always con- 
structive, and in intention coiiiprehensive. 

(1) In CIn-i.'itirin Niirlnrc (1847) he criticized the 
revivalism which had become the popular method 
of recruiting; llie Cliurcli. He recognized that the 
revival movement had displaced an era of formality 
and brought in the deiiuind iox a genuinely super- 
natural experience. His criticism was that it 



makes nothing of the family and tlie Cliuich — 
oi'fjanic powers which God has constituted as 
channels of j;iace. His tliesis is tliat the child is 
to grow up a ''hristian, and never know himself as 
hein;,' otherwise. He repuiliates haptisnial ro- 
geiicnition as a superstition, hut linds a reason for 
infant haptism in the organic unity of tlie parents 
with (heir child, 'who is taken to be regenerate 
presumptively on the ground of his known con- 
nexion with his parents' character, and with the 
Divine or church life which is the life of that 
character.' His conception of Christian nurture 
begins with a kind of ante-natal nurture, and he 
looks to the Church to pos.sess the world by the 
'out-populating power of the Christian stock.' 
The ph'a contained in the book is as one-sided in 
its emphasis as the religion — begiiming in an 
explosion and ending in a torjjor — against which 
he protests. But Uushnell gave a great truth — 
the law of Christian growth — which has never 
been better expressed, a home in New England 
Churches. The materials for a complete .synthesis 
between him and his oiijionents are only now 
slowly accumulating in the work of religious 
psychologists and in the comparative study of 
historic religions. 

('2) The second challenge to current conteiitions 
was an interpretation of the doctrine of the Trinity 
intended to get rid of a form of statement which 
could be criticized as tritlieistic. He found a con- 
venient instrument for his task in his theoi-j- of 
language, which is described in ' A Dissertation on 
the Nature of Language as related to Thought and 
S])irit,' and forms the introduction to the volume 
Gurl in C'krixt (1849). He reganls language as 
essentially symbolic and pictorial, relative to the 
subject rather than to the object, and therefore 
argues that the doctrine of the Trinity might be 
true for man and yet not give him real information 
as to the inner nature of tlie Godhead. 

God in Christ was an outcome of ' a personal 
discovery of Christ and of God as represented in 
Him.' The change was from faith into faith — a 
fuller sense of the of God and the ease of 
approach to Him — and it was associated with an 
experience in sleep in which he 'saw the Gospel' 
{.see Munger, p. 114). Coleridge, Madame (iuyon, 
Ui)ham, and Fcnelon had much inlluenced him, 
and led him to a position wddch he believed could 
mediate between the old and the new .schools of 
thought. He accepted invitations in one year 
to lecture in the Divinity School at Cambridge, 
which was Unitarian ; in the Theological School 
at Andover, which stood by historical Christianity ; 
and in the Divinity School in New Haven. Tlie 
pcriiianent value of Buslinell's contribution is his 
insistence that the Christian ' Trinity ' is a result 
of the fact that the revelation of God to man is by 
historic process. He does not deny that the Per- 
sons of the Trinity have real existence in the 
Godhead. He is not to be classed as a Sabellian, 
though this charge was made against him. The 
revel.ation of God is, in fact, historical. It is only 
through relations, contr.asts, .actions, and reactions 
that we come into a knowledge of God. As the 
norm or ideal of the race, God will 'live Himself 
into the acquaintance and biographic history of 
the world.' liushnell coins a phrase to express 
this, and speaks of an ' Instrumental Trinity,' and 
of the Persons as ' Instruni' nt.'il Persons' (t'oo! »h 
Christ, p. 175). In dealing with the Trinity his 
eye is on experience. lie writes on the ' Christian 
Trinity a Practical Truth.' He maint.iins that the 
Trinity is necessary to satisfy the deni.ands of the 
heart. On the other hand, he makes room for 
natliing that does not ally itself with experience. 

This book led to an unsuccessful attempt to put 
the author on trial for heresy before the Association, 

or Associated Churches of the District. Hushnell 
replied to his critics in a series of brilliant and 
vigorous essays. In these ho approaches more 
nearly to the historic Christian tradition by re- 
cognizing that the Trinity lias imnianent and 
permanent existence in tin; Godhead, but he still 
regards it as necessary only for purposes of 
revelation and expr(^ssion. 

(3) His third challenge to the prevailing ortho- 
doxy was more directly in line with the lirst. In 
Nitture and the SujicriHitnral (1858) he challenged 
the view of miracles which regards them as a 
suspension of natural law. His object is to defend 
miracdes by regarding them as not contrary to 
the fundamental constitution and laws of the 
universe, but as exceptional illu.strations of the 
continuous action of God immanent in the 
universe. He wishes ' to find a legitimate ])lace 
for the supernatural in the system of God, and 
show it as a necessary part of the Divine system 
itself.' The world was made to include Christi- 
anity. The coming of God in Christ is part of its 
proper and complete order ; all the appointments, 
events, and expL-ricnces of liuman history are con- 
summated in this revelation of God ; and in this 
the tinal cause of the world's creation is revealed. 
Miracles Ijelong to the revelation of this higher 
and final order. It was an essential development 
of BuslineU's teaching, that religion is man's 
ascent into the sphere of the liberty of the 
children of God. On the other hand, he gets rid 
of the idea of miracle as an infringement of law, 
by including miracle under law, and naming the 
law supernatural. What ordinarily prevents man 
from entering into this freedom is not human 
nature as such, hut sin. ' There is no hope for 
man or human society, under sin, save in the 
supernatural interposition of God ' (p. 250). In 
the chapter on ' Miracles and Spiritual Gifts not 
Discontinued,' he accepts the full logical conse- 
quences of his position. Criticism attacked him 
as a 'demolisher of nature,' but no criticism has 
invalidated his position as bringing the principle 
and law of miracles within the sjjhere of rational 

His work on the Atonement ( Vicarious Sacrifice, 
1865, cf. Forgiveness and Laio, 1874) is noticed 
elsewhere (.see Expiation and Atonement [Chr.]). 
It is mentioned here only to call attention to its 
essential harmony with the rest of his work. His 
central position is that the Vicarious Sacrifice 
declares the supreme law of human life, and is 
grounded in principles of duty and right that are 
universal. ' It is not goodness over-good, and 
.yielding a surplus of merit in that manner for us, 
but it is just as good as it ouglit to be, or as the 
highest right required it to be, a model in that 
view for us, and a power, if we can sutler it, of 
ingenerated life in us' {Viearioxis Snrrijice, p. 32). 
As in parallel monistic s3-stems of thought, Bush- 
nell does not stop short of Patripassianisni. 

Apart from his work as a religious teacher, 
Bushnell made and permanent contributions 
to sermonic liliuature, and to the analysis of the 
function and method of preaching. His sermons 
rank with K. W. Robertson's as an example of 
insight into moral law and the sjiiritual order. 
They surpass Robertson's in wealth of poetic 
imagery and the use of imaginative and rhetorical 
st.atement. His sernums and essays are still alive 
with the frank, vivid, personal perceptions of a 
man intensely alive, oliservant of everything he 
saw, and led step by ste|i by the Divine Spirit into 
the categories required lor registering his experi- 
ence. His daughter said of him that ' he had no 
unrelated facts.' His scheme of religion was large 
enough to include public afl'airsof town, State, and 
nation, and to include all work which maile for the 



edueatiou of the wliolo man — music, art, economics, 
and politics. His exclusions into these subjects leil 
to his receiving invitations to leave the ministry 
for other s|i!iercs, such as tliat of President of the 
University of ("alifornia. On his visit to San 
l''rancis<(i he did actn;iUy lay out the site for the 
present University buildinjis. Hut he felt rightly 
that Ins own work was central, and kept to it. 

Bushnell's theological work has hardly received 
the attention it deserves in England. His books 
are well known in Scotland, and his ideas are the 
basis of the work of many subsequent New 
England teachers, such as Theodore Hunger, 
George D. Gordon, Lyman Abbott, William Newton 
Clarke, and others. They were introduced into 
English religious thought by Alexander Mackennal 
and Charles Berry, but, owing to want of sufficient 
theological training, the representatives of the 
monistic tradition have strayed into pantheism. 

LiTERATiTRK. — Works, centenary ed. 12 vols., New York, 1903 ; 
M. B. Cheney, Li/e and Letters, New York, ISSO, new ed. 
1903 ; H. C TnimbuU, Mj/ four Religious Teachers, Pliila- 
delphia, 1903 ; T. T. Mung^er, Horace Bushnell, Preacher and 
Thetilooian, Boston, 1899 ; G. B. Stevens, ' Horace Bushnell 
and Albreoht Ritsch!,' in AJTh vi. (1902) p. 3S ; F. H. Foster, 
' Horace Bushnell as a Theologian,' in BS lix. (1902) p. 601 ; 
C. F. Dole, ' Horace BushiicU and his Work for Theology,' in 
yew World, viu. (1899) p. 699 ; S. D. F. Salmond, ' Horace 
Bushnell,' in London Quarterly Review, iv. (1900) p. 310, and 
the same vvTiter's 'Theology of Horace Bushnell,' ib. v. (1901) 
p. 133. See also the literature in the centenary edition of Spirit 
m Man, by H. B. Learned, New York, 1903. 


BUSINESS.— I. '' is a term used with 
several slight variations in meaning. Primarily 
it implies a man's occupation or employment, the 
labour by which he obtains his maintenance 
as contrasted with that which he expends upon 
pleasure. Thus the Times writes : ' Who and what 
are those 2000 athletes wliose struggles we have 
been watching for the last two weeks ? In the first 
place they are almost without exception business 
men, they are an integi-al part of the community 
that labour in their several countries.' Again, 
' business ' conveys the idea of attention to a man's 
affairs, his investments of capital or stock by the 
management of which, in factory, shop, or bank, he 
obtains his income. In Pr 22-^ we read, 'Seest 
thou a man diligent in his business ? he shall stand 
before kings.' 

' Business ' is also used to indicate the legitimate 
employment of a man's powers, his right to act in 
certain affairs in contrast ■with action in other 
matters which would be deemed interference or 
meddling. St. Paul (1 Th 4") advises his Christian 
disciples : ' Study to be quiet, and to do your own 
business, and to work >vith your own hands. ' 

2. Business, in the broad sense, then, implies 
systematic attention to those affairs and duties 
by which the necessaries and comforts of life are 
obtained, and by which the social organization 
is supported. It thus becomes co-extensive and 
practically coincident witli the field of economic 
inquiry, i.e. the production, distribution, and 
exchange of wealth. Economic science has come 
to be regarded as ' a theory of business,' and the 
exposition of the principles which determine and 
regulate the making and sharing of wealth con- 
stitutes a scientific treatment of business, since 
these principles set forth the fundamental ideas 
and laws which underlie business phenomena and 

In 1876, Walter Bagehot wrote in,the Fortnightly 
Review : ' The science of political economy as we 
have it in England may be defined as the science 
of business, such as business is Ln large production 
and trading communities ; it is an analysis of that 
world— the great commerce — by which England 
has become rich.' The financial and commercial 
policy of nations, i.e. their national and inter- 

national business, is based on and embodies the 
economic ideas which prevail at the time. Of this 
the so-called Mercantilism of the 17th and 18th 
cents, is an example, and the change in policy 
effected in the lUth cent, by the writings of Adam 
Smith further illustrates the same fact. 

For the purposes of investigation of the pheno- 
mena of business, economics, according to Bagehot, 
has created an abstract science, that is, one which 
detaches the peculiar phenomena or aspects of 
trade and considers them in a scientific manner 
in isolation. It assumes that men are actuated in 
business atl'airs only by motives of business ; this 
is the hypothesis of the 'economic man,' which 
regards men in matters of business as acting only 
from motives of gain ; in buying and selling they 
have onlj' this one consideration, and the market 
is assumed to be composed of men animated by the 
same force. From this abstract treatment emerge 
the principles which mainly determine prices, rate 
of interest, rent, wage-values, etc. 

That men are constituted entirely in this way 
no one suggests ; it is purely an abstraction of 
one aspect of life, a mental separation of certain 
motives from other influences in order to ascertain 
what are the laws which operate in the conditions 
of the isolation of those motives. Just as in deal- 
ing with quantities the mathematician ignores 
other attributes and seeks to ascertain mathe- 
matical relations, and as the physicist endeavours 
to isolate his phenomena so as to learn the laws of 
electricity, light, and heat, so the hypothesis of the 
' economic man ' is an attempt to study separately 
tlie effects of conduct under such influences as 
constitute the economic or business attitude, in 
order to ascertain their tendencies. Of course 
these tendencies are modified and counteracted 
in actual life by the action of other forces ; but 
scientific knowledge consists in ascertaining the 
laws of each force ; the method is by isolation 
where possible, and the economist only follows 
scientific method in mentally separating certain 
phenomena for special stud). Bagehot says : 
' The history of a panic is the history of a confused 
conflict of many causes, and unless you know what 
sort of an effect each cause is likely to produce you 
cannot explain any part of what happens : it is 
trying to explain the bursting of a boiler without 
knowing the theory of steam. 

This hypothesis of the economic man has been 
much criticized, because it has been misunder- 
stood. It has been thought that economists 
treated the concrete or real man in such a way as 
to ignore the nobler and moral elements. To such 
objectors the ' economic man ' seemed to postulate a 
human race governed only by selfish considerations 
and a universal egoism. This is entirely a mis- 
apprehension : Ln the first place, in business most 
men are engaged in providing sustenance for their 
families ; the industrious members of society are 
those who strive to be self-supporting, and these by 
taxes and voluntary aids help in supporting many 
of the less industrious. No motive of giatitude, 
sympathy, or charity is excluded bj- the fact that 
a man's industry in business gives him a larger 
means of expenditure. 

Again, the science of economics advocates 
nothing ; it only investigates and explains the 
manner in which certam business tendencies 
operate, it does not say what ought to be the 
case ; its laws, as Marshall puts it, are in the 
indicative, not in the imperative. Economics deals, 
in fact, with those motives alone which are 
measurable and can be represrsnted in terms of 
money- values. It is because business motives can 
lie expressed by a common measure that explana- 
tions can be offered of the phenomena of business 
which can all'ord guidance and warning for the 



future. Explanation and prediction are of the 
very essence of science, and it is in the economic 
ratlicr than in the ethical aspects of conduct that 
apjiroxiniate iiiiMsurenieut is attainable. 

Ki(ank)'s Kcouoniics lias been much assailed on 
ac<'oUMt of his abstiact method ; .succeeding ccono- 
iiiists have, however, .suflicicnlly demonstrated 
both the use of the abstract method and the im- 
portance and necessity of in<luctive methods and 
historical investi^'ation ; modern Economics cm- 
pha.sizes equally the value of the abstnu-t iiiclhinl 
and the collection of facts and statistii . ,iii'l iluir 
joint application to the .solution of such I pi ul. I. mis, 
in which also many other factors be. ulo llic 
economic have to be considered. This point need 
not here be further pursued ; it is suiiicieut for the 
present purpose that the complexity of modern 
business has come to be recognized as a subject 
for scientilic treatment. Principles of business, 
ajiplicable alike to commerce, manufactures, trans- 
port, .and public administration, can be discovered 
by invcsligutiou, and the varied forms of business 
are conducted with greater efficiency and profit by 
those who have made themselves acquainted with 
these princiijles and methods. Business becomes 
more sure, more serious, more dignified, when it is 
seen to be no mere matter of haphazard, rule of 
thumb, or personal genius, but a system capable 
of explanation and demonstration, and one which 
can be taught on scientific methods. There still 
remains scope for individual talent, industry, and 
that peculiar insight which contributes to personal 
success ; but general education in business principles 
and methods contributes to public convenience, 
elhciency, and economy, just as scientific training 
does in engineering or in medicine. 

3. The recognition of business as a subject for 
scientific treatment has taken a very practical 
form by its introduction into public education antl 
University cun'icula. At and the 
northern Universities, Faculties of Commerce have 
been established, in London University a Faculty 
of Economics. The object in all alike is the en- 
couragement of the investigation of business pheno- 
mena and the systematic training of business 
men. As Professor Ashley stated in his address 
at Owen's College: 'The Academic teacher will 
interpret to the business world that world's own 
experience by his wider acquaintance with the 
field of inquiry than most men actually engaged in 
trade have time to acquire.' 

These new Faculties, starting with Economics, 
comprise in their syllabuses the whole technique 
of commerce — the analysis of banking and the 
money market, the principles of transport in all its 
forms, industrial and commercial history, account- 
ing, statistics, logic and scientific method, geo- 
grajihy commercial and regional, an account of 
the British constitution, public administration im- 
perial and local, industrial and commercial law, 
constitutional and international law and history, 
principles of insurance, etc. The curriculum is 
sufficiently wide to allow of specialization in its 
final courses; at the same time it is sufficiently 
broad to compel a general knowle<lge of all the 
important aspects of business lif(>, and to secure a 
liberal training and intellectual discijiline. Cam- 
bridge has not been slow to adopt the new idea, 
and has instituted a Tripos in Economics and the 
associated branches of Political Science. America 
and (iermany have also made iirovision for com- 
mercial training in their .schools and Universities. 

Tlie conclusion is that business is now regarded 
as offering a career similar to professional and 
scientific pursuits, and one demanding serious 
er^uipment and special training for success. Its 
scientific bjuses are established, its methods are 
formulated, and are capable of exposition and 

acquisition. It is now acccjited that matters 
which touch so profouiidlj' the well-being of men 
cannot be left to mere empirical methods, but 
that the liighiist efficiency and i)i'ogrcss can 
be attaineil only by scientific treatment ; thus 
business has come to rank as a University subject 
with a large and varied curriculum — a proceeding 
which at once adds to its dignity and importance 
while it tends to advance civilization and comfort. 

— W. Bagehot, Jicuiirmic Stmlirs. uil. by R. H. 
Ilutton, 1880, reriiblished ed. by A. Marshall, iss.') ; A. Mar- 
shall, The Present Position of Economics, Loud. 1S^5 ; 
H. Sidgwick, The Scope and Method 0/ Economic Science, 
LoikI. 1886; J. L. Keynes, The Scope and Method 0/ Political 
Economy, Loud. 1801 ; W. J. Ashley, ' Tlie Enlargement o( 
KconoMiics," Econatnic Journal, No. 70, 1908 ; Introduction to 
the Tripos in Econtmtics and Politics, Cambridge University 
Press, 1900 ; P. Brooks, Addresses, Lend. 1894 ; M. Joseph, 
Judaixiii as Creed and Reliction, Lend. 1903 ; A. Carnegie, 
Empire of Btmness, Lond. 1902. 

G. Aemitage-Smith. 

BUTLER. — I. Life. — The greatest name among 
English philosophical theologians — Newman said 
' the greatest name in the Anglican Church ' — is 
that of Joseph Butler, the author of the Analogy. 
He was bom of respectable Presbyterian parents 
at Wantage on 18th May 1692, and was at first 
destined for the Presbyterian ministry. To this 
end, he was educated at an academy for Non- 
conformist theological students, which enjoj'ed 
a deservedly high repute, carried on, first at 
Gloucester and afterwards at Tewkesbury, by a 
Mr. Samuel Jones. Here, among Butler's eon- 
temporaries, were several men who afterwards 
attained to eminent positions in Church and State. 
Seeker, who became Archbishop of Canterbury, 
has described (in an interesting letter to Isaac 
Watts, 18th Nov. 1711) the severe and prolonged 
study which candidates for the ministry were there 
required to undertake. After some years, the 
young Butler felt that his intellectual and theo- 
logical convictions called him to the service of the 
Established Church rather than to that of the 
Nonconformist bodies ; and, with his father's con- 
sent, he matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford, on 
17th March 1715. There was nothing remarkable, 
so far as we know, in his Oxford career. 

* We are obliged,' he wrote to Dr. S. Clarke, • to mis-spend so 
milch time here in attending frivolous lectures and unintel- 
ligible disputations, that I am quite tired out with such a 
disagreeable way of trifling.' 1 

However, he took his degree in 1718, and in the 
same j'ear was ordained deacon by Bp. Talbot at 
Salisbury, his ordination as ]iriest following two 
months later. He was immediately appointed 
Preacher at the Rolls Chapel, where his famous 
series of F'ifteen Sermons was preached. His first 
rectory was that of Haugliton-le-Skerne, near 
Darlington, and in 1725 he was appointed to the 
wealthy benefice of Stanhope. Shortly after this 
he resigned the Rolls preachership ; he became a 
prebendary of Rochester in 1733, and Clerk of the 
Closet to Queen Caroline in 173(1. In this year he 
published The Analocjy of lii'ligion. Natural and 
Mevcalfid, to the C'ini.itittition and Course of Nature, 
the work by which he is best known. 

Butler was a special favourite of the Queen, whose taste for 
learned conversation was indulged at her private parties, to 
which Hutler was frequently hidden, in company with Hcadley, 
Seeker, Sherlock, and other divines of the then fashionable 
latiludinarian school. An interesting account of Butler's con- 
versatic.n at tliis period is preserved in the Jortrnal of John 
Byroin.- in which the future bishop is represented as urging tho 
fallibility of Church authority in matters of religious belief. 
* The Doctor," says Ilyrom, * talked with much mildness, and 
myself with too much impetuosity.' 

Butler attended the Queen in her last moments, 
and she took occasion to charge the King with his 
advancement — a recommendation which led to his 

1 Letter to Clarke {^'orhs, i. 3.'t2). References are given 
throughout to the edition of Butler's writings in two volumes, 
published bv the writer of this article in 1000. 

- Printed for the Chetliam Society, 1854-68, vol. ii. p. 96 : el, 
also p. 486. 



prcfeiinent to tlio see of I'listol, tho poorest 
bislioinic in Eiij;liiiul, in 1738. Tliodissatislaetion, 
plainly ex|ii'csso(l, of the now bishop with the 
provision Ihus niaile for him, was allayed liy the 
addition of tho Deanery of St. Paul's, which he 
held in coiiimoiddiii wliile he remained at Bristol. 
That he was by no means a lover of money wa.s, 
however, evident thron^diout his career ; and his 
private charity was as splendid as it was mi- 
ostentatious. While at IJristol, he published six 
remarkable sermons preached on public occasions, 
which give his views on great questions. Foreign 
Mis.sions, Poor Relief, Hospitals, Primary Educa- 
tion, the Nature of l^iberty, and the Genius of the 
British Oonstitntion are their respective subjects ; ' 
and they are still worthy of study. It is interest- 
ing to observe the development of Butler's thought, 
as years went on, in the direction of a more 
definitely ecclesiastical position than that from 
which he started. Bred a Nonconformist, as we 
have seen, he became attracted to Anglicanism as 
a student. His earliest writings, the Letters to 
Clarke,- written when he was only 21 years of age, 
are occupied with the deepest and most abstract of 
all arguments, the a priori arguments for the 
Being of God. He passed on to review tlie founda- 
tions of morality in his ethical discourses at the 
Rolls ; and the last of these, on ' The Ignorance of 
Man,' contains in germ the dominant thought of 
the Analogy. This great contribution to the 
Philosophy of Religion deals, indeed, in the Second 
Part, with topics peculiarly Christian ; but there 
is little in Butler's treatment that was distinctive 
of his position as a member of the Church of 
England (unless the mention of a visible Church in 
Anal. ii. 1. 10 be taken to imply this). He does 
not mention the Sacraments at all, although the 
nature of his argument would readily admit of an 
application of it to Sacramental doctrine. But 
three years after the publication of the Analogy, 
we find him, as Bishop of Bristol, strenuously 
insisting on the prerogatives of his clergy ; and 
John Wesley records in his Diary (August 1739) 
that Butler wished to prevent him from preaching 
in the diocese of Bristol. Butler's dread of extrava- 
gance and emotionalism was, no doubt, at the root 
of his objection to Wesley's ministrations ; and it 
is necessary for a bishop to follow ecclesiastical 
precedent more closely than would be expected of 
a simple presbyter. But, for all that, the episode 
is significant. And Butler's charges to his clergy, 
both at Bristol^ and at Durham,'' are definitelj' 
assertive of the doctrines and practices of Anglican- 
ism, in a degree for which the student of his earlier 
works is hardly prepared. It was said of him, 
indeed, both at Bristol and at Durham, that bis 
proclivities were towards Roman Catholicism — a 
foolish calumny which hardly needed an answer. 

Butler's wide views as to the needs and oppor- 
tunities of the Church abroad were markedly 
illustrated by the proposals which he put forward 
in 1750 for the appointment of bishops to ri^le the 
clergy serving in North America.* His scheme 
came to nothing, as political difEculties were urged 
against it, and tlie Church in America remained 
M-ithout bishops of its own for a generation after 
Butler's death. But it was a remarkable illustra 
tion of his sagacity that he foresaw the necessities 
of the situation. In the .same year (1750) he was 
translated to the see of Durham ; but his work was 
nearly finished. He died at Bath on 16th June 
1752, and was buried in Bristol Cathedral, where 
a monument with a fine inscrii)tion by Soutliey 
marks his grave. It has often been said that in 

1 See WoAs, i. 203 ft. 2 lb. i. 311 fl. 

3 lb. i. 302. i lb. i. 287. 

» Ssa Tiffany's HMori/ of the Prutettant Episcopal Church in 
the United States of America, 1895, p. 269. 

1747 he refused the Archbisliopric of Canterbury, 
but tho story is not sutli( icnlly authenticated. 
Little is known of his capacity as a ruler of men ; 
but both in regard to intellectual power and to 
sanctity of character he occupies a very high — 
[lerhaps the higliest — place in tlie hierarchy of the 
Anglican Cliiirch. 

2. Writings. — liutler's position as a moralist is 
defined in his Fifteen Sernwn.i and in the Disserta- 
tion on Virtue appended to the Analogy. The 
ethical and political philosophy of Hobbes was 
fashionable in England during the first half of tlie 
eighteenth century, and it was mainly with the \'iew 
of combating its conclusions, which Butler regarded 
as dangerous to public and private morals, that 
the Sermons were published. The first three are 
' Upon Human Nature.' In Sermon i. he expounds 
the several constituent principles of human nature, 
of which self-love, benevolence, and conscience are 
regarded as primary. Its principal thesis — which 
is m direct conflict with Hobbes — is that 
* there are as real and the same kind of indications in hnnian 
nature, that we were made for society and to do good to our 
fellow-creatures ; as that we were intended to talie care of our 
own Hfe and health and private good ' (i. 5). 
In Sermon ii. he argues for the siipremacy of con- 
science, as the guide of man's higher nature, and 
he insists strongly on its superiority to the natural 
passions and instincts (a point which he found 
Shaftesbury to have neglected). This is further 
brought out in Sermon iii., where, the soul being 
compared to an organized constitution in which the 
inferior elements are subordinated to the superior, 
the obligation to virtue is expounded. ' Follow 
nature ' is a reasonable rule, provided that it be 
recognized that the constitution of human nature 
is adapted to vdrtue as truly as the constitution of 
a watch is adapted to the measurement of time. 
The two sermons on ' Compassion ' (v. and vi. ) 
develop further his polemic against Hobbes. Not 
so directly controversial are the important dis- 
courses on ' Resentment ' and the ' Forgiveness of 
Injuries' (viii. and ix.), in which the distinction 
between sudden anger {8v/i6i) and deliberate in- 
dignation against wrongdoing {dpyri) is brought out, 
and the precept ' Love your enemies ' is explained. 
Of much psychological interest are the sermons on 
' Self-Deceit' (x.) and on ' Balaam ' (vii.) ; and in 
those on the ' Love of our Neighbour' (xi. and xii.) 
there is a valuable account of the relation between 
pleasure and desire, where once again Hobbes' 
psychology provokes the discussion. It is a funda- 
mental principle with Butler (as with most modern 
psychologists) that desire seeks its appropriate 
object directly, and that it is not aroused, as 
Hedonism would teach, by the anticipation of its 
own satisfaction. 

' All particular appetites and passions are towards external 
things themselves, distinct from the pleasure arising from 
them ' (xi. 6). 

Thus Love of our Neighbour, or Benevolence, may 
be described as ' disinterested ' ; it is a natural 
principle which primarily seeks its own gratifica- 
tion. That indirectly it ministers to personal 
happiness does not rob it of its disinterested 
character, or afi'ord any excuse for resolving it 
into self-love, as the school of Hobbes would do. 
From this, Butler is led on to treat of the ' Love of 
God ' in two noble and almost eloquent discourses 
(xiii. and xiv. ), in which, with I'^nelon and the 
mystics of every age, he defends its 'disinterested' 

A part of his ethical system which has found 
many critics is his conception of the relation 
between self-love and conscience. Both, in his 
view, are ' superior ' principles ; and in his anxiety 
to reooiumend liis system as reasonable to those 
who liave been attracted by Hedonist doctrines, he 
allows much to prudence and self-love. 



' So far as the interests of virtue de^jond upon the theory of it 
being secured from open scorn, bo far its very bein^' in the world 
depends ujion its appearinp to have no contrariety to private 
interest and self-love ' (xi. 21). 

Ami it is Hiitlcr's conviction, and it lies behind liis 
wliole argument, tliat under the control of a bencNo- 
lent Providence conscience and self-love will, in tlie 
end and at last, be found always to have pointed 
the same way. lint he recofrnizes (as every oaserver 
must) that oases in life in which the two do 
not give the .same counsel for the guidance of 
personal conduct, and in which honesty does not 
appear to be the best policy, so far as the present 
world is concerned. In such cases there is no 
hesitation in his teachini,' as to the supremacy of 
conscience ; and even if he permits or encoiiraj;es 
the man wlio is tlius perplexed to look forward to 
the equity of the future life, where the wrongs of 
the present will be redressed, he does not allow 
this to be the dominant motive of his action. His 
ethics are intuitional, not utHitnrian, like those of 
Hoblws, and tliey are not stained by that taint of 
' othcrworldliness ' which is manifest in the moral 
doctrines of Paley and his school. 

Butler's fame rests more securely on his contri- 
bution to Christian Apologetic tlian upon bis Ethics, 
and the ^H'(/".'7// has always been more widely read 
than the Scrmuns. The title of tlds famous work 
is self-explanatory. 2'he Annlorfi/ of Religion, 
Natural ami Uevenled, to tlic Constitution and 
Course of Nature falls into two parts, the first 
concerned with the analogy of 'Natural' Religion 
to what we know of Nature and her laws, and the 
second with the analogy of ' Revealed,' i.e. the 
Christian, Religion to the same model. His aim 
throughout is to present the reasonableness of 
religious belief to those who recognize a Supreme 
Author and Governor of the world, but who hesitate 
as to the religious doctrines of a Future Life, of 
Future Reward and Retribution, of the Moral 
Government of the world, of Miracles, of the 
Redemption of Christ, and so forth. He is not 
arguing the case of Theism against Atlieism or 
Pantheism. He has, in his mind, the Deistical 
philosophy prevalent in England and France, 
which had not only afl'ectcd minds hostile to reli- 
gious influences, but had infected the teaching of 
professedly Christian theologians (see Deism). In 
liis early correspondence with Clarke, to which 
reference has been made above, he shows that be 
had pondered deeply the abstract and metaphysical 
arguments for the Being of God j but in the 
Analogy he is not directly concerned with these. 
John toland (1670-17-2-2) and Matthew Tindal 
(1G.')6-17.33) are the writers whom he has most 
clearly in view,' although he does not directly 
name them as he names his etldcal opponent, 
Hobhes, in t\\G Sermons. Their books, Christianity 
not mysterious, and Christianity as old as the 
Creation, were intended to rationalize the Christian 
.system, and to show that the idea of revelation is a 
quite unneces.sary element, while incidentally their 
tendency w'as to undermine the foundations of 
natural religion as well as of revealed, by urging 
tlie grave difficulties with which the theory of 
religion is beset. Butler's line of defence is bold 
and original. He takes as his text a saying of 
Origen, that 

'he who believes the Scriptures to have proceeded from Him 
who is the Author of N.ature, may well expect to find the same 
sort of difficulties in it as are found in the constitution of 
Nature ' (Introd. 6) ; 

and he urges that diiliculties in the theory of 
religion, whether nattiral or revealed, cannot be 
regarded as insuperable by practical men, if similar 
diiliculties remain unexplained in nature. His 
argument from analogy is mainly a negative 

1 Tindal, in Chrutianily as old as the Creation'^ (1732, p. 251), 
hatl triwl to controvert the doctrine of benevolence put forward 
in his sermons by 'the judicious Mr. Butler.' 
VOL. in. — 4 

one. He never claims that natural law may be 
discerned everywhere in the spiritual world ; he 
does not pretend to offer a ' natural ' analogue lo 
every spiritual fact. But lie urges that for many 
of the difficulties which Deists and their disci|dcs 
find in religious theory natural analogies may be 
found, and that thus an answer is jirovided to 
those who rely on these difficulties as destructive 
of lielief. Probability is, for men, the guide of life ; 
and exact demonstration of the purposes of the 
Eternal is hardly to be expected by those who recog- 
nize man's ignorance and the Divine Infinitude. 

The opening chapter of the Analogy upon 'A 
Future Life ' is, perhaps, the least convincing, as 
it seems to suggest a materialistic doctrine of the 
soul which is iucredible. But Butler's argiuiient 
does not necessarily involve this. We do not 
know, he urges, that the soul is extended in space 
and consequently ' discerptible,' and hence we 
cannot infer its destruction or the cessation of its 
activities from the analogy of bodily dissolution. 
He does not venture to argue positively from the 
immateriality of the soul to its immortality, as 
many of his metaphysical predecessors had done. 
Chapter ii. is concerned with the rewards and 
punishments of a future state, and he urges the 
analogy between what religion teaches about these 
and what experience teaches us about the temporal 
punishments of this present life. The Moral 
Government of the world is next passed under 
review (cli. iii.) ; if a perfect moral administration 
is not to be observed now, yet its beginnings may 
be traced, the natural tendency of virtue seems to 
be in the tlirection of happiness, and it may be 
reasonably expected that this tendency will here- 
after be actualized in a perfect manner. A state 
of probation implies trial, difficulties, and danger 
(ch. iv.), which are also the conditions of our life 
under tlie natural government of the world. Such 
a state is intended for moral discipline and im- 
provement (ell. v.), and the present order of things 
seems peculiarly fit to serve this purpose. Theo- 
retical doctrines of necessitarianism (ch. vi.) need 
be no hindrance to religious belief, for religion is a 
practical matter, and in all the practical allairs of 
life we act as if we were free. And, finally, our 
inevitable ignorance of the whole scheme of 
Providence (ch. vii.) should make us cautious in 
laying stress on difficulties which we cannot 
completely resolve. 

In Part II. of the Analogy, Butler begins by 
explaining the importance of revelation, stipposing 
it to be a fact (ch. i.), in opposition to the Deistical 
doctrine that reason is a quite sufficient and 
satisfactory guide without it ; and he is urgent in 
pointing out that we are not competent to deter- 
mine a priori what is the method or the content of 
revelation (i. 28). True to his practical good sense 
throughout, he insists that a priori methods in 
theology are apt to mislead, as tlie subject is really 
beyond our powers. There is no special presump- 
tion, he proceeds, against a revelation because it 
involves miracle (ch. ii. ) — an argument which he 
develops with vigour, but which is not entirely 
satisfying. He returns in ch. iii. to the question 
of our competence for theological speculation, and 
his answer is decisive : ' Reason can, and it ought 
to judge, not only of the meaning, but also of the 
morality and the evidence of revelation ' (iii. l.S) — a 
far-reaching proposition. Conscience, he teaches, 
is the gift of God quite as much as Scripture ; and 
no alleged dictum of revelation can be allowed to 
outweigh the unmistakable dictates of our moral 
faculty. We could not predict, that is, what 
course a true revelation must take ; but if an 
alleged revelation contain clear immoralities or 
inconsistencies, we may safely pronounce it to be 
false. The stately chapter on the Redemption of 



Christ (v.) is notable chiefly for its insi^^tellco on 
tlie great principle that it is the Death of Christ, 
and not theories as to the manner of its inlhienco 
in the spiritual world, which brings redemption. 
That the evidence of Cliristianity does not amount 
to demonstration. ;nid that the Christian religion 
has not gained llic allegiance of all mankind, are 
often urged as obstacles to its acceptance (ch. vi.) ; 
but probable evidence is all that nature provides, 
and truth always takes time to win its way. 

So brief an account of the contents of the 
Ayxilogy does not exhibit either the power of the 
argument or its extent j but Butler's style is so 
severely concise that it is all but impossible to make 
a prdcis of his rea.sonings. It is sufficient if some 
idea has been provided of the scope of his work, 
the most remarkable feature of which is, perhaps, 
the sagacity with which he has anticipated 
objections. Most of the apologetic literature of 
the eighteenth century is useless in the twentieth 
century, but this cannot be said of the Analogy. 
The author was conscious, in a degree to which his 
contemporaries, whether heterodox or orthodox, did 
not attain, of the limitations of human knowledge 
— of the greatness of God and the littleness of 
man ; and the pleas of modern Agnosticism, 
accordingly, hardly attect his carefully considered 
argument. Pitt is reported to have said that the 
Analogy is ' a dangerous book, raising more doubts 
than it solved ' ; but this would be a shallow 
criticism. The difficulties with which it deals are 
not of Butler's making ; they had been suggested 
openly by the writers whose influence he set him- 
self to combat ; and although many hasty readers 
may remember the difficulties while they forget 
the answers to them, that is not the fault of the 
book, but of human nature. It may be said, on 
the contrary, that there is no better tonic, even in 
the twentieth century, for weakness of spirit when 
a man is confronted with the perplexities of religious 
theory than the manly and straightforward work 
of Butler. 

3. Influence. — It is curious that Vsie Analogy \s, 
little quoted by the professedly apologetic writers 
of the age immediately succeeding that of the 
author. Leland, in his Vicio of the, Dsistical 
Writers (1754), does not mention Butler at all, 
although he is at the pains of collecting various 
answers to Deistical doctrines ; nor is it easy to 
find references to the Analogy for fifty years after 
its author's death, althougli it passed through a 

gooil many editions, and, as we have seen, his 
rcimtal ion as a mctajihysical theologian stood high 
in liis lifctinic. Hut in tlie nineteenth century 
Butler's writings cxcilcil a truly remarkable in- 
llucnce upon divines uf every school, and no writer 
was more frequently quoted in English theological 
circles. The study of the Analogy, says Newman 
(Apologia, ch. i.), 'has been to so many, as it was 
to me, an era in their religious opinions.' And 
Newman mentions specially Butler's doctrine of 
Probability, and his doctrine of Analogy suggestive 
of a sort of sacramentalism of Nature, as under- 
lying much that he himself taught in after years. 
At first sight, the connexion between Butler and 
the Tractarians is not obvious ; but it may have 
been real, nevertheless, and the banishment of 
Butler's works from the curricula of the Oxford 
schools as a result of the anti-Newman reaction in 
1845 may not have been so unreasonable as it 
seemed. The fact is that Butler's system had little 
in common with the simple evangelical piety of 
Wesley and the successors of Wesley in the 
English Church in the beginning of the nineteenth 
century ; he laid more stress on reason as a judge 
of revelation, and spoke more warmly of the 
importance of a visible Church, than was agreeable 
to the popular di\inity of the period between 1760 
and 1830. Butler was, indeed, markedly inde- 
pendent of the influences of his time. There is no 
trace in his works of wide or extensive reading.' 
He was a wise rather than a learned man ; and 
he was little ati'ected, to all appearance, by the 
currents of opinion in his own day. This may 
serve to explain at once his aloofness from con- 
temporary controversy, to the personalities of 
which he never descends, and the slight impression 
which he made on the literature of his time, as 
contrasted with the massive reputation which he 
achieved a hundred years after bis death. 

Literature. — For Butler's career ; T. Bartlett's Memoirs of 
Joseph Butler (1S39) is the main autliority ; see also the Life 
prefixed to Fitzgerald's edition of the Analogy (1860) ; W. 
Lucas Collins, Buffer (1881); W. A. Spooner, Bishop Butler 
(1901); and W. M. Bgglestoae, Stanhope Memorials of Bishop 
Butter (1878). Of the various editions of Butler's works the 
most complete are those by W. E. Gladstone (2 vols., 1895), 
with supplementary volume of Butler studies ; and by J. H. 
Bernard (2 vols., 1900) ; both of these have notes, and the latter 
proWdes an Introduction. Steere's edition of the Sermons 
(1862) is specially noteworthy as including; a Memoir and some 
hitherto unpublished fragments ; and Fitzgerald's edition of 
the Analogy (1860) is excellent. The essays upon Butler's 
writings and intiuence are innumerable. 

J. H. Bernard. 


CABBALISM.— See Kabbalism. 

CiESARISM.— From the time of Augustus to 
the time of Diocletian, what is called ' Ca?sarism ' 
is the most noted feature of the Roman Empire. 
Ccesarism was the outcome of many tendencies. 
It was a stream which was fed from many sources. 
It was, for instance, the culmination of the Greek 
conception of the city-State, in which the latter 
was regarded as the sphere in which the citizen 
■was to realize himself, the measure and the goal 
of all his eflbrts, towards which his whole strength 
was to be directed. The rights and the duties 
of the citizen were alike exhausted within the 
city-State. This relationship governed the whole 
activity of the citizen. There was no limit to the 
duty which he owed to the State. For it he was 
bound to live, for it he ought willingly to die. 
Within the city-State there was no room for ditt'er- 

ence of view. State ideals were to be the ideals of 
the citizen, nor was there any room for the modem 
idea of freedom as against the State, or any dis- 
tinction between religion and politics. The citizen 
was bound to worship and to serve the gods of the 
State. To refuse the gods their due was treason, 
and he was liable to punishment by the authorities 
for refusing to worship the city-gods, as he was 
liable for any refusal to serve the State in the time 
of danger or of war. This view, which obtains full 
expression in the works of Plato and Aristotle, was 
also the view of Rome. Only it obtained in Rome 
a more thorough expression. Like everything 
Roman, it was practical and utilitarian. Devotion 
to the State — patriotism as it was then understood 
— had really no limit. It had not only all the 

1 See, for a discussion of the authors who were probably well 
known to him, a papei- on 'The Predecessors of Bishop Butler' 
by the writer of this article, in Hermathena, 1894. 



characteristic marks of what we now call patriot- 
ism ; it had tlie deepest relif^ious sanction as well. 
Nef^atively, to refuse service to the State was 
treason, and not to reco;;'iiize anil scrvi: the gods 
was also treason. For the goils and Ihr S(;ile were 
one. They were hound up to^,'i-thur, and the 
highest oflicer of the State niiglit also he, and 
often was, the Pontifex Maxinius. 

Reserving for a little the question of the influ- 
ences of tlie Roman provinces on the official 
Imperial religion, let us glance at the Roman re- 
ligion itself and its cliaructer at the time of the 
Cassar.s, since the advent of the Imperial religion 
coincided with the decay of the religion of Re- 
publican Rome. The old Roman religlM \\\s 
practically inoperative in the Imperial tima^ Tlie 
worship of Janus, and cifVftrfic otlier Latin and 
Sabine deities, was conlinui'il and offered by the 
State. 15ut the worship of other Roman deities 
had decayed. As early as the close of the Punic 
wars there was a tendency on the part of the people 
to transfer their devotion to the gods of other 
peoples. The gods of Olympus were identified with 
the gods of Rome, and the more abstract forms of 
the Roman de^es were made concrete and antliro- 
pomorphic by'fiieir identification with the more 
lively ^ods of Greece. Nor were these identifica- 
tions limited to the gods of Greece and Rome. 
From Egj'pt there came the worship of Isis, and 
after a long struggle this worship was allowed by 
the Roman atithorities. The worship of Aesculapius 
and Cybele also had a recognized place and validity. 
As Rome proceeded on her conquering career, and 
as district after district fell under her sway, the 
thoughts of the citizens were widened, new prob- 
lems arose, wider liorizons needed newer prin- 
ciples and larger methods than were required in 
the olden times. Means which were used in the 
narrower spheres had become inadequate. Thus 
religious rites and ceremonies, which were relied 
on to avert disaster or to win success, seemed, as 
the sphere of government enlarged itself, to be 
quite inadequate to the magnitude of the new 
situation. It was the custom in earlier Rome, in 
times of great peril, when all other means had 
failed, to choose a dictator for the sole purpose of 
driving a nail into the temple-wall of Juppiter. 
This remedy seems never to have been used after 
the time of Scipio. In Rome itself those rites which 
appeared adequate and sufficient in the old city- 
States seemed out of all proportion when the city 
had become a world-wide government. What had 
seemed sufficient when Rome was simply a city- 
State among other Italian States, or even when 
she had brought all Italy under her sway, had 
become clearly inadequate when her dominion ex- 
tended from Persia to Britain, and from the Rhine 
to the Great Desert. Rome had attained to Im- 
perial dominion, the world had attained to some 
unity under her sway, the decrees of the Senate 
were operative everywhere, but where was any 
unity in the world of the gods to correspond with 
the visible unity of the Roman rule ? The Roman 
citizen could not but feel in some measure that he 
was a member of an imperial race ; he must have 
felt that adversity and prosperity w'ere now on a 
larger scale than formerly, that disaster now meant 
something infinitely more serious than in the olden 
time. His religious instincts, his feeling that he 
must somehow have the gods on his side continued, 
but how was he to propitiate them, or which were 
the gods to be propitiated ? Could there be a 
power supreme over all the gods, one deity to 
whom he might surrender himself and the State, 
one deity who could sup|)ort and protect him in 
all situations and difficulties? Thus even on the 
Bubjective side, from the pressure of his own needs, 
there was a necessity which drove the Roman away 

from the multiplicity of the gods to some T)ivine 
centre of unity. For how was he to know which 
god he had offended or neglected? Or, if he could 
ascertain this, how was he to projiitiate him ? Or, 
if he could answer these questions, how could 
he know that the god he had offended and had 
propitiated could avert the disaster? Might not 
the propitiation of one god offend the others ? 

On the other hand, there wore difficulties in 
reaching the one Divine power to whom one could 
surrender oneself and be at peace. It is difficult 
to reach unity where the gods are the personified 
powers of Nature. For these powers are so unlike. 
The sea is unlike the land. Streams are different 
from mountains. Liglit has no resemblance to 
darkness, and the goils, who are these powers 
personified, can never be reduced to a common 
denominator. The gods of Greece were .so well 
defined, each of them had attributes so distinctive, 
that it was scarcely possible to reach unity except 
by discarding the individual gods. They belonged 
also to a numerous Divine society, in which each 
had his place and function, and thus none of them 
could serve the new need which a world-wide 
government had brought into prominence. The 
more clearly defined the gods in the Olympic 
system, and the more definite their separate func- 
tions the less fitted were they for the function of 
unifying the Divine action, needed by the Roman 
religious citizen. As a matter of history, we find 
that the search after Divine unity led the Roman 
away from his own ancestral gods, and away from 
the well-marked gods of Greece, to the more vague 
and mysterious deities of Egypt or the nearer 
East. Thus the vague, undefined, and mysterious 
attributes of Isis attracted the Roman worshipper, 
and her worship rapidly spread in the later Repuljlic 
and the early Empire. The priests of the goddess 
claimed that she cured diseases of every kind ; she 
was identified with the female deities of Greece 
and Rome, possessed all their attributes, and 
usurped all their functions. Even more intense and 
absorbing, and affording more scope for passion- 
ate devotion, was the service of the Phrygian 
Mother of the Gods. Her name appears frequently 
on inscriptions, and she is ' the one, who is all ' 
(Orelli, Inscr. no. 1871). We need not dwell here 
on other signs of the decay of the religion of old 
Rome, or on the passionate quest of the Romans for 
a satisfying religion, or for a religion which would 
justify them in surrendering themselves to its 
guidance. It is enough to refer to Mithraism and 
its wide-spread influence over the Roman Empire 
in the first and second centuries of our era (see the 
masterly and exhaustive account of its extent and 
character in Dill's Roman Society from Nero to 
Marcus Aurelms). It is sufficient for our purpose 
at present to point out that one element in the 
formation of the Imperial religion was the wide- 
spread unrest in every class of society, in Rome 
itself, and in all the provinces of Rome. Faith in 
the reality and efficiency of the gods of Rome and 
Greece had passed away, and the need of a Divine 
protecting power was felt more than ever. The 
need of devotion was as clamant as ever, or even 
more so, inasmuch as men's thoughts had widened, 
and their imaginations could people the universe 
with pictures of disasters unknown heretofore. 
They felt the need of one god — a god a]iproachable, 
placable, able and ready to help. And this need 
went far to create its object, and to make them fill 
up with all Divine attributes the visible form of 
the power of Rome, till it attained an elevation 
fitted to inspire tlieir trust and reward their 

The ancient throne of the gods was vacant, and 
there was placed on it the figure of the Emperor, 
the visible holder of tlie greatest power known 



to man. Many inthionces helped to make this 
apotheosis roasoaahle and fit to the people of the 
time. There was the fact already noted of the 
identity of religion and rule in the city-State. 
The helief that the State and the god were one 
easily led to the thought of the divinity of the 
State. Then the decay of helief in the ancient 
gods, and the need, deep-seated in the human spirit, 
of something to worship, led on to the worship of 
visible and oeneficent power as embodied in the 
majesty of Rome. Further, it was no new thing 
to worship men, either in Rome itself or in the 
provinces of Greece and of Asia Minor. In Greek 
story men were raised to Divine rank, or raised 
themselves to it, as the reward of work well done, 
and of heroic tasks completed at the cost of labour 
and of life. So we read the story of Heracles, of 
Theseus, and of manj' others. In truth, in no race 
of the world save the Hebrew was the conception 
of man far removed from the conception of God. 
Gods might become men, ami men might be raised 
to Divine rank. And this universal attitude of 
mind helped to make the thought of the divinity 
of the Emperor not an absurd or untenable idea. 
None of the races within the Empire, save only the 
Jews, had any unalterable or invincible objection 
to the conception of a Divine humanity. In truth, 
in the old Roman religion the Divine and the 
human were thought of as inseparable. This 
appears very clearly in what is perhaps the most 
marked feature of the old Roman religion, namely 
the belief — one of the most universal and eti'ect- 
ive of the beliefs which ruled the Roman mind 
— in the Genius of the home, of the city, of the 
State. Tliis belief peopled all existence, in all its 
forms, with beings, living, energetic, and helpful, 
with whom men stood in most intimate relations, 
and without whom and whose help it was impossible 
to prosper. It was necessary to invoke the help of 
the Genius in every transaction, and every process 
was carried on under the direction and with the 
help of its presiding spirit. Merchants, setting 
forth with their goods to some foreign land, invoked 
the protection of the Genius of the Roman people 
and of trade. They sought to conciliate, as they 
journeyed, the Divine power who presided over 
that way, and whose province it was to give them 
protection. But more intimate still was the rela- 
tion of the family to its household Genius, who 
shared the family meal, who presided over the 
family's destiny, and was identified with it in weal 
and woe. The Lares, the Penates, the Genius, 
were described in many ways, and they had many 
functions ; and the worship of them persisted, 
despite the opposition of the Church, far down 
into Christian times. The worship of the Genius 
of the household prepared the way for the accept- 
ance of the worship of the Emperor and of tlie 
Roman State. It was simply an extension of the 
common belief, on the one hand ; and, on the other, 
it was the identification of the belief in tutelary 
deities generally with the Genius of the reigning 
house. As the merchant and the traveller were 
wont to invoke the protection of the Genius of the 
Roman people, so now they invoked that same 
Genius, but as embodied in the reigning Emperor. 
Thus on this side also there was an open way that 
led to the worship of the Cfesar. 

We must leave to other articles in this Encyclo- 
pajdia to trace the influence of philosophy and 
science and speculation generally on the religious 
beliefs of the Roman people, meaning by that 
phrase all the populations of the Iloman Empire. 
Only we must afhrm that from the literature of 
the period, and from the philosophy and specula- 
tion of the time, no sure indication of the religious 
state can be obtained. In the speculation of the 
time there were many tendencies which affected 

only the cities, and only the educated and the 
learned. The tendencies to monotheism, to panthe- 
ism, to atheism, and to scepticism influenced only 
a limiteil number. The larger number, particu- 
larly outside of the greater cities, were intensely 
religious, if they only had known what to worship. 
Even if their faith in their ancestral gods had 
become faint, yet the trust in the Divine con- 
tinued, and they sought for and obtained a more 
fitting expression. I'he Genius of their own house 
became one with the Genius of the Imperial house, 
and thus Emperor-worship was hallowed by the 
associations of many memories of former genera- 
tions ; the good ascribed to the action of the family 
Genius during all the family history was ascribed 
to the Genius of the Emperor ; and so the sacred- 
ness of the past was carried over into the new 
worship. In this way the devotion to the new cult 
could become fervid and intense, and the delights 
of devotion could be experienced. 

Thus in many ways and through many avenues 
Emperor-worship was prepared for as the oHicial 
religion of the Empire. If we glance at the pro- 
vinces, we can easUy see that the preparation for 
the reception of this official religion was even more 
ett'ective. As we have seen, in Greece proper the 
worship of the human as Divine was not foreign to 
the people. Heroes had been deified, and temples 
had been erected to them. Founders of States and 
founders of religions were regarded as Divine. 
Laws were thought of as Divine, and the tra- 
ditional givers of laws, like the Athenian and 
Spartan lawgivers, were regarded as Divine, feared, 
worshipped, and obeyed. But when we pass 
further east, among the Grecian peoples of Asia 
Minor, or into Egypt, we find a condition of things 
which facilitated the acceptance of the official 
worship of the Empire. The sacredness which 
hedged the persons of the kings of Babylon and 
As.syria passed over to the persons of the Persian 
kings ; and they, if not regarded as incarnations of 
the Divine, were yet thought of as representatives 
of it. Titles of honour were heaped on them, and 
the resources of language were exhausted in order 
to set forth their unapproachable majesty. In 
their hands was the power of life and death ; peace 
and gladness were the lot of those on whom they 
smiled, dishonour and death lay in their frown. 
The successors of Alexander fell heirs to the rever- 
ence shown to their predecessors. Read the history 
of the Ptolemys of Egypt, note the titles bestowed 
on them and the reverence accorded them, and it 
will be evident that to the Egyptian the new 
religion presented no strange feature. Nor would 
the claim seem strange to the subjects of the 
Syrian monarchs, the successors of Alexander in 
Asia Minor. They also made Divine claims, and 
to them worship was oft'ered, or something not to 
be distinguished from it. We cannot enter into 
detail, but enough has been said to show that to 
all races, except the .Tews, there was no historical 
reason why they slioiUd reject the claim of Rome 
to Divine obedience. 

But the visible power of Rome was greater and 
more extensive than any other dominion which the 
world had ever seen. If it did not extend as 
far eastward as Alexander had reached in his 
meteoric career, it had penetrated into regions 
which Alexander had never entered. The dominion 
of Alexander was broken up into many parts. 
Rome had grown from more to more throughout 
the ages, and her dominion appeared to the subject 
populations to be as stable as the stars. Now, all 
that symbolized the Roman power was gathered 
into one hand, and embodied in tlie Emperor. It 
Mas the one supreme power in all lands around the 
Mediterranean Sea. But that power was not merely 
the power which could set the legions in motion 





iinil direct them along the Koman roads, cast and 
west, and south and north. That of itself was 
sufficient to ensure the respect of the subject 
Ijopulations. But the physical power was strenj^tli- 
ened and supported by all other sources of power. 
And all the sources of power lay in the hand of 
Koine. Moral and spiritual forces were added to 
her S|dendid physical resources. The nations were 
subdued in every sense of the term. With the fall 
of the nations their gods also were held to he 
subdued. The gods of the besieged city were 
invited to leave it ere the final assault was made. 
When the city or the State fell, the gods were dis- 
honoured. They had not been able to defend their 
followers. This result was modified by the practice 
which grew up of identifying the gods of the con- 
quered peoples M^ith the gods of Kome. We have 
seen how tliis was accomplished in the case of the 
gods of Greece. Though the names were different, 
yet it was thought that in principle and essence 
they were the same. Thus the gods of the peoples 
with whom Rome was brought into contact came 
to be regarded as local forms of the gods known 
under other names as gods of Rome. This 
identification was made easier by the fact tliat the 
gods of Syria, Asia Minor, and Egypt wer« known 
to the Romans under the names already given to 
them in Greece. Julius Ca'sar and Tacitus illus- 
trate the process, for they thought they recognized 
the Gallic and Teutonic deities as other forms of 
Mercury, Juppiter, Mars, and Minerva. Thus there 
was established a sort of identity between the gods 
of the victors and those of the vanquished ; and 
the latter received a place within the pantheon of 
Rome. In the temples which were speedily erected 
within the provinces, Roman and barbarian deities 
were worshipped ; and, remote though they were 
from each other in their original attributes and 
character, in the temples they were recognized 
as one. 

Still this process did not lead to satisfactory 
results. There was needed a universal religion for 
the Empire. This was pressed on the governing 
minds of the Empire from many points of view. 
WhUe there was toleration for the religions of the 
subject races, as long as they did not interfere 
witn the public peace, yet Rome was absolutely 
intolerant of religious practices and observances 
which seemed to interfere with the proper ends of 
government. If a doctrine interfered with the 
worsliip of the State-gods, if it assumed a hostile 
attitude towards Roman religion, if a strange god, 
so individual as not to be brought into harmony 
with the supremacy of Juppiter Capitolinus, was 
worshipped, then tliat form of religion was perse- 
cuted until it disappeared. Thus Druidism was 
persecuted to tlie death. It had a tradition and 
an organization which stoutly resisted any assimila- 
tion with the Roman system, and it was the boast of 
the Emperor Claudius that he had completely anni- 
hilated Druidism (Suet. Claudius, 25). This may 
be taken as an illustration of the usual process, 
and of the method of Rome with regard to religions 
which proved refractory to the process of assimila- 
tion. I5ut the need of a common religion for the 
Em|iire became more obvious to the ruling class. 
In fact, such a need was ajijiarent to many empires 
before the problem became a practical one to the 
rulers of Rome. It was the main motive of the 
action of Antiochus Epiphanes in his persecution 
of the Jews. It was also a .spur to action and a 
leading force in the active process of Ilellenization 
carried on by the successors of Alexander. Hut 
the need of Rome was greater, for the ditferences 
of races and of religions and of languages were 
more conspicuous in the Roman Empire than in 
any former period of liistory. In order to unify 
the Empire, there was needed not only the outward 

power of military supremacy ; there was needed a 
moral, and especially a religious, bond ; there was 
needed a common oath whereby eveiy one in the 
service of the Empire could profess his fidelity to 
the Empire. Soldiers, magistrates, officials, people 
in office all over the Empire, must have some 
common symbol of allegiance. This was found in 
the sacramcntum, the oath of allegiance by which 
they swore fidelity to the Empire. This oath was 
made sacred and universal, for it was sworn by the 
Genius of Augustus, which was made one with the 
Genius of the Roman people. A common bond was 
required for the preservation and the consolidation 
of the common interests of the Empire, and this 
was found in the worship of the Emperor as the 
visible symbol of Roman strength. This, as we 
have seen, was not inconsistent with the tradition 
and character of the subject peoples. They were 
familiar witli the thought of the divinity of the 
State, and of its nilers. Apotheosis was not 
strange to them. That visible tangible power 
which was seen in the hand of the masters of 
many legions was reinforced by the more dreaded 
forthcomin" of supernatural consequences. Thus 
religion added its sanction to the forces of Imperial 

While the needs of the time almost forced the 
Roman rulers to institute this religion of Imperial 
unity, there are many testimonies to the fact that 
the earlier Emperors were somewhat reluctant to 
accept the necessity. There are evidences that 
Augustus was unwilling to accept the Divine 
honours which were thrust upon him. But he 
could not withstand the force of the current. 
Even in Rome itself the popular current pressed 
strongly in the direction of ascribing Divine 
honours to the head of the State. The Senate had 
set apart and made sacred the place in which 
Augustus was bom (Suet. Cw/^ar Atigttslus, 5). 
Many stories of portents and wondrous signs 
whicli accompanied his birth were in circulation, 
and these seemed to have grown with the years. 
Men looked back from the elevation to which 
Augustus had attained, and found or feigned many 
premonitions of it in the past. It is not necessary 
to dwell on these ; it is sufficient to say that in 
Rome itself a glad welcome was given to the 
doctrine of the divinity of the Emperor. It is 
true that this was discouraged by Augustus him- 
self. It is also true that Tiberius followed in this 
respect the example of his predecessor. It is told 
by Tacitus how Tiberius refused the petition of 
ambassadors from farther Spain, who asked for 
leave to build a temple to the Emperor and his 
mother, as had been done in Asia. Tacitus even 
gives a speech which Tiberius was said to have 
made on the occasion {Annal. iv. 37, 3S). 

Notwithstanding the apparent reluctance of the 
Emperors to accept Divine honours, the new re- 
ligion of the Empire made rapid progress. Augustus 
had permitted temples and altars to be dedicated 
to him and the goddess Roma at Pergamum 
(Tacitus, Annal. iv. 36). At other places also the 
practice was permitted. After the death of 
Augustus, his worship was introduced ii\to Italy 
and Rome, where it was not allowed during his 
lifetime. Thus during the reign of Tiljerius the 
worship of the Emperor was widely spread over 
the whole world. Some testified that they had 
seen Augustus ascend to heaven. It soon became 
a crime to profess reluctance to worship the Im- 
perial god. On his death. Divine honours had 
been decreed to Augustus by the Senate. There 
were instituted a new order of priests and a new 
series of religious rites in the service of the Imi>erial 
god. As if to give 6clat to the new departure, 
names to the number of twenty-one, from the most 
prominent citizens, were chosen, and the names 



of Tiberius, Diusus, Cliiiulius, ami Germauiyns 
were added to the uumljer (Tacilus, Annnl. i. 54). 
Kepeated refeiciiees are made in the Annals of 
Tacitus to tlie existence of tlie Augustan priest- 
hood. A law.suit was raised against a llonian 
citizen because lie had sold, among other etl'ects, a 
statue of Augustus. Nor was the name of the 
Emperor, Auqiisliis, without religious sigiiifu^anee. 
It had a religious meaning from the beginning, and 
the peojilo were conscious of this. Suetonius 
speculates as to the meaning, but he is persuaded 
that it did mean something worthy, great, and 
religious. He tells that the new ruler was called 
Augustus, because this name was new, and was of 
higher dignity, and because places devoted to re- 
ligion and consecrated by augury were called 
'august.' He even makes an excursion into philo- 
logy, and says that it was derived from auctus, 
which signifies ' \ncrea,se,' ox ab avium gestu gustuve, 
' from the flight of birds ' (Suet. Ccesar Augustus, 7). 
Whatever we may think of the etymology, there 
is no doubt about the fact that the name chal- 
lenged the reverence of the people, and had a 
religious significance from the first. What was 
implied in it is seen from the fact that the crime 
of majestas meant not only treason to the reigning 
Emperor, but disrespect towards the object of the 
adoration of the people, whether of the Emperor 
who had attained to an apotheosis, or of the reign- 
ing ruler. The significance of the title Augustus 
is further made manifest from the following, which 
we take from Lightf oot's AiJOstolic Fathers '', part 2, 
' St. Ignatius and St. Polycarp,' 1889, vol. iii. p. 
405 : ' Imperator cum Augusti nomen accepit, 
tamquam praesenti et eorporali deo fidelis est 
praestanda devotio ' (Veget. ii. 5). A part of this 
passage is also quoted by Bollinger, Ths Gentile 
and the Jew, Eng. tr. vol. ii. p. 166. 

However reluctant Augustus and Tiberius were 
to accept the new honours, the pressure of events 
was too strong for them. The new worship speedily 
became imperative. It became a crime not to 
worship, and the citizens of Cyzicus were deprived 
of their privileges because they had suflered tlie 
ceremonies in honour of Augustus to fall into con- 
tempt (Tacitus, Annal. iv. 36). In this case Im- 
perial pressure was brought to bear on the people 
in favour of the new Imperial religion. This, how- 
ever, was almost a solitary instance. There was no 
unwillingness to accept it. Rather there was keen 
competition between cities for the honour and the 
privilege of building temples and organizing priest- 
hoods for the cult of the new religion. It is 
recorded by Tacitus that eleven Asiatic cities strove 
for the honour of building a temple to the reigning 
Emperor : ' Eleven cities rivalled each other, not in 
power and opulence, but with equal zeal contend- 
ing for the preference' (Annal. iv. 55). If it was 
an honour to institute a religious organization, 
with proper buildings and persons for the Imperial 
worship, it was a very costly honour, as would 
appear from the fact that the claim of some cities 
was refused as they could not bear the expense. 
In the final issue the claim of Smyrna was allowed, 
mainly because ' of all the cities of Asia, they were 
the first that built a temple to the Roman name ' 
(Tacitus, Annal. iv. 56). Other testimonies might 
be added toshow how rapidly the new religion spread 
throughout the Empire, and how greatly esteemed 
was the honour of having a temple to the Ceesar- 
god within the city. The Senate of Rome was be- 
sieged by the cities of the Empire for the privilege 
of styling themselves neocori, servants of the 
Csesar-god, and for the privilege of inserting that 
title on their coins. It is evident that the honour 
was highly esteemed. But it is time to ask why 
the provinces, in particular, welcomed the new 
religion with such eagerness and enthusiasm. 

In answer we must romeraber what the advent 
of the Empire meant for the provinces. It is 
scarcely possible to exaggerate their misery and 
wretchedness in the later ages of the Republic. 
The proconsuls raged furiously, knowing that their 
time was short. It is not necessary to dwell on 
this, or to cite the authorities for it. But we may 
refer to the miseries of civil war, and to the terror 
of the times when Marius and Sulla strove for the 
mastery. The wars between Julius Caisar and 
Ponipey, the wars between Augustus and Antony, 
had Drought unspeakable misery on the peoples 
and places where they were conducted. With 
the advent of the Emperor Augustus wars ceased, 
the temple of Janus was shut, a Government which 
might fairly be called just held sway in all the 
provinces. The people felt a sense of security un- 
known for ages. Ctesar was their friend, their 
ruler, their defender from enemies without their 
gates, and from oppression by those within. He 
gave them security and a peaceful time in which 
they could live and work. He enabled them to 
provide for their wants, to accumulate property 
>\'ithout the haunting dread that its possession 
would serve only to make them the mark for the 
envy and the greed of those possessed of power. 
Thus the Emperor became an earthly providence, 
which grew ever greater, as the peoples became 
more accustomed to its care. Imagination de- 
lighted to picture the greatness and the good- 
ness of the Imperial power ; orators discoursed 
on it, and philosophers dwelt on the thought of 
the great community of the universe, in which 
gods and men had their places and their functions. 
Then the common people gathered into one all 
that they or their ancestors had conceived of 
greatness and goodness, and piled that upon 
the head of the Caesar-saviour. If we had sjiace, 
we might easily gather from the inscriptions a 
collection of epithets, descriptive of the glory 
thus ascribed to the Roman Emperors. These 
epithets are not merely adulation ; they are 
the outcome of a real religious persuasion. Nor 
were the Imperial CiEsars without a feeling of 
reciprocal devotion to the ideal of their calling, 
and to the duty devolving on them as beings 
invested with powers and responsibilities more than 
human. Seneca — to refer only to one instance — 
reminds Nero that he has succeeded to a vicegerency 
of God on earth. He is the arbiter of life and 
death, on whose word depend the fortunes of 
citizens, the happiness and misery of the people. 
His innocence raised the highest hopes. The 
Emperor is the one bond that holds the world- 
empire together ; he is its vital breath. The 
Imperial task is heavy, and its perils are great. 
Man, the hardest of animals to govern, cannot be 
governed long except by love, and can be won only 
by beneficence and gentleness. In his godlike 
place, the prince should imitate the mercy of the 
gods. Wielding illimitable power, he is the servant 
of all, and cannot usurp the licence of the private 
subject. He is like one of the heavenly orbs, 
bound by inevitable law to move onward in a fixed 
orbit, unswerving and unresting. Such was the 
teaching of Seneca to his pupil ; and this was the 
ideal of the best Emperors, who felt that they 
were in the place of an earthly providence to their 
people. But the consciousness of power led the 
holders of it from one stage to another. While 
some felt that this was a power entrusted to them 
by the gods, others came to regard the divinity by 
which they ruled as possessecl of some inherent 
significance, and regarded themselves as Divine. 
Domitian issued his rescripts and formally claimed 
Divine power under the formula ' Dominus et Deus 
noster' (Suet. Domitian, 13). 

On the one hand, the Emperors increasingly 



brought forward tlieir claims to Divine power, and 
insisted on the popular recognition of the claims ; 
on the other hand, the people, esiK'ciallj' in the 
provinces, were forward in aserihing to them all 
the attrihulos recognized as Divine hy them. Nor 
was there any other power which could reasonablj' 
enter into competition with this. Behind the 
visible majesty of the Emperor there lay all the 
prestige of the unrivalled history of Rome. The 
might of i)osses.sion belonged to it, and all the 
visible forces of the world were at his command. 
Nor can we forget that the deification of the ruling 
power seemed the fuKilraent of a hone which had 
been cherished for a long time by all the peoples 
of the East. There was a hoiie, there were 
prophecies, of a coming deliverer, an<l there are 
evidences extant of the wide-spread character of 
such a hope. The hope of the individual races was 
coloured by tlioir history and by their idio.-;yncrasy. 
It took one form in Judjea, another in Asia Minor, 
and another in Greece, but the ferment caused by 
such an expectation can be traced over all the 
known world. It is very marked in the inscriptions 
which still remain. It is not necessary to multiply 
examples. But a quotation from one inscription 
may be made, because it illustrates the universal 
expectation, and describes what it was. The 
inscription will be found in Mittheilungen Inst. 
Athcn. xxiv. [ 1889] 27.5 «'.; cf. also W. Dittenberger, 
Orientis Grcecce Inscriptiones Sclccta:, Leipzig, 1895, 
ii. 366. The date of the inscription seems to be about 
9 B.C. ; Sir William Kamsay dates it 9-4 B.C. (Tlie 
Letters to the Seven Churches, p. 436). The inscrip- 
tion refers to the birthday of Augustus. We quote 
a passage from it : 

' This day has given the earth an entirely new aspect. The 
•vorld would haie gone to destruction had there not streamed 
forth from him who is now born a common blessing. Rightly 
does he judge who recognizes in this birthday the beginning of 
life and of all the powers of Ufe : now is that ended when men 
pitied themselves for being born. . . . From no other day does 
the individual or the community receive such benefit as from 
this natal dav, full of blessing to all. The providence which 
niles over all'has filled this man with such gifts for the salvation 
of the wr.rl'l I- I i.'rui!-- him the Saviour for us and for the 
coming ^a !r I ■ : I A :ir-, will he make an end, and establish 
all things i I: ! > appearing are the hopesof our fore- 

fathers fiillii; i , ii"t > ■;1\ has he surpassed the good deeds of 
men of earlier time, hut it is impossible that one greater than 
he can ever appear. The birthday of God has brought to the 
world glad tidings that arc bound up in him. From his birth- 
day a new era begins.' 

Speaking of this inscription, Kamsay says that 
it records ' the decree of the Commune of Asia 
instituting the new Augustan Year, and ordered 
to be put up in all the leading cities' (op. cit. 
430). Of the language of the inscription he 
says : ' All this was not merely the language of 
courtly panegyric. It was in a way thoroughly 
sincere, with all the sincerity that the people of 
tliat over-developed and precocious time, with 
their artificial, highly stimulated, rather feverish 
intellect, were capable of feeling ' (p. 54). Other 
inscriptions to otiier Emperors might be quoted, 
imt this is sufficient to show the feeling m the 
Commune of Asia towards the new cult. Reference 
might be made to the etlect which the perusal of 
such inscriptions had on the attitude of the people. 
It woulil enhance their feeling of the majesty and 
worth of the Roman Emperor. It would stimulate 
their loyalty, and deepen it into devotion. 

I5ut the missionary energy of the new religion 
was not left to the passive power and ellect of 
mere inscriptions, however ell'ective these might 
lie in their own way. The new religion had for its 
propagation an eficctive organization, a powerful 
priesthood, with many privileges, with ample 
powers, and with functions of a large order. 
While it is jirobable that, wherever there was a 
temple built for the worship of the Emperor, there 
was also an organized priesthood, yet it was in the 
provinces, especially in the province of Asia, that 

the priesthood attained to the highest organization 
and to the greatest efficiency. 

'To the confederation of towns the Roman Government in 
Asia Minor had no occasion to oppose sjiecial obstacles. In 
Roman as in pre-Roman times nine towns of the Troad performed 
in conunon religious functions and celebrated common festivals. 
The diets of the dilTerent provinces of Asia Slinor, which were 
here, as in the whole Empire, called into existence as a fixed 
institution by Augustus, were not different from those of the 
other provinces. Vet this institution developed itself, or rather 
changed its nature, here in a peculiar fashion. With the 
immediate purpose of these annual assemblies of the civic 
deputies of each province — to bring its wishes to the knowledge 
of the governor or the government, and generally to serve as 
organ of the province — was here first combined the celebration 
of the annual festival for the governing Emperor and the 
Imperial system generally. Augustus, in the year 725, allowed 
the diets of .\sia and Bithynia to erect temples and show divine 
honour to him at their places of assembly, I'ergamum and 
Nicomedia. This new arrangement soon extended to the whole 
Empire, and the blending of the ritual institution with 
the administrative became a leading idea of the provincial 
organization of the Imperial period. But, as regards pomp of 
priests and festivals and civic rivalries, this institution nowhere 
developed itself so much as in the province of Asia, and, 
analogously, in the other provinces of Asia Minor ; and no- 
where, consequently, has there subsisted, alongside of, and 
above, municipal ambition, a provincial ambition of the towns 
still more than of the individuals, such as in Asia Minor 
dominates the whole public life' (Mommsen, The Proviiices o/ 
the Rotnan Empire, Eng. tr., 1886, i. 344 f.). 

The diets of the different provinces in Asia Minor 
were thus constituted for certain civil and religious 
purposes. They had the name of Commune 
Bithj-nise, Cilicioe, Galatiie, Pamphylire. The 
presiding officers of these unions were called 
' Bithyniarch,' ' Ciliciarch,' ' Pamphyliarch,' ac- 
cording to the name of the province. We find, for 
instance, in Ac 19" the title 'Asiarch,' used to 
describe certain friends of Paul, who 'besought him 
not to adventure himself into the theatre.' As 
the province of Asia was the earliest and the most 
distinguished of all the provinces of Asia Minor, 
we naturally hear more of it than of the others. 
Not to dwell on the history of these Communes, 
the important matter for our jiresent purpose is 
to note tlieir bearing on the Imperial religion. 
In these Communes, teiuples were erected and 
priesthoods were established for the maintenance 
of this worship. 'In six at least of the cities 
comprised in the Commune Asiw (Smyrna, Ephesus, 
Pergamum, Sardes, Philadelphia, and Cyzicus), 
periodic festivals and games were held under the 
auspices of the confederation' (Lightfoot, op. cit. 
405, where the authorities for the statement are 

It appears, also, that each of these cities had 
a temple or temples dedicated to the worship 
of the Emperors. As the separate cities were 
united in the Commune, so they were united 
in relation to religion. There were local chief 
priests, and there was a provincial high priest, 
who had s\ipreme control of this worship over the 
whole province. The various designations were 
' the chief priest of the temple in Smyrna,' ' in 
Ephesus,' according to the place in which the 
temple was situated. The provincial high priest 
was designated 'the high priest of Asia,' or 'of 
the Commune of Asia.' It was keenly debated for 
a time whether the high priest of Asia and the 
Asiarch were descriptions of dill'erent offices, or 
whether they were identical. The (juestion may 
now be regarded as settled by the investigation of 
Lightfoot. The evidence which he has brought for- 
ward for the view that the chief jiriest of the province 
of Asia was also the Asiarch seems quite conclu- 
sive. Equally conclusive is the evidence he brings 
forward as to the tenure of the office. Many 
authorities assumed that the tenure of the oHice 
was for one year. This may have been the case 
with regard to the local priesthoods, but, as the 
Asiarch had to preside over the games which were 
held every fifth year, it is likely that the tenure 
of the office extended over that period. It is not 



necessiiry for our iire?!ent inirposo to enter inimilely 
into this controversy. All wo are concerned witii 
is the importance of the oHice, and the testimony 
which these facts bear to the prevalence, the 
inlluencc, and the seriousness of this form of 
relijiion. The position of Asiarch was liij;hly 
honoured and eagerly sought after. It was a 
position which no one coulil maintain xinless lie 
had great resources at his command. 

'In spite o( the expense, this was an honorary position 
much sought after, not on account of the privileges attaclied to 
it, e.n. of exemption from trusteesliip, but on account of its out- 
waru splendour. The festal entrance into the town, in purple 
dress and with chaplct on the head, preceded b.v a procession 
of bo.V8 swinging Mieir vessels of incense, was in the horizon of 
the Greeks of Asia Minor what the olive-branch of Olympia was 
among the Hellenes. On several occasions this or that Asiatic 
of qnalit.v boast.s of having been not merely himself Asiarch, but 
descended also from Asiarchs ' (Mommscn, op. cit. 3iG). 

The civil, religious, and social standing of tlie 
Asiarch, the organized priesthood in every city of 
the province, the solidarity of the whole priest- 
hood, ruled and directed by the Asiarch, and the 
favour of the Imperial government were factors in 
the popularity and efl'ectiveness of the Imperial 
religion. It was a visible, tangible religion, in- 
vested with all the influence which the favour of 
the Government and the applause of the people 
could give it. If, as is probable, the Asiarch had 
control, not only over the priesthood of the Imperial 
religion, but also over religion in general, one can 
easily see how much its power and prestige would 
be enhanced. 

* It is probable that this superintendence, although it primarily 
concerned the Emperor-worship, extended to the affairs of 
religion in general. Then, when the old and the new faith 
began to contend in the Kmpire for the mastery, it was probably, 
in the first instance, through the provincial chief priestliood 
that the contrast between them was converted into conflict. 
These priests, appointed from the provincials of mark by the 
diet of the province, were by their traditions and by "their 
ofBcial duties far more called and inclined than were the 
Imperial magistrates to animadvert on neglect of the recognized 
worship, and, where dissuasion did not avail, as they had not 
themselves a power of punishment, to bring the act punishable 
by civil law to the notice of the local or Imperial authorities, 
and to invoke the aid of the secular arm— above all, to force the 
Christians to comply with the demands of the Imperial cultua' 
(Mommsen, op, cit. 34Sf.). 

This quotation from Mommsen brings us face to 
face with the principle of all the persecutions of 
the Christian Churcli, from the first century down 
to the time of Diocletian. It was the refusal of 
the Church to submit to the Imperial cult that led 
to the declaration that they were outlaws, with 
no rights, and with no legal standing before the 
rulers. The test of their standing was whether 
they were willing to burn incense, or to oiier 
worship to Ca'sar. The Imperial religion became 
more and more eager, militant, and oppressive. It 
was filled with the spirit of aggressive persecution. 
In its militant aspect, as against all those who 
refused to bow the knee to Cjesar, it was intolerant, 
aggressive, and exclusive. Whether it could long 
continue to command the inw.ard assent of its 
adherents, or would long be able to satisfy the 
religious needs of its votaries, is another question. 
The fervid feeling, and the intense devotion ex- 
pressed in the inscription quoted above, did not 
last very long. It lessened after the death of 
Augustus. As a religious force it is not apjiarent 
in the end of the 2nd century. But it still con- 
tinued to fulfil its purpose as an official religion, 
and as a test of the loyalty of the citizen. It was 
well fitted to act the part of an engine of persecu- 
tion. Its social power remained long after its 
energy as a religion had passed away. We shall 
end this article with a quotation from Kamsay, 
mainly to show what was the real character of 
this Imperial religion. He is expounding a passage 
in the Apocalypse (13'-"). 

' "/( maketh the earth and alt that dwell therein, to worship 
the first beast," for the provincial administration organized the 
State religion of the Emperoi-a. The Imperial regulation that 

all loyal subjects llnl^l ii>Tifnriu in the Stale religion and take 
part in the lniinii:il nliKii, \^:is tarried out according to the 
regulations framcil !■; 1 1. t ..iiinmie, wliich arranged the ritual, 
superintended and t|iri_'' I- 'i ii^ pirforniance, ordered the build- 
ing of temples and the erection of statues, fixed the holidays 
and festivals, and so on — "saying to them that dwell on the 
earth that the^_ should make an imago to the beast, . . . And 
it xoas given him to give breath to the »tatue o.f the beast, that 
the statue o,f the beast should both speak and cause that as many 
as should not worship the statue of the beast shoiUd be killed," 
The last statement is familiar to us ; it is not directly attested 
for the Flavian period by p.agan authorities, but it is proved by 
nximerous Christian authorities, and corroborated by known 
liiatorical fact-s, and by the interpretation which Trajan stated 
about twenty-five years later of the principles of Imperial 
procedure in this department. It is simply the straightforward 
enunciation of the rule as to the kind of trial that should be 
given to those who were accused of Christianity. The accused 
were required to prove their loyalty by performing an act of 
religious worship of the statue of the Emperor, which (as Pliny 
mentioned to Trajan) was brought into court in readiness for 
the test : if they performed the ritual, they were acquitted and 
dismissed ; if they refused to perform it, they were condemned 
to death. No other proof was sought ; no' investigation was 
made ; no accusation of an.v specific crime or misdeed was made, 
as had been the case in' the persecution of Nero, which is 
described by Tacitus. That short and simple procedure was 
legal, prescribed by Imperial instructions, and complete ' (The 
Letters to the Seven Churches, pp. 97-99). 

LiTERATDRE. — Dill, Roman Society from Nero to Marcus 
Aurclius, 1904 ; Dbllingrer, The Gentile and the Jew, Eng. tr. 
1S62 ; Glover, The Conjlict of Religions in the Early Roman 
Empire, 1909 ; L. Friedlander, Darstellungen au^ der Sitten- 
gesch, Boms"^, 1901, Rom, lAfe and Manners under the Early 
Empire, Eng. tr. 190S ft. ; Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers 2, part 2, 
' St. Ignatius and St. Polycarp,' 1S89 ; Mommsen, The Provinces 
of the Roman Empire, Eng. tr. 1SS6, new ed. 1909 ; Ramsay, The 
Letters to the Seven Churches, 1904 [numerous references to 
Emperor - worship abound in other works of Sir William 
Ramsay] ; Westcott, ' The Church and the Empire,* Dissertation 
in Com. on the Einstles of John, 1883 ; Workman, Persecution 
in the Early Church, 1906 ; Kennedy, ' Apostolic Preaching and 
Emperor Worship,' in Expositor, 7th ser., vii. (1909) 289. 

James Iverach. 

CAGOTS. — The Cagots are a despised and 
formerly persecuted people of unknown origin, 
scattered in small groups under diverse names 
throughout the Western Pyrenees and in Brittany. 
They are the Cagots, Cahcts, Agotac.t, and Gafets 
of the French, the Agote-^ or Gafus of the Spaniards, 
and the Cacous of the Bretons, although, strange 
to say, they are first mentioned as ' Chrestianos ' 
in the year 1288. In 1460 the States of Bi5arn, 
where they were most numerous, called on the 
king of France to curtaU their liberties ; and in 
the towns the Cagot communities were then 
confined to separate quarters called cagoteries, 
which answered to the ghettos of the Jews. In 
the country districts they dwelt in WTetched huts 
apart from the villagers ; they were everywhere 
obliged to enter the church by a separate door ; 
and after death they were buried by themselves, 
apparently' in imconsecrated ground. In the 
church they were railed oft' from the rest of the 
congregation, a binitier ('holy-water font') was 
reserved for their exclusive use, and they were 
either barred fiom the communion or else obliged 
to take the host from the end of a stick. In fact, 
everything was done to humiliate them, until they 
were emancipated by the French Revolution, at 
least from all these restrictions, though not from 
the hatred and contempt of their neighbours, 
which still largely persist. The side-doors of the 
churches were built up, but the separate fonts 
may still be seen in many districts, and other 
indications survive of the ostracism under which 
they formerly sulFered. 

Even in France the odium attaching to this 
'infamous and accursed race' is by many attri- 
buted to some physical taint, such as goitre, 
cretinism, or leprosy, and, in 1S7-, Littr6 defined 
the Cagots as ' a people of the Pyrenees affected 
with a kind of cretinism.' In England, too, they 
were supposed to be 'afflicted with extreme bodily 
deformity and degeneracy, and with deficiency of 
intellect' (Guy and Ferrier, Foreiuic Medicine*, 
1875). But Dr. Hack Tuke, who visited several 


of the groups in 1879, could lind no eviiience of 
goitre or cretinism amongst tliem, and lie believes 
tliat tliey have been confounded with the inliabit- 
ants of the Pyrenees who really suH'er from these 
complaints. Nor could he find any outward indica- 
tions wliich marked them oil' as a people physical Ij' 
distinct from the surrounding inhabitants, except 
that some are not dark like their neighbours, but 
blue-uyed and light-haired. Otherwise the Agotacs 
of the Basques, who are chiefly weavers, black- 
smiths, and joiners, but have no land, diller in no 
respects from the Basques (q.v.) themselves, whose 
language they speak, while, like them, they are 
strict Koman Catholics. As recently as 1842 in 
some districts they occupied a separate place 
during the service, and on Rogation Days they 
join in a procession which sometimes gives rise to 
disorders, due to the ill-feeling of their Basque 

Although now free from any taint of leprosy, 
weighty arguments have been advanced to show- 
that the Cagots were originally subject to this 
disease, and that to it was due their separation 
from the other inhabitants. This is the opinion 
of M. de Kochas, one of our chief authorities, who 
pointed out ill 1876 that the Breton word cacodd 
meant 'leprous,' and tliat this word would easily 
assume both the French form Cagot and the 
[)resent Breton form Cacou. He further remarks 
that they were also called ' Mezegs,' and that 
mizeau is French for ' leprous.' But such etymo- 
logies are seldom to lie trusted, and the more 
general popular belief may still be the more 
correct one, that the Cagots are descended fi-om 
some Visigoths or Vandals who were left behind 
in the Pyrenees when these barbaric hordes pushed 
tlirough into Spain and Africa in the 5tl; century. 
Thus would be explained the above-mentioned 
blue eyes and light hair, the word Cagot itself 
(rnncs Gothi = ' doga of Goths'), and the charge of 
heresy that in early times was very generally 
brought against them. For it is to be noticed 
that these Visigoths themselves were heretics, 
being members of the then wide-spread Arian sect, 
to which the orthodox peoples of GanI and Spain 
were bitterly opposed. Hence Guillieau, quoted 
by Tuke, may most probably be right in holding 
that the ' Agoths,' as he calls them, 'were origin- 
ally heretics,' or ' the descendants of certain 
lieretics.' We can now understand why from the 
ver\- Hrst they were subject to cruel persecutions 
in Gaul, just as the orthodox inhabitants of Spain 
were persecuted by their Arian Visigothie con- 
querors till the heresy was stamped out under 
King llicoaredus soon after the third Council of 
Toledo in 589. 

No clear explanation has been given of the 
curious designation ' Chrestianos,' which dates 
from the 13th cent. ; but Tuke writes that at 
times ' many were no doubt falsely suspected of 
leprosy ' ; and as lepers were actually called 
pauperes Chrisii, the term may have originated in 
this way. The suggestion is the more probable 
since the cretins, who, we have seen, were con- 
stantly confounded with the Cagots, were also 
called Christians. 

LiTERATURK.— Michel, Hist, dcs races maxtdites de la France 
H lie CEttpagiy, 1847 ; De Rochas, Lcs Parias de France et 
d'Espaqne, 1S7C ; Krause, Die Pariavolker der Gegenu-art, 
1003 ; Webster, rtntUtin de la Sociili liammx, 1807 ; Hack 
Tuke, Jjy i.\. (18S0)p. 370fr. A. H. Ke.\nk. 

CAINITES.— See Ophites. 

CAIRN.— See Stones. 

CAKES AND LOAVES.— I. Cakes made of 
firstfruits. — In primitive conimuiiitics, and as a 
ritual custom surviving into much later stages, 

lirstfruits are the subject of solemn ceremonial 
observances, before the bulk of the harvest can 
lie eaten. They are eaten sacramentally, in order 
that the eaters may obtain the Divine life which is 
present in them (for example, that of the corn- 
spirit). Or, probably at a later stage, they are 
oll'ered saerificially to the gods, who are supposed 
to have given the fruits of the earth to man ; or 
sometimes both rites are combined (see FlltST- 

The earliest form in which grain was cooked was 
probably that of roasting, grinding, and making it 
into rude cakes. This preceded that of baking it 
into loaves. Hence we lind that the grain of the 
first sheaves is made into a cake, later a loaf, 
which is eaten, or presented, sometimes with a few 
sheaves, to the god. The transition stage was 
probably that of boiling grain, or mixing it with 
milk or honey — the mixture being poured out as a 
libation, or eaten. Thus in N.W. India, the first 
of the grain is mixed with milk and sugar, and 
eaten by each member of the family (Elliot, Hist. 
of N.W. Prov. of India, 1869, i. 197). Among the 
Basutos the grain is boiled and presented to the 
gods (Frazer, GB- ii. 459). 

Some instances of this sacramental use of cakes 
formed of the firstfruits may be given. The 
Solomon Islanders, at the ingathering of the 
canarium nut, eat flat cakes made of the pounded 
nuts (Woodford, Head Hunters, 1890, pp. 26-28). 
The Ainus make new millet into cakes, which are 
worshipped by the old men. Then the cakes are 
eaten, after wdiicli the new millet may be used 
(Batchelor, Ainu and their Folklore, 1901, ji. iOi). 
Among the Natchez, the women gathered the first 
sheaves of maize ; jiart was used as an oft'ering, 
and part made into unleavened cakes, which were 
presented to the setting sun, and eaten in the 
evening (Chateaubriand, Voyaqe en Am(rique, 
Paris, 1870, pp. 130-136). The Quiches of Central 
America, after gathering in the firstfruits, pre- 
sented them to the priests. Some of the lirstfruits 
were baked into cakes, which were oflered to the 
idols who guarded their fields. These cakes were 
afterwards given to the poor (Brasseur <le Bour- 
bourg, Hist, des nation.s civil, dii Mexique ct de 
I'Amcrique Centrale, Paris, 1857-59, ii. 566). The 
Totonacs made a dough of firstfruits and the 
blood of three slain infants, of which certain of the 
people partook every six months (A'A' iii. 440). 
The cakes made of maize by the Virgins of the 
Sun in Peru at the festival of the Sun were eaten 
sacramentally by the Inca and his nobles (Prescott, 
Conquest of Peru, 1890, p. 51). Among the Coorgs 
of Southern India, after the first sheaf of rice is 
cut, enough of it is prepared and made into flour 
to provide a cake, w-hich the whole family must 
eat. The man who cuts the rice afterwards kneads 
a cake from the meal, mixed with other things. 
Kvcry one must partake of this cake. The 
Burghers, a tribe in the Nilgiri Hills, choose a 
man of another tribe to reap the first sheaf of 
grain. This grain is made into meal and baked 
into cakes, when it is offered as a firstfruit oblation. 
Afterwards these cakes are partaken of by the 
whole familj' (Ilarkness, Description of n Singular 
Aboriginal Race inhabiting the Summit of the 
Ndlg'hcrry Hills, 1832, p. 56 If.). The pagan 
Chcremisses eat sacramentally of the new loaf made 
from the new corn, the pieces being distributed by 
the sorcerer to each person (GB- ii. 321). Modern 
European folk-survivals show many instances of 
the ceremonial eating of a cake or loaf made of tlie 
new crops, and this doubtless represents an earlier 
sacramental eating of a cake or loaf containin" 
the life of the corn-spirit, especially as the bread 
is often in the shape of a man or an animal. In 
Sweden the grain of the last sheaf is made into a 



loaf in the rurm of a girl, the loaf beiiij; ilivided 
among the entire househoKl and eaten by them. 
At Lii I'alisse, in France, a similar use is made of 
tho grain of tlio last slicnf, wliioh is halced into the 
shape of a man. This is kci't until the harvest is 
over, when the Mayor breaks it i:ito bits, and 
distributes it among the people, to be eaten by 
them. The Lithuanian peasant used the grain of 
the sheaf which was threshed and winnowed. 
This was baked into small loaves, of which eacli 
member of the household received one. These 
were eaten, accompanied by an elaborate ritual 
(GB' ii. 318, 319). In Sweden, Denmark, and 
Esthonia, the cake or loaf is in the form of a boar, 
a characteristic representative of the coru-spirit 
{GB'^ ii. 286(1". ; Grinim, Teut. Mythology, pp. 63, 

The sacrificial or other ritual use of cakes baked 
from firstfruits is of frequent occurrence. At 
Athens, during the Thargelia, the first loaf, made 
after tlie carrying home of the harvest, was called 
the thargclos. Part of the processional ritual con- 
sisted in carrying the circsione, a bough of olive or 
laurel, tied up with wool, and laden with fruits 
and cakes (Harrison, Prol. to Greek Bel., 1903, p. 
78 ff.). At Rome, the cakes which the Vestals 
prepared from the firstfruits were called «!oZ(i salsa. 
The corn for making these was plucked in May by 
the Vestals, and the cakes were prepared and offered 
by them in June. At the Vestalia, donkeys were 
also decorated with wreaths and cakes (Warde 
Fowler, Roman Festivals of the. Eepublic, 1899, 
pp. 148-149 ; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 283 ff.). Among the 
Hebrews, at the feast of Pentecost, two loaves of 
fine flour made from the first of the wheat were 
offered as a wave-ottering, and kept sacred for the 
priest (Lv. 23"^"). In Nu 15™'- the Hebrews are 
ordered to make a cake of dougli from the first- 
fruits of the land of Canaan, and use it for 
a heave-ottering. See Festivals (Hebrew). 

The Celtic Beltane cakes, of which so many survivals have 
been noted in Scotland, may have been made of some of the 
firstfruits kept over till spring, though this is not stated. But 
they were generally divided, and eaten ritually. In some cases 
the pieces were drawn by lot, and he who received a blackened 
piece was regarded as ' devoted,' and was the subject of a mock 
sacrifice. The cakes were sometimes rolled down hill, and, if 
one broke, it determined the fate of its owner throughout the 
year. In another instance the cake was divided, and offered 
sacrificially to various noxious animals. The cakes were pre- 
pared in a special manner, and sometimes sprinkled with 
whipped eggs, milk, etc. In some cases they were made with 
raised knobs (Pennant, Tour in Scotland, 1774, i. 97 ; Sinclair, 
Statistical Account, 1791, v. 84, xi. 620, xv. 617; Scotland 
and Scotsmen in the Eifihteenth Century, 1888, ii. 439£E. ; FL, 
1895, vi. 29. ; see also Festivals [Celtic]). Of. with these the 
Teutionic custom of making a loaf of every kind of grain, and 
placing it in the first furrow — a custom resembling the Roman 
offering of meal cakes in the corn-fields. Both of these were 
sacrificial, and they were probably sprinkled with milk and 
honey and eaten sacramentally by the ploughmen (Grimm, 
1239). In parts of England, ploughmen, at the end of wheat- 
sowing, are feasted with seed cakes, and, at sheep-shearing, 
with wafers and cakes (Brand, Papular Antiquities, 1870, 
i. 45). 

In many parts of the world cakes stamped with the symbols 
or with the actual form of a di\'inity, or dough and paste images 
of gods and goddesses, are commonly found, and are frequently 
ritually eaten. Among the Egyptians, according to Plutarch, a 
cake stamped with the figure of a donkey (the symbol of 
Typhon) was baked on certain days (Jablonski, Pantheon 
Aegyptiorum, Frankfort, 1750, ii. 74). The Mexicans, at the 
festivals of various divinities, made images of dough and seeds, 
or of seeds kneaded with the blood of children, which were 
carried in procession or otherwise reverenced. The heart was 
then cut out, as in ordinary human sacrifices, and the image 
was distributed among the people and eaten ritually. The 
most marked instance was that of the god Huitzilopochtli, 
whose image was ritually slain, while the ceremonial eating 
was called teoqualo, * god is eaten ' (NR iii. 299, and passim). 
The Hanifa, an Arab tribe, made an idol of hais (a mass of 
dates' kneaded with butter and milk), and ate it in time of 
famine (W. R. Smith, p. 225). The cakes offered by Hebrew 
women to the queen of heaven (Jer 718) may have been stamped 
with the figure of Astarte. In India, married women make an 
image of Piirvati with flour, rice, and grain, which after some 
days is taken outside the village and left there (Liebrecht, 
Zur Votkskinide, Heilbronn, 1879, p. 43S). A snake tribe in the 
Panjab, every year on the same day, make a snake of dough. 

which is carried round tho village and afterwards buried (CB" 
ii. 411). Among the Teutons bailed figures of sacred animals 
or of gods were reverenced, and probably, to judge by folk- 
survivals, rit\ially eaten. In the Fridthiofssttge we hear of 
images of gods baked by women and anointed with oil. The 
JiKitritlus Si'iwrstilionum (8th cent.) contains a section, ' De 
sinuilacro de cunsparsa farina,' showing that the making of 
such images continued into Christian times, while pastry and 
dough figures in much later times are a direct contmuation of 
the earlier pagan instances (Grimm, 63, 501, ISOG ; Saupe. 
Jndiculus Sxiperstitionum, Leipzig, 1S91, p. 30 f.). 

2. Cakes in sacrifice and ritual. — Cakes are also 
ottered in sacrilic'os of jiropitiation or thanksgiving, 
either alone or with other articles of food, or are 
made use of in other ritual ways. The Sea Dayaks 
otter cakes, with many other things, to the god or 
spirit who partakes of their essence (Ling Koth, 
Natives of Sarawak, 1896, i. 189). Similarly, the 
Malays propitiate the spirits of sickness by placing 
fourteen cakes — seven cooked and seven uncooked 
— along with nnmerous other articles, in a frame 
of bamboo, which is hung on a tree (Skeat, Malay 
Magic, 1900, p. 414). In Mexico, women who had 
died in childbed were deified and propitiated by 
ott'crings of bread, kneaded into various shapes, 
and pies. Balls of dough and pies were offered on 
one of the feasts of Tlaloc ; and to Quetzalcoatl 
no bloody sacrifice was ottered, but only bread, 
flowers, etc. (NE iii. 250, 334, 363). On the South 
American pampas, Darwin saw a tree on which were 
hung offerings of bread {Journal of Researches, 1897, 
p. 82). An interesting instance of the use of cakes, 
among other otterings, for purposes of propitiation 
and subsequent divination is recorded among the 
pagan Prussians by Jan Malecki (ed. Speyer, 1582, 
p. 259 f.). In their worship of ' Putscaetus, qui 
sacris arboribus etlucis praeest' (concerning whom 
see, further, Usener, Gotternamen, Bonn, 1896, 
p. 99 f.), and who was believed to have his abode 
beneath an elder tree, the Prussians 
* litanb pane, cerevisia, aliisque cibis sub arbore sambuco 
positis, precantesa Putscaeto ut placatum efficiat Marcoppolum 
deum magnatum et nobilium ne graviore serntute a dominis 
ipsi premantur : utque sibi mittantur Barstuccae qui subter- 
ranei vocantur. His enim daemonibus in domo versantibus se 
fieri credunt fortunatiores ; eisque collocant vesperi in horreo 
super mensam mappa stratam panes, caseos, butyrum et 
cerevisiam : nee dubitant de fortunarum accessione si mane 
reperiant cibos illic assumtos.' 

In similar fashion, in India, cakes, sweetmeats, 
and parched or fried grain are frequent forms 
of sacrifice ; and this custom dates from ancient 
times, since the Vedas prescribe an ottering of cakes 
(apupa) to be made to the gods (Muir, Sanskrit 
Texts, V. 463). At the present time the ordinary 
propitiatory otterings at village shrines in India 
are cakes, mUk, and flowers. Cakes are also ottered 
to the earth-goddess by the Pataris and Majhwars 
[PR i. 32, 98), and Siva is daily fed with cakes and 
pastry. Among the ancient Hindus the fortnightly 
religious services consisted chiefly in the prepara- 
tion of sacrificial cakes of rice pounded in a mortar, 
kneaded into a ball by the head of the family, 
and baked on the fire. The consecrated cake was 
then cut up, and pieces, sprinkled with butter, were 
thrown into the names, in the names of the various 
gods, including the god of flame himself. Other 
pieces were reverently eaten by the family (Monier 
Williams, Rel. Thought and Life in India, London, 
1883, pt. i. pp. 93, 367). Among offerings in the 
Shinto ritual in Japan, food and drink take a very 
important place. Cakes made of rice are found 
among these otterings. At the present time these 
rice cakes, or inochi, are among the annual otterings 
at the tomb of the first Mikado, Jimmu. At every 
new moon the female attendants at the palace 
solemnly otlered, in the ' place of reverence,' cakes 
to the sacred mirror which represented the sun- 
goddess. Among the New Year's Day observances 
in Japan one of the ceremonial rites consists in the 
laying on the domestic shrine of unleavened cakes 
made of glutinous pounded rice. These cakes are 



called 'minor' cakes on account of their shape, 
which is that of a llattened spliere. They are two 
in number — one representing the sun, or male prin- 
ciple ; the other the moon, or female principle. Tliis 
kind of cake is also called the ' tooth-hardening ' 
cake, because it is supposed to strengthen the con- 
stitution (Aston, Shinto, Loudon, 1905, p]). 212-13, 
291, 313). In ancient Egypt, cakes were an in- 
variable part of the ofl'erings to the gods, and are 
referred to in the inscriptions. The formula of 
ofi'ering says : ' I give you a thousand cakes,' etc. 
These cakes were of dilferent shapes, some being 
round or oval, and others triangular. Sometimes 
also they were made in the form of leaves, or even 
of animals. The round or oval were sometimes 
sprinkled with seeds. In the sacrilices to Isis at 
Bubastis the body of the sacrificial victim was 
filled with cakes and other meats, and then buried 
(Herod, ii. 40). Strabo (p. 811 f.) describes the 
oliering to the sacred crocodile, Sukhos, as con- 
sisting of a cake, meat, and honey Avine, which 
were put by the priests into its mouth (Wilkinson, 
iii. 416, 418, ii. 457 ; Wiedemann, Eng. tr. 192). 

Among the ancient Hebrews, cakes or loaves 
were oliered, either alone or together with animal 
sacrilices. These cakes were unleavened, some- 
times made with oil or sprinkled with oil, and were 
baked either in an oven or in a pan (Lv 2^ ^). The 
peace-oll'ering consisted of unleavened cakes mixed 
with oil, leavened wafers anointed with oil, and 
cakes mixed with oil and fried. Leavened bread 
was also offered in this case (Lv 7'"' "). Cereal 
offerings, sometimes in the form of cakes, accom- 
jianied animal sacrifices (Lv 5" S-" 14'°, Nu 6" 
154. 6. 9)_ The most typical offering was that of 
the shewbread, consisting of twelve loaves or 
cakes of unleavened bread, which were placed in 
two heaps before the Lord in the Holy Place every 
Sabbath. On these frankincense was sprinkled, 
and the old loaves were eaten by the priests (Lv 24^, 
Nu4', 1 S 21^; Jos. Ant. Ul. x. 7). The Hebrew 
ritual of the shewbread may have been derived 
from the similar Bab. custom. In the chamber 
of Bel-Merodach, at his temple in Babylon, stood 
a golden table on which were placed 12, 24, 36, or 
even 72 cakes of unleavened bread, which the 
god was supposed to eat (Zimmern, Bcitriiijc ziir 
Kenntniss der bab. Rel., 1901, jip. 94, 95; Haupt, 
JBL, 1900, p. 59; Bel, vv.^-C); and offerings of 
cakes are occasionally represented on early Bab. 
.seals (Ward, in Curtiss, Friviitive Sem. Eeligiun 
To-day, New York, 1902, p. 207 f.). 

In Greece, cakes (iriXavo^, iriiiixa, irdwavov) formed 
an imp()rt;uit part of all sacrificial offerings, or 
were olTered separately. Plato speaks of 
who thought it impious to stain the altars of 
the gods with blood, and wliose sacrifices con- 
sisted onlj' of cakes and fruit mixed with honey 
{de Legibus, vi. 782). In many of the principal 
temples of Apollo, great importance was attached 
to bloodless sacrilices. There was an altar at 
Delos, called the 'altar of the piou.s,' on which 
only cakes of wheat and barley were placed 
(Porphyry, de Ah.stinentia, ii. 28). At Deli)!ii, 
cakes and frankincense were consecrated in sacred 
baskets. At Patara the cakes took the form of 
bows and arrows, or lyres, symbolic of the two 
aspects of the deity (C. O. Miiller, Jlist. and Ant. 
of the Dorir Rare, 1839, ii. 331). In the ritual of 
ArtemLs Tauropolos the sacrifices were maintained 
with cakes and honey. Associated with this was 
the ritual of Artemis Munychia, where we hear 
of iiupL(pQvTei, which were probably cheesecakes 
stamped with lorclies {COS ii. 4.")4 f.). The Clue- 
ronians worshipped a sceptre of Agamemnon, to 
which there was no temple, it being kept in the of the priest ; and daily sacrifices of all kinds 
of Hesh and cakes were ottered beside it (Pausanias, 

ix. 40. 11-12). The priests of yEgium had the 
custom of taking cakes, ordinarily used in that 
place, and flinging them into the se;i, to be sent 
to Arethusa at Syracuse (Pans. vii. '24. 3). The 
Liheans, on stated days, took cakes and threw 
them into the spring of the Cephisns, believing 
that they appeared again in Castalia (I'aus. x. 
8. 10). In a sanctuary dedicated to Sosipolis, a 
native Elean deity, it was the daily custom to lay 
before him barley cakes kneaded with honey (Pans, 
vi. 20. 2). In the Eleusinian mysteries the cakes 
ottered were made from barley sown on the liarian 
plain (Pans. i. 38. 6). At Athens a sacrificial cake, 
with twelve knobs on it, was ottered to Kronos 
every spring, on the 15th day of the month Ela- 
phebolion. In the cult of Ge, cakes of barley and 
honey were yearly thrown into a chasm in the 
earth, near which her sanctuary stood {CGSi. 27 f., 
iii. 24). In the cult of Demeter, during the pro- 
cessions of the Thesmophoria, cakes were carried. 
It was also customary at this festival to throw pigs 
and dough cakes into certain sacred vaults, called 
the chasms of Demeter and Proserpine. Serpents 
were said to live there, and these used to consume 
most of the flesh and cakes thrown in. Afterwards, 
probably at the next year's festival, women went 
doAvn into the caverns, and, fetching up the remains, 
placed them on the altar. Whoever was lucky 
enough to get a piece of the decayed ttesli or cakes 
sowed it witli his corn, and it was believed to en.sure 
good crops (GB - ii. 300 ; 6'G,S' iii. 99). At the new or 
full moon the ' suppers of Hekate ' were ofiered by 
rich people, and, at these feasts, small round cakes 
set with candles were placed at the cross-roads, as 
sacred to her and to Artemis {CGS ii. 511). At the 
Diasia, or spring festival, cakes of every imaginable 
shape appeared in the sacrifices (Harrison, up. cit. 
p. 14). At the Thargelia, cakes of barley, cheese, 
and figs were placed in the hands of the pharmakos, 
or human victim {ib. p. 98). At Athens, during 
the Plynteria, a cake of dried figs, called the hege- 
teria, was carried in proces.sion (ib. p. 116). Cakes 
steeped in honey were ottered to sacred snakes on 
the Acropolis at Athens, and at Lebadeia, in the 
shrine of Trophonios. The women in the 4tli mime 
of Herondas otter a WXavos to the snake of Asklepios 
[ib. p. 349). In the vestibule of the Erechtheum 
at Athens there stood an altar of Zeus. On this 
altar no living sacrifice was offered, but merely 
cakes without a libation of wine (Pans. i. 26. 6). 
Cakes made of flour, mixed with honey and olive 
oil, and into which flower blossoms had been 
kneaded, were ottered to Adonis ; and in the Dio- 
iiysiac rites the women also ottered mystic cakes — 
three to Semele and nine to Dionysos (Theocr. 
Id. XV., xxvi.). 

In Kotnan religion, cakes (libum) were also offered 
separately or in conjunction w'ith other sacrifices 
(for those connected with firstfruits, see § I). At 
the PalUia, shepherds ottered to Pales baskets of 
millet and cakes made of the same (Ovid, Fasti, iv. 
741 11'. ). At the Liberalia, old women, crowned with 
ivy, sold cakes of oil and honey in the streets. These 
old women were named sacerdotes Liberi, and car- 
ried with them a small altar, for the convenience 
of the buyers of these cakes. From each cake that 
was sold they detached a small piece, which was 
ottered on the altar to Liber in the name of the 
buyer (ib. iii. 725 ft'.). At the rustic festivals of 
Ceres — the Feriae Semeutivae and the Paganalia — 
cakes, along with a pregnant sow, were ottered. 
Cakes of the most primitive kind seem to have 
been ottered in each house in every curia during 
the P'ornacalia, or fea-st of ovens. These cakes 
were made of far, a coarse meal, and formed into 
cakes by crushing in a primitive manner. Matrons 
ofi'ered to Mater Matuta, at the Matralia, cakes 
cooked in old-fashioned pans of earthenware (liba 



tostii) (Ovid, Fasli, vi. 482 IV.). On the festival of 
Sviiiiinamis, cakes, wliieli Festus describes as ' liba 
farinacea in iiiodum lolae licta,' vero ottered or 
eaten (for moulds of a wheel sliape or divided in(o 
segments, used for making' sui-li eakcs, see Kvans, 
JIIS, 1886, p. 44tr.).> Tlie head of the ' Oitoher 
horse,' perhaps as a represeiil-ative of the corn- 
spirit, was decked with cakes or loaves (Festus, 
ed. Miiller, p. 17811'.). In the sacrilieial ritual, 
after the head of the victim had been sprinkled 
with mor.sels of the sacred cake, or mola salsa, 
it was killed by the assistants of the priests. 
In the old Konian marriage ceremonial (the con- 
farreatio) the bride and bridegroom ate together 
a kind of cake, panis farrcus, as a sacramental 
offering to Juppiter (Gaius, i. 108 ff. ). In other 
forms of marriage, cakes sometimes formed part 
of the sacrilice, wdiich was an important por- 
tion of the ceremony. On a bronze hand in the 
Payne Knight collection in the British Museum, 
believed to be of the time of the Roman Empire 
before Constantine, there is a table with three 
cakes, supposed to be offerings to Juppiter. Upon 
two other hands are objects which seem to be 
round oliering-cakes, divided by cross lines into four 
parts. These are like the cakes found at Pompeii. 

Offerings of cake or bread still occur occasion- 
ally in quarters where Christianity has ousted the 
ancient paganism. In Bohemia, when a man has 
been drowned, a loaf of new bread is thrown into 
the river. In Franconia, on entering a forest, 
people put offerings of bread and fruit on a stone, 
to propitiate the demon of the woods ; and the 
bakers, for luck, throw rolls into the flues of their 
ovens (Tj'lor, ii. 195, 369). 

Cakes were frequently part of the food offered 
to the dead. In Egypt, cakes were laid beside the 
dead in the tomb, for the ka to feed upon ; and the 
goddess who dwelt in the sycamore trees around 
the cemetery is represented holduig a tray of cakes 
for the food of the ba. Sometimes such ott'erings 
were not made of perishable bread, but of stone- 
ware, which by virtue of magic formula; produced 
the actual food for the requirements of the dead 
(Wilkinson, iii. 459 ; Flinders Petrie, Hel. of 
Ancient Egypt, 1906, pp. 13, 82; Wiedemann, 
Eng. tr. p. 297). The Ainus offer millet cakes 
to the dead, and also partake of the .same at the 

1 [In the Umbrian ritual for the purification of the Sacred 
Mount and the lustration of the peoplej as recorded in the 
Iguvine Tables, the use of cakes (stnisla) and of cakelets 
(Jikla) played an important part. The nature of the offerings 
is typicaUy enumerated in ii. a, 17-19 : Buntia /ertti katlu 
arvia struhfla fikla pune vinu ialu maletu mantrahklii veskta 
mata asnata umen ferlu : ' At the Huntia (festival) let him 
bring a whelp, fruits of the field, cakes, cakelets, mixed wine 
and vinegar (?), wine, pulverized salt, a mantle, vessels moist 
and unmoist, and unguent let him bring.' This Huntia was 
plainly an infernal goddess (cf. on her nature Biicheler, 
llmbrica, Bonn, 1883, p. 128). In the Bacri6ce to Puemans (a 
deity of fruits corresponding to the Lat. Pomona [Usener, op. 
cit. p. 34]), to whom a sheep was also offered, the cake played 
an equal rOle (iii. 27 ft.); and it is especially significant that 
in the analogous offering to his wife or daughter {Vemnc. 
Puemunes) the cake was to be in the shape of the female 
ptidenda (stniJt(la petenata)—a. peculiarly appropriate sacrifice 
to a fertility goddess (iv. 3ff.). In like manner, a cake, 
together with three pregnant sows, fruits of the fields, mixed 
wine and vinegar, and cakelets, must be offered to Trebus 
lovius, a deity of uncertain function (vi. o, 58 f.). Somewhat 
similar offerings were also to be m.-Kle to Fisus Sancius (the 
patron deity of the Sacred Mount of Iguvium ; vi. b, 3fl.), to 
Tefer lovius (a god of fire (? ; cf. Umbrian telra, Oscan tefurum 
'burnt-offering']; vi. I, 22 ff.), to Cerrus Martins (probably 
the war-god [on the etymology of the word, see Walde", 
Etynwlog. lat. IVorterbuch, Heidelberg, 1906, p. 114 f., and the 
literature there cited] ; vii. a, 3 ff.), to Torra Cerria (probably 
the personification of Terror [cf. Biicheler, p. 98]; vii. li, 
41 ff.), and to Torra lovia ('Terror inspired by Juppiter,' vii. 
n, 53 f.). Besides the instances already noted, the offering of 
cakelets (Jikla) was also prescribed among tiie sacrifices to 
Juppiter Orabovius (an epithet connected by Bucheler, p. 52, 
with the Hesychian gloss ypafidv jSdflpoi' ; vi. a, 60), Mars 
Orabovius (vi. b, 2), Mars Hodius (a deity of uncertain 
function ; vi. b, 44), and Hontus Cerrius (the genius of the 
under world ; vi. b, 40).— Louis H. Gray.) 

funeral banquet (Batchelor, Ainu of Japan, 1892, 
p. 205). At the festival of the dead in Japan, 
tables of food, such as cakes and fruit, are laid 
out near the shrine for three days for the use of the 
dead (Hearn, Unfamiliar Japan, 1894, p. 106 ff'.). 
At the elaborate funeral ceremonies of the Hindus, 
balls of rice (pindas) and flat wheaten cakes, on 
which boiled rice, ghi, and sugar are piled ujj, are 
placed beside the deceased for his nourishment ; 
and in the irdddha ceremonies the characteristic 
feature is the oll'ering of similar pindas and cakes 
of meal, which are said to represent the deified 
bodies of the pitris, and which supply them with 
nutriment, and accumulate merit for them. The 
pindas left for animals to eat. The feeding of 
a Brahman with cakes, etc., concludes the cere- 
monies (Sir WUliam Jones, Works, London, 1799, 
iii. 129 ff'. [' Laws of Manu '] ; Monier Williams, lie- 
ligious Thought, etc., 285 ff'.). The Bengali Musal- 
mans have adopted these chairacteristic features of 
the irdddha as an observance on the Shat-i-Barat 
(Arnold, Trans. 3rd Inter. Cong. Hist, of Ret., 
Oxford, 1908, i. 319). In European folk-observances 
connected with funeral rites, survivals of the off'er- 
ing of bread or cakes to the dead are sometimes 
found. Thus, in the Tirol, on All Souls' Day, cakes 
are left out for the dead to feed upon (Tylor, ii. 
33, 34) ; and in Russia, gingerbread and tarts are 
put on the graves by the common people. In some 
parts of England bread is given to the poor at a 
funeral, and, on All Souls' Day, ' soul-cakes ' are 
begged for at farmhouses by peasant girls (for this 
and other references to ' soul-cakes,' cf. Brand, 
Pop. A7it., 1870, i. 216 ff.). 

Images, representing human or animal victims, made of baked 
or unbaked dough, are sometimes used in sacrifice as substitutes 
for those. The Egj'ptians, on account of poverty, made pigs 
of dough, and, having baked them, offered them instead of the 
actual animal (Herod, ii. 47). For the same reason, the Greeks, 
at the festival of Zeus Meilichius, offered little figures of dough 
in the shape of swine and other animals (Thue. i. 126). This 
was a common practice among the ancients, where animals 
were beyond the means of the worshippers. Bakers made a 
regular business of baking cakes in the shapes of the various 
animals sacrificed to the gods (see GB'^ii. 344 n.). Among the 
Romans, loaves in the shape of men were called manias, and 
in their ritual use were probably substitutes for earlier human 
victims. The Hindus, where human sacrifice was notpermitted, 
made human figures of paste or dough, and cut off their heads 
in honour of the gods (Dubois, Description of India, 1817, p. 
490). The Brahmauic sacrifices, in order to avoid taking life, 
took the form of models of the victim animals in meal and 
butter (Tylor, ii. 406). The MaKays offer to the spirits, on the 
sacrificial tray, a dough model of a human being called the 
substitute (Skeat, op. cit. 72). Loaves bearing human figures 
are thrown into a river to disperse fog in China. The custom 
is said to have been invented in a.d. 220 by an official who was 
shocked at the barbarity of offering human victims for this 
purpose (Dennys, Folklore of China, 1876, p. 140). Dough 
images in the form of human beings are made to appease 
demons of disease and of death, in Bombay, Bhutan, and 
Borneo. In Borneo, .also, if any one has been attacked by a 
crocodile and has escaped, he casts into the water a substitute 
for himself, in the shape of an image of a man made from 
dough or meal. This is done to appease the water-god (GB^ 
ii. 348, 350). The Pueblo Indians ottered dough models of 
animals after success in the chase (NH iii. 174). 

3. Cakes in folk-survivals. — Some of the cakes 
which have a prominent place in folk usage at 
certain periods of the year, e.g. at Christian fes- 
tivals an<l holy days, as well as on other occasions, 
are probably lineally descended from cakes used 
sacriliciallyorsacramentallyin pagan times. This is 
suggested by the customs observed in the making of 
these cakes, or the eating of them, by their division 
among the members of the family, or by their being 
marked with sacred .symbols (the Cross [hot cross 
buns]) or figures (those of Christ or the Virgin 
[Simnel cakes]). These last probably replace the 
cakes stamped with pagan images or symbols. As 
in so many other instances where pagan ritual was 
Christianized, nothing is more likely than that the 
cakes used at pagan festivals became, by an easy 
transition, cakes associated with Christian festi- 
vals. Among cakes wdiich may liave bad this 



history may be mentioned Yule cakes, made in 
tlie form of a child, Twelfth cakes, pancakes on 
Shrove Tuesday, cakes eaten on various Sundays 
in Lent (Motherinf;, Simnel, AVhirlin cakes), hot 
cross buns on Good Fridaj', Easter cakes, Michael- 
mas cakes, Hallowe'en or All Souls' Day cakes. 
The Twelfth cake was divided into as many pieces 
as there were persons in the house. Portions also 
were assigned to Christ, the Virf^in Mary, and the 
Magi, and these were given as alms. The member 
of the household who got the bean or piece of 
money hidden in the cake was hailed as king. In 
Devonshire, cakes were eaten and cider was drunk 

on Twelfth Day ; parts of the cakes were presented 
to the ap|ile and [lear trees, and a libation of cider 
was poured over them. This was to secure a good 
crop (Chambers, liuukof iJnys, 18G5, i. 62-63 ; ISrand, 
op. cit. i. loll'.). Older cu.stoms associated with 
wedding-cakes point to the connexion of this cake 
with some rite resembling the Koman confarreatio 
(Brand, op. cit. ii. 58). For many details regarding 
these cakes .see Jirand, op. cit., and cf. the remarks 
of Grimm, Tcut. Myth. 03, 501. 

LiTER.MURE. — This is given in tile course of tiie article. 

J. A. MacCullocii. 
CALAMITY.— See Suffering. 


Introductory (J. K. Fothei?ingham), p. 61. 

African (L. 11. Okay), p. 64. 

American (L. Spknce), p. 65. 

Armenian (F. Macler), p. 70. 

Babylonian (F. HoMMEL), p. 73. 

Buddhist (J. H. Bateson), p. 78. 

Celtic (J. A. MacCullocii), p. 78. 

Chinese (T. L. Bullock and L. H. Gray), p. 82. 

Christian (J. G. Carleton), p. 84. , 

Egyptian (G. Foucart), p. 91. 

Greek (H. J. Rose), p. 105. I 

Hebrew (F. H. Woods), p. 108. 1 

CALENDAR (Introductory).— By the term I 
' calendar ' we understand the system by which 
days are named In relation to their place in larger 
units of time. In this sense the subdivision of the 
day into hours or other small units is independent 
of the calendar, while the era or other method by 
which years are named or numbered is also, .as a 
rule, independent of it. Even the point from wliicli 
the year is reckoned niaj' be independent, and tlie 
Julian calendar has notoriously been used along 
with many difierent eras and many diii'erent New 
Year's Days. Wherever months have been used, 
the days have usually derived their names from 
their position in the months, and the system of 
reckoning months has therefore been a part of the 
calendar ; but the months have sometimes been 
reckoned independently of the method of number- 
ing the years, and even of the point from w'hich 
each j-ear has been .made to run, so that the 
calendar is less concerned with the names of years 
than with the names of months. 

1. Natural phenomena on which calendars are 
based. — The reiturrence of day and niglit and the 
seasons of the year are so closely bound up «ith 
the conditions of human existence, that it is 
necessary for all men to have regard to them, and 
it is therefore natural that the day and year 
should be used everywhere as units for the 
measurement of time. The recurrence of the 
pluises of the moon, governing as it does the 
supply of light at night, provides another measure 
which has been almost universally used from the 
earliest times, and the convenience of having a 
unit intermediate between the day and the year 
has led to the retention of the month, even where 
it has become an artificial unit independent of the 
phases of the moon. It is probable that the sub- 
division of the month lias given us the week, 
though this again has become independent both of 
the moon and of the month. 

2. Elementary principles of calendar con- 
struction. — It has been an almost universal prac- 
tice to name or number the days according to 
their position in the month, and to name or num- 
ber the months acconling to their position in the 
year. In order to do this it is convenient to have 
a fixed point for the beginning of each month, and 
a fixed point for the beginning of each year. Such 

Hindu.— See Festivals (Hindu). 

Indo-Chinese (A. Cabaton), p. 110. 

Japanese (E. W. Clement), p. 114. 

Jewish (S. PozNANSKl), p. 117. 

Mexican and Mayan (K. Tn. I'UEUss), p. 124. 

Muslim (C. Volleks), p. 126. 

Persian (L. H. Gray), p. 128. 

Polynesian (L. II. Gray), p. 131. 

Roman (W. Warde Fowler), p. 133. 

Siamese (A. Cabaton), p. 135. 

Slavic (L. H. Gray), p. 136. 

Teutonic (H. M. Chadwick), p. 138. 

a point is provided, in the case of the month, by 
the reappearance of the lunar crescent in the 
evening sky, after conjunction with the sun. This 
is what is known as the apparent new moon or 
phasis, and it probably served to mark the beginning 
of the month in all primitive calendars, and this 
phasis still regiilates the beginning of the Muhani- 
raadan fast of But though Nature 
provides an obvious starting-point for the month, 
it is otherwise with the year. Except in extreme 
northerly and southerly latitudes, there is no 
annual return of the sun after a period of absence, 
coiTespondiu" to the monthly return of the moon ; 
the seasons slide gradually one into another, and a 
definite starting-point must be obtained either 
artificially or by astronomical observation. The 
result is that early calendars, while, for the most 
part, adhering to the rule that the month must 
begin at the phasis, have no definite rule for the 
beginning of the year. The year had to begin at 
a fixed season, and was made to consist generally 
of twelve months, sometimes of thirteen months, 
so as to keep each month fixed to a particular 
season. The natural desire to make the calendar 
j'ear correspond with the phj'sical year was often 
seconded by the desire to connect some religious 
festival at once with a fixed day of the month 
(often the full moon, for the sake of evening light) 
and with a fixed season of the year. The earliest 
calendars were generally strictly empirical. The 
new month was determined by simple observation 
of the phasis, and the number of months in each 
year was settled from time to time by a civil or 
religious authority, which was in its turn guided 
by the state of the weather or of the crops. Father 
Kugler has shown (ZA xxii. [1908] p. 70) that this 
was the case in Babylonia in the time of the 
dyna.sty of Ur (26th-2.ith or 25tb-24th cent. B.C.), 
as it was certainly the case with the .lews before 
the calendar reform of llillel in the 4th cent. A.D. 
The great problem of .'incient calendar-reformers 
was to fliscover a rule to determine which years 
were to contain twelve and which thirteen months, 
or, as it is more usually expressed, to discover a 
rule to govern intercalation, as the insertion of the 
thirteenth, or intercalary, month was called. As 
astronomical science developed, a second problem 
arose— that of finding a fixed rule to take the 


CALENDAR (Introductory) 

place of observation in determininj; the ihiratioii of 
each month. In one or two cases tlio nionlhs were 
given an artiliiial Irnijtli. Tlius, in the Kuyi't'n" 
calendar (SCO C \m:niiai; [l';;;\i)tian]), wliicll nui^l 
be very ancient, thouiih there is no evidence tliat 
it is as ancient as ICd. iSleyersnpiioses (viz. 4241 n.c), 
there are twelve months of thirty days each, and 
five additional days, making a year of the lixed 
duration of 3C5 ^ays. On the other hand, the 
Romans had four months of 'M days, seven months 
of 29 days, and one mouth of 2S days, making a 
total duration of 355 days (approximately equal to 
twelve lunar months) for the year. When an 
intercalation was necessary, the Romans inserted 
22 or 23 daj's only, so that the calendar months 
ceased to correspond with the lunar months. A 
further feature, peculiar to the Roman calendar, 
is the longer average dirration of the six months 
from March to August than of the six months 
from September to February. This is merely 
an exaggeration of a natural phenomenon, the 
:nean inter^■al between conjunction and phasis 
being at its minimum at the vernal equinox in 
March and at its maximum at the autumnal 
equinox in September, so that the lunar months 
from March to August are on an average about 
eight hours longer lihan those from September to 

3. The solar year and intercalation. — The oldest 
approximation to the length of the solar yeai% of 
which we have any knowledge, is the Egyptian 
calendar year of 365 days. It would appear, how- 
ever, that the Egyptians were early acquainted 
with a more exact value. Of all the annual 
astronomical phenomena those most easily observed 
without instruments of measurement are the 
heliacal risings of the fixed stars. A star which 
rises in the daytime or shortly before sunrise is 
invisible, or visible only in the evening ; at the end 
of this period of invisibility comes a day when the 
star can just be seen before it is lost in the morning 
twilight. This is called the heliacal rising of the 
star. The Egj'ptians specially observed the 
heliacal rising of Sirius, the brightest of the fixed 
stars, and reckoned the mean interval between one 
heliacal rising and the next at 3G5 days, 6 hours. 
Modern calculations have been unal.ile to improve 
upon this value. We have several references to 
the date of the heliacal rising of Sirius, the oldest 
belonging to the reign of Senwosri III., about 
1880 B.C. But, in spite of their knowledge of this 
more exact value for the year, the Egyptians 
continued to use the year of 365 days tUl after the 
introduction of the Julian calendar at Rome (see 
Calendar [Egyptian]). Where a lunar calendar 
was in use, the observation of annual astronomical 
phenomena was valuable for the regulation of inter- 
calations, and must from an early date have been 
considered in addition to the state of the crops. 
Thus at Babylon the heliacal risings of diHerent 
zodiacal stars and asterisms were observed, and 
some rules have come down to us for controlling 
intercalations in this way. But for the regulation 
of intercalations it was of more importance to 
determine the relative lengths of the natural year 
and natural month than the actual length of either. 
It would appear that as early as the 6th cent. B.C. 
a cycle of three intercalations in eight years was 
introduced both at Athens and at Babylon. Such 
a cycle assumed that the mean year contained 
12| or 12 '375 mean months. The most exact value 
that modern astronomy can give with certainty is 
12-368267 for the number of mean lunar month's in 
the tropical year, on which the seasons depend, 
and 12'368746 for the number of mean lunar months 
in the sidereal year, on which the heliacal risings 
of the fixed stars depend. These values are 
accurate for the present day ; but, while it remains 

uncertain whether tlie eartli's motion is subject to 
an acceleration, it is impo.ssible to give the 
(orresponding values in ancient times to more than 
four dcciiiial [ilaces. We thus get 12'3683 for the 
number of months in the tropical year, and 
12'3687 for the number of lunar months in the 
sidereal year. A value almost identical with 
these was first proposed in 432 B.C. by the Greek 
astronomer Meton, who framed a cycle of seven 
intercalations in nineteen years, reckoning 'f^ or 
12'36S421 mean montlis to the mean year. It is 
not certain whether the Metonic cycle was ever 
adopted at Athens (see CALENDAR [Greek]). The 
same cycle was brought into use in Babylonia in 
the 4th cent. B.C. at the latest, and has been 
generally adopted wherever intercalations have 
been regulated by cycles at all. 

4. The calendar month. — Meton and his Greek 
successors aimed, however, not merely at estab- 
lishing a cycle of intercalations, but at the 
establishment of a, cycle which should regulate at 
once the length of the month and the number of 
months in the year, and which should thus render 
the calendar entirely independent of observation. 
For this purpose it was necessary to express the 
mean length of the month as a number of daj'S 
represented by a fraction with 235 or a multiple of 
235 as its denominator. Meton himself projiosed 
■Vs^°- = 29'' 12'" 45" 57-45'. Callippus in 330 B.C. 
p'roposed ^^^=29" 12'' 44°' 25-53'. Finally, about 
143 B.C., Hipparchus proposed -ms^5^ = 29* 12'' 44°" 
2-55'. The true length of the mean lunar month 
is 29" la"" 44°" 2-Sl» for the present day, or 29" 12'' 
44"" 3-3' for the time of Hipparchus, so that the 
cycles successively proposed mark a grradual 
approach to the true value. Elsewhere the length 
of the month was beginning to be obtained by 
calculation instead of by observation, but it was 
apparently among the Greeks only that these 
calculations were combined with those governing 
intercalation to form a cycle. The Elephantine 
papyri show that the Jews of that city were 
already, in the 5th cent. B.C., beginning their 
months not at the phasis of the moon, but at the 
sunset following the mean conjunction of the sun 
and moon, which they found by calculation ; they 
adopted a value for the mean lunar month of not 
less than 29" 12'' 43°" 44-63" and not more than 29^* 
12b 44m 51.15s {Monthly Notices of the Royal 
Astronomical Society, Ixix. 19). But, while they 
found the beginning of the month by calculation, 
they appear to have had irregular intercalations, 
governed perhaps by the state of the crops. In the 
2nd cent. B.C. both Hipparchus and his Babylonian 
contemporaries adopted 29" 12'' 44"° 3-3' as the true 
length of the mean lunar month — a value as exact 
as any that modern astronomy can assign. The 
Babylonian astronomers even went the length of 
computing the time of the true conjunction of the 
sun and moon, having regard to the anomalistic 
motion of both luminaries, and then performed the 
still more complex problem of computing the time 
of phasis, which determined the beginning of the 
calendar month. 

5. The Julian calendar. — In the 1st cent. B.C. 
there was a reaction throughout the Roman Em- 
pire against the lunar calendar. In 43 B.C., Julius 
Caesar, with the aid of the Alexandrian astronomer 
Sosigenes, constructed the famous Julian calendar, 
in which the motion of the moon was entirely 
ignored, and the mean year was taken at the value 
current in Egypt, 365 days, 6 hours. Each month 
was given a fixed number of days, with the single 
exception of February, which received 28 days in 
ordinary years, and 29 in every fourth year. The 
example set by Rome was rapidly followed, and 
different cities and communities in the Roman 
Empire either adopted the Julian calendar, or 

CALENDAR (Introductory) 


framed calendars of tlieir own based on the same 
principle. Sometimes tlie old calendar and the 
new lived on together, but lunar dates are rare in 
documents subsequent to the Christian era. 'I'liu 
lunar calendar survived among the Jews, who, 
when they substituted calendar rules for observa- 
tion in the 4th cent. A. I)., adopted the Metonic 
cycle of intercilations and the Babylonian value 
for the mean lunar month. 

6. The agricultural year. — Where the lunar 
calendar held good for religious, political, and 
commercial purposes, it was necessary for agricul- 
tural purposes to fix the seasons in some other 
way. The position of a particular month in the 
solar year might vary by a month within the space 
of a few years, and, where intercalation was 
irregular, might vary by considerably more. It 
was necessary therefore to have recourse to those 
phenomena wliich occupy a lixe<l place in the solar 
year, and from an early date Greek farmers 
recognized tlie season by observing the solstices 
and equinoxes, and the annual risings and settings 
of the fixed stars. They also noted what would 
be less to determine directly — in what sign of 
tlie zodiac the siin w'as stationed. No calendar, 
properly so called, was constructed out of these 
materials, but the interval between tliese different 
phenomena was early noted, and was connected 
with the change in the seasons and the state of 
the weather. Several of these intervals are given 
by Hesiod. When Meton published his calendar, 
he inserted the dates of the equinoxes and 
solstices and the heliacal rising of Sirius. Later 
astronomers compiled parapegmata, giving the 
exact intervals between those astronomical pheno- 
mena which recur annually, with the weather that 
ought to accompany eacli ; and it was thus possible 
to obtain by dead reckoning from any single 
observation an accurate knowledge of the season 
of the year. These astronomical phenomena were 
inserted in Caesar's calendar, often against the 
wrong date, and long continued in use to designate 
the season of the year, though their dates were 
doubtless taken in practice from the published 
calendar, and not from actual observation (JPh, 
No. 57, pp. S7-99). 

7. The lunar calendar in the East. — It is 
believed that the modern Indian lunar calendar, 
first expounded in the Siinja-Siddhdnta belonging 
to one of the early centuries of our era, is based on 
Babylonian astronomy, from which several of its 
lunar values appear to be derived. The months 
are reckoned in some places from the triie con- 
junction, in some from the true opposition, of the 
sun and moon ; both are elaborately computed 
with reference to the anomalistic motion of both 
sun and moon. An intercalation takes place 
when two conjunctions or two oppositions occur 
while the sun is in the same sign of the zodiac. 
Here we have for the first time scientiho com- 
putation entirely supplanting cycles and obser- 
vations for both the number of days in the month 
and the number of months in the year. It is 
interesting to observe that, in order to accommodate 
the calendar the better to the anomalistic motion 
of the sun, the anomalistic year, i.e. the mean 
interval between two successive solar perigees, is 
taken as the solar year, and its duration is fixed 
at SBS"" e"" IS'G"", whereas the correct duration at 
the present day is 3G5'' et" KVO™, and the duration 
in ancient times, for which it is impo.ssible to 
determine the fraction of a minute, must have 
been 365'' 6'' 14". It is interesting to observe that 
the Babylonians of the 2iid cent. B.C. reckoned 
365'' 6*' \3S"', so that Indian astronomy is in this 
instance a little inferior to Babylonian (Kuglcr, 
Die bab. Mondreclinung, 1900, p. 95 ; Ginzel, 
Uandbuch der muChcinat. und techn. Chronol. i. 

[19116] :{10 102). The Chinese calendar resembles 
the Indian lunar calendar in its general principles, 
botli as regards the rule governing intercalation 
and I lie reckoning of the calendar month from the 
true coHJ unction as obtained by a strict astro- 
nomical comiiutation ; but the constants used are 
not Babylonian, and appear to have been derived 
from native astronomy, until this was superseded 
by Witstern science in the 17tli centuiy. 

8. The week. — The Babylonians appear to have 
observed a Sabbath on every seventh day of the 
lunar month, and it is probable that this usage 
was originally connected with the four quarters of 
the moon. Among the Jews the seven dajs' week 
was reckoned independently of the moon, and we 
already find traces in the 1st cent. B.C. of its 
connexion at Home with the sun, moon, and five 
planets, which have given their names to the seven 
days. In the modern Jewish calendar the length 
of the month is so arranged with regard to the 
days of the week as to prevent certain of the 
great festivals from falling on the day next to a 

9. The lunar month and the week in the 
Christian calendar. — Tlie connexion of the Chris- 
tian festival of Kaster with the Jewish Passover, 
and of the Christian Sunday with the Jewish week, 
has given rise to movable feasts in the Christian 
calendar. These feasts fall on a fixed day of the 
week, which is generally at a fixed interval from 
Easter, which falls on a Sunthiy on or near the 
date of Passover. From a verj' early period the 
Christians reckoned the date of the Passover and 
the consequent date of Easter for themselves. For 
this purpose we find an inaccurate 84 years' cycle 
used at Rome. Gradually the cycle of 19 years 
supplanted all others, and, in the form in which it 
was accommodated to the Julian calendar, the 
efi'ect on the assumed date of Passover was the 
same as if the Callippic cycle had been adopted. 
It therefore assigned on an average 22' too much 
to the lunar month. The result was that by the 
16th cent, the calculated new moons fell on an 
average four days later than the true new moons. 
In the form which eventually won its way to 
acceptance the rule was that Easter fell on the 
first Sunday after that 14th day of a lunar month 
which fell on or next after March 21, where 
March 21 was supposed to represent the date of 
the vernal equinox, and it was widely, but 
erroneously, supjiosed that this rule was estab- 
lished by thr Council of Nica^a in A.D. 325. 

10. The Gregorian calendar. — The Julian year 
had been based on the mean interval between two 
consecutive heliacal risings of Sirius in Lower 
Egypt. This was a species of sidereal year. 
Already in the 2nd cent. B.C. Hipparchus had 
discovered a ditterenee between the sidereal year, 
which governs the sun's position in relation to the 
fixed stars, and tlie tropical year, which governs 
the time of the equinoxes and solstices ; but this 
discovery received little attention till the time of 
Ptolemy in the 2nd cent. A.D. The result was 
that the dates of the equinoxes and solstices moved 
slowly backward in the calendar year, until the 
date of the vernal equinox came to be March 11 
instead of March 21. In consequence a new 
calendar wa-s issued in the year 1582 by Pope 
Gregory Xlll., assisted by the mathematician 
Clavius. Ten days were omitted at once so as to 
restore the vernal equinox to the date which it had 
occupied at the time of the Council of Nica-a ; and 
the mean length of the calendar year was fixed 
at 365" S"" 49-2"'. The true length of the mean 
tropical year is at the present time 365'' 5'' 48'8"', 
and must in 15H2 have been 365" 5" 49™, the 
fraction of a minute being uncertain. It would 
appear, therefore, that the Gregorian calendar 


CALENDAR (African) 

adequately representB the tropical year. At tlie 
sniuc time, provision was made for a correction of 
the lunar dates, l>y means of which Hsuster is 
calculated. The new calendar assumed for the 
lunar month a mean duration of SQ"* 12'' 44" 271' 
— a duration which will be correct about 400 years 
after the present date. The reformed calendar 
was immediately adopted in nearly all Catliolic 
countries, but only slowly among Protestant Stales, 
and has not yet been accepted by the Greek 
Church. It has the merit of checking the slow 
movement of the seasons backwards, which char- 
acterizes the Julian calendar ; but it is a cumbrous 
systeiu for calculations spread over long periods, 
and astronomers; generally prefer to use the Julian 
and not the Cro.u'oiian year as tlie unit of time. 

II. The Muhamraadan lunar year. — The 
Muhammadan religion has given currency to an 
Arabian lunar calendar, in wliich the calendar 
year is a purely artificial period of twelve lunar 
months which is not correlated with the solar 
year, and which may begin at any season of that 
year. The beginnings of tlie months have usually 
been determined empirically ; but calendar rules 
have been devised for astronomical purposes, and 
the empirical dates are rapidly giving way, except 
for religious purposes. 

LiTBRATURE. — Ideler, Eandbuch der matfiemat. und techn. 
Chronol., Berlin, IS'>.'>, 18-26 ; Lersch, Einleit. in die Chronol.'^, 
Freibui^ i. Br. 1S[)9 ; Ginzel, Ilandlmch der mathemat. und 
techji. Chrmiol.,\., Leipzig, 1906 ; Schram, KaUndariograph, 
und chronolog. Taj'eln, Leipzig, IMS. 


CALENDAR (African).— Data regarding the 
African calendar are scanty, and concerning many 
tribes are thus far entirely lacking ; but in general 
it may be affirmed that the degree of development 
ivas only meagre. A typical African calendar 
seems to be presented by tliat of the Warumbi, a 
people centred between lat. 0°-!° N., long. 27°-28° E. 
According to Maes {Anthrojjos, iv. 627), 
* ils comptent les mois par lunes, distingiient les saisons et 
divisent Tannic d'aprfea elles. L'aiin^e des Waruinbi va d'une 
saison s&che k I'autre. Celle-ci commence en decembre et finit 
vers la fin de Janvier. L'ann^e compoi-te approximativement 
13 lunes, mais les Warumbi n'en comptent point le nombre. lis 
ne savent d'ailleurs point determiner exactement le nombre de 
joui-s d'une ann^e. Quelquefois ils comptent par lunes, vous 
diront qu'il y a quatre ou cinq lunes, que telle ou telle chose est 
arriv6e, mais n'en tiennent point compte pour determiner leur 
tge, dont ils n'ont que peu ou point de notion. Chez eux Ton 
est jeune ou vieux, mais on ne compte jamais le nombre 
d'ann^es de la vie.' 

Perhaps the acme of African calendrical develop- 
ment is sho^vn by the Yoruba, who have a year 
{odun) which is divided into a dry season {eico- 
crun), the season of the Harmattan wind (eioo-oyc), 
and the rainj^ season (etvo-o/o), the latter subdivided 
into the first rains [aro-ko] and the last rains {aro- 
kuro). They have a system of moons and weeks. 
The week consists of 5 days : ' Ako-ojo (' First 
Day'), Ojo-mvo ('Day of tlie Secret' [sacred to 
Ifal]), OJo-Oguii ('Day of Ogun * [the god of iron]), 
Ojo-Shango ( ' Day of Shango ' [the god of thunder]), 
and Ojo-bbatala ( ' Day of Obatala '). The first of 
these days is unlucky, and during it all work is 
forbidden; while, in addition, all followers of a 
particular god must abstain from labour on the day 
sacred to that goil ; blacksmiths, for example, are 
not allowed to ply their craft on Ojo-Ognn. Six of 
these weeks are supposed to make a lunar month, 
about 12 hours being subtracted from the last 
week in the moon to make it synclironize with the 
lunar month. The Yoruba are unacquainted with 
the hour, but divide the day (osmi) into 5 periods, 
and the night (cnt) into 3 ' cock-erowings.' The 
' Cf. the flve-day ■pasar week of Java .and Sumatra (below, 
p. 131''). With this may be compared the Bab. hamnilu, a period 
of 5 days (based on the sexagesimal system) used in commercial 
transactions (Ginzel, Uandhuch der mathemat. und techn. 
Chronologif, Leipzig, 1900, i. 94, 119) ; for further detaUs regard- 
injf the Bab. flve-day week, see below, p. 7e». 

week of five days is also in use among the Akposa 
of W. Africa ; these are named Eyla, Ewa, Imle, 
Ekpe, and Eivle or Uwolowo-da,j , the last being 
sacred to that divinity. No work may be per- 
formed on the second day, when worship is paid to 
deities otlier tlian Uwolowo (Miiller, Anlhropos, 
ii. 201). The Ahanta, of the W. Gold Coast, on 
the other hand, divide the lunar month into two 
periods of 10 days and one of about 9^, while a 
week of 8 days is recorded in Old Calabar (Daniel!, 
L'lnstitut, ii. 90). _ 

The Tshi-speaking peoples of \V. Africa divide 
their year, which consists of 13 lunar months 
(('»/()> into the ' little Hohbor' (Ahohhor kakvahah, 
May-August) and the 'great Hohbor' (Akuhbor 
kdssi, September- April ), although some of the 
nortliern members of this stock have 12 months of 
30 or 32 days, named from the seasons, etc. The 
lunar months are divided into 4 periods of 7 days 
eacli : Adjivo-da (' Khwadjo's Day'), Ibna-da or 
Bna-da. (' Kobina's Day'), Wtiku-da ('Kwaku's 
Day'), KaiiJ-c/a (' Yow's [or Kwow's] Day '), /^(-rfft 
('Kwoffi's Day'), M&min-da ('Kwamin's Day'), 
and Kwasi-da ('Kwasi's Day'), these names 
apparently being those of distinguished chiefs 
ajiotheosized after death. Wednesday, Saturda.y, 
and Sunday are considered feminine and lucky ; 
Tuesday is a day of rest for fishermen, Friday for 
agriculturists, etc. The Tshi weeks begin at 
different times of the day, and both the Tshi and 
the Ga add to each seven-day week, to make the 
period of 4 weeks agree with the lunar month. 
Besides this system, the Tshi also reckon by periods 
of 40 or 42 days, the end of each of these periods 
being the great Adae feast, which is follow eti, after 
18 or 20 days, by the little Adae, these Adaes, like 
the weeks, beginning at different periods of the day. 
Even where the system of lunar months has 
been developed, the older method may still persist, 
an admirable example of this being found among 
the Basuto of S.E. Africa. 

* More or less they keep or purely reckon their time by the 
seasons of the year (their changes), by animals (their birth 
time), by plants (their annuality or grow'th), by the stars, such 
as the Pleiades (their position," time of rising and setting), but 
more especially by the moon itself. A full month consists of 
that space of time from the beginning of the evening when the 
new moon is to be seen in the west ... to the last day of its 
appearance in the heavens ; and, moreover, includes two more 
days when the moon cannot be seen at all in the heavens. . . . 
The first of these two days is called or said by them that the 
moon e ile mefela, lit. ' is gone into the darks ' ; and the second, 
e tlakoa ke litsoetw^ lit. 'is being greeted by the apes.'l . . , 
After these days the new moon will be plainly visible to every- 
body, and therefore on this account they begin on this day to 
count a new month. Little regard is paid as to counting the 
number of days in any month, since the bulky moon itself fills 
up the deficiency ' (Sechefo, Ant?iropos, iv. 931 f.). 

The twelve lunar months of the Basuto year 
{sclcmo, also meaning 'spring,' ' plough-tiine ') 
begin in August, and bear the follomng names : 
Phato, Loctsc ('Anointer,' because, in the quaint 
words of Sechefo, himself a native Basuto, ' the 
hardy month of Phato [August] has truly been 
syringed, anointed, and SMeetened by the present 
Loetse [anointer] anointing tlie land "as it were by 
the sweet oil of delicacy and smiling verdure '), 
3fphalane (apparently from Liphcilana, ' glitters,' 
because ' the fields are sparkling and glittering as 
if it were oceans of water gently moved by the soft 
breezes, and thus dancing under the brilliant sun ' ; 
this was formerly the month for the rite of female 
circumcision), Pulungoana ('young gnu,' these 
animals being born at this time of the year), 
Tsitoe ('grasshopper,' being the time of the hatch- 
ing of such insects), Phcrekhong ('inter-joining of 
sticks ' [for building the huts of the watchers who 
keep the birds from destroying the crops]), Tlhakola 
(' wiping off' [of the green buf impregnated husks of 
1 Because the apes, seated on the mountain-peaks, can see 
the new moon before it becomes visible to men dwelling lower 

CALENDAR (American) 


tlio mabele crop]), Tlhakubde or Hlakuhdc (' the 
mnbch in grain'), 'Mesa ('fire-kindliiis^' [I>y the 
bird-scarers in tlie chill early morning] or ' roastiii<,' ' 
[of mealies, which are plentiful in this niontli]), 
Mntseanong ('laughter at birds' [the iimbelc now 
being ripe and able to mock the attacks of the 
birds, thus relieving the bird-scarers of their 
tasks]), I'hupjonnc (' beginning of swelling' [of the 
senyarclii-bidcnii, a, sort of bulb]), and Phupu 
(' bulgin"; out ' [of plants]). 

It need scarcely be said that in parts of Africa, 
Muhanimadanisni has influenced the calendar, as 
is clearly seen, for instance, in the divisions of tlie 
day among the inhabitants of Bornu (Koelle, 
African Natifc Literature, London, 1854, p. 2S4). 

The recurrence of sacred days among the Yoruba 
and Tshi has already been noted. In like fashion, 
Tuesday and Sunday, and especially Friday, are 
imlucky in Senegal ; among the Mandingan Bani- 
barra of the Sudan lucky days were the first of the 
month, even daj's not containing 6, and odd days 
containing 5 ; in Akkra, on the Gold Coast, a 
ilistinction was even drawn between lucky days of 
a greater or less degree of good fortune ; and in 
Ashanti only about 150 days were recognized as 
sufficiently lucky for the commencement of im- 
portant undertakings. Besides these days, there 
were festivals at greater intervals, sucli as the 
feast celebrating the planting of the yam in 
Dahomey, Ashanti, Fernando Po, etc., and that 
held at the harvest of the same fruit on the Gold 

LiTKRATiiRK. — Waitz, Authropol. der Naturvulkcr, Leipzig, 
186l>-77, ii. 201 f., 224 ; Ellis, Tshi-spcaking Peoples, London, 
18S2, pp. 215-221, and Yoruba-speakinfj Peoples, London, 1894, 
pp. 142-151 ; Sechefo, * The Twelve Lunar Slonths anion^- the 
Basuto,' in ^ntAropos, iv. 931-941, v. 71-81. XL. H" m il lli i nks 
o( the writeraredue to Father WilhelmSchii. ill, \ h . i^.i- 
nf yln(/iro;)05, for his courtesy in sending him - i 't 
the second part of Sechefo 's study expressly i"y ni ini ' i imh 
of tlie present article. LOUIS 11. Gl;AV. 

CALENDAR (American).— i. Calendar sys- 
tems of the North American Indians. — The North 
American Indians may, broadly speaking, be 
classed among those peoples who stand midway 
between the hunter state and the agricultural 
condition of existence. Some of the tribes among 
them possess calendar systems rich in varied festi- 
vals and celebrations, all more or less of an agri- 
cultural character ; whilst others scarcely appear 
to notice the passage of time and the sea,sons, and 
possess almost no distinguishing feasts or other 
social ob.servances. But all, even those living 
upon a more or less fi.\ed agricultural basis, are 
at one in the simplicity of their methods of coni- 
|iuting time, varying only in the more or less 
elaborate manner in which they celebrate its prin- 
cipal seasonal stages. Day and night, the changes 
of the moon and the seasons, the growth of vege- 
tation and annual plants, and the habits of ani- 
mals and birds, form the data upon which their 
.systems are based. By some of the tribes four 
daily divisions were recognized — sunrise, noon, 
sunset, and midnight ; whilst the diurnal round 
was usually designated a ' night ' or ' sleep.' The 
manner of reckoning the years depended upon the 
locality in which the trine was situated. Thus, 
in the more northerly latitudes they were known 
as ' snows,' and in the south as ' summers.' The 
four sciusons were very generally recognized, 
and were named according to the natural pheno- 
mena incidental to their recurrence in various 

The lunation is by far the most important of the 
time divisions known to the Northern Amerinds. 
Before the coming of the white man there was, it 
is su|)posed, but little attemjit at the construction 
of anything like a lunar year, and, where this at- 
tempt was made, the number of lunations embraced 
VOL. III. — 5 

by a ' year' was generally 12. Sonu; of the trilies, 
however, reckoned 13 moons to a year ; and in one 
calendar — that of the Kiowa, which possesses 12 
moons — half a moon is intercalated in one of the 
unequal four seasons, and the other half in the 
following sea.son, the year commencing with the 
second half of a moon. Among the Zuni of New 
Mexico the year is known as a ' passage of time,' 
and the seasons as 'the steps of the year.' The 
new year is called 'mid-journey of the sun,' to 
designate the middle of the solar round between 
the summer solstices. AVith the Zuni, half of the 
months are 'nameless,' and the other six months 
' named ' ; that is, the first six monl hs have delinite 
names, and the last si.x of the year have ritualistic 
names (such as Yellow, Blue, Ked, White, Varie- 
gated, and Black), derived from the colours of the 
prayer-sticks ollered up at the height of each 
' crescent,' or moon, to the gods of the north, west, 
south, east, zenith, and nadir, who are .severally 
represented by these colours. 

Compensation for the surplus days in the solar 
year appears to have occurred to the Sioux or 
Ojibwas. Captain Jonathan Carver, in his Three 
Years' Travels through the Interior Parts of North 
America (1796), says : 

' Some nations among them reclion their years hy moons, 
and make them consist of twelve synodical or lunar months, 
observing, when thirty moong have waned, to add a super- 
numerary one, which they term the lost moon ; and then befiin 
to count as before ' (p. loi). 

He proceeds to relate that the first appearance 
of each moon was hailed by the Indians with joy. 
They gave a name to each month as follows, the 
year beginning at the first new moon after the 
vernal equinox : 

March, Worm Month ; April, Month of Plants ; May, Month 
of P'lowers ; Jutie, Hot Moon ; Julu, Bucli Moon ; August, 
Sturgeon Moon ; September, Corn Moon ; October, Travelling 
Moon ; November, Beaver Moon ; December, Hunting Moon ; 
January, Cold Moon ; February, Snow Moon. 

They called the last days of each moon the 
' naked days,' and its first appearance its ' coming 
to life again.' They had no division of weeks, but 
counted days by ' sleeps,' half days by pointing to 
the sun at noon, and quarters by the rising and 
setting of the sun, for all of whicli they jiossessed 
hieroglyphic signs. The Haidah intercalated what 
they called a ' between-montli,' because it was be- 
tween the two periods into which they divided the 
year ; and it is possible that this was sometimes 
omitted in order to rectify the calendar. The 
Creeks counted 12^ moons to the year, adding a 
moon at the end of every second year, reckoned 
half in the preceding and half in the following 
year, much as did the Kiowa. Many tribes kept 
records of events by means of symbolic figures 
or hieroglyphs. One of the most remarkable of 
these is the Dakota ' Lone-dog winter count,' 
painted on a bufl'alo skin, and depicting the 
events embraced between the years 1800 and 1871. 
The calendar history of the Kiowa is a similar 
record of tribal affairs. The Sioux tribes of the 
East measure time by leather thongs knotted in 
various ways — a device which was adopted by the 
Governor of South Carolina in his dealings with 
them (Mooney). They divide the year into five 
seasons, but do not possess so minute ami 
a division of it as the Bella Coola Indians of 
British Columbia, who resolve the into two 
parts, separated by the winter and summer sol- 
slices, which they regard as periods of indefinite 
length, and between which five months are counted. 
Kach solstice is reckoned, therefore, as approxi- 
mately six weeks (Boas). 

The tribes of California, though related ethno- 
logically in a more or less intimate manner, dififer 
considerably from one another in their calendar 
system. The Hujia keep no account of time, as 
they consider it superfluous to do so, and guess at 


CALENDAR (American) 

one's age by examininf; tlie teeth. The Miiiiln 
believe that Koiloyiiiiipcli, the Creator, establisheil 
the seasons, whidi they divide into Kum-mcyi-iii, 
the rain season ; Yo-ho-mcn-ni, the leaf season ; 
I-hilnkki, the dry season ; and Mat-inen-ni, the 
falliiigloaf season. The Pima of Southern Arizona 
have Ions been accnstonied to record events by 
means of notched sticks. 

' Four sticks," says Russell, ' were " told " to me by the men 
in whose charge they were. To any other person they would 
have been absolutely meaningless' (' Pima Annals ' in American 
Anthropologist, vo\. v.). 

The years are marked on these sticks by trans- 
verse notches ; the events by smaller notches or 
rude symbols. The oldest of these annals date 
from the time of the meteoric shower of 13th Nov. 
1833, but older sticks were remembered by aged 
members of the tribe. 

The Algonquin Indians of Virginia reckoned 
years by ' winters,' or cohonks — a name taken 
by them from the note of the wild during 
that season. They divided the year into the bud- 
ding or blossoming season (spring), highest sun 
season (summer), corn-gathering season (autumn), 
and cohonk (winter). The months they desig- 
nated as the moon of stags, corn moon, first and 
second moon of cohonk, etc. They made no dis- 
tinction between one hour and another ; but they 
divided the day into three parts — the rise, power, 
and lowering of the sun. They kept a calendar 
by making knots in string, not unlike the quijio 
records of the Peruvians. 

The modern Creeks commence the New Year 
immediately after the celebration of the Busk,^ or 
ripening of the new com, in August (see below). 
They divide the year into two seasons only, viz. 
winter and summer ; and subdivide it by the suc- 
cessive moons, as follows : 

Heydtkluccoor (Big ripening moon). August ; Otauwo6skdcIiee 
(Little chestnut moon), September ; Ota^twodskOtucco (Big chest- 
nut moon), October ; HejucooUe (Falliner-leaf mooiii. Novem- 
ber ; Thtdff6lucco (^\g winter moon), I'c ( n.l' r ; / / ■ w/nr-fttiice 
(Little winter moon, or Big winter ni'. - imther), 

January; Hootdhldhassee (Windy mooni, ' i I 'ti'saut- 

chooiee (Little spring moon), March; J.r ' '"••'•■: (Dig 

spring moon), April ; Ee^hdssee (Mulberry moon), M.aj' ; KdvhO- 
hassee (Blackberry moon), June ; H6yeCtchee (Little ripening 
moon), July. 

They count the number of days or years, either 
past or to come, by tens, and can rarely compute 
more nearly than within a moon the date upon 
which a given event took place. 

The Comanches, says Schoolcraft (Hist, of 
Indian Tribes, ii. 129), possess 

' no computation of time beyond the seasons, which they 
count by the rising height of the grass, falling of the lea\-es, 
and the cold and hot seasons. They seldom count by new 
moons. With them one sun is one day.' 

The Dakotas, says the same authority (ii. 177), 
' count time by seasons, and 28 days to the moon.' 
The names of the moons are : 

January, Hard moon ; February, Moon in which racoons 
run ; March, Moon of sore eyes ; April, Moon when the geese 
lay ; May, Moon for planting ; June, Moon for strawberries 
and hoeing corn ; Jiily, Midsummer ; August, Moon in which 
com is gathered ; September, Wild rice moon ; October and 
November, Running of the doe ; Decevxber, Moon when the does 
shed their horns. 

The Mandans and Minnetarees, Dakotan tribes, 
are generally aware that there are more than 12 
lunations in a year, b\it have no formal names for 
the lunar periods. The Hidatsa, a people of the 
same nation, speak of tlie seasons of ' cold weather ' 
or of 'snow,' of 'warm weather,' and of 'death' 
or ' decay ' ; but they do not regularly allot a 
certain number of moons to each of these seasons. 

2. Festivals connected with the calendar of the 
N. American Indians. — To a tribe subsisting upon 
an agricultural basis the prime object of keeping 
a calendar is the proper recognition and timely 
remembrance of seasonal festivals. In latitudes 
where the seasons are by no means exact in their 
1 Derived from Creek pmkHa=' fasting. 

rcciirrence, the lack of a stated calendar would 
q\iito disorganize all these celebrations; and, even 
with its aid, some confusion prevails in certain 
tribes as to the exact dates npon which certain 
ceremonies should bo held. Many of these func- 
tions are of a highly elaborate nature, and occupy 
many days in their observance, the most minute 
attention being paid to the proper performance of 
the various rites connected with them. They con- 
sist, for the most part, of a preliminary fast, 
followed by symbolic dances or magical cere- 
monies, and concluding with a gluttonous orgy. 
A wide similarity prevails among these ordinances 
in North America, and, broadly speaking, it may 
be laid down that visible diDerences may be 
accounted for by circumstances of environment 
or variations in seasonal changes. 

Of the Indians of Virginia (Algonquins), who 
were the first to come under the notice of Euro- 
peans, it was observed that they held regularly 
recurring festivals to celebrate the ripening of 
frnits and gi'ain, and more irregular feasts to mark 
the return of wild fowl and the hunting season in 
general. These were obviously the celebrations 
of a people subsisting on a basis midway between 
the bunting and the agricultural states. That 
they were being slowly impelled towards the 
latter phase, however, is evident from the fact 
that their most important annual festival marked 
the period of harvest, the celebration of which 
lasted several days. Dances Avere engaged in, and 
heroic songs recited ; and the entire observance 
appears to have been identical, in its general 
aspects, with the Indian festivals of the present 
day. The Creeks, as noted above, commence their 
New Year at a similar period, after the celebra- 
tion of the Busk. The Cherokees recognize the 
same feast, at Avhieli time they burn all rubbish, 
and cleanse their habitations. A fast is then held 
for tliree days, during which time purgatives are 
taken. All crimes except murder are pardoned, 
so that the community as a whole may commence 
the new period free of sin. On the fourth morning 
the high priest produces a new fire by friction, 
and the members of the tribe are sujiplied from it. 
Feasting and dancing are then indulged in for 
three days, after which the people return to 
their usual avocations. This festival of the Busk, 
however, appears to have had other significance 
besides that of a mere seasonal offering of first- 
fruits. All the dances, invocations, and rites were 
shaped and ruled by the application of the number 
four and its multiples in every imaginable relation. 
Besides being a seasonal celebration, it possessed 
the significance of a sacrifice to the four winds — 
the rain-bringers. Four logs were placed in the 
shape of a cross pointing to the four cardinal 
points, and then consumed by fire, thus symbol- 
izing the four winds to which tliey were a burnt- 
offering. The four winds originally typified the 
four ancestors of the human race. 

Adhering to our classification of tribes accord- 
ing to the chronological sequence by which they 
became known to Europeans, we find that the 
Mandans (Dakotas) celebrated each year, as their 
principal festival, the 'Bufi'alo Dance' — a feast 
which marked the return of the buffalo-hunting 
season. The actions of buft'aloes were imitated by 
eight men wearing the skins of these animals on 
their backs, with horns, hoofs, and tails remain- 
ing. Their bodies were painted black, red, or 
white ; and a lock of bufi'alo hair ivas tied round 
their ankles. In their right hand they held a 
rattle, and in the left a slender rod, 6 ft. long, 
while on the Ijack a bunch of green willow boughs 
A\:is Avorn. The ceremony took place at the 
season of the year when die willow leaves fully 
expand under tlie bank of the river. Pairing oti, 

CALENDAR (American) 


the (lancers took up tlicir posilious on four dillerent 
sides of a large canoe, to represent the four car- 
dinal points of the compass. Two iigures were 
]>aintcd black, to represent night ; and two red, 
to represent day. Two lueu, dres,sed as grizzly 
bears, stood beside the canoe, continually threaten- 
ing to devour any one who interfereu with the 
ceremony ; and these had to be appeased with 
food, which, in turn, was snatched away from 
them, and carried off to the prairie by two other 
men. These were chased by a .swarm of urchins, 
who relieved the men of their spoil. During the 
ceremony the old men beat upon .sacks, chanting 
sniiplications for bull'aloes and other provender. 
On the fourth day a man entered in the guise of 
an evil spirit, who was driven from the vicinity 
with stones and curses. 

Although, oti the surface, this festival would appear to be 
wholly a seasonal celebratiou, the introduction of the four 
cardinal points, which are therein symbolized, renders it more 
complex in its asjject. Kssentially a hunter, the red man has 
ever these points present to his mind, and indeed they are to 
him, as to Enipedocles, *the source of ever-flowing nature.' 
Catlin, who recounts the circumstances of the festival, did not 
detect its orif;:in in the veneration of the cardinal points, hut 
numerous cognate myths since collected prove it to have had 
this conception as its foundation. The Buffalo Dance was pro- 
bably a purely seasonal feast, which became confounded with 
the older idea of worshipping the four points of the universe. 

The festivals of the Thompson River Indians of 
British Columbia have been fully investigated by 
Teit. They appear to be almost whollj' social 
in their nature, and to possess but little true 
seasonal significance. In the ^\^nter-house feasts 
of these people a messenger is sent ahead by the 
visitors to announce their coming, so that the 
function takes somewhat the sliape of a ' surprise 
part}'.' He further lets down food through a hole 
in the hut. Another custom of this tribe is to let 
down a kettle bedecked with feather.s, and a lighted 
.slow match, into the hut of the person to be visited, 
and to swing it violently, to the a('Companiment 
of a rhythmic song. Those who have inserted it 
keep witlidrawing it, while those inside attempt 
to catch and detain it when captured. Bundles 
of clothing and food are thrown down to tlie 
inmates of tlie hut as presents, and later on they 
return the visit. The semi-public feasts of the 
Thompson River Indi.ans are known as ' i)ot- 
latches,' and the stajile food at these entertain- 
ments is usually horse-flesh. When this tribe 
gathers at the spring-house (nskaptsc'lx) for the 
annual lishing, a great dance-feast takes place. 
The j)C(>|>le a.ssemble in full festival paint, and 
commence dancing at sunrise, the married and 
unmarried men and women forming four separate 
groups. One chief stands at the west, and another 
at the east. These help to keep time for the dancers, 
and lead the singing, at intervals praying and 
prophesying. The unmarried people choose their 
iiusbands and wives during the first dance of the 
morning, and this part of the ceremony would 
seem symbolic of the spring mating .season. At 
sunset the ]ieople again dance four times, and 
then disperse to their homes. After sunset a 
ceremonial smoke is held by the older men, when 
four pipes are smoked to the four cardinal points, 
or their si)iritual prototyiies. About fifty or sixty 
years ago the chief of the ceremonies began to 
hold tliese dances once a week, on Saturdays, and 
kept tlie days by cutting notches in sticks. 

The Kwakiutl Indians of Columbia have 
a winter dance, connected with the refunding 
of the purchase-money for a wife. It is most 
elaborate, but eonsi.sts chiefly in rigorous cleanli- 
ness, and dancing in character, and closes with a 
veritable orgy. 

One of the most highly developed and elaborate of tlie Amerinds is that of the 
Hopi or Moki of Arizona, which has been ex- 

haustively studied by several prominent anthro- 
pologists. It Ls typical of the snake-dances of all 
the I'ueblo Indians, and i.s almost theatric in its 
perfornumces. 'Yhc Soyalunwu is a winter-solstice 
ceremony, held in December, and lasting about 
9 days. It is jmrely an initiatorj' ceremony, in 
which the young men of the tribe are put through 
tests akin to those generally suppose<l to form part 
of the Masonic system. On passing the tests, the 
candidate is admitted to one or other of the secret 
societies of the tribe. The J'vwamu ceremony 
{//i/vMmu = ' pnt in order') is celebrated under tlie 
(iirection of the chief priest of the Powamu 
fraternity. By this rite the fields and gardens 
are sj-mholically put in order, and protected 
against sand-storms, ants, and other destructive 
forces, and finally are consecrated for the coming 
planting season. From 8 to 12 men participate, 
lielonging to the difi'erent totem clans — Badger, 
Crow, Rabbit, etc. The high priest is assisted 
by the chief of the Katcina clan, the head of a 
kindred society. The [leriod of the Poivamu cere- 
mony is in February. Tlie Mishonguori ceremony 
is held in August, in alternate years, and is jier- 
formed by the Snake and Antelope fraternities. 
It is announ('ed on the fourth day following the 
last day of the Niman, or farewell ceremony of the 
Katcina brotherhood's season. It is essentially a 
seasonal festivity, the principal object of which is 
to obtain a good rain-supply, and it lasts 24 days. 
It is divided into groups of four days each — two 
of four days each, before the yunqija, or assembly 
day ; then, two of four days each of the ceremony 
[mre and simple ; and, finally, four days following 
the public performance, which are exclusively de- 
voted to merrymaking. The Ordibi, summersnake- 
ceremony, has been more fully analyzed than any 
of the others. It is preceded by a preliminary 
ceremony sixteen days before, and by a nine-day 
ceremony which commences eight days before the 
snake-dance. In the years when the snake-dance 
is not performed, a complicated ' flute ceremony ' 
takes its place. There exist two factions who 
never take part in the same festivities, called by 
Voth the ' Conservatives ' and ' Liberals,' who are 
hostile to one another. The exact time for the 
performance of the snake-dance is difficult to place, 
a,s much depends on the condition of the melon 
and other crops. If the drought is great, the crops 
suffer, and the ceremony is hastened, but the date 
is partly regulated by that of the last Katcina 
ceremony in July, the snake-dance usually taking 
place on the fourth day after the last dance of the 
Katcina ceremony. There is also a winter cere- 
mony lasting nine days, which is celebrated in 
January. The .same kivas, or dance-houses, are 
made use of as in the summer ceremony, and 
the .same songs introduced. This is the Kaicina 
festival, which usually takes place in years with 
even numbers, and lasts intermittently until the 
summer festival season. These snake-charming 
ceremonies have their origin in the universal rever- 
ence shown to the serpent tribe all over America — 
a reverence based on the idea that the snake under- 
went an annual rejuvenescence in the casting of 
its skin, or perhaps that the symbol of the serpent 
with its tail in its mouth represented the round, 
full sun of August, the season of the ceremony of 
the snake-dance. The latter hy])othesis is the 
more probable, as in the Kntcina winter ceremony 
snakes are never used. 

The rima tribe of the Southern branch of the 
Athapascan family mark their ilrinking festivals 
or ' Tixicin drunks ' on their notched-stick calendars 
by the letter 'T.' These take phi. e at the harvest 
.season of the suguaro cactus, which marks the 
beginning of the year. It also coincides with the 
maize and niesquite harvest, and the torrid heat 

CALENDAR (American) 

of summer. These festivals paitnlcc more of the 
nature of debaucheries than of ritualistic cere- 
monies, and are purely seasonal celebrations. 

'Illness feasts' are coniinon with the Apache 
Indians. These are held for the purpose of banish- 
in" illness, and consist in the patient who sutlers 
bcinf; fed by the niedicine-nian with choice food 
and tiswin drink, to tlie accompaniment of chant- 
ing. Should an epidemic be prevalent, however, 
a regular festival with dancing takes place, for 
the purpose of exorcizing those powers of evil 
who are regarded as answerable for the misfortune. 
The Apaches are not, however, overburdened with 
reverential ideas, or prone to self-humiliation, and 
have few religious festivals. Their principal cele- 
brations are tlie ' Scalp Dance,' held after a success- 
ful combat, a ceremony for the purification of 
■weapons, and burial-feasts attendant upon the 
sepTilture of famous warriors. 

The Iroquois have a ' Feast of the Dead ' which 
occurs once in twelve years. The tribe proceed to 
the burying-place, and, after ' reviving ' the names 
of those who have been dead for twelve years, ex- 
hume their bodies and cast them into a pit, along 
with clothing and provender, much in the spirit 
in which prehistoric man supplied his dead with 
things material. 

The festivals of the tribes of California have 
been fully examined by Stephen Powers, who has 
skilfully analyzed the seasonal ceremonies of the 
Maidu, Konkan, Karok, Yuki, and other confeder- 
acies. The Maidu have four great festivals in the 
year : the Hok-fom-we-dah (open-air festival), in 
the spring ; I-lak-kum-we-dah (dry season festival), 
about 1st July ; Ush-ti-naoh (burning of the dead), 
about 1st September ; and Yak-kai-we-dah (winter 
festival), about the end of December— all seasonal. 
Other important festivals of this tribe are the 
'Manganita Dance,' held to celebrate the ripening 
of the manganita berry, and the ' Great Spirit 
Dance ' in propitiation of demons. The Konkan, 
in the Tsi-pi ka-mi-ni, or ' Weeping Dance,' have 
a ceremony akin to the Iroquois ' Feast of the 
Dead ' and the Maidu ' Burning of the Dead.' It 
is held in the last days of August, begins in the 
evening, and lasts till daybreak. The celebrants 
bring food and clothing to the place of sepulture, 
all of which articles must be new. These they 
hang on a semicircle of boiighs. In the centre 
burns a large fire, close to the graves, round 
which a solemn dance is executed. The goods are 
then burned, and their ' astral ' counterparts are 
supposed to reach those deceased persons for whom 
they were intended. This occasion marks the 
New Year's Day of the tribe. The Karok have 
a 'Dance of Propitiation' on 1st September, for 
the purpose of propitiating the spirits of earth and 
forest, when a tire is kindled — the first of the rainy 
season. Their ' Salmon Dance ' is held at the 
opening of the salmon-fishing season, to ensure a 
good catch. The Yurok have a similar festival. 
The Wailakki celebrate a ' Clover Dance,' which 
is held when the burr clover is fit to eat ; the Yuki 
have a ' Green Corn Dance ' at a similar season ; 
and the Tatu and Pomu have an 'Acorn Dance.' 
The last mentioned race possesses a curious festival, 
or rather ceremonial observance, known as the 
' Grand Devil Dance.' It is held under the auspices 
of the fraternity of the ' ^Voman-Tamers ' once in 
7 years, and is looked forward to with terror by 
the -nomen of the tribe. Yu-ku-ku-la (the devil) 
is supposed to visit the tribe in the guise of certain 
of its members. With these Satanic emissaries the 
men of the tribe engage in sham combat in defence 
of the women. Tliis quaint custom is said to have 
had its rise in the intractability of the women of 
the Pomu, whom the men hoped to render more 
amialile by this means. The Nisbinam celebrate 

a ' First Grass Dance' after the rainy season, and 
a ' Second Grass Dance ' in the spring. Another 
vernal festival of theirs is the We-da, held in the 
early spring to guard against snake-bites. The 
Ta-tn-lo-wis, or ' Rattlesnake Dance,' of the Yokuts 
is held by the medicine-men of the tribe for the 
purpose of giving immunity to the Indians, for a 
year, from the dreaded snake-bite. 

3. Fasts of the N. American Indians. — The prac- 
tice of fasting is observed far and wide among the 
Indians, and, altliough frequently practised in con- 
nexion with pulilic ceremonials, is perhaps more 
generally carried out in private. The first fast of 
life is usually the puberty-fast, when the youth or 
girl is sent to a deserted locality to remain alone 
for a period ranging from one day to a week, 
during which time he or she is supposed to be 
granted visions by means of which their career 
in life, or sometimes the nature of their totemic 
connexion with the supernatural, is to be made 
clear. The fast is usually accompanied by signs 
of self-abasement, such as torn garments or com- 
plete denudation, and earth-strewn head. 

The most complete account of a puberty-fast is that of 
Catherine Wabose, or Ogeewyahnockwut Oquay, an Indian 
prophetess, whose experiences thereof were taken from her 
own lips by Mrs. Schoolcraft. When she was 12 or 13 years 
old, she left her mother's lodge, and built a small one for her- 
self. After a fast of four days, she was \isited by her mother, 
who gave her a little snow-water to drink. On the night of 
the sixth day, whilst still fasting, she was conscious of a super- 
natural voice, which invited her to walk along a shining path, 
which led forwards and upwards. There she first met Kau-ge- 
gay-beqxM, the 'Everlasting Standing Woman," who told her 
her supernatural name. She next met Monido-Winuiecs, or 
the ' Little Man Spirit," who told her that his name would 
be the name of her first son. She was next addressed by 
0-Shttu-wau-e-geeghick, or the ' Bright Blue Sky,' who endowed 
her with the gift of life. She was then encircled by bright 
points of light, and by sharp painless instruments, but, mount- 
ing upon a fish-like animal, she swam through the air back to 
the lodge. On the sixth day her motlier fed her with a little 
dried trout, and on that night she experienced a repetition 
of the vision. On the seventh day she was fed with a little 
pounded corn in snow-water. After the seventh day she 
beheld a large round object like a stone descend from the sky 
and enter the lodge. It conferred upon her the gift of prophecy, 
and by virtue of this she assumed the rank of a prophetess 
upon her return to the tribe. 

Before embarking upon 0, warlike expedition, or 
prior to a great hunt, it is quite common for the 
warrior or hunter to fast, and medicine-men re- 
garded the practice as one which conferred upon 
them special powers of illumination. Initkition 
into secret or religious societies is almost invariably 
preceded by more or less rigorous abstinence, and 
in some of the great festivals the chief participants 
were obliged to fast prior to the ceremony. The 
length of these varied with the tribe, but in general 
their duration was from one to four days, a day 
being counted as from midnight to sunset. Water 
as well as solid food is generally prohibited in an 
Indian fast. The native standpoint as regards 
fasting is succinctly put by a Cherokee medicine- 
man, who explains its necessity as ' a means to 
spiritualize the human nature, and quicken the 
spiritual vision by abstinence from earthly food.' 
It is not uncommon to regard it as a means by 
which the ' smell ' of worldly things may be 
removed. Tribal fasts are often announced, to 
avert any disaster which the medicine-men believe 
threatens the community. 

4. South American calendars and seasonal 
festivals.— (1) Pern. — The only species of chron- 
ology known in the Peru of the Incas was a lunar 
reckoning. The four cardinal points in the sun's 
course were ascertained by means of the inti- 
hiiatann, a device consisting of a high flattened 
rock surmounted by a small cone, the shadow of 
which, falliu" on certain notches on the stone 
Ijelow, marked the date of the great sun-festivals. 
The Peruvians, however, had no true calendar. 
At Cuzco, the capital, the solstices were measiu'ed 

CALENDAR (American) 


by pillars oalleil -pachncta unancliac, or imlicators 
of time, wliicli were erected in four groups on 
eminences — two in the direction of sunrise, and 
two in that of sunset — to mark the extreme points 
of the sun's rising and sett in;,'. Tlie solstices were 
known to have arrived when the sun rose and set 
between the middle pair in each group. The 
nearest approximation to tlie year known to the 
Incan astronomers was the primitive one of 300 
da3-s, divided into 12 moons of 30 days each. These 
moons were not calendar months in the correct 
sense, but merely a succession of lunations, com- 
mencing with the winter solstice ; and no method 
appears to have existed by which the reckoning 
might be co-ordinated with the succession of years. 
The names of the twelve moons, so far as can be 
ascertained from various sources, were as follows : 
Uuchuy rucxiy Quilla (Small-growing moon), approximately 
January ; llatun Puciiy yuiiio (Great-growing moon), approxi- 
mately February ; I'aucar Pwncy Quilla (Flower-growing 
moon), approximately March ; Ayrihua Quilla (Twin-ears 
moon), approximately April ; .dt/miiro.v Qut'Ho (Harvest moon), 
approximately May ; Aucay Cusqui Quilla (Breaking-soil 
moon), approximately June ; Chakua Huarqui Quilla (Irriga- 
tion moon), approximately July ; Tarpuy Quilla (Sowing 
moon), approximately August ; Ccoya Rayrai Quilla (Moon of 
the Moon-feast), approximately September ; Utna Rayvii Quilla 
(Moon of the Feast of the province of Uma), approximately 
October; Ayamarca Raymi (Juilla (Moon of the Feast of the 
province of Avamarca), approximately November; Ccapac 
Raymi Quilla (Moon of the Great Feast of the Sun), approxi- 
mately December. 

That the natural course of the moon was the 
standard of time with the Peruvians is inferred 
cliiefly from the fact that the principal religious 
festivals began on the new moon following a 
solstice or equinox. The ceremonies in connexion 
w ith the gi'eatest festival, the Ccapac Bayyni, were 
made to approximate to the lunar phases, the 
various stages commencing mth the 9th day, full 
moon, and 21st day, or last (Quarter. But there 
is good reason to believe that the ruling author- 
ities often determined upon which moon a cer- 
tain festival was to take place, and were by no 
means rigid in their acceptance of ecclesiastical 

With the Peruvians each month had its approxi- 
mate festival, or rather a festival was apportioned 
to each lunation. But the solstices and equinoxes 
were the occasions of established ceremonies. The 
arrival of the winter solstice, which in Peru occurs 
in June, was celebrated by the Intip Raymi, or 
great feast of the sun. The principal Peruvian 
festival was tlie Ccapac Raymi, the national feast 
of the great god Pachacamac, which took place at 
the summer solstice, when the New Year was sup- 
posed to begin. Molina, Fernandez, and Garci- 
lasso, however, date the New Year from the winter 
solstice. The vernal e<|uinox, which in Peru occurs 
in September, and coincides with the beginning of 
the rainy season, was the occasion of the third 
great feast of the Inca year, the Ccapac Situa, or 
Ccoya liaymi (moon-feast). 

The general character of these festivals appears 
to have been mild, and indeed almost child-like. 
The}- usually consisted in the sacrifice of llamas 
from the sacred herds, libations of magucij or 
maize-spirit, and the performance of symbolic 
dance.s. One of the most picturesque was that of 
the Citoc Raymi, or gradually increasing sun, held 
in June, when nine days were given up to festival. 
For three days previous to the event a rigorous 
fast was observed, and no fire might be kindled in 
any house. On the fourth day the Inca, accom- 
panied by the people en masse, proceeded to the 
great square of^ Cuzco to hail the rising sun, the 
advent of which they awaited in silence. On its 
appearance they greeted it with a joyous tunnilt, 
and, forming in proce.ssion, marched to the golden 
Temple of the Sun, where llamas were sacrificed, 
and a new fire was kindled by means of a concave 

mirror. Grain, tlowers, animals, and ai'omatic 
gums were the usual sacrilicial ollcrings on such 
occasions. This festival was broadly typical of all 
tli(! seasonal celebrations of the Peruvians. 

The calendar of Incan Peru was purely agricul- 
tural in its basis, and marked in its great festivals 
the renewal or abandonment of the labours of the 
field. It owed little to astronomical observation, 
and was not more advanced than the calendars of 
races otherwise much inferior in civilization. 

(2) C/iili. — The Araucans, the aboriginal inhabit- 
ants of Chili, observed the solstices by the shadows 
of rocks, reckoning time independently by a suc- 
cession of 12 lunations having seasonal names. 

(3) Brazil. — The Bakairi Caribs of Brazil possess 
a calendar which is almost unique in its nomen- 
clature, illustrating, as it does, the transition from 
a merely seasonal reckoning to one in which the 
period of harvest is indicated. It is as follows : 

lihopnlateri = 'ha.rAest rain' (about January); Eh(xpopogeto, 
'less rain ' (February) ; Ehojwhoketatile, ' rain ceases' (March) ; 
KhuraitiU, ' it (the weather) becomes good' (April); Satfheho, 
'wood-cutting' (May and June); (July nameless); Jhuitabe, 
' end - of - the - day - time ' (August); Khopoewile, • the-rain-is- 
coming ' (September and October) ; (Nov. nameless) ; Anaziutule, 
' the-maize-riperis ' (December). 

The Uapes of Brazil have a calendar to mark 
the recurrence of the Dahucuri festival, or initia- 
tion of the young men of the tribe. This occurs 
six times in the year as follows : 

The aanaby on 1st Jan. ; the uciiqui on 2nd Feb. ; the miriiz 
on 3rd March ; the pataud on 4th May ; the umari on 5th July ; 
and the uiga on 6th November. 

These revels are of the most riotous description. 
The neophytes, painted black and red, are wedded 
to women of the tribe, to the accompaniment of 
mournful chants and dances. The myth of the 
god Jurupari is symbolized (see art. Brazil), and 
the proceedings end in a saturnalia. 

(4) Paraguay. — The Abipones of Paraguay had 
a feast on the ' Recovery of the Pleiades.' when 
they disappeared, they were said to be 'sick,' and 
much rejoicing was evinced at their reappearance 
and supposed recovery. The principal festivals of 
this tribe were occasional, and signalized victories, 
burials, birth of caciques, shaving of widowers and 
widows, the changing of names, and councils of 
war. Upon news of a victory, a i)ublic crier was 
dispatched from house to house, who saluted the 
women with a kiss, and the men with a spear to 
which a bell was attached. The spear was returned 
to him when he left the dwelling after inviting the 
inmates to the festival. This office was usually 
filled by a medicine-man of advanced age. The 
house of celebration was decorated with the scalps 
of the slain enemies, hung on an erection made of 
reeds. The victors spent the time from sunset 
imtil morning in chanting their victories, and in 
drinking a species of liquor resembling mead. 

(5) Patagonia. — The Tehuelches of Patagonia 
signalize the birth of a child by slaughtering a 
mare or cow, and removing the stomach, in which 
the newly-born infant is laid. The tribe then feast 
on the remainder of the animal. They appear to 
have no seasonal festivals. See, further, the 
'Mexican and Mayan' article. 

LiTKRiTliUK.— W. Bartram, Travels through North and South 
Cariilina, London, 1791 ; Champlain, Voyages, tr. Chas. P. 
Otis, 1878-82; E. J. Payne, Uist. o/ the New Wnrtd called 
Anurica, 1892-99; J. Heckwelder, History, Manners, and 
Customs of the Indian Nations, Paris, 1822 ; J. Gregg, Com- 
mf.rce of the Prairies, New York, 1844 ; R. Beverley, Jlist. of 
Virginia, London, ISfifi ; Squier, Hist, and Mythical Tradi- 
timis of the Algonquins (in S. C:. Drake's Abori'jinal Races of 
North America,lS4S) ; H. R. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes of the 
U.S., Washington, 1851-69; G. Catlin, Letters on the N.A. 
Indians, 2 vols., London, 1811 ; B. Hawkins, Sketch of the 
Creek Country, 1848 ; De Smet, Urenon Missions, New York, 
1847 ; A. GaUattn, Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, New York, 
18.3rt; A. S. Gatschet, Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, 
I'hiladtlphiii. 1»S4 ; H. Hale, Iroquois Book of Rites, Phila- 
delphia, L^s;; : J. G. Bourke, Snake-dance of the Moquis, 
London, K-.'-4 ; C. H. Coe, Red Patriots, London, 1893; J. 
Mooney, Siuuan JVil/cs of the Hast, London, 1894 ; J. C. 


CALENDAR (Armenian) 

Cremony, Hfe autonij the Apaches, 1S08; J. Carver, Tnireh', 
London, 17S1 ; Russell, Amer. Anihrop. v. [1903] 70; Boas 
ami Swauton, JAFL, 1S<S ; Swanton, Aiiu-r. AnUtrttp. v. 
lim):l|331 ; G. Mallery, H'«A'/-;iK|lSU3|; Mooney, 17 R HEW 
(IStfS): Dorsey ami Votli in FirM Cnlmnln'an MKifiim's Puhl., 
Anthrop. si>rifs, iii. (Iimo ii:i| ; Fcwkes, .lim<: Am. Elhiwl. ami 
Arcltaeol. iv. |ls;M|. 1:' UUEW |l',ii«M; Matthews in .Wcw. 
Atner. Html. Xnl. Jllsl. vi. [VMi]; Hoffmann in 7 liUKW nml 
HiiBKlKdSDl, US',101; Jenksin l:l!:l:l-:»- ll'idMl; Jtwiit li,i:i. 
ttom, e<l. Thwaitcs (73 vols.), rlrvrl mJ. l-;,,; imi ; Mindeleff 
in 17 KSEWiiam; Nelson in ;^ y,/;,';i) |i-,':i]; Martin Do- 
brizhofifer, The Abipones, LomI ut. l^'j_- : S. Powers, Tnhcs of 
California, 1877; C. R. Markham, l:i!,s ami Laws of the 
yncas, London, lS7.f ; H. Pricharil, Tlu\<u,,h the Iledrt of 
Patagonia, London, 1902. LeWLS SPENCE. 

CALENDAR ( — When they became 
a Christian nation, the Armenians felt the need of 
a regular calendar for their religious ceremonies, 
and hence there was developed among them the 
study of tlie science of time. So long as they were 
pagans, this people, like the Egyptians and Per- 
sians, had a year of exactly 365 days, while, accord- 
ing to our calendar, the year has 365J days. This 
is why we reckon 366 days every fourth year. In 
1460 j'ears there would be a difference of a year 
between these two computations, so that the 
Julian year 146U corresponds to the year 1461 of 
the Armenian era. 

To indicate the relation of events in time, the 
Armenian clironologists, in the course of ages, 
invented various eras. These we shall pass in 
succinct review, referring for fuller details to the 
special works dealing with them. There are the 
great Armenian era, in which the year is a vague 
quantity (this is tlie era usually employed), and the 
lesser eras, the year of whicli is a fi.\ed quantity. 

I. The great Armenian era. — (a) ' Vague' year. 
— According tu Uulaurier (Becherehes, p. 6), it is 
probable that the ' vague ' year, which is found 
very early among the Persians, came into Armenia 
with Zoroastrianism, w'hich, according to Iranian 
traditions, took its rise in Atropatene ; and this 
transmission was carried out under the successors of 
Tigranes I., when Armenia passed into the hands of 
the Acha?menians. The designation ' vague year ' 
is derived from the fact that, in the Armenian 
year, the days cliange their positions ; similarly, 
the festivals, in four years, change by a day. 

(b) Months. — The year is divided into twelve 
months of thirty days, with five additional days 
(aweleach, pronounced aveliats) which are inter- 
calated after the twelfth month. The names are 
given here according to the scheme of translitera- 
tion explained by the present writer in Bishop 
SebSos' Histoire d'Hiraelius, Paris, 1904, p. xv : 

1. Nawasard. 7. Mehekan. 

2. Hon. 8. Areg. 

3. Saliml. 9. Ahekan. 

4. Tr6. 10. Mareri. 

5. Khaloch (pron. Qarots). 11. Margach (pron. Margats). 

6. Ar.aoh (pron. Arats). 12. Hrotich (pron. Hrotits). 

The meaning of the month-names is still very 
obscure, in spite of the explanations that have 
been suggested, e.g., by Dulaurier and Hiibscli- 
mann. First of all, it must be noted that these 
names are often in the genitive, because they are 
under the government of the phrase 'month of,' 
understood before them. 

Nawasard means 'New Year' (Dulaurier, op. cit. p. 11; 
Hiibschmann, Artnen. Gram., Leip2i«j, 1S97, i. 202). It is a 
word of Iranian origin ; for meaning, of. Persian Sauniz. 

Hofi and Sahmi are of very uncertain derivation ; it has 
been observed that words meant 'two' and 'three' in 
Georgian ; would therefore be the second and third 
months of the year. 

Tr«.— Oalust Ter Mkrttschian found in a manuscript the 
older form Treay, which explains the common form Trl. Treau 
IS a genitive ; it must, then, be connected with the name of the 
god TJr or Tiwr, whom we find mentioned by Agathangelos. 
Thus the fourth month of the ancient A.rmenian year is the 
month of the fiod Tir. 

Khaloch would be the month of harvest (Dulaurier, p. 11 1.) ; 
It may also be the Armenian form of a different word, of foreif n 
ongm, introduced into the Armenian calendar. " 

Arach also looks like a genitive plural. All etymologies pro- 
posrd for it down to the present day are unsatisfactory. 

MJi.k'ra. A ^tiot\ explanation of this word is given by 
Hiih . hhimii i"h. cit. p. 194). It means the month sacred to 
Ihc I, Mil,. I ni Mihror Mithra. 

Ai>if kntkb like an Armenian word, nieaimig 'euri'; but 
it also may be a foreign Armenianized word. 

Ahekan, according to Hiibschmann (p. 95), corresponds to tho 
Pahlavi word Attaraf/dn, ' das Monatsfest am Tage Adar des 
Monuts Adar.' The form Aheki is also found, recalling the 
Armenian word ahek or aheak, which means 'left.' 

Mareri, .according to its form, may be either a nominative or 
a genitive singular. The etymologies proposed as yet do not 
seem satisfactory. 

Margach is, in form, a genitive plural, lb is an Armenian 
form of a Persian name, Markczan or Markazan (cf. Hiibsch- 
mann, j>. 506). 

Hrotich is an Armenianized Persian word (cf. Hiibschmann, 
p. 184f.). 

((■) Days. — These are practically the same in the 
ancient and the modern calendar : 

Sunday = Mia5abathi or Kiraki. 
Monday = Erkousabathi. 
Tuesday = ErekhSabathi. 
Wednesday = Chorekh§abathi. 
Thursday = Hinggabathi. 
Friday = Urbath. 
Saturday = Sabath. 
The ancient Armenians had no continuous era 
for counting indefinitely. They reckoned by the 
years of the kings, patriarchs, etc. But when they 
became Cliristians they had to fix the Easter feast; 
they therefore borrowed the computation of Easter 
from the Alexandrians, who were the best Chris- 
tian mathematicians at that time. They had 
Andrew of Byzantium's Paschal canon of 200 
years, which lasted down to the 6th century. 
Then they borrowed the quincentenary canon 
(532) of /Eas of Alexandria.' It must be care- 
fully borne in mind that, when we speak of the 
establishment of an era, we mean the establisli- 
luent of a canon. 

Wlien was the Armenian era established ? His- 
torical data on the subject will be found discussed 
at length in Dulaurier's work (p. 52). This author 
has shown that tlie beginning of the Armenian era 
is 552 — the year when the 1st of Nawasard fell on 
the 11th of July. Chronologists have often fixed 
their synchronisms by writing 551 ; but this is a 
mistake. In spite of tlie disagreement amongst 
historians, it appears to be proved that, in 
552, Nerses, and not Moses, was catholicos (cf. 
Kalemkiar's app. ii. in his Armenian tr. [Vienna, 
1S97, p. 107 fl'.] of Gelzer's 'Armenien' in PBE-' 
ii. 63 n. ; and the anonymous list of oatholicoi 
[ed. Mgr. Orinanian] in Calendricr de Vtuipital ar- 
menien, Constantinople, 1908, p. 172). It is clear 
to the present writer that Nerses did not establish 
the Armenian era ; for we must not confuse the 
starting-point of an era with the date of its estab- 
lishment. It was while Moses was catholicos that 
the Armenian era was established, entirely for a 
canonical, viz. a Pasclial, purpose. The starting- 
point of this era was hxed at 552 because the 200 
years' canon of Andrew of Byzantium w-as com- 
pleted then, and for several years there had been 
great difficulty in fixing tlie Easter feast. But the 
era could not have been actually established in 552, 
for the quincentenary cycle was not yet known. 
The latter computation was made at Alexandria 
by /Eas in 562 ; it was the cycle of 532 (19 x 28). 
The Armenians reckoned 562 the tenth year of their 
cycle, and 552 became tlie hrst year. They must 
have required some time to acquaint themselves 
with this system and to adopt it. The result was 
that, by the end of the 6th cent., they liad estab- 
lislied an era to fix the computation of Easter, 
this era being based on the quincentenary canon 
of Alexandria, and started with the year 552. 
The catholicos Nerses, therefore, had nothing to 
do with this question. 

1 See Dulaurier (p. 36) for a very accurate list of canons, and 
for full information on the establishment and adoption of the 
various canons. 

CALENDAR (Armenian) 

There was still, however, a great ililliculty to 
face, since the reckoning was by Anueiiian ' vague ' 
years, whereas for a I'iischal cycle a lixeJ year was 
a necc'ssity. In the 7th cent., we are told, Anania 
of Shirak trieil to remedy this defect, but his work 
has not yet Iieen discovered. The catholicos .Viias- 
tasiiis ((iUl-(JU7) hail de|iuted Anania to study the 
tixed calendar, and for this purpose he convoked the 
bishops to a national councU. Anastasius died, 
liowever, before the meeting, and the Armenian 
era remains 'vague' down to this day (l)ulaurier, 
p. 183). Uulaurier (pp. 383-389) gives an excellent 
table, which nuiy still be employed, showing when 
the 1st of Nawasard falls for each year of the 
Armenian ' vague' cbnmology. 

2. Lesser Armenian eras. — It was the enil of 
the Uth cent, before Armenia had a fixed calendar, 
and she owed it to John the Deacon. His work 
con.sisted in the substitution of the Julian for the 
old ' vague' system ; he intercalated the bissextile 
day of t!ie Roman calendar after the fifth addi- 
tional day, in imitation of the xVlexandrians, and 
counted live instead of si.'c additional days every 
fourth yt^ar, besides making the fixed year begin on 
the 1 Itli of August. The Feasts of the Saints were 
made stal)le, and Armenian Menologj' received a 
regular deHnite form. The correspondence between 
the Armenian and the lioman months became abso- 
lutely hxed. The 'little era' of John the Deacon had 
vogue especially in Upper Armenia, but it is never 
used in the chronicles, and obtained no acceptance 
with the generality of the nation (Dulaurier, pp. 

Whereas the ' vague ' year is called the ' great 
era,' the lesser eras have fixed years. The begin- 
ning of the ' little era' of John the Deacon is 1084, 
i.e. just a riuincentenary after the opening of the 
' great ' Armenian era. Here, again, care must be 
taken not to confuse the starting-point of this 
era with the date of its establishment. John the 
Deacon established his ' little era ' ten years after 
its commencement. It began in 1084, because that 
was exactly the first year of the second ([uincen- 
tenary ; then he added an intercalary day {A wcllkh), 
and thus obtained complete correspondence with 
the Julian year. Every four years there came a 
leap-year. Now a hxed year was established ; the 
feasts changed no longer. John the Deacon ke]jt 
the names of the days and months as they were in 
the ancient system, and his era is met with quite 
frequently in documents of the Middle Ages. 

One question still remains obscure : in 1084 the 
1st of Nawasard fell on the 29th of February ; John 
the Deacon took as the beginning of his year the 
11th of August. This fact has not yet received a 
satisfactory explanation (cf. von Gutschmid, ' Das 
iranisehe Jahr, in Bcrichtc ubcr d. Vcrh. ihr sacks. 
Gcidlsch. dcr Wissensch., 1862, pas.iim). In any 
case, John the Deacon established a purely ecclesi- 
astical era, and brought it into agreement with the 
Julian era of the Martyrology. 

After John the Deacon we have a thiid era, 
employed by the Annenians of Persia and the 
Indies — the 'little era' of Azaria, beginning with 
the year 1616 (10S4-(-5.S2). Like John the Deacon, 
Azaria employed the Julian j'ear, with its inter- 
calation every four years. He made a fixed year, 
but he added a day to the month of Nirhan, and 
so kept Awclikh unaltered. The year of Azaria 
began with the vernal equinox, i.e. 21st .March, 
Julian = 2nd April, Gregorian. The names of the 
months in the calendar of Azaria are as follows : 






1. Sams . 

2. Adam 

3. Sbath 

4. Naxay 
6. I^nmr 
6. Nadar 


21 March. 
20 April. 
20 .May. 
19 June. 
19 July. 
13 Au^st. 


2 April. 

2 May. 

1 June. 

31 July. 
30 Auinist. 

JcLiA.v. Gi:K<i(HUAy. 

17 .Suplember. 20 .Si-pU-iiiber. 

17 October. 29 Octolier. 

10 November. 28 Noveinljcr. 

le December. 28 December. 

15 January. 27 Jaimary. 
14 February. 26 February. 

16 March. 28 March. 
Dulaurier (p. 116) explains these names as follows :Saws, 

'the sun,' an<i Lamar, 'the moon,' are two Arabic words; 
Thiray is exactly the same as Tir, the 4th month in ll»e I'crsian 
calendar; 56a(A suggests the Hebrew n^^ (Dulaurier confuses 
this word with £33?', which was the 11th month, from the Feb- 
ruary new moon till the March new moon [Gesenius, Ueb. untl 
aram. UandwOrterO.^^, Leipzig, 1899]); llainiray is tho Arab. 
Amir or Emir; Adam Is the name of the first man; Aram, 
that of the seventh descendant of Haik, the founder of tha 
Armenian nation. The names of these months are, indeed, 
more or less comprehensible ;/' but Dulaurier's explanations 
caimot be accepted. It must be remembered the calendar 
of Azaria was employed by the Armenians *of Persia and the 
Indies ; the explanation of these names, then, nmst be sought 
in the direction of Persian and Hindustani. 

From 1320 onwards ( = 760 of the Armenian era), 
the dill'erence between the two eras was 550 years 
instead of 551. Nevertheless, to find the popular 
Christian year corresponding to a year ot the 
Armenian era, it is necessary, as a rule, to continue 
adding 551. The reason for this is probably the 
fact that the fixed year of John the Deacon gained 
the ascendancj', so that the hxed year was used far 
oftener than the ' vague ' year even by writers who 
employed the months of the latter [this theory will 
be developed by Galust Ter Mkrttschian in the 
preface to his edition of Agathangelos]. 

Although the ' vague ' year of the Egyptians, 
Persians, and Armenians is the same (for the 
ancient Persians, cf. Tabari, Gcsch. der Perser und 
Araber, tr. Noldeke, Leyden, 1879, p. 436), there 
is a dill'erence of live days between the Armenians 
and the Persians. The first day of the ancient Per- 
sian year fell on the 1st Awelikh of the Armenians, 
and not on 1st Nawasard. The Egyptian and 
Armenian computations, on the other hand, cor- 
respond exactly. An important question now 
arises. If, as is generally admitted on the evidence 
of the names of the months, the Armenians 
borrowed from the Persians, why did they not 
keep the same starting-point for their year ? In 
the present writer's opinion, the Armenian com- 
putation was borrowed indirectly from the Egyp- 
tians, through the Aramaeans of the South of 
Armenia ; and then later, under Persian influence, 
the forms of the month-names changed. It was 
the Persians who, in borrowing from Egypt after 
its conquest by the Aohsemenians, changed the 
method of computation for the beginning of the 
year. Von Gutschmid (passim) has tried to explain 
the cause and manner of this change ; his explana- 
tion is ingenious but not convincing. Probably it 
was due to religious reasons. 

The charts of the Kubenians, who ruled in 
Cilicia or Lesser Armenia, are dated by the 
Dionysian era of the Incarnation and by the 
Indiction, and occasionally, at the same time, by 
the Armenian era (Dulaurier, p. 122). 

Galust Ter Mkrttschian, a monk of the monastery 
of Etclimiadzin, discovered a new Armenian era, 
the work of a certain Stephanos. In this era the 
months have the ancient names, and each has 
30 days. It is probably a lixed era, and was used 
in Cilicia; the year began on 1st March (Julian). 
We have no further data. (This information is 
gathered from manuscript notes. It has not yet 
been published.) 

There are otherdates employed by the Armenians. 
On the walls of the cathedral of Ani and in certain 
manuscripts we find mentioned thixv Iwromoch, 
(pron. horomots), i.e. the 'Koman'or ' I}yzantino 
era.' But it is not the well-known Byzantine era. 
This expression is explained by Brosset (Cullection 
des historicns arminietis, St. Petersburg, 1874-76, 


CALENDAR (Armenian) 

ii. 360), who makes this era hegin in 248-'J-4n 
(Julian) — the Ix'pinninjj; of the second niilleunium 
from the founaation of Koine (751 + 249= 1000). 

There is anotlier eraoiilleil thuakan Xosrovnyin, 
i.e. ' era of Khosrov,' but it has not yet been 
satisfactorily explained. 

Mention s'lioiild be made, linally, of a somewhat 
rare formula of the manuscripts, 'the era of the 
reign of the Lord,' in Armenia. This formula is 
foiind in an account of the Gospel of the Tharg- 
manichkh, preserved among the Antonian Fathers 
at (Jrtakeuy (Constantinople), and would cor- 
respond to an era of Gregory the Illuminator, or 
of the conversion of Armenia to Christianity — 301 
of thedulian era(seeChamchean, Hist, of Armenia 
[in Armenian], Venice, 1784-86, iii. 2, 13 ; Karekin, 
Catal. des anc. traductions arinin., Venice, 1889, 
p. 606 ; Dashian, Catal. der armcn. Handschriften 
in der Mcc/utharisten Biblioihek zu Wien, Vienna, 
1895, p. 4, col. 2 of the Armenian text ; Survey of 
Armcn. Palasoqraphy, Vienna, 1898, p. 190 [in 
Armenian]). JJulaurier (p. 289 f.) also mentions 
a manuscript in the library of the patriarchal 
monastery of Etchmiadzin, which alludes to an 
era of the conversion of Armenia to Christianity, 
beginning with the year 304 (Julian), the time of 
Gregory the Illuminator's arrival at the patriarchal 

3. The conversion of an Armenian into a Julian 
date. — The various chronologists who have turned 
their attention to the correspondence of Armenian 
dates with dates of other calendars, have invented 
sj-stems more or less ingenious and more or less 
practical (which will be found in the works cited 
at end of art.). The following is a new method 
of converting an Armenian date into a Julian. 
Multiply the Armenian year by 365, add 191 and 
the number of the day reckoned from the commence- 
ment of the Armenian year, and call the result a. 
Divide a by 1461, calling the quotient b and the 
remainder c. Multii^ly 6 by 4, and add one of the 
numbers 0, 1,2, 3, respectively, according as c is 
equal to or greater than the numbers 0, 365, 730, 
1095, respectively, and call the result d. Add 551 
to d, and the result is the Julian year in which the 
given Armenian date falls. Take from c one of 
the numbers 0, 365, 730, 1095, according as c is 
equal to or less than the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, or 4th of 
these n\imbers, and the result will be the place 
in the Julian year, already found, of the given 
Annenian date. The order in a year means the 
last day of the preceding year. If the Armenian 
era is divisible by 4, it is necessary, finally, to add 1 
to the Julian date. 

Let us take two examples : 

(1) Ttionias Arcruni (10th cent.), Hist, of Annenia (tr.Brosset), 
p. 174, says : ' Ashot finished his days and died in the country of 
Vantosp, on Thursday, the 6th of the month of Eofhi, 323 by 
Armenian computation, and was conveyed to his brethren in 
the monastery of Surb-Khatsh, in the province of Agbbag ' : 

323x366-H91-H3G=118122 = a 

-. .g. =80 = 6andremainder = 1242 = c 

80x4 = 320 

320-H8 = 323 = d 

323 -^ 661=874 

1242 -1095 = 147 = 27th Maj'. 

The Dominical Letter of the year 874 is C. The 1st of 

May is a Saturday, the 27th is a Thursday. Therefore, 

Thursday, the 6th Horhi, 323 of the Armenian era = Thursday, 

27th May, 874 of the Julian era. 

(2) Stephen Orbelian (13th cent.). Hist, of Siunia (tr. 
Brosset), p. 134, says: 'In the year 344, Easter falling on the 
4th of Nawasard, I, Ter Hovhannes, ordained Bishop of Siounie, 
successor of Ter Soghomon, began the building of this church ' : 

844x365-H91-H4 = 12o765 = a 

-77jjT- = 86=6 and remainder=109=c 

86x4 = 344 

344 -h 0=344 = (J 

344 -H 651 = 895 

109-0 = 109; 109-H = 110=20th April. 

The Dominical Letter is B. The 1st of April is a Tuesday, 

the 20th is a Sunday. In the vear 895, Easter fell on 20th April. 

Therefore, Sunday, the 4tli o( Nawasard, 344 ot the Armenian 
cra^.Sunday, 2Uth April, 895 ot the Julian era. (This is un- 
published matter, following a manuscript note of Reverend 
Father Seraphin Abdullah, who will soon publish a complete, 
authoritative discussion of the Armenian era.) 

Since the ' vague ' Armenian year began on 
Thursday, Utli July 552, for the figures of the 
days of the week we count Thursday 1, Friday 2, 
etc., and Wednesday 7 or 0. To find the 1st of the 
Annenian year or the 1st of Nawasard, we must 
divide i\H' year by 7 ; the remainder is the day of 
the week o'l 1st Nawasard. 

4. Peculiarities of the Armenian liturgical 
calendar, — The Armenian Church has not only the 
same feasts as otlier Christian Churches, but several 
peculiar to herself. "While the other Churches 
celebrate their feasts on dates fixed by the civil 
calendar, with the exception of Easter and the 
feasts dependent thereon (movable feasts), the 
Armenian Church has only six fixed feasts: (1) 
the Theophany ; (2) the Purification ; (3) the 
Annunciation, formerly celebrated in the octave 
of the Nativity, on the fifth day ; (4) the Nativity ; 
(5) the Presentation ; (6) the Conception. The 
Nativity of the V^irgin was introduced among the 
Armenians in the 13th cent. ; the Presentation 
and Conception are of a still later date (18th 
cent.). The Theophany was originally always 
celebrated on a Sunday ; it was only in later 
times that it was fixed for the 6th of January. 

The Armenian Church distributes the various 
feasts according to the days of the week. All the 
Sundays are consecrated to the Resurrection. 
Every Friday is sacred to the Crucifixion ; fasting 
or very sparing diet is the rule on that day, and 
hymns of penitence are sung at service. A 
Dominical Feast may be held on a Friday ; a 
Saint's Feast cannot take place either on a Sunday 
or on a F'riday. Weihiesdays, like Fridays, are given 
up to fasting and works of penitence ; Wednesday, 
being consi(lered the day on which the Annuncia- 
tion took place, became the Feast of the Incarna- 
tion. The same rules, therefore, bind Friday and 
Wednesday ; and no Saint's F'east can take place 
on Sunday, Wednesday, or Friday. 

The F'easts of the Saints then may be celebrated 
only on Monday, Tuesday, Thursday, orSaturday ; 
and, even on these days secured to them, they have 
to give place to a Dominical or a fast-day 
falling on the same date. The Feasts of Saints 
falling on a Monday, Tuesday, or Thursday may 
be changed into Dominical F'easts or into days of 
fasting ; those falling on a Saturday cannot be 
changed except into a Dominical Feast. There 
are about 125 days in the year on which the F'easts 
of the Saints may be celebrated, and the Armenian 
Church has also thought fit to group the memorials 
of several saints on one day. 

The Dominical Feasts comprise all those con- 
nected with the Incarnation, the feasts of the Virgin, 
of the Holy Cross, and of the Church. These 
feasts have their own special hymns. The F"'easts 
of the Saints are more simple, only some of them 
having special hymns ; for the others, hymns are 
borrowed from the services of the Apostles or 
prophets, etc. On fast-days the hymns, psalms, 
and spiritual songs have a penitential tone. 

The Easter Feast has a variability of 35 days 
(from 22nd March to 25th April), and there is 
accordingly a period in the liturgical j'ear whose 
variaVjility is determined by that of Easter. This 
period is divided into two parts : the days before 
and the days after Easter. The Armenians count 
back ten weeks from Easter Sunday, and fix for 
the tenth Sunday before Easter the day of Arad- 
javor, the beginning of their Paschal period. The 
second part contains fourteen weeks, seven from 
F.aster to Pentecost, and seven from Pentecost to 
the Transfiguration (=Vordni^ar, the Feast of 

CALENDAR (Babylonian) 


Hoses). This I'asclial period of 2-i weeks muy lii'};iii 
at any date lietween Illh January and lotU Keliru- 
ary, and end lietween 2.Stli June and 1st August. 

The following are the prescriptions of the Armenian Church 
for titc celehration of the Assumption of the Virgin and the 
Exaltation of the Cross. 

If 15th AuL'ust and 11th September fall on a Sunday, these 
feasts are held on those <lay3. If 15th August and 14tli Sep- 
temher do not fall on a Sunday, they are celebrated on the 
.Sundays nearest the dates in question. The Feast of the 
Assumption may fall on any daj' from the 12th to the 18th of 
August, and is preceded by a week of fasting, beginning on the 
preceding Monday. The Veast of the Exaltation of the Cross 
may fall between' the Utii and the 17th of September. The 
period of Advent begins on the nearest Sunday to 18th 
November, and lasts on to the Theophany (see Tondini de 
Quarenghi, op. cit. infra, passitn), 

LiTFU.\TiiRK. — Fr^ret, * De I'annde amnin., ou Suite des 
observations sur I'ann^e vague dee Pcrses,' in MAIIIL xix. 
[1753J pp. 85-114; E. Dulaurier, Uistoire, dogmes, traditions 
et titurgie de I'^gtise arriu^n. orientate ~, Paris, 1857, and lie- 
cherehes srtr la ckrmiol. arinin. technique et historigue, vpj. i. 
'Chronologie technique,' Paris, 1859; von Gutschmid, ' Uber 
das iranische Jahr,' Leipzig, 1862, in Berichte der sdchsischen 
Geseltschttft der Wisseiischt^len, xiv. 1-9 ; Dashian, Catal. dcr 
armen. Uandschriftcn in der Mechitharisten Bibliothek zti 
Wien, Vienna, 1893, s.o. 'Kalender'; Kiwleserean, Vartihed 
Babgen Dz., Joahovourdin Tonatsoytse, Constantinople, 1901 
(in .\rmenian) ; Lalayan, ' Tlie District of Borchala. . . . The 
saints, fasts, and festivals not mentioned in the calen<lar. 
Pilgrimages. Popular magic. Superstitions. Festivals' in 
Azjagrnhan llandes, Tiriis, 1903, x. 112-268 (in ; 
F. C. Conybeare, IMmde Armenorum, Oxford, 1905 ; Tondini 
de Quarenglii, Barnabite, (:tude sur le calendr. liturg. itc In 
nati4/n aruun., aire If caf-ndr. arrn^. de 1907, d'apri's If 
'Tonatzouytz' du ca'lf.' N ,,. "n d'Erivan (1774), Kome, 
1906 [from'iVssarioii.', /: ' -/i orte)i(oK, xc.-xcii.) ; L. 

H. Gray, ' On certain ^ i i ^i- 1 Vitnenian Month-Names as 
influenced bytheAv.-ii ,; iil.'. iii JAOS xxv'm. [1007J pt. 
2, pp. 331-344 ; J. Marquart, ' Untersuchung zur Geschichte 
von Eran (ii.),' in Philologxts, Supplementary vol. x., Leipzig, 
1907, p. 198 f. ; F. Macler, Calat. des mamtscrits annin. et 
giorg. de la Bibliolh. nationate, Paris, 1903, Nos. 250-266. The 
author is further indebted for oral information gained from 
Galust Ter Jlkrttschian at Etchmiadzin, in September 1909 ; and 
from Seraphin Abdullah, Mechitharist at Venice, at Asniferes 
(Seine), in November 1909. FR^OfiRIC MaCLER. 

CALENDAR (Babylonian). — It is coming to be 
more and more clearly recognized that the Baby- 
lonian festivals and the rites connected with them 
are related in the most intimate way w'ith the 
calendar, which, again, is as old as civilizaticm 
it-self. As the ancient Egyptians had already 
fixed upon a year of 360 days, dividing it into 
three seasons of four months each, and as the 
actual source of tliis computation was Babylonia, 
it is clear that the cycle of 3G0, representing the 
earliest attempt to make an adjustment between 
the lunar year of 354 days and the solar year of 
365J ilays, goes back to a very remote antiquity. 
' Twelve are the months of the year ; six sosses 
{i.e. 6x60 = 360) are the days of the measure of the 
year's begiiming' — so runs the well-known and 
frequently cited passage in IF.fl/ iii. 52, 37, Avhich 
reproduces an Assyr. copy of the early Bab. work 
on astrology known as hyiu-ma Bel. The Egyp- 
tians and the Babylonians, in fact, differed only in 
their methods of interr.alation, which the abeiTation 
from the true solar year soon rendered necessary : 
the Egyptians inserted the five so-called epago- 
men(B at the end of every year, while the Baby- 
lonians intercalated a wliole month every fifth 
or sixth year, as required ; or, in districts wliere 
the lunar year of 354 d.ays |)revailed — a.s, c.i;., the 
city of Ur — every second (jr third year. In reality, 
therefore, the Egyptians li;ul a year of 365 days, 
retaining the older tradition of 360 days only by 
marking oil" the intercalary five as epagomcmi: 
dedicated to special deities. Even tliis increment 
was in time found to be inadequate, the de- 
ficiency amounting to one day in four years, or, 
otherwise, to a month in 120 years, and a quarter 
of a year in 360; and accordingly we find, as far 
back as the period of the Old Kmpire, a further 
trorrection in the so-called Sothis or Sirius yijar 
(.1461 common years=1460 stellar years). We 

cannot s.-iy whether the Babylonians had recourse 
to any such astronomical method of adjustment, 
but it is possible that the 'year of tlie great red 
s<'rpcnt' (mentioned but once, in a te,\t dating 
from c. 2000 B.C., Cnn. Texts, xxii. 48, lino 5), 
with its train of over a dozen — originally per- 
hap.s nineteen — names of animals, may refer to 
an intercalary cycle recognized in the period of 
the kings of Ni.sin. 

The earliest Bab. calendar know-n to us shows a 
remarkable combination of purely agricultural 
operations and religious festivals, the calendar of 
the husbandman being thus interwoven with that 
of the priest. This consists of the names of months 
occurring in the temple archives found at Telloh, 
and dating from the period anterior to Sargon (i.e. 
the time of the patcsis Lugal-anda and Uru-ka- 
gi-na, c. 3000 B.C., or even earlier). H. de 
GenouUlac (TablMes sumer. arch. p. xx, note 3) 
has essayed to^jo the names as follows : 

1. Month of the festi\.il '■; lii.' l li'^^s Ba'u (subsequently 

Tishri, i.e. fhe l)./-ii.i!iii- nl ;. .mun). 

2. Month of the .«-i'.;-' f^ i i IVI.L-th). 

3. „ till .1 /' . ' m/-i(« lestival(Shebat). 

4. ,, 11. " festival ('corn-reaping ': Adar), 
mth till ■. '■'' '/;''j-6a and Gtir-MH-dii-a (written 
■gab-a), Iii ' Ari ii i inngto the apportionment of the 

5. Month of Se-illa OJt. 'corn-lifting,' possibly 'winnowing' : 

Nisan), with the variants ' Lti-ku-he-a-iUa of the god Nin- 
Girsu,' ' Lu-ku-ie-a-illa of the goddess Is-khanna' i, and 

6. Month of the festival Se-ku (' corn-eating ') of the goddess 


7. Month of the festival Gud-du-hil-sar-a of the goddess I§- 

khanna (lyyar)". 

8. Month of the festival of the god Bil-dAr. 

10. ,, the festival Z>n)i-A:ii (' corn-eating ') of Nin-GiiBu. 

11. ,, the festival of the corn-eating of Nin-Girsu. 

12. ,, the festival Dlm-ku of the goddess Is-khanna. 
To these, however, must be adiled a few namea 
which have not been identified, viz. : 

Month Mal-lu-iiv (meaning unknown). 

Month of the god Lwjat-uru-ki (' king of the city '), or Lugal- 

Month Si-nam-um-ni-ba-duru-ha-a (meaning unknownX 
One of these three would, no doubt, supply the 
name of the missing ninth month. 

Tablets of a date slightly later, i.e. the period of 
the earlier Sargon of Agade (Akkad), furnish us 
with the following series, side by side with which 
we place the closely related series found in talilets 
dating from the times of the kings of Ur : 
S.utaos. Ur. 

1 or 7. Month of Gan-maS. 2. Month of Gan-inas. 

2 or 8. ,, Gud'dic-bil- 3. ,, Gud-du-bil-sar- 

sar-sar. sar. 

3 or 9. Month of the god iJi^ 4. Month of the festival of the 

ddr. god Bit-dar. 

4 or 10. Month of Su-numun 5. Month of Su-numun (the 

(' sowint^'). later Taramuz). 

5 or 11. Month of Se-dim-ki'i. 6. Month of Dim-ku. 

Cor 12. ,, thegodTiir- 7. ,, the festival of the 

zt(Tammuz). goATur-n. 

(7r=intercalary month. 8. Month of the festival of the 
deified Ihmgi. 

7 or 1. Month of the festival 9. Month of the festival of the 

of the goddess Ba'u. goddess Ba'u. 

8 or 2. Month of Mu-Su-du.^ 10. .Ilonth of Mu-sii-du.3 

9 or 3. ,, Mcs-en-du- 


10 or 4. Month of the festival 11. „ Amar-a-si. 

A )iutr-a-si. 

11 or 6. Month of Se-ie-kin-a. 12. „ Se-kin-kud * (the 

later Adar). 

12 or 6. ,, the festival I. Month of Se-ilta. 

The comparison of these lists is most instructive. 
While the meaning of the Sumerian names is in 
many cases obscure, the fact that in the Sargon 
list the intercalary month is placed after Tammuz 
(the later Elfil) makes it clear that in this calendar 

1 The goddess whose name is formed by the ideogram ab (or 
ei) and the inscribed symbol kha ; in the period of Hammurabi 
it occurs in the phonetic fonn li-kha-ra, and is commonly, 
though wrongly, transcribed Sina, as the goddess was also the 
deity of the later town Ninua. 

'^ Written Mu^iH-gab. 3 Written Mti-iA-ul. 

4 aide by side with this we also And a month Dir- se-kin-kud, 
i.e. the later We-Adar, or 2nd Adar (intercalary). 


CALENDAR (Babylonian) 

the year began in autumn, and tliat, accorilinj;ly, 
the festival of the New Year was observed on the 
1st of Tisliri, the montli of ' the festival of Ba'u.' 
We see, moreover, that in course of time the month 
associated with the new festival of the deilied king 
Dungi took the place of the intercalary month (the 
su-eallc(l secon(l Eliil). A further modification, 
however, must have been introduced at the same 
time, as the new month of the ' Dungi-festival ' 
lost its intercalary signilicance, while, coincidently, 
the New Year festival was transferred to the lirst 
day of Se-illa, as fijllows indirectly from the fact 
that a second l!>c-!{i)i-/:!ii/ now makes its appearance 
as an intercalary mouth, thus lixing, of course, the 
end of the year. This modification also explains 
why the month of Mes-cn-du-Sc-a-na simply drops 
out, thus making Aiiiar-a-si follow immediately 
upon Mu-lu-di'i. 

It is unfortunate that the inscriptions of Gudea, 
which we must refer to a period shortly before the 
rise of the dynasty of Ur, supply only two names 
of months, viz., the 'festival of Ban,' or 'New 
Year ' (Statue G, iii. of. = E, v. 1 f.), and ' temple- 
month,' following immediately thereafter ; but 
with the help of the partially mutilated thii-d 
series of the calendar K. 104 (WAI v. 43) we can 
so far restore the calendar of Gudea, thus : 

1. Festival of £a'u =Tishri (Autunm). 

2. Temple-month =Arakhsamna. 

3. (unknown) — Kislev. 

4. „ =Tebeth. 
6. Singa-mi^ =Shebat. 

6. Me-e-ki-gal =Adar. ' 

7. (unknown) =Nisan (Spring). 

8. Gud-bil-sar-sar =Iyyar. 

9. Festival of the goddess Nin-DAR 2= S'ivan. 

10. Shti-numun-na =Tammuz. 

11. Fesliv.ilof [G«-d«.']-a =Ab. 

12. Ki-sig (fyBa'u =Elul. 

The following list (in Radau, Earbj Bab. Hist. 
p. 299) also dates from the period of the dynasty 
of Ur : 

1. Montli of Se-kin-Tiud (' corn-reaping ' ; the later Adar). 

2. ,, Mai-azag-kit (cf. Gail-mas'^). 

3. „ Z)?i/i-drt-iu ('eating of the bznidd fruit'). 

4. ,, Kha-ai-bU-khu-ku, C e!>.\An% of the Khu-si-bil 

6. „ .ffi-sip(?)-.yin-a-zw ('mourning for Nin-a-zu'). 
t>. , , Isin-Nin-a-zu (' festival of the god Nin-a-zu '). 

(1) 7. ,, A-ki-ii{' new year'), 

(2) 8. ,, /s!n-/)i«iji ('festival of Dungi'). 

(3) 9. „ S;iii-///-s/ia(' third month'). 
(4)10. „ y.'im-mai-AC sublime festival') 
(5)11. „ /sm-nn-noC festival of ears '[?]). 
(6) 12. „ Isin-.Mc-ki-gdi, 

This series clearly bears a close relationship to 
that which we have re-constructed for Gudea's 
time. It certainly begins the year with the montli 
of Se-kin-kud (beginning of spring), but it still 
calls the seventh montli 'new year,' and also 
retains Me-ki-gdl as the last month of the autumn 
half-year, precisely as does the list of Gudea ; and, 
as it embraces a festival of Dungi, it cannot have 
been redacted before the deification of that monarch 
(in the thirty-seventh year of his reign). 

Although the various series of months given 
above are drawn from documents discovered in the 
ruins of Telloh, and must accordingly have been in 
use in the kingdom of Sirgulla or Girsu in parti- 
cular, yet in these lists, dating from the period 
anterior to Sargon till tliat of the kings of Ur, a 
considerable degree of diversity presents itself. 
Lists current in other districts would of course 
show a still greater diversity. Thus in Nippur, 
for instance, as is shown by the documents of the 
University of Pennsylvania about to be published 
by P. Engelbert Huber, there was, in the period of 
the kings of Ur, a diU'erent set of names in use, 
viz., the Sumerian designations recognized through- 
1 Incorrectly transcribed from Se-kin-kud or from Se-illaf 
» As V. Eawl. 43 gives the form Nin-DAR-na (nith the pro- 
longation -na\ the name of this god, who is mentioned in the 
inscriptions of Ciudea as the consort of Ig-khanna, would pro- 
liably be more accurately- transcribed Nin-gun-na. 

out Babylonia from the days of yammurabi till 
the late IJab. jieriod (and also in'ria) ; which 
designations, however, were generally read as 
Semitic, and accordingly had at a later date simply 
the value of so-called ideograms. This Sumerian 
group current in Nippur at that early date is as 
follows (we give in a second column the usual 
Semitic renderings which subsequently came into 
use, and which, as is well know n, were adopted by 
the Jews during the Exile, and are retained to this 
day in the .Jewish calendar) : 

Bdr, Rdr-l)dr-garra, Bdr-zag-garra ('New 

Year's montli ') Nisan. 

Gvd-si, Gud-si-sv(-ga) ('direction of the 

ox') lyyar. 

Shig-fra, Shig-a-A-ga-se-ga (' month of 

bricks') Sivan. 

Sh7i-nu7nu7i-a ('month of sowing, seed- 
month") Tanimuz. 

BU-bU-gaTy Bil-bi-gar (' month of fire- 
making') . 5b. 

Ein, Ein-Ishtar ('work, or mission of 

Ishtar') Elul. 

Dui, Dut-azagga (,' ssicred hill') . . . Tisliri. 
Gish-apin-du-a, Apin-du-a ('plough-till- 
age ') Marchesvan. 

Gan-gan, Gan-gan-ud-du (' coming forth of 

the clouds 'PJ) Kislev. 

Ab-pa-ttd-du, Ab-ud-du ('coming forth of 

the flood ') "Tebeth. 

Ash-a ('curse of water*) or simply Ash 

('curse') Shebat. 

Se-kin-kud (' grain-harvest ') . . . Adar. 
(Virig-Se-kin-Kud, Se-kin-kitd Il-kam-nm , Intercalary 
Adar.) ' 
The names of the Sumerian list recur commonly 
in contracts and letters dating from the Hammur- 
abi dynasty, and are thenceforward found in the 
following lixed forms : 

Bdr-zag-gar, Gud-si-nd, Shig-a, Shu-numun-na, Bil-bil-gar^ 
Kin-Ishtar, Dul-azag, Apin-dic-a (or Gish-apln-diL-a), Gan- 
gan-ud-du (subsequently Gan-gan-na always, but Gan-gan-ud- 
du as late as the K.assite period), Ab-Tid-du, Ash-a (subsequently 
Ash-a-an was common), She-kin-kud ; 2 in the Assyr. and later 
Bab. period, however, the names were generally written in an 
abbreviated form, thus: Bdr (or Bdr-azag), Gud, Slug, Shiif 
Bit, etc. 

From the period of the Hammurabi dynasty 
onwards, however, we note the important fact that, 
besides the Sumerian names enumerated above, 
their Semitic renderings are occasionally met with, 
but not always the same designations as in later 

Thus we have Arakh Rabitti (month of the ' great ' gods Ann 
and En-lil) for Bdr-zag-gar {^nhsequentXy Xisan) ; Arakh Ayari 
for Gud-si-sd (=Iyyivr); Arakh She-wa-[_num], and probably 
also Khumtu, for Shig-a ( = Sivan); Arakh ?^r.2i (=month of 
Tammuz) for Shii-numun-na (='rammuz, or Du'uz) ; Arakh 
miunu And Arakh Eltdi for Kin-Ishtar (subsequentlv Ululu = 
Elul) ; Arakh Sibiiti (month of the Seven Stars or Pleiades) for 
^t:-kin-k\td Oater Adaru); as also Tiru, KinHnu ('brazier,' 
probably = Kislev), Nabri, Samiuti (with the variant SA«rfM(i'), 
Mamiti (=febeth [?]) and 'festival of Eamman' (=Shebat>-- 
desiguations not yet precisely identified. 

The usual Semitic series of names (K. 85'21) 
seems to have become permanently established in 
the days of the Kassite period, and in the Assyr. 
age. We give it here, together with the names of 
the corresponding month-deities (K. 2049-1-129 = 

Xisannu (Nisan) Anu and En-lil. 

Aim (iyy") Ea as the ' lord of mankind.' 

Simatniu (Sivan) Sin (moon-god). 

Du'uzu (Tammuz) The 'hero' Nin-ib (=Tammuz, 

or the Sun of Spring). 
Abu (Ab) Nin-gish-zidda (fire-god). 

Uiulu (Eliil) Ishtar (the planet Venus). 

1 Along with these, as the writer is privately informed by 
Pater E. Huber, occur names — singly, it is true — with which we 
are already acquainted from the lists given above, such as 
A-ki-ti, Su-esh-sha, Isin-irtakh, l»in-an-na, Isin-i!e-ki-^J(U, 
Mash-azag-kti, Kul-da-kCi (cf. above Dun-da-kii or Shil-da^it)^ 
Isin-Nin-a-zu, i.e. eight names, elsewhere specifically vouched 
for only in Radau's list, together with a few otherwise unknown 
designations, such as Azag-shim^ Sha-sir-a-s/te-de-a-sar, Mi-du- 
du (or Mi-ush-ttsh [?]). 

3 We find, further, in this period a month called Si-a-ga 
(perhaps also Isin-a-ga\ which should probably be identified 
with the 5AJ3-o-^-(7a-«e-(70 (hence a variant of Shig = Sivan) oi 
the Nippur list ; also a month called 5/i»-(/rtj- ^i-na ( = Tiru [?J ; 
cf. S/lu.i;or-ji = (iiiTi(). 

CALENDAR (Babylonian) 


TishrUu (Tishri) Shamash, the Micro.' 

Artikh-stiinna (.Mur.-licsvan) Mai-duk (the planet JuppiLer). 
Kisithnu (Kislcv) Nergal (the planet Satin-n). 

^'ebllu (Tebetli) Papsukal (messenger of Ann :iiul 

Shahatu (Sliel)al) Kaninian (slorm-god). 

Addara (Adar)' Seven.goil. 

Intercalary A<Iar Assur, father of the ^'ods.i 

The etymolofiy of tliesc Semitic names i:s laiuli 
more obscure than that of tlie currespondin^' 
Sumeriaii desifjnations, which are for the most 
part (luite intelligible. Nlsaii seems originally to 
have meant 'intercalary month';'' Airu, 'the 
month of blossom or sprouting ' ; Addarv. is per- 
haps the 'dark' or 'gloomy' month, and Kisilliiui 
probably comes from the name of the river-goddess 
Ka-silim ; a dehnite origin can be assigned only to 
Du'uzu (=Tammuz) and Arakh-samna, ' montli of 
the numeral eight.' 

It is obvious that the basis of this official Bab. 
calendar, more especially of its Sumerian termin- 
ology, is formed by the conception of a mythical 
world-year, which also dimly appears in the list of 
ten patriarchs given by Berosus and the Book of 
Genesis (before the Deluge). The lirst two months, 
viz. that of the ' Divine throne of destiny ' (Bdr- 
zag-gar) and the Ox-month (Gud-si-sd), belong to 
the highest triad of gods, and also to the first man, 
as being the creation of Ea (cf. in Berosus, Aloros 
[=Aruru], who creates man ; ^ (/«paffo.j, the Divine 
mediator or X(J7os ; Amelon = amchi, 'man'). Then 
follow seven months assigned severally to the 
planets, as also to the zodiacal signs from Gemini 
to Sagittarius, viz. Slcan, ' brick-month,' or the 
month of tlie heavenly twins Sin and Nergal, and 
of the building of the first city (cf. Gn 4") ; Tam- 
muz (Cancer) ; Ah (month of the ' descent of fire,' 
in the period of the Assyr. king Sargon ; cf. the 
Siimer. designation 'fire-month' and the name of 
the sixth Heb. patriarch 'I-yarad, ' lire came 
down,' abbreviated Yarcd) ; Eiiil (Ishtar, the 
Virgo of the zodiac) ; Tishri (Dul-azag, the ' sacred 
mount,' i.e. the altar of incense formed like a 
terraced tower in the sky near Libra) ; Arakh- 
samna (Scorpio ; as regards ' plough-month,' cf. 
the Sumer. lam, 'plough,' and Lamech, the name 
of the corresponding Heb. patriarch), and Kislcv 
(the ' clouds ' of which foreshadow the Deluge). 
Moreover, just as in Genesis the Deluge takes 
place in connexion with Noah, so the next two 
months in this calendar, viz. Tcbeth and Shchat 
(Sumer. 'coming of the flood' and 'curse of rain,' 
respectively, and, in the zodiac, Capricomus and 
Aquarius, the watery region of the sky), carry an 
unmistakable reference to the Deluge, while tin; 
future burning of the world is symbolized by the 
last month, Adar (Pisces, but in Bab. astronomy, 
also ' lighthouse' or Pharos).' These cosmological 
ideas must, therefore, have been stamped upon the 
calendar system not later than the age of the kings 
of Ur. 

Besides the Semitic names of the months already 
specified, there must have been other Semitic 
systems of nomenclature, of which, unfortunately, 
only a few isolated examples have come down to 
us. Thus we find, as far back as the days of the 
Ur dynasty, a month called Dapitam (sometimes 
Daiji), which was perhaps identical with the Sumer. 

1 The .lasij^nintj of the intercalary month to the supreme deity 
of Assyria shows that the Assyr. calendar likewise ia of Bab. 

2 Cf. the Arab, nasa'a, ' to mtercalate a month.' This deriva- 
tion would suggest that at an earlier period the year began with 
Airu, the 'coronation.month' of the Assyrian kings; and, in 
point of fact, the inscriptions bear witness to a 'second Nisan,' 
i.e. an intercalary Nisan. 

3 To the constellation Pisces corresponds the ' great mountain ' 
of Zee 4', which in Rev 8^ is actually called opos /le'ya irvpl 
Kaiofifvov ; quite close to it, in Aries, stands what in Zee -l- is 
called the menOrah, and in Uev 8^ jrvp. The * mountain ' wliierh 
Bel dimbs with shouts ( WA I iv. 11, 41a) is depicted on the Bab. 
seal-cylinders in storey-fonn. 

Bil-lal { = daljdti ; po.ssibly we have here the origin 
of the later Tebelli). Krom .Mesopotamia, again, 
in the period of Hammurabi, comes the name 
Biriz-zarru (from Birid-sarrii, 'hostile coldness' 
[?]). The Assyrians, too, were aeijuainteil with 
tlic usual 8i;miti(t ajipullations, hut also used names 
like KId'har, Kiixallu ( = Sivan), Taiiikhirii, or 
Tnmtiru (?), the last of wliich would mean ' rain- 
month ' ( = Tebeth), Pit-bAbi, 'opening of the gate,' 
probably some religious ceremony ( = Tamnmz), 
Mukhur-ildni (as early as Hadad-nirari I.), and 
others fouiui in the so-called Cajipadocian tablets 
discussed by Goleschineif and Delitzsch. It is 
therefore interesting to note the list in V. Kawl. 
43, which, though a mere fragment, originally 
contained three scries of names, for the most part 
purely Semitic : 

Sivan ; Apimim Shii-'i-cburi Kusalli. 

Tainmuz : Apal Pitc-b&bi Altandtt. 

Elul: Zargatum {^. n]n)) lT]irrdti. 

Tishri: Ln!uh,! Liki[ta]ti. 

Shebat : Ibtdzu SiUlui 

Adar : Khitl-dubba-uddu 1 Isiii-Me-ki-tjdl Karddti. 

The second group .seems to liave been current 
especially among the Semitic inhabitants of Elam ; 
for, according to ScheU, MCmoire.i, x. 19, Semitic 
contract tablets from Elam of the early Babylonian 
age furnish the following inijiMi i.mi ^Ties : 
Tishri: the month of /..^ ' i m. 

Arakh-samna: ,, ,, i'/'. ' i ::■ ploughing of 

lii.slev: „ „ Rl„'iki,u.m.',:iii'nu. 

Tebeth: „ „ TaiiMiirum (i-f. the As.syrian 

month MuklmiUdiil). 
Shcba^: „ „ ZiUVdum:' 

Adar: ,, „ £At7-i/t-6'Ae-fc//i-i-(/rf (' ear-harvest 

of the field of God'), and 

Nisan: „ „ Sh.erkhum-fikc-kin-kud-a. 

lyyar : ,, ,, E/iart^hubmm(ctkharshu,'la.nd- 

cultivation ' [V]). 
Sivan: „ „ Lakhkhumi^i). 

'rannnuz : ,, ,, Datunn^i). 

Ab : ,, ,, Ahum. 

umi : „ ,, EKUi. 

A dislocation to the extent of one month, intro- 
duced into Elam probably at a later period, is 
indicated by an isolated reference in II. Kawl. 49, 
No. 1, col. 1,2: ' the month i'(4c-Oiai7-;/«)- (Nisan) 
= the month Gud (lyyar) in Elam.' Another 
Elamite name, 7ir^'-M«/ (' sheep-month '[?] ; cf. the 
name of the Elamite deity Lakliurat-il = liuk- 
huralir), is mentioned in Scheil, op. cit. ix. 32, as 
occurring in documents of tlic 6th and 7th cents. 
B.C., which elsewhere make use of the ordinary 
abbreviated Bab. ideograms. As every month but 
Tishri has been traced in these, Scheil is probably 
correct in supposing that Ra-khal was an Elamite 
name for it. It is also possible that the twelve 
Elamite gods enumerated by Ashurbaiiipal im- 
mediately after the seven deities worslii|i]ied by 
the kings, i.e. the planetary deities, were originally 
gods of the months. The twelve are as follows : 
liagiba (cf. the Arab, spring-month liiijab), Sunu- 
gur.sara ('the great king'), Karsa, Kir.samas, 
Shud.inu, Aipak-sina, Bilala, Paningirri (rather 
than Panintimri), Silagara, Nabsa, Nabirtu, and 
Kiiulakarbu. The list is a milnnrie of Semitic 
(Ilagib, Shudfmu, Bilala, Nabsa, Nabirtu) ami 
native Elamite names. 

We have thus seen that in Babylonia the 
nomenclature of the months varied accoriling to 
period and locality, and that eventually that 
particular system which is first attested by 
documents from Nippur in the ago of the kings of 
Ur superseded all the others. The two great 
divisions of the year began respectively in spring 
(previous to 30110 B.C., in the sign of Gemini ; from 
1 This name is transmitted in Sumerian only ; KhiU-dubba is 
a frequently mentioned tool of worship. 

- Ine.\act spelling of SilUitum ; in the Gilganicsh epic (Song C), 
Sititi is the name applied to the mother of the liorse that Ishtar 
loved, i.e. probalily the a.stronomical Pegasus iiSUilUu is there- 
fore the plur. majest. for Pegasus). 


CALENDAR (Babylonian) 

3000 to 1000 l).c. in Taurus; from 1000 i!.C. in 
Aries), and in aiitunin (Sagitlarius, Scorjiio, and 
Libra, lor curn'siKindin^ periods). At tirst the year 
it-self ndj;ht bo^'in either in spring or in autumn, 
but in no h)n.i,' time there arose tlic reeu^'nition of 
a deliuite dale for its eommuniement, viz. either 
in Nisau or iu Tisliri, with a seeond Adar or second 
Elul as intercalary, according to period and 
locality. It may well be the that the practice 
of beginning the year with autumn was a Chal- 
da.'an one, thus covering Ur, Girsu, and the region 
east of tile Tigris, ami that the beginning with 
spring belonged to Babylonia proper — Nippur, 
Uabylon, ete. While it was the custom under 
Hammurabi to intercalate a second Elul, we lind 
that uiuler his successors the intercalation of a 
second Adar already prevailed ; in the reign of 
Abeshua, in fact, we have one instance of an 
intercalary Nisaii, with which should be compared 
the hemerology in K. 2514 + 4101, as also the sug- 
gestion already made, that at one time the year 
began with lyyar. Perhaps this was actually the 
early Assyr. practice. 

Similarly it is probable that the observance of a 
lunar year of 354 days, with months of 30 and 29 
days alternately, and with an intercalary month 
every 2nd or 3rd year, was of Chald;ean origin, 
whereas the year of 360 days may be hypothetically 
assigned to Babylonia (see above). As a matter of 
fact, the temple archives of Telloh, dating from 
the period of the kings of Ur, suggest in all 
probability an intercalary cycle of 19 years, the 
additional month being introduced in the third 
year four times successively, and in the second 
year three times successively. Thus, e.g., the 
intercalary year synchronized with the 28th and 
31st years of king Dungi, and likewise with his 
42nd, 44tli, and ])robably his 46th year ; as also 
with the 3rd, 5th (7th), and 9th years of Gimil-Sin ; 
so that during the intermediate reign of Btlr-Sin 
the intercalation would fall in his 3rd, 6th, and 
9th years (cf. L. Messerschmidt's list in A. 
Jei"emias, Das Alter der bab. Astr.^, Leipzig, 1909, 
p. 88 f.). 

In regard to the week, we find a similar contrast 
between the practice in Chaldafa, i.e. among the 
nomadic and West Semitic tribes, and that of the 
Bab. state religion, in which the worship, not of 
the moon, but of Shamash and Marduk, was the 
dominant factor. As has been ingeniously argued 
by Sayce — with the independent support of 
Winckler and Jensen — from early Assyr. contract 
tablets found in Cappadocia, the most ancient 
division of the month was into weeks of five days, 
the year accordingly having 72 weeks (which pre- 
supposes, moreover, a year of 360 instead of 354 
days), as was also the case in ancient Egypt, where 
a week of ten days — originally, no doubt, a double- 
week of 2 X 5 days — was recognized (for other 
instances of the five-day week in Africa, Java, 
and Sumatra, see p. 64"). In the hemerologies of 
the library of Ashurbanipal, however, in which 
apparently every month consisted of 30 days,' we 
find entries from a Chaldaean calendar with months 
of 30 and 29 days, according to which new moon 
fell on the 1st day of the 1st month and of alternate 
months thereafter, while a penitential day of some 
kind was observed on the 7th, 14th, 21st, and 2Sth 
days of the 1st month, and on the [5th, 12th, and] 
19tb of the 2nd month, and so on throughout the 
year ; here, therefore, we have quite plainly a week 
1 The complete series consisted of fifteen tablets. Of these, 
Nos. 2 (II Nisan), 4 (Sivan), 8 (II Eiai), 10 (Marchesvan), 12 
CTebeth), 13 (Shebat) and IB (II Adar) have survived, in full 
or in part ; but only tablets 8 and 10 have been published ( WA 1 
iv.2 32, 33). From the variants furnished by Pinches we may 
infer that all the tablets contained appro.\imately the same 
festivals. The name of the series was Inbu (the moon-god as 
•fruit' that frrows of itself [cf. WAI iv. 9. 22]) ba-arftim (i.e. as 
'lord of the mouth'). 

of 7 days.' A like result follows from the <livision 
given in K. 170 (C«h. TcxI.i,xw. 50), viz., 1st day, new 
moon ; 7tli day, moon as a kidney, i.e. half-moon ; 
15th day, full moon (elsewhere slutbadta ; Old Egyp. 
siii<l-t), and from the Creation epic, 5, 1511'.° 

According to this hemerology, the festivals obser- 
ved every month — apart from the specifically Clial- 
da'an festivals already named — were as follows : — 

The Nuhattu, or 'nuptial couch' of the god 
Marduk of Babylon and his consort Snrpanit (cf. 
Asurb. ix. 11), on the 3rd, 7th, and 16th days, and 
on the following days (the 4th, 8th, and 17th) the 
Ab-ab or EiSciu festival of the god Nebo. 

On the 1st, 2nd, 13th, 15th and 16th, ISth and 19th, 
20th and 21st and the 22nd days, sacrifices to the 
gods Shamash, Belit-matati ('mistress of lands'), 
Sin and Makh (i.e. Rftbatu, ' the exalted'), and to 
Sin and Makh only, on the 29th. 

The Se-gar festival of En-lil and Nin-lil (cf. Asurb. 
i. 12) on the 12th, and the ' bright day,' the Se-gar 
f.istival of Sin and Shamash on the 20th. 

The festival of Shamash and Ramman (summer 
sun and winter sun) on the 23rd. 

The fe.stival of En-egal (' lord of the palace,' 
i.e. probably, of the under world) and of Nin-egal 
(' mistress of the palace ') on the 24th. 

The festival of the goddess Gui' as the consort of 
Nergal on the 27th ; this was associated with the 
imminent disappearance of the waning (or so-called 
Nergal) moon, as was also the Bubbulu (' to be 
borne or washed away ' ; cf. Heb. mabbul, ' the 
Flood ') of Nergal on the 2Sth. Sacrifices to Ea, the 
god of the watery region of the heavens, and his 
consort Makh, were also made on the 26th and 28th. 

That the majority of these festivals were of 
astral origin appears from their manifest connexion 
with the course of the moon ; from the fact that 
most of the sacrifices had to be oB'ered in the 
evening or by night ; and, finallj', from the explicit 
mention of the worship of the ' star of the waggon ' 
on the 10th and 25th of the month. 

The calendar in U'AI v. 48 refers not to festi- 
vals, but to the performance or omission of certain 
actions; we are told, e.g., that the 10th of lyyar 
and the 27th of Tamniuz are ' favourable for judg- 
ment' (or, 'for administering justice'), the 20th of 
lyyar is a time for ' killing a goose,' the 21st for 
' quarrels,' the 25th ' not to take a wife,' etc. 

There were also festivals, however, which were 
observed not every month, but in some particular 
month, thus resembling the great festivals of 
modern times. Chief among these was the New- 
Year festival (Zag-mug or Akitu), which was 
celebrated with great pomp from the 1st to the 
10th of Nisan : on the 8th jNIarduk came forth in 
solemn procession from his temple of E-sag-illa, to 
the house of prayer or sacrifice situated outside 
the city in order to celebrate his marriage \vith 
Sarpanit, returning thereafter fi-om the suburb of 
Shu-anna to Babylon on the 11th of Nisan (cf. 
Nebuchadn. ii. 57). In Sippar the corresponding 
festival of Shamash was held on the 7th of Nisan, 
and was repeated at the beginning of the second 
half-year, on the 7th of Tishri. 

On the 4th of lyyar was celebrated the marriage- 
feast of Nebo and his consort Tashmit (K. 501 = 
Harper, Letters, No. 113, and cf. above the Ab-ab 
festival), and on the 10th of lyyar there was in 
Sippar a festival of Shamash, with which the 
coronation festival in Assyria — the king being re- 
garded as the incarnation of the sun-god (cf. 20, 
number of Shamash and ideogram for king) — was 
perhaps connected. 

1 This required to be adjusted, however, by reckoning a week 
of ten days (from the 20l.h to the 29th) at the end of every 
second month. 

2 On the other hand, the week of five days is presupposed 
in WAI iii. .'..i, No. 3, lines 17-'20 : Ist-Sth'd.iv, new moon; 
UUi-lUth, kidney (half-moon) ; llth-16lh, full moon. 

CALENDAR (Babylonian) 

On tlie 17th of Sivan — tlie month of the nioon- 
god^the Akitic festival was held in Hairan, the 
ancient lunar city of Mesopotamia ; in Arbela, 
however, it fell on the 17th of Elul, tlie month of 
the p:oddess Islitar, who was greatlj' venerated in 
that city. A processional festival of the ' mistress 
of liahylon ' was held there on the 25lh of Sivan 
(Asiirb. viii. (Ui-lnO). 

On the 3rd of Tammuzthe gods of Erech returned 
from a procession at Eridu — a ceremonial undoubt- 
edly connected in some way with the ' death- 
niouniinf;s' (ki-hnd) hehl in that month on account 
of the summer lanjjuishinp; of Tamiruiz, thegod of 
sprin;,' and of vegetation (cf. Ezk S'^). In Ab, the 
month of the Sirius festival and of tlie zodiacal 
constellation Leo — the sacred beast of Ishtar — a 
great feast was celebrated in honour of that god- 
dess (Asurb. cylinder B. 5, 16), but it was 
presumably repeated in the following month, 
Elfil ('the corn -ears of Ishtar'), as we know to 
have been actually the case in Arbela (see above). 

Corresponding to the festival of Shamash in 
Sippar on the lOtli of lyyar, a sacrificial feast in 
honour of the sun-god was also observed in that 
city in the month of Marchesvan. This, however, 
took place on the 15th of the month — the precise 
date, therefore, on which Jeroboam instituted the 
festival of the two golden calves in Bethel (1 K 12''-), 
the calves being emblematic, at least in the first 
instance, of the waxing and waning moon, though 
the festival may have been intended simply to 
represent that of Sttkk6th (' Booths'), with a post- 
ponement from the 15th of Tishri to the same day 
of the following month. 

For the month of Kislev a special ephemeris in 
a late-Babylonian transcript has been preserved 
(Reisner, Ilymnen, 1896, No. vii. p. 144). With cer- 
tain days of this ninth or winter month, viz., the 
4th and 7th, 8th, 10th, 12th and I3th, 15th and 16th, 
22nd and 25th, and finally the 29th, this document 
a.ssociates certain temple-festivals in various cities; 
e.g. with the 4th, that of Marduk in E-Temen- 
an-ki (in Babylon), the Ishtar festival in DQr- 
Kurigalzu, and that of the 'mistress of NinS.' (in 
the district east of the Tigris) ; with the 15th that 
of Ash-kur in Sadirim. As the 29th is associated 
with the festival 'of the god Nergal' without 
indication of locality, — and therefore probably 
common to all Babylonia, — this function pre- 
sumalily represents the day of Nergal's death at 
the winter solstice ( IJec.) or 'the mourning 
for the death of En-me-sbarra.' 

In the month of Shebat, as we learn from Asurb. 
ii. 134, the city of Kalakh ohserved the festival of 
Ninib, the chief deity of Nineveh, and there was a 
.similar celebration in Elul, the month of Ishtar. 
According to the of month-gods in K. 
2049-1-129 (WAIiv.- 33 a, at the foot), Shebat was 
dedicated to Papsukal, the messenger {sitkaliu} of 
Ann and Ishtar — in reality a representation of 
Tammuz as a youth (cf. Bab. bdhu = ' child'), and 
thus a deity allied in character to Ninib. 

Finally, on the 15th of Adar a solemn sacrifice 
was offered to Shamash in the city of Sippar, as 
also on the 3rd of Elul, the corresponding month 
of the other half-year. Whether the Jewish feast 
of Purim, which was likewise observed on the 15th 
of Adar, was in any way connected with this 
Shamash festival still remains a matter for 
investigation. The celebration of the Jewish 
festival lasted from the 13th to the 15th of Adar, 
while on the 13tb of lyyar the Assyr. ejionyms 
entered njion ollice by pronouncing the wonls /)«;•« 
Asnr l[ri(bid af/rnru, 'as 1 cast the lot of Asnr 
and Hadail' (cf. the conjuncti<m of and 
Hadad everywhere else ; and with c/nrAnc cf. the 
Hell. gGral, 'lot,' probably an altered form of 
gOrar). In Est 3' the act of casting lots (ts = '^■liii) 

is manifestly associated with the accession and 
deposition (Nisan to Adar) of Hainan, the Persian 
grand vizier, i.e. the chief epimym : it would there- 
fore seem that the n.-ime of the feast takes its 
origin from this event. 

Hail ^^'■ .i siii;4lc complete calendar of the annual 
fes(i\,,|. (.li ir\cd in any of the more important 
ceiilir- ill \M.rsliip in B.abyloiiia or Chald;ra, .as, 
c.r/. , Mppur or Babylon, or again, Ur or Kridu, we 
(rould, of course, give a more exact description of 
the various festivals. Even as it is, however, the 
astral origin of most of the functions is quite 
unmistakable. We have here, accordingly, a fresh 
corroboration of the fact that amongst the people 
of the ancient East there was no such thing as an 
agricultural festival without a religious basis. 
The two interests were combined from the first, 
even amongst nomads, but most completely, of 
course, amongst tillers of the soil. 

In conclusion, .something remains to be said with 
regard to the probable origin of the Babylonian 
— or more precisely, perhaps, the Clialdajan ' — 
calendar. This problem is closely connected with 
that regarding the origin of the zodiac with its 
twelve divisions. The crux of the problem lies in 
the further question whether the Chaldreans had 
observed the phenomenon of precession, i.e. the 
advance of the equinoctial point by one zodiacal 
sign every 2160 (one-twelfth of 25920) years — a 
question undoubtedly to be answered in the 
affirmative. The list of monthly stars, with their 
relative degrees, given by Pinches in JliAS, 1900, 
pp. 573-5, shows clearly that the Babylonians, on 
the ground of early tradition, fixed the beginning of 
the zodiacal series at the eastern end of Gemini (cf. 
Hommel, Aufsiitze u. Abhandl., 1901, p. 4.59), and 
that accordingly their calendar must have origin- 
ated c. 5000 B.C. This is corroborated by the 
delineations carved upon boundary stones dating 
from the Kassite period, these being based npon an 
equatorial Eodiac beginning with the twin dragons. 
The figure corresponding to the latter — two heads 
of panthers or lions upon one neck — also plays an 
important part on the seai-cylinders, and some- 
times occurs in conjunction with the severed head 
of Adapa, the god of creation, of whose blood 
mankind was formed on the morning of creation 
(or at the beginning of the world). The .actual 
beginning of the world, however, which is anterior 
to the creation of man, was dated as far back as 
the period of Cancer, i.e. about 7000 B.C. ; and this 
ancient astrological tradition is also implied by the 
Egyptian zodiac found in Denderah (dating from 
the Roman imperial period, but of Chalda^an 
origin), which begins with Cancer. For 
in Cancer were situated the two contiguous 
dragons, one— that with the head of a lion — repre- 
senting TiAmat, the other — with the ^^^lture's 
iiead — Kingu, her consort. The dragon -with the 
lion's head, as a symbol of the beginning of the 
world, is found upon ancient seal-cylinders almost 
as freciuently as the t\vin-dragon with two heads 
upon one neck just alluded to. 

The "Taurus era [c. 3000-1000 B.C.), immediately 
succeeding that of (iemini, is indicated by a sketch 
frequently reproduced on seal-cylinders, that, 
namely, in which the hero Gilgamcs waters the 
wild-ox at the streams flowing from the vase 
bearing the young shoot — the treolet of Tammflz ; 
while the twin-heroes Gilgames and En-ki-kak 
(Eabani?), who are quite as frequently depicted 
together, point rather to the previous era. The 
shoot of Gilgames, ildnkkii (liarlier iidffkku, 

1 As Chaidira, i.e. the district to the west of the Euphrates, 
and perhaps einbracinj,' Knstorn Arabia, was the native soil of 
astrology, and thus, too, of the earliest knowledge of the st^rs, 
it is altogether likely that the ' JJabylonian ' calenflar has its 
origin in the same region, and not in Babylonia proper, which 
lies between the Euphrates and the Tigris. 


CALENDAR (Buddhist)-CALBNDAR (Celtic) 

Sumer. (fiS-a-am, i.e. ' trco of tlie ■\vatci' of the 
wild-ox '), the yipOiji of Prometheus, is not lofeneil 
to in the snrvivinp; fragments of the epic, but it is 
mentioned in tlie ancient Sumerian hymn of Nerval 
{Ciiii. Tcrtu, XV. 14, line 3,>). It is quite in keeping 
with this tliat we lind Gilgamos (Orion) with liis 
ship (Argo), the ]>ull, and tlie river Eridanus (cf. 
Eridu in ChaUhta ?) in close proximity to one 
another amoug the stars. 

The most ancient names of months so far iden- 
tified, viz. those current in the jieriod of L\ig!il- 
anda and the earlier Sargon, are not directly 
connected with the signs of the zodiac. The rela- 
tion is of a more indirect kind, inasmuch as the 
festivals of the gods (including, in particular, Niu- 
Girsu = Ninib, Ish-khanna, the Scorpion-goddess, 
Uildilr, and Ba'u, and also, even at that early date, 
Tur-zi = Tanimuz) are of astral origin. Neverthe- 
less, in the case of the Sumeriau series, traceable 
from the age of the kings of Ur and current till 
the later Bab. period — a series which must at one 
time have begun with the ox-month (Gud-sidi 
= lyyar ; cf. above, the Assyr. coronation festival, 
and the ancient practice of intercalating a month 
after Nisan instead of Adar) — the connexion with 
the zodiac is perfectly obvious. The reader should 
compare what has already been said (in dealing 
with the world-year) regarding the various names. 
The appellations Gud-sidi (Taurus), Brick-month 
(Gemini, and the building of the first city), the 
'I.shtar month' Elul, and the 'sacred hill' (the 
altar in the constellation Libra) are of them- 
selves quite sufficient to place the matter beyond 

LlTERAxrRE. — In addition to the works mentioned through- 
out the article, reference may be made to the following : F. 
Thureau-Dangin, ' Anciens noms de mois chaldeens,' in JA 
vii. 339-343 (cf. MAssi/r iv. 83 f., v. 73); H. Radau, Ear!y 
Babylonian History, 1900, pp. 287-307 ('The N.ames of the 
Months'), with the very fuU review by F. Thureau-Dangin in 
ZA XT. 409-412; C. H. W. Johns, 'The Amorite Calendar,' 
in ExpoHto-r, 7th ser. vol. i. (1906) pp. 123-132 (cf. also the 
present writer's Grundriss d^r Geogr. u. Gesch. des alten 
Orients, Munich, 1904, p. 221, note 1) ; H. Winckler, ' Himmel, 
Kalender, u. Mythus,' in AUor. Forsch. ii. (1900) 364-396, and 
' Astronomisches-mythologisches,' ib. iii. (1901) 179-211 ; F. X. 
Kugrler, 'Darlegungen u. Thesen liber altbab. Chronologic,' 
in ZA xxii. (1908) 93-78 ; T. G. Pinches, The Amherst Tablets, 
London, 1908, Introd. iii. ' The Calendar ' (pp. xix-xxiii). 

Fr. Hommel. 

CALENDAR (Buddhist).— Buddhism has no 
general system of its ox^ti for measuring times 
aoa seasons. In the land of its birth the new 
religion was, in almost every particular, influ- 
enced by prevailing Brahmanical thought and 
practice. In ancient India the months were lunar, 
and the calendar varied in difl'erent parts of the 
country. Every month, including the intercalary, 
or thirteenth, had its inahatmyu, or ' excellence.' 
The Buddhist year was based upon the ancient 
Brahmanical rule that every new-moon day (daria), 
and every full-moon day {pauntamdsa), should be 
set apart for religious observances. In later times 
the intermediate quarter-moon days were also held 
sacred. The number of fast days (upavasatha) 
was consequently increased in Buddhism to four 
every month, or one per week. 

Another Hindu idea was incorporated into Bud- 
dhism in its observance of seasons. Hinduism 
celebrated the junction of six seasons, viz. spring, 
summer, the rains (varsn), autumn, winter, and 
the season of dew and mist. Buddhism added to 
these others of its own, but now generally ob- 
serves only three seasons — summer, the rains, and 

The festival of the New Year has been uni- 
versally observed from earliest times. It cele- 
brates the victory of light over darkness. In 
Buddhist countries it signifies the triumjih of 
Buddhism over ignorance. The corresponding 
Hindu festival is called Makara Sahkranti. In 

India, this marks the termination of the inaus- 
picious month Pausa, and the beginning of the 
sun's northern conx&n {uttariyana) in the heavens. 

Four eras are connnonly current among Hindus 
in India, but none is of Buddhist origin. In 
Burma, however, the third, the religious era, 
dates from 543 B.C., the year in which Gautama 
Buddha is supposed to have entered nirvana. 

In China the Buddhists have arranged their 
calendar of festivals and fasts to suit the Chinese 
months, which are lunar. In the popular calendar 
there is no mention of anything astronomical. Cf. 
art. Calendar (Chinese). 

In Ceylon each Buddhist monk is supposed to 
keep a calendar (llta), from which he learns the 
ati'ach-hawa (the length of the shadow, by which, 
according to rules laid do>vn, varying with the 
time of year, the hour of the day may be known), 
the age of the moon, and the years that have 
elapsed since the death of Buddha. 

In the Japanese calendar, as introduced from 
China, the year is divided into liuiar months (see 
Calendar [Japanese]). In 1872 the Japanese 
Government decided to discontinue the system of 
lunar months and adopt the Gregorian calendar. 

The Tibetan system of reckoning time is of 
mixed Western and Chinese origin. It is by the 
twelve year and sixty year cycles of Juppiter, 
which have been derived through India from the 
West, but with the substitution of some Chinese 
astrological terms for the Indian, the Tibetans 
having derived their chronological system mainly 
from India, with their Buddhism. 

In all Buddhist lands the weekly fast is more or strictly observed. The commemorative and 
other festivals, in the various countries, differ 
considerably, both in regard to the time of their 
observance and the manner in which they are 

See, further, FESTIVALS (Buddhist). 

LiTERATURB. — Monier- Williams, Bmtnnanism and Hindu- 
ismi, 1891, also BiidilHsm, 1SS9 ; A. M. B. Irwin, The Btir- 
mese Cateildar, 1901 ; R. Spence Hardy, Eastern 3Iojiachi^in, 
1850 ; J. G. Scott, The Bunnan, 188-', 1896, also Burma, 1906 ; 
Cei/lon Atjnanac, 1862; Edkins, Chinese Buddhism, 1880; 
William Bramsen, Japanese Chronolofjical Tables, 1880 ; L. A. 
Waddell, Lhasa and its Mysteries, 1905. 

J. H. Bate.son. 
CALENDAR (Celtic).— I. Precedence of night. 
— A certain knowledge of astronomy is ascrRied 
to the Druids by Cresar {de Bell. Gall. vi. 14 : ' They 
discuss and impart to the youth many things re- 
garding the stars and their motion, the extent of 
the universe and the earth ') and Pomponius Mela 
(iii. 2), and some passages of Irish texts support 
their statements. But this knowledge probably 
did not surpass the primitive astronomy of barbaric 
races everywhere, sufficient to adjust roughly 
the lunar and solar years ; and it was doubtless 
mingled with astrology (see Druids). Our ac- 
quaintance with the old Celtic calendar dejiends 
mainly on a few classical references, on scattered 
notices in Irish and Welsh texts, and on the frag- 
ments of the calendar of Coligny. The Celtic 
year was a lunar year. This is attested by a pass- 
age in Pliny {HN xvi. 44) referring to the pluck- 
ing of the mistletoe by the Druids. This is done 
' ante omnia sexta luna, quae principia mensium 
annorumque his facit, et seculi post tricesimum 
annum, quia jam viriura abunde habeat nee sit 
sui dimidia.' While it has been supposed from this 
passage that the Celts counted periods of time 
from the sixth day of the moon, there is reason to 
believe, as de Ivicci points out (liCel xix. 26), that 
'the phrase quae . . .facit . . . tricesimum annum 
is a general indication of the jdace of the moon 
in the Gaulish calendar, and tliat the subject of 
facit represented by quae is luiia and not sexta 
luna.' Thus each month, year, and cycle of thirty 

CALENDAR (Celtic) 


years would liej;in witli a new moon, not on tlie 
sixth day of tlio moon (cf. Jullian, liccherches sur 
la rel. gaiiL, Uordcaux, 1903, p. 63, where this 
view is also adopted). This custom of counting 
time by tlie moon is further attested by Civsar (rfi; 
Bell. Gall. vi. 18), who says that tlie Gauls ' define 
the divisions of every season, not by the number 
of days, but of nights ; their birthdays and the 
beginning of months and years they observe in 
such an order that the day follows the night.' 
Many jiassages in and Welsh texts show 
incidentally tliat this method of counting by nights 
prevailed; 'three nights' or 'nine nights' are 
frequently referred to, or a space of time is counted 
from such a night ; or, when a certain number 
of days and nights is referred to, ' nights ' precedes 
'day.s.' Generally also when 'night' is used, it 
means a night and a day (cf. our 'se'nnight,' 
'fortnight'). This is in accordance with Indo- 
Kuropcan us.age (see Schrader, Eeallex. der indogci: 
Altcrium.fkundc, Strassburg, 1901, p. 845 f.). 

2. The calendar of Coligny. — A number of 
bronze fragments of a calendar were discovered, 
together with fragments of a statue of a god, 
at Coligny, near Lyons (the region formerly in- 
habited by the Sequani), in 1897. Tlie calendar 
had probably been set up in a temple dedicated to 
the god. While some philologists have main- 
tained that its language is Ligurian, it is generally 
believed to be Celtic, though its place in the 
Celtic group is not precisely fixed. The calendar 
is generally dated towards the second half of the 
1st cent. A.D. Tiie fragments as restored show- 
that it had been engraved on a long bronze tablet, 
an<l that it covered at least a period of five years. 
There are in all sixteen columns, fourteen of 
which give vertically four months each, and two 
three months each ; in all, sixty-two months. 
These two columns are headed by an intercalary 
month, whicli occupies double the space of an 
ordinary month. Each month is headed by its 
title, preceded in the case of the month called 
S'tmou by the w-ord Mid, and in other cases by 
the initial M. This word mid has been explained 
as meaning 'month' {EC'el xix. 215, xxi. 23: 
cf. Ir. mi, Welsh 7nis, 'month') ; but Loth contests 
this interpretation [JiCel xxv. 130). To the title 
are added in the case of months of 30 days, Mat, 
and in the case of months of 29 days, Anm, except 
in the of the month Equns of 30 days, which 
has Anm. Seven months have 30 days, and live 
29 days. Each month has its days numbered 
from 1 to 15 ; then follows the word Atenoux, 
.•uid the remaining days are again numbered 1 
to 14 or 15. When they are 14 in number the 
word DiVERTOMV or Divortomv follows. Each 
number is followed by symbols, initial letters, or 
words, the significance of which, save in a few- 
cases, has not been discovered, and is preceded by 
a small circular hole in wliich a peg may have 
been inserted to mark eacli day as it arrivcil. 
The names of the months as they occur in the 
calendar are : 

Samon (30 days) Giamon (29 days) 

Duman or Duinannos Simivis (30 d.ays) 

(29 days) 
Rivros (30 days) Equos (30 days) 

Anacan or Anacantlos Elembiv (29 days) 

(29 days) 
Ogron (30 days) Edrini (30 days) 

Cutios (30 days) Cantlos (29 days) 

The name of the intercalary month of 30 days is 

Samon is the suninior-nionth, from ^santo- (cf. O. Ir. gntti, 
'summer'); tiiamon, llie winter-month, from * gaiama- (cf. 
Old Welsh gaein, 'winter'); Ogron, 'cold' (cf. Welsli orr- 
"ogro-s, 'cold*); ItivroB, the month of the god Rivoa, llie 
harvest-month, probal)ly August. Ilivos, accordinjr to UliPtt, 
is the god whose statue was found along with the calendar. 

lie is represented as Apollo, or perhaps as Augustus in the role 
of Apollo. Augustus, who had gi\'fji his name to the month 
of August, was chosen to represent Hives, the god whose name 
gave the month Hivros = August (see Rh^s, Trans. 3rd Inter. 
Vmig. Uist. liet., Oxford, lOOS, ii. 323(1.). 

The calendar is obviously lunar. The months 
are roughly lunar months; seven of 30 d.ays each 
and live of 29 days each give a year of 355 days, 
instead of the usual lunar year of 354 days as with 
the Greeks. Lolh (RCel xxv. 120) comparesfor this 
extra day the Irish, Welsh, and Breton phrase 
in contracts, promises, etc., 'a year and a d.ay,' 
and states that the formula belongs to an epoch 
when the year varied in duration from time 
to time by a day. While the poiiular ctirrent year 
of 354 days was retained, all chance of eiTor in 
fulfilling the contract wiis avoided by prolonging 
the duration of the contract by a day ; and it may 
have been religious and judicial scruples which 
led the Druids olhcially to a\igment the year by 
a day. We may compare Numa's Roman year 
(lunar) of 355 days, the number being decided 
l>ecause of the belief in the virtue of odd ntimbers. 
In the calendar of Coligny a month of 30 days 
is intercalated every two and a half years, in efiect 
making each year a year of 367 days. This is 
evidently part of a system by which a given 
number of lunar years was made to synchronize 
with a given number of solar years. 

De Ricci (RCel xix. 217, xxi. 25) finds the key to the system 
in Pliny's reference to a period of 30 years. In 30 lunar years, 
with 30 days intercalated every 2i years, there are 11,010 
days, the difference between this and 30 solar years of 365-24 
days ( = 10,957-20 days) being 52-80 days. De Ricci supposes 
(1) that every 15 years a month of 29 days was omitted, 
equivalent to 68 days in 30 years, thus reducing the 
difference to a fraction over 5 days ; or (2) noting that 
the month Equos, of 30 days, has attached to it the letters 
Anm, reserved for months of 29 days, he supposes an error 
in the drawing up of the calendar. Altering Equos to a month 
of 29 days, and including the intercalary days (=366 days in 
the year), we obtain in the 30 years' cycle 10,980 days. In 
30 solar years there are 10,957-20 days, which is nearlV equi- 
valent to' 371 lunations of 29-53 days," viz. 10,955-63 days. If, 
then, a month of 30 days w-ere omitted from the calendar every 
30 years, this would give 10,950 days, increasing the error by 
5-63 days. These, however, are problematical solutions, and 
it is tmlikely that those who framed the calendar knew with 
mathematical exactitude the true duration of solar and lunar 
years. On the other hand, if they reckoned a solar year as 
consisting of 360 days, and if we assume the error in the month 
Equos, then the intercalated month of 30 days would give, in 
2^ 3-ears, 915 days — exactly the number of days contamed in 
2| solar years of 366 days. On such a system, if Equos were 
really a month of 30 days, the solar year may have been 
reckoned as containing 367 days, which would " produce the 
same result. 

The intercalary month of thirty days in 2i years, 
equivalent to twelve days in each j-ear, has its 
days called Ijy the name of the months in the 
calendar, beginning with Samon. Thus the twelve 
names are rei)oated two and a, half times. Among 
the Cierm.ans and Hindus, as well as among the 
(,'elts, are found traces of twelve intercalary days 
or ' nights ' in the year ; and relics of the custom 
still exist in Brittany, where the first twelve days 
of January or the last si.x days of December ami 
the first six of January are called ijimrdezinu, or 
'supplementary days.' There is evidence also of 
their existence in \Vales, where the twelve days 
added to the lunar year of 354 days were called 
Di/ddirm Di/dd<m, ' days of days' (William ab Ithel, 
Bnrddax, Llandovery, 1862, p. 422 ft'.), equivalent 
to the ' blank days ' of the Welsh laws. We 
are thus, evidently, in presence of an old Indo- 
European method of accommodating the lunar year 
of 3.54 days to the solar year of 366 days (Loth, 
IlCcl xxiv. 310, xxv. 118). lint in Brittany each 
of these days is regarded as prognosticating the 
character or qu.ality of .a moiitli in the coming 
year. With tiiis maybe compared the fact that 
in Bndimanic belief the twelve d.ays are ' an image 
of the coming j'ear' (Schrader, op. oil. p. 391). De 
Ricci, therefore, surmises (liCel xxiv. 31G) that 
this superstition was entertained by the framers of 


CALENDAR (Celtic) 

the calendar, aiui tliat it is denoted liy the fact 
that the days of the intercalary month bear the 
names of the thirty months which folhjw, and in 
the same order. 

On one of the fraffmeiits which contahis the month Ciallos 
that name i:j followed by Sonnocingos and a mutilated passaj^c, 
which appears to refer to a 13th month and a year of 385 days, 
I.e. the lunar year of the calendar (355 days), plus a month 
of SO days. Sonnocingos, according to Loth ana Thurneysen, 
means ' course of the sun,' while Loth supposes ciallos to be 
connected with a root ki, * to collect,' giving it the meaning of 
'collection' or r^sum^ — 'an etyuiolog.v confirmed by the fact 
that the intercalary month collects in effect the 12 intercalary 
days of 2 years, and the half of these 12 or 8 days of the 
first half of the third year' (iJCei xxv. 119, cf. xxi. 14, 23). 

A fragment of another calendar was discovered in 1802 in the 
Lake of Antre, near Moiraiis (Jura) ; on it the month Ogron 
appears to be mentioned (Villefosse, Comptes Jiendus de I'Acad. 
aes Jnscr. xxvi. [ISJSl 2:>0). 

3. Division of the year. — Apart from counting 
by month.s or moons, tlie earliest divi-sion of time 
was probably by seasons ratlier than by years — 
summer and winter, and later also sjjring. The 
fourth season, autumn, was with the Aryans the 
last of the seasons to receive a distinctive name 
(Taylor, Oriijin of the Aryans, London, n.d., 164, 
187 ; cf. also Schrader, op. cit. 366 f., 395-7). The 
adaptation of the lunar months to a course of the 
seasons tinally issued in the attempts to syn- 
clironize lunar and solar time, but it is doubtful 
whether among the Celts generally the course of 
the year was divided by the equinoxes or solstices. 
Traces of the division by 2, 3, or 4 seasons are 
found in Celtic remains. Like the Teutons, they 
divided the year primarily into two parts. This is 
shown by the calendar of Coligny, since the inter- 
calary month appears now before Samon, now 
before Giamon, each of them the first of six months. 
It appears also from Irish texts, which tell that 
' the year was divided into two parts, i.e. the 
Samradh, from Beltine to Samfhuin, and the 
Geimhredh, from Samfhuin to Beltine ' (cited in 
O'Donovan, Book of Rights, Dublin, 1847, Introd. 
liii.). The year is also expressed by da se mis, 
' twice six months,' in the Irish laws, where also 
a division into two imequal parts is referred to — 
Samhfucht, a summer period of five months, and 
Gamhfueht, a winter period of seven months. 
But ' this division was evidently made to regu- 
late the price of grazing lands' (O'Donovan, Iv. ). 
In Welsh texts two divisions also occur, the calends 
of May {Calan Mei, May 1st), and the calends 
of winter {Calan Gayaf, Nov. 1st) (Ancient 
Laws of Wales, ed. Owen, London, 1841, i. 396, 
588). The year probably began with the winter 
half ; this seems to have been the case in Ireland, 
where Foghamhar ('the harvest') is defined as 
the name given to the last month, and where 
the year commenced witli Samhain {Samfhuin), 
the day of the feast of Tara, i.e. Nov. 1st ; cf. 
the phrase ' from one feast of Tara to another ' 
(O'Donovan, liv. f. ; Loth, BCel xxv. 126). In 
the Isle of Man, the beginning of the year with 
Samhain is still commemorated by mummers, who, 
on its eve, go round singing, ' To-night is New 
j^ Year's night, Hogunnau ' (Kelly, £?!()'. and Manx 
Diet., Douglas, 1866, s.v. ' Blein'). Tliere was 
also a custom of reckoning years as winters, e.g. 
Kulhwch's horse is said in the Mabiyiogion to be 
four winters old (Rhj's, Ccltie Heathendom, London, 
1888, p. 360). The calendar of Coligny affords 
no evidence as to whether Giamon or Samon began 
the year. But if Rivros is the harvest month, 
appro.ximately August, and if Ogron means ' cold,' 
then Samon cannot be May, since that would 
make Ogron, a cold month = September. Probably, 
therefore, Samon is approximately June, and 
Giamon approximately December. Loth {RCel, 
XXV. 130) points out that the name Mid Samon 
is almost exactly equivalent to the Welsh, Breton, 
and Irish names for June (Ir. mis 7nithemain = 

A. Geimhredh 
(winter half) 

B. Samhradh 
(summer half) 

mcct-Samain = incdiu-samoni-, ' middle of summer'). 
In this case the twofold division of the year in the 
calendar dill'ers from that followed in Ireland and 
Wales, though, if Mid Samon is 'middle of 
summer,' there is here a trace of the division 
which made summer begin with May. 

A threefold division of the year may have ob- 
tained among the Celts at some period. In all 
Aryan languages there is no primitive name for 
autumn — the last of the four seasons to receive a 
name. For the Celts this appears from the fact 
that, out of the Celtic names for the four seasons, 
three only are Indo-European, — those of winter, 
spring, and summer, — while those for autumn have 
arisen during the Celtic epoch. Some passages in 
the Welsh laws may point to this threefold divi- 
sion (Loth, iJCe/ XXV. 127 f.). Possibly, too, the 
triple Celtic Matres, goddesses of that fertility 
with which the course of the seasons was con- 
nected, may owe their number to a tlireefold 
division of the year. 

The later fourfold division is sho>vn clearly by 
the old Irish method of arranging the four seasons, 
arrived at by subdividing the two halves of the 
year : 

^Ist quarter, Geimhredh, begin- 
I ning with the festival of Sam- 
Imin, Nov. 1st. 
2nd quarter, Earrach, beginning 
Feb. 1st (sometimes called 
3rd quarter, Samhradh, begin- 
ning with the festival of Bel- 
tane, May 1st (called also 
Cit-soman or Cet-samain, 1st 
day of Sanwno-s ; cf. Welsh 
4th quarter, Foglmmhar, begin- 
ning with the festival of 
Lughnasadh, Aug. 1st (some- 
times called Brontroghain). 
For the texts and for the old explanations of 
these names, see O'Donovan, lii. ff. 

This fourfold division must have been general 
over the Celtic area, for traces of the great festi- 
vals, with which three of the divisions began, 
still survive in folk-custom or can otherwise be 
discovered. Thus survivals of Samhahi, Beltane, 
and Liighnasadh are found in Brittany, Ireland, 
Wales, the Isle of Man, and the Scottish High- 
lands, while a festival in honour of the god Lug 
occurred in Gaul on Aug. 1st (see these fully dis- 
cussed under FESTIVALS [Celtic]). Traces of a 
festival to open the spring are lacking. If such a 
festival existed, it is now completely effaced by 
St. Bridget's Day, Feb. 1st. The ritual of these 
festivals, in accordance with the Celtic rule that 
night preceded daj', began on the evening before 
with the moon's rising (RCel iv. 189 ; Mounier, 
Traditions compar(es, Paris, 1854, p. 222). 

None of these festivals is connected with the 
times of equinox and solstice. This points to the 
fact that originally the Celtic year was inde- 
pendent of these, that ' it was more thermometric 
than astronomical, and the Lugnassad was, so to 
say, its summer solstice ' (Rhj>s, 419 ; Lughnasadh 
comes midway between Beltane and Samhain in 
the summer half of the year). On the other hand, 
there is ample evidence in folk-custom over the 
«hole Celtic area, as in general over Europe, of 
the ritual observance of Midsummer day, June 
24th, and its eve, while this ritual is scarcely to 
be distinguished from that of Beltane. It has 
been argued tliat the ritual of an old pagan 
summer feast was transferred, under Christian 
influence, to that of St. John Baptist on Mid- 
summer day, and tradition in Ireland alleges that 
the change from Beltane to this feast was made 

CALENDAR (Celtic) 


by St. Patrick (O'Donovan, li. ; cf. Bertrand, llil. 
dcs GtniloU; Paris, 1897, p. 105 ; Hyde, Lit. llUl. 
of Inland, I.oiulon, 1899, p. 91 ; Kuatin-, lH^t. 
of Ireland, tr. O'Maliony, 1866, p. 300 ; Griiiiui, 
Tcut. Mi/i/iol. ii. G24). But, iu spite of tlie Cliris- 
tian dements in tlie Midsummer festival, which 
at all events denote a desire to bring it under 
Church inlluonce, the pagan elements, even in 
folk-custom, are strongly marked, while the festi- 
val is so deeply rooted in an earlier paganism 
all over Europe that this theory of transference 
must be given uj). Without much acquaintance 
with astronomy, men must have noted the period 
of the sun's longest course from very early 
times ; and it would probably be observed ritually. 
Whether this ritual observance existed before 
that of Beltane, or whether the two feasts arose 
indepenileutly and entered into competition with 
each other, it is impossible to say. Perhaps Bel- 
tane was an early pastoral festival marking the 
beginning of summer, when the herds went out to 
pasture (in its ritual cattle were passed through 
the (ire), and Midsummer a more purely agri- 
cultural festival. And, since their ritual asjiect 
and pur])ose are similar, they may have borrowed 
each from the other, thus representing different 
currents of early custom. Or they may be later 
fixed dates of an earlier movable summer festival. 
Practically we may now regard them as twin 
halves of such a festival (see Festiv.\ls [Celtic]). 
The Celts may have observed in some fashion the 
solstices and equinoxes, as the survivals of Mid- 
summer Day tend to show, and as may be sug- 
gested by such facts as that of the Helvetii 
appointing a day close to the March equino.v for 
an assembly of forces, perhaps because this was a 
sacred day {C;esar, de Bell. Gall. i. 6). Home trace 
of this may also be found in the phrase ' from the 
middle of spring to the middle of autumn,' i.e., 
according to the old computation, from mid-March 
to mid-September, in each case near the time of 
the equinoxes. (The phrase occurs in ' Destruc- 
tion of Da Derga's Hostel,' ECel xxii. 167.) 

The solar arrangement, however, did not affect 
theSamhain festival at the beginning of the Celtic 
year, or that of Lughnasadh. "These remained, and 
still remain in folk-custom, constant. Probably 
vei-y ancient village rituals for fertility, which may 
have been more or less liable to variation in the 
time of celebration, mark the origin of these 
greater periodic Celtic festivals. The latter were 
connected mainly with the anthropomorphic div- 
inities of growth and with magical rites to induce 
fertility, and were apparently, in some cases, held 
at a stated centre in each large district. Where 
the Celts came under Roman influence, the ob- 
servance of the Roman calendar tended to dis- 
locate some of the festivals. Thus, in (i.uil, much 
of the ritual of Samhain was transferred to the 
calends of Januai-y. (Jermanic influences may 
elsewhere have allected the Celtic calendar, since 
some of the S.amhain ritual has passed over to 
Yule. The influence of the Cliristian calendar, 
with its list of feasts and saints' days, must also 
be taken into account. Not only did the intro- 
duction of the Roman calendar finally demolish 
the iihl Celtic metlioil of computing time, but the 
Church attempted, with varying success, to hallow 
the older ritual by giving it a Christian colouring 
or by substituting holy days for the old festivals. 
Thu.s All Saints' and All Souls' Days occupy the 
place of Samhain ; St. Bridget's Day occur.s on 
Feb. 1st ; St. John Bai^ist's Day at ilidsummer ; 
Lammas at Lughna-sadh. Again, while some of 
the ritual of the old festivals still survives on 
their actual date in folk-custom, some of it now 
occurs on saints' days within the range of the 
pagan festival days. Specially is this the case 
VOL. III.— 6 

with the Samhain ritual, some of which is found 
on St. Martin's Day (Martinnuis) and on other 
saints' days in Nov. and Dec, while in Wales and 
tlie Isle of Man Lughnasadh rites occur on the 
lirst Sunday in August (see Rh.y^s, 421 f.). 

4. Periods of years. — Certain periods of years 
seem to have been regarded by the Celts as sig- 
nificant, perhaps as sacred. In Irish and Welsh 
texts these periods are referred to as if they 
were well-marked divisions of time ; or certain 
events, mythical or historical, are mentioned 
as occurring within them or are dated by them, 
showing that the mental outlook of the .scribe, 
or of the folk among whom such traditional 
events were told, had been prepossessed by the 
influence of these periods. In the calendar of 
Coligny, 2^ years is clearly marked out as such 
a period, and the same period is mentioned in 
Irish texts, e.g. king Laegaire entered Leinster 
at the end of 2J years (liCcl xiii. 52). But the 
period of 3 years is much more usual. This 
is due, doubtless, to the sacred character of the 
number three among the Celts, as is evidenced by 
the three-headed gods and the number of triads, 
Divine, mythical, and customary, etc., in Celtic 
belief (cf. Rhys, Index, .i.v. ''riiree'; Usener, 
'Dreiheit,' Rhein. iMiis. f. Phil, iviii. [1903] 31). 
Note especially the three gods of Danu, the triple 
war-goddesses, triple Matres, the three cranes, 
three blemishes, three satires, the grouping of 
heroes by three, the triads of Welsh literature, 
etc. Wishes are made for three years ; mythic 
kings reign for the same period ; and — still more 
significant — the fair of Carman, celebrated at 
Lughnasadh, was held every three years (Win- 
disch and Stokes, Ir. Texte, Leipzig, iv. [1900] 
273 ; RCel XV. 312). In the Welsh Mahinorjlon 
and in the Welsh laws the same period occurs as 
a round measure of time (Loth, Mub., Paris, 1889, 
i. 83, ii. 2.5, 30; Anc. Laws, i. 263, 488). Still 
more frequent both in Ireland and in Wales is the 
period of 7 years, which had evidently a well- 
marked and sacred significance, due, doubtless, 
to the fondness for the number itself. Thus 
mythic kings very frequently reign for that time ; 
various events happen every 7 j'ears, or occur at 
the end of 7 years, or continue during 7 years 
(Loth, RCcl xxv. 138 a; , 14711'.). The feast of 
Tara, held at Samhain, was celebrated every 7th 
(or perhaps every 3rd) year (O'Donovan, 1.). 
Finally, tlie period of 30 years, referred to by 
Pliny, is mentioned as a round number of years 
in certain passages in Irish texts (Loth, lit'el 
xxv. 140). In the absence of definite st.atements 
regarding such periods of years in the calendar of 
insular Celts, these references must be taken for 
what they are worth, but they seem at least to 
indicate the actual measurement of time by 3 and 
7 years. 

5. The month.— The oldest Indo-European name 
for periods of time was the ' month ' ; and there 
are traces, among the Teutons, Slavs, and other 
peoples, of a custom of grouping the months by 
two, considering them as brothers, as male and 
female, or as full and empty mouths, and using 
one name for two successive months qualified by 
'gi'eat'and 'little,' etc. (Grimm, op. cit. ii. 7S8). 
Loth (RCcl xxv. 124) considers that this usage 
may have been current among the Celts, since 
with some groups six of the twelve months have 
taken Latin names, as if originally each two 
months had but one name, while, occasionally, 
one month still bears popularly the name of tiie 
preceding month qualilied by ' little.' Be this a.s 
it may, a primitive method of dividing the months 
into half-months by the light half and dark half 
of the moon is found among the Celts. In Celtic 
ritual the influence of a waxing or waning moon 


CALENDAR (Chinese) 

was belicA-ed to be signiliuant (see NATUltK 
[Celtic]). lU'iuo tlie lunar month wivs natur- 
ally divideJ into two jiarts, one before and one 
after full moon, in accordance with primitive 
usage. The calendar of Coligny divides tlie lirst 
15 days from the second 15 (or 14), whicli are also 
numbered consecutively from 1 onwards, and be- 
tween eiieli half is )ilaced in large letters the word 
ATIiNOUX, indicating the night of the full moon, 
' great night,' or, as Thurneysen translates it, 
'renewal' (Ztschr. f. celt. Phil., Halle, 1S99, ii. 
523 ft'.; cf. Mid. Ir. athnvghudh), the period at 
which the month renewed itself. The same divi- 
sion occurs in Wales, where pythewnos, a fort- 
night, means ' a fifteen night,' and in Ireland, 
where voicthigcs had a similar meaning and wliere 
tcorci coict/iii/cs meant ' three fifteens,' i.e. a month 
and a half (Loth, JiCd xxv. 131 ; Rhfs, 361). 

6. The week. — Indo-European names for the 
week were late in being devised, and it is doubtful 
whether with the Celts, in spite of the saeredness 
of the number 7, a week of 7 days or nights ex- 
isted before Christian influences were felt among 
them. Thus the Irish scachtmain, ' a week,' is 
due to Christian missionary teaching and is a cor- 
ruption of Lat. septimana (cf. Gael, scachduin, 
Cornish scithun, Bret, sizun). The new week in 
Wales was, however, called by a native name, 
wythnos, ' eight nights,' in accordance with the 
custom of reckoning a period with the night on 
which it began and the night on which it ended. 
Thus wythnus would be equivalent to 74 days, and 
it is possible that here the name of an earlier sub- 
division of the pythewnos has been used for the 
later week of 7 days. Native to the Celts are 
periods of 9 and of 3 nights and days. The 
number 9 is of frequent occurrence and evidently 
of sacred significance in Celtic texts, and a period 
of 9 nights, or of 9 nights and days, is found 
as a well-marked portion of time in Ireland, and 
is called by R}i5-s (op. cit. 360) ' the nine-night 
week.' In Irish its title is nomad, 'a space of 
9 days ' (Stokes, ECel xxii. 428) ; cf. co cend 
nomaide, ' until the end of a ninth,' i.e. of a 9-night 
week, — a phrase of frequent occurrence in the 
texts (cf. ECel xxii. 193), — while delays of 9 nights 
and periods of 9 nights are found in the Irish 
laws (Rhys, op. cit. "363 : Loth, BCel xxv. 134 ; 
D'Arbois de Jubainville, Etudes sur le droit celt., 
Paris, 1895, i. 365, ii. 112). Equally in Welsh 
texts and laws the same period is found, e.g. 
delays of 9 days {Anc. Laws, i. 84, 94, 142, etc.), 
whOe both in Wales and Ireland the names for 
the 9-night week were sometimes applied popu- 
larly to the new week. 

Rhfe (op. cit. 308) supposes that the 9th night was held to 
contain all the others, ' as being the boundary or limit within 
which the week was comprised.' If this be so, in accordance 
with the old rule of counting the night with which a period 
ended as well as that with which it began, the period consisted 
of 9 nights and 8 daj's. Thus a ' day ' must have intervened 
between each week, if each began with a night, unless, as is 
probable, the 9th night originally ended one week and began 
another, i.e. it was common to both. Later the period is one 
of 9 nights and 9 days. RhJ's also finds m^-thical personifica- 
tions of the 9-night week according to two methods, and he 
cites cases of 9 personifications of a more or less uniform 
character, or a single personification with the attribute of 9 
attaching to it (op. cit. 366 fl.). These must be regarded as 
hypothetical. Probably the 9-night week was divided into 
halves called tioinden, of 6 nights and 4 days (cf. the asss 
noiitden (Had, * the Ulster men's sickness of a week,' explained 
as 6 nights and 4 days). If 2 noinden thus made up the 9-niglit 
week, the 6th night must have been reckoned to each half, 
ending one and beginning another, as the 9th night also ended 
one week and began another (cf. Rhys, 363, 368, 370). 

The week of 9 days being found among many 
races, its origin has been sought in various ways. 
Some have seen in it a multiple of the sacred 
number 3 (cf. the numerous triads and enneads 
of beings in 'Da Derga's Hostel,' MCel xxii. 
passim) ; others have adopted Kant's view that, 
before the synodical month of 29J days was 

.■ulo]itod, the sidereal month of 27J days, divided 
into three parts, originated the period of 9 days 
(Loth, 7,'''./ xxv. 135 f.) ; Rli^s oilers another but 
l)y no mi;ins convincing explanation (op. cit. 3G4). 

If the sidereal month divided into three parts 
produecil roughly a period of 9 days, this again 
divided by 3 gave a period of 3 days. In any case 
3 was a sacred number with the Celts, and a 
period of 3 days and nights occurs frequently in 
Irish and Welsh texts. Thus a delay of 3 nights 
in judicial matters is frequent (D'Arbois de Jubain- 
ville, op. cit. passim), and 3 nights and days of 
fasting, of hosiritality, of a sojourn, of a journey, 
of a truce, etc., are common (Loth, BCel xxv. 
132 f. ; ' Tain bo Fraich,' ib. xxiv. 132 ; ' Finn and 
the Man in tlie Tree,' ib. xxv. 347, etc.). 

7. The day. — The old Celtic names of days 
have been replaced by others borrowed from 
other sources and due to Latin and Christian 
influences (see MacBain, Etymol. Diet, of the 
Gaelic Language, Inverness, 1896, p. 117 f.). As 
has been seen, the days during which the moon 
was waxing were with the Celts, as with other 
peoples, considered propitious for many under- 
takings, especially for ritual purposes. This is 
gathered mainly from later folk-surrivals ; but 
older evidence is found in the ease of the mistletoe 
cut on the 6th day of the moon, and in the fact 
that the Celtiberians danced in honour of their 
god on the night of the full moon (Strabo, III. 
iv. 6). Some evidence of ' lucky ' days is also 
derived from the Irish texts (cf. e.g. ' Songs of 
Buchet's House,' RCel xxv. 27). Certain days, 
or groups of days, as well as certain hours of the 
day or night, were doubtless considered lucky or 
unlucky, as popular survivals show. Midday and 
midnight, according to Lucan (PAaraa/. iii. 404 ff.), 
were hours when the Divine guardian of the grove 
showed himself, and when the priest himself 
dreaded to approach it. Certain days were ap- 
propriated to greater or lesser festivals, e.g. Sam- 
hain. Beltane, Lughnasadh, on the first of the 
respective months, as well as to other periodic 
festivals, in some cases to divinities on their festal 
days — the communal sacrifice of the hunters of 
Galatia to their Artemis ' on the day of her birth ' 
(Arrian, Cyneg. 33), the yearly sacrifices of the 
Irish to Cenn Cruaich (BCel xvi. 35), the periodic 
holocausts of the Gauls (Diod. Sic. v. 32). Refer- 
ence may also be made to the meeting of the 
Druids of Gaul ' at a fixed time of the year ' 
(Cc-Esar, de Bell. Gall. vi. 13). 

LiTERATUUE. — J. O'DoDovan, The Book of Rights, Introd., 
Dublin, 1847 ; J. Loth, ' L'Ann^e celtique,' RCel xsn'. [1904] 
113 £f.; J. RhOs, Celtic Heathendom, London, 1898; E. K. 
Chambers, ifediiBoal Stage, Oxford, 1903 ; H. D'Arbois de 
Jubainville, £tudfs sur le droit celtique, Paris, 1895 ; G. 
Dottin, Manuel pour servir d Vhistoire de Vantiquitd celtique, 
Paris, 1906. For the calendar of Coligny : Dissard, Comptes 
Rendus dt V Academic des Inscriptions, xxv. [1897] 703 ff., 
xxvi. (1898] 161 ff., 299 fl.. Bulletin des Antimaires, Paris, 
1898, p. 150 ; Esp6randieu, Calendrier de Coligny, Saint- 
Maixent, 1898, RCel xxi. (1900), 2 suppl. plates ; Allmer, 
Calendriers celtiques de Colignv . . . et du lac d'Antre, Vienna, 
1S99; Thurneysen, Ztschr. f. celt. Phil., Halle, ii. [1899] 
623ff.: Seymour de Ricci, RCel xix. [189S] 213ff., with plates, 

xxi. [1900] 10 ff. J. A. AIacCulloch. 

CALENDAR (Chinese).— The Chinese calendar, 
which was practically copied by the Japanese, 
with the substitution of Japanese for C hinese 
names, is scarcely so ancient as is generally 
supposed. It is true that at an early period the 
Chinese became acquainted with a twelve-year 
cycle of Juppiter, depending on that planet's pro- 
gress through the twelve signs of the zodiac ; but 
this cycle liad in China only astrological signifi- 
cance, whereas in India it became part of the 
calendrical system. It is equally true that the 
Chinese early endeavoured to formulate a Inni- 
solar year, and there is evidence of a year of 360 

CALENDAR (Chinese) 


days siilo by side with one of 3G6 days, the dis- 
crepancy between tlie latter and the pnrely lunar 
year of 'i'A days being adjusted liy intercalation 
at intervals of tliree or live years. Chinese tra<ii- 
(ion ascril)es to tlic Emperor Yao (24th cent, n.c.) 
the institution of an astronomical hoard for the 
regulation of the calendar, and this tribunal, which 
still issues tlu! otiicial calendar each year, was 
profoundly inlluenced by the science of the Jesuit 
missionaries of the seventeenth century. 

1. Era. — The Chinese have no initial point from 
which su<:ceeding j'ears are numbered. When re- 
cording dates, they usually give the name of the 
Emperor and the j'car of his reign (the first year 
of his reign being reckoned as beginning on the 
New Year's Day after his accession), as is the prac- 
tice in England with regard to Acts of Parliament. 
Besides this, however, they also employ a sexa- 
gesimal cycle, beginning with 2637 B.C., for the 
J'ears anil days, and, to a limited extent, for the 
months. The basis of this cycle is the five elements, 
wood, fire, earth, metal, water {7nu, huo, t'u, kin, 
sc/iiii), which, being divided into antitheses (active- 
passive, male-female, etc.), give the sub-cycle of 
the ten heavenly stems [kitn] : Ida ('growing 
wood'), yi (' building wood'), jnng ('natural fire'), 
ting ('artificial fire'), wu ('earth), hi ('earthen 
ware '), keng (' metal '), sin ('wrought metal '),jin 
('running water'), kuci ('standing water'). The 
second sub-cycle is formed by the twelve earthly 
branches (tschi), each designated by the name of 
an animal. This duodenary cycle, which is also 
found in Tibet, among the Tai and Khmer, and, 
at least in part, in Egypt, Old Turkish inscriptions, 
an<l the Turfan fragments (Ginzel, C'hronolor/ie, 
i. 85 tl'., 404, 411, 413, 501 f. ; F. W. K. Muller, 
' " Persisclie " Kalenderausdriicke im chines. Tripi- 
taka,' in SBA W, 1908, pp. 460-463), is as follows : 
is6 ('mouse'), tscheu ('ox'), yin ('tiger'), mao 
('hare'), schin ('dragon'), szS ('snake'), ngu 
('horse'), wei ('slieep'), scfiin ('monkey'), yeu 
('cock'), sin ('dog'), kai ('swine'). The kan and 
Isi-hi are grouped together, beginning with kia-tsS, 
and when the denary cycle has been repeated six 
times and the duodenary live times, the initial com- 
bination is repeated, an<l the cycle begins anew. 

The year 1910 is the 47th year of the present 
cycle ; and, as Chinese chronologers begin their 
cyclic reckoning with the year 2637 li.C, the 
])resent is the seventy-sixth cycle. But they have 
not adopted the system of numbering their cycles ; 
and therefore a reader cannot tell to which cycle 
a date may belong, unless he be assisted by the 
context. In some historical works one finds both 
the (■yclic number and the year of the reign given. 

2. Year and month. — The Chinese year consists 
of twelve (.synodic) lunar months, and is made 
to con'espond with the solar year by the occasional 
insertion of an additional, or intercalary, month. 
The space of time covered by twelve of these lunar 
months being less than the solar year by 10 days 
21 hours, in every nineteen years there are seven 
years of thirteen months. ^Ve shall now explain 
the rule under which the intercalary months are 
inserted. The length of a Chinese month is 2953 
mean solar days ; and the time which the sun occu- 
pies in passing through one of the twelve signs of 
the zodiac averages 3044 days. These two periods 
being of so nearly the same length, it happens 
in most cases that a Chinese month begins when 
the sun is in one sign of the zodiac, and termin- 
ates when it is in another sign. But, as the month 
is the shorter of the two periods, occa.sionally 
there must come a time when a month begins atid 
ends when the sun still remains in the same sign. 
E\ery such month is adopted as an intcrcaliiry 
month ; and by this simple plan there is provided 
exactlj' the right number of intercalary months to 

correct the divergence of the Chinese from the 
.solar year. The intercalary month never occur.s 
in the winter — not, as is generally supposed, 
because of some arbitrary rule, but because the 
sun (which moves faster in winter than in summer) 
is then travelling at more than its average rate of 
speed, and passes through a sign of the zodiac in 
less time than is occupied by a lunar month, .so 
that at that season a month cannot possibly begin 
and end while the sun remains in the same sign. 

At the present time the first month of the year 
is known in Chinese by a special naine, Tsching- 
yiie, 'hallowed (or true) month ' ; but the remain- 
ing months are called the 'second month,' 'third 
numth,' and so on. Anciently, however, the months 
were designated according to the characters of the 
Ischi, which also corresponded to the twelve zodiacal 
signs (kung), although the latter were counted in 
reverse order. These old Chinese month-names 
were as follows : Tsi-yiie, Tscheu-yiie, Yin-yiie, 
Mao-yiie, Schin-yiie, Szi-yiie, Ngu-yiie, Wei-yiie, 
Schin-yiie, Ycu-yiie, Siii-yice, Hai-yiie, their names 
being equivalent respectively to ' child,' ' bud,' 
'jdant-basket,' 'open door,' 'motion,' 'completion,' 
'encounter,' 'laden trees,' 'ripenes.s,' 'jug,' 'de- 
struction,' 'return to rest.' 

An intercalary month take.s its name from the 
month which precedes it. Thus, if it follows the 
fourth month, it is called the ' intercalary fourth 
month.' Every month begins with the first day of 
a new moon ; and the new year begins with the 
first new moon after the sun enters Aquarius. 
New Year's day thus varies between 20th January 
and 19th February. As the length of a month is 
29'53 days, it must consist sometimes of 29, some- 
times of 30 days, the latter the more frequently. 

It results from the above-described conditions 
that the equinoxes occur regularly in the second 
and eighth months, the solstices in the fifth and 
cleventli months. 

The Chinese have no formal division of the 
month ; but it is a common practice among them 
to speak of anything as hapjiening in the first 
decade (1st to 10th day), middle decade (lltli 
to 20th day), or last decade, of such a month, 
much as we say, ' first week in June,' etc. 

The first month of the luni-solar yc av was origin- 
ally Yin-yiie, as ordered, according to tradition, 
by Tschuan-hiii (2513 H.C). In the second dynasty 
(1766-1123 B.C.) the beginning of the year had 
retrograded a month, in the third (1122-255 B.C.) 
two months, and in tlie fourth (255-209 B.C.) three 
months, until the Emperor Wu-ti, in 104 B.C., in 
his reformation of the calendar, is said to have 
made the year once more begin with Yin-yue — a 
tradition which must not be taken too strictly. 

3. Day. — As already noted, the Chinese divide 
their days into sexagesimal periods, their names 
being identical with those of the corresponding 
years : — Kia-tsi, Yi-tschcu, Ping-yin, Ting-mao, 
Wu-schin, Ki-szS, Keng-ngu, Sin-wei, Jin-schin, 
Kuci-yeii, Kia-xiii, Yi-hai, Ping-tsl, Ting-tscheu, 
W'li-i/in, Ki-/iiii(i, Keng-schin, Sin-szS, Jin-ngit, 
Kuii ir.i. Kin--;, kin, Yi-yeu, Ping-siU, Ting-hai, 
Wii-fs:'\ Ki-l.-iilini, Kcng-yin, Sin-mao, Jin-schin, 
Knci-szf, Kiit-ngu, Yi-wei, Ping-schin, 21ng-yeu, 
Wu-siii, Ki-hai, Keng-tsS, Sin-iselicu, Jinyin, 
Kuei-mao, Kia-schin, Yi-szi, Ping-ngu, 'I'inq-wei, 
Wu-srhin, Ki-yeu, Kcng-siii, tiiii-hai, Jm-tsS, 
Kni'i-tschcu, Kia-yin, Yi-mau, Ping-schin, I'ing- 
szi!, Wu-ngu, Ki-tvei, Kcng-schin, iiin-ycu, Jin-siu, 
Kuci-hai. This cycle of days is found in the most 
ancient historical records, the dates of im])ortant 
events being recorded by mention of the cj'clic 
day, as well as of the day of the month, month, 
and .year of reign. These cycles, though not used 
for onlinary pur)ioses, have been continued without 
interruption to tlie present time. Besides this the 


CALENDAR (Christian) 

Chinese have long possessed a cycle of 28 days, 
designated by the names of the 28 lunar mansions 
{sieu, linig): — liu ('horn'), k'tnifl ('neck'), ti 
('fundament'), /((Hj)f ('room'), sin ('heart'), iixi 
(' tail '), /,(' (' dung-basket'), tcu (' winnowing fan '), 
nicK ('cattle'), »iJH ('virgin '), hiu ('grave-mound'), 
wei Chouse-ridge'), schi ('sacrificial hearth'), pi 
('wall'), kuci ('sandal'), leti ('harvest woman ), 
icei ('Held watchman'), mno ('setting sun'), pi 
('net'), tsui ('mouth'), ts^an ('e.xalted'), tsing 
(' well'), kuci (' manes'), lieu ('pasture'), iijii/C con- 
stellation'), tsrhnng ('net'), iji ('wing'), tsehcn 
(' waggon '). The week of seven days, on the other 
hand, is imknown, except in commercial centres 
frccjiiented by Europeans, where for Monday, 
Tuesday, etc., the names 'first day,' 'second day,' 
etc. (Li pai i/i, Li pai 61, etc.), have been coined. 

The day begins at midnight, and is divided into 
12 tschi (see above, i), each of which is subdivided 
into two parts, the former called tsch'u ('begin- 
ning') or kiao ('odd'), and the latter tsching 
('even'). Each of these halves is subdivided into 
four k'o, or ' quarters ' (tsch'ii-k'o, ' beginning 
quarter,' t/i-k'o, 'first quarter,' etc.); and a k'o 
falls into 15 fen ('minutes'), while European in- 
fluence lias introduced further divisions corre- 
sponding to ' .seconds,' ' forenoon.' and 'afternoon.' 

4. Other divisions. — An ad:L;i i:al method of 
marking time is afforded by the ' Twenty-four Solar 
Terms,' which are divisions of a solar year, and 
quite independent of the official year with its 
twelve or thirteen lunar months. These Solar 
Terms commence alternately on the day of the 
sun's entry into a sign of the zodiac, and on tlie 
day of its reaching tlie 15th degree in the sign. 
Their length thus averages 15-22 days, though it 
varies between 14 and 16 days. The first term 
begins when the sun reaches the 15th degree in 
Aquarius, or approximately on the 5th of February. 
These ' Terms,' which are alternately odd (tsie) and 
even (k'i), have the following names : — Li-tsch'iin 
('beginning of spring'), Yii-schui ('rain-water'), 
Kinq-tschi ('coming-forth of worms'), Tsch'iin-fcn 
('spring equinox'), Ts'ing-ming ('pure clearness'), 
Ku-yii ('seed rain'), Li-hia ('beginning of sum- 
mer'), Siao-man ('little fertility'), Mang-tschung 
Cgi-ain in granaries'), Hia-tschi ('turning of 
summer '), Siao-schu ( ' little heat '), Ta-schu ( ' great 
heat'), Li-ts'ieu ('beginning of autumn'), Tsch'u- 
schu ('boundary of heat'), Pc-lti ('white dew'), 
T«'ieM-/en( 'autumn equinox '),i/fni-/«( 'cold dew'), 
Schuang-kiang ('fall of hoar-frost'), Li-tung ('be- 
ginning of winter '), Siao-siie ('little snow '), Ta-siie 
('great snow'), Tung-tschi ('turning of winter'), 
Siao-han ('little cold'), Ta-han ('great cold'). 
These terms are marked in the almanac published 
annually by the Government ; and agricultural 
operations, sowing, etc., are always regidated by 
them. Closely connected with them is the twelve 
days' cycle often called the ' cycle of choice,' whose 
twelve signs are associated wdth the 24 tsie-Ki just 
enumerated, inasmuch as the last day of a k'i and 
the first day of the following tsie come under the 
same sign. The names of the signs of this twelve 
days' cycle, which has some connexion with 
astrology, are as follows: — kien ('attain'), tschu 
('exclude'), man (' full'), 7)'m((7 (' indifferent '), ting 
('determinative'), tsehi ('seize'), p'o ('break'), 
wei ('dangerous'), tsch'ing ('complete'), schcu 
('conceive'), k'ai (' open '), ;)(' ('close '). 

Mention should also be made of the three Chinese 
eras tschang, jm, and ki. The tscliang is 19 huii- 
solar years, when the relation between the rise of 
the new moon and the beginning of the Ki again 
begins : the pu is a cycle of 72 years, when the 
difference between the tropical solar year and the 
lunar year is very nearly equal to the product of 
the sidereal and synodical time of revolution of the 

moon ; and the ki is equal to 20 7)m = 1440 years, 
and represents 261 sexagesimal cycles. 

LlTKRATUltE.—Gaubil, 'Traito de la clironolopie chiiioise,' in 
Mt'moires dc I'acadt'mie des inscriptivn^, xvi., also ' Histoire de 
rnslroiiomie chiiioiae,' in Lettres idifiantcs, xxvi. (raris, 1783) ; 
H. Fritsche, On Chronology and the Construction of the 
Calendar, with itpecial regard to the Chinese Computation 0/ 
Time compared with the Kuropean (St. Petersburj^, 1886) ; P. 
Hoang, De Calendario Sinico faritK JioitOJies (Zi-Ka-\Vei, 1885); 
M. Tchang, Synchroni^mes chinoises (Shanjihai, 1905); G. 
Schlegel, Uranographie chinoise, i. 30, 86-485 (Leyden, 1875) ; 
F. K. Ginzel, Handb. der mathematischen und technischen 
Chronotogie, i. 450-498 (Leipzig, 1906); R. Schram, Kalen- 
dan'ographische vnd chronologi&cke Tajeln, pp. xxvi-xxx, 
239-2S2 (Lcipzipr, lOOS). 

'i. L. Bullock and Louis H. Geay. 

CALENDAR (Christian).— The Christian calen- 
dar derived its name (in the languages of Western 
Europe), as it did its form, from the Koman pagan 
calendar (see Calendar [Roman]), which it gradu- 
ally superseded. The germ of the Christian 
calendar is to be sought in the customary ob- 
servance, in each local church, of the death-days 
of its martyrs and bishops. Lists of these were 
preserved in the diptychs of each church. Refer- 
ences to such lists meet us in St. Cyprian's letters. 
Writing (Ep. 37) about recent martyrs, he gives 
direction that the day of their death should be 
noted in order that tlieir commemorations might 
be celebrated among the memorials of martyrs. 
In another letter (Ep. 34) he mentions as a well- 
known custom the celebration of the anniversaries 
of the Passions of martyrs. Tertullian (dc Coro-na, 
xiii.), reproving Christians for taking part in pagan 
commemorations, reminds them that they have 
their own registers and/«s^(. Sozomen (HE v. 3) 
testifies in regard to two neighbouring towns in 
Palestine, Gaza and Constantia, that, although 
they were united by Julian under one civil govern- 
ment, each retained the festivals of its martyrs 
and the commemorations of the priests who had 
presided over it. See, further, COMMEMORATION 
OF THE Dead. 

1. Calendar of Filocalus. — The earliest festival 
lists which have come down to us belong to the 
local church of Rome. They are contained in a 
compilation of chronological documents of the date 
A.D. 354 — itself a re-publication of an edition of 
336. The title-page is inscribed ' Furius Dionysius 
Filocalus titulavit.' The name of this calligrapher 
is found in two inscriptions in Rome, in one of 
which he describes himself as ' Daniasi Papae cultor 
atque amator.' He appears to have been employed 
by Daniasus in designing the lettering for the 
metrical epitaphs which that Pope wrote for the 
tombs of the martyrs. The compilation commences 
with a civil calendar giving the national pagan 
festivals, but marking the Christian week by the 
letters A-G, which are prefixed in regular sequence 
to the days, side by side with the nundinal letters 
A-H. Tills probably had become a feature of the 
State calendar since the observance of Sunday had 
been legally sanctioned by Constantino in 321. 
There is a list of con.suls from B.C. 510 to A.D. 354, 
in connexion with which certain Christian events 
are noted, viz. the birth and the death of Christ, 
and the arrival in Rome of SS. Peter and Paul, 
and their martyrdom. Other civil documents are 
also given. Of special Christian interest are a 
table of the days of the occurrence of Easter from 
312 to 411, a catalogue of Bishops of Rome from 
Peter to Liberius, and two lists entitled respectively 
' Depositio episcoporum 'and ' Depusitio niartjTum,' 
which note in calendar order the ilays of the burial 
of the Roman bishops and martyrs, with the ]dace 
of their interment, where the memorial service 
was annually held. In these two lists, which we 
may assume were copied from official archives, we 
have the calendar of the Church of Rome, as 
concerned immovable feasts, of the year 354. 

CALENDAR (Christian) 


With very few exceptions all tlio enlrios appear in 
the Koiiiau calernlar of the jiresent daj'. 

An aiiulj'sis ol this primitive calendar yields the following 
results. The ' Deposilio episcoporuni ' contains the names of 
twelve bishops from Lucius (2f)l) to Julius (352). The last two, 
Marcus and Julius, arc inserted at the end, out of c-alendar order, 
by the second editor. One bishop of the period, Marcellus, is 
omitted, and another, Xystus (Sixtus), is placed in the mart,yr 
list. In the ' Depositio martyruni ' 62 names appear, of which 
several are frequently assifned to a single day— that, no doubt, 
on which they suffered tofxether, as we know to have been the 
case with Perpetua and Feiicitas. 24 days in all are observed — 
Christmaa, which heads the list, and St. Peter's Chair, Feb. 22 
(' VIII. Kal. Martias, Natale Petri de cathedra ') being included. 
The only entries relating to foreigners are : ' Non. Martias 
[March 71 (depositio) Perpetuae et Felicitatis, Af ricae ' ; and 
' XVIII. Kal. Octob. [Sept. li] Cyjiriani, Africae, Romae cele- 
bratur in (coemeterio) Callisti." There is no notice of martyrs 
who suffered before the .Srd ccntur^■. Tho r-firli.-^t mentioned are 
Perpctuuand Felicitas (202). The .!!.-! c ,. . are Callistus 
(222), Oct. 14, and Hippolytus .-iiul !■ ,,; : i 0, Aug. 13. 

We may therefore conclude that th' i i . ; > : :.- 1. rating the 
annivei-saries of the martyrs at tln^u ,_i;i'. l;. .Id not arise at 
Rome until the 3rd century. If the festival oi any martyr of 
the 1st or 2nd cent, had become traditional, it would hardly 
have failed to find mention in the ' Depositio niartyriim.' The 
entry 'Petri in Catacumbas et Pauli Ostense Tusco et IJ.asso 
Cons.* [June 29] is not the anniversary of tlie martyrdom of 
these Apostles, but the commemoration of the translation of 
their remains in the year 258. The collection of Filocalus was 
preserved until recenttimes in two MSS of the 8th or 9th century. 
One of these has totally disappeared, but two 17th cent, copies 
remain, one at Brussels and the other at Rome. Of the second 
MS, two fragments only survive in the library of Berne, but a 
copy made from it when entire is in the Imperial library at 
Vienna. (Mommsen has pubhshed the civil calendar in CJL i. 
S34, the other documents in Mon. Germ. Auct. Ant. ix. 13 f. 
For a summary of the contents of the collection, see Duchesne, 
Lc Liber Pontifical-is, i. 1892, p. vi. f., and see also Rossi- 
Duchesne, Acta Sanct., Nov., tom. 2, pars i. p. xlviii. f.) 

2. Gothic calendar. — A fragment of a list of 
martyrs, in the Gothic language, of the end of 
the 4th cent., has been published by Mai from an 
ancient palimpsest in the Ambrosian library at 
Milan (Script. Vet. v. 06), and by INIigne {PL xviii. 
878). It contains 38 days only, — from Oct. 23 to 
Nov. 30, — and in addition to national saints in- 
cludes the Apostles Philip and Andrew, and the 
Emperor Con.stantine. 

3. Calendar of Polemius Silvius. — A calendar 
of complete frauiework, i.e. with all the days of 
the year inserted, was drawn up by Polemius 
Silvius in 448 — in an appendix he names the consuls 
of the following year — and addressed to Eucherius, of Lyons (d. 4.30). Silvius had before him 
another calendar, which, as he says in the preface, 
he set himself to simplify for the use of the un- 
learned. The calendar has a curious resemblance 
to a modern almanac. Historical dates are entered, 
as, e.g., the day of the capture of Rome by the 
Gauls (Id. Feb.). The words 'Kalendre' 'Nonx,' 
' Idus,' 'Epiphania' are explained by the author 
after a manner of his own. Weather indications 
are given. A few pagan festivals are recorded, 
evidently as legal or business dates. Christian 
commemorations are conne(-tc<l with 10 days only, 
and include Christmas, St. Ste|)ben, Epiphany, St. 
Vincent (Jan. 2-2), the Passion (March 25), the 
Resurrection (March 27), St. Lawrence (Aug. 10), 
Hippolytus (Aug. 12), and the Depositio SS. Petri 
et Pauli, which is assigned to Feb. 22 instead 
of June 29. The Maccabees (Aug. 1) — the one OT 
commemoration in the West^ — ajijiears here for the 
first time. This calendar is preserved in a single 
MS of the 12th cent, in the public library at 
Brussels (edited lioll. Acta SS., June, vol. vil., 
Migne, PL xiii. G76, and Mommsen, OIL i. 33.')). 

4. Calendar of Tours. — A list, of the fasts and 
vigils in the diocese of Tours instituted by liishop 
Perpetuus (4(il-490) linds a [ilace in the Jlisturia: 
Francornm of Gregory, Bishop of Tours (x. 31). 
It mentions only the chief festivals, i.e. those 
preceded by a vigil. These are Christmas, 
Epiphany, the Resurrection on the lixed day 
March 27 (VI. Kal. April. — the only date given), as 
well as Easter and Ascension Day ; also, among 

others, the Nativity and Passion of St. J(din 
Baptist,' St. Martin, St. Hilary, St. Peter's Chair 
(Natale S" Petri episcopatus), and SS. Peter and 
Paul. The station days, ijii^n-hi it yriufcrin, 
from (Juinquage.sima to St. .lohn i;;i|iii 1 s day, are 
appointed for ohservance anioiiusl tlic t.isls. 

5. Calendar of Carthage.- I'his calendar was 
first edited in 1682 by MabiUon in his Vetera 
Anrdexia, Paris, iii. 3'JS. It was discovered by 
him in the monastery of Clugny, written on two 
parchment sheets, since lost, which formed the 
covering of a copy of St. Jerome's commentary on 
I.saiah. In this calendar, of the earlier Cartha- 
ginian bishops Cyprian (d. 258) alone is mentioned, 
being honoured as a martyr ; eight bishops are 
commemorated as such, from Gratus who was 
present at the Council of Sardica (343) to Eugenius 
(d. 505). This latter date therefore marks the 
age of the final redaction of the calendar. From 
the names of the bishops, and that of St. 
Augustine (Aug. 29), we conclude that the calen- 
dar belonged to the Catholic Church and not to 
the Donatists. It begins on XIII. Kal. Maias 
(19th April), and ends on XIV. Kal. Mart. (Feb. 
16) — the nine weeks during which Lent occurs 
being omitted, either througli compliance with the 
Eastern custom, attested by the Council of Laodicea 
(between 343 and 381), whicli discouraged festi- 
vals at that time, or simply owing to a defect in 
the MS. The heading is : ' Hie continentur dies 
nataliciorum martyrum et depositiones episcoporum 
quos ecclesia Cartagenis anniversaria celebrant.' 
Martyrs and bishops are not separated, as in the 
Roman calendar, but the distinction is maintained 
by the diti'erent descriptions — natalicia (birthdays, 
i.e. into the higher life) and depositiones (burials) 
— of their days in the heading. Moreover, in the 
list ' depositio ' is prefixed to each bishop, except 
in the ease of Cyprian (Sept. 14), who is classed 
among the martyrs. The number of days com- 
memorated — 79 — shows a large increase when 
compared with the 12 and 24 of the Roman lists of 
a century and a half before. The calendar has 
also become wider in its scope : 18 foreign names 
appear in it, as compared with the 2 in the 
Roman. Among these we observe 9 Roman saints, 
8 of whom are not found in Filocalus, though no 
doubt at this time they were commemoratea also 
at Rome. And, as regards tlie African saints, 
they do not belong exclusively to Carthage, as the 
names in the Roman calendar are all Ryiiiaii. 
Martyrs are included from the three ancient 
African provinces, viz. Africa proper, Nuniidia, 
and Mauretania. Festivals in honour of NT 
events and personages have multiplied. Christmas 
is now followed by its attendant feasts, St. Stejihen 
(Dec. 26), St. John," here coupled with his lirother 
James (Dec. 27), and the Holy Infants (Dec. 28). 
With Christmas is also connected the day of St. 
.lohn Baptist, i.e. his Nativity (VIII. Kal. Jul.- 
VIII. Kal. Jan. representing tlie six months' 
interval of Lk 1-'). We find akso Epijihany 
(.Ian. 6), SS. Peter and Paul (June 29), St. Luke 
(Oct. 13), and St. Andrew (Nov. 29). The Macca- 
bees (Aug. 1) has now gained a firm footing in the 
West (see Calendar of 1*. Silvius above, §3). 

6. Syrian calendar. — The calendars which have 
hitherto occupied us were mainly of a local char- 
acter. We come now to a calendar which takes a 
wider range, being formed by the inclusion of the 
Saints' lists of several Churches. 

In 1837 there was discovered by Dr. Henry Tattani in the 
monastery of 8t. Mai-y Deipara, on the Nitrian Lakes in 

In the Sacramcntarium Gnilici 
Baptist (t'.e. his Nativity) is followed by a 1 

SS for .St. John 

for his Passion 

(Mnratori, Lit. limn. Vtt. 174,S, 878, 9). 

-The text has 'sancti Johannia £n;^fi5(rtc'— undoubtedly a 
copyist's error for Aposloli, as tho Baptist is commemorated in 
the calendar on June 24. 


CALENDAR (Christian) 

Ekjt*. a codex containing— in addition to tlie Clementine 
Itecuifnitioiu!, Euscbius on the Theophania, and other works— 
an ancient calendar written in Syriac. Tattam acquired the 
MS (or the British Museum, where it now lies. The calendar was 
Urst edited by W. Wrightin the Joum. 0/ Sacred Lit., 18S(i, viii. 
46 ff., with an Eng. tr. 423 II., and subsequently bv U. Oratlin in 
the 2nd Nov. vol. o( the Ada Sanctorum, lU., the names being 
turned into Greek by Duchesne. A note in the last page of the 
codex is to the ellcL't that it was comi>letcd at Edessa in 411. 

The calendar consists of two parts. Part I. is 
arranged according to the Houian montlis (to which 
Syriac titles are §iven), and contains the names 
of martyrs belonging to the Koman Empire. It 
begins on the day after Christmas (Dec. 26),' and 
ends on Nov. 24. I'art II. contains a list of Persian 
martyrs, arranged in the order of their ecclesiastical 
standing as bishops, presbyters, and deacons. As no 
dates are given, it must be regarded as a hi.storical 
record, not as a calendar of martyr-festivals. 

The calendar proper {i.e. Part I.) is evidently 
compiled from the martyr-lists of the chief cities 
in the Eastern (trans-Adriatic) part of the Empire. 
Only one local Roman feast (Xystus) occurs in it, 
and one African (Perpetua and her companions). 
The place of honour is given to Nicomedia, whicli 
has been credited with by far the largest number 
(32) of entries. From th'is and other indications 
we may infer that the first editor had his home in 
Nicomedia, and wrote in Greek. The date of his 
work is not earlier than 362, as martyrs are recorded 
who are mentioned by Socrates and Sozomen as 
having suffered under Julian. Owing to careless 
editing, many saints are mentioned twice or even 
thrice. The names of distinguished martyrs had 
found place not only in their own but in other 
calendars, and when the lists were combined, in 
cases where the day of celebration diflered, they 
were allowed to appear again and again. The com- 
pilation is made up of Arian calendars. In the list 
received from Alexandria, Athanasius is omitted, 
but Arius is included. ' At Alexandria, Areios the 
presbyter ' is the entry opposite July 6. Lucian (of 
(Antioch), Jan. 7,andEusebius(of Cajsarea), May30, 
are also commemorated. Possibly also ' Eusebius,' 
Nov. 8, is the Arian bishop of Nicomedia. But in 
substance the Catholic and Arian calendars must 
have been much the same, as after the schism both 
parties, no doubt, retained the old lists, merely 
adding distinguished partisans. In 15 entries the 
words ' of the ancient martyrs ' are added to tlie 
name. If, as seems likely, this means that the 
martyrs mentioned suH'ered before the persecution 
of Diocletian, it follows that by far the greater 
number of the names of this calendar date from 
that persecution. From Nicomedia the calendar 
in all probability came to Antioch, and tliere 
received the long list of martyrs, falling little 
short of the Nicomedian, credited to that city. 
Thence it was carried to Edessa, where it was 
translated into the Syriac vernacular, and again 
augmented by the addition of local saints. Here 
also the list of Persian martyrs was appended ; and, 
as thus edited, the calendar in the MS of 411 has 
come do^^^l to us. In this calendar the only 
festivals other than Saints' days noted are Epi- 
phany and Easter, the latter in connexion with the 
commemoration of All Martyrs, which is assigned 
to the following Friday. The only Apostles com- 
memorated are SS. John and James (Dec. 27), and 
SS. Paul and Peter (Dec. 28). St. Stephen, who is 
also called an Apostle, appears on Dec. 26. 

7. The Hieronymian Martyrology. — The ten- 
dency to combine local festival records in one list, 
which we observe in the Syrian calendar, finds its 
fullest develojjment in the compilation which came 
to be popularly known as the Hieronymian Mar- 

1 The omission of Christmas is remarkable. It prob.%bly stood 
at the commencement of the year in the original Greek te\t 
and was struck out by the Syrian copyist, influenced by the 
usage of his own Church. ■-.. , ., | 

tyrology.' It comprises, as its chief elements, the 
calendars of Home, Carthage, and Syria. The 
nucleus of the work is the Homan calendar, but of 
a later stage than that presented to us by Filocalus. 
As it appears in H.M., it shows a great increase 
in martyr festivals. The 22 days marked for 
observance in A.D. 354 have grown to some 150, 
and, instead of the one or two names then allotted 
to each day, groups — sometimes large groups — of 
names are almost invariably found. The calendar 
has, moreover, ceased to be merely urban and 
suburban. It includes all Middle Italy. Opposite 
' Romaj ' are placed festivals of places a consider- 
able distance from the city, even as far oflfas Forum 
Sempronii, 174 miles away — the number of miles 
from Kome being here, as elsewhere, noted in the 
text. The list of Roman bisliops, kept separate 
from that of the martyrs by the chronographer of 
354, has been made a part of the general calendar, 
and has been continued (with the sole omission of 
Zosimus) to Boniface I., of whom both the con- 
secration day (IV. Kal. Jan.) and the death day 
(II. Non. Sept. ) are given. As the consecration day 
would be observed only during the lifetime of the 
bishop, it may be concluded that the Roman cal- 
endar was received into the work shortly after the 
death of Boniface (422). After Boniface only Popes 
of wide-spread fame ajipear — such as Leo the Great, 
Hilary, and Gregory the Great — attached to whose 
names often occurs a notice showing that they 
were exceptionally added : e.g. IV. Id. Sept. 
' Hilarius per quem Victorius ordinem paschalem 
conscripsit. ' With the Roman calendar were in- 
corporated the calendars, in part or whole, of other 
Italian cities — which probably already formed two 
collections (of Upper and Lower Italy) before they 
came into the compiler's hands — and the calendar 
of Carthage. To the calendar of the West thus 
formed, a later editor added the Syrian festival list 
— that is, its first part, for of the second he seems 
wholly ignorant — and thus gave a kind of ecu- 
menical character to the work. Like the Roman, 
the two other chief sources have been received into 
H.M. with augmentations, as compared, that is, 
with the independent forms known to us. The 
African list has been swollen by a number of 
martyrs who, it has been conjectured, suffered 
during the raid of Genseric, 428 (Achelis, Die 
Mart. pp. 103, 107). The Syrian calendar has been 
extended to 460, as the translation of the remains 
of St. Simeon Stylites, which took place in that year, 
is commemorated on Jan. 5. It is noteworthy that 
the editor, who evidently accepted the calendar as 
Catholic, has in all innocence taken over its Arian 
colouring, the commemoration of the two bishops 
Eusebius being retained, and even that of Arius 
himself, his name appearing in the corrupted forms 
Arthoci, Artotes, or Ari Thoti in ditierent MSS. 

The preface to H.M. takes the form of a letter addressed to 
St. Jerome by two bishops of North Italy, Chromatius o( 
Aquileia and Heliodorus of Altinum, in which they beg him to 
send them from the archives of Caesarea the famous festal 
calendar of Eusebius ; and of his reply, stating that he sending 
them this calendar in a curtailed form which included only the 
most notable martyrs, and with the names arranged according 
to the months and days of the year. It was through this 
fabulous association of the work with St. Jerome (d. 420) that 
the Martyrology received its name, and no doubt won in large 
measure the prominent position which it attained. The pre- 
face is first cited by Cassiodorus (de InstiliUione tUvin. IM. 
xxxii., Migne, PL Ixx. 1148) in 644. As H.M. must have been 
then in currency, its final compilation, i.e. that which united 
its Eastern with its Western elements, may be assigned to an 
earlier date (c. 630) in the 6th century. Towards the end of 
that cent, the knowledge of it had reached the East. In 698, 
Eulogius, Patriarch of Alexandria, requested Gregory the Great 
to send him ' the deeds of the martyrs collected by Eusebius,' 
—a clear reference to the preface of H.M.,— and the" Pope in his 
reply alludes plainly to the Martyrology. The compiler of H.M. 
was undoubtedly a native of North Ital,v. The additions which 
he made to his ancient materials are, as we have seen, mainly 

1 Hereafter cited as H.M. 

CALENDAR (Christian) 


lurLin, and the memorials ot the northern cities setni Inst 
known to him. He has also selected North Italian bishops as 
correspondents with St. Jerome in the preface. 

A work like H.M. would naturally receive au^pncntations 
from time to time. The most remarkable of these took place 
in Gaul. The numerous, almost daily, notices of QaUican saints, 
with other indications of GaUican use, point to this. Probably 
tliis expansion of H.M. occurred at Auxerre, which, a!thouj;h 
a comparatively insignificant town, furnishes more festivals 
than any other, and has all its bishops noticed but one. The 
last bishop whose name is recorded is Aunacharius, and, as his 
' natale,' i.e. entrance upon olfice (Prid. Kal. Aujr.), only— and not 
his death— is commemorated, we may assume Uiat the recension 
was made durin;; his lifetime or shortly after (c. 592). All 
existing MSS of H.M. are derived from this Gallican edition. 
Tlie filartyrology contains more than 8000 names of saints, large 
grovips be'ing allotted to each day. On June 2 the names of 22i) 
saints appear. It frequently happens that the same martyr i-s 
commemorated on different days, in connexion with different 
places. This was a natural result of an uncritical combination 
of several calendars, when no care was taken to avoid re- 
petitions. Transcriptional errors abound, in many cases render- 
mg the entries unmeaning. We find often, as in the instance 
given above, names divided, or two names fused into one. 
*SIilia' is sometimes changed into 'milites.* The names of 
cemeteries are regarded as names of martyrs. So great is the 
confusion, that de Buck, the first critical reviewer of H.M., 
gives as his verdict : ' Nullus forte in universa antiquitate 
horribilior liber' (ProiEmium to Index Hagiologicus ad Acta 
SS. Supplementum, Oct.). And the latest editors, de Rossi 
and Duclicsne, in despair of emending the text, have simply 
printed the three chief MSS in parallel columns (their edition 
is prefixed to Acta Sanctorum, Nov., torn, ii., pars prior). 

8. The later Martyrologies. — Martyrologies, 
called ' Menologies' by the Greeks, are distinguished 
from calendars in this, that they do not merely give 
the names and dates of saints, but add historical 
or legendary accounts of their martyrdoms. Occa- 
sionally in H. M. the entries of the deaths of martyrs 
are thus enlarged, but this feature became charac- 
teristic in the works which succeeded and were 
based upon it, and which are therefore projierly 
termed Historical Martyrologies. The chief sources 
from which accounts are derived are, in addi- 
tion to H.M., t\ie. Passio7ts and Acts of the Martyrs, 
the works of Eusebius, Kufinus, Jerome, Cyprian, 
Gregory the Great, the Liber pontificalis, etc. 

The series of Historical Martyrologies commences 
with the Martyrologlum Romanum Parvuin,^ com- 
posed at Rome about 700. It makes a ratlier spar- 
ing use of biographical matter, so that the Passions 
found in H.M. are often more diffuse. About 
the same time Bede drew up his MartjTology. He 
made large extracts from his autliorities, and 
.-tdded several English and Frankish .saints to the 
Konian list, and also, contrary to the Western 
usage, introduced some names from the OT, taking 
their dates from Greek Menologies. He left many 
days vacant, but were filled up by later lianils, 
so that it is impossible to decide how much of the 
Marty rology ascribed to Bede is actually his. Bede 
was followed by a line of successors, each of whom 
used the works of his predecessors, whUe availing 
him.self of other materials. These subsequent 
writers were Florus of Lyons (c. 830) ; Wandelbert 
of I'rum, who composed, a metrical Martyrology 
(f. 848); Ilrabanus Maurus (c. 850), whose work, 
in the opinion of Achelis, is indeiiendcnt of Bede ; 
Ado, Bishop of Vienne ('■. 870) ; Usuard, a monk 
of St. Germain-des-Pres, Paris (c. 875), whose book 
is practically an epitome of Ado's, and was the 
most used of all the Historical Martyrologies; and 
Notker Balbulus, a monk of St. Gall (c. 8'J6). The 
Marti/rolvr/ium Konmmim, which was compiled by 
Baroiiius at the instance of Gregory Xlll., is a 
revised and augmented edition of Usuard. It 
was prescribed for exclusive use in choir, at the 
canonical liours, by a Papal brief in 1584. 

Achelis traces a twofold series of MartjTologies, starting from 
H.M. : a Uomau-Krench line, viz. M.R.P., Ado, Usuard, and Bar- 
onius ; andan Anglo-Saxon-Germanline, viz. Bede,Kloru9, Wandel- 
bert, Ilrabanus Maurus, and Notker. Dom (^uentin does not 
make this distinction. He reg.ards Iledc as the source of all the 
later Martyrologies, and places M.U.P. late in the series, after S18. 
The foremcntioned Martyrologies were written in 
, 1 Hereafter cited aa M.It.P. 

Latin. A Martyrology in Anglo Saxon, wliicli is 
probably a translation made c. S.jO from a I<atin 
original of 750, has been edited by Herzfehl, London, 
1900. Two others, in Irish, and including many 
Irish saints, have come down to us— the Martyr- 
ology of Oengus, of the date 804, composed in 
rhymed verse, and the Martyrology of Gorman, 
also metrical, written between UGli and 1174 (both 
edited by Whitley Stokes for Henry Bradshaw 
Society, 1895 and 1905). The need for Historical 
Martyrologies arose from the practice of reading the 
Passions of the Saints during Divine Service. This 
ctistom is mentioned by Aurelian, Bishop of 
Aries (545) {Ref/iila. ad tno7iachos, Migne, PL Ixviii. 
;i9(j). It was the origin of the Lections subsecjuently 
inserted in the Breviary. The earlier practice was 
to read passages from Holy Scripture ahme. 

g. Later calendars. — We have seen that H.M. 
is essentially a collection of the calendars of local 
churches. Such calendars, in fact, could be in 
many cases reconstructed from the materials which 
it furnishes. But, apart from H.M. and tlie early 
calendars of whicli we have already treated, we 
do not meet with calendars proper until the Sth 
century. In the West, however, the lack of 
calendars is supplied by the liturgical books of the 
Koman and Gallican {i.e. non-Roman) rites, as in 
them provision is made for special JSIasses on Sun- 
days and other days of observance, following the 
local festival lists. The books of the Greek Church 
do not help us here, as it has never been the Eastern 
custom to vary the Litui'gy according to the day 
or season. In the Western Service-books the 
Sunday cycle appears for the first time, and thus 
an important feature is supplied, in which the early 
calendars and the Martyrologies, which, with rare 
exceptions, notice immovable feasts only, are lack- 
ing. At tirst the Saints' days were distributed 
through the whole year, but eventually, as their 
number continued to increase, they were placed 
together in a separate division of the Service-books, 
the Proprium de .Sanctis, apart from the cycle of 
Sunday services, the Proprium de tempore. 

Belonging to the 7th cent., among books of the Gallican rite, 
we have the Missale Gothicum, which was apparently drawn up 
for the diocese of Autun ; the Lectionary (i.e. book of Lectiona 
read in the Mass throughoutthe year)of Luxeuil, which probably 
represents the use of the church of Paris (Dom Morin, Hevtie 
ISi'n-'dictine, 1893, p. 43S) ; and the Lectionary of Silos (ed. Morin, 
Bruges, 1803, under the title Liber Comicus),^ which shows the 
festival hst ot the ancient ecclesiastical province of Toledo. To 
the 7th cent, also belongs the Gelasian Sacramentary, a Koman 
Service-book in use in France before the time of Charlemagne. 
The earher Leonine Sacramentary, being a private collection of 
Masses, is an uncertain guide as to the calendar of its age. 

Coming to the Sth cent., we have the Gregorian Sacramentary, 
containing the Roman liturgical services of the time, adapted for 
use in France (for the Roman Sacramentaries, see art. Collect). 
In it, with iUcuin's supplement, the Suiidaj' cycle, as represented 
in \hii Proprium de tempore <'l ti.' li'. r i:!--;ils, is almost com- 
plete. We have also the (.';.! ' i i ' i magne (ed. Piper, 
Berlin, 1858)— a Roman caleii : i , I rankish saints in- 

serted. Of the same age is a 1.- ■ i:. n ;■;. i iliii,hed by Fronteau 
in Ki'i, from a MS written in gold cli:ir:irtcr3 belonging to the 
Church of St. Genevieve, Paris. The East is represented in lliis 
century by Coptic calendars published by Selden i,de Synrdrii.<, 
iii. 15, London, 1660-56)from MSS which have since disappeared ; 
and by the Menology of Constantinople, which gives a long list 
of the martyrs, confessors, and doctors of the Eiwtern Chunh, 
but only three martyrs of the West— Lawrence, Gervasius, and 
Protasius (ed. by Morcelli, Rome, 1788). 

To the 9th cent, belongs the Sacramentary of Cologne, which 
contains a complete calendar— that of Rome, with the addilion 
of the IocaI saints of Cologne. The Sacramentary has bun 
printed, but without the calendar, by Panielius, Citurinruii 
Eccles. Lot., torn, ii., Cologne, 1571. The 'Comes' ot Ada at 
Treves, with full festival list, is also of this cent. (ed. in Die 
Trierer Ada-Ilandschri/t, Leipzig, ISS9, pp. 10-t7); so is the 
niarUe calendar of Naples, which is remarkable as containing 
several Eastern features ; e.ij. OT personages are admitted, the 
Council of Ephesus is commemorated (Aug, 4), also Cnnstantine 
(May 21), Theodusius (Nov. 10), and a few Bishops of Constan- 
tinople (ed. Mai, A'oid Coll. Script. Vet., Uomc, 1821). Anollier 
calendar of the 9th cent, is incorporated in a treatise de Compute 

1 From ' Comes ' = 'Lectionarius,' i.e. the book which is the 
' companion ' of the priest in Divine worship. 


CALENDAR (Christian) 

by an unknown author (Mignc, PL cxxix. 1274). 11 socms to 
belong to the diocese of Sens. The Leofric Missal (ed. Wanen, 
0.tford, 1883) contains the calendar of Glastonbury, c. 970. At 
foot of p. xliv. the editor gives a list of English calendars in MSS 
o( !)th to 11th centuries. The Bosworth Psalter (ed. Giwciuot 
and Bishop, London, IMS), gives tlie calendar of Canterhurv 
(between 938 and 1023) practically as it stood before Archbishop 
Lanfranc substituted for it the calendar of Winchester, the 

When llissals and Breviaries took the place of the earlier 
Sacranientaries, Lectionaries, etc., they were generally provided 
with calendars. A great number of these, and also of separate 
calendars, have survived, and many have heen published. See 
for specimens Ilampson, Mcdii cevi Kalaularium, vol. i., 
Lon<lon, 1S41. 

With the exception of the Irish and Anglo-Saxon documents 
ttlreadyreferred to, vernacularcalendars are hardly nietwith until 
towards the close of the Middle Ages. A calendar in French, of 
the 13th cent., is preserved in the l-ibrary of Paris. Another in 
Konnan French of the 14th cent. (Harl. MSS. Cod. 273) is in- 
cluded in Hampson's collection (see above). Calendars in OrTinan 
also appear for the first time in the 14th century. The \al 
calend.irs, like those preflxed to modem missals and broviniiis, 
and lo the Book of Common Prayer, are ' perpetual,' i.e. not. for 
any special year, but containing only the invariable elements 
TOmmon to all years, tables being generally provided by which 
the movable feasts for any particular year may be ascertained. 
The first printed calendars imitate the MSS in their arrange- 
ment, and, like them, are perpetual. Weale (Anateota liturgica, 
vol. I., LiUc and Bruges, 1889) gives calendars of the 16th and 
early 16th cent, belonging to several continental dioceses. 
Heitz (Hundert Kalenaer-lnkunaheln, Strassburg, 1905) has 
reproduced in facsimile 100 calendars printed for popular use 
in Germany in the 16th century. They consist of smgle broad- 
Bheets, are mainly written in German, and mostly contain only 
a few dates, ecclesiastical and civil. The first calendar for a 
definite year was printed in German and Latin by John Rcno- 
montanus at Nuremberg in 1475. It is arranged for the years 
1475, 1494, and 1613, as the first years of a nineteen-year cycle, 
and so designed that the dates for other years can be calculated 
from it. 

10. The Sunday cycle.— (1) Western.— AW Sun- 
tlays in the year, like the movable festivals, depend 
upon the date of Easter, with the exception of 
those connected with Advent and Christinas, i.e. 
those which occur from Nov. 27 to Jan. 6, both 
inclusive. The Sunday cycle bes^ins with Advent 
Sunday, which is always the nearest Sunday to the 
Feast of St. Andrew (Nov. 30), either before or 
after. Three more Sundays in Advent follow ; 
then two after Christmas, in case Advent Sunday 
falls on a day from Nov. 28 to Dec. 1, otherwise 
only one. Next come Sundays after Epiphany— 
from one to six, according to the position of Easter ; 
Septuagesima ; Sexagesima ; Quinquagesima ; six 
Sundays in Lent— the two last being generally 
known as Passion Sunday and Palm Sunday ; 
Easter Day ; five Sundays after Easter ; Sunday 
after Ascension ; Whitsunday ; Trinity Sunday ; and 
lastly, Sundays after Trinity— from twenty-two to 
twenty-seven, according as Easter falls later or 
earlier. The reckoning of Sundays after Trinity is 
that of the Church of England, and the one tliat 
appears in most English almanacs. The Church of 
Koine and the Greek Church number the Sundays 
after Pentecost (Whitsunday). 

(2) Ea.9tern.—ln the East, all the Sundays except 
those immediately before and after Christmas Day, 
Epiphany, and the Exaltation, depend upon Easter. 
According to the calendar of Constantinople, with 
which the Russian and Georgian practically agree, 
the cycle of Sunday observance begins with the 
Sunday which in the West immediately precedes 
Septuagesima; i.e. it starts with the sea-son pre- 
paratory to Easter. The Sundays usually take their 
names from the Gospel of the day. The 1st Sunday 
IS called the Sunday of the Publ'ican and the Phari- 
see (Lk 18i»-"). Then follow in order : the Sunday 
of the Prodigal .Son (Lk IS"-^^) ; Abstinence 
Sunday, mpiaKij ttjs dirdKpea (the We.stern Sexa- 
gesima)— so called because it is the last day on 
which flesh is eaten, though the fast does not begin 
until the following week ; Cheese-eating Sunday, 
KvpiaKi} T?s Tupo(pdyov (Quinquagesima) — thus named 
because cheese and butter are allowed to be eaten 
until the end of the day; Sunday of the Fast, 
or of Orthodoxy (1st Sunday in Lent)— com- 

incniorating the conclusion of the iconoclastic ; 2nd, 3rd, 4lh, Gth Sundays of the 
l'"ast ; I'alm Sunday [Holy and Great Monday, 
Tuesday, etc.]; Eastei-jDay («r. toO Iltiirxa), some- 
times called Bright (Ad/xirpa) Sunday [Monday, 
Tuesday, etc., of the Renewal (AiaKaij/^iri/ios)] ; 
Antipascha, or Sunday of St. Thomas (Jn 20'"") ; 
Sunday of the Ointment-Rearers (Mk l.'j^-ie') ; 
Sunday of the Paralytic (Jn 5'-'') ; Sunday of the 
Samaritan Woman (Jn 4'^-'-) ; Sunday of the Blind 
Man (Jn Q'-"") [Ascension Thursday]; Sunday of 
the 318 Fathers of Nica:'a ; Holy Pentecost ; and 
All .Saints' Sunday (Trinity Sunday). The Sundays 
that follow are numbered after Pentecost, or are 
styled the Sundays of St. Matthew. Next come 
Sunday before the Exaltation, i.e. of the Holy (IJross 
(Sept. 14); and Sunday after the Exaltation. The 
Sundays onwards, up to that which corresponds 
with the Western 2nd Sunday in Advent, are 
numbered after Pentecost, or are styled Sundays 
of St. Luke. Then follow : Sunday of the Holy 
Forefathers ; Sunday before the Nativity of Christ; 
Sunday after the Nativity ; Sunday before the 
Liglits, i.e. Epiphany ; and Sunday after the Lights. 
The remaining Sundays, up to the Sunday of the 
Publican, are reckoned after Pentecost, or are 
called Sundays of .St. Luke. 

II. The computation of Easter.— The primitive 
Christians all agreed in celebrating Christ's death 
and resurrection at the season when they actually 
occurred, that is, at the time of the Jewish Pass- 
over. They also agreed tliat the Crucifixion took 
place on a Friday which coincided with the 14th 
day of the first Jewish (lunar) month Nisan, the 
day on wliich the Paschal lamb was slain. But a 
division of opinion prevailed as to the days or day 
on which the death and resurrection should be 
commemorated. The Christians of Rome and of 
the West, claiming the authority of St. Peter and 
St. Paul, \\ith many Eastern Churches, attached 
most importance to the days of the week, Friday 
and Sunday, on which these events happened. 
If 14th Nisan did not fall upon a Friday, they 
celebrated the death of Christ on the Friday 
following it, and the resurrection on the Sunday 
that succeeded, continuing their fast untU the 
latter date. On the other'hand, the Christians of 
Asia (proconsular) and of some neighbouring pro- 
vinces, who traced their tradition back to St. John 
and St. Philip, insisted upon tlie observance of the 
day of the month on which our Lord suffered, hence 
receiving the name of ' C^uartodecimans.' They 
always celebrated Christ's death on 14th Nisan, 
irrespective of the day of the week, and, ending their 
fast at 3 p.m. (the hour when our Lord expired), 
then began their Paschal feast, thus commemorating 
the death and resurrection on the same day. It is 
noteworthy that 'Pascha,' which subsequently 
came to mean the day of the resurrection, was 
employed, when first used as a Christian term, to 
designate the day of the passion (Tertullian, adv. 
Jud. 10; de Bapt. 19). The distinction of Trdirxa 
a-Tavpticni^oi', Good P'riday, from vda-xa dvaaTiaifiov, 
Easter Day, marks a transitional use of the word 
(Suicer, Thes. eccl. ii. 621 f., i. 304). 

The first recorded occasion on which the two customs came 
mto competition was the visit of Polvcarp, Bishop of Smvrna, to 
Amcetus, Bishop of Rome (c. 16S). It was then Judged fitting 
that each party should abide by its oivn usage. The controversy 
was renewed in 198 by a later Bishop of Rome, Victor. At hia 
instance, apparently, several Councils were held in the East and 
West, which decided against the Quartodecimans. These refused 
to a'nc up their traditional usage, and found a champion in 
[' '■ ' ''■■'•■- I'i ii'ip of Ephesus, who wrote a vigorous letter to 
* ' I' "Of their position. Victor excoimnunicital the 

'.' ' "''. and endeavoured, but without success, to 

"I I" '"!'"! I liurchestodothesame. Finallv, mainly through 
tlio nuQuition of Irenajus, Bishop of Lyons, who, as a native of 
Asia and a Western bishop, was in touch with both parties, peace 
was restored, and the Asiatics were allowed to retain their usage 
until the Council of Nica;a (Eusebius, H£ v. 23, 24). 

CALENDAR (Christian) 


As Cliristians niiule tlieir I'aschal anniversaries 
coincide in season with tlie Passover, so, for a long 
period, tlicy were satisfied to accept the Jewisli 
com]>utation of the time of that festival, which 
should fall (in the lir.'-t full moon after the venial 
equinox. I!ut in the 3rd cent., owing to .sup- 
poscil errors in the Jewisli calculation, which 
>vas li.-ised on a lunar cycle of 84 years, and also 
<loubth'ss witli the desire to be independent of the 
Jews, Christians began to frame lunar cycles for 
themselves. The earliest of such cycles extant is 
one drawn up at Home by Ilippolytus, about the 
year •222. This was a lO-year cycle, that is, it 
assumed that the new moons fell on the .same days 
of the month at the end of every 16 years. So 
highly esteemed was Hippolytus for his work, that 
a statue of him, still in existence, was erected in 
llonie, with his cycle engraved on the sides. But 
the cycle proved faulty, and although emended in 
2','i by another calculator, the author of dc Pasc/ui 
coinjtutu.i (pul)Ushedasan appendix to St. Cyprian's 
works), it M'as not retained in use. In the begin- 
ning^ of the 4th cent, we find an 84-year cycle 
again emploj'ed at Kome (Ideler, ii. 238). At 
Antioch the computation according to the Jewish 
metliods was maintained until the Council of 
Nicta. It was at Alexandria that special study 
was given to the question, and from it ultimately 
came the ruling wliich found general acceptance. 
Dionysius, of Alexandria, in a Festal 
Epistle (c. 250) published tlie earliest Greek Paschal 
canon on record. It was calculated on an 8-year 
cycle, and it specified that Easter should not be 
celebrated until after the vernal equinox (Eusebius, 
HE vii. 20). Subsequently (e. 277) Anatolius, a 
native of Alexandria and afterwards Bisliop of 
Laodicea, took the momentous step of making 
Meton's cycle (see below) of 19 years the basis of a 
new Pasclial canon (ih. vii. 32). This was adopted 
at Alexandria, with the imjiortant change that the equinox, which, according to Anatolius, fell 
on March 19, was assigned to March 21. 

It should here he stated, for the sake of clear- 
ness, that the need for the employment of cycles 
for fixing the date of Easter arises from the fact 
that the conditions for determining it involve both 
the solar and tlie lunar year. As Easter day must 
be a Sunda5', and one subsequent to the vernal 
equinox, the solar year is involved. As, again, 
E.'ister day bears a certain relation to the age of 
th(! moon, the lunar month and year become a 
nece.s.sary element in the calculation. The Metonic 
cycle wa.s that upon which the determination of 
Easter was finally based. Meton, an Athenian 
astronomer, discovered (c. 433 B.C.) that in 19 solar 
years there are almost exactly 235 lunar synodic 
months, so that after the completion of every cycle 
of 19 j-ears the new moons, and therefore all oilier 
idiases of the moon, recur in the same order and on 
tlie .same days of the month as they did at the be- 
ginning of the cycle. An error in the INIetonic cycle 
was ])oin ted out and corrected by Callippus of Cyzicus 
in 340 li.c. Meton calculated that 19 solar years 
contained G910 days. He therefore a-ssumed that 
the length of the solar year was 365i*5 days, that is 
-".T longer than 365J days — a more approximate 
length, as was afterwards ascertained, and later on 
adopted in the Julian calendar. This excess would 
amount to a whole day in 70 years. The Metonic 
cycle, therefore, would be a day wrong at the end 
of that lime, and should be corrected by drojiping 
a day. This was done by a rule introduccil by 
Callippus that every fourtli cycle sliould consist of 
6939 days instead of 6940. Some 200 years later a 
further correction was made by Hipparchus. He 
found that the Callippic year of 305 J days was about 
■sh: of a day too long, and therefore proposed to 
omit one day at the end of every 304th year. 

The lack of uniformity as to the ilate of E.aster 
caused many inconveniences, and exjiosed Cliris- 
tians to the derision of pagans (Epiphan. Hccr. 
Ixx. 14). In the West the 1st Council of Aries 
(314) attempted, but without success, to make the 
existing Roman use universal by decreeing ' ufc 
Pasclia Dominicum uno die et uno tempore per 
oninem orbem a nobis observetur ' (Mansi, Collect. 
Concil. ii. 471). The Council of Nica-a (325), at the 
request of the Emperor Constantine, next took up 
the matter. Its deliberations, we know, resultea 
in the decision — involving the condemnation of the 
Quartodecimans — that Easter day should always be 
kept on a Sunday and never at the same time as 
the Jewish Passover (Socrates, JJE i. 9 ; Euseb. Vit. 
Const, iii. 18), but what the Council further decreed 
on the subject is involved in doubt. St. Ambrose, 
in a letter written about 60 years afterwards, 
states that it resolved that the moon of the first 
month should be determined by the cj'de of 19 
j'ears (Ambrose, Opcr. ii. 880, Eiiist. 23). But in 
the extant records of the Council no trace of such 
a decree exists. The most probable solution of the 
difficulty is that the Council commissioned the 
Church of Alexandria, as most skilled in a.stronomi- 
cal science, to frame a rule based on the 19-year 
cycle.' After the Council of Nicaea, the Paschal 
computation of Alexandria was generally accepted 
throughout the East, but the Roman Church re- 
tained its own rules of calculation ; so that it 
frequently happened that Easter was celebrated on 
diflereiit days at Rome and Alexandria. At last, 
through the instrumentality of Dionysius, a Scy- 
thian and a Roman monk, the question was settled. 
The Alexandrian computation, as modified by him 
in 525, was adopted at Rome, and subsequently 
gained universal acceptance in West and East. 

The countries which fell latest into line with the 
rest of the Church in the matter were the British 
Isles and Gaul. The British and Irish Christians 
had learnt to compute Easter according to the cycle 
of 84 years which had been in u-se at Rome In the 
beginning of the 4th cent., and they continued this 
practice unafl'ected by changes elsewhere. Not 
only was this cycle erroneous in its method, but it 
permitted the occurrence of Easter Sunday from 
14th to 20th Ni.san (Bede, HE ii. 2, 4, 19). As 16th 
Nisan is the earliest day on which Easter can fall, 
we may probably see here the result of a confusion 
between the earlier and the later meaning oipn.icha 
— that word, which in 300 meant Good Friday, had 
now come to mean Easter <lay. The bitter contro- 
versies on the Easter question which followed the 
arrival of the Roman St. Augustine in England were 
not settled until 747, when the Council of Cloveshoe 
decided in favour of the Roman usage. In Gaul a 
Paschal cycle of Victorius, Bishop of Aquitaine, 
drawn up at Rome in 457, which had been employed 
by Dionysius as the basis of his table, found such 
acceptance that it continued in use until the time 
of Charlemagne. 

The conditions w'hicli were finally adopted for 
the determination of Easter are these : 1. It must 
he kept on a Sunday. 2. (n) This Sunday 
be the next after the 14th day of the I'aschal 
moon reckoned from the day of the new moon 
inclusive, (i) If the 14th day should hapjien to 
be Sunday, Easter must not be kept until the 
following Sunday. 3. The Paschal moon is tlie 
calendar moon whose 14th day falls on, or follows 
next .after, the day of the vernal cc]uinox. 4. The 
2Ist March is to be taken as (he invariable day of 
the vernal equinox. The object of the second rule 
is to prevent Easter from being kept either before 

1 Cyril of A!ex,ai)dri.a (' Proloijua pasclLiIis,' ed. Patavius, de 
Dnrtrlna Tetnpontm. Paris, 1G27, ii. Append, p. 881), claims for 
his Clmrch such a sj-nodical coiiiinission to calciilat* Easter, 
but docs not mention the Council which conferred it. 


CALENDAR (Christian) 

tlie ilay of the Jcwisli I'assover — which would jnit 
the Resurrection day liefore the daj' of the Pas- 
sion ; or on the I'assover day — a coincidence whicli 
Christian prejudice regarded as intolerable. The 
following brief summary of these conditions is 
given in the chapter ' De anno et ejus partibus' 
prefixed to the UoniRU Missal and Breviary : 

* Ex decreto sacri Concilii Nicaeni Pascha, ex quo reliqua 
Festa mobilia i)endent, celebrari debet die Dominico, qui 
proxime Buccedit xiv Luiiao primi uieusis ; ia vero apud 
llebraeo8 vocatur priiuus mensis, cujiis xiv Luna vel cadil 
in diem verni aetiuinoctii, quod die 21 mensis Martit coutingit, 
vel propius ipsum sequiLur.' 

It is inijiortant to bear in mind that, as stated in 
rule 3 above, the moon ' by which Easter day is 
calculated is the calendar moon or moon of the 
lunar cycle, and not the actual moon of the 
heavens. The real motions of the sun and moon, 
being variable, have not been employed by the 
Church for the fixing of her festivals. Similarly 
the vernal equino.x in rule 4 is not the true but 
the calendar equinox. The true equino.x obviously 
cannot be fixed to a single day, because, in con- 
sequence of the intercalary day every fourth year, 
it must necessarily oscillate between two days 
(Clavius, V. §§ 12, 13). 

The Dionysian Easter canon had been generally 
accepted throughout Christendom ; but it sufl'ered 
from two defects which in process of time compelled 
attention, (a) Taking for its basis the Julian 
calendar (see Calendar [Roman]), it assumed that 
the solar year consisted of exactly 3654 days. But 
the solar year falls short of the Julian estimate by 
somewhat more than 11 minutes, and this error 
would accumulate to one day in about 1284 years, 
(i) It further assumed that 235 lunar months are 
exactly equal to 19 Julian years, whereas they are 
nearly H hours shorter — a ditference which would 
accumulate to one day in 308 years. Notice was 
directed to the matter at the beginning of the 13th 
cent, in the Computus of Conrad, and later on by 
an anonymous writer, generally supposed to be 
Vincentius of Beauvais. A treatise of Roger 
Bacon, ' De reformatione calendar,' which was 
addressed by him to Pope Clement IV., is still in 
MS at Rome. In the East also, Isaac Argyrus, a 
Greek monk, contributed (1372) an essay on the 
subject (criticized in Petavius' Uranologion, Paris, 
1630, lib. viii.). In the 15th century the matter 
was brought before the Council of Constance (1414) 
by Cardin,T,l Peter D'Ailly and before that of 
Basel (1436) by Cardinal Cusanus. It was again 
mooted at the Lateran Council under Leo x. Kin- 
ally, the Council of Trent delegated the revision 
of the calendar to the Pope, and Gregory xill. 
carried it out in 1582. The Papal commission 
appointed for this purpose worked upon proposals 
made by Luigi Lilio, a Calabrian astronomer. The 
commission was presided over by a distinguished 
mathematician, Christopher Schliissel, who is better 
kno^vIl by his Latinized name Clavius. To him 
the reformed calendar is mainly due.'' For these 
earlier suggestions about revision see the ' Pro- 
cemium' to Clavius's work, and Ideler, ii. 300 fl'. 

At the time that the Gregorian revision was set 
on foot, the error arising from the undue length 
of the Julian year amounted to nearly 10 days. 
The true equinox, therefore, had receded nearly 10 
days from the calendar equinox, March 21. The 
error also of the lunar cycle had grown to more 
than 4 days, so that what was accomited the 14th 
day of the moon was really the 18th day. Ditlerent 
methods were suggested for getting rid of this 
accumulation of errors. That which was adopted 

1 Church clirotiologers were in the habit of giving the name 
' Full Moon ' to the 14th day of the calendar moon (Ideler, ii. 
198). In the deftnition of Easter in the Book of Common 
Prayer, ' Full Moon ' is used in this sense. 

2 Clavius, in a work {Romani Calt^nd. explicatio) published at 
Rome in 10C3, j-'ave an exhaustive .iccount of the whole subject. 

by Gregory's mathematicians was to drop 10 days 
at once out of the calendar, and thus to restore 
the equinox to March 21, the day on which it fell 
about the time of the Nicene Council. It was 
accordingly ordered in the Pope's Bull that the 
4th October, the Feast of St. Francis, 15S2, should 
be immediately followed by the 15th, 10 days 
being thus omitted from the calendar. As re- 
garded the rectification of the lunar cycle, it was 
decreed that the new moon should be drawn back 
3 days. Consequently in the first rectified year 
of the cj'cle, the first new moon was removed from 
Jan. 3 to Dec. 31 preceding. To prevent the 
recurrence of similar confusion, rules were made 
that 3 bissextile days should be omitted every 400 
years, and that the new moon should be carried back 
1 day 8 times in 25 centuries, beginning from 1800. 

Tlie Gregorian calendar, or ' New Style,' was 
almost immediately adopted by Roman Catholic 
nations. In Germany the Emperor Rudolf II. and 
the Roman Catholic States accepted it in 1583, 
but the Elector of Saxony and the Protestant 
States adhered to the Old Style, objecting to the 
New, not merely as coming from Rome, but be- 
cause of certain defects which Scaliger and other 
authorities pointed out in its astronomical accu- 
racy. This difference of calendar was productive 
of much dissension and inconvenience, e.'ipecially 
in places where populations were mixed. In 1700, 
at the instance of Leibniz, the Protestant States 
agreed to omit 11 days from their calendar, and so 
far conformed to the Gregorian revision. But, 
instead of following the rule that Easter should de- 
pend on the 14th day of the calendar moon, they 
determined it by the true astronomical full moon. 
Thus it still happened that in some years Easter 
was kept on different days by the two parties, and 
much confusion resulted. At last, in 1775, on the 
proposal of Frederick the Great, the Corpus Evan- 
gelicorum resolved to accept fi'ankly the Reformed 
Calendar, thus producing uniformity of practice in 
Germany. In England the change was made in 
1752, in pursuance of an Act of Parliament passed 
the year before, which enacted that the day next 
following the 2nd September 1752 should be called 
and reckoned the 14th September, the 11 inter- 
mediate days of the common calendar being 
omitted ; and that the centennial years 1800, 
1900, etc., should be common years, with the ex- 
ception of every 400th year, beginning with 2000, 
which should be regarded as leap-years ; also that 
for the future Easter day and the movable feasts 
depending upon it should be celebrated according 
to new tables and rules which, with a new 
calendar, were annexed to the Act, and which 
were directed to be substituted for the existing 
calendar, etc., in the Book of Common Prayer. 
Tlie new tables and rules were prepared by 
the then Astronomer Royal, Dr. Bradley. All 
Eastern Christians, including Greeks and Russians, 
with the exception of the Romanized Uniats, 
still adhere to the Old Style. At present their 
reckoning is 12 days behind that of the rest of the 
civilized world. 

12. Calendar letters. — In the Julian (pagan) 
calendar, daj's of the year were arranged in succes- 
sive groups of 8, called nnndlnce, with the letters 
A-H attached to them. This suggested to Western 
Christians — for the plan was never adopted by the 
Easterns — the marking of the days of the week in 
the Christian calendar with the 7 letters A-G, re- 
l>eated throughout the year. These ' calendar or 
ferial letters,' as they are called, were, as has been 
noticed above, introduced probably at tlie time when 
the Christian Sunday was legalized by Constantino. 
We have seen that they occur in the pagan calendar 
of Filocalus side by side with the nundinfe. The 
Sunday, or Dominical, letter of each year is that 

CALENDAR (Egyptian) 


which stands opitosite the first (and every succes- 
sive) Sunday in the jear ; and, wlieu it is l<nown, 
the week day of any day in that year can be ascer- 
tained. The 2'.llh Feb., which occurs only in leaj) 
year, has no letter in the regular sequence alh.\ed 
to it ; it takes the letter of March 1, whicli there- 
fore occurs twice. This has the efl'ect of chanHins 
the Sunday letter for the rest of the year. A 
leai)-year, therefore, has two Sunday letters ; 
the first applicable to January and February ; the 
second, wliich in the order of tlie letters of the 
alphabet is alway.^ one behind the first, to March 
and the remaining,' months. The Uoman Catholic 
calendar still follows the Julian in placing tlie 
intercalary day between the 23rd and 24tli F"eb., 
thus making two 24ths, as in the Julian calendar 
there were two VI. Kalend. Hence the change 
in the Sunday letter takes place in the Roman 
calendar after Fel). 24. The English Church 
calendar retained tlie ancient practice until 1062. 

13. Golden numbers and epacts. — The desig- 
nation ' golden numbers ' was given in the Middle 
Ages to the numerals in the calendar which de- 
noted the 19 years of the Metonic lunar cycle (see 
above), either as an expression of the great value 
attached to them or as having been rubricated. 
These numbers were formerly marked throughout 
the year in the first column of the calendar, being 
affixed to thedays of the occurrence of the new moons 
in each year of the cycle. But since 1752 they in- 
dicate in the Prayer Book the days upon which the 
full moons of the respective years fall, and they are 
inserted in the calendar only from March 22 to April 
18, the Paschal full moon limits. Easter day itself 
occurs at earliest on Marcli 22, and at latest on April 
25. In the Roman calendar, since the Gregoiian 
reformation, ' epacts,' which represent the number 
of days of the moon's age at the beginning of each 
year in the 19-year cycle, have taken the place of 
the ' golden numbers ' in the first column. 

14. Christian era. — As the Christian calendar 
was based, as regards its form and divisions, on the 
official (Julian) calendar of the Roman Empire, so 
during the earlier centuries Christians emploj-ed 
the eras used by their pagan countr3-men. About 
the j'ear 532, Dionysius, whose part in framing the 
Easter canon has been mentioned, proposed that 
the epoch of the birth of Christ, which he assignecl 
to Dec. 25 A.u.C. 753, should he adopted by Chris- 
tians. This was called the Vulgar or Dionysian 
Era, and gradually gained almost general accept- 
ance. Dionysius did not nuike the epoch com- 
mence on the day of the Nativity, Dec. 25, but 
on Jan. 1 in the following year A.U.C. 754. Thus 
A.D. 1 is not the year of the Nativity, but the first 
current year after it. It is well known that 
Dionysius was incorrect in his calculation, and 
that the birth of Christ should more probably be 
assigned to A.U.C. 74!) or n.c. 4. 

15. Commencement of the year. — The accept- 
ance by the Church of the framework of the 
Julian calendar involved the placing of Jan. 1 
at the beginning of the Christian calendar, liut, 
besides this New Year's D.ay, to which the calendar 
bore witness, other beginnings of the year, of 
more purely ecclesiastical origin, have been ob- 
served in Christendom. The chief of these are 
the following : (1) March 1, kept in Merovingian 
France, among the Lombards, in the Rejuiblic of 
Venice, and for a long time in Russia ; (2) Easter, 
observed chiefly in F'rance, and hence called Mos 
Gallicns ; (3) Sept. 1, according to the custom of 
the Greek and Russian Cliurches ; (4) Christmas 
Day— the usage in England in Anglo-Saxon times, 
also in Scandinavia, Prussia, Hungary, Switzerland, 
etc., in early times ; (5) March 25, theAnnunciation 
B.V.M., used first in the North of Italy, wlience it 
passed into France and Germany. It was adopted 

in England as a Church reckoning in the 12th cent, 
—superseding Jan. 1, which had been tlie begin- 
ning of the year since 1066— and in the 14th came 
into civil use. This continued to be the legal and 
ecclesiastical usage until the revision of the calendar 
in 1751. It was then enacted 

' that tbe supputation according 10 which the year o( our Lord 
beginneth on the 25th day of March shall not bo made use of 
from and after the last day of December 1751 ; and that the Ist 
day of January next following . . . shall be reckoned ... to 
be the first day of the year 1752.' 

It should, however, be noted that, although 
in the successive editions of the English Prayer 
Book from 1559 to 1662 it is stated that the year 
of our Lord begins on March 25, yet the expres- 
sion New Year's Day is applied, in the rubric fol- 
lowing tlie collect for St. Stephen's day, to Jan. 1. 
It is also to be observed that from 1549 onwards 
the series of daily lessons are arranged in the 
calendar with reference to Jan. 1. Thus both 
usages, the legal-ecclesiastical and the calendar, 
are recognized. While this double commencement 
of the year prevailed, it was customary, in giving 
the date of an event between Jan. 1 and March 25, 
to write both years — the legal first, the calendar 
aftersvards : thus 20 Feb. 1721-2. A somewhat 
similar practice came into use, and was kept up 
for many years, after the introductiim of the New 
Style, namely, that of writing the two dates in the 
form of a fraction, the old above, and the new 
below the line, thus }| May 1760. 

Yet another arrangement of the year is that 
connected with the cycle of church services. The 
Latin and English Churches in the West, and the 
Nestorian in the East, commence their ritual year 
on Advent Sunday, or, as the Nestorians name it, 
the first Sunday of the Annunciation. The Ar- 
menians begin theirs on Eijiphany, Jan. 6. The 
Constantinopolitan rite, with the Russian and 
Georgian, makes, as we have seen, the starting- 
point of its round of movable festivals the Sunday 
of the Pharisee and Publican, which coincides with 
the Western Sunday before Septuagesima. See also 

Literature. —For the early caleudars and Martyrologies : 
de Rossi-Duchesne, Martyrologium liieroTiymianum, pre- 
fixed to BoUandus, Acta Sanctorutn, Nov., torn, ii., pars prior ; 
Achelis, Die Martyrologicn, ihre Geach. und ihr Wtrth, Berlin, 
isiito ; Quentin, Les Martyrologies historiqucs du moycn-Agc^ 
Paris, 1908 ; Piper, Die Kalendarien und Martyrologicn der 
Angclsachsen, Berlin, 1862; Knisch, Dcr Sijalirige Osier- 
cyclvSy Leipzig, 18S0 ; Hefele, Conciliengesch,^ Freiburg, 1S55, 
Kng. tr., Ectinburgh, 1871, i. 298ff. For structure of the calendar 
and computation of Easter : Ideler, Handbuch der Chrotwl., 
Berlin, 1S25 ; Bingham, Origines Eccles., bk. xx. ch. v. ; 
Butcher, The Eccte.siosticat Calendar, Loudon, 1S77 ; Salmon, 
Introd. to the XT, London, 1889, p. 202 IT. ; Hemiessy- 
MacCartby, Ammls of Ulster, Dublin, 18S7-1001, vol. iv., 
Introd. For Eastern calendars; Allatius, '!'■ -(tI, <\^ donii- 
nicis Grfficorum,' in TJe Eccl. occid. et ^ \, ' r.,r .n^njtie, 
Cologne, 1648; NiUes, Kalendarium <■ ■ I'm'sqjie 

ecclesiw orient, et Occident., Innsbruck, 1- ' . '.. .u. , tii.'lory 
0/ the Uoly Eastern Church, London, Ittiiii, i.iiii Lilui-jiology, 
London, 1863; "HHch^W, An Egyptian Calendar J or the Koptic 
Year 1617, London, 1900; Martinov, 'Annus ecclesiasticus 
Grajco-SIavicus,' in Boll. Acta SS., Oct., torn. xi. jip. 1-385; 
Donici, Orientalischer Kirchenkalender, Bucharest, 1903. For 
Eras : De Vaines, Diclwnnaire raisoniui de JHplomatirjXie, 
Paris, 1774, vol. i. p. 320ff. In general; Duchesne, Vriqines 
du culte Chretien^, Paris, 1898 (Eng. tr. by WcCIure entitled 
Christian Worship, London, 1903) ; Kellner, llcortolmiie, 1901 
(Eng. tr., London, 1908); Wordsworth. The Ministry 0/ 
Grace-, iJondon, 1901 ; Bond, nandy-lioolc for verifying 
DateJi*, London, 1889; artt. in PRE^, Schajf-Uerzog Encyc, 
Catholic Encyc, etc. Other authorities are referred to in the 
article. JaMES G. CAKLETON. 

—Tlie calendar is always one of the most im- 
portant elements in ,1 society, for it denotes 
civilization. It is especially so in Egypt, where it 
exphiins a large part of the religion, and g.ave rise 
to some of the mythologj'. It is not only the 
fundamental biisis of worship, but it is probably the 
element which has had the greatest influence on 


CALENDAR (Egyptian) 

the evolution of religious ideas, anil, consequently, 
on the organization of ethics. The Egyptian 
calendar is also one of those for which wo have 
the richest collections of information and docu- 
ments. It may tlierefore be considered from two 
points of view ; (1) by examining it with regard to 
its absolute divisions, its improvements, and its 
application to chronology ; or (2) by studying the 
conception which gave rise to it, its original 
characteristics, and the very large part it played 
in connexion with religion. In the present state 
of science, everything seems to have been said and 
written from the first point of view. 

II. VOCUMEXI'S. — These are particularly abun- 
dant, and, fortunately, they extend from Memphite 
times to the Roman jieriod. We may note the 
following as real calendars in chronological order : 

(I) the Palermo Stone {Vth dynasty, copied partly 
from documents of great antiquity), (2) the 
Kahun Paiiyrus (Xllth dynasty), (3) portions of 
the calendar of Thothmes l"ll. at Karnak (XVIIIth 
dynastj-), (4) portions of the same king's calendar 
at Elephantine, (5) calendar of Medinet-Habu 
(XlXth dynasty), (6) calendar of Sallier Papyrus 
(XlXth dj'nasty, cf. British Museum Papyrus 
10,174), (7) calendar of Edfu (Ptolemaic age), (S) 
that of Ombos (same period), (9) that of Denderah 
(Roman period), (10) that of Esnfeh (same period), 

(II) that of the Leyden Papyrus (same period). 
Further, the tombs and steloe from the end of the 

Ilird dynasty to the close of the classical period 
present thousands of funerary calendars, some- 
times with long lists of dates, anniversaries, and 
commentaries. We have them also for all the 
historical periods, and scattered throughout all the 
provinces (cf. below, § IX.). 

Lastly, in addition to calendars properly so 
called, we may mention : (1) the series of calendric 
anniversaries quoted in all the Books of the Dead 
(even the very earliest known specimens), on 
papyri, and on the inner sides of coffins, and 
evidently copied from jire-historic versions ; (2) 
the innumerable references in the texts in general, 
from the famous Texts of the Pyramids to the 
papyri, as well as the inscriptions in the temples, 
the accounts of historians, the texts connected 
with local festivals, the references on stela?, 
tombs, etc. — the whole from the Memiihite to the 
Roman period (for the chief bibliography on these 
documents, see § XVIII. of lit. at end of art.). 

There is pood reason for believing that the * ancient 
plaquettes* of the monuments of the earliest d.vnasties are 
fragments of a calendar of the Thinite and pre-Tliinite epoch, 
and therefore the oldest in the world, and also that the vases of 
the Neggadeh period reproduce still older calendric indications. 
On this hypothesis, which has not j-et been fornuilated, see 
below, § IX., in connexion with the notation of time on the 
Palermo Stone and ou the 'plaquettes.' 

III. Divisions of time.— 'Egypt was never 
acquainted with anything like an era, referring 
to a cosmogonic date, such as the Creation, to a 
noteworthy meteorological event, to an imaginary 
episode, or to a legendary or historical fact. 
With the exception of the stele of Sin, dated the 
400th year of an ancient king, Egypt never had 
any idea of dating her annals except by the years 
of rule of the reigning Pharaoh (see below, § VI.). 
Nor did she try to imagine periods and cycles ; all 
that modern science has from time to time thought 
to discover in this sphere regarding so-called 
di\'isions of time has always been disproved by a 
more careful study of the texts. The Sothic period 
and the Sothic half-period (see below) were not 
invented until the time of the Antonines. The 
supposed Saihi period does not at all correspond to 
a cycle of thirtj- years, but to royal jubilees with 
variable anniversaries, not based on the ordinary 
calendar (except under the Ptolemys = triakon- 
taeterls), but perhaps on facts of astrological char- 

acter ; the /(»)(/» (simple or double) has in modern 
times been translated sometimes by 'cycle of CO 
(and 120) years,' sometimes by 'millions of years' 
(dc Rouge, Clirestoinathie, ii. 129) — which clearly 
shows tlie absence of ancient texts. As a matter 
of fact, the hunli forms part of the group of vague 
terms by means of which the language tried to 
express 'great length,' and which may be trans- 
lated, more or less inexactly, 'many years,' 'in- 
numerable years,' ' as long as the existence of the 
sun,' ' indetinite length of time ' (Imt not ' infinite '), 
etc. The Egyptian did not even know the century, 
or the fraction of the century. The four year 
cycle of Brugsch is no longer taken seriously ; 
Borchardt's hypothesis (Verhandl. Orient. Congr., 
1902, p. 329) of a censits cycle of fourteen years, 
under the first Thebans, is ingenious but nothing 
more ; and if Breasted has noted that the moon 
occupied the same place in the calendar every 
nineteen years, no text shows that the Egyptians 
turned this to account in order to form a calendric 
division. These modern attempts seem destined 
to the same failure as the hypothesis of the 'period 
of the Phoenix ' — a rubric which no longer figures 
in Egyptological publications (cf. Naville, Festival- 
hall, p. 7). And the year {ronpit), with its 
divisions, remains positively the only certain 
measure by which Egypt reckoned time. 

The year began — in theory at least — on 19th 
July, and the 365 days of which it was composed 
were divided into three seasons (tetrameuies) of 
four months, each month containing thirty days. 
The live complementary or epagomenal (cf. below) 
days, placed at the end of the twelfth month, form 
a sort of distinct period, intercalated between the 
' small year ' (360 days) and the ' large year ' (365 
days). The uniform months (abudu) were divided 
into three periods of ten days.' They were known 
as that of the beginning (hati), that of the middle 
(abi), and that of the end (pahit) — and this at least 
as early as the Xtli dynasty (cf. Daressy, Dican-s, 
etc.). The day itself (haru), divided into twelve 
hours (uOnuit) of daytime and twelve of night, 
obeyed the demands of tripartite and quadripartite 
symmetry of the whole system by dividing its 
hours of day and hours of night into three periods 
(turi) of four hours each. There is no ground for 
saying that the subdivisions of the hour into 
minutes (at) and seconds (hat) were known in the 
Pharaonic period. Lepsius (Chronol.) has shown 
that they are far more probably the work of scholars 
of the Ptolemaic age. The division of the second 
into 'thirds' (anit) is a modem invention of Egj-pt- 
ologists who took the words ' twinkling of an eye ' 
literally for the measurement of an exact space of 
time. But even in the latest times the Egyptians 
were not aware of the existence of such a ifraction. 

The division of the day into three parts, marked by sunrise, 
midday, and sunset, is uncertain. The fact, often mentioned, 
of offerings of resin, myrrh, and incense, made to the sun of 
Ileliopolis at these three moments of the day, is reported by 
Plutarch ((ie IsUl. SO). Probably this simply indicates a local 
sacerdotal custom, and not an absolute division of time. 

The names of the three seasons, shait, pirit, and 
sh&mn, refer roughly to the ai>pearances of the 
valley of the Nile during the J'car, and to the cycle 
of irrigation. The first alone corresponds more or 
less exactly to the four months cf inundation. 
The second and third are of artificially symmetrical 
composition ; the second (pirit) may resemble in 
some measure the four months of the growing of 
the crops in Upper Egypt (the end of November to 
the end of ^larch). The third (shorn n) is clearly 
artificial. It is usually tianslated ' season of 
harvest' — a reading which is simply inferred by 
deductive reasoning, for neither the word nor the 

1 Daressy recently contended (in Aniiales dti Service des anJ. 
de VE'jiiptc, 1909) that they were formerly divided into four 
weeks of seven days ; but there is no suilicient evidence for 

CALENDAR (Egyptian) 


sign refers positively in Egyptian to anj' sucli 
concept as the iirinmive meaning, and it is by 
inference that the meanings ' Iiiirvest ' ami ' pro- 
ducts of the soil ' have come from tlie sign for the 
season. Originally it probably designated works 
of irrigation preceding the rising of the waters 
(cleansing of canals, etc.). 

The names of the months do not seem to have 
been in use in the earliest times. At least the 
ofticial inscriptions never mention them. Tliey 
say : first, second, thiid, fourth month of such and 
such a season. It seems probable that, at an 
uncertain date, popular custom gave currency to 
tlic use of nomenclature denoting the months by 
the characteristic religious episode which was 
commemorated in them. Some of these are cited 
by the classical writers. The fact that they are 
exactly those which the Copts use for the corre- 
sponding months gives reason for thinking that 
the same thing is the case with those which they 
do not cite, and science has adopted the habit of 
giving the names of the twelve Coptic months to 
the Egyptian months. They are, for the lirst season, 
Thot, Paophi,Athyr, Cho'iak ; for the second, Ti/hi, 
Meshir, Fhamrnot, Phanniiti ; and for the third, 
Paklion. P'li/iu, Kjiiplii, Mrsori. 

IV. JIisTiiiiY. — I. From earliest known origins 
to the year 238 B.C. — As it has just been described 
in its simplicity and relative perfection, the Egyp- 
tian calendar appears throughout the whole of its 
history. However far back we may trace it, we 
cannot reach the moment of a change in it — any 
more than we can show an authentic improvement 
during the series of centuries down to Ptolemy 
Euergetes I. It has been said that the year was 
at first a lunar one of 354 days, in which the dates 
were given by the days of the moon, and that there 
are clear traces of it, for example, in the manner 
of writing the month by the sign of the crescent, 
or in the fact that the reign of Osiris had lasted 
twenty-eight years, wliich, says Plutarch (clc Isid. 
42), corresponds with the days of the lunar month. 
Tliis is extremely plausible, because almost all tlie 
calendars known in the world began in this way, 
and because the movement of the moon was the 
only noteworthy division perceptible to man in his 
early etlbrts. 'fhis is proved clearly enough by the 
etymology of the word 'month' in the principal 
Aryan languages — to speak only of the calendars 
of our races. 15ut, so far as Egypt is concerned, it 
is a mere assumption, for there are no real traces 
of it, and it is not right to say, as many writers 
have done, that ' the lunar year preceded the solar 
year, in Egypt as in India.' It has also been 
contended that there was a year of 360 d.ays, 
traces of which are preserved in the religion ; cc). 
in the fact, quoted by Diodorus (i. 22), of the 3G0 
cups of milk on the tomb of Osiris at Phila?. This 
is confusing a deiM.and for symmetry — whicli is 
really a mark of civilization — with initial gropings. 
The year of 300 days is a year of adniini^-tral ion, 
and of sacerdotal accounting, which we lind in use 
in the heij;ht of the historical period, parallel with 
that of 36.5 days, and which n,at)irally was com- 
pleted by the live epagomenal days (cf. the calendar 
of Med!net-Habu or the 'contracts of Syut'); 
hence the terms 'small' and 'large' year used to 
denote the temple year and the ordinary year 
respectively. The efforts of all races show, on the 
contrary, that even comparatively civilized peoples, 
like those of Benin or the Bavili, have never 
passed from the lunar year to the year of 360 d.ays, 
with months of 30 days, but have, a-s a rule, com- 
pensated for the error between the nuinlier of months (12 lunations = 354367 days) and the 
apparent revolution of the solar year by intro- 
ducing after the twelve lunar months a comple- 
mentary month of some days, often qnalilicd by 

the name ' season.' The most probable supposition, 
then, if we want a hypothetical history of the 
Egyptian calendar, is that tlie lunar year (or the 
13 sidereal months) was originally fcdlowed by .an 
epagomenal month. The use of the numeration 
by ten, and especially the need for practical 
symmetrical divisions, naturally led (but undoubt- 
edly much later) to the creation of the mouth of 
30 days, which, owing to its character, 
corresponding neither to the sun nor to the moon, 
denotes a distinct step in advance. The fraction 
remaining to be harmonized was thus reduced to 
tlic live epagomenal days. 

We lind these epagomenal days in the veiy 
earliest mentions of the caleiKlar. The first 
Kgypt(dogists for a long time believed that the 
invention did not go further Ijack than the Xllth 
dynasty. It is now proved that these five days 
over and above the year (h(ira duait hiru rovpit) 
existed not only under the Memphitc Empire but 
long before, since mention is iiiaito of them in the 
Texts of the Pyramids (Pepi 2, line 754). This, to 
all appearance, carries them back to the prehistoric 
period, and it is quite incorrc<-t to ascribe the 
'invention of the year of 365 days' to the year 
4'241 (Breasted, Ancient Records, p. 40). That is 
merely the earliest date postulated by those 
scholars who believe in the Sotliic period (cf. 
below), but there is nothing to prove that these 
epagomenal days are not as old as Egypt itself. 
The legend of their invention by Thotli playing 
chess with the moon was long believed to be of 
comparatively recent date, on account of the Greek 
form which Plutarch (rfe Isid. 12) gives to it. But 
the Leyden Papyrus (i. 346) has shown that the 
legend existed in its essential features in the time 
of the Thebans, and the Texts of the Pyramids 
have carried it back to the very beginnings of 
Egyptian mythology. These five days preserve a 
further .sign of their extreme antiquity in their 
designation 'little month,' which brings them 
peculiarly near to the ' short month ' of tiie Bavili 
and the ' supplementary month ' of Benin, and which 
was kept until the time of the Coptic calendar. 

These eirayS/icvai rj/x^pat were regarded under the 
Ptolcmys as a complement of the year. The 
Leyden Papyrus presents a theory which is prob- 
abiy different. These days are i-eally 'in adtiition 
to the year,' but religiously (and especially from 
the point of view of the dead, and of astrological 
influences on the living) they seem to be a sort of 
' preface ' to the new year. They form a period 
quite apart, which has its special calendar, its 
names (cf. Cliabas, CEuvrcs, iv. 207), its horoscopes, 
its gods, and its spirits. If the wliole is referred 
to the old tables of funerary calendars, the result 
seems to be that the ' year ' ended with the last day 
of the twelfth month. The first of the epagomenal 
days, therefore, marked the ' opening of the year,' 
anil the beginning of the year {tap roiipit) was the 
first day of the first month of the new year (cf. the 
five Mexican epagomenal days, which are called 
nchuintcnii = 'useless,' or 'unfit for work'). 

This calendar has justly been cited with admi- 
ration, and classed with those which mark most 
clearly the height reached by ancient civilizations ; 
and Breasted (Ancient Records, p. 25) was right in 
pointing out the immense advance it was for 
liuinanity. It is suflicient to recall what were, 
down to avcry late date, the best Hellenic calendars, 
and tlie testimony of Strabo (xvii.) on this point, or 
to think of what the Roman calendar was down to 
the end of the Ucpublic. All the classical writers, 
from Herodotus onwards, were only performing an 
act of justice when they spoke of the Egyptian 
.system in a tone of respect. If ancient Egypt 
knew nothing about the learned and manifold 
complications of the Indian cycles (length of 


CALENDAR (Egyptian) 

ancient Imliiin year = 13 sidereal inoiidis or 
3551S'2:i (lays), tlio n<'e(ls of absolute chrondlo^y 
may ileplorc (he fac(, l>ut the liistorian can jioint 
out till" superiority of (his sini|)lo system, which 
hamioiu/i's ]ir;iiti("il ami syninictrical divisions so 
skilfully with real tiiiic. The whole world, from 
the time of the earliest civilizations, lias proved 
the impossibility of adjusting to the course of 
the moon a notation of time suitable for human 
activity. And it was jirobably in this that the first 
superiority of the Egyptians consisted. If they 
did not know, as it seems, the famous period of 
223 lunations recognized by the Babylonians, their 
12 months of 30 days, followed by five days, were 
far superior to the lunar year of Clialdiea, with its 
very imperfect resiiedy supplied by the ' second 
month of Adnr,' or the 'second Elul,' or the 
'second Nisan,'' added every six years; and far 
superior also to the 18 months of 20 days each of 
the Mexican calendar, with its five nemontemi. 
Undoubtedly, non-civilized races, like the Kikuyu, 
have also discovered the month of thirty days, but 
their double period of si.x months is what really 
accounts for tliis. If Egypt had kept to the lunar 
month, she would have experienced all the incon- 
veniences of those peoples who have persisted in 
making use of it. The ' seasons,' to which it is 
customary to point as one of the merits of the 
Egyptian calendar, have been discovered in Africa 
by societies far less advanced. The 8 months' 
season and the 4 months' season of the Bavili 
correspond, as a matter of fact, to the 3 Egyptian 
tetramenics, and Benin possesses the 3 tetramenies. 
The great difl'erence is that the Egyptians reduced 
the ' thirteenth month ' to five days, by the 
adoption of the month of 30 days. At the same 
time Egypt made the very useful subdivision of 
the month into decades, instead of having recourse, 
like her sister nations of Africa, to the unsym- 
raetrical week of 8 days, or to that of 4, or to 
the artifices of pastoral peoples like the Basutos. 
They might also, like ourselves, have absorbed the 
365 days in their twelve months, by accepting the 
inconvenience of months of 31 days. Would any 
one dare to assert that their months, aU sym- 
metrical, are not better ? And have we not heard 
it proposed in our day to place the five supple- 
mentary days apart at the end of the year, without 
the authors of these propositions having any idea 
that they were simply asking for a return to the 
calendar of the ancient Egyptians ? 

2. From Ptolemy Euergetes I. to the end of 
Egyptian civilization. — The system, nevertheless, 
presented two defects of very unequal importance : 
(1) the hours had only an approximate value, 
variable throughout -the year ; and (2) the year 
itself was shorter than the real solar year by 5 h. 
48 m. 57 s. (length of the tropical year in 3000 B.C. 
= 365-24249916 days). 

(1) The former of these faults proceeded from the 
basis on which the hour was introduced. The 
majority of African races had the same idea as the 
Egyptians : to divide the day into the same 
number of equal fractions as tlie year is divided 
into (excluding the 13th month). This was to 
obtain the division by twelve. It may be preserved, 
witli a rough approximation, if the division is 
applied, as it is in the Upper Congo, to the space 
of time between one sunrise and another. In 
making special divisions for tlie day and for the 
night, the Egyptians encountered serious diffi- 
culties. As the first hour of the day began at 
dawn, and the twelfth ended with sunset, the 
length of each hour naturally varied according to 
the season. For a long time the Babylonians had 
the 12 equal fractions of the day, to. SvwSeKa fUpca 
TTjs Tiiiip-n^ (Herod, ii. 109)— undoubtedly owing to 
the regular divisions which the use of the ir6Xos 

had taught them to draw on the line described ))y 
the shadow of the pin of the sun-dial. It was not, 
however, until Asia had taught the Greeks the use 
of the two series of twelve similar hours, and the 
Ptolemys had come to Egypt, that Ibis advance 
was realized. We saw above (p. 92'') that it was at 
this same time that the minutes were instituted, 
from the same Asiatic source. 

(2) Tlie second defect of the system was more 
serious. It had all'ected all calendars, including 
the Clialdajan, and still affects that of many 
systems in vogue at the present day. The quarter 
of a day, which the year of the Egyptian calendar 
neglected, in the long run produced errors which 
were manifestly intolerable, and it does not seem 
ever to have occurred to the Egyptians to adopt 
such a simple but clever correction as that of the 
Mexican tonalpouhque ('sun's examiners'), who 
added 13 complementary days after a cycle of 52 
years. Authentic examples, taken from texts and 
cited by all Egyptologists, prove that the dis- 
crepancy might reach several months ; and papyri 
have bequeathed to us complaints by the employees 
of the administration on the matter. The date of 
the low Nile in the inscription of Uni (Vltli 
dynasty), the Ebers Papyrus under Amenhotep I. 
(XVIIlth dynasty), a date of the heliacal rising of 
Sothis under Thotmes III. (XVIIlth dynasty), and 
the date of the rising of the w-aters under "Shaba- 
taka (XXVth dynasty) are four good examples of 
divergence between the calendar and the astro- 
nomical truth. The practical necessities of worship 
and of economic life could not put up with these 
discrepancies, which went so far beyond the limits 
of the reasonable. From time to time an admini- 
strative measure cut off, or added, the necessary 
number of days, and made the calendar year and 
the solar year start on the same day. Then things 
once more went on getting worse until the day 
when the too evident inconveniences made the 
government again have recourse to the forcible 
regularization of the two years, the real and the 
calendric. It had undoubtedly taken place shortly 
before the time of Herodotus, for he speaks (ii. 4) 
of the year of 365 days as a perfect instrument, 
agreeing with the seasons. 

Nothing definite is known concerning these manipulations. 
Only it is probable that the further we descend in history the 
less frequent they were, because in the earliest times the direct 
observation of the sky and of Nature was more the basis of the 
calendar, and would thus speedily note the error. The 
increasing power exerted by what was written^ as is always the 
case, must have resulted in a longer continued observance of 
the official calendar, in spite of the contradictions offered by 
the stars and the seasons ; hence the paradoxical result that 
the discrepancies were more prolonged in proportion as the 
centuries of civilization increased in number. It is certain, in 
any case, that one of the largest discrepancies that we know is 
precisely the latest in date — that which existed at the time of 
the reform of the year 238 B.o. The heliacal rising of Sothis took 
place in that year on Ist Payni— an error of ten 'months. 

This way of setting right the discrepancy by 
sudden leaps seemed intolerable to the astrono- 
mers, steeped in Asiatic science improved in Greece, 
who devoted their attention under the Ptolemys 
to the defects of tlie Egyptian year. Their cal- 
culations led them to the discovery that it was 
necessaiy to increase the duration of the year by 
about six hours. The easiest solution was to group 
these six hours in a supplementary day every four 
years, and, as a result, the world had the ' leap- 
year' introduced by the celebrated Derive of Cano- 
jiiis in the year IX, 17 Tybi of the reisrn of Ptolemy 
III. Euergetes I. (7th RIarch 238). The fact that 
the definitely fixed year contained the mention of 
the appearance of the star Sothis, and that the 
heliacal rising of this star took place on the 19-20th 
of July, later on led the contemporaries of the 
Antonines to infer that the Egyptians had possessed, 
at least in the science of the temples, the know- 
ledge of a perfect cycle in connexion with tlie 

CALENDAR (Egyptian) 


heliacal rising of this .star. Notinj; the annual 
diH'cR'Uco lx.'i\vecii the ancient calenJrio .year nf 
365 day.s and the date of tlie appearance ol Hotljis 
exactly at .sunrise, tluy were easily able to calculah^ 
that, after 14G0 astronomical years, (;.\act aj;rco- 
nient would be re■c^tablislled, so that these 14(iO 
years were equal to 1101 years of 3(i.j days. They 
inia;_'ined then that the priests had noticed the 
eijualion, and they therefore created the fauiou.s 
'Sothic period,' which they allirnied had been 
known and used from the most ancient times by 
the national chronology. ICgypt was thus supposed 
to have possessed two calendars — the one conform- 
ing to scientilic truth, the other, in spite of all its 
inconveniences, used for administrative life, the 
two tallying exactly on one single day every IWO 
years. Cen.sorinus, who noted it in A.D. 239, attri- 
buted an indclinite antiquity to this period of 
Sothis, of which the only one that history has ever 
mentioned, and which ended, according to him, 
exactly 100 years previously (A.D. 139), was the 
last of a whole series. The statement of the author 
of the de Die Natali, taken up and commented on, 
represented from that time the view of otiicial 
Egypt, which, in order not to stop half-way, 
imagined a Sothie half-period. ' Thy divine festi- 
val, Sothis, is celebrated every 730 years,' says the 
Philae inscription. 

The idea that the priests knew and employed 
the period of 1460 years led naturally to the 
inference that they were acquainted with, and 
employed, an exact Sothie year reserved for their 
use. The supposed use of a double year in Egypt 
and the idea of comparing the whole with the 
astronomical year have been further complicated, 
in modern science, by the use of a terminology 
(vague year, civil year, astronomical year, sacer- 
dotal year, heliacal year, solar year, etc.) whose 
meanings vary according to the authors. The 
whole has been the subject of most difficult con- 
troversies from the time of Charapollion down to 
the present day. It is strange to notice that the 
two initial data of the whole debate have been 
neglected — (1) Did the Egyptian word pirit mean 
'heliacal rising,' or simply ' re-appearance of the 
star on the horizon ' ? (2) Do the exact astro- 
nomical calculations adapt themselves to the 
argument? Nevertheless, it was not until 1909 
that Legge (see literature at end of art.) raised 
these questions. 

The reality of the Sothie period has given birth to infinite 
discussions for or against its existence (cf. the innumerable 
works on the subject in EgjTJtoIogy). An incredible amount of 
patience, calculation, science, and ingenuity has been expended 
for a hundred years without the question having advanced one 
step, and the Egyptological School remains, to-day as formerly, 
divided into two equal camps. For the long and ingenious pleas 
of the ancient Fourier or of Wilkinson in favour of the Sothie 
period, too feeble to cope with the objections of a Krall, modern 
defenders have substituted more sound reasoning based on the 
monuments. But, in proportion as their scientific weapons 
were being improved, their opponents were striving after pro- 
gress in the same direction. Neither the clever refutations of 
Maspero nor the objections, full of practical common sense, of 
Budge, were able to convince Borchardt, Slaliler, or Sethe, any 
more than Birch long ago succeeded in persua^ling Kougd- ; and 
the latest works of Meyer or the vehement assertions of Breasted 
show that the Sothie period can always count on a number of 
determined and serious partisans. ICach new discovery of an 
Eg^-ptian document mentioning the heliacal ' rising ' (?) of Sothis 
is therefore the signal for heated discussions for at least three 
or four years ; cf. e.g. the bibliography on the subject which 
followed the publication, in l&i)8, of the Kahun calendar 
(Xllth dynasty). The intermediate opinion of Krman (holding 
loan exact ajjricultural year, and, up to a certain point, a sacer- 
dotal one which agreed with the rising of the waters and the 
indications of Nature for practical life, while the year of 365 
days remained in use on account of the value of its admini-stra- 
tive symmetry) does not seem to have secured the support of 
either party. The refutation of Meyer by Torr {Memphia and 
MycerUT), also quite recent, seemed to sum up the strongest 
practical objections which had been raised, with discussion bused 
on the detttd of the monuments and the nature of the above- 
mentioned astronomical facts. The attempt of F. A. Jones 
(PSBA XXX. (190S] 9.'i)doe3 not seem to be of any practical v.alue. 
Lastly, Legge {Itenieil dct Travmix, xxxi. [190!)]) was the first 

who thought of bringing the question on to scientific ground, 
wliich was what ought to have been done first. His strictly 
mathematical statements allow none of the proposed dates to 
hold good, and seem to give the coup dc 'jrdcc to all attempts 
to draw chronological inferences from the system of Meyer. 

A similar number of works, during almost a huiulred years, 
not only shows the difficulty of the problem, butteUs plainly of 
its importance. It does not consist in the question of the 
degree of science to which Egypt had reached, but in the appli- 
cation of the data to chronology, which the absence of every era 
and synchronism outside of Egypt renders extremely obscure 
when we go further back than the XVIIIth dynasty. The fact of 
finding at least six or seven references to the calcndric date of 
the supposed heliacal rising of Sothis or of the height of the 
Nile at a given month, and the circumstance that these texts 
reach from the Vlth to the XVIIIth dynasty, would give the key 
to the whole system, if it could be established that the calendar 
remained unchanged from the Ancient to the Modern Empire. 
A simple calculation would be sufficient to fix these guiding 
marks, and consequently to obtain from them the exact date, or 
very nearly so, of all the reigns or adjacent events. This is 
enough to show the value which all the historian partisans of 
the Sothie period may place upon the demonstration. The 
doubt which may legitimately be conceived does not arise from 
the degree of science which the system supposes. It does not 
imply any more patient observation than others known to less 
perfectly evolved civilizations ; e.g. those which the fine works 
of Seler have brought to light for pre-CoIumban America (Venus- 
period, etc.). The objection derived from the inexhaustible 
patience implied in the Egyptians resigning themselves to see 
the two calendars in agreement only once in fifteen centuries is 
not absolutely decisive. The chief obstacle is found elsewhere : 
(1) in the complete absence of any formal mention of such a 
period in the classical texts ; (2) in the actual contradiction 
presented by monuments like the Medinet-Habu calendar, or 
the significant silence of Herodotus on the divergences between 
the real year and the oflicial computation of time ; (3) in the 
technical objections of an exclusively astronomical kind, which 
have attracted too little attention throughout the whole contro- 
versy (secular shortening of the length of the solar year from 
equinox to equinox, confusion with the sidereal year [star to 
same star again], and omission of the problem of the anomalistic 
year fpeiihelion to perihelion]) ; and (4) in the evident impossi- 
bility of making use of indications of the supposed Sothie period 
without arriving at impossible chronologies {*i.g. for the date of 
the Xllth dynasty, as Wiedemann has clearly shown [OLZ iii. 
322] ; or F. A. Jones's deduction that the Great Pyramid was 
built in 2170 B.C.). The series proposed by Breasted is itself 
subject to objections which in the end throw the whole matter 
into question again. See the conclusions of Jones, PSBA xxx. 
5 ; Lefebure, Act. Orient, xiv. ; Lieblein, ZA xliv. 101, and 
Chronologic ; or the interminable unsettled discussions, during 
the years 1904 and 1905, of Meyer, Brix, Borchardt, Sethe, and 
Mahler in ZA xli. 26, 34, 38, OiZ viii. 6, Unterstichungen, iii. 
etc.) ; also the literature on the subject at end of article. 

The magnificent reform of Ptolemy III. was very 
far from being accepted with the obedience which 
history manuals usually attribute to ancient Egypt. 
The old national year persisted in practice until 
the time when the edict of Augustus (A.D. 10) 
made the year of 365J days compulsory. The type 
was henceforth proposed to the classical world, 
and in its eyes Egypt was the country of high 
scientilic culture to which it had to look for its 
models of reform. It is well known that it was 
the Egyptian Sosigenes of Alexandria (Macrobius, 
Saturn, i. 13) who definitely reformed the intoler- 
able Roman calendar, and who, under .lulius Ctesar 
(year ' of confusion'), at last gave the Mediterranean 
world a date derived from a calendar copied from 
the Egyptian model, with the necessary modifica- 
tions for the seasons. We may therefore say that 
it Ls Egypt that has given us our calendar'. The 
twelve minutes and twenty-nine seconds of devia- 
tion from the real time which it presents every 
year, and which make it necessary to dro|) out a 
day every 131 years (Gregorian year = 36.5 '2425 days ; 
solar year = 365 2429 1 8 days — in the year 1910), 
did not need to be taken account of until many 
centuries later. The Julian (properly .ejiciking, 
Egyptian) calendar continues to be law in Russia 
and in the Oriental Christian world, which ignored 
the reform of Gregory XIII. (1.5S2), as p^ngland itself 
did until 1752. Lastly, the Copts preserved not 
only the Julian year, but also the 1st of Thoth for 
the" beginning of their year, which now falls on the 
nth of September, after having started on the 29th 
of August in the year regulated by Kiiergetes. 

V. FnnDAMES'l'AL CHAnACTKR.—li the Egyp- 
tian calendar is compared with other calen<lars, 

CALENDAR (Egyptian) 

not for its perfection but for the characteristics 
of its original elements, it reveals siynilicant 
Jilferences. The basis of its divisions, of its 
conspicuous dates, and of its festivals seems to l>e 
neither solar nor of a really ajiricultiiral nature. 

Neither the solstices nor tho equinoxes were 
used, as with so many other races, to mark the 
beginniuf;, or the internal divisions, of the year ; 
and the significant alisence of myths or ceremonies 
referring to these phenomena (although Egypt was 
acquainted with them, as Brugsch noticeu in his 
Myth. p. 671) is a decisive fact, which is corrobo- 
rated by an examination of the Books of the Dead 
or the Texts of the Pyramids. The legend of Kd 
grown old is of late date. The statements of 
I'lutarch referring to the feast of the autumnal 
ecpiinox (22nd of Paophi) and of the winter solstice 
sho\ild not lead us astray any more than the 
■ little sun ' or the ' infant sun,' which is assimilated 
with Socharis, and is the sun of the winter solstice. 
The whole thing, like the festival of the 30th of 
Epiidii, orthatof the 'beginningof Summer,' belongs 
to Roman times. The interpretation of the sources 
in order to find out facts of this kind shows two 
elements combined in equal quantities : the in- 
fluence of Grteco-Ronian civilization, and the final 
assimilation of ancient myth to the sun's courses 
(e.g. the winter solstice assimilated to the search 
for the parts of Osiris). The dates themselves, 
however, often show the recent entrance of these 
solar characteristics into the Egyptian calendar 
(e.g. the self-styled winter-solstitial character of 
the festival of Socharis, celebrated from the very 
beginning in the month of Choiak, necessarily 
supposes that month to have become the month of 
December, and consequently the 1st of Thoth 
carried back to the end of August, i.e. the accom- 
plishment of the Ptolemaic reform). 

This statement does not in any way contradict the hiffh dep-ee 
of Ej?>1)tian astronomical knowledge, or the position held in Egypt 
by the worship of all the primitive sun-gods, or the 
of the Rii-sun from proto-historic times to the historic period. 
But everything connected with its existence, its powers, its 
battles, the risks it ran, its birth, its zenith, its disappearance, 
and its travels over the world, had, from the time of the earliest 
theologies, been included in the daily cycle. The archaic texts 
or the compositions of the Theban age give sure evidence of it. 
It should also be noted that the prediction of eclipses was never 
attempted, and that this phenomenon was always to the Eg^'p- 
tian the unforeseen danger, and not the mythical theme which 
gives rise to symbolical allusions inserted in calendric cycles. 
The moon, with the sudden changes connected with it, had the 
same fate. Except the facts of the lunar month, there is nothing 
to be found resembling a cycle, or attempts to systematize 
eclipses. A sun whose whole existence is contained in a day, a 
moou wth a longer and more varied life, the daily struggle 
between light and darkness, the fears of evil connected with 
this fact, the risks suddenly arising from the diminution at 
unforeseen times of the brightness of one or other of the two 
great luminaries — all these things are closely related to primitive 
religions, which the uncivilized races of the present day have 
not yet been able to get beyond. And the statement that these 
rudimentary data became solidified, without evolving, in the 
Egyptian religion of the historical period, shows of itself that, 
if the Egyptian calendar acquired its technical value and the 
superiority of its sjTubolical views or its moral character, it must 
have got them from other elements. 

The absence of characteristics based on elimato- 
logical or meteorological phenomena is no less re- 
markable. There are no anniversary dates, or 
seasons connected with states of the clouds, regime 
of the winds, or periods of cold or heat. Gods 
like those of the winds, who played important jiarts 
elsewhere (e.g. in Ch.aldiBa and America), are un- 
known in the classical Egyptian calendar. An;l 
its divisions are not arranged according to anything 
resembling phases of germination, blossoming, or 
maturity of the natural or cultivated products of 
the eartli, and, however far back we go, there is 
not a trace of a pastoral calendar, like tliat of 
Basutoland, for example. An exclusively agri- 
cultural country like Egypt Rhouli prima facie 
have based its calendar on the changes of the 

cultivation of the earth. But the latter did 
not play any direct part in it, except irri- 
gation (see below). There is nothing to be found 
resembling tho festivals of ploughing and sow- 
ing, and the panegyric of Min at Medinet-llabu 
is the only example where the harvest inter- 
venes, as a simple episode, in a religious festival. 
We saw above (p. 92'') that the seasons of four 
months had above all a symmetrical character, 
but no real agricultural one. In the description 
of the seasons, it is stated that for the months 
neither agricultural denominations are to be found, 
nor legends, proverbs, adages, popular poems, nor 
any of the hundreds of significant facts which 
so clearly mark the months of uncivilized races 
throughout Africa in general. The festivals them- 
selves might deceive by their titles when we hear 
of them only from Plutarch or Stralx), or through 
the brief allusion in a papyrus to a festival at which 
honey or lentils are eaten, where one inhales the 
perfume of the honit or the tekhni flowers, or to festi- 
vals of 'fishing' or 'ploughing.' When the monu- 
ments give the commentary on them, we see at 
once that the principle of the festival has no direct 
connexion with these references, or that our trans- 
lations are veritaljle mistranslations. Honey, cgf., 
is eaten at the ' feast of the valley,' and this 
originally refers to the annual exodus of the souls 
of the dead when the protecting gods come for 
them. The honit flowers are a simjile episode in 
a group of funeral ofl'erings, in a festival based on 
the denouements of the Osirian drama. The so- 
called 'ploughing' means 'digging the ground,' 
and the texts show that the reference is to a 
nocturnal rite connected with the mysterious wars 
against the spirits of evil. The Memphite festival 
of ' fishing ' is a fragment of the crowning ceremony, 
in which the king catches the fish, or the game of 
the moor, ' as Horus captured and destroyed the 
cursed,' etc. And the "TSpeuiris of the Alexandrian 
calendars, if it is not a recent invention, must 
certainly have had an origin connected either with 
the Osirian cycle or with the warlike themes of 
pre-historic legends, before it assumed the peaceful 
character in apparent connexion with the seasons 
which it has according to the GnTJCo-Roman 
classics. In short, if it is evident that a country 
like Egypt necessarily associated its rural and 
agiicultural life with rejoicings and ceremonies of 
every kind, and if Egyptian literature occasion- 
ally shows that this was so, it is none the less 
certain that nothing of all this served as a formative 
element in the establishment of the calendar of 
the year, either for its divisions or for its anni- 
versaries (but see Frazer, Adonis, 1907, p. 283 fl'.). 
These circumstances are quite easily justified by 
the conditions of the Egyptian portion of the Nile 
Valley. Being nearer the equator, the people here 
paid less attention than those in the north to the 
gradual diminution of the power of the sun's rays, 
to its sinking on the horizon, or to the difference 
(much less noticeable there) between the summer 
day and the winter day. The winter solstice was 
not noticed there as the signal of a deliverance, 
or spring as the awakening of Nature ; henoe an 
original suppression of calendric elements which 
increased in importance the further north one 
ranged. And, just as Egypt was ignorant of all 
the myths arising from the melting of ice or snow, 
so she did not know of the great annual events 
which are marked by the aspect of high moun- 
tains, or the successive verdure of the forest ; her 
year and her mythologj' received none of these 
impressions, so strongly marked elsewhere that 
they are a part of our own intellectual equipment. 
At the same time she was safe from all those great 
meteorological phenomena which, further south, 
determine the divisions of the year. She no 

CALENDAR (Egyptian) 


' rainy seasons,' ' periods of storms,' ' monsoons,' 
or prevailing winds sulliciently marked to cliarae- 
terizc 11 complete portion of the year. Her k'J''s> 
V ho inhabited neither the mountain peaks nor the 
rain nor the thunder clouds, had certainly to be 
situated very high among the stars, or very low 
on the same phiiie as human .societies. In the cud, 
soil or cliiiiatolofry, latitude or geography, all 
tended to leave Egyptian thought face to face 
with a single remarkable phenouienon, the only 
one of vital importance for her, viz. the llnclua- 
tions of that riv(!r on which all life depended in 
the fr.-igment of the universe known to her. And, 
after all, it was with the study of it.s movements 
and the anticipation of them that everything 
had to be connected that had a bearing on the 
me.'isuring of time. 

The dates and festivals relating to inundation 
are well know n to us. The ' reception of the 
Nile,' which denotes the opening of dikes and 
canals at the time of the rising of the waters, is 
indicated in a number of funerary calendars (cf. 
below), but no mention is made of the day of the 
month on which it was inserted. It was a movable 
festival, as it is in modern Muhammadan Egypt. 
Libanius (yEthiopica, xi.) has described the festi- 
vals of Silsileh, during which a wooden statue of 
the Nile-god was carried in procession. This was 
simply the form of the festivals of the ' opening of 
the canals' of ^Middle Egypt, adapted to local 
geography, and with a different name. The 
present-day Arab ' night of the tear-drop ' is 
merely the modern transposition of the ' night 
of the tears of Isis,' the announcement of the 
first perceptible sign of the annual inundation 
(2(Jth June). Lastly, the festivals of Socharis in 
the beginnbig of October are perhaps an adapta- 
tion, to Memphite funeral ideas, of the first sign 
of the retreat of the waters. 

There are not many of them in all ; if Libanius, 
Hclioilorus, and the Egyptian inscriptions give us 
dillerent names accordmg to localities and times, 
these Nilotic festivals altogether number at most 
two or three : the first quivering of the rising 
waters, the time of opening the Egyptian fields 
for irrigaticm, and probably the time when the 
Nile begins to But the principal date 
was not there. It was the date of the exact 
moment when the height of the waters reached 
the level necessary for fertilizing the ground, after 
almost a month of rising (about the 20th of July in 
the classical age, but probably later in prehistoric 
times, before the disappearance of several of the 
upper cataracts of Nubia). It was a question of 
finding a sure imlex, .somewhere in Nature, which 
would mark the fact that a new year had just 
become manifest to the Egyptians. 

While intent on detecting in the sky some co- 
incidence between the coming of the waters and 
the aj>pearance of the stars, the Egyptians noticed 
(anil undoubtedly long before the time to which 
we can go back by means of the monuments) a 
remarkable phenomenon. Sirius (one of the seven 
stars of the constellation Canis Major), which was 
invisible from the beginning of June, again ap- 
peared in the east, some minutes before sunrise, 
towards the middle of July. Its re-appearance 
coincided exactly with the time when the Nile 
entered the period of high water for Middle Egypt. 
In tliis unfailing coincidence there seemed to be the 
nuist manifest sign of an indissoluble connexion 
between the spring-tide of the river and the re- 
birth of the .star. It was, therefore, the re- 
appearance of Sirius that was adopted to mark 
the beginning of the new year : i/onli'trai Sia tuv 
Updn tpaixiidTtiiv viov Itos dvai {Decree uf Canopus). 
The brightness of the star in the firmament was 
like the re.splendent signal which unerringly an- 
VOL. III. — 7 

nounced the re-eonimencement of the gifts of the 
river. It was called 'a second sun in the sky.' 
Sirius (Egyp. tiupihi ; llellenized form Huthis) saw 
his gloiy associated with that of the sun ; for it 
was ' like a crown on the head ' ; it was regarded 
as ' taking its place in his divine barque ' on this 
first day of the new year. ' To be able to shine in 
the sky like Sopdu at sunrise' was a wish formu- 
lated in the texts for the destiny of the dead. 
Sucli a place in the national conceptions sooner or 
later caused the assimilation of the Dog-star with 
the greatest feuLale deities of Egypt. The star 
' by whose rising the years are counted ' was the 
living image of Bastit and Sokbit, successively, 
and, according to local theologies, became the 
dwelling place of Isis, the star of Isis (t4 iarpov 
rb rfis 'lo-ioo! [Dec. ofCanopus]), or that of Hathor, 
or, rather, Isis and Hathor themselves. The con- 
fusion with the great Hathor of Denderah explains 
the strange ceremony of this temple, when on the 
first day of the year the statue of the goddess Avas 
brought on to the terrace of the sanctuary, there 
to receive the first rays of the rising sun. This 
was in order to realize literally and in this world 
what was going on at the same time in heaven. 
Syut, Assuan, and the temple of Thebes guarded 
most carefully the ' Sliip of the Rising Waters,' 
which so many of the inscriptions attest to have 
been one of those relics which the kings tried to 
embellish and restore. Deified and assimilated 
with Sirius-Hathor, it was led to the river with 
great pomp on the first day of the year, and the 
local god — sun or companion of the sun — travelled 
on the bank that day, as if in material evidence 
of the fact that the return of Sirius, that of the 
annual Nile, and the new jear of the sun were 
three aspects of the same act. Nor did the 
Egyptians hesitate to see in the rising of the star 
the real cause of the inundation ; it was to Sopdu- 
Sirius that ' the abundant waters which spread 
over all the earth ' were due (cf. Brugsch, Ma- 
tirianx, p. 27). Once more in the religious his- 
tory of humanity the relation was declared between 
what is seen in the sky and what happens on this 
earth. The most important date of the calendar 
thus became connected with the general tlieory of 
astrology. And the admirable constancj' of the 
phenomenon, by urging the Egyptians to increase 
their observation of the coincidences, must have 
helped them to deduce the remainder of the 
calendar from the whole. 

VI. Stellar nature; Religious conse- 
quences. — If the appearance of Sopdu was a 
remarkable case of the influence of the stars on 
our world, it was not an isolated one. This ig 
not the place to repeat what is said of .astrology 
in general, or to trace in detail its natural founda- 
ti<ra, based on experimental pseudo-verification 
(see art. StaR-S [Egyptian]). The manner in which 
coincidences and the foreseeing of the return 
of influences were established in Egypt could not 
have differed in any way from what had taken place 
in the astrologies of other peoples (cf. c.;/. for the 
Chald.Tans, the excellent r(^sum6 of iMaspero, Illst. 
i. 777). To these re-commencements of tlie same 
events, always in agreement with certain aspects 
of the sky, which man promptly determined, the 
animistic tendency immediately added another 
element. To these stars and their movements, to 
their combinaticms and their journeys, it gave the 
life and the representations of beings who struggle 
and act in this world. Because tliey seemed to 
draw silhouettes of men or animals, to appear like 
new-born children, to unite, or to knock against 
each other, people began to speak of their births, 
marriages, and struggles. These representations, 
made up of assembled stars, a C'ambodian or Mayan 
calendar may draw differently ; but they express 


CALENDAR (Egyptian) 

tho same idea as tliat of an Egyptian or a Clial- 
da'an. They are as old as the ol).sui'vatioii of man. 
From these two combined notions, iiidueiices, and 
representations, issued the detailed description of 
the forces by which this world is governed every 
hour. From these facts, duly noted, with the 
moment of their arrival, the Egyptian calendar 
emerged complete, portioned out with certainty, 
for the whole length of that year of which the 
appearance of a star was the imjiortant moment. 

A third element determined its ])rinciiial char- 
acteristics. Just as in the case of i>rimitive, and 
modern non-civilized, races in general, this earth 
presented the spectacle of a perjjetual struggle 
between thousands of visible and invisible beings. 
It was inexplicable in its confusion, so that it was 
almost impossible to discover whether the gods and 
spirits were the friends or the enemies of man. 
Thrown into the conflict, man did his best to con- 
ciliate the former and drive back the latter. The 
Egyptian, like the others, had very early con- 
nected the gods and good spirits with the sun, 
and the evil spirits with the darkness. The 
system did not lead him any further than the 
others, either for religious history or for ethics. 
On the contrary, >Yhen be conceived the notion of 
associating the spectacle of the terrestrial struggle 
and its combatants with that of the apparent con- 
fiict of the celestial beings, and when be combined 
the whole with the astrological data of influences, 
he realized one of the most decided advances ever 
known in the history of religions. At the same 
time, not only were the events of the terrestrial 
universe the result of those which happened in the 
sky, but they were the clear image, capable of 
being read in good order, of all that seemed so 
confused in this world. Henceforward the Egyp- 
tian became gradually more skilled in classifying 
the latter, and also the beings who took part 
in it. 

The indissoluble link created in religion between the stellar 
world and the earth is repeatedlj' attested, at every time of 
ritual, by magic or so-called religious texts. The Texts of tiie 
PjTaniids are a mine of valuable information for the very 
earliest times. They speak of ' the disturbances which we see 
in the sky,' of stars ' which fight,' and of 'bow-bearers who go 
their rounds' ; and the study of allusions of this kind, not yet 
attempted, gives a long list. ' If the sky speaks, the earth 
trembles,' * "When the doors of the sky open, the doors of the 
earth open,' etc., on the other hand, are well-known phrases, 
among many others, of the ritual of the cKissical epoch. 
The connexion established between the two armies 
of combatants led first to the assimilation of the 
facts, and then to that of the beings who were 
their agents. The astrological coincidences had 
given an opportunity of arranging, as far as the 
celestial world was concerned, the powers which 
were regarded as good and those which had to be 
looked upon as evil. The good naturally attracted 
to themselves the Divine beings or ' spirits ' of 
this world who bad a tendency to be rather the 
allies of man, and the evil did the same in the 
case of his constant enemies ; hence the fusion of 
the stars (1) with the innumerable siririts or genii 
of primitive beliefs, (2) with the classical gods who 
took part in the life of man. It would be out of 
place here to justify the mechanism of these 
assimilations. They sometimes arise from the 
apparent form of the figures of the sky, sometimes 
from combinations of the conflict which seemed 
to be going on in the sky, and sometimes from 
purely astrological coincidences. Not only were 
the characteristics and representations of the 
Divine world particularly specified, but so also was 
the history of the gods, which the daily struggle 
of the sun interpreted too summarily ever to draw 
a complete mythology from it. There was the 
creation of legendary episodes in the life of the 
gods. It was putting into stories the battles 
■which the stars seemed to fight, or the influences 

which they brought to bear on this earth. 
l''ormerly these things took place in the sky and 
on our earth at tho same time. Henceforward 
they re-commenced on high, and annually sub- 
jected the domain of man to the same conditions as 
those experienced in legendary history. Tlie anni- 
versaries of marriages, travels, and ' births ' (e.(/. 
the I'alermo Stone) of the gods were henceforth 
placed at fixed times by re-commencements 
which man could note and predict by consulting 
the book of the celestial vault. At the same 
time, Egypt assimilated to this history, written 
for the celestial regions, the whole mass, which 
was up to that time confused, of its traditional, 
liistorical possessions : traditions more or less 
pure, more or less synthetized by legend or alle- 
gory, of great actual events of early times (inva- 
sions, wars, national catastrophes, organizations 
of society, etc.), or pseudo-historical summaries of 
origins. All this became incorporated by assimila- 
tion in the annual history of the stars ; all this 
fixed the days. Facts, precisely stated, were 
henceforth inscribed, and their anniversaries were 
fixed for the days when the sky, by its tables and 
its difl'erent parts, presented the same arrange- 
ment as it had had before, at the time of these 
events. The whole gave rise to a national history, 
in which the gods and their legends were con- 
nected with the calendar by an indissoluble bond, 
and in which all that was seen in the country of 
Egypt still bore the material trace of their actions. 
For each part of the valley the theologies found 
etymologies which explained, in alliteration, the 
names of towns, sanctuaries, or hills by one oif the 
legendary acts of the life of the gods, at the same 
time as they fixed the date of each of his acts in 
the year (Brugsch's Diet, geogi-aphiqtif, contains 
several hundreds of remarkable examples [cf. e.g. 
pp. 101, 174, 198]). The tendency to see this 
world only as a dependence and a momentary 
aspect of perpetual re-commencements was so 
strong that it marked the historical facts them- 
selves with this trait. If kings are supposed to 
re-commence their terrestrial life ad infnitum in 
heaven, with the gods with whom they have 
become identified, the opposite is none the less 
true. What Pharaoh does on this earth is merely 
the repetition of the legendary Divine actions. 
And even their real historical victories — at least 
up to a certain point — were regarded as re-com- 
mencements by the calendars in which their anni- 
versaries were inserted (e.g. for Usertesen in the 
Xllth dynasty, Thothmeslll. in theXVIIIth, etc.). 
The Divine and historical legend, formed by 
these successive elements, gradually became a 
whole, so coherent and so closely connected with 
the calendar that the sky became a sort of index 
where peojde day by day read the annals of 
legendary Egypt. Each year the cycle was re- 
newed Anth the return of the same influences. 
Pictographic reproduction and written notation of 
direct observations gave rise to books or pictures 
of them, the interpretation of which supplied both 
a date and a whole page of this history. For it 
was sufficient to read the positions of the stellar 
Divine beings to understand who they were, 
what they were doing at that precise moment, 
and what events had followed in the sky, of which 
the events of the present moment were the mere 

We shall confine ourselves to noticing the Egyiitian point of 
view of tlic matter. It may be said that Kgypt came very near 
the possession of an astrological scripture, with all the imper- 
fections and all tlie obstacles encountered by the civihzations 
which hiive attempted it, when they have reached the time for 
the application of scripture to economic and non-religious life. 
Egypt escaped this owing to causes which cannot be explained 
here. The point which must be noted by siJecialists is tlie 
interest which arose in establishing in what measure and up 
to what point other scriptures— notably in America— have 

CALENDAR (Egyptian) 


a^uiiicd biiuilar characU'riatics, bciii^ al the saiue time astro- 
lo^'ical and ui>-lho-hi6torical ; so that they possess a double 
value of great importance for modern science. 

The result of suuli a system was to subject each 
mouient of the calciulric year to an iiilluence of 
one or more of the Divine ueings. Kjjypt made a 
detailed aiiplication of it. Naturallj' the moiith.s, 
the sea.soiis, and tlie 'decades' had their protecting 
deities, and the general theory could not fail to 
extend the system to tlie days. Those gods who 
governed the months ended by giving them for 
the most part the names which have just been 
cited (although the lists of the monuments are far 
from agreeing ; cf. Budge, Gods, ii. 293). The 
names of the gods governing the 360 days (cf. 
Brugsch, Matt'rimtx, p. 47) have been regarded as 
an invention of late date, but always in ignorance 
of older documents. Thcj' are perhaps as old as 
the gods of the ' decades,' of which we now iiossess 
lists of the time of the Xth dynasty (cf. below). 
Theology could not fail to push the distribution 
of Divine jirotectors to its furthest limit, and 
charge a god or a sjiirit with each hour of the day 
(Budge, Goch; ii. 294, 302). In short, there is not 
a moment when special influence, denoted by 
name, is not being e.xercised, either on the whole 
of Nature or specially on each of the creatures of 
this world. 

The consequences of this calendar had infinite 
applications. At first haltinglj', then less awk- 
wardly, theology realized in these infinite re-com- 
mencements the notion that time does not exist, 
since it is reversible. The perpetual renewal of 
the conflicts assumed, in a theoretical form which 
gradually became more dogmatically abstract, the 
problem, confronting primitive man, of the conflict, 
also infinite, which goes on in this world between 
good beings and harmful beings. In describinjr 
and organizing it, the calendar not only created 
astrology ; it attracted the attention of man to 
what he could do on those vital dates when the 
battle returned to decisive moments. Everywhere, 
even where religion had succeeded in reading in 
the sky that events re-commence continually and 
endlessly on this earth, experience, nevertheless, 
sliowed that the ndafio! is unceasingly disturbed by 
the return of evil. The endless duration of the 
recommencements of victorious good was therefore 
an endless duration in fact, but in no way guaran- 
teed for the future. There was alwaj's doubt 
concerning the final success of the beneficent 
powers. This distress of mind was greater in the 
religions which \veie unable to rise to the calendar. 
But both classes attempted to evolve the manner 
in which man may intervene in order to contribute 
to the success of the good spirits. The less 
civilized knew no way of taking part in the con- 
flict except at the times when they were surprised 
unawares by its spectacle in the sky {e.g. the 
numerous accotints of intervention at the moment 
of eclipses of the sun or of the moon). Elsewhere 
the conflicts are preci-selj' stated at lunar dates, 
especially equinoctial or solstitial. In every case 
the intervention of man made use of the same 
resources — a mixtiue of mimetic and sympathetic 
magic. Images of dolls, of battles, of travels, of 
\i)yages were and are still made all over the world. 
The Eskimos, the Aleuts, the Columbians (cf. artt. 
E.SKlMO.s, Aleuts, etc., in this encyclopanlia, and 
see GB^, for many examples), when intervening in 
favour of friendly gods, acted in the same way as 
in the case of the collective mimetic ceremonies for 
(ishing or hunting. The Indians of California and 
the Polynesians carried about on certain dates a 
sun manufactured and co:icei\ed in the same way 
as the Bi-sun which Ep-ptian processions made to 
sail in a barque. But if the Egyptian concept has 
not a le-;s hnmble origin, the perfection of the 

calendar has given us tlie opportunity of tracing 
the information much further back. Bound not to 
the agricultural world, but to the history of the 
heavens, the calendar nndti])lied the furcsean and 
precise occasions of human intervention. The pre- 
tended battles of the worshippers of the Egyptian 
gods, or the manufactured images, were similar to 
what the Banks Islanders, for example, were able 
to make in this order of ideas. But the details, 
shown in the sky, of the history of the gods 
supplied a multii.ude of remaikable details con- 
cerning what these worshippers could do. Festivals 
worthy of the name, jirocessions, and real dramas 
followed. The imitation of the acts of the gods 
gave rise to the imitation of ejiisodes in tlieir 
life, and then to the imitation of tlieir whole life. 
Sj'mbolisni and the progress of meditation, starting 
from this jioint, were able to lead to the obtaining 
of moral information from the esoteric sense 
(created, of course, afterwards) of the anniversaries 
of all the calendar. Thus a whole section of 
religious information is derived from those festivals 
of the Egyptian calendar which — a significant fact 
for their stellar origin — almost all have their 
starting-point in night. To this possibility of 
co-operating, exactly at the propitious moment, in 
the struggle for good, magic naturally brought its 
ordinary resources. Mimetic and sympathetic 
data, brotight to perfection (costumes, statues, 
etc.), combined with the infinite power given by the 
knowledge of names {(/.v.), and with the power of 
the voice, and of the cliant in the incantation — in 
a word, with the complete arsenal common to 
humanity. In associating it with the science of 
the calendar, Egj'ptian religion was able to 
guarantee that, if the same gods (or their mimetic 
substitutes) repeated the same acts in the same 
places (or in their equivalents by ' geographical 
magic ') and on the same days (fixed by the 
calendar), the order of the world was assured. 
And the worshippers who had contributed to them 
were sure to have ac([Uired the most important 
merits in the eyes of the gods. 

The consequences of such a system (which has 
necessarily been only very briefly stated) are 
evident : 

(1) First there is the importance for each person 
of knowing the jiropitious moment for accom- 
plishing an action or for aljstaining from it, and of 
knowing the sum of the influences for each instant 
of life ; hence the important role among the clergy 
which was played by ' the people of the hours,' or 
priests charged with controlling and fixing them. 
Hence also the position held in the life of the 
temple by those people of the sdu (the Ptolemaic 
(^i/Xai), who, month after month, took charge of 
the whole service. These men were not so often 
scholars as watchmen (tirshai), sentinels entrusted 
with the defence of the Divine castle. 

The question of the technical perfection of K2:yptian astronomy 
will not be examined here (see art. Stars [Egyi>tian]). Cf. as 
examples of its.material implements, the apparatus published by 
Borchardt, ZX xxxvi. 67, and thfi emblems connected with 
measurement of time beloniring to the religious observatory of 
Ueliopolis, in Naville's Festival-hall, pi. ix. 

(2) There is the part played in the life of the 
Egyjitian by participation, in all its forms, in the 
dramas and mysteries, which, throughout the 
«hole calendric year, reproduced in the sanctuaries, 
and for the purpose explained above, the phases 
of the life of (lie national gods. 

The whole was translated into three practical 
apjdications, as far as the religion of living beings 
is concerned. Two are of a passive kind, and the 
third is active, (a) The prodtiction in pictures of 
the calendric influences common to all or belonging 
specially to one individual. These are the stellar 
pictures, the dc-nni, and the zodiacs, (b) The 
drawing up of the list of influences for each day 


CALENDAR (Egyptian) 

(calcmlars of lucky and unlucky days), (c) The 
oij;,inizatii>n of aimiversaiy days, when man inter- 
venes on behalf of his ^;ods, and repels the evil gods. 
These arc the festivals, the processions, and the 
mysteries. Intervention of tlie dead or for the 
dead will Vic examined seimrately. 

XH. Practical api'LICatioxs. — i. Astro- 
nomical charts, etc. — The nunibcr of documents 
and of works cited below on this subject permits 
only of a resumfc of the chief notions, keeping in 
view the present state of science and the points 
not yet treated. 

((() AslruiioDiical cknrts. — Charts of the sky, 
properly so called, considered in their connexion 
with the inlluences of each of the stars or groups of 
stars, must have existed from the very earliest 
times. As a matter of fact, as no ceilings of the 
temple of the Middle Empire have been preserved, 
we do not know of them any further back than the 
beginning of the second Theban Emjiire (Raniess- 
eum). But the Texts of the Pyramids contain 
clear allusions to ordinances of the stellar gods, in 
astronomical pictures. These important references 
have never been pointed out, any more than the 
question has been discussed whether chapters xviii. 
to XX. of the Book of the Dead are not descriptions 
(more or less mutilated) of ancient astronomical 
pictures belonging to the oldest temples. Those 
of the temples of Esnfeh, Edfu, Denderah, and 
Kom-Ombo, although of Ptolemaic or Roman times, 
and permeated with non-Egyptian ideas, are, in 
the main part of their wording, drawn from 
national chronicles. The collection and general 
comparison of all those pictures are still awaiting 
a special publication. 

(6) Zodiac. — Babylonian influences, transmitted 
by Greece, brought into Egypt the generalization 
or the use of signs of the zodiac, the most famous 
types of which — those of Esnfeh and Denderah — 
have been the subjects of very numerous works, 
which are, however, already out of date, and 
disregarded by modern Egyptology. It seems to 
be admitted in a general way that the zodiacs were 
unknown in Egypt before the Greeco-Komau period. 
Their elements, nevertheless, are found on the 
tomb of Seti I., and they figure on a certain 
number of sarcophagi of the Saite epoch, or 
previous to the Greek period (cf. British Museum, 
No. 6678). Lastly, there are real indications that 
the signs of the zodiac were known and used 
as early as the first Theban Empire, according to 
certain allusions in the funerary texts, which have 
not yet been carefully studied. 

(c) Decani. — Besides the course of the five 
planets, the Egyptians had noticed the rise, cul- 
mination, and setting of the stars. Among the 
constellations they attached special importance to 
those which they saw at fixed times sinking 
towards the horizon, disappearing, and then im- 
perceptibly taking their original place after this 
disappearance. The 36 decades of the 12 months 
were placed under the protection of a numlier 
corresponding to these constellations when situated 
on the horizon. Hephsestion (4th cent. A.D. ) has 
given in Greek a list of their names, the com- 
jiarison of which with the Egyptian monuments 
has established greater exactness. For a long 
time Egyptologists thought that their invention 
belonged to the Theban epoch. They were found 
at Abydos, at the Ramesseum, at the tomb of 
Seti I., in that of Rameses IV., tlien on the sarco- 
phagus of >fectanebo, in the temples of Edfu, 
EsnSh, Denderah, etc. The discovery of sarcophagi 
with texts of the Middle Empire has led to their 
recovery, >\ith extremelj' curious details, as early 
as the Xth dynasty at least (coffin of Masahiti, and 
fragments of coffins of Akhmim). It seems certain 
to the present writer that allusion is made to them 

in the pre-historic formuUc of the Texts of the 
Pyramids. Each of the three decani of the month 
presides in turn over the decade of the head (tapi) 
of the month, that of the heart (abi), and that of 
the hind portion (pahii). Their variants and varia- 
tions, as well as the remnants of time when the 
decani combine with the influences of the planets, 
laid bare to astrological research a vast region for 
special studies (cf. Lit. below, § VII., Daressy's 
recent contribution, 1909). 

(rf) Stellar tables. — The r61e of the decani is quite 
distinct from the checkered stellar tables noticed 
in the royal tombs (especially Rameses VI. and 
Rameses IX.). Ernian (Life in Ancient Egypt, 
tr. Tirard, pp. 349-391) has explained their part 
very clearly, as well as the mechanism of the series 
of pictures, and the value of the legends. The 
positions of the stars, for a fixed time, and in con- 
nexion with the diflerent parts of the body of an 
imaginary man supposed to contemplate them, are 
inscribed with respect to the configuration of the 
stars themselves. Unfortunately, the workmen 
who copied them have done so carelessly, and these 
tables are almost useless from the astronomical 
point of view. Nor is the religious nature of these 
strange documents very ajiparent. The opinion of 
Petrie (PSBA xxiv. 319), that they are simply 
horoscopic pictures referring to the nativity of the 
kings, is an ingenious way of reconciling the 
chronology based on the Sothic period with the 
contradictions presented in the tablets of the Royal 
Tombs ; but no proof has been given of this 
explanation, which is too briefly stated. 

2. Calendars of lucky and unlucky days. — 
Apart from the allusions in the religious or literary 
texts, the famous Sallier Papyrus and the Leyden 
Papyi'us (i. 366) are the sources of the most valu- 
able information. The methodical comparison 
with the similar tables of the Assyrians would be 
a fruitfiil study. Up to the present this has been 
too much neglected, most of the publications dirring 
the last fifty years limiting themselves to quoting 
and abridging the masterly work of Chabas, who 
is no longer at the height of present-day know- 
ledge, either for translation or for commentary. 
The only advance made has been to point out, 
thanks to the Kahun Papyrus, that that sort of 
book existed as early as the Xllth dynasty. We 
have therefore another proof of the extreme anti- 
quity of everything connected with the Egyptian 
calendar. It is necessary to call attention in a 
general way to the manner in which horoscopes 
are clearly connected, for each day of the calendar, 
with influences resulting from the chart of the sky 
on that day. The most striking proof lies in the 
importance — which till now has not been pointed 
out — of the division of the day into three parts, 
each of which is subjected to the influences which 
have control of the world at that moment. We 
may therefore have completely good days, com- 
jdetely bad days, or days partly good and partly 

The connexion is remarkable for the days on which one must 
not go out 'at nightfall,' or, on the contrary-, * as long as it is 
da>ii|;ht,' or * during the morning,' or *at mid-day.' Each time 
the sign corresponding to this third of the day is marked as bad, 
the others remaining good. 

The days are not simply good or bad, as we are 
usually informed. There are three degrees : the 
good, those which are prohibitive or purely bad, 
and those on which there is ' a struggle ' in the 
world between good and evil. The facts of the 
celestial war by which these statements are justified 
are day by day put opposite this first diagnostic. 
Although they are deformed, as usual, by the 
unification caused by the Osirian legend absorbing 
all the old legends of the primitive gods, we can 
recognize the antiquity of all the facts mentioned. 
When events and dates are noticed, we find most 

CALENDAR (Egyptian) 


of these facts either in the temple ealeiulais (see 
Ijolow) or in the pre-historic texts of the Hooks (jf 
tlie Dead. .Such a work, carefully treated, may 
lead to the explanation of a day in connexion witli 
some of the scenes or the mystic texts of the tomhs 
and temples. It must be said that the popuhir 
character of collections of the type of the .Sallici' 
I'apyrus has been exaggerated. It is rather the 
jiractical apiilication which <leservcs such a qualify- 
ing charaeler, although even this point is doubtful. 
In order to give the document its full value, we 
have first to make a table of its interdictions, and 
see to what mythological (Ln. stellar) facts they 
refer. The most frequent prohibitions are against 
leaving the house, going out at a certain time, 
travelling, sailing, undertaking a piece of work, 
or undertaking anything whatsoever. Speaking, 
singing, and sexual intercourse come next. Certain 
things or persons bring misfortune if they are 
looked at on a particular day. Prohibitions 
•against killing or eating certain animals are equally 
numerous, as well as those against setting lire to 
or burning certain substances. The whole, at first 
strange and childish, may be justified in eacli case 
by the study of the astrological myths connected 
with corresponding episodes in the history of the 

The corresponding fortunes have to be divided into quite 
distinct classes. Some are risks from which people may escape 
by observing the calendar : drowning ; dying from plague or 
fevers ; losing one's life ' by encountering spirits' ; being killed 
by a bull or a serpent into which these same spirits have 
entered ; remaining ill for the rest of one's life ; ' dying for 
ever' (i.e. with no second existence), etc. Otheru are inevitable 
(testinies, which happen whatever is done by the person born on 
that (lay. Very seldom good Gong life, riches), they usually pre- 
dict death by animals, by contagion, from a wound, from the 
annual epidemics (fever?), by drowning, or by sudden indigestion 
(sic). The mildest of them foretold deafness or blindness. The 
CAse of the child born on a certain day, who will lose its hearing 
' because that is the day on which the ears of Osiris were sealed,' 
shows sufficiently the kind of deductions made for each day from 
the ex.amination of the corresponding mythological facts. 

The whole, subsequently adapted to popular 
superstition, gave rise to the base applications of 
sorcery, and to that caricature of real astrology 
which has reached us from the Egyptians of the 
last centuries, and from the Roman world, which 
was infested with their ignorant juggleries. The 
'on that day' [am ham pcu) of the sorcerers' 
formula; is simply a return to the notion of ancient 
magic — placing oneself in the calendric conditions 
of lime and surroundings necessary to reproduce 
the role of the god or the spirit who is most 
influential at that moment. It is, as a matter of 
fact, being inspired with the universal notion 
applied even at the present day by a fetishist 
sorcerer of the Congo. If a separation was made 
in Egypt between the puerility of these horoscopes, 
or pra<-ti<:es, and the really religious ceremony of 
the ollicial cult, that separation did not exist at 
the beginning. It took place when the notion of 
the calendar allowed the priest to go further, and 
to put in place of simple mimetic magic the noble 
theory of re-commencements, with a commemo- 
rative character, and with participation on the part 
of the worshippers. Priesthoods which ar<! still 
rudimentary, like those of the southern tribes of 
the Victoria Nyanza, show how processions and 
sacrilices may arise from primitive barbarism when 
the calendric observation is more or less formu- 
lated. The Egyptian race, being better [jlaced by 
nature, arrived at real temple-calendars, with the 
immense reserve of religious and moral forces 
implied by their final adoption. 

3. Temple calendars, festivals, ceremonies. — 
The really surprising number of calendar festivals 
ha<l caused even the Greeks to marvel (cf. Herod, 
ii. 59), but it is sufficiently proved by the origin and 
the value of such ceremonies as have just been 
explained. It will be noticed that cults regulated 

by astronomy (especially in Mexico, where the 
innumerable series of festivals astounded the first 
conquerors) have always been remarkable for the 
numljor of festivals, and probably for the same 
reason as in Egyi)t. 

On account of the numerous documents of every 
kin<l (cf. § I. above), we are still able, not only to 
recover a large number of these festivals, but also 
(although with serious difficulties in the present 
state of science) to form an exact and detailc<l idea 
of the ceremonies and the precise purpose; which 
they had in view. Such an important siibject 
cannot be treated fully in the present article (see 
art. Festivals [Egyptian]). All that need be 
recalled for our present purpose is what has direct 
connexion with the calendar, i.e. with the notation 
of the dates of the religious 3-ear, the relation of 
the episodes mentioned to the ceremonies carried 
through on the chosen anniversaries, and the reli- 
gious character which gradually evolved, through 
these festivals, fi'om primitive astrology. 

The great majority of these innumerable festi- 
vals have a double common character which has 
never been pointed out. They begin at night, and 
have a dramatic and warlike signification. RIany, 
indeed, are entitled day-fe-stivals ; but in every 
case in which it is possible to get back to the 
sources, they are seen to be in reality the continua- 
tion of an original festival or rite which took 
place during the night — a fact which is most im- 
portant for the astronomical nature of their origins 
(see above). As regards the inward essence of 
the chief ceremony, it is very .seldom of a joy- 
ful character. Undoubtedly, as throughout the 
world, the course of centuries and popular fancies 
added comic episodes and burlesques to it, and 
the assembling of great crow'ds has frequently 
introduced noisy rejoicings (cf. Herod, ii. 48). 
The real foundation of the ceremony is a battle, 
and the official rejoicing, noted by the calendars. Is 
not manifested until afterwards, as a consequence 
of the victory. 

Tlie different kinds of anniversary festivals may 
be divided into twelve chief classes: (1) births 
of the gods, (-2) episodes in the life of Osiris, 

(3) circumnavigations and voyages of the gods, 

(4) wars of the gods, (5) eosmogonic anniversaries, 
(6) funerals of the gods, (7) births and anniver.saries 
of the kings, (8) commemorations of foundations, 
(9) festivals of the sun, (10) festivals connected with 
the Nile and agriculture, (11) exclusively funerary 
festivals, and (12) miscellanea, or of doulitful 
meaning (planting of the willow, inscription of the 
Ashdu tree, erection of the obelisk, etc.). We 
must not be led astray by such a classification. It 
is absolutely artificial, optical (if one may say so), 
because it takes account only of external features 
resulting simply from the titles. In every case in 
which we can see the details from the monuments, 
it m.ay be said that the act pro- e.n-rtlcni'e of the 
ceremony consists in a conflict, in which t,he priests 
and the worshippers play the dilfcn;nt parts of a 
real warlike drama. (We omit the anniversaries 
of births, the travelling of the Anion family to 
Luxor and its sojourn in its houses of rest, the 
festivals of the opening of canals, and others of the 
same type.) But festivals of apparently simple 
rejoicing, like perpetual journeys of the 
gods to visit each other (Ilathor to Edfu, Horns to 
Denderah, Hatlior to Fayyuni, etc.), or of simple 
exoduses [khdu = i^oSetai) of the gods round the 
temple, or on their sacred lake, might at first 
sight be classed aimmg the series of peaceful rejoic- 
ings 7)«r excellence. Nevertheless, as soon as the 
evidence of a classic {e.rf. Herodotus at Papremis 
[ii. 63 f.]) frees them from chance, or as .soon as 
texts (as at Edfu) detail them minutely, the episode 
of the battle appears— all as is shown, a vriuri, in 


CALENDAR (Egjrptian) 

the brief menlidiis of tlic cjilonilnv of the riUermo 
Stone (killing tlio hipiiopotaiuus, stiikiiif,' the Ann, 
binding the liaiharians, etc.). Every wlioic the 
gods attiick rejitiUis or crocodiles, and clea\o tlicm 
in two — the scriient Apo]^)!, and tlie serpent Seliaiii, 
etc. ; at Iloliopolis, Bastit, the Divine cat, cuts oil' 
tlie head of the serpent; tlic people of Vn and 
Dapu at eacli other, like Uiose of rapreniis ; 
the partisans of the gods are attacked by hostile 
gods, escorted by their followers. Monsters of 
wax, of clay, of wood, or of rope (like the serpent 
made of rope whicli l^Iutarch says was cut in pieces 
at the festivals of Osiris) are pierced with blows, 
lacerated, cut in fragments by the priests or wor- 
shippers. R4 ' gets rid of his enemies ' at Illahun. 
Every year, at the same ' place of massacre,' Edfu 
celebrates the ' defeat of the opponents of Horus.' 
If the feasts of the month of Choiak (they come 
from Memphis and are the result of the gradual 
fusion of Osiris and Socharis) are taken from tlie 
calendar of A bydos, the legend of the 'good god' 
seems to be formed from a series of warlike anniver- 
saries, older than the oldest history. His barques 
are attacked, and his enemies are overthrown and 
cut in pieces. On the road to Pagar and on the 
lake of Nadit, tlie train of the procession fight 
with each other continually. Who Avould have 
suspected this character of the Osirian festivals, 
with titles so unwarlike, if we had not happened 
to possess the evidence of a dozen inscriptions on 
the point? Without the frescoes of a Theban 
tomb (Tomb of Kheriut), who would ever have 
known that an apparently peaceful date like the 
planting of the Dadu inchided pitched battles with 
sticks between the priests and the accessories? 
Would it ever have been suspected that at the 
Memphis festival of fishing, the officiant, when 
captui'ing the fish, was 'seizing the enemies'? 
Hundreds of other festivals are distributed through- 
out the year, and warn us that these dates of the 
ancient calendars of the Book of the Dead are 
speaking of real festi\'als when they mention ' the 
night on which the children of the rebellion were 
destroyed' (it is represented on the pre-historic 
' palettes '), that on which ' the cursed are exter- 
minated,' or on which ' the enemies of Nib er-Dzer 
are massacred.' 

From the examples just given, we may be 
allowed to infer that these battles also character- 
ized the exoduses of Anubis from Syut, of Hathor 
from Denderah, etc. This induction is singularly 
confirmed when suddenly, for a festival whose 
warlike character is not mentioned by a single 
Egyptian text, the witness of Herodotus or Plutarch 
shows us the representation of wars or of the slay- 
ing of monsters overcome in them. Actually, as 
in the Sallier Papyrus, there seems each day to 
have been a battle in this world. But these are 
fought in the temples of Egypt, now here and now 
there, at places fixed by legend. This is the point 
that must be remembered for the present study, 
the classification and origin of the festivals as well 
as their picturesque details being treated in another 
article {Festivals [Egyptian]). 

The connexion between the character of these 
festivals and the origin of the calendar is evident. 
The festivals, which are neither anniversaries nor 
commemorations, in our sense of the word, but 
recommencements, give rise to the detail of repeti- 
tion in this world of this drama of the sky, of 
which they are the representation. And the par- 
ticipation of spectators in the massacre of the evil 
gods, the insistence by the worshippers (especially 
at Abydos) on the active r61e they filled in these 
sacred dramas, when they ' helped their god,' show 
a fundamental agreement between the magical 
data and the calendric data as the basis of the 
Egyptian cult. 

This cliar.ictcr of the nnniversaries ot temiile cilendars 
oxplains also the dates wlien the sods travelled and visited 
each other. These are not simply neighbourly relations, or 
rcnviniscencea ot the alliances ot the pre-historic tribes ot the 
Nile Valley. Although the course ot centuries p:ive8 a ch.xracter 
ot rejoicing and pilgrimogo to these festivals, the real origin is 
the imitation of the martial acts ot the mylhologicivl life ot the 
goda, thus shown forth with great pomp. And we saw above 
how—at least for the most part — it was the reading ot the sky 
that 8U(;gested the principal episodes in it. 

Thus by natural consequence the unchanged 
character of the temple calendar from the beginning 
to the end of history is proved. The study of 
histoi'ical documents shows that, as they existed 
under the Memphites, so we lind the festivals 
under the Koman dominion. The only work done 
by theology was to generalize for the whole of 
Egypt some festivals which originally were merely 
local. But Egyptology has accomplished thus 
only part of its task. The study of the pre-historic 
texts of the Books of the Dead and the Book of the 
Pyramids proves that the festivals and calendric 
dates of these collections appear again, with names 
hardly modified, in documents of the historic age, 
like the Palermo Stone or the stela; of the ancient 
Empire, and that the whole fits into the lists of the 
classical calendar. 

The chief importance of the anniversary date is sufficiently 
justified by what has already been said. (The exact dates of 
the principal festivals will be given in the article Festivals 
[Egyptian].) The way ot marking it in the classical epoch con- 
sists simply in the indication of the season, the month, and the 
day. A different method seems to have existed in Heliopolis. 
Its character is difficult to grasp. The present writer proposes 
simply as a hypothesis of his own to read as calendric dates the 
numbers marked ui the celebrated Palermo Stone, which have 
always been interpreted as agrarian measurements or as the 
heights of the Nile. He thinks it possible to see in them 
notations of height taken with some very simple instrument, or 
more specially the height of the shadow of some arrangement 
like the Babylonian ttciAos— perhaps even the height of an 
emblem like a sacred stone, the prototiTie of Banbonu of the 
Great Temple (ct. Naville, Festival-hall, pi. ix.). With the same 
res', rictions he thinks that the pre-historic vases or Thinite tablets 
of Neggadeh and Abydos contain indications of beginning, cul- 
mination, and end of phenomena used to date the festivals 
represented on these tablets. The correct interpretation, how- 
ever, is not yet forthcoming. 

The development of the theory of the anniversary 
festival in the calendar seems therefore to have 
been Ijriefly : (1) the idea of the influences of the 
stars ; (2) the putting of their positions into living 
images in the form of beings, conflicts, travels, 
births, etc. ; (3) the notation of corresponding 
myths ; (4) the assimilation of the conflicts whioli 
talce place on the earth with this mythology ; (5) 
as a consequence, tlie assimilation of the gods or 
spirits of this world and their legends with the 
conflicts and acts of the inhabitants of the firma- 
ment ; (6) the combination of the whole into a 
unique cycle, the dates of which are given by the 
appearance of the sky ; (7) the artificial creation, 
in order to correspond with these dates, of pseudo- 
historical or purely legendary facts ; (8) the inven- 
tion of tlie great Osirian drama, incorporating the 
myths or the disconnected accounts of the local 
proto-history of the various parts of Egypt (if 
necessary, with the aid of alliterations or artificial 
etymologies) ; (9) the tendency to confuse Osiris 
with the Ra-sun, and to see in the legend of Osiris 
a symbolical figure of the struggle between the 
desert and the Nile; (10) the gods, combined in 
the latest epoch, induce symbolism, the concept of 
the struggle between darkness and light ; and (11), 
as a last result, there is the struggle of moral light 
with the darkness of sin, the struggle between good 
and evil, with the defence and active obligations 
which it entails for the worshipper. 

The living worshippers of the god are not the 
only persons who participate in these annals of the 
calendar. The dead also take part in them, and 
light on their side. The explanation of the theory 
of death among the Egyptians w ill be found in art. 
State of the Dead (Egyptian). 

CALENDAR (Egyptian) 

VIII. FuyERARY CALENDAR. ~i. Festivals.— 
The remarkable lixity of this caleiular isatlcstrd liy 
several thousamis of nioiuiments (not imliidin^' tlie 
texts of the Hook of the Deail typo), from the 
Miiinplnte masta/jas to the titles of the tombs, or 
the stclse of the latest epoch. From Memphis to 
the lirst cataract, every necropolis has supplied 
sulficient funerary calendars to draw up the in- 
ventory and to show the importance of its character. 
As far back as we can go at the present time (IV'th 
<lyna>ty), the work of unihcation for the whole of 
Kprypt is completed (cf. c.jr. the sarcojjhagus of 
Khiifu-Anku). Two classes of dates and festivals 
appear: the first are common to all the provinces 
of l'"j,'ypt ; the second remain, throughout the 
courr-i! of history, local and peculiar to certain 
nrcropolises. The excgetic examination of those of 
the lirst class shows that they are the product of a 
list which combined festivals that were formerly 
peculiar to such and such a region. They began 
liy belonging properly to the dead subjects of 
.Socharis at Mempliis, of Anubis at Syut, of Uap- 
Matonu at Abydos, of llathor at Deuderah, etc. 
The fact that as early as the IVth dynastj' they 
are the common property of all the dead, 
almost every\\here unified by the Osiruin legend, 
is of sullicient significance to give an idea of the 
immense preparatory work that was necessary 
before the period known to us. 

The chief list, identical at the beginning and at 
the end of history, gives: (1) the day of the year 
(IstThoth), with the festival of lighting the new 
fire (the festival of ' lamps ' of Herodotus, ii. G2), the 
'service of the dead,' and the 'surrounding of the 
temple in procession,' a visit to the local god, in 
great pomp, at the dwelling-places of the dead 
(Beni-Hasan, Syut, Dendcrah, Thebes, Kdfn, etc.) ; 
(2) the great festivals of the dead on the 17th, ISth, 
and 19tli of Thoth (festival of lamentations, of the 
flame, and the Urir/aU) ; (3) the festivals of Socharis 
in the month of Choiak : sacred night, sacred 
morning, procession round the walls of the temple 
(iiriginally round the sanctuary of the white wall 
at Memphis, then, later, in all the chapels of 
Socharis in Egypt). This is one of the most 
solemn moments in the life of the dead and in the 
calendar connected with it ; in the Palermo Stone 
we find the feiusts of Socharis mentioned in tlie 
whole historic series, sometimes with valuable 
details (cf. Kevillont, Ecviie KcpjptcA. i. 43, with 
an incomplete bibliography, but full of important 
exami)les ; cf. also the Kahun Papyrus of the Xllth 
dynasty and the very important text of the calen- 
dar of \ofir-hetep at Thebes [XVIIIth dyn.asty]) ; 
and (4) the festivals of the five epagomenal days. 
To the first grouj) may be added the following 
calendric list, which is simply a table of funerary 
services to be otl'ered to the dead, rather than 
festivals with processions or ceremonies of a 
mythical character: the beginning of each season, 
the beginning of the month, and the day of the 
half-month, the 4th, 5th, 6th, 17th {saclzan), and 
30th of each month (see Munich, stele no. 3). 
There is no ground for asserting a relation between 
the monthly festivals and the moon, from the 
funerary point of view. 

The indications of the stela; enumerate after- 
wards a certain number of festivals alrea<ly known 
to the non-funerary calendar : the rising of Sirius, 
the arrival of the Nile, the ' reception of the river,' 
the ' travels of the gods' from one town to another, 
visiting each other, etc. 

Lastly, festivals probably common to the whole 
of Egypt are local in appearance, either because we 
have not enough documents, or because they bear 
ditt'ercnt names according to the localities, although 
they are really identical (removal of sand, scatter- 
ing of the .sand, festivals ' of the mountain ' or ' of 

the valley,' transfemng of the statue to the temple). 
Thus at Thebes the 25tli of ChoVak is called 

Tlie festiv.als of Memphis (Exodus of Min, Assembly of Osiris 
Nib Dzoto), tliose of Beui-IIasaii Cf^reab and small ' catching '), 
and tliose of Thebes (morning of Nchch-kau, festival of the two 
enchantresses, of the 'Assembly of B:iilu,' of the 'hearing of 
speecliea,' and of the 'openilif; of the chapel') are siniple 
examples given here of the titles of local festivals. They have 
not yet been studied. It is probable that it will turn out that, 
under other names, they were celebrated throughout the whole 
of Kgypt, and that their triple link will be found with mytho. 
logy, with the corresponding fornuila) in the Book of the Dead, 
and with the representations in the temples or the hypogaia. 
It seems to be already proved that these festivals, when they 
are mentioned, come from anotlier part of Egypt— which pre- 
supposes a long preliminary work of fusion (cf. e.g. the Thelian of liailu, which is said to be consecrated 'to tho souls 
of the dead of the Lord of Ilermopolis'). 

The wlude is accompanied, for the statues 'of 
millions of years' of deceased kings, by a complete 
special calendar. It is sulficient to state here that 
it consists chiefly of festivals of the clothing of 
statues, processions to the temples, and participa- 
tion in tiie majority of the great festivals of the 
ordinary local calendar. 

2. Historical summary : probable formation. — 
The fact that the calendar appears fully formed as 
early as the Memphites, and undergoes no essential 
change down to the end, admits only of a hj'po- 
thetical explanation of the way in which it is 
formed : (1) by the examination of the peculiarities 
of tl.e festivals ; (2) by the direct or indirect 
mention of their origin ; or, above all (3), by the 
archaic traces of a previous state of ali'airs in the 
Book of the Dead. The sarcophagi of the first 
Theban Empire are in this respect the next source 
of considerable discoveries. The most important 
at the present time are those of Babei, found l>y 
Petrie at Denderah (Cairo Museum), and those 
exhumed by Garstang at Beni-Hasan. As in the 
case of the festivals, we shall treat here only what 
is connected with the calendar, the rest of the 
funerary theory being more conveniently treated 
in the art. State of the Dead (Egyptian). 

The faculty, which at first was restricted to those 
who had within them one or more Divine souls 
{i.e. to chiefs, sons and heirs of the gods), of re- 
uniting with the gods of this earth and of sharing 
in the direct ottering of worship, was extended to 
those who were capable of understanding the 
necessary magical prescriptions, and who had 
received the necessary talismans. They were then 
able 'to walk on good roads' — to return to this 
world. They could do so only once a year, when 
the local god at his festival came to look for them 
in the necropolis. They then accompanied him as 
worshippers ('imkhu) or as companions (s/iosii), 
and, ahmg with the living in theiirocession, partici- 
pated in tlie whole drama of the festival, and then 
in the ofiering. The whole thing could take place 
only in the locality in which the famous mytho- 
logical fact' had formerly occurred, and at the time 
when the sky indicated the exact date when the 
fact should be renewed by the festival (tj-pical 
examples at Syut, at Hermopolis for the festival 
of Bailu, at Thebes for the ' festival of the valle3',' 
at Denderah, etc.). This festival took place in 
many provinces, at the time of the annual rising 
of the Avatcrs and at the New Year — the resurrec- 
tion of all the things of the valley (c.y. Fayj'ura, 
I leracheopolis, Abydos, Denderah, Edfu, A-ssuftn). 
But in other places it was at dillercnt dates (month 
of Choiak at Memphis, Pharmuti at Hermopolis, 
etc.). The continuance of the happiness or the 
dead was due to a triple series of continued actions, 
the benefit of which was evidently at lirst confined 
to the kings, b>it afterwards extended to ordinary 
men: (I) the introduction into the local, 
with all its results, of the festivals of strange gods 
which fell on a different date, making the local 


CALENDAR (Egyptian) 

dead benelit thereby ; (2) niultiiilying the circum- 
staiioes in which each of these gods had the power 
of making the 'living soul' of the dead return to 
thb earth ; and (3) not restricting to a single place 
in Kgypt the possibility of accomplishing the 
inagi<'al rite necessary for each day, but extending 
the Ijeneiit of it to all in the necropolises. 'I'liis 
■work in course of formation is seized on in texts 
like that of Uabei, where the calendar already 
enumerates one hundred dates of festivals, in 
wliich, at a certain place, the dead person niav 
take his share of sucli and such rejoicing of such 
and such a god {see also chs. xviii.-xx. of the Book 
of the Dead, wliich are very instructive on this 
point). The whole leads to the linal possibility of 
communicating with the dead throughout the 
whole year. Then the long series of magical 
dates, which had become useless, was eliminated. 
There remains a unique calendar, general for 
Egypt, where the festivals simply mark the most 
outstanding remains of the ancient elements of 
formation. The final product is almost reduced to 
unity by the Osirian theme, which substitutes for 
the pre-historic 7'aisons d'etre of these dates ex- 
planations drawn from anniversaries of the life, 
death, and resurrection of Osiris. It is precisely 
this theological work, accomplished almost entirely 
in the time of the !^Iemphites, which makes the 
discovery and real meaning of the original festivals 
so difficult. The search for these oH'ers a large 
scientific reward to the person who will undertake 

IX. CONCLUSTON.— What has been said above 
may perhaps suffice to show that the calendar in 
Egypt played an important part in the degree of 
perfection reached by the evolution of religious 
thought in that country. If, as everything indi- 
cates, the material supjdied by the gods and the 
concepts at the disposal of the ancient Egj'ptian 
cults was no better than tliat still employed by the 
groups of less civilized races of the rest of Africa, 
we must find out the reason why Egypt was able 
to profit more by it. And if, in a similar fashion, 
the organization of worship is one of the most im- 
portant factors, it seems clear that the calendar, 
as it was instituted in that country, was one of 
the most powerful forces in ensuring this organiza- 
tion. The question leads to the search for the 
causes which favoured the perfecting of the 
calendar and gave it the form and the value 
■which have been examined above (p. 97). The 
conditions of geographical and meteorological sur- 
roundings were perhaps not the only favourable 
elements in this first cause. They were certainly 
elements of the first rank. 

Considering now not the causes but the conse- 
quences, we see that the calendar succeeded in 
identifying, dating, and, in definite mythologies, 
fixing, the limits of the apparent incoherence be- 
tween the appearance of the perceptible world and 
its incessant struggles between good and evil. The 
intervention of man, foreseen and organized on 
certain fixed dates, arranged and defined relations 
with the gods, and multiplied the connexions with 
them, then the obligations towards them, at the 
same time as the rule of the gods became more 
noble. It matters little that originally this human 
intervention was grossly magical : the essential 
fact was the possibility ot man's helping the powers 
that were regarded as good to struggle against those 
regarded as evil. To define, in a gradually more 
elevated sense, the words 'good' and 'evil,' and to 
reach the duty of being morally a partisan of the 
good gods, was the long - protracted eflbrt of 
thousands of years of Egyptian thought. The 
final notion ot dualism, with its wholesome lesson 
of energy, existed in germ from the very day on 
vyhich the year of the religious calendar definitely 

sjiecilied the r61e of each person, and the certain 
ell'ects of the acts of man, in the ceaseless struggle 
in which he takes part. 

It marked the race for ever with its stamp. 
Even after ICgypt became Christian, it Mill be 
f(mnd that it kept this stamp and is distinguished 
by it from the rest of tlie peoples who believe in 
Clirist. Eor Ihr ( 'ii]'l s, St. Micliael and St. (ieorge 
on high ercri/ clui/ ccimluct the celestial hosts to 
battle against the soldiers of Satan's armies. They 
seize them, beat them, han|j them ; but tliey do 
not destroy them, for ' their nour is not yet come.' 
In this way the Egyptians reconcile the new 
dogma and the ineradicable conception of the 
perpetual celestial battle, in which the worshipper, 
by ids acts and jirayers, comes to the assistance of 
his Protectors on high. 

LiTERATURK.— Roughly speaking, the bibliography of the 
Eg.vptian calendar exceeds a thousand publications, articles, 
etc., not including those dealing exclusively with astronomy, 
astrology, or pure chronology. A selection being necessary, 
there is given below a list which will be found to contain all 
the literature that is essential on the subject. Only a few 
items have been extracted from the long list of articles which 
have appeared in Egj'ptian periodicals, e.g. ZA, OLZ, PSBA, 
RTAP, and Siihinx. Such a bibliography, in view of the great 
variety of questions involved, would not be of much service if 
simply arranged alphabetically or even chronologically. A 
classification according to the subject-matter has appeared 
advisable. We have included also a list of the ducuments 
properly so called, i.e. the list of ancient monuments published 
with or without translation or commentaries, but without a 
synthetic article on the calendar. A list of the chief ancient 
authors who WTOte on the subject has also been added. The 
most important authorities have an asterisk prefixed. 


Biot, Ann^e vafjve des Egyptiens, Paris, 1853; Brugsch, 
*^ouvelles recherchcs sur la division de I'annde des anciena 
E(ji/2^tieiis, Berlin, IS56, *Materiaux pour servir d la ream- 
sti-itction du calendrier des anciens Egyptians, Leipzig, 1864, 
Tkesaunis, pt. ii. ' Kalenderinschriften,' Leipzig, 1S33 ; 
Chabas, Mdlanges, Paris, 1862, 1873; Champollion, 3lim. 
stir tes signes employes d la notation du temps, Paris, 1831 ; 
Dumichen, *AUdg. Kaknderinschrijten, Leipzig, 1863-06 ; 
Faselius, Altdg. Kaleiiderstttdien, Strassburg, 1873; Gum- 
pach, On the historical Antiquity of the People of Egypt, their 
Kalendar, etc., London, 1863 ; Lepsins, *Chronologie der 
Aegypter, Einleitung, Berlin, 1849 ; Letronne, Nouvelles re- 
cherches sur le calendrier des anciens Egyptiens, Paris, 1863. 

Breasted, 'Ancient Records, Chicago, 1906-07, p. 26 ; Budge, 
'Book of Kings, xliii-lix, London, 1908 ; Maspero, 'Ilistoire, 
Paris, 1894-99, 1. 204-213 (with list of the most important 
literature down to 1893). 

III. POPULAR WORKS.— Biaidite, Egypte (Guide), Paris, 
1900, preface, p. 99; Breasted, Bist. of Ane. Egyptians, 
London, 1908; Budge, A &uide tb the Egyptian Collections of 
the British Museum, London, 1899, p. ISO, Gods of the Egyptians, 
London, 1903, i. 435, 488, 617, ii. 110 ; Erman, Life in Ancient 
Egypt, tr. Tirard, London, 1894, p. 360, Egyp. Religion, Lon- 
don, 1907, p. 217 £f. ; Pierret, Diet, d'archiol. igyp., Paris, 1876. 

■ RVNTI' PERIODS. — Brugsch, Nouvelles recherches (see above), 
and Rel. und MythoL, 1884, p. 671 ; Champollion, Mimoire (see 
above) ; Gardiner, *' Mesor6 as the first month of the Egyptian 
Year,' in ZX xlii. 136 ; Griffith, ♦' The Ancient Egyptian ■year,' 
PSBA xiv. [1892] 260 ; Hincks, On the Years and Cycles used 
by the Egyptians, London, 1839, and Oil the Various Years and 
Months in use among the Egyptians, London, 1865 ; Mahler, 
Zl, 1890, p. 122 ; Martin, Piriude igypt. du Phoenix, 1864 ; 
Naville, 'Festival-hall, London, 1892, pp. 7, 21 ; ■Vincent, 
Recherches sur I'ann^e igyptienne, Paris, 1865. 

in ZA xxxvii. 80 ; Burrows, Discoveries in Crete, London, 
1907 ; Fourier, Recherches &ur les sciences et le gouvemement 
de VEqypte, Paris, 1828; Krall. 'Studien,' in SWAW xcviii., 
Vienna, 1880 ; Lauth, Aegypt. Tetraeteris, Munich, 1878, Sothis- 
oder Siriuspenode, Munich, 1874; Lef^bure, in Revue E(jyptoU 
ix. 71; Legge, "'Is the " Pirit-Sopdou " a Heliacal Rising?' 
in Recueil de Travaux, 1909 ; Lesag^e, Le Lever h^liaque de 
Sothis le 16 Pharmouti, Paris, 1860 ; Mahler, ' Die .\pisperiode,' 
in SWAW, 1894, p. 832 ff., *• Sothis und Monddaten der alten 
Aegypter,' in Actes du xivf Congr. Orient. 1906 ; Martin, Date 
historigtie d'un renouvellement de la p^riode sothiaque, Paris, 
1869 ; Maspero, ' Notes au jour le jour," in PSBA xiii. 303, 
and Revue Critique, 27th Nov. 1906 ; Oppolier, Ldnge des 
Siriusjahres und der Sothisperiode, Vienna, 1884, Sothtsperiode 
und Siriusjahr, Vienna, 1886 ; Roug^, in Revue Archiol. 1849; 
Sharpe, On the Return of Phoenix and Sothic Period, 1849 ; 
Torr, 'Memphis and Mycenoe, Cambridge, 1896, p. 57 ff. ; 
Wiedemann, in 'OLZ iii. 322. 


buchdermath. und techn. Chron., Leipzig, 1906, i. 226 ; Griffith, 
in PSBA, 1896, p. 99; F. A. Jones, *'The Ancient Year and 
Sothic Cycle,' PSBA xxx. 95 ; Lef^bure, ' Principales coi^sd. 



<Hience3de la pi^riode sothiague,' in Rev. Egypt, viii. ; Lieblein, 
•Chronohgie, Upsala, 1873, I'SBA xxii. MS, and ZX xliv. 101 ; 
Mahler, *l>ic dgifp. Finstcmifa d^r Hibd, Vienna, 1885, 
I'ltronot. Vcrgleichtm/jstabeiten, vo]. i. ' Acpypter,' Vienna, 188S, 
'liltldes sur le calendrier I'gifp- (tr. lloret, Hibl. Musde Guimet, 
\ol. xxiv.); Meyer, 'Aegyp. Chronologie' {Abhan(tt. Konijit. 
Pri'uss. Akad.), 1B04, *'Nachtrligo zur agyp. Chronologie' 
(.4 bhandl. Berlin. A kad.),V>01 ; Reisner, Naga-ed-DSr, i. .Leipzig, 
1807, p. 28; Sethe, lieUriige (Unle.ysKchungcn, iii.), 1905, p. 127. 
As has already been said, it is impossible to give the complete list 
of publications or articles on the points of detail of the calendar 
apjjlied to chronology. We shall cil 1 attention merely to Brix, 
'/.A xli. 26, 36 ; Borchardt, XX xxxvii. 80, xli. 34 : Legge, 
Report, etc., I'SIiA x\\. 201; Meyer, ZS xli. 93; Lef^bure, 
Rev. Bgyptol. ix. 71, and Actet du xivc Congr. Orient, i. 25; 
Lieblein, ZA xliv. 101, and PSDA xxii. 352; Mahler, OLZ 
iii. 202, V. 218, viii. 6, 473, 635, ix. 94, Zji xl. 78 ; Sethe, ZA xli. 
35 (as examples of discussions, in a single period, on chronology 
in connexion with a particular fact). 

VII. O.v TUK BKCANl ly PAiiTKUi.m.—Braescb, 'Thesau- 
rug, Leipzig, 1883-91, p. 131, Aegyplotogie, Leipzig, 1889-90, 
p. 329; Daressy, •'Une ancienne liste de d^cans egyptiens,' 
Annates, iv. [1904)260, Stalvelde divinitis, Leipzig, 1907, p. 361, 
'Lasemaine des Kgyptiens,' Annat^iS, x. 11909] 21; Goodwin, 
Sttr un horoscope grec contenant les name de pltcftieurs dicans, 
London, 1886 ; Lepsius, 'Chronologie, Einleit., Leipzig, 1849, 
p. 68 (T. ; Romieu, Lettres d Lepsitts sur un dican du del igyp- 
lien, Paris, 1870. 

'Die Slemta/eln in den dgyp. Eonigsgrdbem, Leipzig, 1862 ; 
Biot, Calendrier astronomiqtie , . . trouvd d Thebes, Paris, 
1862; Birch, Astronomical Observations in the xvth Century 
B.C., London, 1864; Brugsch, 'Aegyptologte; ChampoUion, 
'Mimoires (see above), Lettres d'Egypte, Paris, 1833, p. 230, 
Notices, Paris, 1844, ii. 647 ff.; Lepage-Renouf, 'Calendar of 
astronomical Observations from Tombs of the XXth Dyn., 
London, 1874; Petrie, PSBA xxiv. 318 (in fine); Rougfi, 
'M6moire sur quelques ph6nomO;nea celestes,' in Rev. Archil. 
ix. [1852], 'Texte du document astron. et astrol. decouvert 
par ChampoUion i Thebes ' (Mem. Acad. Sciences, xxiv. [1858] 

I.V. O.V THE ZODIAC— Biat, Mimoire sur U zodiaque de 
Dendi'rah, Paris, 1844 ; Carteron, Analyse des recherches de 
Letronne, etc., Paris, 1843, IJexription de VKgypte, ' AntiquitSa,' 
Paris, 1808-28, vol. iv. (zodiac of Denderah), p. 267; Cham- 
poUion, Lellre relative an zodiaqm de Dendirah, Paris, 1829 ; 
Henley, Zodiarjtie df Denderah, Paris, 1852 ; Lauth, Zndiagiie 
de Dendi'rah. V-.r-.« 1^<', : Letronne, Observatirr,, ^„r !'..' :, » ,/. .< 
reprisentnt,. - , utc., Paris, 1824, • 1 , ■' • ».■ 

des repre,.. /■ ■ -.iles de Dendim ,i J , ! iis 

18.i0; Max :.Iii;,ir, , .nres zodiacales,' I'/,/ mi, ;i i. ; 
Mure, CaliiuUif aa.L /.,„i,ac of Ancient Egypt, Lomlnn, l ,,=,:! ; 
Saint Martin, Sutice sur le zodiaque de Dendirah, Paris, 
1822 ; Testa, 'Sopra due Zodiaci scoperti nel Egitto, Pisa, 1S02. 

X. O.v TRF, EPAnOMENAL DAYS 1,1 PAitTicrrr.AR.—Bmgscb, 
•'Uebcr die tiinf Epagomenen,' in JifDJ/G vi. [1852]; Chabas, 
•' Calendrier des Jours tastes et lllifastes,' App. (Bibl. Egypt, xii. 
204) (Leyden Papyrus, i. 340). 

XI. Studies oy me axxiversaries of special dates. 
—Breasted, ZA xxxvii. 126 (festival of Amon at Thebes); 
Brugsch, 'Diet. Gingraphiqu^, Leipzig, 1877-SO, passim (the 
most important series presented in alphabetical order, and 
]uoro complete than the lists of his Thesaurus), *Drei Fest- 
kalender rm .4 t-'/i.. ■..',» Magna. Loipzig. 1877; Dev^ria, 
•Noub,Iadr. - .r.-r.! - I ■■ )'t'u\\-i.' M'uuu res .'Soc. Antiquaires, 
xxii., Pari-J, I 1 i . irT.i of Aiii ill); Roug«, 'MiSmoire 
surquelqm • ] :.. ; :,, : -. •;., ill yur. .1 ,,/»%?. ix. [1862]. 

XII. O.v Tin: //-u., i.i lllK li.l/.'.-Guissard, Etude sur les 
joursigyp. ducalendrier, li>cs6;Uoiseleut,Juurseg!/ptiens, leurs 
variations dans les caUndriers du Moyen-dge, 1872 ; Roug^, 
* Mtimoire,' etc. (see above). 

XIII. LUCKY AND UNLUCKY days (apart from citations or 
analyses in general works).— Chabas, ' Le Calendrier des jours 
tastes et nefi-utes de I'annSe (Sgyptienne' (Bibl. Egyptot. xii. 
127-235); Griffith, 'Hieratic J'apyri from Kahun, London, 
1899, pi. XXV.; Goodwin (in Chabas, MHanqes); Maspero, 
Etjules igypliennes, Paris, 1886-89, i. 20 ; Oefele, ZA xli. 117 

XIV. Studies on tub calendars of the various 
TESIPLES.—Diimichea, Der grosse theban. Festkalender von 
Medinet-llabu, Leipzig, 1881 ; Greene, Fouilles d Thebes, 1856, 
iv.-vi. (.Mcdinct-Habu) ; Brugsch, Drei Festkalender, Leipzig, 
1877 (Eflfu); Stem, ZA, 1873, p. 128; Bonriant, 'Remeil, xv. 
184 (KomOmbo). 

XV. ON THE DECK'!- '■!■■ r' p'-r-h. r.ningnal In- 
scription at SAn,\jci'A ', !-i~: i;-': / '■'/■'/A^. vi. 164 • 
Budge, The Stele titfr i L 1 1 1 1 m ■; , M, 'lunges'. 
ii.,;;3,1870,p.l08; Ki.i.i, ■; . „ ■ '. / ■ '. , \ inum, I'Ki:!; 
l^Gpsiws, 'Buhxgue LJ.e.t i..ii. Lii; I: i I '7; M'-,rtin,' 
M^moires Acad, des iiiscr. vii. pi Ml. :, ' ' ^ '. 
Savants, 1883; Pierret, 'Glossain- ; /, „ 
igyptoloaiques, Paris, 1872; Reinisch i .. , -i. , . ,,,„ 
fnschri/t von Tunis, Vienna, 1806 ; Ktvilluiit, ■ cl,ie.:i,,i„nihie 
dimotique, Paris, 1876-80, i. 87; Sethe, Uierugl. Urkunden 
d. Zeit, Leipzig, 1904, pp. 124-162. 

XVI. Ptolemaic calendar.— Birch, On an Egyptian 
Calendar of Philipp Aridcexus, London, 1S64 ; Robiou, "Re- 
cherches sur le calendrier maciidonien en E>'vpte' (Mihnoires 
Acad. Inscr. ix. (18781) ; Strack, ■ Kalendcr imptolem.ierreich ■ 
(Rhrin. Museum f PhiL liv. (1898] 12, 27); Vincent, M,imoires 
sur le calendrier des Lagides, Paris, 1864, Recherches stir le 
calendrier des Lagides, Pari.s, 1858. 

XVII. FUNERARY CALENDARS (only studies with comment- 
aries, specially on these calendars).— B6nedite, Tombeau de 
Ni'ferhiitpou (XVIIIth Dyn.), v. of Mtlmoires de la Mission A rch. 
Fr. an Caire, 1889-1900 ; Budge, Liturgy of Funerary Offerings, 
1909, p. Uff. ; Petrie, 'Denderah, London, 1900, ch. viii. 
(ooKin of Beb [Vlth Dyn.)) 67 IT. (tho chapter by Griffith) (Xlth 
Dyn.?); Maspero, *'Les Fouilles de Petrie au Favouni,' in 
Journal des Savants, 1000, p. 45n(XIIth Dyn.), 'Sur quelques 
textes,' etc., in BiM. EgyptoL, Etudes de Myth, et d'Arch. 
igypliennes, ii. 1893 (Xth Dyn.). 

XVIII. ANCIENT DOCUMENTS (reiiroiluced or written without 
systematic commentary. The classitication is chronological. 
It does not include either tho Texts of the Pyramids or the 
version of the Book of the Dead dating from the second 
Theban Empire). — (a) CitB.VDAR OF THE TKMPLE op MEMrnis 
(Palermo Stone).— Pellegrini, Archivio Storico Siciliano, new 
series, xx. 297. (b) Fcnkrary Mrmphite calendars (as speci- 
mens only).— Budge, Liturgy of Funerary Offerings, London, 
1909 ; Mariette, Mastabas, Paris, 1881-87. (c) Te-mple calen- 
liAlis OF THE FIRST Thebas EMPIRE.— Griffith, Hieratic Papyri 
fruin Kahun, pi. xxv. p. 62. (d) Funerary calendars of 
THE FIRST Theba.n EupiKE (as specimens only).— Griffith, Beni- 
Hassan, London, 1894, ii. 62 and pi. xii. ; Garstang, Burial 
Customs . . . ai Beni.lli,,:,i, T.n,i,|nii, 1907, pi. x. ; Lacau, 
Sarcophages antirieur.; .• < n, ' Empire, Cairo, 1904. (e) 
Astronomical AND 8TJ I i ; -l.-oni, A'arrahw, London, 
1821 (stellar tables); Eiut, i ., , (do.); Brugsch, Monu- 
ments, Leipzig, 1867, pi. .m.,. (dcea.u); ChampoUion, Monu- 
ments, Paris, 1836, pi. ccxxviii. etc. (astron. and stellar tables, 
chart of sky, etc.) ; Guilmant, Tombeau de Ramsis IX., Cairo, 
1907 (decani and star lists); Lef^bure, Hypogees royaux de 
Thebes, Paris, 1886-89 (do.); Lepsius, Denkrn. iii, cxxxvii, 
ccxxvii, ccxxviii, Berlin, 1849-60 (do.); RoseUini, Mon. del 
Cutto, Pisa, 1842-44, pi. Ixiv. (do.). ( f) Calendars ox paptros 
OP THE SECOND Theban EMPIRE.— Birch, .•^■elect Papyri (Sallier 
P!ipyr\l3iv.),18il-60, Facmmileof an Egyptian Hieratic Papyrus 
(Harris Papyrus), London, 1876 ; Leemans, Papyrus hiiratigue 
du Musfe de Leide, pi. ii. iii. (Pap. i. 346, Epagomenal days), 
Leyden, 1866. (£r) Ptolemaic and Roman temple cale.ndars.— 
Ahmed-Bey-Kemal, Steles ptoUmaiques et romaines. No. 22187i 
p. 182, pi. lix.-lxi. (Decree of Canopus), Cairo, 1904 : Brugsch, 
Thesaurus (Pap. Boman epoch), Leipzig, 1884-91, MaUriaux, 
p. XX (Calendar of EsnSh), Leipzig, 1884, Description de 
VEgypte: Antiquitis, iv. 21 (zodiac of Denderah); Morgan, 
Koowmlos, pi. 316 ^Temple of Kom-Ombo), Cairo, 1907; 
Rochemonteix-Chassinat, Le temple d'Edfou, Paris, 1894, 
passim, (h) General documextarv repertories; Brugsch, 
Thesaurm (see above), pt. 2 ; Diimichen, Kalendcrinschriften, 
Leipzig, 1873. 

Clement, Strom, i. 21 ; Censorinus, de Die Natali, xviii. 10 ; 
Diodorus, i. 11, 36, 60 ; Hephaestion (for a first list of the 
decani) ; Herodotus, ii. 4, 42, 48, 59, 60, 62, 63, 88, 122, 171, etc.; 
HorapoUo, Hierogtyphica ; Macrobius, Saturn, i. 12, IB, 18 ; 
Libanius, iii. 17; Pliny, xrtii. 167 ; Porphyry, i. 24 ; Plutarch, 
de Iside, xi. 17 ; Solinus, iv. 31 ; Strabo, xvii. 1, 40. 

George Foucart. 

CALENDAR (Greek).'— i. The day (V^pa, 
later wxOnfi.epop). — As in English, so in Greek, the 
word ' day ' is ambiguous, and may mean the time 
between sunrise and sunset, or the time occupied 
by one complete revolution of the earth on it.s axis, 
or, on the ancient theory, of the sun around the 
earth. = The latter is the strict meaning of mipa — 
hence the later coinage, pvxOy/xepoi/, to avoid 
ambi^Tiity, though in popular speech the fonner 
meaning prevailed. » tlence, in official reckonings, 
a day is a day and a night. It began, like the 
Jewish day, at twilight ; e.g., by Greek reckoning, 
July 2 begins at twilight on July 1.* 

Divi'^ion.i. — Unger thinks — we have not been 
able to discover on what grounds— that the Bab. 
division of the day into 12 hours, by means of the 
gnomon and sun-dial, reached Greece as early as 
.')i)0 B.C. or thereabouts. In common parlance, 
however, lipa did not mean 'hour,' hut only 'season,' 
till mucii later. The ordinary way of measuring 
time was, if any accuracy was requiriKi, })y the 
water-clock {K\e\f/vdpa), while tlic [mjiular divisions 
of time were, for the day : (m (dawn, including 
morning twilight), wput, /leariiilipia (midday), and 
iftkri (late afternoon),'" to whicli we may add a7opd 

1 Abbreviations: Ung. = Unger in Iwan Miiller's Handbueh, 
1892 ff. ; Farn.=L. FanicU, CtUtsofthe (ireek States, ISOO ; Gem. 
= Oeuiinosof Rhodes, Teubncr ed.; .Mom.i=A. Moinmsen, Feste 
der Stadt Athen, Leipzig, 1808. 

- There were counter-theories (see Pint. De facie in orbe 
luutr, 923 A), but they found no favour, and were mere 
unsnpj>ortod guesses. 

■• c.<i. Aristoph. Nub. 2, oiSiiroi' riiitpa. ■vti'^VfTai ; and the 
familiar Homeric ixeirov ^fiap. 

4 i.e. ' civic * not astronomical twilight (see Ung.). 

'' Theophmstus, De tig. temp. 



rX^Oovaa, i.e. about miil-morning, and the Homoric 
/SouXiTils, which, despite ita iiaiiic, indicating the 
end of the day's farm-work, does not seem to signify 
a very late hour ; and, for tlie night : i<nr^pa, a<pai 
(lamp-ligliting), ^u^aai n'sres, f/iC/jos (tlie darlc liour 
before tlio dawn), and cocl^crow,' wliieh was llie 
labourer's hour of rising.^ Such a division of 
time, tliougli very rough, corresponded to objective 
natural phenomena, and to the routine ot daily 
life, and did well enough for popular use. 

2. The month (m')'')- — It is a somewhat vexed 
question^ whotlier the month or the year came 
hrst, i.e. whether the Greeks, of their own inven- 
tion or by foreign (Hahylonian?) influence, divided 
one year into 12 months, or whether they put 1'2 
months together to form one year. Certain it is 
that both year and month, as well as the names of 
the seasons, occur in Homer, while Hesiod has a 
complete account of the reckoning of the month, 
and of lucky and unlucky days. The present 
writer's view is that both j'ear and month, being divisions of time, are of native origin in 
Greece, and sprang up simultaneously. For, quite 
apart from the keen astronomical observation, 
auled perhaps by outside influences, which is so 
marked a feature of the IVorks arid Days of Hesiod, 
the facts that it is about 30 days from one new 
moon to the next, and that 12 such moons bring us 
back to the season we started from, are common 
property, shared by such backward races as tlie N. 
Amer. Indians before the coming of the white man. 

Divisions. — The ' moon ' was divided not into 
quarters, but into thirds ; /j.i]!' iarajxeiioi (waxing), 
lxeaS>v* (central), and ^tficwi/ (waning). Hence the 
usual reckoning of the days, say of Boedromion at 
Athens, was (after the 1st) 2nd, 3rd, etc., iaraiiii/ov ; 
11th, 12th, 3rd 'after the 10th' (i-n-l S^ra), '4th 
after the 10th,' etc. ; 20th, and then, by a curious 
inversion, 10th, 9th, etc., of the wane, counting 
backwards, to the 29th (Scvripa (pBivovros) ; though a 
direct method of counting (Seurepa ^er' ei*dSas, . . . 
TpiaKds) was also used. ' First tenth ' .and ' second 
tenth' were also used for 20tli and 21st in Attica, 
while the 30th was lei] Kal via (see below, ' Year '). 

Both the month and its divisions are connected 
with certain vague beliefs of a religious nature — 
or perhaps ' magical ' would be a more accurate 
word to use. Just as with us superstitious people 
regard Friday as unlucky, so the Greeks* regarded 
both the 4th and the 24th as dangerous days for 
some enterprises ; tiie 5th as utterly unlucky ; the 
IGth as an unlucky birth- or marriage-day for a 
girl ; the 14th as a good day to break in cattle, 
etc., and so on thi'ough the whole month; 'one 
day is like a step-mother, another like a mother.''' 
But especially — this is probably a belief of later 
origin — certain days are sacred to certain gods. 
Thus the 7th' is Apollo's birthday, the 4th is that 
of Hermes and of Herakles, and so \vith several 
other deities. The great festivals of the various 
deities were yearly, though often on the god's 
particular day of the month. Obviously the mere 
question of expense prevented a costly feast to 
Apollo or Zeus being celebrated monthly ; but it 
is at least probable that the old monthly lioly days 
were recognized to some extent in the regular 
temple-worship, just as every Sunday commemo- 
rates, by its position in the week, the Resurrection, 
although Easter Simday occurs once only in the 

1 See Aristoph. Nxth., arf init. 

2 Lucian, Gatius. ad init. 

3 See Ung., and contrast Mom. p. 3. 

4 This term is very rare. 

5 At least, Hesiod's compatriots; Op. et Di. 765 flf. 
ilj. 825. 

' ib. 770 ff., with Gottling's notes. 

8 It must be remembered that, as the Greelis bad no weelt, 
any superstitions or practices connected with days occurring 
oftener than once a year would naturally be monthly only. 

3. The year (t'Tos, ^naiTis).— Very early in the 
history of Greece, either by native observation or 
l)y imported science of a rudimentary kind, a 
smattering of practical astronomy became fairly 
widely dilt'nsed. Hesiod' indicates the beginning 
of the reaping-scason (summer) and the ploughing- 
season (autumn) by the rising and setting of the 
I'leiades — a constellation which had attracted the 
attention of many primitive races ^ — and frequently 
makes similar observations. This, together with 
the observation of the equinoxes and the solstices,' 
provided them with the material for calculating a 
solar year. At the same time it led to endless 
confusion, for the lunar month was adhered to 
throughout: i.e., whereas our (Julian) year is 
purely solar, and the new moon may or may not 
fall on the first daj' of any particular month, with- 
out in any way affecting our calculations of dates, ^ 
the Greek year was soli-lunar — almost a contra- 
diction in terms, since the solar year is roughly 
363i days, and the lunar month about 29^ days. 
This gives a lunar year of 3.54 days — a di-scropancy 
which more exact calculations, such as the Greeks 
of the historical period could and did make, render 
still more fi.pparent.* But the month, with its 
holy days, was a fixture. To a Greek, it would 
seem wholly unsatisfactory to celebrate Christmas 
on the 25th day of the last calendar month of the 
year ; he would think it necessary to celebrate it, 
nominally at least, 5 days from the end of the last 
moon of the year. Similarly, a New Year's day 
which was not a day of new moon would seem an 
absurdity, even if it coincided exactly with a 
solstice or an equinox. 

' It was,' says Gem., ' the endeavour of the ancients to conduct 
the months in accordance with the moon, but the year in 
accordance with the sun. For the direction given by laws and 
oracles, to "sacrifice according to the ancestral rites," was 
interpreted throughout Greece in those terms. Now, to conduct 
the year according to the sun means to offer the same sacrifices 
to the gods at the same seasons of the year, e.g. always to offer 
the spring sacrifice in spring ; which is impossible, unless the 
solstices and the equinoxes fall always in the same months ; 
while conducting the month in accordance with the moon 
means to name the days in accordance with her phases.' 6 

Hence, despite all difficulties, the soli-lunar year 
was adhered to persistently in Greece proper, and 
even in the Middle Ages we find Byzantine pedants 
speaking of it as if it were still in being. Thus 
Tsetzes, Posthom. 770 (13th cent.), gives the Attic 
month Hekatombaion the equivalent it would have 
had in his day if the Attic calendar had still re- 
mained in use. Apart from this trifling, which 
reminds one of B^lise begging the notary to ' Qat«r 
par les mots d'ides et de calendes,' we have the 
e\'idence of Julian' that in the 4th cent, the 
Roman and Egyptian solar calendars were not in 
use among the Greeks. 

The Greek year of 12 lunar months contained, 
as has been said, 354 days, the months having 
alternately 30 days [ii.y)v TrXTip-qi) and 29 days {fxiji' 
KotXos). The former was regarded as the normal 
number, hence the last day even of a ' hollow ' 
month was generally called Tprnxcis, or 30th. In 
Athens, however, the name Ifrj ™i via ('old and 
new ') was frequently used to denote the day which 
belonged half to one month of 29.V days, and half 
to the next. This year, being 11 J days too short, 

1 Op. et Di. SS3, G15. 

2 Such as the Australian blacks (see Lang, Custom and Myth, 
London, 1886, ' Star-Myths'). 

y The latter — rjKiov Tpon-at— are several times mentioned in 

■* The movable date of Easter is an interesting survival of 
more ancient systems. 

5 Gem. viii. 37 gives the lunar month as 29}-l-3k, d».V8, or 29 
days 12 br. 4Sniin. 38 sec. nearly. The impossibility of adapt- 
ing this period, for practical purposes, to the solar year is 
obvious. He is speaking, of course, of the ' synodic ' month, 
from one cti'i-oSos, or true new moon, to the next. 

t> Gem. viii. G-10, somewhat abbreviated. The last sentence 
refers, as he goes on to explain, to such names as I'ou/Djrta for 
the 1st of the month. 

7 Orat. iv. 165b. 



led at a. veiy early ilato ' to an attempt at leforni. 
The j'ears were arratifjcd in groups of cly,]\t (ovTa- 
«Tij/).'3f5), (K)iitaiiiint; :{ leap-years (.'iril, 5tli, and Stli), 
eai'li of whieli ha<l an extra montli (aV ^/njioXt/j.oi) 
of 30 days. This gave a, total of '2i).t2 days ; where- 
as the actnal total of 99 lunar months is roughly 
2!)2S^ days. The next stage was to add 3 inter- 
calary days in 2 ohtaelcrides. This in turn resulted 
ii\ getting 30 days ahead of the solar year in IGO 
years. This was rectified by leaving out one inter- 
calary month. 

Thus, by correcting alternately for the sun and 
the moon, something like a reasonable system of 
reckoning was arrived at. Throughout Greek 
history we meet the uktnetcris, which, it would 
seem, they came to regaril as a natural period of 
time, like the solar year itself. At any rate, 
various festivals are arranged in relation to it. 
Thus, the Olympian games were celebrated every 
four years (half an uktaetei-is), and the Pythian at 
the same interval, .always coming in the 3rd year 
of an Olympiad : the Nemean fell in the 1st and 3rd, 
and the Isthmian in the 2nd and 4th years of the 
Olympiads. From the Olympian games came the 
familiar sj-stem of reckoning, which enables us, 
from 776 B.C. onwards, to extract fairly exact 
dates from Greek chronological notices. The 
various cities, however, all had local methods of 
reckoning — Athens dating by its archons, Argos 
by the priestesses of the temple of Hera, and so 
on. Even the Olympiad was not exactly reckoned 
in Athens, but was fitted to the local calendar, by 
being made to begin on the 1st of Hekatombaion,^ 
whereas it really began on the 18th. We mention 
these facts, a little out of their order, to indicate 
why the okineteris was so tenaciously adhered to in 
spite of its fumlamental errors. 

For it was fundamentally wrong, owing to the 
constitution of the year, which always consisted of 
alternate ' full' and ' hollow ' months.' Averaging 
as thej' did 29i days, they gave a lunar year of 
354 days, the real length being about 354 days 8 
hours; i.e., the difference between 8 lunar and 8 
solar years is not 90, but 87i days, so that the 
3 intercalary fiTJvei wXr^peU made the oktactcris 2 
days IG hours too long. It would take some little 
time to notice this, as there was little exact science 
in Greece, but in the end it made itself felt — some 
of the festivals were clearly on the ^vrong days. 
Hence comes the bitter complaint of the Moon in 
the Clonilx of Aristojihanes : 

' For,' say her inesseiigurs, tlie Clouds, 'she is abominably ill- 
treated, after all her kindnesses to you— real kindness, not just 
talk. . . . You calculate the days all w-ronjj, you jumble them 
topsy-turvy, . . . when you onght to he sacrificinff, you rack 
witnesses and try cases ; and often, when we gods are keeping 
a f.ast, in memory of poor Memnon, or of Sarpedon, you pour 
out libations and laugh.'** 

If the Moon had just to protest, the Sun 
got no better u.sage. The Athenian year was 
supposed to begin with the summer solstice ; but, 
as its first month must begin with a new moon, it 
never did, unless the two events happened to 
coincide. Ho serious did the whole matter become, 
that we actually find in late inscriptions a d(mble 
system of dating, Kar eVos (in accordance with the 
civic year) and Kara 0e6i> (in accordance with the 
actual posit ion of the heavenly bodies). The latter 
was the method used for dating the priitdnics. 
The year, in trying to be both solar and lunar, 
succeeded in being neither. 

' There are allusions to it in various myths, as that of Cadmus' 
8-year penance (see Ung. for a full discussion). For a brief 
account of the o(CTaenjpt«, see Gem. vii. 27 iT. The inventor is 
said, however, to h.ave been Cleostratus (latter half of 6th cent.) ; 
Athen. vii. 278. 

2 See below, • Divisions of the year.' 

3 Intercalary days were not dated ; they were named by the 
date of the precetling day, with the word cfi/iuAifig; added. 
Hence thev could not make a * hollow ' month ' full." 

•< ii\tb. 610 ff., with lilaydes' notes. 

In order to give a clearer idea of what the Greek 
year was like, we append an outline calendar 
of the civic year at Athens. The lirst month 
(llekatombaion) began at sunset (m the 
day of the summer .solstice (end of June) ; actually, 
on the next new moon, which might bo the middle 
of July : — 

Hekatorabaion, 30 days ; Mctageitnion, 29 days ; 
Boedromion, 30 days ; Fyanopsion, 29 days ; 
Meimakterion, 30 days ; I'oseideon, 29 days. Then 
second I'oseideon, 30 days (in leap-year onlj') ; 
Gamelion, 29 days ; Anthesterion, 30 days ; 
Elaphebolion, 29 days; Munychion, 30 days; 
Thargelion, 29d.ays ; Shirophorion, 30day.s. Next 
year, Ilckatomb.-iion, 29 days, and so on. In Later 
times, I'oseideon 'the second' was called IIa<lri- 
anion, after the Emperor. Other States repeated 
the twelfth month in a leap-year ; but it was 
always twelfth or sixth. This example shows 
clearly enough the continual inconveniences to 
which the fixed alternation of 'full' and 'hollow' 
months subjected the Greeks ; for the average 
number of days in a year was frequently one too 
few or too many, owing to the clumsy device of 
the intercalary month ; hence the necessity for 
intercalary days. 

Athenian astronomers were not slow to perceive 
the practical and theoretical disadvantages of the 
i/klacferU; and one of them — Meton — brought 
forward, in the year 432 n.C, a reformed calenflar 
which, >vith the later improvements of Callippus 
of Cyzicus (a contemporary of Aristotle) and 
Hipparchus of Nica?a (2nd cent. B.C.), is surpas.sed 
in accuracy only by the purely solar calendars. 
He arranged the years in cycles of 19, with 7 
intercalary months, giving a total of 6940 days, 
and allotting 29 d. 12 h. 45 m. 57 s. to the average 
month, and 365/^ days to the average year — only 
30 m. 10 s. too long. Callippus combined 4 of 
these cycles into one, and subtracted one day, 
securing an average year of 365J days, and an 
average month only 22i sec. longer than the actual 
lunar month. By a repetition of this process, 
Hipparchus, with a cycle of 304 years minus 1 day, 
attained almost absolute accuracy, but, it should 
be noted, still at the expense of anything like con- 
formity with the sun ; for, while tlie arcragc year 
was accurate, any actnal year was always 11 J days 
too short, or else 18 J days too long.' 

But these cycles were merely theoretical ; the 
oktactcris was never, so far as we know, actually 
abandoned by any Greek State. Indeed, no State 
save Athens, for whose calendar it was calculated, 
could adopt Melon's cycle, and the evidence of 
Aristophanes (loc. cit.) and of late inscriptions as 
to double dating (.see above) indicates that Athens 
did not. Diodorus, indeed,'- says that 'most of 
the Greeks' accepted Melon's calendar; but this 
clearly refers only to individuals, for whose use, 
also, the almanacs (TTapaTn')yij,aTa) of which W'e 
occasionally hear' were constructed. The fre- 
i[Uoncy oi pcnldctcric* feasts kept the okl'Wtcris in 
use. Hence, as has been already menti<mcd, the 
old imperfect calendar remained official ly in use, 
getting farther and farther from the actual dates, 
until we find Macrobius equating Anthesterion 
(February, roughly speaking) with April. 

Divisions of the year. — The Attic months Iiave 
already been given. Other years, which began at 
the .same time, were the Delian, whose months 
were Hekatorabaion, Mctageitnion, Buphonion, 

t Wo omit small fractions; of course, 3051 is a little more 
than the actual length of the solar year, 

a xii. 36. 

8 e.g. Gem. xvii. 19. 

* Wo should call them quadrennial. They camo every four 
years, i.r. on the first and fifth of each period of five years, as 
the Greeks looked at it ; hence twice in an okiacteris. See, e.a 
[Aristotle], 'AS. UoA. liv. 6, 7. 


CALENDAR (Hebrew) 

Apaturion, Aiesion, Poseideon, Lenaion, Ilieios, 
Galaxion, Artemision, Thargelion, ami Pancnos ; 
and tlie Delphic (Apellaios, Hukatios, IJoathoos, 
lleraios, Dadophoiios, Poitropios, Amalios, Bysios, 
Theoxenioa, Endy spoil ropios, Ileiaklcios, and 
Ilaios). Hrrotia began its year at the winter 
solstice (January), but the order of the months is 
somewliat olisi'ure. Aohaia, }'hoois, and Laconia 
began in (tctober (autumn equinox) — the first two 
simply numbered their months; the Spartan 
calenilar is not yet re-constructed. After the rise 
of Macedon, their year (I)ios [October], Apellaios, 
A)ulynaios, Peritios, Dystros, Xandikos, Arte- 
misios, Daisios, Panemos, Does, Gorpiaios, and 
Ilj'perberetaios) came into use in Asia Minor ; 
while the Ptolemys used the Egyptian solar 
calendar (see Calendar [Egyp.]), as did also some 
astronomers outside Egypt. 

A glance at the names of the months will show 
that tliey gather around and are named after 
certain festivals. Thus Boedromion is ' the month 
of the Helpers' (/3o7;5pi/ioi), i.e. the gods and heroes 
who give victory in battle. Accordingly, we find 
most of the Athenian anniversaries of victories 
celebrated in them (see art. Festivals [Greek], 
'Attic ecclesiastical calendar'). Apellaios is con- 
nected with the name of Apollo ; Dies with Zeus ; 
Lenaion with Dionysos Lenaios, ' god of the wild 
women'; Galaxios recalls the Athenian feast of 
Galaxia, held in honour of Cybele ; and Hyper- 
beretaios is 'month of the Hyperboreans,' those 
' carriers round ' of the sacred ofi'erings to Apollo, 
whose name in ancient and modern times alike 
gave rise to so much false etymologizing till 
Ahrens' masterly explanation finally threw light 
on the mystery.^ 

The position of the feasts, and consequently 
of the months named after them, depended 
very largely on the season of the year ; for, in the 
long run, nearly every Greek festival or fast has 
an agricultural origin.- By whatever name the 
Greek might call his months, and however he 
might calculate the year, he divided it, in early 
times, into summer [Oipo; [i/xTjTos], later upala], and 
winter {xci/j-dv) ; or into spring (?op), summer, 
autumn {(p6tv6iroipo:'), and winter.^ 

LiTERATDHS. — 1. Ancient texts : Geminus Rhodius, ed. 
ManitiuB, with notes and Germ, tr., Leipzig, 1S9S ; Hesiod, ed. 
Guttling, Gotha, 1843. 

2. Modern works: Boeckh, Uber die vierjdhrigcn Sonrw.n- 
kreise, Berlin, 1863; Aug. Mommsen, Chronotogie, Leipzig, 
1SS3 ; Ad. Schmidt, Handhuch der gr. Chronologi£, Jena, 
1883 ; Unger, ' Zeitrechnung der Griechen und Romer,' in Iwan 
Miiller's Handbuch (Munich, 1S92), vi. 711 f. 

H. J. Rose. 
CALENDAR (Hebrew).— i. Adaptations to 
meet astronomical difficulties. — As witli other 
peoples, the basis of the Hebrew calendar was 
astronomical. The year was, roughly speaking, 
the solar year ; the month was a moon period or 
lunation ; the week comprised very nearly a 
quarter of a lunation ; and the day was, of course, 
the period of the earth's rotation on its axis. The 
chief difficulty arose, as in other cases, from the 
fact that these periods stood in no distinct ratio to 
each other. The true solar year was not an exact 
number of moons, weeks, or days. The lunation 
was not an exact number of either weelcs or days. 
The week of 7 exact days, whatever its origin 
may have been, had become a purely conventional 
measure of time. As the solar year is nearly 36.5J 
days, and the 12 lunations over 3.54J, the lunar 
year of 12 lunations was about lOJ days short of 
the solar year. The ditlerence was at a later 
period, at any rate, adjusted by the insertion, 
about every 3 years, of an intercalary month ; 
and, linally, by adopting a regular cycle of years, 

1 See Farn. iv. 102. 

2 See Festivals (Greek). 

s See Hes. Op. el Di. 383 ff., with Gottliog's note. 

the slight irregularities were kept within bounds 
(see Calendar [.lewish]). The 12th lunation was 
called Adar, the intercalary month ird-Ai/ar (' and 
Adar'). Some such arrangement, though not so 
definitely systematized, must have been in vogue 
from early times. Similarly, as a lunation aver- 
ages a little over 29.} days, the month must have 
averaged 29 and 30 days alternately, with the 
further occasional omission of a day. 

It has sometimes been assumed that there was 
no system among the ancient Hebrews for deter- 
mining the commencement and duration of each 
month, and that it was merely a question of observa- 
tion, the montli practically beginning when the 
new moon first became visible — that is, about 2 
days after the real new moon, and that without 
any calculation of the number of days since the 
previous new moon. There are two very strong, 
if not absolutely fatal, objections to this view. 
(1) The Feast of the New Moon was evidently of 
very early and general obligation (see 1 S 20*' '*, 
2 K 4-^, Am 8^, Is 1'^- "). It was practically neces- 
sary that it should be known beforehand when it 
would occur. That this was in fact the case we 
know from 1 S 20'- ", where Jonathan and David 
act on the knowledge that the next day would be 
the New Moon feast. (2) The fact that, even in 
early times, the months were definitely distin- 
guished and had their several names (see below, 
2. A. (2)), points obviously in the same direction. 

It may be further questioned whether there ever 
was among the early Hebrews any attempt to 
adapt the week of 7 days to the lunation. There 
is some ground for such a supposition, in the fact 
that in the most ancient Babylonian calendar every 
7th day of the moon— the 7th, 14th, 21st, and 28th 
— was a dies nefastus, on which no public or official 
work could be done (Sayce, Higher Crit., 1894, p. 74). 
The similar treatment of the 19th day has been 
ingeniously explained as due to the fact that it 
was 49 ( = 7 X 7) days after the previous new moon ; 
but this would be true onlj' for artificial months 
of 30 days. It would seem, then, that the old 
Babylonian month was practically a period of 4 
weeks, witli one or two intercalary days added at 
the end to make it agree with the lunation. As 
to whether this system was ever adopted by the 
Helirews we have no direct evidence ; but, were it 
so, its obvious inconvenience must sooner or later, 
as with the Babylonians, have caused the substi- 
tution of the regularly recurring conventional week 
of 7 days. 

2. History of Hebrew calendar. — It is not un- 
likely that the Hebrew calendar varied considerably 
at diH'erent times, and possibly in different places. 
We can at any rate, with considerable probability, 
make a broad distinction between the systems pre- 
vailing before and after the Exile. 

A. (1) /?i. ]»-e-exiiic times the year, depending, 
as naturally it would with an agricultural people, 
on the yearly course of the crops, appears to have 
ended with the ingathering of the vintage, ' the 
end of the year, when thou gatherest in thy labours 
out of the field ' (Ex 23"). This is confirmed by 
the fact that the Sabbatical year (Ex 23'"- " [E], 
Lv 25'-''- '^"-^ [H]) and the year of jubile (Lv 
25'"" [H and P]) were natural agricultural years, 
sowing, pruning, reaping, and the vintage being 
mentioned in their order. As regards the last, 
the enactment that the trumpet was to be blown 
on the 10th day of the 7th month shows that the 
idea of the year beginning in the autumn survived 
into a time when it could lie called the 7th month. 

It has been contended tliat, while for religious 
purposes, depending as they did on the agricultural 
seasons, the year continiied to begin with the 
autumn ploughing, the civil year, on the other 
hand, from about the beginning of the nionarchy, 

CALENDAR (Hebrew) 


IjcKiin in the sprinj,'. This view is based chiefly 
on the phrase, 'at the return of the year' (2 S IT, 
1 K 20'-^- ""), wliidi is used witli reference to the 
reNum)>tion of liostilities, and is followed in the first 
quotation by tlie curious remark, ' at the time when 
kin};s f;o forth.' But the first phrase, "}»'? n;x'fi, 
might mean ' at the turning-point,' i.e. the middle 
of the year — the idea being that the year moves 
forward to a certain point and then goes back ; 
or what was intended may have been a year from 
the time of speakinjj (cf. Gn IS'", where this' is 
obviously the meaning of a somewhat similar 
phrase), and the words, ' at the time when kings 
go forth,' taken by themselves, merely state the 
obvious fact that nulitary operations commence 
in the s]iring. 

(2) During the same period the names of the 
months were probably adopted from the Canaan- 
ites. Two of the four [jreexilic names which occur 
in the OT have been found in Phojuician inscrip- 
tions — Bvl thrice, and Ethanim twice (cf. CIH i. 
No. SGff). The four names are : 

{a) Etlmnim (1 K S'', where the editor, following 
later usage, calls it the 7th month). It is explained 
by Oxf. Ueb. Lex. as ' month of steady flowings,' 
i.e. the month in which only perennial streams 
contain any water. 

(6) Bui ('the eighth month' in 1 K G'^), prob. 
= ' rain month.' 

(c) Abib (E.X 13* 231= 34" [JE], Dt 16>), in P [e.g. 
E.\ 12-) the first month. The name, which means 
an ' ear of corn,' was no doubt derived from the 
fact that it was the beginning of the harvest (cf. 
Dt W- »). 

(d) Ziv ('the second month' in 1 K 6'- ''), 
' splendour,' with reference, Gesenius supposes, 
to the beauty of the flowers ; but it might be to 
the general beauty of Nature at this season, 
before vegetation has suffered from the summer 

There are, besides, in Phconician inscriptions 
several other names of months which are not 
actually found, or at any rate with this signifi- 
cance, in OT, but were not improbably used by the 
early Hebrews. Thus we have Marpch, PhduUAh, 
Mirzah, Majy/ia, Hir, Zchnh-shishim. But we have 
no means of ascertaining definitely to what months 
these names belong. On the other hand, Abib and 
Ziv have not yet been found on any Phoenician 

B. (1) After the Exile the religious year, at any 
rate, began about the vernal equinox, or, to be 
more exact, with the first lunation of which the 
full moon fell after the vernal equinox. This was 
at least the intention. But very probably, with 
the early aiTangement of intercalary months, as 
certainly with the more systematic adoption of 
definite cycles at a later time, it sometimes hap- 
pened that what was regarded as the first full moon 
either slightly preceded the equiuo.x or was in 
reality the second after the equinox. The whole 
cycle of feasts, according to the laws of the Priestly 
Code, depended on this theory. The first lunation 
was what had been known as Abib (see above). 
The exjircss provision that this was to be the first 
month of the year (Ex 12= [V], cf. 13* [J J) suggests 
what was at the time a new departure, but came 
to be regarded as an ancient tradition. 

It is at least possible that, through Assyrian or 
Babylonian influence, the custom of reckoning the 
year from the spring for secular purposes had come 
into use a little before the Exile. That it was so 
reckoned in the record of Jehoiakim's treatment 
of Jeremiah's roll (Jer 36) is evident from the fact 
that there was a fire in the brazier in the Olh 
month (v."). But this by itself is not conclusive, 
because the record was i)robably taken from a bio- 
graphy of Jeremiah, which may well have been 

written in the time of the Exile, when the new 
custom had couie in. 

(2) As a rule, the months were now, for religious 
purposes, designated in the order of their occur- 
rence as the first, second, third, etc. (Gn 7" [P] 
8*[P], Lv 23=f- [H], Hag 1' 2', Zee !'■ ™-). With 
this we may compare the similar designation of 
the months by their numbers, by the Society of 
Friends. As in the latter case, the object was 
probably to avoid names which had a heathen 

For civil and historical purposes the Babylonian 
names of the months were now adopted. Of these, 
7 only are mentioned in the OT and the Apocrypha, 
viz. ; 

A'isaii (1st mo.), Neh 2', Eat 37. 

.s'ira;i(3rdmo.), EstSS. 

Elut (i-,tli mo.), Neh 615, 1 Mac 14=7. 

Ki.ilri: ('Ah mo.), Zee 71, Neh 11, 1 Mac 4^2, 2 Mac 19. 18 10». 

7',t,-(/i(liithmo.), Est 216. 

Sluliiit (Utb mo.), Zeo 17, 1 Mac 161''. 

Adai- (lith mo.), Ea- 615, Est 3'- " 81=, 1 Mao 7«- «, 
2 Mac 1636. 
The other 6 months were : lyyar (2nd mo.) ; Taimnuz (4th mo.), 
cf. Ezk 81-1, where the name appears as that of a god ; Ab (5th 
mo.); TishrHlihn^o.); MaTcheshvan{SViimo.). Itwasprohahly 
not till after the destruction of the Temple by the Romans that 
the Babylonian names of the months were regularly employed 
iu the religious calendar. 

(3) Before the Exile, beyond the weekly festival 
of the Sabbath or the 7th day of the week, and 
the New Moon on the 1st day of the month, it is 
doubtful whether any sacred day or season was 
absolutely fixed (see Festivals and Fasts [Heb.]; 
cf. Dt 16 with Lv 23), unless we are to suppose that 
the regulations of Lv 23 [H] imply that some pro- 
visions of the kind were made at the close of the 
monarchy. From the Priestly Code, including H, 
we find that a definite religious calendar was cer- 
tainly in use in the Second Temple. Thus we 
have, in addition to New Moons and Sabbaths, 
from the 14th to the 21st of the 1st month the 
Feasts of Passover and LTnleavened Bread (Lv 
235'5), including also the sheaf-ofiering on the Lst 
day of the week which fell within this period (Lv 
O3io-i4)_ Seven weeks after the latter, on another 
Sunday falling within the 3rd month, was the 
Feast of Weeks (Lv 23''-='). In the 7tli month 
were three important celebrations — the Feast of 
Trumpets on the 1st day (Lv 23-"- '^, Nu 29'-''), 
the Great Day of Atonement on the 10th (T,v 
16. 23-''-2=), and the Feast of Booths, 15th-22nd (Lv 

2334-36. S9-43J^ 

Certain other fasts, which had come to be ob- 
served during the Exile (Zee 7'' ^ 8''), commemor- 
ating, it is said, events connected with the siege 
and capture of Jerusalem, were no longer enacted 
by law. On the other hand, some feasts wexa 
afterwards added, viz. that of Dedication, which 
commemorated the re-dedication of the Temple 
after its defilement by Antiochus Epiplianes 
(1 Mac 4''''). This lasted for 8 d.ays from the 
2.'5th of the 9tli month (Kislev). The Feast of 
Nicanor, on the 13th of the 12th month (.\dar), 
was apiKiiiited to celebrate the victory of Judas 
over Nicanor (1 Mae 7'"). The Feast oi Puriin, on 
the I4th and 1.5th of the same month, was, so it saiil, ajipointed to commemorate the vengeance 
taken by tlie Jews on their enemies, as reconled in 
the Book of Esther (918-32 . >j„t ggg p'lisTlVAl^s and 
Fasts [Heb.]). 

LiTKRATDRB. — Schiaparelli, Asiroiiomy in OT, En;;, tr., Oxf. 
igu.'j, chs. vii.-ix. ; Landau, Beitrafjc zur Aitcrfhumskntitte des 
Orients, Leipz. 1893-1906 ; Cooke, North Semitic J7\scriptinm, 
0.vf. 1903 ; Dillmann. ' Ueber das Kalciidcrwcseii dor Israeliten 
vor deiu Bab. Kxil,' in Slonalsljer. rf. Ilcrl. Akad. der Wissm- 
scha/ten, 18S2, pp. 914-935; Muss-Arnolt, 'The Names of the 
Assyr.-Hah. Months and their KtKtnts,' in JBL x\. [1892] 72-94, 
1U0-I76; Scliiirer, QJV^i. [1»()1| 745fr.; Nowack, Lchrh.d. Ueb. 
Arch., Freib. i. B., 1894, i. 214ft. ; Benziiiser, Ilrh. Arch., ib. 
1894, p. 198(1.; I. Abrahams, art. 'Tinn-,' in IIDI! iv, ; artt. 
' Chronolo^ry,' * Day,' ' Week,' ' Month,' ' Vt-ar,' in Klii ; cf. also 
I Lit. at end of art. Calk.sdar (Jewish). y, JJ. >VuODS. 


CALENDAE (Indo-Chinese) 

CALENDAR (Imlo-Chinese). — 1. Annam 
(Coi'liin-riiiiwi, Aniinui.Tongking). — Thepoo]ilesof 
I'lcncli liulc) t'liina, us a rule, use a calcTnlnr of 
Imliau origin, although Chinese iuHucnce (see 
Calendar [Chinese]) is clearly seen in the calen- 
dar that is jieculiar to the Annauiesc. There are 
three cycles oniiiloyed hy the Annamese to express 
their dates : the duodenary cycle, or cycle ot the 
twelve animals (ox, tiger, hare, dragon, serpent, 
horse, goat, monkey, lien, dog, pig, rat), which is 
of Turkish origin ; ' the denary cycle, the ten 
'trunks'- of which liave the names of the five 
elements and the five cardinal points ; the repeti- 
tion of the first cycle five times, combined with six 
repetitions of the second, makes the great cycle of 
sixty years. 

The year Is a lunar one, and is composed of 
twelve months of 29 and 30 days alternately, 
making 354 days ; to this they add a thirteenth 
intercalary month every three or four years arbi- 
trarily. In a period of 19 years there are therefore 
seven years with thirteen months. 

The first month of the year has always 29 days ; 

of melons (qwt iif}.) ; the ciglith, the month of 
cinnamon (quf mj.); tlie ninth, the month of chrys- 
anthoniums (™c »ifl'.) ; the tenth, the month of 
rest (nlu'm ng. ) ; the eleventh, the month of the 
solstice ((]la iig.) ; the twelfth, the month of ofi'er- 
ings (Ici^y nq.). 

The civil day begins at midnight, and contains 
12 hours, each equal to two hours of our time. The 
last day of the month is called the ' day of dark- 
ness' (h6'i nhnt) — an allusion to the waning of the 
moon. The Annamese night is often measured, 
according to the Chinese custom, by five watches : 
the first begins at 7 p.m., the second at 9 p.m., the 
third at 11 p.m., the fourth at 1 a.m., the fifth at 
3 a.m. 

The farmers' calendar in Annam, as in China, 
has, besides the four chief seasons, twenty-four 
smaller intermediary seasons. 

An Annamese almanac indicates, in short, the 
current year in the great cycle and in the other 
two cj'cles ; the full, incomplete, and intercalary 
(if there are such) months ; the day of the month, 
with its order in the year ; the name of the one of 

Name of Year. 


Year of Cycle. 

Era of 



Chnum hor Ebishk (Pali, cLrmka) 
,, cut Tosclh (Skr. *do-saka) 
,, chlau Treisak _ (P. tri-saka) 
,, khdl Ceihvaskk (S. * chatvar-saka) 
„ thS,s JPancasiXk (P. pancha-saka 
„ roh Cliashk (P. cha-saka) 
,, insaR Sapsdk^ (S. sap\ta,\saka) 
,, monii Atthashk (P. attha-saka) 
,, mome NUpsclk ^ (P. nava-saka) 
,, vok Samrettldsak (samrddhi-saka)'^ 

Year of the Pig 1 

„ Rat 2 

„ Ox 3 

,, Tiger 4 

,, ,, Hare 5 

,, ,, Dragon 6 

,, ,, Serpent 7 

,, Horse 8 

,, Goat 9 

,, ,, Monkey 10 





C'/tnam rokd Ekasclk 
,, ctui Toshk 
„ kdr JVeishh^ 
,, cilt Ccthvashk 
,, chlau PaiicasAk 
„ khdl Chnshk 
,, ihfts Sapsc'tk^ 
,, roil Atthasak 
,, msaii NUpsak 
,, momi Samrclthisak 

Year of the Cock 1 

„ Dog 2 

>, „ Pig 3 

„ Kat 4 

,, Ox 5 

,, Tiger 6 

,, Hare 7 

,, ,, Dragon 8 

,, ,, Serpent 9 

„ ,, Horse 10 





in the Chinese astronomical year it begins on the 
22nd of December ; in the civil year, it always 
begins between the 20th of January and the 19th 
of February. The month has a regula,r division 
into three decades, but this division is being gradu- 
ally superseded by the European division into 
weeks of seven days. 

As a general practice, the Annamese name their 
months by successive numbers from one to twelve 
(first month, second month, etc.). But there is 
another system of names, which is employed only 
in the literary world : the first month is always 
designated by the number one (chin ngayel, ' first 
month ') ; the second is the month of flowers (hoa 
nquyU) ; the third, the month of peaches ((fito ng.); 
the fourth, the month of plums (moi tig.) ; the 
fifth, the month of cakes (bo «</.); the sixth, the 
month of heat (thn' nr/.) ; the seventh, the month 

1 See Edouard Chavanues, ' Le Cycle turc des douze anijuaux,' 
in Toung-pao^ series ii. vol. vii. No. 1. 

2 In accordance witli Ciiinese ideas, the denary cycle is 
regarded as ha\'ing ten ' heavenly trunks,' the twelve ' earthly 
branches' ot which form the duodenary cycle. 

3 Skr. samrddAl = ' completion.' 

the five elements or of the twenty-eight constella- 
tions that corresponds to it ; the accepted sign for 
lucky and unlucky days ; the phases of the moon ; 
eclipses of the sun and moon ; the one of the 
twenty-four seasons of the year in which each 
month falls ; the things that are permitted and 
forbidden on each day ; and the days of civil observ- 
ance. For some years now, the Chinese- Annamese 
almanac has also indicated the corresjionding day 
in the European almanac. 

Literature. — A-fB (E. Souvignet), VarUtis tonkinoiscs 
. . . , Hanoi, 1903, ' Calendrier imperial (Ho.'mg lich),' pp. 217-23S ; 
L. Cadiftre, ' Expressions populaires [annaniites] pour designer le 
temps,' in Bulletin de I'Scole/rangaise d'ExtrCme-Orient, ii. 367. 

II. Cambodia. — In Cambodia there are in use 
three eras of Hindu origin, and three cycles that 
come from China. 

I. Eras. — There is a religious era, or ' era of the 
Buddha' (Khmer pr((h piit safovJi' = Skr. buddka- 
iakftriij't), dating from the dcat h of (lie I'udiiha (543 
B.C.), which is commonly <iscd in religious writings; 
a political or 'great era' (Klnucr niahi'i .<:nkrdc = 
Skr. inalmialcaraja), still used in the editing of 

CALENDAR (Indo-Chinese) 


royal nnnuls, wliicli is the Iliiulu era named after 
iala and beginning A.D. 78 ; a civil or ' lesser 
era' (Klimer 661 s(tkrdc=Va.h chullasaknn'ija), 
eniployed by the Kliniers in everyday actions, 
transactions, and correspondence, which is of 
astronomical origin, and dates from A.D. 638. 

2. Cycles. — Tlie principal cycle is that of the 
twelve animals (see above, I.), with names as 
follows: hit, 'rat'; ihlnu, 'ox'; kkul, 'tiger'; 
</i(T5, ' hare ' ; roh, 'dragon'; msuii, 'serpent'; 
momi, 'horse'; momc, 'goat'; vok, 'monkey'; 
rokd, 'cock'; Hui, 'dog'; kur, 'l)ig.' The names 
of these animals are not Khmer, but seem to belong 
to some dialect of the .south of China. This cycle, 
re[)eated five times, is combined «ith a secondary 
cycle of ten years, the years in which are distin- 
guished by means of ordinal numbers borrowed 
from Pali. In other words, the series of the twelve 
animal-names (the principal cycle), repeated live 
times in succession in tlie same order, gives a 
period of sixty years, which is divided into six 
decades (secondary (cycles). It is the same system 
as the one brought by China into Annani, excejit 
that the denary cycle is not named in the same 
way. The foregoing table gives an idea of the 
compn.-^Kion of the Cambodian cycle. 

3. Year and months. — The Cambodians have a 
lunar year. It contains twelve months, of 29 and 
30 days alternately, with the following Indian 
names : (1) iit (Skr. chnilra) ; (2) pisak (Skr. 
vaUakha); (3) ccs (Skr. ji/csiha); (4) asalh (Skr. 
asadlut) ; (5) srap (Skr. iravnna) ; (6) photrahot 
(Skr. hhddrapada) ; (7) a.wc (Skr. divat/uja) ; (8) 
icdtik (Skr. kdrttika,) ; (9) m&kosir (Skr. marqa- 
ilrsa); (10) bbn (Skr. pausa) ; (11) makh (Skr. 
magha) ; (12) phdlkun (Skr. phdlguna). 

The months are divided into two periods of 
fifteen days : the period of the waxing moon (clear 
fortnight), and the period of the waning moon 
(dark fortnight). The Buddhists of Cambodia keep 
the eighth and, more especially, the fifteenth day 
of eacli of tliese periods as holidays. 

The year begins in M (March-April) ; but 
although the New Year festivals are celebiated in 
this month, it is tlie custom not to begin the year 
until the month of jii.srik (April-May), or sometimes 
even viitkoslr (Nov.-Dcc), in meiiioi-y of tlie death 
of the Uuddha. As the Cambodian year has onlj' 
354 days in all, an intercalary month is inserted 
every three or four years by the horas, or royal 
astrologers, by doubling tlie month of axdth 
(June-Jnly) ; hence there is a first and a secoiul 
asAth iprathomosuth, t ntii/dsdt h=Skr. prathamn'-, 
(h'ittya-dmdh'i). A period of nineteen years thus 
contains seven years with thirteen months. 

4. Days. — The names of the days are also of 
Indian origin: ihiiai' dtit (.Skr. ddili/a), 'Sun- 
day'; t. 6dn (Skr. chandra), 'Monday'; f. ahkdr 
(Skr. angSroka), ' Tuesday ' ; t. put (Skr. hudha), 
'Wednesday'; t. jirahas (i'Ai.r. brhaspati), 'Thurs- 
day'; t. sbk (Skr. iukra), ' Krirlay ; t. sail (Skr. 
iamiUchara), 'Saturday'; no day is a holiday in 

5. Hours.— The Cambodians divide the day into 
two parts of twelve hours each : the part from 
G a.m. to 6 p.m. is d.ay, and that from 6 p.m. to 
6 a.m. is niglit. In Cambodia, from 6 to 7 a.m. is 
1 a.m., 7 to 8 a.m. is 2 a.m., 11 to 12 midday is 
6 a.m., midd.ay to 1 p.m. is 1 p.m., 1 to 2 p.m. 
is 2 p.m., 5 to 6 p.m. isC p.m. The hour isdivided 
into hdt, each of which is equal to five minutes. 
The night is sometimes divided into four watches 
(yam; Skr. yamn, 'watch') of three hours each: 
the fir-st from sunset to 9 |>.m., the second from 
p.m. to midnight, the third from midnight to 
3 a.m., and the fourth from 3 a.m. till daj'-time, 
i.e. 6 a.m. 


6. Seasons. — The Cambodian.^ have three seasons 
(roddv, khc): (1) rainy season (rtiddv 2>Mii:ii, klU 
pruh [ = Pali vassd]) ; (2) cold season [rodd:- 
roiidi; khi roinho' i) ; (3) dry or warm season (rodov 
prnn, r. kdatt). 

7. Almanac— The name given to the almanac in 
Cambodia is mahdsahkrdn (Skr. mnh&samkrdnti, 
'great transit'). The Skr. exjiression .minkrdnti 
is used to designate the passing of one sigii of the 
zodiac into the next sign ; as the ' great transit' i.s 
the one that marks the beginning of the new year, 
the derivation of the Cambodian expres.sion is 

'The horas, or roj'al astrologers, arrange the Cambodian 
calendar year by year. For each month it gives the relation of 
the days of the week to the 1st, 8th, and 15tli days of the 
waxing moon (ko't), to the 1st and 8th davB of the waning moon 
(ri'if), and to the last day o( the month (Wi.' dM). It is followed 
by a public notice giving various information on the beginning 
of the year, and rules connected with the position of the different 
orders of the State, with the temperature, rain, harvests, rise 
of the river, prices of commodities, eclipses of the moon, and, 
lastly, fixing the initial day of the fossa, or retirement of the 
religious, during the rainy season.' 

L. Finot (see Lit. below), from whom these 
details are borrowed, adds tliat the basis of the 
Cambodian almanac is Hindu, and that the very 
language it employs is a witness to the deep and 
persistent influence of Indian science. 

LiTERATURF..— G. Jeanneau, 'Notice sur le calendrier cam- 
bodgien,' in Annuaire de la Cochinchme, 1870 ; ' Un Almanaoh 
cauibodgien,' tr. Ph. Hahn and L. Finot in Remw Indo- 
Chinoise, Hanoi, 1904, pp. 138-143; Moura, Vocabulaire 
franrais-camhodgien et cambodgie7i-/raiu;ais, Paris, 1S78, pp. 

III. CUAMPA. — It is probable that in ancient 
times till! Cliams, like their neighbours the Khmers, 
had a calendar of Hindu origin, but they have lost 
it and have also completely forgotten the iaka era 
(A.D. 78) which their ancestors employed in inscrip- 
tions. Nowadays they simply use the 
Annamese calendar for the needs of daily life, the 
only dill'erence being that their year starts in 

I. Cycles.— (1) Sexrigcnary cycle. — The Chains 
adopted the Chinese-Annamese sixty-j'ear cycle. 

(2) Duodenary eyrlc. — This is the' cycle used for 
naming and calculating the years. The twelve 
year-names are borrowed from animals, but — a 
peculiarity which is worthy of remark — they are 
also the names employed in ordinary everyday 
language. The names of the twelve years are : 
(I) tihuh, 'rat'; (2) kiljav, 'bullalo' ; (3) rimauh, 
' tiger ' ; (4) tapaiy, ' hare ' ; (5) ndganii, ' dragon ' ; 
(n) tdii annih, 'little serpent'; (7) asaih, 'hor.-ie' ; 
(H)pahidy, 'goat' ; {'■J)kra, 'monkey' ; (lQ)mdnuk, 
'hen' ; (11) ««(?«,'' dog' ; (12) pabwei, 'pig.' 

(3) Eight-year cycle. — There is another Cham 
calendar' based on the eight-year cycle, called 
whubi by the Javanese, and probably introduced 
into Chamjia by Musalman missionaries from Java. 
In Java, the Javanese-Musalman civil year is 
lunar, and it originated from the Indian luni-solar 
year; hence it diflered somewhat from tlie real 
Arabian lunar year. Efforts were made to bring 
these years back to corre.spondence, and the means 
emiiloj'ed was the windu, or cycle of eight years. 
\\a need not enter into details'hcre, but it may be 
noticed that in Java the years of the windu liave 
the following Mala.ysian names : cdip, 'c/ic, jhii 
awnl, jv or d^r', ddl, be, wdu, jim ahir, and are 
represented by the Arabic letters: a, h, j, d/i, d, 
b, w, /-. The Chams have the same names slightly 
modified ; alinli, hrik, jhnnrnl, rci, dnl, bak, wau, 
jiiiirihir, and represent tliem by the .same letters, 
though sometimes substiluling /( fiir/i, amljforrf/t 
in (heir calendars, and often jnittiiig the figures 
1, 4, G, etc., meaning Isf, 4th, Otii day, under the 

1 .\ phototypic reproduction of a perpetual Chain calendar 
will be t'lund in the present writer's article, ' Les Chains musul- 
mans dc rindo-Chine,' in Hevue du tn<mde musulman, April 1007m 
No. 6, p. 175. 


CALENDAR (Indo-Chinese) 

Araliic names of the days ahad, arba', snbt, etc., 
instead of writing out the days of the Cham week 
in full. 

As the Cliams combined their 12-year cycle 
with the windii, or 8-year cycle, the years in 
which are designated by letters, it follows that 
three 8 - year series and two 12 - year series 

two series was covered, in theory, by means of an 
embolismic year, and more simply by adopting the 
corrections of the Chinese-Annamese calendar. 

Predictions based on coincidences of years and 
days, analogous to the aiigara-kasih ' of the Java- 
nese, take place among the Charas. If, for instance, 
the cycles of the ' rat ' and the ' pig ' coincide in 

Table of the Ch 

xm Duodenary Cycle. 




Nature of Year. 

Letter of 

1st Day of Waxing Moon. 

Seat of Year.'' 

















\ incomplete 




1 incomplete 





/full ■ 









\ incomplete 


\ incomplete 











ink ' Friday ' 
som ' Monday ' 
aiiar ' Tuesday ' 
sancar ' Saturday ' 
adit ' Sunday 
but ' Wednesday ' 
jip ' Thursday ' 
adit ' Sunday ' 
ink ' Friday ' 
sujn ' Monday ' 
aiiar 'Tuesday' 
sancar ' Saturday ' 
adit 'Sunday 
hit ' Wednesday ' 
jip ' Thursday ' 
adit ' Sunday ' 
iuk ' Friday ' 
som ' Monday ' 
aiiar ' Tuesday ' 
sancar ' Saturday ' 
adit ' Sunday 
but 'Wednesday' 
jip ' Thursday ' 
adit ' Sunday ' 

























Table showing correspondence of Christian era, Musalman era (Hijra), iaka era, 
eight-year cycle {loindu), and twelve-year cycle. 




Eight-year Cycle. 

Twelve-year Cycle. 




4. cH dh 

1. tikuh 'rat' 




5. dal d 

2. kabav 'buflalo' 




6. bak h 

3. rimauii 'tiger' 




7. wau w 

4. tapaiy 'hare' 




8. jitn ahir f 

5. nbqarai ' dragon ' 




1. aliah a 

6. nld ana ih ' serpent ' 




2. hak h 

7. asaih ' horse ' 




3. jim aval j 

8. pabaiy ' goat ' 




4. cH dh 

9. kra, ' monkey ' 




5. dal d 

10. momik ' hen ' 




6. bak b 

1 1 . a,sdu ' dog ' 




7. wau w 

12. pabwci ' pig' 




8. jim ahir j- 

1 . tikuh ' rat ' 




1. aliaJi a 

2. kabav ' buffalo' 




2. hak h 

3. rimauii ' tiger' 




3. jim aval j 

4. tapaiij ' hare ' 




4. cei dh 

5. nbgarai 'dragon 




5. dal d 

6. iildanaih 'serpent' 




6. baJc h 

7. asaih ' horse ' 




7. wau w 

8. pabaiy 'goat' 




8. jim ahir j^ 

9. krd 'monkey' 

brought round a coincidence of the lirst two I ' A coincidence regarded as of good augrury in a month is that 
terms of the series, namely, tikuh, 'rat,' and aliah of atigara (Skr. afigaraka), ' Tuesda.v,' a day of the seven daya" 
ti^alif) a ^ . f . week, \^^th ffaufo?!, the last da.v of the Malayo- Polynesian week. 

^ ™, •' '' , . , , . , , . , . , , The months mth no aAnara-kasih are unlucky. 

Ine discrepancy that had arisen between the I = Referring to the body of Muhammad. 

CALENDAR (Indo-Chinese) 


year aiul days, tlierc will be a great iiuinber of 
hirtlis that year, and Hocks and herds and riee in 
abundance : under the oiiiiosite conditions the year 
will be unhicky. 

2. Months. — The Cham year, whether full or 
incomplete, is divided into twelve lunar months j 
it be;,Mns in April-May. The first ten months are 
simply d!->iin;4uishcd by numbers, while the last 
two have -perial names of Indian origin. 

The liani, or Mu^almau, Chams borrowed the 
names of their lunar months from the Arabs with 
slight alterations. The lunar months of both 
peoples, which have alternately 30 days (full 
month) and 29 days (incomplete month), are 
divided into two fortnights, according as the moon 
is wa.xing or waning — the second fortnight some- 
times counting fifteen, sometimes fourteen days; 
but, owing to complications which are not easy to 
explain, the days of the months of the Brahmanist 
Cliams do not coincide with those of the Musalmun 
Chams. Ollicial documents are dated according to 
the days of the Annamese month. 

3. Days. — The Chams have our week. The 
names of the seven days correspond exactly to 
ours, are of Sanskrit origin, and are borrowed 
from the planets. The Musalman Chams, especi- 
ally in Cambodia, sometimes use the names of tlie 
days of the Arabian week with mollifications. 

(a) Week of the Brahmanist Chams : 1. adit 

5. Mystical speculations of the Chams con- 
cerning the calendar. --/Vccording to the mystical 
spei'ulations of tlie Miisalmfin Chams, whicli are 
adopted also by the Brahmanist Cliams, each year 
of the cycle comes from a part of the body of 
Muhammad. The year of the Kat, 6.17., comes 
from the left ear, the year of the BuHalo from the 
left nostril, the year of the Tiger from the right 
ear, etc. Allah created the year of the Serpent 
first of all ; among the months Kaniadan was first, 
among the days Juinat, ' Friday.' The lirst three 
daj's of lunation are presided over by the three 
favourite wives of Muhammad. The seven daj's 
of the week come from the seven parts of the 
Prophet's body ; the lirst four Muhammadans — 
Ubakar (Abu Bakr), Uiiiar ('Uniar), Uthamon 
(', and All ('Ali) — are the angels of 
Allah's glory and tlie four imams of the cardinal 
points. The watches of the night or day are male 
or female. Of the hours of day the first comes 
from Allah ; the second from "Sluhammad ; the 
third from Gabriel ; the fourth fiom 'All ; the 
fifth from Phwatimoh (Fatinia); the sixth from 
yasan ; the seventh from ^lusain ; the eighth 
comes back to Allah. The thirty days of the 
month come from the thirty teeth of Adam ; the 
upper jaw is the origin of the fifteen clays of the 
waxing moon, the lower jaw gives the fifteen days 
of the waning moon. Adam's other two teeth are 

Months of Brahmanist Chams. 

Months of Musalman Chams. 

1. bulmi sa 

First month. 

1. muharrbm 

(Arab, muharram), Muharram. 

2. bukni diva 

Second month. 

2. sakphwbr 

(Arab, safar), Safar. 

3. bulan klfia 

Tliird month. 

3. rabl ulaval 

(Arab, rabl'u 'l-aimval), Kabi' i. 

4. bulan pak 

Fourth month. 

4. rabl ul aliir 

(Arab, rabl'u 'l-akhir), Babi' II. 

5. bulan limb 

Fifth month. 

5. jambdi lula 

(Arab, jumudd 1-flld), Juinadfi 


6. bulan nam 

Sixth month. 

6. jambdi ahir 

(Arab. y«/H(Zrfa 'l-ukhrd), Jumad; 


7. bulan ti/uh 

Seventh month. 

7. rajap 

(Arab, rajab), Kajab. 

8. bulan dahipan 

Eighth month. 

8. saban 

(Arab, sha'bdn), Sha'ban. 

9. bulan salnpan 

Ninth month. 

9. ranwvan 

(Arab, ramaddn), Ramadan. 

10. bulan sapluh 

Tenth montli. 

10. iapliwbl, sakval 

(Arab, shauwdl), Shauwal. 

11. bulan 2Ju;ai 

Puas (Skr. jyausa).^ 

11. dul kdidah 

(Arab, dhu'l-qa'da), Dhul-qa'da 

12. bulan mak 

Mak (Skr. mar/ha). 

12. dul huji 

(Arab, dhil'l-hijja), Dhul-hijja. 

lOKr. aaiiya], -ounaay-; -z. som (SKr. soma), 
'Monday'; 3. ahar (Skr. ahgaraka), 'Tuesday'; 
4. but (Skr. budha), 'Wednesday'; 5. jip (Skr. 
jiva), 'Thunsday'; 6. iuk (Skr. iukra), 'Friday'; 
7. saniar (HkT. ianaiichara), 'Saturday.' 

(b) Week of the Musalman Chains: 1. ahat 
(Arab, al-alu(d) ; 2. bisanai (Arab, al-ithnnin) ; 
3. asalasak (Arab, ath-thalasa') ; 4. roshad (Arab. 
al-arbiV) ; 5. kcmis (Arab, al-kluimls) ; 6. jumat 
(Arab, al-jmn'a), 'day of Assembly'; 7. sabat, 
ibttb (Arab, as-sabt), ' Sabbath day.' 

4. Hours. — The clay is divided into twelve hours, 
each equal to two hours of our time. One text 
even saj-s that a day and night contain eight hours 
(each). The hours are reckoned from the first 
cock-crow ; those between sunset and sunrise are 
called ' night hours,' and correspond to the five 
watches of the night. 

The hour again is divided into eight parts, each 
equal to our i hour. The time is told by means of 
expressions like 'the cock crows' = I a.m. ; ' the 
cock jumps to the ground ' = 2 a.m. ; 'the sun is 
risen' = 6 a.m.; 'the sun is a perch above the 
horizon ' = 6., 30 a.m., etc. The twelve hours of tlie 
day are also reckoned by giving each the name of 
one of the animals of the cyc\e—tuk tikuh, ' hour 
of the Kat'; tuk kabav, 'hour of the EJuflalo'; 
ink rimauh, ' hour of the Tiger,' etc. 

the .seats respectively of Lord Muhammad and 
Lord 'AH, etc. The root of all these sjieculations 
must lie in Islam. 

LiTERATORE.— E. Aymonier and A. Cabaton, Diet, lam- 
frani;ais, Paris, 1906, p. xxixfl.; A