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Full text of "Encyclopaedia of religion and ethics"



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Encyclopaedia 



of 



Religion and Ethics 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2011 with funding from 

Boston Public Library 



http://www.archive.org/details/encyclopaediaofr07hast 



Encyclopsedia 

of 

Religion and Ethics 



EDITED BV 

JAMES HASTINGS 

WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF 

JOHN A. SELBIE, M.A., D.D. 

PBOKESBOR OF OLD TESTAMENT LANOUAOE ADD UTERATURE III TB( 
nHITIO FBEI CHURCH COLLEGE, ABEBDKEN 

AHS 

LOUIS H. GRAY, M.A., Ph.D. 

SOUITIMB FBLIX>W IB IMDO-IRANIAN LANODAQKS IN COLUUBU UHIVEB8ITT, MBW TOBX 



VOLUME vn 

HYMNS-LIBERTY 



NEW YORK 

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 



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Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, have the soie right of publication of this 
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION AND ETHICS in the United States and Canada. 



60ST0W 



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AUTHORS OF ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME 



Abrahams (Israel), M.A. (Lond. and Camb.), 
D.D. (Heb. Union Coll., Cincin.). 
Reader in Talmudic and Rabbinic Literature 
in the University of Cambridge ; formerly 
Senior Tutor in the Jews' College, London ; 
editor of the Jeviish Quarterly Review, 1888- 
1908. 
Ibn Gabirol, Inheritance (Jewish), Liberal 
Judaism. 

Alexander (Hartley Burr), Ph.D. 

Professor of Philosophy in the University of 
Nebraska. 
Incarnation (American). 

Allan (John), M.A., M.R.A.S. 

Assistant in the Department of Coins and 
Medals in the British Museum ; Assistant 
to the Professor of Sanskrit at University 
College, London. 
Jnana-marga. 

Allen (Thomas William), M.A. 

Fellow and Tutor of Queen's College, Oxford ; 
Reader in Greek in the University of 
Oxford. 
Hymns (Greek and Roman). 

Anesaki (Masahar). 

Professor of Religious Science in the Imperial 
University of Tokyo. 
Hymns (Japanese). 

Anwyl (Sir Edward), M.A. (Oxon.). 

Late Professor of Welsh and Comparative 
Philology, and Dean of the Faculty of Arts, 
in the University College of Wales, Aberyst- 
wyth ; author of Celtic Religion. 
Inheritance (Celtic), Law (Celtic). 

AsHiDA (Keiji), M.A. (Yale), S.T.B. (Harvard). 
Professor in the Theological Department of 
Doshisha University, Kyoto. 
Japan. 

Axon (William Edward Armytage), LL.D. 
Late Deputy Chief Librarian of the Man- 
chester Free Libraries. 
King's Evil. 

Baikie (James). 

Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society ; 
Minister of the United Free Church in Edin- 
burgh. 
Hymns (Egyptian), Images and Idols 
(Egyptian). 



! Ball (James Dyer), LS.O., M.R.A.S., M. Ch. Br. 
R.A.S. 
Of the Hongkong Civil Service (retired) ; 
author of Things Chinese, The Chinese at 
Home, and other works. 

Hymns (Chinese), Images and Idols 
(Chinese). 

Barton (George Aaron), A.M., Ph.D., LL.D. 
Professor of Biblical Literature and Semitic 
Languages in Bryn Mawr College, Pennsyl- 
vania ; author of A Sketch of Semitic Origins, 
' Ecclesiastes' in the International Critical 
Commentary, Commentary on Job, The 
Origin and Development of Babylonian 
Writing. 
Incarnation (Muslim, Semitic). 

Basset (Ren^). 

Directeur de I'Ecole Supirieure des Lettres 
d' Alger ; President du xiv. Congrbs inter- 
national des Orientalistes (Alger, 1905) ; 
Membre de la Society asiatique de Paris, 
de la Society asiatique de Florence, de la 
Soci6t6 asiatique alleraande, de la Soci^ti 
historique algerienne, de la Soci6t6 de G6o- 
graphie d' Alger, de la Soci6t6 de G^ographie 
de 1 Afrique occidentale. 
Ibn Tumart. 

Baumstark (Dr. A.). 

Herausgeber des Oriens Christianus, Achem 
in Baden. 

Hymns (Greek Christian). 

Becelaere (E. L. VAN), B.A., Ph.D., D.D. 

Sometime Professor of Philosophy.of Theology, 
and of Holy Scripture in the Dominican Con- 
vent of Studies, Ottawa, Canada (belonging 
to the Dominican Province of Paris) ; 
Member of the American Philosophical 
Association. 

Inspiration (Catholic Doctrine). 

Beveridge (John), M.A., B.D. (Glas.). 

Alinister of the United Free Church at Fosso- 
w^ay ; author of The Covenanters, and trans- 
lator of several volumes from Norse into 
English. 
Kalevala. 

Beveridge (William), M.A., F.S. A.Scot. 

Minister of the United Free Church at New 
Deer and Maud j author of A Short His- 
tory of the Westminster Assembly, Makers 
of the Scottish Church. 
Joachimites. 



VI 



AUTHORS OP ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME 



Db Boer (Tjitze), Philos. Dr. 

Professor of Philosophy in the University of 
Amsterdam. 
Ibn Tufail. 

BOUDINHON (AUGUSTE), Docteur en Thfiologie et 
en Droit canonique. 
Prof esseur de droit canon k I'Institut catholique 
de Paris ; Chanoine honoraire de Paris et de 
Nice. 

Index, Indulgences. 

BeANDT (Dr. WiLHELM). 

Formerly Professor of Old and New Testament 
and the History of Religion in the University 
of Amsterdam. 
Initiation (Jewish). 

Brough (Joseph), B.A., LL.D. (Cantab.), M.So. 
(Wales). 
Formerly Professor of Logic and Philosophy in 
University College of Wales, Aberystwyth ; 
Lecturer on Logic at Bedford College, 
London ; author of The Study of Mental 
Science. 
Inference, Judgment (Logical). 

Burn (Richard), I.C.S. 

Financial Secretary to the Government of the 
Upper Provinces, India. 
Kabir, Kabirpanthis. 

Cabaton (Antoine). 

Professeur k I'Ecole des Langues orientales 
vivantes et k I'ftcole Col oniale, Paris; Ancien 
Membre de I'Ecole Fran^aise d'ExtrSme- 
Orient. 
Indo-China (Savage Races), Laos. 

Cabra de Vaux (Baron Bernard). 

Professeur k I'Ecole libra des Hautes fitudes ; 
Membre du Conseil de la Soci6t6 asiatique 
de Paris. 
King (Muslim), Kismet. 

Casartelli (Louis Charles), M.A. (Lond.), D.D. 
andD.Litt. Or. (Louvain), M.R.A.S. 
Bishop of Salford ; Lecturer on Iranian Lan- 
guages and Literature in the University of 
Manchesiei , formerly Professor of Zend and 
Pahlavi in the University of Louvain. 
King (Iranian), Law (Iranian). 

Chamberlain (Alexander Francis), M.A. 
(Toronto), Ph.D. (Clark). 
Late Professor of Anthropology in Clark Uni- 
versity, Worcester, Mass.; editor of the 
Journal of American Folklore (1900-1908); 
author of The Child and Childhood in Folk- 
Thought, The Child: A Study in the Evo- 
lution of Man ; co-editor of the Journal 
of Religious Psychology, and of Current 
Anthropological Literature. 
Incarnation (American). 

COK (George Albert), Ph.D., LL.D. 

Professor of Religious Education and Psycho- 
logy in the Union Theological Seminary, 
New York ; author of The Spiritual Life, 
The Religion of a Mature Mind, Education 
in Religion and Morals. 
Infancy. 

Conway (R. Seymour), Litt.D. 

Professor of Latin and Indo-European Philo- 
logy in the University of Manchester ; some- 
time Fellow of Gonville and Caius College, 
Cambridge ; Corresponding Member of the 
German Imperial Institute of Archaeology ; 
editor of The Italic Dialects. 
Italy (Ancient), 



COURANT (Maurice). 

Consul de France ; Professeur prfes la Chambre 
de Commerce de Lyon, et k la Faculty des 
Lettres de Lyon. 

Korea. 

Cowan (Henry), M.A. (Edin.), D.D. (Aberd.), 
D.Th. (Gen.), D.C.L. (Dunelm). 
Professor of Church History in the University 
of Aberdeen ; Senior Preacher of the Uni- 
versity Chapel ; author of The Influence of 
the Scottish Church in Christendom, John 
Knox, Landmarks of Church History. 

Knox. 

Crawley (Alfred Ernest), M.A. (Camb.). 

Fellow of the Sociological Societjf ; author of 
The Mystic Rose, The Tree of Life, The Idea 
of the Soul, The Book of the Ball. 

King (Introductory), Kissing, Kneeling. 

Crippen (Thomas George). 

Librarian at the Congregational Memorial 
Hall ; Editorial Secretary to the Congrega- 
tional Historical Society. 

Hymns (Modern Christian). 

Crooke (William), B.A. 

Ex-Scholar of Trinity College, Dublin ; Fellow 
of the Royal Anthropological Institute ; 
President of the Anthropological Section of 
the British Association, 1910 ; President of 
the Folklore Society, 1911-12 ; late of the 
Bengal Civil Service. 

Images and Idols (Indian), Initiation 
(Hindu), Jagannath, Jambukeswaram, 
Jamnotri,Jaunpur,Jhinwar,Jualamukhi, 
Juang (Pattua), Jumna, Junnar, Kachhi, 
Kahar, Kailas, Kalwar, KanauJ, 
Kandh, Kanheri, Kanjar, Kapala- 
kriya, Karamnasa, Karle, Karnaprayag, 
Katas, Katmandu, Kayastb, Kedarnath, 
Kharwar, Kistna, Kol. 

CUMONT (Franz), D.Phil., LL.D. (Aberd.). 

Professeur k 1' University de Gand ; Conser- 
vatenr aux Mus6ea royaux de Bruxelles ; 
Correspondant de 1' Academic royale de 
Belgique et de I'Acadimie des Inscriptions 
de Paris ; auteur de Textes et Monuments 
figures relatifs aux mystires de Mithra. 

Kizil Bash. 

Curtis (C. Densmore), B.A., M.A. 

Fellow of the American Academy in Rome. 

Initiation (Roman). 

Curtis (William Alexander), M.A., D.Litt., 
D.D. (Edin.). 
Professor of Systematic Theology in the Uni- 
versity of Aberdeen ; formerly Heriot Tra- 
velling Fellow, and Pitt Club Travelling 
Scholar, in the University of Edinburgh ; 
author of A History of Creeds and Confes- 
sions (1911). 

Infallibility, Interim. 

D'Alviella (Count Goblet), Ph.D., LL.D. 
(Glas. and Aberd. ). 
Member and Secretary of the Belgian Senate ; 
Professor of History of Religions in the Uni- 
versity of Brussels ; Hibbert Lecturer, 1891 ; 
Commander of the Order of Leopold ; author 
of Migration of Symbols. 

Images and Idols (General and Primitive), 
Initiation (Introductory and Primitive). 



Atri-HORS OP ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME 



vii 



Davids(T. W. Rhys), LL.D., I'h.D., D.Sc, F.B.A. 
Professor of Comparative Religion, Man- 
chester ; President of the Pfili Text Society ; 
Fellow of the RritiHh Academy ; author of 
Buddhism (1878), Questions of King Milinda 
(1890-94), Atnerican Lectures on Buddhism 
(1896), Bttddhist India (1902), Early Bud- 
dhism (1908). 

Hymns (Buddhistj, Kandy, Law (Bud- 
dliist). 

Davidson (William Leslie), M.A., LL.D. 

Professor of Logic and Metaphysics in the 
University of Aberdeen ; author of The 
Logic of Definition, English Words Ex- 
plained, Theism as Grounded in Human 
Nature, Christian Ethics, The Stoic Creed. 
Image of God. 

DiLLiNQ (Walter James), M.B., Ch.B. (Aberd.). 
Dr. Robert Pollok Lecturer in Materia Medica 
and Pharmacology in the University of 
Glasgow ; formerly Lecturer in Pharmaco- 
logy in the University of Aberdeen, and 
First Assistant in Pharmacology in the Uni- 
versity of Rostock. 
Knots. 

VON DoBscHiJTZ (Ernst), D.Theol. 

Professor der Neutestamentlichen Exegese an 
der Universitat zu Breslau. 
Interpretation. 

Deake (John), B.A., B.D. 

Vice-Principal, and Professor of Theology and 
Ethics, Serampore College, Bengal. 
Kurkus. 

Dreves (Fr. GuiDO M.). 

Munich ; Late Editor of Analecta Hymniea 
Medii Aevi. 

Hymns (Latin Christian). 

Ehrhardt (Christian Eugene). 

Professeur honoraire de TUniversitfe de Paris ; 
Professeur h. la Faculty libre de Th^ologie 
protestante de Paris ; Pasteur k Bourg-la- 
Reine (Consistoire de Paris). 
Individualism. 

Eucken (Rudolf Christoph), Dr. theol. u. philos. 

Geheimer Rat ; ordentlicher Professor der 

Philosophie an der Universitiit zu Jena ; 

Verfasser von Hauptprobleme der Reli- 

qionsphilosophie der Gegenwart, und andere 

Individuality, Law (Natural). 

Fallaize (Edwin Nicholas Collingford), 
B.A. (Oxon.). 
Late King Charles Exhibitioner, Exeter Col- 
lege, Oxford ; Recorder, Section H (Anthro- 
pology) of the British Association for the 
Advancement of Science. 

Inheritance (Primitive and Savage). 

Faenell (Lewis Richard), M.A., D.Litt. (Ox- 
ford), Hon. D.Litt. (Geneva and Dublin), 
F.R.A.S. 
Rector of Exeter College, Oxford ; University 
Lecturer in Classical Archaeology ; formerly 
Hibbert Lecturer and Wilde Lecturer in 
Natural and Comparative Religion ; corre- 
sponding Member of the German Imperial 
Archseological Institute ; author of The Cults 
of the Greek States (1896-1909), The Evolu- 
tion of Religion (1905), Higher Aspects of 
Greek Religion (1911), Greece and Babylon 
(1911). 
Kabeiroi. 



Fortescue (Adrian), Ph.D., D.D. (Innhbruck). 
Roman Catholic Priest at Letchworth ; author 
of The Orthodox Eastern Church (1907), T/u; 
Mass: A Study of the Roman Liturgy 
(1912). 

Iconoclasm, Law (Christian, Western ; 

Christian, Eastern). 

FoucART (George B.), Doctcur fes-Lettres. 

Professeur d'Histoire dcs Religions k I'Univer- 
sit6 d'Aix-Marseille ; Professeur h I'lnstitut 
Colonial de Marseille (Religions et coutumeB 
des peuples d'Afrique) ; ancien Inspecteur 
en chef du Service des Antiquit6s de 
I'Egypte ; auteur de Hisioire des Religions 
et Mahode Comparative^ (1912). 

Inheritance (Egyptian), King (Egyptian). 

Franks (Robert Sleightholme), M.A., B.Litt. 
Principal of the Western College, Bristol. 
Imputation. 

Frazer (Sir James George), D.C.L., LL.D., 
Litt.D. 
Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge ; Pro- 
fessor of Social Anthropology, Liverpool ; 
Fellow of the British Academy ; author of 
The Golden Bough. 

Indonesians (Literature). 

Fhiedlaender (Israel), Ph.D. 

Sabato Morals Professor of Biblical Literature 
and Exegesis at the Jewisli Theological 
Seminary of America in New York. 

Khidr. 

Gaebe (Richard), Ph.D. 

Professor des Sanskrit und der aUgemeinen 
Religionsgeschichte an der Universitat zu 
Tubingen. 
Kapila. 

Gardner (Percy), Litt.D., LL.D., F.S.A. 

Professor of Classical Archa'ology in the Uni- 
versity of Oxford ; Fellow of the British 
Academy; Vice-President of the Hellenic 
Society ; author of Grammar of Greek Art 
(1905), Principles of Greek Art (1913). 

Images and Idols (Greek and Roman). 

Gkden (Alfred S.), M.A. (Oxon.), D.D. (Aberd.). 
Professor of Old Testament Languages and 
Literature, and of Comparative Religion, in 
the Wesleyan College, Richmond, Surrey ; 
author of Studies in the Religions of the East, 
Outlines of Introduction to the Hebrew Bible ; 
translator of Deussen's Philosophy of the 
Upanishads. 

Images and Idols (Buddhist), Inspiration 
(Hindu), Josaphat(Barlaam and), Kana- 
kamuni. 

Gerig (John Lawrence), M.A., Ph.D. 

Associate Professor of Romance Languages 
and Celtic in Columbia University, New 
York. 

Images and Idols (Celtic). 

Gilbert (George Holley), Ph.D., D.D. 

Formerly Professor of New Testament Litera- 
ture m Chicago Theological Seminaiy ; 
author of The Student's Life of Jesus, The 
Student's Life of Paul, The First Interpreters 
of Jesus. 

Kingdom of God. 



Vlll 



AUTHORS OP ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME 



GOLDZIHER (Ignaz), Ph.D., D.Litt., LL.D. 

Professor of Semitic Philology in the Uni- 
versity of Budapest ; Ord. Member and 
Class-President of the Hungarian Academy 
of Sciences ; Foreign Member of the British 
Academy, of the Imperial Academy of 
Sciences, St. Petersburg, of the Royal 
Academies of Sciences, Berlin, Amsterdam, 
Gottingen, Copenhagen, of the Jewish His- 
torical Society of England, of the Soci6t6 
Asiatique, Paris. 
Ibn Hazm, Ibn Taimiya. 

GoTTHEiL (Richard J. H.), Ph.D. 

Professor of Semitic Languages in Columbia 
University, New York ; Chief of the Depart- 
ment of Oriental Languages at the New 
York Public Library. 

Ibn Ezra, Levi ben Gershon. 

Gray (Louis Herbert), Ph.D. (Columbia). 

Sometime Member of the Editorial Staff of the 

New International Encyclopaedia, assistant 

editor of the present work ; author of Indo- 

irareMinPAono/o(jry( 1902); translator of Vdsa- 

vadattd, a Sanskrit Romance by Subandhu 

(1913). 

Incubation, Informers, Interpretation 

(Vedic and Avesta), Iroquois, Jesus 

Christ in Zoroastrianism, Jews in 

Zoroastrianism, King (Indian), Law 

(American), Letters Celestial and 

Infernal. 

GMERSON(Sir George Abraham), K.C.I.E., Ph.D. 
(Halle), D.Litt. (Dublin), I.C.S. (retired). 
Foreign Associate Member of the Soci6t6 
Asiatique de Paris ; Corresponding Member 
of the Konigliche Gesellschaft der Wissen- 
schaften zu Gottingen ; Member of Council 
of the Royal Asiatic Society ; Super- 
intendent of the Linguistic Society of India. 
Kanchuliyas, Kara - Lingis, Kararis, 
Khakis, Khos. 
Grieve (Alexander), M.A., D.PhiL (Leipzig). 
Minister of the United Free Church in 
Glasgow J translator of many of the 
German articles in the Encyclopcedia of 
Religion and Ethics. 
Kierkegaard. 

Griffith (Francis Llewellyn), M.A., F.S.A., 
Hon. Ph.D. (Leipzig). 
Reader in Egyptology in the University of 
Oxford ; editor of the Archaeological Survey 
of the Egypt Exploration Fund ; Corre- 
sponding Member of the Royal Academy of 
Sciences at Berlin ; Foreign Associate of the 
Soci6t6 Asiatique ; Member of the Imperial 
Academy of Sciences of Vienna. 
Law (Egyptian). 

Grutzmacher (Georg), Ph.D., Th. Lie. 

Extraordinary Professor of Church History in 
the University of Heidelberg. 
Jerome. 

GURDON (Lt.-Colonel P. R. T.), Indian Array. 

Officiating Commissioner of the Assam Valley 
Districts ; Hon. Director of Ethnography, 
Assam ; author of The Khasis. 
Khasis. 

Guthrie (Charles John), M.A., LL.D., F.S.A. 
Scot., K.C. 
The Honourable Lord Guthrie, one of the 
Senators of the College of Justice in Scot- 
land ; Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, 
and of the Zoological Society of Scotland. 
Juvenile Criminals. 



Haldane (Elizabeth Sanderson), LL.D. 

Author of The Life of James Ferrier (1899), 
Life of Descartes (1905) ; joint- translator of 
jtegePs History of Philosophy (1892), and The 
Philosophical Works of Descartes (1911-12). 

Leibniz. 

Haldane (John Burdon Sanderson), B.A. 
Scholar of New College, Oxford. 

Leibniz (Mathematics). 

Hall (H. R.), M.A., F.S.A. 

Assistant in the Department of Egyptian and 
Assyrian Antiquities in the British 
Museum ; author of The Ancient History of 
the Near East {1912). 

Images and Idols (^gean). 

Harada (Tasuku), D.D., LL.D. 

President of the Doshisha University, Kyoto. 

Images and Idols (Japanese and Korean). 

Harrison (Jane Ellen), LL.D. (Aberd.), D.Litt. 
(Durham). 
Staff Lecturer and sometime Fellow of Newn- 
ham College, Cambridge; author of The 
Religion of Ancient Greece (1905), Prolego- 
mena to the Study of Greek Religion (1907), 
Themis : A Study of the Social Origins of 
Greek Religion (1912). 

Initiation (Greek), Kouretes and Kory- 
bantes. 

Hartland (Edwin Sidney), F.S.A. 

President of the Folklore Society, 1899 ; Presi- 
dent of the Anthropological Section of the 
British Association, 1906 ; President of Sec- 
tion I (Religions of the Lower Culture) at 
the Oxford International Congress for the 
History of Religions, 1908 ; author of The 
Legend of Perseus, Primitive Paternity, 
Ritual and Belief. 
La'w (Primitive). 

Herford (Charles Harold), Litt.D. (Camb. 
and Manchester). 
Smith Professor of English in the University 
of Manchester ; author of translations of 
Ibsen's Brand and Love's Comedy. 

Ibsen. 

Herford (R. Travers), B.A. 

Librarian of the Dr. Williams Library, 
London ; author of Christianity in Talmud 
and Midrash, Pharisaism : its Aim and its 
Method. 

Jesus Christ in Judaism. 

HOLMBERG (UNO NiLS OSKAR), Dr. Phil. 

Helsingfors ; author of Die Wassergottheilen 
der fnnischugrischen Volker (1918). 

Lapps. 

Hopkins (Edward Washburn), Ph.D., LL.D. 
Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Philo- 
logy in Yale University ; former President 
of the American Oriental Society ; author 
of The Religions of India, The Great Epic of 
India, India Old and New. 

Hyperboreans. 

HoRNE (C. Silvester), M.A. 

Late M.P. for Ipswich and Minister of White- 
field's Church, London ; author of A Popular 
History of the Free Churches. 

Institutional Church. 



AUTHORS OP ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME 



Hull (Elkanor). 

Hon. Sec. of tlie Irish Texts Society, London ; 
Member of Council of the Folklore Society 
and Vice-President of the Irish Literary 
Society ; author of The CuchuUin Saga in 
Irish Lileraiure{lS9S), Pagan Ireland {1904), 
Early Christian Ireland (1905), A Text-book 
of Irish Literature, 2 vols. (1907-08), The 
Poem-book of the Gael (1912). 
Hymns (Irish Christian). 

Hyamson (Albert Mo.mtefiore), F.R.Hist.S. 
Corresponding Member of the American 
Jewish Historical Society ; Member of 
Council of Jewish Historical Society of 
England ; author of A History of the Jews 
in England. 
Jews in Islam. 

Hyslop (James Hervey), Ph.D., LL.D. 

Secretary of the American Society for Psychi- 
cal Research ; formerly Professor of Logic 
and Ethics in Columbia University. 
Introspection. 

Jackson (A. V. Williams), Ph.D., L.H.D., 
LL.D. 
Professor of Indo-Iranian Languages in 
Columbia University, New York ; author 
of Zoroaster, the Prophet of A ncient Iran ; 
Persia, Past and Present. 
Images and Idols (Persian). 

Jacobi (Hermann), Ph.D. 

Professor des Sanskrit an der Universitfit zu 
Bonn ; Geheimer Kegierungsrat. 
Incarnation (Indian), Jainism. 

Johns (Claude Hermann Walter), M.A., 
Litt.D. 
Master of St. Catharine's College, Cambridge, 
and Canon Residentiary of Norwich ; author 
of Assyrian Deeds and Documents of the 7th 
Century B.C., Babylonian and Assyrian 
Laws, Contracts and Letters, the Schweich 
Lectures on The Relations between the Laws 
of Babylonia and the Laws of the Hebrew 
Peoples. 

Inheritance (Babylonian), Lav7 (Baby- 
lonian). 

Jolly (Julius), Ph.D. (Munich), Hon. M.D. (Got- 
tingen), Hon. D.Litt. (Oxford). 
Ord. Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative 
Philology in the University of Wiirzburg ; 
formerly Tagore Professor of Law in the 
University of Calcutta ; Geheimer Hofrat. 
Inheritance (Hindu), Initiation (Hindu), 
Institutions (Hindu), Law (Hindu). 

Joyce (George Hayward), S.J., M.A. (Oxon.). 
Professor of Dogmatic Theology at St. Beuno's 
College, St. Asaph, N. Wales. 
Invincible Ignorance. 

JUYNBOLL (Th. W.), Dr. juris et phil. 

Adjutor interpretis ' Legati Wameriani,' 
Leyden. 
Ibn Hanbal, Law (Muhammadan). 

Kalweit (Paul), Lie. Tlieol., D.Phil. 

Director des evangelischen Predigerseminars 
in Naumburg a Queis, und Pfarrer. 
Intellectualisra (Philosophical). 

Kay (D. Miller), B.Sc, D.D. 

Regius Professor of Hebrew and Oriental 
Languages in the University of St. Andrews. 
Judaizing. 



Kennett (Robert Hatch), D.D. 

Regius Profes-sor of Hebrew in the University 
of Cambridge ; Canon of Ely ; Fellow of 
Queens' College, Cambridge ; Examining 
Chaplain to the Bishops of Ely and Man- 
chester. 
Israel. 

Kent (Charles Foster), Ph.D., Litt.D. 

Woolsey Professor of Biblical Literature in 
Yale University. 

Law (Biblical, Old Testament), Leaven. 

Kern (Johan Hendrik Caspar), Dr.Litt., 
^ Dr.Phil. 

Formerly Professor of Sanskrit and Compara- 
tive Philology in the University of Leyden. 
Java, Bali, and Sumatra (Buddhism in). 

Kino (Irvi.vg), Ph.D. 

Assistant Professor of Education in the State 
University of Iowa ; Fellow of the American 
Association for the Advancement of Science. 
Inhibition. 

King (Leonard William), M.A., Litt.D., F.8.A. 
Assistant Keeper of Egyptian and Assyrian 
Antiquities, British Aluseum ; Lecturer in 
Assyrian, King's College, London. 
Images and Idols (Babylonian). 

Krohn (Kaarle Leopold), Dr.Phil. 

Professor des tinnisclien und vergleichenden 
Folklore an der Universitat zu Helsingfors, 
Finland. 

Kalevala. 

Kkuijt (Alb. C). 

Dutch Missionary in Celebes ; Zendeling- 
leeraar van het Nederlandsehe Zendeling- 
genootschap op Midden-Celebes ; author 
of Het Animisme in den indischen Archipel 
(1906) ; joint-autlior of De Baree^ Sprekende 
Toradja's van Midden-Celebes (1912). 
Indonesians. 

Lacey (Thomas Alexander), M.A. 

Warden of the London Diocesan Penitentiary, 
Highgate ; Pringle-Stewart Lecturer, 1914. 
Intention (Theological). 

Lbuba (James Henry), Ph.D. 

Professor of Psychology in Bryn Mawr College, 
Pennsylvania ; author of A Psychological 
Study of Meligion : its Origin, Function and 
Future. 

Intellectualism. 

LodS (Adolphe), Docteur ^s-Lettres. 

Charg6 de CJours i la Faculty des Lettres de 
rUniversit6 de Paris. 
Images and Idols (Hebrew and Canaanite). 

LoEWE (Herbert Martin James), M.A. 

Lecturer in Oriental Languages, Exeter 
College, Oxford ; sometime Curator of 
Oriental Literature in the University 
Library, Cambridge ; Director of Oriental 
Studies, St. Catharine's College, Cambridge. 
Judaism, Kabbala. 

Lofthouse (William F.), M.A. 

Tutor in Philosophy and Old Testament 
Language and Literature, Wesleyan College, 
Handsworth, Birmingham ; author oi Ethics 
and Atonement, Ethics and the Family. 
IndifTerentism. 



AUTHORS OP ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME 



Loops (Friedbich), Lie. Theol., Dr.Phil. u. Theol. 

Ordentlicher Professor der Kirchengeschiohte 

an der UniversitSt zu Halle ; Geheimer 

Konsistorialrat ; Mitglied des Konsist- 

oriums der Provinz Sachsen. 

Kenosis. 

LoBD (James Henry). 

Missionary in Bombay in connexion with the 
Society of St. Jolin the Evangelist (Cowley, 
Oxford), and the Parochial Missions to the 



Jews in Cochin (Malabar). 

MacCulloch (John Aknott), Hon. D.D. (St. 
Andrews). 
Rector of St. Saviour's, Bridge of Allan ; Hon. 
Canon of the Cathedral of the Holy Spirit, 
Cumbrae ; Examiner in Comparative Ke- 
ligion and Philosophy of Religion, Victoria 
University, Manchester ; Bell Lecturer, 
Edinburgh Theological College; author of 
Comparative Theology, Religion : its Origin 
and Forms, The Childhood of Fiction, The 
Religion of the Ancient Celts. 

Hymns (Celtic), Incense, Invisibility, 
Landmarks and Boundaries. 

Macdonell (Arthur Anthony), M.A. (Oxon.), 
Ph.D. (Leipzig). 
Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the University 
of Oxford ; Fellow of Balliol College ; Fellow 
of the British Academy ; Fellow of the 
Royal Danish Academy ; Keeper of the 
Indian Institute, Oxford. 

Hymns (Vedic), Indian Buddhism. 

McDouGALL (William), M.A., M.B., F.R.S. 

Fellow of Corpus Christi (jollege, and Reader 
in Mental Philosophy in the University of 
Oxford ; author of Introduction to Social 
Psychology (1908), Body and Mind (1911). 

Hypnotism. 

McGiFFERT (Arthur Cushman), Ph.D., D.D. 
Washburn Professor of Church History in 
Union Theological Seminary, New York ; 
author of A History of Christianity in the 
Apostolic Age, Martin Luther : the Man and 
His Work. 

Immanence. 

Macgregor (David Hutchison), M.A. (Edin. 
and Camb.). 
Professor of Political Economy in the Uni- 
versity of Leeds ; sometime Fellow of 
Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Laissez-Faire. 

McIntyee (James Lewis), M.A. (Edin. and 
Oxon.), D.Sc. (Edin.). 
Anderson Lecturer in Comparative Psychology 
to the University of Aberdeen ; Lecturer in 
Psychology, Logic, and Ethics to the Aber- 
deen Provincial Committee for the Training 
of Teachers ; formerly Examiner in Philo- 
sophy to the University of Edinburgh ; 
author of Giordano Bruno (1903). 

Imagination, Intelligence. 

Mackenzie (Donald), M.A. 

Minister of the United Free Church at Oban ; 
Assistant Professor of Logic and Meta- 
physics in the University of Aberdeen, 
1906-1909. 

Libertarianism and Necessitarianism. 



Mackenzie (John Stuaet), LL.D., Litt.D. 

Professor of Logic and Philosophy in Univer- 
sity College of South Wales and Monmouth- 
shire ; author of A Manual of Ethics, 
Outlines of Metaphysics, Lectures on 
Humanism. 
Infinity. 

Mackenzie (William Douglas), M.A., D.D., 
LL.D. 
President of the Hartford Seminary Founda- 
tion, Riley Professor of Christian Theology 
in the Hartford Theological Seminary ; 
author of The Ethics of Gambling, Chris- 
tianity and the Progress of Man, The Final 
Faith. 
Jesus Christ. 

Mackintosh (Hugh Ross), M.A., D.Phil. (Edin.), 
D.D. (Edin.). 
Professor of Systematic Theology in New 
College, Edinburgh ; author of The Doctrine 
of the Person of Jesus Christ (1912). 
Implicit Faith. 

Maclagan (P. J.), M.A., D.Phil. 

Of the English Presbyterian Mission, Swatow. 
Incarnation (Chinese). 

Maclean (Arthur John), D.D. (Camb.), Hon. 
D.D. (Glas.). 
Bishop of Moray, Ross, and Caithness ; author 
of Dictionary of Vernacular Syriac ; editor 
of East Syrian Liturgies. 
Hymns (Syriac Christian), Intercession 
(Liturgical), Invocation (Liturgical), 
Laity, Law (Christian, Anglican). 

Maclean (James Hair), M.A., B.D. 

Of the United Free Church of Scotland 
Mission, Conjeeveram. 
Kanchipuram. 

Macphekson (John), M.D., F.R.C.P.E. 
Commissioner in Lunacy for Scotland. 
Hysteria, Insanity. 

MacRitchie (David), F.S.A. (Scot, and Ireland). 
Member of the Royal Anthropological Institute 
of Great Britain and Ireland ; President of 
the St. Andrew Society, Edinburgh ; author 
of Ancient and Modern Britons ; The Ainos ; 
Fians, Fairies and Picts ; Scottish Gypsies 
under the Stewarts, and other works. 
Images and Idols (Lapps and Samoyeds). 

Margoliouth (David Samuel), M.A., D.Litt. 
Fellow of New College, and Laudian Professor 
of Arabic in the University of Oxford ; author 
of Mohammed and the Rise of Islam, Moham- 
medanism ; editor of many Arabic works. 
Hymns (Ethiopic Christian, Muslim), 
Ibadis, Kalam, KhawariJ. 

Margoliouth (George), M.A. (Cantab.). 

Member of the Board of Studies in Theology 
at the University of London ; formerly 
Senior Assistant in the Department of 
Oriental Printed Books and MSS in the 
British Museum, and Examiner in Hebrew 
and Aramaic in the University of London. 
Hymns (Hebrew and Jewish, Samaritan 
and Karaite). 

Marr (Hamilton Clelland), M.D., CM., 
F.R.F.P.S. (Glas.). 
H.M. Commissioner of Control for Scotland; 
formerly Medical Superintendent of Glasgow 
District Asylum, Lenzie ; Macintosh Lec- 
turer on Insanity, St. Mungo's College, 
Glasgow. 
Hypochondria, Illegitimacy. 



AUTHORS OP ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME 



Mellone (S. H.), M.A. (Lond.), D.So. (Edin.). 
Principal of the Unitarian Home MissionaT' 
College, Manchester ; Lecturer in the His- 
tory of Christian Doctrine in the University 
of Manchester ; Examiner in Psychology 
in the University of Edinburgh ; author of 
Studies in Philosophical Criticism, Leaders 
of Religious Thought in tlte Nineteenth Cen- 
tury. 

Immortality, 

Menzies (Allan), M.A., D.D. 

Professor of Divinity and Biblical Criticism 
in the University of St. Andrews ; author 
of T/ie Earliest Gospel ; editor of the Review 
of Theology and Philosophy. 
Law (Biblical, New Testament). 

Mitchell (Anthony), D.D. 

Bishop of Aberdeen and Orkney ; formerly 
Principal and Pantonian Professor of 
Theology in the Theological College of the 
Episcopal Church in Scotland. 
Laud. 

Modi (Shams-ul-Ulma Jivanji Jamshedji), 
B.A., Hon. Ph.D. (Heidelberg). 
Fellow of the University of Bombay ; Dipl. 
Litteris et Artibus (Sweden) ; Officier d'Aca- 
d^mie, France ; Officier de ITnstruction 
Publique, France ; President of the Anthro- 
pological Society of Bombay ; Vice-Presi- 
dent of the Bombay Branch of the Royal 
Asiatic Society. 
Initiation (Parsi). 

Morgan (Conwy Lloyd), D.Sc, LL.D., F.R.S. 
Professor of Psychology and Ethics in the 
University of Bristol; author of Introduc- 
tion to Comparative Psychology, Instinct and 
Experience. 
Instinct, Laughter. 

Morrison (John), M.A., D.D. 

Formerly Principal of the Church of Scotland 
College, Calcutta. 
Kalighat. 

MouLTON (James Hope), M.A. (Cantab.), D.Lit. 
(Lond.), D.D. (Edin.), D.C.L. (Durham), 
D.Theol. (Berlin). 
Sometime Fellow of King's College, Cambridge ; 
Greenwood Professor of Hellenistic Greek 
and Indo-European Philology in the Uni- 
versity of Manchester; Tutor in Didsbury 
Wesleyan College ; author of Grammar of 
New Testament Greek (Zx& ed. 1908), Religion 
and Religions {1913), Early Zoroastrianism 
(Hibbert Lectures), 1914. 
Iranians. 

McTNRO (Robert), M.A., M.D., LL.D. (Edin. and 
St. Andrews). 
Founder of the Munro Lectureship on 
Anthropology and Pre- historic Archaeology ; 
past President of the Anthropological Sec- 
tion of the British Association ; author of 
Ancient Scottish Lake-Dwellings, The Lake- 
Dwellings of Europe, Palaeolithic Man 
and Terramara Settlements in Europe, Pre- 
historic Britain. 
Lake-Dwellings. 

Murray (John Clark), LL.D. (Glas.), F.K.S.C. 

Emeritus Professor of Moral Philosophy in 

McGill University, Montreal ; author of 

A Handbook of Psychology, A Handbook of 

Christian Ethics. 

Idleness, Ignorance. 



Murray (Robert Henry), M.A., Litt.D. 

Minor Canon, St. Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin ; 
Lecturer in History at Alexandra College, 
Dublin ; author of Revolutionary Ireland 
and its Settlements ; editor of The Journal 
of John Stevens. 
Hypocrisy. 

Nakajima (Tamakichi). 

Professor of Civil Law in the Imperial Uni- 
versity, Kyoto. 
Law (Japanese). 

Nicholson (Reynold Alleyne), M.A., Litt.D., 
LL.D. 
Lecturer in Persian in the University of Cam- 
bridge ; sometime Fellow of Trinity College ; 
author of A Literary History of the Arabs 
(1907), The Tarjuman al-Ashwaq of Ibn al- 
Arabi, with translation and commentary 
(1911). 
Jalal al-Din Rumi. 

NiESE (Benedikt), Ph.D. 

Late Professor of Ancient History in the Uni- 
versity of Halle ; editor of the Works of 
Josephus. 
Josephus. 

NiVEN (William Dickie), M.A. 

Minister of the United Free Church at Blair- 
gowrie ; Co-examiner in Mental Philosophy 
in the University of Aberdeen. 
Ideal. 

NORTHCOTE (Stafford Harry). 

Viscount St. Cyres ; author of Francois Fine- 
Ion (1901), Pascal (1909). 
Jansenism. 

Ottlby (Robert Laurence), D.D. 

Regius Professor of Pastoral Theology, and 
Canon of Christ Church, Oxford ; author of 
The Doctrine of the Incarnation (1895), 
Aspects of the Old Testament (1897), The 
Religion of Israel (1905), and other works. 
Innocence. 

Paton (Lewis Bayles), Ph.D., D.D. 

Nettleton Professor of Old Testament Exegesis 
and Criticism, and Instructor in Assyrian, 
in Hartford Theological Seminary ; formerly 
Director of the American School of Archaeo- 
logy in Jerusalem ; author of The Early 
History of Syria and Palestine, ' Esther ' in 
the International Critical Commentary, 
Jerusalem in Bible Times, The Early Re- 
ligion of Israel. 
Ishtar. 

Pearson (A. C), M.A. 

Sometime Scholar of Christ's College, Cam- 
bridge ; editor of Fragments of Zeno aiul 
Cleanihes, Euripides' Helena, HeraclidcB, and 
Phoenissce. 
King (Greek and Roman). 

Pkrles (Felix), Ph.D. 
Rabbi at Konigsberg. 
Law (Jewish). 

Phillpotts (Bertha Surtees), M.A. (Dublin). 
Lady Carlisle Research Fellow of Somerville 
College, Oxford ; Fellow of the Royal 
Society of Northern Antiquaries (Copen- 
hagen) ; formerly Librarian of Girton Col- 
lege, Cambridge ; author of Kindred and 
Clan : A Study in the Sociology of the Teu- 
tonic Races (191.3). 
Inheritance (Teutonic). 



AUTHORS OF ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME 



Pinches (Theophilus Goldridge), LL.D. (Glas.), 
M.R.A.S. 
Lecturer in Assyrian at University College, 
London, and at the Institute of Archseology, 
Liverpool ; Hon. Member of the Soci6t6 
Asiatique. 
Hymns (Babylonian). 

Pope (Robert Martin), M.A. (Camb. and Man- 
chester). 
Author of Cathemerinon of Prudentius. 
Kindness, Liberty (Christian). 

PoussiN (Louis de la Vallee), Docteur en philo- 
sophie et lettres (Li^ge), en langues orien- 
tales (Louvain). 
Professeur de Sanscrit k I'universitS de Gand ; 
Correspondant de I'Acaddraie royale de 
Belgique ; Co-Directeur du Musion ; Mem- 
bre de la R.A.S. et de la Soci6t6 asiatique. 

Identity (Buddhist), Incarnation (Bud- 
dhist), Jivanmukta, Karma. 

PozNAi^sKi (Samuel), Ph.D. (Heidelberg). 

Kabbiner und Prediger in Warsehau (Polen). 
Karaites. 

Rivers (W. H. R.), M.A., M.D., F.R.S., F.R.C.P. 
Lecturer in tlie Physiology of the Senses in 
the University of Cambridge ; Fellow of 
St. John's College, Cambridge ; President 
of the Anthropological Section of the Brit- 
ish Association in 1911 ; authorof The Todas. 
Kin, Kinship. 

Robertson (Sir George Scott), K.C.S.I., D.C.L., 

M.P. 

Formerly British Agent at Gilgit ; author of 

The Kafirs of the Hindu-Kush and Chitral, 

The Story of a Minor Siege, and other works. 

Kafiristan. 

Rose(H. a.), LC.S. 

Superintendent of Ethnography, Panjab, India. 
Jat. 

Schrader (Otto), Dr. phiL et jur. h.c. 

Ordeutlicher Professor fiir vergleichende 
Sprachforschung an der Universitat zu Bres- 
lau ; author of Prehistoric Antiquities of 
the Aryan Peoples. 

King- (Teutonic and Litu-Slavic), Law 
(Teutonic and Slavic). 

Scott (William Robert), M.A., D.Phil., Litt.D. 
Lecturer in Political Economy in the Univer- 
sity of St. Andrews ; Vice-President of the 
Economic History Section of the Inter- 
national Historical Congress, 1912 ; author 
of Francis Hutcheson: his Life, Teaching, 
and Position in the History of Philosophy 
(1900). 

Industrialism, Insurance. 

Seaton (Mary Ethel). 

Mediajval and Modem Language Tripos, 
Class I., 1909 and 1910; Lecturer at Girton 
College, Cambridge. 

Images and Idols (Teutonic and Slavic). 

Sell (Edward), B.D., D.D., M.R.A.S. 

Fellow of the University of Madras; Hon. 
Canon of St. George's Cathedral, Madras ; 
Secretary of the Church Missionary Society, 
Madras ; author of The Faith of Islam, The 
Historical Development of tfie Qur'an, The 
Life of Muhammad, Tlie Religious Orders of 
Jslam. 

Images and Idols (Muslim), Inspiration 
(Muslim), Islam. 



Shorey (Paul), Ph.D., LL.D., Litt.D. 

Professor and Head of the Department of 
Greek in the University of Chicago ; Roose- 
velt Professor at the University of Berlin, 
1913; Member of the American Institute of 
Art and Letters. 
Isocrates. 

Showerman (Grant), Ph.D. 

Professor of Latin in the University of Wis- 
consin ; Fellow in the American School of 
Classical Studies at Rome, 1898-1900 ; author 
of The Great Mother of the Gods (Disserta- 
tion), 1901, With the Professor, 1910 ; trans- 
lator of Ovid's Heroides and Amores (Loeb 
Classical Library), 1914. 
Isis. 
SlEG (Emil), Dr. PhU. 

Ordentlicher Professor des Sanskrit und der 
vergleichenden indogermanischen Sprach- 
■wissenschaft in Kiel. 
Itihasa. 
Simpson (James Gilliland), D.D. 

Canon and Precentor of St. Paul's ; Examining 
Chaplain to the Bishop of Argyll and the 
Isles. 
Irving' and the Catholic Apostolic Church, 
Justification. 

Smith (Henry Preserved), D.D. 

Librarian of the Union Theological Seminary, 
New York ; formerly Professor of Old Testa- 
ment Literature and the History of Religion 
in the Mead ville Theological School, Pennsyl- 
vania. 

Inheritance (Hebrew). 

Smith (Vincent Arthur), M.A. 

Of the Indian Civil Service (retired) ; author 

of Asoka in ' Rulers of India,' Early History 

of India, A History of Fine Art in India 

and Ceylon. 

Jalandhara, Kaniska, Kapilavastu, Ku- 

sinagara. 

Sodeeblom (Nathan), D.D. (Paris), Hon. D.D. 
(Geneva, Christiania, St. Andrews), 
fil&ve dipI6m6 de I'ficole des Hautes fitudes ; 
Archbishop of Upsala ; Prochancellor of the 
University of Upsala ; formerly Professor 
in the University of Upsala and in the 
University of Leipzig. 
Incarnation (Introductory, Parsi). 

Speight (Harold Edwin Balme), M.A. 

Junior Minister of Essex Cliurch, Kensington ; 
formerly Assistant Professor of Logic and 
Metaphysics in the University of Aberdeen ; 
sometime Fellow of Manchester College, 
Oxford. 
Lessing. 

Starbuck (Edwin Diller), Ph.D. 

Professor of Philosophy in the State Uni- 
versity of Iowa ; author of The Psychology 
of Religion. 
Intuitionalism. 

Stawell (Florence Melian). 

Certificated Student of Newnham College, 
Cambridge (Classical Tripos, 1892, Part I. 
Class I. Div. I.); sometime Lecturer in 
Classics at Newnham College. 
Ionic Philosophy. 

Stock (St. George), M.A. (Oxford). 

Lecturer on Greek in the University of Bir- 
mingham ; author of English Thought for 
English Thinkers. 
Incarnation (Greek and Roman). 



AUTHORS OP ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME 



Stokes (Gboroe J.), M.A. (Trinity College, 
Dublin). 
Of Lincoln's Inn, Barrister-at-Law ; Professor 
of Philosophy and Jurisprudence in Uni- 
versity College, Cork, National University 
of Ireland. 
Intellect. 

Strahan (James), M.A. 

Edinburgh ; Cuniiiiigham Lecturer ; author of 
Hebrew Ideals, The Book of Job, The Cap- 
tivity and Pastoral Epistles. 

Inspiration (Protestant Doctrine). 

Takakusu (Jyun), M.A., D.Litt. (Oxford), Dr. 
Phil. (Leipzig). 
Professor or Sanskrit in the University of 
Tokyo. 
Initiation (Buddhist), Kwan-yin. 

Taskeb (John G.), D.D. 

Principal and Professor of Church History 
and Apologetics in the Wesleyan College, 
Handsworth, Birmingham. 
Intercession. 

Taylor (Alfred Edward), M.A. (Oxon.), D.Litt. 
(St. Andrews). 
Professor of Moral Philosophy in the United 
College of SS. Salvator and Leonard, St. 
Andrews; late Fellow of Merton College, 
Oxford ; Fellow of the British Academy ; 
author of Tlie Problem of Conduct (1901), 
Elements of Metaphysics (1903), Varia 
Socratica (1911). 
Identity. 

Thurston (Herbert), B.A., S.J. 

Joint- Editor of the Westminster Library for 
Priests and Students; author of Life of St. 
Hugh of Lincoln, The Holy Year of Jubilee, 
The Stations of the Cross. 
Jesuits. 

Tritton (A. S.), M.A. (Lond. and Oxon.). 

Assistant to the Professor of Hebrew and 
Semitic Languages in the University of 
Edinburgh. 
King (Semitic). 

Teoeltsch (Ernst), Dr. theoL, phil. jur. 

Professor der Theologie an der Universitat zu 
Heidelberg ; Geheiraer Kirchenrat. 
Idealism, Kant. 

TuKMEL (Joseph). 

Pretre ; ancien Professeux de Thiologie an 
S£minaire de Rennes ; anteui de Histoire de 
la thiologie positive, Histoire du dogme de la 
Papauti des origines d la fn du guatriime 
■iiicle. 

Immaculate Conception. 

Turner (Ralph Lilley), M.A. 

Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge ; Pro- 
fessor of English Literature in Queen's 
College, Benares. 
Karma-marga. 

Vacandard (ELPHkQE), DocteuT en Theologie. 
Auradnier du Lyc6e Oomeille, Ronen ; Chan- 
oine de la Cath^drale ; Lauriat de 1' Aca- 
demic Franfaise ; Otficier de I'lnstraction 
publique. 
Inquisition. 



! Vinogradoff (Paul), D.C.L. (Oxford ami Itur 
! ham), LL. D. (Caniljridge, Liverpool, Cal- 

j cutta, and Harvard), Dr. Hist. (Mo.itow), 

Dr. juris (Berlin), F.B.A. 
Corpus Professor of Jurisprudence in the Uni- 
versity of Oxford ; Fellow of the Academien 
in St. Petersburg, Copenhagen, and Cliriati- 
ania ; Corresponding Member of the Academy 
in Berlin. 
Law (Greek). 

Waddell (L. Austine), C.B., C.I.i:., LL.D., 
F.L.S., M.R.A.S., Lt. -Colonel LM.S. 
Formerly Professor of Tibetan in University 
College, London ; author of The Buddhisui 
of Tibet, Tribes of the Brahmaputra Valley, 
Lhasa and its Mysteries. 

Images and Idols (Ti)jetan), Incarnation 
(Tibetan), Initiation (Tibetan), Jewel 
(Buddhist), Lamaism. 

Watt(Henry J.), M.A., (Aberd.), Ph.D. (Wurz.), 
D.Phil. (Aberd.). 
Lecturer on Psychology in the University of 
Glasgow ; author of The Economy and Train- 
ing of Memory (liJ09), Psychology (1913). 
Illusion. 

Watt (Wellstood Alexander), M.A., LL.B., 
D.PhU. 
Author of An Outline of Legal Philosophy, 
The Theory of Contract in its Social Light, 
A Study of Social Morality. 
Internationality. 

Webb(Clement Charles Julian), M.A. (Oxon.). 
Tutor of St. Mary Magdalen College, Oxford ; 
sometime Wilde Lecturer in Natural and 
Comparative Religion in the University ot 
Oxford ; editor of John of Salisbury's Pali- 
craticus. 

Idea. 

Welch (Adam Cleghorn), D.D., Theol.D. 

Professor of Hebrew and Old Testament Exe- 
gasis in New College, Edinburgh ; author of 
The Religion of Israel under the Kingdom. 
Investiture Controversy. 

Wiedemann (Alfred), Dr. PhU. et Litt. h.c. 
(Louvain), Litt.D. h.c. (Dublin). 
OrdentlicherHonorar-Professorderaltorieutal- 
ischen Geschichte und Aegyptologie an der 
Universitat zu Bonn. 
Incarnation (Egyptian). 

Wintkrnitz (Moriz), Ph.D. 

Professor of Sanskrit and Ethnology in the 
German University of Prague. 
Jataka. 

WissowA (Georg), Dr. jur. et phil. 

Ordentlicher Professor an der Universit&t zu 
Halle ; Geheimer Regierungsrat. 
Indigitamenta, Invocation (Roman), Law 
(Roman). 

Woodhouse (William J.), M.A. 

Professor of Greek in the University of Sydney, 
New South Wales. 
Inheritance (Greek, Roman), Keres. 

Wu (Chao-Chu), LL.B. 

Of Lincoln's Inn, Barrister-at-Law ; Profeasoi 
of International Law and Roman Law in 
the University of Peking. 
Law (Chinese). 



CROSS-EEFEEENCES 



In addition to the cross-references throughout the volume, the following list 
of minor references may be useful : 



Tone. 


Probable Title op Aetioib. 


Topic. 


Probable Title op Artiolb. 


Hypostasis . 


Person of Christ. 


Jilani . 


. "Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani. 


Ibn Arabi . 


Muhiyy'ddin ibn Arabi. 


Judah . 


. Israel. 


Ibn Malik . 


Malik ibn Anas. 


Jumpers 


. Sects (Christian). 


Idiocy .... 


Degeneration, Develop- 


Kah-gyur, Kanjur 


, Lamalsm. 




ment (Mental). 


Kamchatkans 


. Siberia. 


Ilahis .... 


Akbar. 


Kanarese 


. Dravidians (North India). 


Imitation 


Development (Mental). 


Kharijites . 


. Khawarij. 


Immorality . 


Ethics and Morality. 


Khliktsi 


. Men of God. 


Independents 


Congregationalism. 


Khusrau, Nasir ibn 


. Nasir ibn Khusrau. 


Indo-Europeans . 


Aryan Eeligion. 


Kickapoos . 


. Algonquins (Prairie 


Indults 


Bulls and Briefs. 




Tribes). 


Inebriety 


Drunkenness. 


Kubera 


. Brahmanism. 


Infanticide . 


Abandonment, Children, 


Kukis . 


. Lushais. 




Human Sacrifice. 


Lamb . 


. Sacrifice, Symbols. 


Invisibles . 


Sects (Christian). 


Last Day 


. Eschatology. 


lowan Indians 


Siouans. 


Latitudinarianism 


. Cambridge Platonists. 


Isaac ben Yakub al- 




Lent . 


. Fasting (Christian), Fes- 


Isfahani . 


Messiahs (Psendo). 




tivals and Fasts (Christ- 


Ismailians . 


Carmatians. 




ian). 


Jacob Frank 


Messiahs (Pseudo). 


Leopard 


. Animals. 


Januarius (Saint) 


Miracles (Modem). 


Levellers 


. Sects (Christian). 


Jezreelitea . 


Sects (Christian). 


Lhasa , 


. Tibet. 


Jieng . . . . 


Dinka. 


Liberality . 


. Charity, Hospitality. 


Jihad . . . . 


Law (Muhammadan). 







LISTS OF ABBEEVIATIONS 



I. General 



A.H. =Anno Hijrae (A.D. 622). 

Ak. =Akka,dian. 

Alex. = Alexandrian. 

Anier. = American. 

Apoc.= Apocalypse, Apocalyptic. 

Apocr. = Apocrypha. 

Aq. =Aquila. 

Arab. = Arabic. 

Aram. = Aramaic. 

Arm. = Armenian. 

Ary. = Aryan. 

As. = Asiatic. 

Assyr. = Assyrian. 

AT = Altes Testament. 

AV = Authorized Version. 

A'Vm = Authorized Version margin. 

A.Y. =Anno Yazdagird (A.D. 639). 

Bab. = Babylonian. 

c. = circa, about. 

Can. = Canaanite. 

cf . = compare. 

ct. = contrast. 

D = Deuteronomist. 

E = Elohist. 

edd. = editions or editors. 

Egyp. = Egyptian. 

Eng. = English. 

Eth. = Ethiopic. 

EV= English Version. 

f. =and following verse or page : as Ac 10"'- 

ff. = and following verses or pages : as Mt 1 1'^*- 

Fr. = French. 

Germ. = German. 

Gr.= Greek. 

H = Law of Holiness. 

Heb. = Hebrew. 

Hel. = Hellenistic. 

Hex. = Hexateuch. 

Himy. = Himyaritic. 

Ir. = Irish. 

Iran. = Iranian. 



Isr. = Israelite. 

J=Jahwist. 

J" = Jehovah. 

Jenis. = Jerusalem. 

Jos. = Josephus. 

LXX = Septuagint. 

Min. =Min8ean. 

MSS = Manuscripts. 

MT = Massoretic Text. 

n. =note. 

NT = New Testament. 

Onlf . = Onlf elos. 

0T = Old Testament. 

P = Priestly NaiTative. 

Pal. = Palestine, Palestinian. 

Pent. = Pentateuch. 

Pers. = Persian. 

Phil. = Philistine. 

Phoen. = Phoenician. 

Pr. Bk. = Prayer Book. 

R = Redactor. 

Rom. = Roman. 

RV = Revised Version. 

RVm = Revised Version margin. 

Sab. = Sabaean. 

Sam. = Samaritan. 

Sem. = Semitic. 

Sept. = Septuagint. 

Sin. = Sinai tic. 

Skr.= Sanskrit. 

Symm. = Symmachus. 

Syr. =SyTiac. 

t. (following a number) = times. 

Talm.= Talmud. 

Targ. = Targum. 

Theod. = Theodotion. 

TR = Textus Receptus. 

tr. = translated or translation. 

VSS = Versions. 

Vulg. = Vulgate. 

WH = Westcott and Hort's text. 



II. Books of the Bible 



Old Testament. 



Gn = Genesis. 

Ex = Exodus. 

Lv = Leviticus. 

Nu = Numbers. 

Dt = Deuteronomy. 

Jos = . Joshua. 

Jg = Judges. 

Ru = Ruth. 

1 S, 2S = 1 and 2 Samuel. 

1 K, 2 K=l and2 Kings. 

1 Ch, 2 Ch = l and 2 

Chronicles. 
Ezr = Ezra. 
Neh = Nehemiah. 
Est = Esther. 
Job. 

Ps = Psalms. 
Pr = Proverbs. 
Ec = Ecclesiastes. 

Apocrypha. 

1 Es, 2 Es = l and 2 To = Tobit. 
Esdras. Jth = JuditIi. 

h 



Ca = Canticles. 
Is = Isaiah. 
Jer=. Jeremiah. 
La = L.amentations. 
Ezk = Ezekiel. 
Dn = Daniel. 
Hos = Hosea. 
Jl = Joel. 
Am = Amos. 
Ob = Obadiah. 
Jon = Jonah. 
Mic = Micah. 
Nah = Nahum. 
Hab = Habakkuk. 
Zeph = Zephaniah. 
Hag=Haggai. 
Zee = Zeohariah. 
Mal = Malachi. 



Ad. Est = Additions to 

Esther. 
Wis = Wisdom. 
Sir = Sirach or Ecclesi- 

asticus. 
Bar = Baruch. 
Three = Song of the Three 

ChUdren. 



thf 



Sus = Susanna. 
Bel = Bel and 

Dragon. 
Pr. Man = Prayer of 

Manasses. 
1 Mac, 2 Mac=l and 2 

Maccabees. 



New Testament. 



Mt = Matthew. 

Mk = Mark. 

Lk = Luke. 

Jn = John. 

Ac = Acts. 

Ro = Romans. 

1 Co, 2 Co = 1 and 

Corinthians. 
Gal = Galatians. 
Eph = Epliesians. 
Ph = Philippians. 
Col = Colossians. 



1 Th, 2 Th = l and 2 

Thessalonians. 
1 Ti, 2 Ti=l and 2 

Timothy. 
Tit = Tit.ns. 
Philem = Philemon. 
He = Hebrews. 
Ja = James. 

1 P, 2P=1 and 2 Peter. 
1 Jn, 2 Jn, 3 Jn = l, 2, 

and 3 John. 
Jude. 
Rev = Revelation. 



LISTS OP ABBREVIATIONS 



III. For the Liteeatuke 

The folIoAving authors' names, when unaccompanied by the title of a book, stand for 
the woi'ks in the list below. 



S3,et'hgen = Beitrdge zttr sem. Beligionsgesch. , 1888. 
Baldwin = Diet, of Philosophy and Psychology, 

3 vols. 1801-1905. 
'Bs.rt'ti = 2iominalbildung in den sem. Sprachen, 

2 vols. 1889, 1891 pl894). 
Benzinger= Je6. Archdologie, 1894. 
Brockelraann = GescA. d. arab. LiUeratur, 2 vols. 

1897-1902. 
Bruns - Sachau = Syr. - Rom. Rechtsbuch aus dem 

funften Jahrhitndert, ISSO. 
Budge = f?orfx of the Egyptians, 2 vols. 1903. 
Dareniberg-Saglio=Z)i(;<. des ant. grec. et rom., 

1886-90. 
De la Sa,ussa,je = Lehrbuch der Religionsgesch.', 

1905. 
DeD7.ingei = JUnckiridion Symboloriim^^, Freiburg 

iraBr., 1911. 
Deussen = Z)ie Philos. d. Upanishads, 1899 [Eng. 

tr., 1906]. 
Donghty = Arabia Deserta, 2 vols. 1888. 
Grimm = Deutsche Mythologies, 3 vols. 1875-1878, 

Eng. tr. Teutonic Mythology, i vols. 1882-1888. 
lliin\hurger=RealencyclopddiefurBibelu. Talmud, 

1. 1870 (=1892), ii. 1883, suppl. 1886, 1891 f., 1897. 
Holder = Altceltischer Sprachschatz, 1891 fl'. 
Holtzmann-Zbpffel=Xea!icon./'. Theol. u. Kirchen- 

wesen', 1895. 
'ilo\vitt= Native Tribes of S. E. Australia, 1904. 
Jubainville = Co?(rs de Litt. celtigue, i.-xii., 1883 ff. 
Lagrange = Etudes surles religions simitiqties-, 1904. 
Lane=j4« Arabic-English Dictionary, 1863 ft'. 
'Lang = Myth, Ritual and Religion^, 2 vols. 1899. 
lje^sm.s= Denkmdler aus ./Egypten u. ./Ethiopien, 

1849-1860. 
Lichtenberger=jEncyc. des sciences religieuses, 1876. 
Lidzbarski = .HosreflJfiMcA der nordsem, Epigraphik, 

1898. 
M.cC\ir Ay = History , Prophecy, and the Monuments, 

2 vols. 1894-1896. 
^mr= Sanskrit Texts, 1858-1872. 
Muss-Arnolt = .(4 Concise Diet, of the Assyrian 

Language, 1894 ff. 



Nowaek=XeAr6McA d. heb. Archdologie, 2 vols. 

1804. 
Pauly-Wissowa=iJera/enc2/c. der classischen Alter- 

tumswissenschaft, 1893-1895. 
Perrot-Chipiez=Xriii. de I' Art dans VAntiquiti, 

ISSl ff. 
VreWer^ Romische Mythologie, 1858. 
'Re\'i\\e = Religion des peuples non-civilis6s, 1883. 
Hiehm =I{a}idw6rterbuch d. bibl. Altertums-, 1893- 

1894. 
Robin son = Bi6&c(^ Researches inPalestine", 1856. 
Koscher = Xea;. d. gr. u. rom. Mythologie, 1884. 
Schafl-Herzog = 7'Ae New Schaff-Herzog Encyclo- 
pedia of Relig. Knowledge, 1908 fl'. 
Schenkel = iJJie^-Xea:icon., 5 vols. 1869-1875. 
Schurer = (?J"7^ 3 vols. 1898-1901 [HJP, 5 vols. 

1890 fi'.]. 
Schwally = Xefeen. nach dem Tode, 1892. 
Siegfried-Stade = H^e6. Wbrterbuchzum, AT, 1893. 
Smend = XcAr-6McA der alttest. Religionsgesch.', 

1899. 
Smith (G. A.) = Historical Geography of the Holy 

Land\ 1896. 
Smith (W. R.)=: Religion of the Semites^ 1894. 
Spencer (K.) = Principles of Sociology^, 1885-1896. 
S]>encer-Gillen''=NativeTribesof Central AustrcUia, 

1899. 
Spencer-Gillen *> = Northern Tribes of Centred 

Australia, 1904. 
Swete = r/i(! OT in Greek, 3 vols. 1893 ff. 
Tylor(E. B.) = Primitive Culture", 1891 [n903]. 
Ueber weg = Hist, of Philosophy, Eng. tr. , 2 vols. 

1872-1874. 
Weher^ Jiidische Theologie auf Grund des Talmud 

u. verwandten Schriften^, 1897. 
'Wiedemann = Die Religion der alten Aegypter, 

1800 [Eng. tr., revised, Religion of the Anc. 

Egyptians, 1897]. 
Wilkinson = ilfa«»er« and Customs of the Ancient 

Egyptians, 3 vols. 1878. 
Znaz^Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrdge der Juden^, 

1892. 



2. Periodicals, Dictionaries, Encyclopaedias, and other standard works frequently cited. 



.4^ = Archiv fiir Anthropologie. 

AAOJ = American Antiquarian and Oriental 
Journal. 

.4X^4 W = Abhandlungen d. Berliner Akad. d. 
'Wissenschaften. 

.4X;=Archiv fiir Ethnographic. 

AEG = Assyr. and Eng. Glossary (Johns Hopkins 
University). 

.<4C(;= Abhandlungen der Gottinger Gesellschaft 
der Wissenschaften. 

.4GP/t = Archiv fiir Geschichte der Philosophie. 

.<4//i2 = American Historical Review. 

^Z^r= Ancient Hebrew Tradition (Hommel). 

.i4 J'PA = American Journal of Pliilosophy. 

j4J'Ps = American Journal of Psychology. 

^l,/iJPS= American Journal of Religious Psycho- 
logy and Education. 

4 <7iS'X= American Journal of Semitic Languages 
and Literature. 

y4.7rA = American Journal of Theology. 

.<4i)/G = Annales du Mus6e Guimet. 

.(1P£)S'= American Palestine Exploration Society. 

APF =Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung. 

4P = Anthropological Review. 

^Pl'F=Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft. 

^S = Acta Sanctorum (Bollandus). 



.4 S'G= Abhandlungen der Sachsischen Gesellschaft 

der Wissenschaften. 
ASoc = 'L' Annie Sociologique. 
ylSl'r/=ArchEeoIogical Survey of W. India. 
.4.Z=Allgemeine Zeitung. 
jB^G = Beitrage zur alten Geschichte. 
BASS = Beitr'age zur Assyriologie u. sem. Sprach- 

wissenschaf t (edd. Delitzsch and Haupt). 
XCi?= Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique. 
BX'= Bureau of Ethnology. 
Pff = Bombay Gazetteer. 
BJ= Bellum Judaicum ( Josephns). 
XX = Bampton Lectiires. 
BX^= Bulletin de Litterature Eccl^siastique. 
BOR =Bah. and Oriental Record. 
.S5=Bibliotheca Sacra. 

BSA = Annual of the British School at Athens. 
.Bi^.^^ = Bulletin de la Soc. aroheologique a Alex- 

andrie. 
BSA X = Bulletin de la Soc. d' Anthropologie de Lyon. 
£6'^P = Bulletin de la Soc. d'Anthropologie, etc., 

Paris. 
P5G = Bulletin de la Soc. de Geographie. 
BTS= Buddhist Text Society. 
5 7F= Biblical World. 
£Z=Biblische ZeitschrifC. 



LISTS OF ABBREVIATIONS 



CM//?X = Coniptes rendiis de I'Acaddmie des In- 
scriptions et Belles-Lettres. 
Ci?jr6' = Calcutta Buddliist Text Society. 
CjE'= Catholic Encyclop;edia. 
C^=Cliildhood of P'iction (MacCulloch). 
C6-'S=Cults of the Greeli States (Farnell). 
C7= Census of India. 
CIA = Corpus Inscrip. Atticarum. 
CIE = Coipna Inscrip. Etruscarura. 
C/G = Corpus Inscrip. Groecarum. 
C/i = Corpn.s Inscrip. I>atinarum. 
C/5= Corpus Inscrip. Semiticarum. 
COr= Cuneiform Inscriptions and the OT [Eng. 

tr. of KAT^; see below]. 
CiJ = Contemporary Review. 
CeiJ= Celtic Review. 
cm = Classical Review. 
C§iJ = Church Quarterly Review. 
C<S£'i = Corpus Script. Eccles. Latinorum. 
D AC =Dict. of the Apostolic Church. 
DACL = X>ict. d'Arch6ologie chr6tienne et de 

Liturgie (Cabrol). 
OB = Diet, of the Bible. 
DCA =Diet. of Christian Antiquities (Smith- 

Cheetham). 
Z)CB = Diet, of Christian Biography (Smith- 

Wace). 
Z)CG = Diet, of Christ and the Gospels. 
Z)/=Dict. of Islam (Hughes). 
DA^i; = Dict. of National Biography. 
DPhP = Diet, of Philosophy and Psychology. 
DM'ji W = Denkschriften der Wiener Akad. der 

Wissensch af ten . 
.BBi= Encyclopaedia Bibliea. 
£Br = Encyclop£edia Britannica. 
EEFM= Egyp. Explor. Fund Memoirs. 
.£/= Encyclopaedia of Islam. 
ERE='niii present work. 
Exp = Expositor. 
.Ba;/)T= Expository Times. 
i^^G = Fragmenta Historicorum Grsecorum (coll. 

C. Muller, Paris, 1885). 
i*'i= Folklore, 
i^i J" = Folklore Journal. 
i?'iiJ= Folklore Record. 
G^ = Gazette Archdologique. 
GB= Golden Bough (Frazer). 
G(rj4 = Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen. 
GGiV=Gottingische Gelehrte Nachrichten (Nach- 

richten der konigl. Gesellschaft der Wissen- 

schaften zu Gottingen). 
G7^P = Grundriss d. Indo-Arischen Philologie. 
G/rP=6rundriss d. Iranischen Philologie. 
GJF=Geschichte desjiidisehen Volkes. 
G F/= Gesehichte des Volkes Israel. 
^j4/= Handbook of American Indians. 
.ffZ)B = Hastings' Diet, of the Bible. 
IIE= Historia Ecclesiastica. 
JJGiTi = Historical Geography of the Holy Land 

(G. A. Smith). 
HI= History of Israel. 
5J"=Hibbert Journal. 
JJ'P= History of the Jewish People. 
SX = Hibbert Lectures. 
ffN= Historia Naturalis (Pliny). 
jfflFiJ = Handworterbuch. 
I A = Indian Antiquary. 
/CC= International Critical Commentary. 
/CO = International Congress of Orientalists. 
/CiJ = Indian Census Report. 
7G = Inscrip. Graecse (publ. under auspices of Berlin 

Academy, 1873 fl'.). 
ZG.4 = Inscrip. Grsecse Antiquissimse. 
/G/= Imperial Gazetteer of India'' (1885); new 

edition (1908-09V 
IJE = International Journal of Ethics. 
/Ti = International Theological Library. 
JA = Journal Asiatique. 



oA/l/''X = Journal of American Folklore. 
./yl/=Journal of the Anthropological Institute. 
JAOS=iournB.\ of the Auiencttn Oriental Society. 
J^yljS'B = Journal of the Anthropological Society of 

Bombay. 
JASBe = .]o\im. of As. Soc. of Bengal. 
<//y// = Journal of Biblical Literature. 
^£7'^= Journal of the Buddhist Text Society. 
J'£> = Journal des D6bat8. 
J'Z)7'A = Jahrbiicher f. deutsohe Theologie. 
./£ = Jewish Encyclopedia. 

</GOi'= Journal of the German Oriental Society. 
J'//6'=Johns Hopkins Univernity Circulars. 
</^iS'= Journal of Hellenic Studies. 
JLZ=3enaer Litteraturzeitung. 
J^PA = Journal of Philology. 

/PrA = Jahrbiicher fiir )irotestantische Theologie. 
JPTO=Journal of the Pali Text Society. 
^"§72 = Jewish Quarterly Review. 
t/.ffi^/= Journal of the Royal Anthropological 

Institute. 
J7J^<S= Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 
JBASBo = 3o\xrTia\ of the Royal Asiatic Society, 

Bombay branch. 
J'-B^(SC= Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 

Ceylon branch. 
JRASK^JoumsX of the Royal Asiatic Society 

Korean branch. 
1/726)5= Journal of the Royal Geographical Society. 
</i2S= Journal of Roman Studies. 
<7rA,S<= Journal of Theological Studies. 
KAT- = Die Keilinschriften und das AT^ 

(Schrader), 1883. 
Ar.i4r* = Zimmern-Winckler'8 ed. of the preceding 

(really a totally distinct work), 1903. 
KB or /ir/B = Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek (Schra- 
der), 1889 ff. 
.K'G-F= Keilinschriften und die Geschichtsfor- 

schung, 1878. 
iCBZ=Literarisches Centralblatt. 
L OPA = Literaturblatt filr Oriental. Philologie. 
£02'= Introduction to Literature of OT (Driver). 
iP = Legend of Perseus (Hartland). 
LSSt = Leipziger sem. Studien. 
iW = M61usine. 
ilf4/Pi = Memoires de I'Acad. des Inscriptions et 

Belles-Lettres. 
MBA W = Monatsbericht d. Berliner Akad. d. 

Wissenschaften. 
Af Gjff = Monumenta Germanise Historica (Pertz). 
MG/I'=Mittheilungen der Gesellschaft fiir jiid- 

ische Volkskunde. 
iWG 1^.7= Monatsschrift fiir Geschichte und Wissen- 

schaft des Judentums. 
MI= Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas 

(Westermarck). 
MNDPV = Mittheilungen u. Nachrichten des 

deutschen Palastina-Vereins. 
7lfi2 = Methodist Review. 

MVG = Mittheilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesell- 
schaft. 
MWJ = Magazin fiir die Wissenschaft des 

Judentums. 
NBA C= Nuovo Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana. 
NC= Nineteenth Century. 
iVi?"IFB = Neuhebraisches Worterbuch. 
iV/A'6 = North Indian Notes and Queries. 
iViL.^=Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift. 
NQ = Notes and Queries. 

iVP = Native Races of the Pacific States (Bancroft). 
NTZG = Neutestamentliohe Zeitgeschichte. 
OED = Oxford English Dictionary. 
0£.^= Orientalische Litteraturzeitung. 
0S= Onomastica Sacra. 
OTJC = Old Testament in the Jewish Church (W. 

R. Smith). 
OrP= Oriental Translation Fund Publications. 
P^O.S'= Proceedings of American Oriental Society. 



LISTS OF ABBREVIATIONS 



PB^ = Publications of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
PC= Primitive Culture (Tylor). 
PEFM = Palestine Exploration Fund Memoirs. 
PEFSt = Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly 

Statement. 
PG = Patrologia Grseca (Migne). 
PJB = Preussische Jahrbiicher. 
Pi = Patrologia Latina (Migne). 
PiVQ = Punjab Notes and Queries. 
Pii!= Popular Keligion and Folklore of N. India 

(Crooke). 
PiJ-B'=Prot. Realencyclopadie (Herzog-Hauck). 
PER = Presbyterian and Reformed Review. 
PiJS'= Proceedings of the Royal Society. 
PiJ5'£= Proceedings Royal Soc. of Edinburgh. 
PSBA = Proceedings of the Soc. of Biblical Archse- 

ology. 
PTS= Pali Text Society. 
RA = Revue Arch6ologique. 
RAnth = 'Revne d'Anthropologie. 
iJ.4^= Royal Asiatic Society. 
RAssyr = sievvie d'Assyriologie. 
RB = Kevue Biblique. 
EBE W=B.epovts of the Bureau of Ethnology 

(Washington). 
RC= Revue Critique. 
.BCe^ = Revue Celtique. 
iJCA= Revue Chr^tienne. 
RDM= Revue des Deux Mondes. 
RE = Realencyclopadie. 
REG = Revue ^es fitudes Grecques. 
REg = Revue Egy ntologique. 
RE J =Revue des Etudes Juives. 
REth — Revue d'Ethnographie. 
Pi?XP = Revue d'Histoire et de LittSrature Re- 

ligieuses. 
RHR = 'Revu& de I'Histoire des Religions. 
PiV= Revue Numismatique. 
BP = Records of the Past. 
iJPA= Revue Philosophique. 
RQ = Rbmische Quartalsehrif t. 
RS = Revue semitique d'fipigraphie et d'Hist. 

ancienne. 
RSA = RecueO de la Soc. arch^ologique. 
PS/ = Reports of the Smithsonian Institution. 
RTAP= Reeueil de Travaux r^latifs k I'Arch^ologie 

et h la Philologie. 
PrP = Revue des traditions populaires. 
EThPh=B.evne de Tli^ologie et de Philosophie. 
P7V = Reeueil de Travaux. 
R WB = Reahvorterbueh. 
SByl PF=Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akad. d. 

Wissenschaften. 



<SiJP= Sacred Books of the Buddhists. 

SBE = Sa,cred Books of the East. 

550?= Sacred Books of the OX (Hebrew). 

SZ)P = Single-vol. Diet, of the Bible (Hastings). 

S^=Studien u. Kritiken. 

SMA = Sitzungsberichte der Munchener Akademie. 

iS)SGfF=Sitzungsberichte d. Kgl. Sachs. Gesellsch. 
d. Wissenschaften. 

iSIF.4 J'F= Sitzungsberichte d. Wiener Akad. d. 
Wissenschaften. 

TAPA = Transactions of American Philological 
Association. 

jrj45'<7=Transactions of the Asiatic Soc. of Japan. 

7(7= Tribes and Castes. 

?'.E-S'= Transactions of Ethnological Society. 

!rALZ.= Theologische Litteraturzeitung. 

2'Ar=Theol. Tijdschrift. 

2'P-ff5'= Transactions of Royal Historical Society. 

7lffiiS'.E= Transactions of Royal Soc. of Edinburgh. 

TS= Texts and Studies. 

TSBA = Transactions of the Soc. of Biblical Archae- 
ology. 

J'?7=Texte u. Untersuchungen. 

IF^/= Western Asiatic Inscriptions. 

WZKM=:'Wienei Zeitschrift f. Kunde des Morgen- 
landes. 

Z4.= Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie. 

2r.i4= Zeitschrift fiir agyp. Sprache n. Altertums- 
wissenschaft. 

Z^rW^= Zeitschrift fiir die alttest. Wissenschaft. 

ZC^= Zeitschrift fiir christliche Kunst. 

2CP= Zeitschrift fiir celti-sche Philologie. 

2^D^ = Zeitschrift fiir rleutsches Altertum. 

ZDMG = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenland- 
ischen Gesellschaft. 

ZDPV = Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastina- 
Vereins. 

ZE = Zeitschrift fur Ethnologic. 

ZA'P= Zeitschrift fiir Keilschriftforschung. 

ZiTG = Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte. 

Z^r= Zeitschrift fur katliol. Theologie. 

ZKWL = Zeitsc]\iiit fiir kirchl. Wissenschaft u. 
kirchl. Leben. 

ZM= Zeitschrift fiir die Mythologie. 

ZATfF= Zeitschrift fiir die neutest. Wissen- 
schaft. 

ZPhP = Zeitschrift fiir Philosophie und Pada- 
gogik. 

^2"^= Zeitschrift fiir Theologie u. Kirehe. 

Zr^= Zeitschrift fur Volkskunde. 

ZVRW = Zeitsehrift fiir vergleichende Rechts- 
wissenschaft. 

Z [FT = Zeitschrift fiir wissenseliaftliche Theologie. 



TA small superior number designates the particular edition of the work referred to, 

&iiKAT\ LOT\ etc.] 



ENCYCLOP-^DIA 

OF 

EELIGION AND ETHICS 



H 



HYMNS. 



Avestan.— See Avesta. 
Babylonian (T. G. Pinches), p. 1. 
Buddhist (T. W. Bhys Davids), p. 3. 
Celtic (J. A. MacCulloch), p. 4. 
Chinese (J. Dver Ball), p. 4. 
Christian — 

Greek (A. Baumstaek), p. 5. 

Syriac (A. J. Maclean), p. 12. 

Ethiopic (D. S. Margoliouth), p. 15. 

Latin (G. M. Dreves), p. 16. 

Irish (E. Hull), p. 25. 

HYMNS (Babylonian). — In the extensive litera- 
ture of Assyria and Babylonia a considerable 
number of hymns are found, most of them in the 
old Sumerian language, and generally accompanied 
by renderings into Semitic Babylonian. Several 
examples of this class of literature, however, are 
known to us only in the Semitic idiom, and do not 
seem to have been based on any Sumerian original. 
These compositions are generally in praise of the 
gods, and are such as might be expected from a 
nation so appreciative of the benefits showered 
down upon them from on high as the Babylonians. 
Hymns to heroes are exceedingly rare, unless 
those addressed to Merodach, Tammuz, and other 
deities who are stated to have been originally kings 
may be regarded as poems of that nature. 

Though the Sumero-Babylonian hymns are ad- 
dressed to various deities, it cannot be said that 
they vary greatly. They sing the gods' praises, 
extol their might, and descant on the glories of 
their temples. Tlrey also speak of the gods' 
mercies, their places in Nature with regard to man, 
and the benefits which they conferred on the world 
as the Babylonians knew it. The wording is often 
well-chosen and even elegant, whether the idiom 
is Sumerian or Semitic. 

The poetical form is somewhat monotonous, 
variety in these compositions, whether Sumerian 
or Semitic, having apparently not been aimed at. 
This is probably due to the fact that most of them 
were composed by the priests, with whom all re- 
ligious forms originated, and who copied the style 
of older compositions. 

VOL. VII. — 1 



Christian — 

Modern (T. G. Crippen), p. 28. 
Egyptian (.J. Baikie), p. 38. 
Greek and Roman (T. W. Allen), p. 40. 
Hebrew and Jewish (G. Maegoliouth), p. 42. 
Inca.— See Andeans. 
Japanese (M. Anesaki), p. 46. 
Manichaean. — See Manich^ISM. 
Muslim (D. S. Margoliouth), p. 47. 
Samaritan and Karaite (G. Margoliouth), p. 48. 
Vedic (A. A. Macdonell), p. 49. 

Naturally many theories concerning the nature 
of primitive Sumerian poetry are possible, but in 
all probability it was the root-syllable, or the 
principal root -syllable, which was accentuated, 
the others being passed over lightly. The lines 
are generally divided into two parts by the csesura, 
indicated by a space so arranged that the text 
seems to be Avritten in two columns. The Sumero- 
Babylonian hymns are often of considerable length, 
but among the shorter compositions of this nature 
may be cited the hymn to the setting sun, from 
the temple-library at Borsippa — a gem in its way : 
' Samas in the midst of heaven, at thy setting 

May the bolt of the limpid heavens speak thee greeting ; 

May the door of heaven bless thee ; 

May Misarum, thy beloved minister, direct thee. 

At E-babbar, the seat of thy lordship, thy supremacy sb^H 
shine forth. 

May Aa, thy beloved spouse, joyfully receive thee ; 

May thy heart take rest ; 

May the feast of thy divinity be set for thee. 

Leader, hero Samag, may there be praise to thee ; 

Lord of E-babbar, may the course of thy path be straight ; 

Make straight thy road — go the direct road to thy resting- 
place. 

Thou art the country's judge, the director of its decisions.' 

The above being part of a series (the next was a 
hymn to the Sun-god on his rising), the composi- 
tion deals only with the satisfaction and peace that 
the god experienced when, after fulfilling his task 
in the sky, he was greeted by his home and his 
spouse, and, having been refreshed, thought over 
all that he had seen on his course above the earth, 
the decisions of whose tribunals he directed. The 
first four lines are alternately of 11 and 15 syllables, 
while the 5th and 6th contain 18 each. At this 



HYMNS (Babylonian) 



point are again four short lines (10-12 syllables), 
followed by two long ones (18-19 syllables). Evi- 
dently this regularity of form is intentional. 

The Sun-god was one of the deities whose influ- 
ence the Babylonians could appreciate, hence the 
tone of the above composition addressed to him. 
Enlil, the older Bel, however, was a divine person- 
age whose ways were more inscrutable, and in 
some of the compositions addressed to him there 
is noticeable a tone of reproach. This is exhibited 
by the text beginning Ame uniaSana Segibbi nebgin 
(6. Reisner, Sumerisch-babylon. Hymnen, Berlin, 
1896, p. 130 S. ) — a composition in dialect, where the 
god is called Mullil : 

* The fold of the lord bitterly laments ; 

The fold, the fold of the lord, bitterly Oaments). 

lord of the lands, honoured one, lord of the lands ; 

O lord of the lands, heart-remote, whose word is faithful ; 

He does not turn — with regard to his command he does not 

turn — 
The honoured one, Mullil, changeth not his utterance.' 

Troubling the waters, he caught the fish, he 
snared the birds, he sent ' the son of the plain ' 
up to the mountain, and he sent ' the son of the 
mountain ' down to the plain, etc. : 

* O lord Oj the land, heart-remote Mullil, how long will thine 

heart not be appeased ? 
Father Mullil, who recrardest, how long will thine eye not pity ? 
Thou who coverest thine head with a jrarment, how long? 
Who sinkest thy chin (lit. ' neck ') to thy bosom, how long?! 
Who closest thine heart like a reed, how long? 
Honoured one, who placest thy dngers in thine ears, how 

long?" 

A kind of litany closes this long and interesting 
enumeration of ' the older Bel's' inattention to the 
world created under his auspices. It contains much 
hidden teaching of the Babylonian priesthood. 

Before the rise of Merodach, the worship of 
Enlil was probably more favoured in Babylonia 
than that of almost any other god except £a, and 
the importance of Nitfer, which was originally 
his city (before the adoption of Ninip as patron), 
always maintained Enlil's supremacy. This is 
shown by the descriptive hymn published in PSBA , 
March 1911, p. 85 If. After describing the district 
wherein the temple of Enlil and his spouse Ninlil 
lay, the text continues as follows : 
* The god fi.^ng the fate of (? everything) 

Causeth Enlil to be taken to the reception-hall. 

Enlil, may the sodomite (?) go forth from the city ; 

Nu-namnir,2 may the sodomite (?) go forth from the city — 

O EnliJ, for the fate which thou hast decided ; 

O Nu-namnir, for the fate which thou hast decided. 

Enlil Cometh, Ninlil descendeth — 

Nu-namnir cometh — the king. 

Enlil calleth to the man of the great gate : 

"Man of the great gate, man of the lock — 

Man of the bolt, man of the holy lock — 

Thy lady Ninlil cometh I 

If (anyone) ask thee for ray name, 

Thou Shalt not reveal to him my place." 

Enlil calleth to the man of the great gate : 

" Man of the great gate, man of the lock — 

Man of the bolt, man of the holy lock — 

Thy lady Ninlil cometh— 

The handmaid who is so bright, so shiningi 

Let none woo her, let none kiss her — 

Ninlil so bright, so shining ! " 

Enlil, the bright, the fair, will pronounce the decision.' 
In contradistinction to the ' heart-remote Enlil ' 
or ' older Bel ' is his younger representative, Bel- 
Merodach, 'the merciful one,' who, later, took 
Enlil's place. The hymns to Merodach are natur- 
ally', from the attributes of that deity, among the 
most interesting : 
' The merciful one among the gods, 
The merciful one who loveth to vivify the dead — 
Merodach, king of heaven and earth. 
King of Babylon, lord of E-sagila,3 
King of E-zida, lord of E-mati-tila, 
Heaven and earth are thine ; 
Even as heaven and earth are thine. 
The incantation of life is thine. 
The philtre of life is thine, 

1 Cf. 1 K IS". 

2 Probably another name (or title) of Enlil. 

» The temple of Bel there. I 



Mu-azaga-iju-abzu i is thine, 
Mankind, the people of the black head ; 
The living creatures, as many as there are, which bear a name 

in the land ; 
The four regions, as many as there are ; 
The Nun-galene, which are the host of heaven and earth, aa 

many as there are. 
To thee do they (turn) their ear.' 

More popular than other deities of the Bab. 
pantheon were in all probability Tammuz and 
Istar, whose worship goes back to the fourth 
millennium B.C. Hymns to them are generally 
composed in dialectic Sumerian, and are, therefore, 
of comparatively late date. As examples of Semitic 
Babylonian hymns to these deities will be found 
farther on, an extract from the exceedingly well- 
preserved bilingual hymn to Istar, excavated by 
George Smith, is given here : 

'The light of heaven, which dawneth like fire in the land, 
art thou. 

Goddess in the earth, in thy fixed abode ; 

She who, like the earth, stately advanceth, art thou. 

As for thee, a path of righteousness blesseth thee.' 
The goddess then answers : 

* Twin sister of the sun, the adornment of the heavens. 

To produce the omens I exist — in perfection I exist ; 

To produce the omens for my father Sin I exist — in perfection 
I exist ; 

To produce the omens for my brother the Sun I exist — in 
perfection I exist,' etc. 

Though daughter of Anu, the god of the 
heavens, Istar is here called daughter of Sin or 
Nannar, the Moon-god, probably because, like the 
moon, the planet shows phases. She was regarded 
as the sun s sister because she accompanied him 
on his course, sometimes at his rising, at other 
times at his setting. 

One of the gods of war and also god of pestilence 
— Nergal, patron-deity of Cuthah — was worshipped 
as one of the sons of EnlU, the great divinity 
who, as the author of the story of the Flood in- 
forms us, desired to destroy mankind to prevent 
them from increasing too quickly on the earth. 
Notwithstanding Nergal's unsparing nature, hymns 
were addressed to him, and he was glorified therein 
with every confidence that harm would not over- 
take the Babylonians at his hands, but would befall 
their enemies : 

' Let me glorify the hero of the gods, the powerful, the 
brilliant one, the son of Enlil ; 

Urra {i.e. Nergal) let me glorify, the hero of the gods, the 
powerful, the brilliant one, the son of Enlil ; 

The beloved of Enlil, the supreme leader, the avenger of his 
father : 

The offspring of the Lady of the gods, the great queen, the 
son of the king, who trusts in his might ; 

The clever one of the gods, the sublime oracle-priest, the 
great hero, the trust of Enlil.' 

He is, after this, addressed as the one who over- 
comes evil devils and fates, the evil and powerful 
foe, subduing the evil gods, and loving the saving 
of life. B§l-r§manni, who seems to be mentioned 
as the composer of the hymn, asks for the god's 
favour upon the city of Marad, where the god was 
worshipped ; and for the saving of his own life, 
which was threatened by some hostile fate. An- 
other noteworthy Sumerian hymn addressed to 
Nergal is in the form of verses chanted by the 
priest, and repeated by the people, as follows : 

Priest : ' His bright image (?) overshadoweth the demons right 
and left.' 

People : ' His bright image,' etc. 

Priest : ' The long arm whose blow (i.e. disease and pestilence) 
is invisible, the evil one with his arm [he smiteth].' 

People : ' Nergal, the long arm,' etc. 

This text, which is very mutOated, was of con- 
siderable length when complete, and is important 
not only on account of its form and the words used, 
but also because of the light which it sheds upon 
the Babylonian conceptions of this deity. 

Another Sumerian hymn {WAIiv. pi. 26, no. 8, 
and 27, no. 3), regarded as being in the form of a 

1 * The holy incantation, the word (from), the Abj'ss,' so called 
because communicated to Merodach by Ea, king of the Abyss 
and lord of wisdom 



HYMNS (Buddhist) 



dialogue, differs widely from the above. To what 
god it is addressed, however, in uncertain : 
PrleHt : ' In [alHictiob] of heart, lo evil weeping, in siglliDg 

lie Bits ; 
In bitter crying, affliction of iieart, 
In evil weeping, in evil sigliing, 
Ue moany iiku a dove, in anguiyli nieht and day. 
To hie merciful god he Iowa lilce a wild cow — 

Bitter sigiiing he conHtantly makes. 
To his god in supplication he has bowed down hts face ; 
He weeps, crying out without ceasing.' 
Penitent : ' I will tell my deed — my unspeakable deed ! 
I will repeat my word~my unspeakable word ! ' 
(These lines are repeated, after which the text is broken 
away.) 

iTora the otlier inscriptions of a similar kind, it 
would seem that the gods of Babylonia loved to 
hear the confessions of their worshippers, which, 
composed in poetical form, were regarded as having 
weight with them to the penitent's advantage (cf. 
also art. CONFESSION [Assyr.-Bab.], vol. iii. pp. 
825-827). 

The above extracts show the nature of the 
Sumero-Babylonian hymns, composed, apparently, 
in that ancient idiom, and generally, on the tablets 
which have preserved them to us, provided with a 
Semitic (Assyro-Babylonian) translation. Those 
composed in the Semitic Babylonian (Assyrian) 
idiom only were modelled, to a certain extent, 
upon the Sumerian hymns, but, naturally, as the 
language is a widely differing one, the poetical 
form departs from that of the old writers of Sumer. 
The personal and prepositional infixes of the 
Sumerian verb, and the use of post-positions in- 
stead of prepositions, account for such differences 
as are noticeable. 

As far as can be judged, the diction of Semitic 
Babylonian poetry is more regular, and, therefore, 
has an appearance of greater dignity. Each half- 
verse has four principal accents, as a rule, though 
this is by no means without exceptions. The 
follo^ving will give an idea of the nature of the 
Semitic compositions : 
' Thou, IStar, whose spouse is Taramuz, 
Daughter of Sin, the heroine traversing the land, 
She who loveth reproduction, she wholoveth all men art thou. 
I have given to thee thy great gift — 
A vulva of lapis-lazuli, a multi of gold, the adornment of thy 

divinity. 
To Tammuz, thy spouse, take my pledge- 
May Tammuz, thy spouse, take away mine indisposition.' 
After this the suppliant addressed Tammuz him- 
self: 

• Tammuz, the lord, shepherd of Anu, son of £a art thou ; 
Spouse of IStar the bride, ruler of the land ; 
Clothed with the scarf (?), bearing the stafif ; 
Producer of all things, lord of the fold ; 
Eater of pure (food), the ashcake ; i 
Drinker of water from the sacred skins,' etc. 
In certain of the Semitic compositions a simi- 
larity with the Hebrew psalms has been pointed 
out. The following is from a tablet of this nature : 
' God, my lord, maker of my name ; 
Keeper of my life, 2 causing my seed 3 to be : 
My angry * god, may thine heart be appeased ; 
My wrathful goddess, be at peace with me. 
Who knoweth, my god, thy seat? 
Thine holy dwelling-place, thine abode, have I never seen.^ 

As for ill-luck (?), let (it) pass from me — 

Let me be preserved with thee. 

Allot to me then the lot of life ; 

Let my days be long — grant (me) life. '6 

Among the most noteworthy texts of the nature 
of hymns may be mentioned also those which 
accompanied the new-year ceremonies in honour 
of Merodach. The lines are couplets, the first 
of each being dialectic Sumerian, and the other 
Semitic Babylonian. Though the second is re- 
garded as a translation of the first, this is only 
exceptionally the case. One of the couplets reads : 
• Celestial king of men, celestial king who bestoweth ; 
Lord of kings, bestower of gifts,' 

1 So Zimmem ; a cake baked in the ashes is apparently in- 
tended. 

2 Of. Ps 669. s Ps 89=8. i Ps 7". 

5 Cf. Job 117 3723. 6 Ps 214. 



and every other line at most merely reiieute the 
sense of tu&t preceding. 

Among the royal hymns are compo.sitions con- 
taining the names of Nebuchadrezzar I. of Bah5'lon 
(about 1200 B.C.), Sargon of Assyria, Esarhaddon, 
and Assurbanipal. The name of the last occurs 
in a dialectic bilingual psalm. A hymn contain- 
ing the name of Nebuchadrezzar is an acrostic 
upon the name of the god Nebo. 

LiTBRATURB. — Further examples will be found in A. H. Sayce, 
Origin and Growth of Jtetiijivn (Ilibbert Lectures, 1887), London, 
1891, p. 14011. ; H. Radau, Sumerian Hymns and Prayern to 
the God Nin-ip ( = liab. Exp. of the Univer^ty of Pen-nsylvania, 
vol. xxix. pt. 1), Philadelphia, 1011; PSIiA, 1006, |'p. 203 ff., 
270 £f. ; 1008, pp. 63 ft., 77 II. ; 1000, pp. 37, f.7 ff. ; 1911, p. 77 ff. ; 
and the works mentioned in art. Babyloniakb and AesraiANB, 
vol. ii. p. 310, section (d). T. G. PiNCHES. 

HYMNS (Buddhist).— The word ' hymn' is am- 
biguous. It has been defined as a ' song of praise,' 
a ' religious ode,' a ' sacred lyric,' a ' poem in 
stanzas written to be sung in congregational ser- 
vice.' In the last of these various senses the 
Buddhists, who have neither churches nor chapels, 
neither congregations nor services, have conse- 
quently no hymns. In the other senses there are 
quite a number of hymns scattered throughout the 
longer prose books in the canon ; and in the sup- 
plementary Nikdya we have twelve anthologies, 
mostly short, of religious poems of different kinds. 
These are collected in the anthologies either accord- 
ing to subject (as in the Vimana and Peta Vatthus) 
or according to the kind of composition (as in the 
Udanas and the Iti-vuttakas). 

An example or two will make this clear. In the 
Sutta Nipata, undoubtedly containing some of the 
very oldest of these hymns, we have seventy-one 
lyrics of an average length of sixteen stanzas each. 
These are arranged in five cantos (each of which 
existed as a separate booklet before they were 
brought together in one book),' and in them the 
arrangement and order of the lyrics have little or 
no reference to the subjects of which the lyrics 
treat. Quite the opposite form of arrangement is 
found in the well-known Dhammapada, where all 
the verses are arranged according to subjects — such 
as Earnestness, Thought, Wisdom, Foolishness, the 
Path, Craving, Happiness, and so on. The title 
means ' Verselets of the Norm ' — that is, of the 
Dhainma. This word is often rendered ' religion ' ; 
but the idea is not the same, and the word ' religion ' 
is not found outside the European languages. More 
than half of these ' Verselets of the Norm ' have 
been traced back to the extant canonical books. ^ 
The rest were verses current in the community at 
the time of the rise of Buddhism ; and some of 
them may even be pre-Buddhistic, belonging to 
the stock of moral sayings handed down in verse 
among the general body of Indians interested in 
such questions. This will, however, always remain 
doubtful, as no verse has as yet been traced in pre- 
Buddhistic literature. We can only say for certain 
that quite a number of the verses are reproduced, 
in either identical or closely similar words, in the 
various sectarian books of later speculation. We 
cannot be sure that these verses were not first 
composed among the Buddhists. 

The fact is (though it has not been noticed any- 
where in the voluminous literature on the Dham- 
mapada) that the ' Verselets of the Norm ' deal for 
the most part with the lower morality of the un- 
converted man — that is, with the ethics more or 
less common to all the higher religions. This 
may explain the great vogue that this anthology 

1 See, on the growth of the Sutta Nipata, Rhys Davids, 
Buddhist India'', London, 1903, pp. 177-180. The PiUi work 
has been translated by V. Fausboll (SEE, vol. x.- [189SJ), and a 
second edition of the text by D. Anderson appears in the PTS 
for 1913. 

- For the details see Rhys Davids, JRAS, 1900, p. 669 ff. 



HYMNS (Celtic)— HYMNS (Chinese) 



has had in Europe. ' Most of its verses were easily 
understood. They had none of the strangeness 
and difficulty of those dealing with the ethics of 
the Path. So also in India. When the Buddhists 
began to write in Sanskrit, they imitated the 
Dhammapada, changing the title, however, omit- 
ting the difficult verses, and adding others. This 
new anthology, the Uddnavarga, became very 
popular, was current in difl'erent recensions, and 
was translated into both Chinese and Tibetan.^ 

The fate of the Sutta Nipdta has been exactly 
the opposite. It is concerned mostly with the 
higher ethics of the Path, and in both form and 
matter its hymns come much nearer to Christian 
hymns than do the ' Verselets of the Norm.' But 
it is scarcely read in Europe except by Pali philo- 
logists, and except for three ballads which it con- 
tains. In India it did not survive the decline of 
Pali, and it has not been translated into Tibetan 
or Chinese.' 

In early times in N. India such hymns or verses 
were intoned or chanted either for edification or 
for propaganda. In the 7th cent, of our era I-Tsing 
gives an interesting account of the manner in which, 
in his day, the Sanskrit hymns then current were 
used as processionals, either round a monument to 
some religions leader or through the halls of the 
great Buddhist monastery at Nalanda.^ 

The bhikkhus in Ceylon now chant certain of the 
above-mentioned Pali hymns in a kind of visitation 
of the sick — a ceremony called Parittd, instituted 
as a protest against the charms used by those of 
the peasantry who are still pagans at heart.* It 
is not known when or under what authority this 
custom was introduced, or to what extent it has 
been adopted. 

Literature. — M. Wintemitz, Gesch. der indiscken Littera- 
tur, Leipzig, 1905 ff., ii. 60-134, gives a detailed account, with 
examples of all the earlj^ Buddhist anthologies. An earlier 
account is in Rhys Davids, Buddhism : its Hist, and Lit., 
London, 1896. T. W. RhYS DaVIDS. 

HYMNS (Celtic). — Apart from scanty notices 
in classical authors, documentary information re- 
garding the continental Celts is lacking, and we 
have no relics of their sacred chants or poetic in- 
vocations or hymns. Ceesar writes that those who 
went for instruction to the Druids ' are said to 
learn there a great number of verses ' [de Bell. 
Gall. vi. 14) ; and there can be little doubt that 
many, if not all, of these were of a religious or 
magical character — runes, poetic invocations and 
incantations, and hymns. The prayers which ac- 
companied sacrificial rites or were used in invoca- 
tions and the like were perhaps couched in formulae 
of verse like the Roman carmina. This is certain 
so far as the battle-chants are concerned. These, 
as well as the loud war-cries, are referred to by 
several writers, and are called cantus, or i^S?) dTrei- 
\7p-LKTj. These ritual battle-chants were accom- 
panied by a dance, as well as by the waving of 
weapons and shields, and by measured noises — the 
clashing of the weapons, etc. (cf. Livy, xxi. 28, 
xxxviii. 17 ; Dio Cassius, Ixii. 12 ; Appian, Celtica, 
8). In single combats, warriors chanted or de- 
claimed as they advanced on their opponent (Sil. 
Ital. iv. 278-280, Livy, vii.). After a victory an 
exultant chant was sung (Livy, x. 26. 11, ovantes 
maris sui carmine ; cf. xxiii. 24). These warrior- 
chants were composed by bards, and doubtless in- 
cluded both invocations of the war-gods and the 

1 The translations into European languaj^es are specified by 
M. Winternitz, Gesch. der ind. Litteratur, ii. 63. 

2 Sylvain Levy, in J A, 1913, has compared in detail one 
chapter of this with the corresponding chapter of the Dham- 
mapada. 

3 That is as a whole ; see Anesaki, in JPTS, 1906, p. 60. 

4 I-Tsin^, Record of the Buddhist Religion, tr. J. Takakusu, 
Oxford, 1896, pp. 152-167. 

5 See R. C. Childers, Pali-Eng. Dictionary, London. 1872-75, 

S, (J. 



recital of ancestral deeds ; and they may have 
been a kind of spell ensuring the help of the gods. 
Chants were likewise sung by the ' priestesses ' of 
Sena for the purpose of raising storms (Mela, iii. 6). 
Such hymns were used also by the Irish Celts 
(cf. Celts, vol. iii. p. 298''). A curious archaic 
chant, preserved in the Book of Leinster, is said 
to have been sung by Amairgen, the poet of the 
Milesians, as they approached Ireland, and by its 
means the magical dangers raised against them 
were overcome. It is an invocation of Nature or 
of the natural scenery and products of Ireland, 
and was evidently a ritual chant used in times of 
danger. The following represents the translation 
given by H. d' Arbois de JubainvUle ( Cours de lift, 
celt., Paris, 1883-1902, ii. 250; Book of Leinster, 
12, 2 ; cf. the gloss on these lines cited by E. O'Curry, 
Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, London, 
1873, ii. 190) : 

' I invoke the land of Ireland I 

Shining, shining sea ! 

Fertile, fertile hill ! 

Wooded valley ! 

Abundant river, abundant in waters t 

Fish-abounding lake I 

Fish-abounding sea 1 

Fertile earth ! 

Irruption of fish ! 

Fish there ! 

Bird under wave ! 

Great fish ! 

Irruption of fish ! 

Fish-abounding sea I ' 
Such archaic formulte, unrhymed and allitera- 
tive, which have parallels in savage ritual, may 
have been in common use. There is a similar one 
in the words spoken after the destruction of Da 
Derga's hostel, by MacCecht on his finding water. 
He bathes in it and sings (RCel xxii. [1901] 400) : 

* Cold fountain, 
Surface of strand, 

Sea of lake. 

Water of Gara ; stream of river ; 
High spring well ; cold fountain.' 
At a still later period there is a trace of hymn- 
invocations in Highland folk - custom in Lewis. 
A man waded knee-deep into the sea and poured 
out an offering of ale or gruel into the waters, 
chanting : 

' O god of the sea, 
Put weed in the drawing wave 
To enrich the ground, 
To shower on us food.' 
Those on shore took up the strain in chorus, 
their voices mingling with the noise of the waves 
(A. Carmichael, Carmina Gadelica, Edinburgh, 
1900, i. 163 ; cf. M. Martin, Descr. of the W. Isles 
of Scotland'^, London, 1716, p. 28). In Ireland, the 
Scottish Highlands, and Brittany many charms 
still survive and are sung or chanted in connexion 
with magical rites, usually for healing, or as in- 
vocations for a variety of purposes. In these, 
names of the Persons of the Trinity, the Virgin, 
and the saints have taken the place of those of 
older divinities (for these see Chakms AND Amu- 
lets [Celtic] and reff. there given). Scanty as 
these data are, they prove sufficiently that the 
pagan Celts must have had a large number of 
hymns, chants, and the like in common use. 

Literature. — C. Jullian, Reckerches sur la religion gauloise, 
Bordeaux, 1903 ; J. A. MacCuHoch, Religion of the Ancient 
Celts, Edinburgh, 1911. J. A. MacCULLOCH. 

HYMNS (Chinese). — It must be premised that 
idolatry is not social in its service in the way in 
which Christianity is. The worshippers do not 
gather together in a congregation to hymn the 
praises of the gods, nor is singing employed by 
those who go into the temples to present their 
solitary petitions and prostrate themselves before 
the images. 

In ancestor-worship there is an approach to a 
united service, but it is confined to the family oi 



HYMNS (Greek Christian) 



clan, ami the use in Buch worship of an ode or 
hymn of praise is not entirely unknown. The Shi 
Kiiirj (or liouk of Poetry) contaiim amonf; odes and 
folk-8onj,'8 some hymnaor sacred songs of lilial jiiety, 
which were in use in ancient times in the worship of 
ancestors. The following is one used at one of the 
services and addressed to the progenitor from 
whom the kings of the Chow dynasty (1122-249 
B.C.) traced their origin : 

*0, thou accompliehed great H&iu-cbi, 

To thee ulonc 'twas jjiven 
To be, by whut we owe to thee, 

The correlate of Heaven. 

On all who dwell within our land 

Grain-food didst thou bestow : 
Tis to thy woiider-workint; hand 

This (jrucious boon we owe. 

God had the wheat and barley meant 

To nourish all mankind. 
None would have fathomed his intent 

But for thy guidinp mind. 

Man's social duties thou didst show 

To every tribe and state : 
From thee the social virtues flow. 

That stamp our land " The Great." ' * 

A hymn in honour of his ancestors was sung 
before the Emperor of China when he performed 
ancestor-worship. It was divided into three parts, 
and was begun when His majesty stood before the 
table or altar on which were placed the representa- 
tions of his ancestors. The second part was sung 
while he performed the kow-tow ; and, after the 
oU'erings had all been made, the third part followed, 
during which the spirits of the ancestors were 
supposed to retui-n to heaven. The hymn was 
accompanied by music of a slow and solemn nature, 
playecl on a number of instruments. The solem- 
nity and pomp of the occasion were increased by 
grave men who postured, and by their motions and 
attitudes expressed the feelings which the Emperor 
should evince at such a time, while the singers also 
expressed in the words of the hymn the sentiments 
that should actuate him. The first stanza of the 
second part was as follows : 
' To you I owe my all, as I willingly confess. 
Your body is the source of this body I possess. 
The breath I breathe it comes from you, 
From you the strength to dare and do. 
When my deep gratitude I wish to make appear 
And prompted by liigh duty devoutly I draw nigh, 
I rejoice, Paternal Spirit, that you are present here, 
Descending to greet me from your glorious home on high.' 2 
In the worship of Confucius — a State-worship 
performed at stated times by high officials of 
government — a stanza adulatory of the Sage was 
chanted by a chorus : 

' Confucius ! Confucius ! 
Great indeed art thou, O Confucius. 
Before thee 
None like unto thee ; 

-^fter thee 
None equal to thee. 
Confucius ! Confucius ! 
Great indeed art thou, O Confucius.'S 

Hymns also are used in the worship of Heaven 
and Earth. In the Taoist canon there are several 
hymn-books containing hymns of aspiration and 
of repentance, and hymns to the ' Three Pure 
Ones,' as well as to other deities, such as ' The 
Dipper,' or ' Charles's Wain,' and certain other 
constellations and stars.'' In the Buddhist books 
Qsed in worship there are also stanzas which are 
chanted with the rest of the ritual employed in the 
services. In both Taoist and Buddhist tracts 
short hymns of praise to deities are to be found. 

1 J. Legge, Rclifiions of China, London, ISSO, p. 90 ; see also 
* Shi King,' in Legge, Chinese Classics^ Hongkong, 1861-72, iv. 
i 7, IV. ii. 7 IV. iii. 2. 

2 Chinese Recorder, xv. [Shanghai, 1884] 61-64, and J. J. M. 
Amiot, ' Mdmoire sur la musique des Chinois,' in AUmoires sur 
tes Chinois, vi. [Paris, 1779] 1 fi. 

3 G. G. Alexander, Con/ucim, the Great Teacher, London, 
1890, p. 297. 

■* L. Wieger, Le Canon tadiste, Paris, 1911, pp. 78, 159-100, 
leS. 191 



The old rural processions in Greece and Rome, 
which were mixed with religious ideas, had a 
counterpart in the f'liina of Confuciu.'s, and the 
Sage countenanced tlicni.' These ccremonieK of 
No, as they were called, were somewhat of the 
nature of a play, and the procesaionB were com- 
posed of singers. The performers at the present 
d.ay sing as they go round. The name now is 
Yunq Ico, 'raising a song,' and a Buddhist priest 
in modern times forms one of the number.' 

The celebrated Venetian traveller, Marco Polo, 
in his account of funerals at the city of Kinsay 
(the modern Hang Chow), says that the mourners 
follow the corpse to the sound of music ' and .sing- 
ing hymns to their idols,' and that 
' the instruments which they have caused to be played at 
his funeral and the idol hymns that have been chauiitcd shall 
also be produced again to welcome him in the next world ; and 
that the idols themselves will come to do him honour.'** 

LiTakATURE.— This is cited in the footnotes. 

,1. Dyer Ball. 

HYMNS (Greek Christian).— The vast accumu- 
lation of Christian hymns in the Greek language 
falls, in respect of form, into three sections diil'er- 
ing widely in magnitude and importance. Thus 
we have ( 1 ) the prose hymns of Christian antiquity ; 
(2) Christian hymns in the ancient quantitative 
metres ; and (3) the new rhythmical compositions 
of Byzantine hyrnnody, the metre of which de- 
pends upon the enumeration of syllables and the 
stress accent. 

I. Prose hymns. — The first praise-book of Greek- 
speaking Christians was the Psalter in the LXX 
version. This was at an early period supplemented 
by an appendix containing other Biblical passages, 
nine of which, already iirought together in the 
Codex Alexandrinus, form the group of so-called 
Songs, viz. (i.) and (ii.) the Songs of Moses (Ex 15^"" 
and Dt 321-"='); (iij.) that of Hannah (1 S 2i-'») ; 
(iv.) Habakkuk (Hab 3); (v.) Isaiah (Is 26»-=<') ; 
(vi.) Jonah (Jon 2^""); (vii.) and (viii.) the Three 
Holy Children (Dn 3=«-'» and 3"-Ki LXX [ = Three 
8-34.35-61J) . and (ix.) Mary and Zechariah (Lk l*-''- 
^"''). Here we should note that the mode of 
rendering these Biblical lyrics was of decisive im- 
portance for the development of Greek hymnody 
in the centuries to follow : they were recited by a 
single person, while the congregation, or, as repre- 
senting it, the choir, simply responded at the end 
of every verse with a short refrain, the hypopsalma. 
Such hypopsalmata (a list of which, as used in 
Constantinople in the early Middle Ages, is still 
extant iDACL i. 3031 ff. ; cf. 2467 f.]) may be said 
to constitute the simplest form of Christian prose 
hymnody in the Greek language. 

Even in the 1st cent., however, we can trace the 
production of new Christian hymns, for which the 
Greek text of the ' Psalms of David ' served as a 
model ; and, as that text has no regular metrical 
structure, the imitations likewise were composed 
in prose form. Now and then we hear the echoes 
of such ' psalms and spiritual songs ' in the Epistles 
of Paul and the Apocalypse (see Eph S'", 1 Ti 1" 
316 6«(., 2 Ti 2"-!^ Tit 3"-', Ja 1'' [Julian, Diet, of 
Hymnol.'^, London, 1907, p. 458*']) ; and in the 2nd 
cent, we find a non-Christian writer, Pliny the 
Younger (Ep. x. 97), speaking of the ' carmen ' in 
which — as an essential element of their worship — 
the Christians of Bithynia glorified ' Christ as their 
God secum invicem,' i.e. probably, in some kind of 
antiphonal song. The statement of the heathen 
writer strikingly recalls ' the psalms and hymns 
written by the brethren from the beginning,' which, 
on the testimony of a work against Artemon, 
quoted by Eusebius (HE v. xxviii. 5) as by an un- 
known writer of the early part of the 3rd cent., 

1 Legge, Chinese Classics, i. 97. 

2 J. Edkins, Chinese Buddhism, London, 1880, p. 269 f. 

3 Marco Polo. ed. H. Yule2. London. 1874, ii. 174 f. 



6 



HYMNS (Greek Christian) 



praised ' Christ the Word of God, calling Him 
God.' The hymn which was composed by Atheno- 
genes, who suffered martyrdom in the reign of 
Septimius Severus (193-211), and to which St. 
Basil appealed {de Spir. Sane. 29) in support of 
the Deity of the Holy Spirit, was probably one of 
those primitive prose hymns. An early Christian 
hymnal of this kind — the 'Odes of Solomon' — 
fragments of which had long been known in a 
Coptic translation, has been recently re-discovered, 
almost complete, in a Syriac version. But whether 
the Gr. text upon which the two versions un- 
doubtedly rest was the original or was itself a 
translation from Hebrew ; whether these spirited 
lyrics are, as a whole, of Christian origin, or 
simply a Christian redaction of a Jewish original ; 
whether they are Gnostic or Montanistic produc- 
tions or hymns of the Catholic Church — these 
questions are still in dispute, and may perhaps 
never find a definite answer. It may at all events 
be taken as a fact that a type of religious poetry 
designed to compete with the OT Psalter was 
zealously cultivated in Gnostic circles. Certain 
pieces in the Apocryphal Acts of Thomas and 
Acts of John give us an idea of the nature of such 
heretical compositions, although in the case of those 
in the Acts of Thomas the Syriac text is probably 
the original. 

The favour enjoyed by such non-Biblical pieces 
among heretics naturally led the Church to make 
a stand against them and their use in Divine 
service. Thus Paul of Samosata, writing not 
later than A.D. 260-270, sought to justify the sup- 
pression of certain ' psalms ' in praise of Christ, to 
which he objected on the ground that they were of 
quite recent origin (Ens. HE VII. xxx. 10). Never- 
theless, the Church of the 4th cent, still held in 
high regard various prose hymns which were un- 
doubtedly a legacy from the pre-Constantinian 
period, and at least two of these maintain to the 
present day an important place in the worship of 
the Greek Church, (a) The evening hymn sung 
at the close of vespers, the ^Qs l\ap6i>, is attested 
c. 375 by St. Basil (loc. cit.) as a universally 
known part of Evening Prayer, the origin of which 
was altogether unknown. (6) The corresponding 
morning hymn, the AiS^a if vif/laTois, 0i<f, called ' the 
Great Doxology ' — an extended form of the original 
on which the Western ' Gloria in excelsis ' is based 
— occurs in the group of hymns appended to the 
Codex Alexandrinus, and also in a more archaic 
redaction at the end of bk. vii. of the Apostolic 
Constitutions. In the former place is found another 
evening hymn and a hymn-like grace before meat. 
Moreover, the Gr. original of a short hymn to 
which the Rule of St. Benedict (ed. Woelfflin, 
Leipzig, 1895, p. 25. 20) gives a place in the monastic 
Morning Office of the Western Church is, at least, 
not of later origin than these. A relatively early 
origin must be assigned likewise to another prose 
text having the essential features of a hymn, viz. 
the ' Prologue,' which in the consecration of water 
at the Feast of Epiphany precedes the consecration 
prayer proper, and is a glorification of the day 
upon which Jesus was baptized in the Jordan, 
akin to the Easter ' Exultet ' of the Roman liturgy. 
Of this there are, besides the Greek, a Slavic 
and a remarkably interesting Armenian version. 
Certain Gnostic features still adhering to it show 
that its composition was long prior to the days 
of St. Sophronius of Jerusalem (t 638), to whom 
it is ascribed, apparently without MS authority, 
in the printed edd. of the Gr. Euohologion. 

2. Hymns in classical metres. — Besides the 
prose hymns connected with the Gr. version of the 
OT, we find also, from the 2nd cent., a Grseco- 
Christian hymnody employing the ancient poetic 
forms. It is in accordance with the general posi- 



tion of Gnosticism in the religious sphere that it 
took the lead here, and guided the development 
along fresh lines. 

We are unable to gay whether the ' psalms ' or * odes ' of 
Basilides and a paalm-book of iMarcion or the Marcionitea 
attested by the Fra^raentum Muratorianura belonged to the 
prose or the metrical type. But a hymn of the Naasenea and a 
specimen of the psalms of Valentinus, inserted by Hippolytua iL 
his Philosophoumena (v. 10, vi. 32), both exhibit logacedic ana- 
pffists, and thus, in spite of a certain irregularity of treatment, 
show indubitably that here the Gnostic hymnology studiously 
followed the traditional forms of ancient lyrical composition. 

In the sphere of Catholic Christianity the new 
style appears in the hymn to Christ with which 
Clement of Alexandria closes his Pcedagogus. 
Apart from its introductory lines, which are of 
very doubtful authenticity, this hymn is mani- 
festly composed in anaptests, and, as compared 
with the Gnostic survivals, exhibits an even more 
rigid adherence to the laws of classical metre, 
while its contents do not seem to preclude the 
possibility that compositions of the kind were 
actually used in the service of the Alexandrian 
churches about the beginning of the 3rd century. 
The further stages of a development which doubt- 
less begins at this point are certainly very obscure. 
The list of the works of Hippolytus inscribed upon his statue 
in the Lateran makes mention of ' Odes.' We hear of an Egyp- 
tian bishop named Nepos as a prolific writer of psalms about 
the middle of the 3rd cent. (Dionysius of Alexandria, ap. 
EusebiuB, HE vil. xxiv. 4), and of Hierakas, a rigorously dual- 
istic ascetic, likewise an Egyptian (c. 300), who wrote ' psalma 
of a new kind' (Epiphanius, ad«, HoEr. Ixvii. 3 [PG xhi. 176]) ; 
and we may assume that all these writers worked upon the 
lines of the development in question, although the historical 
data are not sufficient to substantiate the hypothesis. 

To the hymn of Clement, however, is closely 
allied in a formal way a fragment preserved in a 
papyrus of the Amherst Collection ; this also is in 
anapaistic metre, and dates probably from the 3rd 
rather than the 4th century. It has been described 
as a versified ethical catechism of early Christen- 
dom, although it might quite as fitly be regarded 
as a hymn forming part of the liturgy of initiation, 
and addressed to the newly baptized. By reason 
of the formal characteristics which differentiate it 
from Clement's hymn to Christ, it is of great in- 
terest in the development of Greek hymnody. 

Its anapsests, tJ.f/., are constructed with as much regard to 
accent as to quantity, and it thus marks the transition from 
the older metres of quantity to the newer metres of accent ; 
while its verses are linked together by the thrice-repeated 
artifice of the alphabetical acrostic, which was to form so 
prominent a feature in the rhythmical hymns of the Church. 

This artifice is also the connecting medium between the 
strophes of a hymn — likewise in anapsHtic measure — which 
purports to be sung by a soul entering after death into the en- 
joyment of eternal bliss, and the conclusion of which is found 
in a Berlin papyrus. Above all, the acrostic forms the con- 
nective between the strophes of the 'psalra'of the virgins 
with which St. Methodius of Olympus (t c. 311) concludes his 
Symposion. The latter is perhaps not entirely unrelated to the 
ancient Parthenia of Alcman and Pindar. But in the expansive 
freedom of its iambic rhythms it conforms not less closely to 
the accentual style of rhythmical verse than does the anapsestic 
text of the Amherst papyrus, and in the epkymnion repeated 
after each strophe there appears for the first time another 
feature which came to be of great importance for that kind 
of composition. We may, therefore, regard this production, 
which was in the first instance purely literary, as the represen • 
tative of really vital elements in contemporary liturgy. 

An altogether different type appears in the archaic 
Greeco-Christian lyrics of the subsequent part of 
the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century. 
While it is explicitly said of the heresiarch Apolli- 
naris, bishop of Laodicea from A.D. 361, that he 
sought to win acceptance for his doctrines by com- 
posing short metrical lyrics intended for the use 
not only of the community in public worship, but 
also of individuals in their hours of work or re- 
creation (Soo. HE iii. 16), yet in general this type of 
lyric took a course which from the outset diverged 
widely from the sphere of congregational worship. 
This is true not only of the lost ' Odes ' in which 
the younger ApoUinaris (rather than his father) 
tried to emulate the art of Pindar, and of the 



HYMNS (Greek Christian) 



extant hoxaineter paiiiplirnso of tlio I'salnis wliieli 
bearB liis name ; it IioIcIh good equally of tlio liyiiin- 
like poems which are found in the rich and varied 
literary heritage of St. Gregory of NazianzuH, Ijy 
far the most eminent rejiresentative of this school 
(t 389 or ;5yO). As altogether subjective exiiressions 
of personal piety, these compositions of Gregory, 
whieli in their learned perfection of form arc closely 
akin to the Hellenistic poetry of the Ptolemaic 
period, cannot jiossibly be regarded as liturgical 
prayers uttered by a Christian assembly. Of the 
ten extant 'hymns' in the Doric dialect composed 
by the Neo-1'latonic philosopher Synesius, who be- 
came bisliop of Cyrene in 40G or 4U9, not more than 
live ill all (nos. 5 and 7-10) belong to the Christian 
lieriod of their author, and these, no less than the 
2)oems of Gregory, exhibit an individualistic spirit 
and a technical structure incompatible with their 
liturgical use. 

In the Byzantine period the classical metres sometimes 
employed in hymnody as in other Idnds of poetry came to be 
reduced in effect to two, viz. the Anacreontic strojjhe and 
iambic trimeter. Hymns to saints are first found among the 
Anacreontics of St. Sophronius, in which the artistic devices 
and forms of the new rhythmical poetry appear in the linliing: 
together of the regular strophes by the aiphabetic-al acrostic 
and the introduction of a slanza with a different metrical 
structure after every four strophes. As re<rards the poems 
which in their general style may be compared with the hynms 
of the Western writer Prudentius, tliere is, again, good reason 
to doubt whether they were ever actually used in the liturgy. 
Such liturgical use, on the other hand, is clearly implied by the 
note indicating the ecclesiastical tone to which the Anacreontic 
penitential hymn of a certain Syncellus Elias was to be sung, 
and here, too, the strophes are connected by the alphabetii^al 
acrostic. The iambic trimeter was used by Georgius Pisides, 
deacon in the Church of St. Sophia in Constantinople in the 
reign of lleraclius (610-641), in an Easter hymn of 129 verses; 
though it is certain that this work never held a place in the 
liturgy. As reyards a truly liturgical tj-pe of composition in 
rhythmical verse, we find that St. John of Damascus (cf. below, 
3 (5)) emplo^'ed the ancient dramatic metre in his three canons 
— for Cliristmas, Epiphany, and Pentecost, respectively — in 
which the initial letters of the iambic verses form an acrostic 
of two elegiac distichs. It is true that this artifice produced 
no imitations worthy of note, and it was left for a much later 
writer, Manuel Philes, in the first half of the 14th cent., to 
commit the barbarism of recasting in quantitative iambic tri- 
meters one of the noblest examples of accentual sacred song in 
the early period, the hymn Akathistos (cf. below, 3 (2)). 

3. Rhythmical hymnody. — The earliest examples 
of GrEeco-Christian sacred poetry in a metrical form 
based upon the stress accent alone are found in two 
of the poems of St. Gregory of Nazianzus, where 
they appear strangely out of keeping with their 
surroundings. One of them at least, an evening 
song addressed to Christ, is of the nature of a 
hymn. The fact wliich conditioned the develop- 
ment of the new type of bymnography was that 
Greek had in ever greater measure lost the quanti- 
tative distinction of its vowels. The development 
was prepared for by the artistic prose of the 
rlietorieians, and was in an equal degree influenced 
by the example of Christian Semitic poetry, which 
was accentual from the outset. Besides the aban- 
donment of quantitative metre, there were two 
artistic devices which had an important influence 
upon the new genre, viz. rhyme and the acrostic. 
Tne purely rhetorical use of rhyme emanated un- 
questionably from Greek prose, which in the hands 
of Christian preachers made use of it witli increas- 
ing frequency, while the employment of the acrostic 
was based essentially on Semitic models, though, 
as has already been noted, an occasional use of 
this artifice can be traced in the earlier poetic 
composition. Whether and to what extent, in 
addition to the influence of the ancient literary 
prose, that of ancient quantitative metre made it- 
self felt in the extraordinarily copious and artistic 
forms assumed by the new rhythmical poetry must 
be left an open question. 

(1) The simplest type of rhythmical hymnody — 
a type to which the two merely tentative pieces in 
the poems of St. Gregory of Nazianzus form a direct 
link of transition — is found in a class of hymns 



with lines of equal length, to wliich attention liaf 
been paid only in recent times. 01 a group of 
]jriniitivo compo.silionH of this ty]ie one example, 
found in a jiajiyrus of the (jt.h or 7tii cent., hn« pci 
maiieiitly mainlained a regular jihice in the ' (ireal 
A]JodeipnoM,' the solemn coiupliiie for i.ciil in the 
Greek rite. Tlie other comjjuiicnts of the grouj) 
must also have been actually intended for a placr 
in the liturgy. One of them is a sjiecial form 01 
Evensong for the tMofcdd festival of the Uirth and 
Baptism of Christ, still celebrated together on the 
6th of January (cf. artt. CniiiSTMAS, Epll'llANY). 
Another begins with what are in realitj' the opening 
words of a hymn after communion, of which a piece 
in the Antiphvnary of Bam/or (ed. F. E. Warren, 
London, 1893-95, i. 32 v, Ad c.ommonicare, ' Corpus 
domiiii accipimus ') may be a Latin translation. Ail 
these were probably composed in the .5th century. 

To the same period belongs a song in adoration 
of the Cross on Good Friday which is found only 
in MS liturgies of the Italian Basilians. Its two- 
line strophes, which already indicate the beginnings 
of a less simple metrical stnicture, are connected 
by means of the alphabetical acrostic, which it ha.s 
in common with several other kindred poems (on 
the Mother of God, for Christmas, for the festival 
of the Presentation in the Temple). 

This form was resorted to at an earl.\' period in Greek imita- 
tions of the poetic meditations of St. Ephraim. Subsequently it 
was used on]> exceptionally and in unpretentious compositions 
of a wholly personal character ; as, e.g., in a vixvo"; (k Ttpoat^Trov 
BacnAetov Tou SeairoTov by Photius (t 891), and in a penitential 
hyum of the Emperor Leo vi. (886-912)— compositions in strophes, 
which exhibit alphabetical acrostics, and the accentual metre 
of which seeks to imitate the quantitative Anacreontic. 

(2) Dependence upon the Semitic poetrj' of Syria, 
of which St. Ephraim (t 373) was the cliief repre- 
sentative in Nisibis and Edessa, appears in the 
principal form of ancient Byzantine hymnody, viz. 
the kontakion. Here the Eastern Aramaic class 
of s6gUhd was of fundamental importance, though 
this, again, in its characteristic features can be 
fully understood only as a product of Hellenistic 
influence. Its fructifying eflects upon the work of 
Greek hymn-writers, according to a recent theory, 
were to a great extent mediated by Greek preachers. 
The use of the (originally alphabetical) acrostic, an 
introductory stanza of a dili'erent metrical struc- 
ture, the refrain, or cphymnion, sung by a choir, 
which, breaking in upon the solo parts, bound to- 
gether the procemion or kukuUon and the ordinary 
strophes, or oikoi (' houses '), and a highly dramatic 
treatment of the subject — such were the features 
borrowed from Syrian hymnody. The rhetorical 
splendour of the diction, and an artistic structure 
of line and stanza which was intimately related to 
the melody and did not need to fear comparison 
with the most elaborate metrical examples of 
ancient choral lyric poetry, were contributions of 
the Greek genius. Of Greek origin likewise were 
those forms of the acrostic which, instead of being 
alphabetical, give the name of the writer, or the 
theme, or the liturgical purpose of the piece — 
forms which, it is true, are found also in the 
Carmina Nisibena of Ephraim. 

If the Virgins' Psalin of Methodius may be regarded as a 
transitional form between the hymns imitative of ancient models 
and the kontakion, there are other two early compositions which 
show how the new mode was related to the prose hymn. These 
are (a) a purely prose hymn which is found, almost intact, in a 
6th cent papyrus in the John Rylands Library, and which in 
its alphabetical acrostic and its short cphymnion (Kupte, Sofa 
<j-ct) exhibits two essential features of the kontakion ; and (6) a 
complete kontakion for Good Friday, which, however, surrenders 
the prose form for accentual metre only in the ephmnnion, and 
which, like a related poem for Palm Sunday, is known thus far 
only in the Italo-Greek liturgy. The Good Friday kontakion is 
of interest also as regards its theme, being the earliest example 
of a lamentation supposed to be spoken by the suffering Saviour, 
after the style of the Western improperia. 

The new species of poetic composition is first 
met with in its full maturity in a series of hymns 
and fragments of hymns which, like the earliest 



8 



HYMNS (Greek Christian) 



examples just specified, are anonymous. The 
oldest instance is probably a kontakion on the first 
man, showing simple four-line strophes and the 
alphabetical acrostic. A lamentation of Adam for 
the loss of Paradise, as also a kontakion (dating 
from before 553) on the ' holy fathers ' of the earliest 
councils, and a fragment of another on Elijah and 
the widow of Zarephath, deserve mention as 
compositions of singular vigour and beauty. If 
Cyriacus, the writer of a hymn on the raising of 
Lazarus, could with confidence be identified with 
the Palestinian ascetic of the same name who, on 
the testimony of his biographer, Cyril of Scythopolis 
(AS, Sept. viii. [1865] 151), acted as choirmaster 
{Kavovapxni) in the Laura of St. Chariton for thirty- 
one years (from 488), we should have to regard him 
as the earliest writer of kontakia known to us by 
name. But the unrivalled master in this kind of 
composition was Romanus, the deacon, who in the 
centuries following was revered as a saint and dis- 
tinguished by the epithet of 'the Melodist.' 

Romanus, born at Emesa of Jewish parents, removed from 
Beirut, where he had laboured in the Church of the Resurrec- 
tion, to Constantinople in the reign of the Emperor Anastasius 
C491-51S), probably towards its close, and filled the magnificent 
churches of Justinian's day with the music of his hj'mns. His 
sacred poems, according to a notice that is probably legendary, 
numbered nearly one thousand. Some eighty pieces bearing 
his name have survived, though with a legacy of authentic 
productions of undeniable merit tradition has mingled much 
that is spurious and inferior. The poets Dometius and Anastasius 
may be regarded as nearly contemporary with Romanus. Of 
the anonymous compositions of his time the most outstanding 
is the festal hymn for the second dedication of the Hagia Sophia 
of Justinian (562). 

In thistirst and golden age of Byzantine hymnody, 
however, as in later times, it was not customary to 
create a new form of strophe and a corresponding 
melody for each fresh composition. On the con- 
trary, the metre and melody of older pieces were 
frequently adopted. The typical strophe used as 
the pattern either of the kukulion or of the oikoi of 
a later song was called its hairmos ('series '). 

The heirmos reproduced in the oikoi of the so- 
called hymn Akathistos had already been used by 
Romanus, and the nucleus of that hymn must 
therefore have been composed as early as the 6 th 
cent., and probably in the first third of it. Tradi- 
tion assigns the highly esteemed Song in honour 
of Mary variously to Romanus himself and to a 
considerably later writer, Sergius, patriarch of 
Constantinople (t 638), while Georgius Pisides and 
even as late a writer as Photius have also been 
credited with its authorship. 

Originally a kontakion on the Annunciation, this production 
of the 6th cent, seeuis to have been subsequently transformed 
by the addition of a new kiikiUion into a song of thanksgiving 
addressed to the Most Blessed Virgin by the city of Con- 
stantinople for deliverance in the stress of war, and in all 
probability the change was made at the time when the city was 
threatened by tiie Avars in 626. It was at that period also that 
twelve of its twenty-four strophes were furnished with doxologies 
beginning with the word xatpe — ascriptions which form a signal 
contrast to the short ephymnion of a simple Alleluia at the end 
of the other twelve, and give a peculiar stamp to the whole. 

In its enlarged form the hymn Akathistos was 
occasionally imitated, as in a lyric on St. Sabas 
the Younger by a melodist named Orestes, and in 
others on the Falling Asleep of the Most Holy 
Mother of God and on the Holy Cross by unknown 
authors. Even in later centuries, indeed, certain 
writers added not a little to the store of kontakia 
in the Greek Church. Writers whose compositions 
belong in the main to another and a later poetic 
type, such as Theodoras Studites and Joseph the 
Hymnographer (cf. below, (5)), cultivated also the 
older form. But in genuine poetic qualities the 
productions of the later period, destitute as they 
are, above all, of dramatic power, are far inferior 
to those of the 6th century. Then from the 10th 
cent, the kontakion itself lost the place which it 
had hitherto held in the liturgy. 

The book known as the Tropologiofii^ in which the hyniDB of 
This class were collected, fell more and more into oblivion. 



Only a few strophes of the older hymns, and at length — apart 
from the kukulion — generally but one, retained a permanent 
place in the daily office, and the poems composed for this ofiice 
under the names of kontakion and oikos (or oikoi) were mere 
imitations of such mutilated survivals. The kontakion of 
Romanus for Christmas, however, continued to be sung annually 
on the 25th of December, even at the Emperor's festive board, 
until the downfall of the Eastern Empire. The Akathintos still 
forms the nucleus of a festival office dedicated to the Mother of 
God on the Saturday of the fifth week in Lent, and for the 
popular religious sentiment of the Orthodox East it takes the 
place filled conjointly' by the Litany of Loreto, the rosary, 
and the Te Deum in the Roman Catholic West. Finally, the 
impressive funeral kontakion of Anastasius — though in a much 
mutilated form — is used to the present day in the office for the 
burial of priests. 

(3) As compared ■with the kontakion, which in 
the zenith of its vogue appears to have been called 
also the tropos, the term troparion, a diminutive 
of the latter word, signified a shorter form of what 
was essentially the same thing : it was a single 
strophe constructed generally of accented lines of 
various kinds, the part performed by the precentor 
being, at least originally, supplemented by an 
ephymnion sung by the congregation or the choir. 

We learn the nature of this species of sacred song in its 
earliest form from the troparia with which St. Auxentius, a 
prominent representative of Greek monachism, enriched public 
worship in Bithynia and Constantinople in the first half of 
the 5th cent., and specimens of which have been preserved by 
his contemporary biographer Georgius (PG cxiv. liVl). They 
are artless pieces, composed of a few short lines of lyrical 
rhythmical prose, in which genuine piety finds homely though 
effective expression. Anthimus, a pupil of Auxentius, once a 
court official, latterly a deacon and presbyter of the Church, 
and Timocles, his contemporary, who are said to have flourished 
fl. 457, are named as the leading representatives of what was 
probably a more artistic type of troparion, although nothing 
survives that can he definitely ascribed to them. 

The rich development which this form of liturgical 
poetry likewise speedily attained, more especially 
on the native soil of the kontakion, i.e. in Greek- 
speaking Syria, can still be seen in the so-called 
Octoechos of Severus of Antioch — a complete hymn- 
book, the groundwork of which was laid by that 
celebrated exponent of Monophysitism in the years 
512-518. This invaluable liturgical monument, 
lost in the original, is preserved in the revised 
form which Jacob of Edessa re-constructed in 675 
from the older Syriac translation executed by a 
bishop of Edessa named Paul. 

Its component pieces, 366 in number, are, without exception, 
lyrics of a single strophe, and in their general structure are all 
to be classed as troparia, although they exhibit a special and 
characteristic feature in the fact that by far the larger number 
of them were meant to be sung in connexion with a verse from 
the Psalms. Many of them already show an affinity, in manifold 
forms of expression, with the numerous (ro?)aria found in the 
later liturgical books of the Greek rite. On the other hand, 
a group of its texts, meant for use in the celebration of the 
Eucharist and called prosphorikoi, hear, in \'irtue of their archaic 
style, a close resemblance to the troparia of Auxentius. 

Besides Severus, two contributors of special 
importance are John bar Apht6nya (t 538), and 
John surnamed Psaltes, both archimandrites in 
the monastery of Qen-nesr§ on the Euphrates. A 
terminus ad quern even for the latest poems in the 
original collection is found in the date of Paul's 
translation, which may be assigned to 619-629. 
A number of very short pieces seem to be of even 
earlier date than those of Severus. Two of the 
lyrics in this Syriac hymn-book are definitely called 
' Alexandrian. ' 

In point of fact the ancient Greek liturgy of Egypt also must 
have had its own stock of troparia. To that must be assigned, 
first of all, the residue of hymns for the Feast of Epiphany found 
in a papj'rus of the Archduke Rainer's Collection — lyrics which 
some, probably overshooting the mark, would trace back to 
the first half of the 4th, if not even to the 3rd century. Be- 
sides ostraka and various papyrus fragments, the Egyptian 
Monophysite Church has preserved further materials of great 
value in this connexion. Thus troparia, definitely so designated 
in their original Greek and in a Saidic translation, are furnished 
by fragments of the earlier MS liturgies of the Coptic rite. The 
almost indescribable state of neglect in which the Greek text 
of these fragments has been left points to the lapse of a con- 
siderable interval between the date of their composition and 
that of the surviving transcripts. Nevertheless, a terminus 
ad quern is indicated by the fact that several of them are baeeH 



HYMNS (Greek Christian) 



8 



on Iho Trisatjion in Ita distinctively Monoptiyeite expansion. 
Thewe Egyptian toxta may, Lhcrnfore, in; re^jiirded oh nf con- 
temporary oi-if,'in with tiiost; of the hyinti-book of HeveruH. 

Tile rapidity willi wliicli the entire publiu worBliij) 
of tlieGreek Orthodox CInireli came to be [>ermeated 
by the tronariun is sliown by a very interestini; 
account which two monlca named Johannes and 
.Sophronius have given of a visit paid by tliem to 
Mt. Sifiai, probably towards the close of the 6th 
cent. (Pitra, Juria eccl. Gnvc. hist. ej. miin. i. 220.5). 
Here they found an anchorite, Nilus by name, 
livinfi in complete .sechision from the world, and 
adhering to a form of Church daily pr.ayer which 
on principle he kept clear of the new-fangled em- 
bellishments of liturgical poetry. 

Witli his uncomproniisinjj devotion to antiquity, the writers 
contrast what, in its conjunction of troparia witli the essentially 
Biblical elements of the Sunday OlHee, was for tliein ' the rule 
of the Catholic and Apostolic Church.' According to that ride, 
they say, the Ki;pte eKc«pafrt, i.p. I'ss 140. 141. I'JS) and 116 in 
vespers, and a selection from the nine Kiblical songs, viz. the 
7th, Stli, and, from the 9th, Lk l-Kss {tlic ' Magnificat ' of the 
West), as also Pss 148-150, called the Ainoi, in matins, were 
associated with a series of troparia. Each of the three parts 
into which the psalmody of matins preceding the rendering of 
the odes was divided was followed by a hymn of the same class, 
called a kathiama, and in the rendering of the odes a corre- 
flpontiing piece, called a nH;so(Uon, marked a pause after the 
Srd and 0th odes. In vespers, finally, a tropario-n was conjoined 
with the evening hymn "Vw? iAapor, and in matins, another, 
specially commemorative of the Resurrection, was combined 
with the Great Do,\ology. 

We shall meet with not a few of such elements 
of a poetic character in the final form of the Greek 
Office, and we may, therefore, safely assume that 
many of the compositions performing a like service 
in tliat ofSce date from the 6th century. Although 
we have not the necessary external evidence from 
which to draw definite conclusions regarding such 
ancient works, yet tradition furnishes the date of 
certain very old troparia which hold to this day 
an honoured place in the Euoharistic liturgy of 
the Greek Church. We are told that the Emperor 
Justinian himself (527-565) was the author of the 
Christologically important troparion entitled '0 
lionoyei'ris'Tws, which comes shortly before the Scrip- 
ture lessons. In the reign of his successor, Justin II. 
(565-578), the ' Cherubic Hymn ' wliich accompanies 
the procession known as the ' Great Entrance ' was 
inserted in the Byzantine Mass ; while other two 
pieces, the ToO Selirvov aov tou ixvariKov and the S177;- 
ffdrw -waaa. uctpj (iporela, which are substituted for 
that hymn on iNIaundy Thursday and Easter Even 
respectively, are probably not of later origin. The 
introduction of a troparion to be sung alter Com- 
munion {II\tjp(ii6titu to ffrSfia iifiQi') is assigned to 
the year 624, and of another C^uv oi ovi'd/ieis twv 
oipavS>v), which takes the place of the Cherubic 
Hymn in the Mass of the Pre-sanctified, to G45. 

(4) The early Antiochene troparia of Severus's 
hymn-book, perhaps because they are essentially 
connected with verses from the Psalms, are assigned 
to a distinct class, the antiphon (Syr. ma'nithd). 
On the testimony of the Western pilgrim Etheria, 
or Eucheria {Peregrinatio, xxiv. 5, xxvii., xxix., 
xxxi. 5, XXXV., xxxvii., xl., xliii. 5, xlvii.), lyrics 
bearing that title, together with ' hj'mns ' and 
' psalms,' had already won an important place in 
the worship of the churches in Jerusalem towards 
the close of the 4th century. In the Greek liturgy 
of the following period a hymn formed of a Biblical 
passage and a hypopsalma rendered between the 
verses by two ditt'erent choirs alternately was re- 
garded as ' antiphonal.' Here it was customary 
at first to render whole psalms in this way ; 
later, with increasing frequency, a few verses 
only were sung. The hypopsalma, again, in 
extending beyond the narrower limits of the 
formulae originally employed, developed first of 
all into a somewhat longer prose formula, as 
found, e.g., in the three antiphons at the begin- 
ning of the Eucharistic liturgy. Afterwards, how- 



ever, it became the practice to introduce a real 
troparion, of which either the whole or the con- 
chiding part was repeated between the verses of 
the Biblical passage ; characteristic examples of 
the latter method are retained to the present day 
in the vespers for Christmas and Ejiiiihany. This 
unvarying repetition of a single troparion, how- 
ever, was at length supcr.seded by a whole scriea 
of sutli pieces, each of which was sung but once by 
either of the choirs, and thus, when these troparia 
were welded into an integral whole either by an 
acrostic or by an ephymnion common to all, there 
arose a distinct artistic type of antiphon. 

It may be assumed that the use of this form of choral art was 
not altogether infrefiiient at an eai'lier stage of liturgical de- 
velopment. An extant example is luriiiHheu by the third of the 
fifteen so-called antiphons of (lood Friday, which an unreliable 
tradition ascribes to St. Cyril of Alexandria, Generally, how- 
ever, what we find here in the cariy period is a cOTnbination of 
verses of i»sahns with troparia which have no definite inner link 
of connexion, and at the present day even the \erses of psalms 
formerly so employed have disappeared, so that only the name 
of the antiphon now survi\ es. 

The name ' antiphon ' came also to be associated with the so- 
called anabalkmoi, which had a recognized place in the matins of 
Sundays and important feast days, as also in the office of burial. 
The anabaikmoi are two series of poetical parajihrases of the 
beginning and middle of the Psalms of Degrees (110-130 and 132) 
in two troparia, to which was attached, as a sequel to the 
Lesser Doxology (Adja Ilarpl «al YiJl, K.T.^i.), a third troparion 
in praise of the Holy fc-i^irit. It must be taken for granted that 
these very ancient forms likewise %vere originally intended to be 
used in an antiphonal rendering of the psalms in question. 

Finally, special significance seems at one time to 
have attached to an antiphonal rendering of Ps 118. 
That psalm, sung antiphonally in combination 
with a hypopsalma of very short formuK'c, has 
remained a regular feature of the burial service. 
In similar manner the stichera (see below, (6)), called 
from their opening words A! dyyeXiKai, which come 
before us as the work of Komanus, and which, 
divided into short groups, are used at the present 
day in the matins for the 20th-24th, 28th, and 30th 
of December for quite a difi'erent purpose — forming 
a peerless festal hymn on the Kedeemer's birth in 
the stable at Bethlehem — must originally have 
been the poetic investment of an effective three- 
fold antiphon constructed with the aid of the same 
psalm. On the other hand, a lyric in its own way 
not less magnificent, though doubtless of much 
later date, is now combined with Ps 118 in a 
peculiar antiphonal rendering for the matins of 
Easter Even. 

These are the so-called enkomia — comprising a markedly 
poetical lament at the Saviour's bier — which, surviving in vari- 
ous recensions, and bearing the names of various writers, as, 
e.g., Genuanus, Michael Files, an archimandrite called Ignatius, 
and a patriarch called Arsenius, perhaps go no further back 
than the 12th or 13th century. Similar fiikoinia were composed 
at a later date in honour of the Mother of God and John the 
Baptist, and — at least in the local form of worship prevalent in 
Jerusalem — a funeral hymn upon the former, an imitation of 
the cnkc-.nia of Easter Even, has permanently retained a place 
of importance as a special feature in the matins of the loth of 
August. 

(5) The essential feature of the antiphon, i.e. 
the organic combination of troparia with a Biblical 
passage, appears also in the structure of the canon, 
which was the leading form of hymnody from the 
Sth cent., and which from the 10th cent, super- 
seded the older kontakion in the liturgy. The 
canon, to speak more precisely, is a mode in which 
the singing of trojxtria is combined with all the 
Biblical songs recited in matins, the short and 
unvarying hypopsalma of an earlier day giving 
place to poetical strophes of considerable length and 
of the same metrical structure. The consistent 
application of this principle led necessarily to the 
composition of very long poems in nine parts, in 
each of which the number of strophes formed upon 
a particular model strophe as a heirmos corresjionds 
to the number of verses in the associated Biblical 
song. A composition essentially of this kind is 
actually found in the so-called ' Great Canon,' a 
penitential poem of two hundred and fifty troparia, 



10 



HYMNS (Greek Christian) 



which, notwithstanding its rhetorical embellish- 
ment and its wearisome diflfuseness, is of a moat 
impressive character, and is now recited annually 
on the Thursday of the fifth week in Lent, in 
exactly the same way as the hymn Akathisfos two 
days later. 

Its author was Andreas, archbishop of Crete (t 740), a native 
o£ Damascus, who, trained in the clerical circles of Palestine, 
became in his youth secretary to the patriarch of Jerusalem, 
and then lived in Constantinople for a considerable time pre- 
vioufl to his promotion to the archbishopric. He was a prolific 
writer, and in the tradition of the Eastern Church ia actually 
regarded as the inventor of the new poetic form, to which was 
applied the name of ' Canon,' hitherto given to the whole morn- 
ing office, or to its most important part, viz. the nine Biblical 
songs. 

Certain other compositions of Andreas, as, e.g., 
the canon on the Myrophori, sung on the second 
Sunday after Easter, and one of 180 troparia on 
Simeon and Anna, approximate in length to the 
Great Canon. But, in general, the practical ne- 
cessity of limiting the duration of public worship 
soon led to the practice of attaching not more than 
three or four poetical strophes to each Biblical 
song. The same requirement led here, as in 
other parts of the office, gradually to the entire 
omission of what was originally the cardinal 
feature, i.e. the Biblical passages, or to their being 
restricted to a few verses. Tlius the essential 
nine sections of the poetic canon — to which the 
term ' odes ' was henceforth specially applied — 
actually came to take the place of the very ele- 
ments with which they were once intended to be 
combined. A further departure from the earliest 
order is seen in the regular omission of the second 
ode of the lyrical group, the reason being that 
the second Biblical song had been previously left 
out of the actual recitation — from a superstitious 
dread, it was said, of uttering the imprecatory 
threats contained in it. Then, besides complete 
canons, diodia, triodia, and tetraodia were com- 
posed to be sung with groups of two, three, and 
four Biblical passages respectively. Of special 
importance are the triodia and tetraodia of the 
Lenten season, which owe their existence to the 
circumstance that during Lent one of the Biblical 
songs, i.-v., was recited on week-days from Mon- 
day to Friday, and nos. vi. and vii. on Saturday, 
these being followed each day by nos. viii. and ix. 
The term heirmos, conformably to what was noted 
in the case of the kontakion, denotes here the 
model strophe which was in most cases borrowed 
from an older canon, and with which the troparia 
of each ode had to conform both in metre and in 
melody. 

The entire mass of compositions which follow the norm intro- 
duced by Andreas of Crete comprises two strata differing in 
date and place of origin. The earlier stratum had its origin in 
the ancient Byzantine form of worship found in Jerusalem, and 
embraces the lyrics of Passion Week, and of the chief festivals of 
the Christian Year, and the morning canons of the so-called 
Octoechos, which contains the ordinary Sunday offices arranged 
for the eight ecclesiastical tones. The lairthplace of this group 
was the Laura of St. Sabas in the Kedron Valley, where, in the 
first half of the 8th cent., its standard forms took shape in the 
hands of St. John of Damascus (t ante 764) and his adoptive 
brother Cosmas, surnaraed the Hagiopolite, who was conse- 
crated bishop of Maiuma, near Gaza, in 743. The later stratum 
was deposited in Constantinople, where the Stadion monastery, 
as a centre of sacred poetry, attained an eminence correspond- 
ing to that of the Laura of St. Sabas. It was, above all, three of 
the most prominent residents of that monastery — Theodorus the 
Studite (t S20), his younger brother Joseph, subsequently arch- 
bishop of Thessalonica, and Theophanes, sumamed Graptus, 
promoted to be metropolitan of Nicaa in 842 — who, during the 
Iconoclastic conflicts of the 9th cent., completed the work of 
their Palestine forerunners in composing canons for Lent, for 
numerous Saints' Days, and for the festal offices arranged for 
the eight ecclesiastical tones in the so-called Parakletike. John 
of Damascus and Cosmas the Hagiopolite had been pupils of a 
Sicilian named Cosmas, who is also said to have been a writer of 
poetry, and was ransomed from slavery among the Arabs by the 
father of the former ; and afterwards another Joseph, a Sicilian, 
like his fellow-countryman Methodius of .Syracus, developed his 
talent as a hyranographer in the capital of the Eastern Empire 
alongside of the three Just mentioned. The poets Georgius of 
Vicomedia. Metrophanes, and Theodorus of Smyrna, with other 



hymnographers of the Studion — as, e.g., Antonius, Arsenius. 
Basilius, Gabriel, and Nicolaus — were all natives of the East. 

In the hands of these and of later writers the artistic type 0l 
the canon, once it had become completely independent of the 
nine Biblical songs, came to occupy an essentially different 
position in the liturgy as a whole, being now employed in the 
most diverse parts of it. Thus, in the midnight office, on each 
of eight successive Sundays, the psalms were superseded by one 
of the eight canons on the Most Holy Trinity, two of which at 
least were the work of Metrophanes. A canon occupies a central 
position in the various forms of the burial office, in the adminis- 
tration of Extreme Unction, and in the Frocking of Monks. 
When the land suffered from drought or earthquake, or was 
threatened with war or pestilence, the canon was the official 
form of Church prayer, and it was likewise used at the sick-bed 
and the death-bed. Of two canons thus employed, the one is 
worthy of note as the work of Andreas and the other as being 
connected with the Western form of prayer called the comTnen- 
datio aniince, and with the sepulchral paintings of ancient 
Christian art. In confession and in preparation for Communion 
a canon was used for private devotion, and for a like purpose 
one on the Guardian Angels, composed about the middle of the 
11th cent, by Johannes Mauropus, bishop of Euchaita, was 
frequently employed. The ' small ' and the ' large ' TrapaKKi)- 
TiKol Kavovfs on the .Mother of God — the former probablj' by a 
monk named Theosterictus, the latter by the Emperor Theodorus 
Ducas Lascaris (1254-58) — form the nuclei respectively of two 
votive offices of the Virgin. 

In real poetic merit, not only such productions 
of a relatively late period, but even the canons of 
the Stii and 9th centuries, are far inferior to the 
classical creations of the writers of kontakia, though 
we cannot ignore the high achievement of works 
like the celebrated Easter canon of John of Damas- 
cus, or the Christmas canon of Cosmas. As regards 
its form, the canon borrowed from the kontakion 
the frequent device of linking its strophes together 
by the acrostic, which in some oases was, as before, 
simply alphabetical, and in others — where it was 
used to indicate the substance or purpose of the 
poem, often naming the author as well — was wont 
to take tlie form of a hexameter or an iambic tri- 
meter. The solitary attempt to apply the laws of 
classical metre to the composition of canons was 
noted above (2). 

(6) In the final form of the Greek liturgy the 
canon is the central feature in what is called the 
akoluthia ('sequence') of a particular liturgical 
day or festival — a term which corresponds in a 
manner to the Western officiuvi. But, besides the 
canon, numerous other compositions belonging to 
various classes of rhythmic poetry occur as more 
or less regular elements in eveiy akoluthia. To 
say nothing of kontakion, oikos, and anabathmoi, 
we may recognize here, generally without diffi- 
culty, the types of troparia which, on the testi- 
mony of the monks Johannes and Sophronius (see 
above under 3 (3)), found a place in public worship 
during the latter half of the 6th century. Thus 
the ancient troparion to the 'tus iXapdv seems to 
survive in the apolytikion, the closing troparion 
of vespers. 

The kathismata formerly sung in matins after the three por- 
tions from the Psalms have also been retained — or, at least, 
two of them, as, on Sundays, instead of the third, a shorter 
strophe of rhythmical poetry called the hypakoe leads to the 
anabathmoi. Of the two mcsodia, the first, now also called 
the kathisma, interrupts the continuity of the canon after the 
third ode, just as at an earlier period it interrupted the series 
of Biblical songs at a corresponding point, while the second was 
superseded by kontakion and oikos. The megalynaria sung in 
connexion with the ninth ode of the canon at the chief festivals 
of Christ and the Mother of God recall the troparia formerly 
associated with the ' Magnificat ' (Lk l-">-55). 

Next to the canon, the most important elements 
in an akoluthia are the stichcra, which almost 
always occur in groups. They derive their name 
from the fact that they are combined with verses 
of Biblical passages (trr(x<") usually taken from 
the Psalms. The stichera to the Kupie iKiKpa^a of 
vespers and to the ainoi are manifestly identical 
with the troparia which in the 6th cent, were 
attached to these Scripture passages ; and the 
present usage of reciting in matins, not the whole 
of Pss 148-150, but only a few verses, in con- 
nexion with the appropriate stichera is merely 
a later abbreviation. Another class of stichera. 



HYMNS (Greek Christian) 



U 



however, which are rendered towardn the clone of 
vespeiB, just before the canon, in the liours of 
prime, tierce, sext, and nonea, in general, and, in 
particular, in the so-called 'great hours' of Good 
Friday and of the vigils of Christmas and Epiphany, 
as well as in the most diverse parts of the liturgy 
outside the regular Daily OHice, were meant from 
the first only to be inserted between two stichoi 
separated by the Lesser Doxology, and appear to 
have some afiinity with the ancient Antiochene 
antiphons of Severus's hymn-book. A third class 
of troparia, which now have no connexion with any 
Biblical passages, were in all likelihood originally 
rendered in a similar way. 

On their purely formal side the stickera fall into three groups. 
Those which in metre and melody are not in any way related 
to the redt are called idiomela^ and are generally of considerable 
length. Thoae which serve as the metrical, and therefore also 
the musical, patterns of others are autovnela. Those, again, 
which in the form of their strophes follow the pattern of par- 
ticular autoinela, and are set to their tunes, are proaoinoia. 

There are several other distinct forms of the 
troparion, but all of minor importance. Thus in 
matins the * hymns to the Trinity' {Ofivoi rpiadiKot), 
composed according to the eight ecclesiastical tones, 
are sun^ regularly at the beginning, and the 
exapostedaria after the canon ; the eulogetariay 
devoted to prayers for the dead or to the praise of 
the Kesurrection, are used especially on Saturdays 
and Sundays, and the photagogikaj which hail the 
light of the dawning day, in Lent. In the Euchar- 
istic liturgy of Sunday, in the noctum of Good 
Friday, and in the burial office, the singing of the 
so-called makarismoi is interwoven with the text 
of Mt 5^"^^. A troparion in praise of the Mother 
of God, called a theotokiony is conjoined with the 
single odes of each canon and with all other forms 
of troparion ; and here the strophes specially de- 
voted to her maternal sympathy with the sufferings 
of her Son are called staurotheotokia. Of less 
frequent occurrence are the so-called triadika and 
nekrosima, expressing respectively a doxology to 
the Trinity and a prayer for the dead. 

The vast mass of texts exhibiting these various kinds of 
troparia in the MSS and printed editions of the liturgical 
books was, of course, a slow and gradual growth. The texts 
themselves are for the most part anonymous. Not a few of 
them were the work of writers who have already been men- 
tioned as authors of canons. Among other writers whose 
names are found, the most prominent is a certain Anatolius, 
who should not be confounded with his namesake, the patriarch 
of Constantinople in the 5th century. Like Anatolius, Sergius, 
a Hagiopolite, Stephen sometimes called a ilagiopolite, some- 
times a SabbaJte, and probably also Andreas Pyrrhus belong 
to the older Palestinian school of rhythmical composition ; the 
characteristics of this school appear also in a few idiomela by 
St. Sophronius, whose work is generally on such radically dif- 
ferent lines. It is not easy to say whether, or to what extent, 
certain extant compositions bearing the name of Johannes ' the 
Monk ' are the work of a writer not to be identified either with 
John of Damascus or John of Mauropus. In Constantinople, 
St. Germanus the patriarch (t 740) and the nun Casia or Icasia, 
a woman of undeniable and peculiar gifts, who flourished in the 
reigns of Theophilus (S29-842) and filichael iii. (842-867), won 
repute in historically traceable compositions, especially in the 
class of idiomela. A series of morning hymna on Sundays 
attached to the eleven Resurrection gospels of their matins 
were composed by the Eniperor Leo vi. (836-911), and the 
series of corresponding exaposteilaria by his son Constantius vir. 
Porphyrogenitus (912-959). These fall below mediocrity, while 
the apolytika, kathismata, and stickera of an ea-rlier age surpass 
the contemporary canons in sheer poetic qualities. 

In Byzantium and the East, hymnography as an 
active and living development virtually came to an 
end in the 11th cent., with the codification of the 
definitive liturgical books of the Greek rite, viz. 
the Octoechos and the Parakletike, and, above all, 
the Triodion, the Pentekostarion, and the Menaia^ 
which contain the choral texts respectively for 
Lent and Passion Week, for the period between 
Easter and Pentecost, and for the fixed feasts of 
the Christian year. Only in the Italo-Greek West 
was there about the same time a noteworthy re- 
vival of rhythmical hymnody. The art was assidu- 
ously cultivated in the famous and still surviving 
Basilian Abbev of Grottaf errata, near Rome, till 



well into the 12th century. The foundc-rs of the 
abbey, St. Nilus the younger (t l0U4), and hia 
successors, Paulus and BartholomieuH, were the 
heads of a school to which ArHcnius, Germanus, 
Joseph, Procopius, and otliera belonged. Within 
the (jtreek Orthodox Church itself, moreover, whole 
akoluihicc and single lyrics were incorporated in 
the liturgical books at a still later date. Mention 
may be made of Nicephorus Xanthopulus and the 
Patriarch Philotheus (f 1379) in the 14tii, and 
Nicolaus Malaxus in the IGth cent., as authors of 
such later elements of the liturgy. 

LiTBRATURR. — i. TEXTS. — An excellent selection of examples 
of all the various types will he found in W. Christ and M. 
Paranikas, Anthotixjia Grceca carminum ChristiaJiorum, 
Leipzig, 1871, which contains a complete critical edition of the 
hymns of Synesius, and is the most convenient authority for 
the Naaseue hymn, the Parthenion of Methodius, the hymn at 
the end of the PcBdagogxLS, the ancient prose-hymns (or morning 
and evening, and the compositions of Syncellua Ellas, the 
Emperor Leo, and Photius ; J. R. Harris, The Odes and Psalma 
of Holomon published frmn the Syriac Version'^, revised and 
enlarged, Cambridge, 1911 ; ApoUinaris's metrical paraphrases 
of the Pes., in PG xxxiii. 1313-163S, and in a critical ed. by A. 
Ludwich, Apollinarii Metaphrasis psahnonnn, Leipzig, 1912 ; 
the poems of St. Gregory ot Nazianzus according to the Bene- 
dictine ed., PG xxxvii.-xxxviii., and his iambic poems in a S3'riac 
version, ed. J. Bollig and H. Gismondi, S. Gregorii Theologi 
liber ca^nninum tamfticorw^n,, versio Syriaca anliquissima, 
Beirut, 1S95-96 ; the Anacreontics of Sophronius, in PG Ixxxvii. 
3733-3S38, based on A. Mai, Spicilegium Romanum, iv., Rome, 
1840; another hymn, lacking in PG,ed. L. Ehrhard, 5. SopAronti 
anacreonticorum carmen xiv.^ Strassburg, 1887 ; the Easter 
hymn of Georgius Pisides, m Migne, PG xciL 1873-1384 
P. Maas, Frithbyzantin. Kirchenpoesie, i. * Anonyme Hynmen 
des v.-vi. Jahrh.,' Bonn, 1910, gives a critical ed. of equilinear 
hymns and of the oldest anonymous kontakia. The papyrus 
hymn on the Birth of Christ is given in A. S. Hunt, Catalogue 
of the Greek Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, 
i. (London, 1911) 13 ff., while the hymn of the Amherst Papyri 
can now be most conveniently consulted in C- Wessely, ' Les 
plus anciens Monuments du christian isme, 6crits sur papyrus,' 
in Patrologia Orientalis, iv. iii. [1907] 95-210, no. 28, and the 
fragment of the Berlin Papyrus, in C. Schmidt and W. Schu- 
bart, Altchristl. Texte, Berlin, 1910, p. 125 f. The rich store of 
ancient kontakia was first drawn upon by J. B. Pitra, Analecta 
sacra spicilegio Solesynensi parata, :., Paris, 1876 ; the Russ. ed. 
of a Moscow KovSaKapiov by the archimandrite Amfilochij, 
2 vols. , Moscow, 1878, is too defective to be of any service ; other 
kontakia, especially those of Romanus, or ascribed to him, and 
modern critical edd. of single pieces : J. B. Pitra, Sanctits 
Romanus veterum melodorum princeps ; Cantica sacra ex codd, 
MSS monasterii S. Joannis in insiUa Patino primtim in lucem 
ed., Rome, 1§S8 ; K. Krumbacher, ' Der heilige Georg in der 
griechischen Uberlieferung,* ed. posthumously by A. Ehrhard 
in ABA W, philos.-philol. u. histor. Klasse, xxv. iii, [1911] 84- 
102 ; and P. Maas, ' Kontakion auf den heil. Theodoros unter 
dem Namen des Romanos,' in Oriens Christianus, new ser., ii. 
[1912] 48-63. A complete critical ed. of the hymns of Romanus 
was prepared by Krumbacher, and will be published by Maas. 
The kontakion on the dedication of the Hagia Sophia was ed. 
by (S. Gassisi), *Un antichissimo "Kontakion" inedito,' in 
Roma e I'Oriente, i. [1911] 165-187 ; the troparia of Auxentius, 
in Pitra, Analecta sacra, i. xxiii. f. The editio princeps of 
Severus's hymn-book : E. W. Brooks, 'James of Edessa : The 
Hymns of Severus of Antiooh and Others,' in Patrologia Ori- 
entalis, vL 1, vii. 5. There is as yet no collection of the ancient 
Egyptian troparia scattered through edd. of Greek papyri and 
catalogues of Coptic MSS, but T. Schermann, Agyp. Abend- 
maklsliturgien des ersten Jahrtausends in ihrer Uberlieferung, 
Paderborn, 1912, pp. 211-230, may be consulted. The liturgical 
books of the Greek rite for use in the Greek Orthodox Church 
were formerly printed for the most part in Venice, latterly also 
in Athens. A text critically collated with the older MSS, and, 
on the whole, the best, is that of the Roman edd. prepared for 
the use of the Uniat Greeks, TpLwStov, 1879 ; IleKrTjicoaTdptoi', 
1884 ; HapaKktyrLKT} tjtoi 'Oktojtjxo? V f'-^^V) 1885 ; Mrjvala tov 
6\ov ei'LCLVTOVy 6 vols., 1885-1902 ; canons of John of Damascus 
and Cosmas respectivelj', in PG xcvi. S17-S56ftnd xcviii. 459-524. 

ii. General works. —The Prolegomena of Christ and 
Paranikas, and of Pitra, Analecta sacra, i., are of paramount 
importance ; based on them and on the textual material fur- 
nished by them are : H. Stevenson, 'L'llymnographie de 
r^glise grecque,' in Revue des giiesti07is historiques, xi. [1876] 
482-543, and L. Jacobi, ' Zur Gesch. des griech. Kirchenli^des,' 
in ZEG V. [1882] 177-260 ; E. Bouvy, Poktes et mModes : Etude 
sur lea origines du rytkme ionique dans I'hymnographie de 
I'iglise grecque, Nimes, 1886 ; K. Krumbacher, Gesch. der 
byzantin. Lilt, von Justinian bis zum. Ende des ostrom. Reicheu 2, 
Munich, 1897, pp. 656-705, 'Die byzantin. Kirchendichtung' ; 
in the 3rd ed., which is in preparation, this section will be 
edited by P. Maas ; also F. Cabrol, L'Hymnographie de I'^glise 
grecque. Angers, 1893; O. Bardenhewer, Patro^oc/ieii, Freibur§ 
im Br., 1910, pp. 485-492; H. Jordan, Gesch. der altchr. Lit., 
Leipzig, 1911, pp. 465-470 ; and, above all, the excellent art. of 
L. Petit, ' Antiphone dans la liturgie grecque,' in F. Cabrol's 



12 



HYMNS (Syriac Christian) 



DACL, Paris, 1903fE., i. 2461-2488; A. Baumstark, ' Psalmen- 
vortrag und Kirchendichtun^' des Orients,' mGottcstnlnne, vii, 
[1912-13] 290-305, 413-432, 640-55S, 887-902. 

iii. Special studies. — On tlie origin of rhythmical form in 
poetry: W. Meyer, 'Anfang und Uraprung der latein. und 
griech. rhythm. Dichtung,' in ABA K', erste Klasse, xvil. ii. 
[1885] 270-450 ; E. Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa vom vi. 
Jahrh. vor Christo bis in die Zeit der Renaissance 2, Leipzig, 
1909, p. 841. On equilinear hymns: P. Maas, G. S. Mercati, 
and S. Gassisi, * Gleichzeilige" Hymnen in der byzantin. Litur- 
gie,' in Byzantin. Zeitschr. xviii. [1909] 309-356 (with recension 
of texts). On the composition of kontakia and on Romanus 
(with recension of texts throughout) : K. Krumbacher, 'Studien 
zu Uomanos,' in SJIA^ 1898, ii. 09-268, ' Umarbeitungen bei 
Romanes, mit einem Anhang iiber das Zeitalter des Romanes,' 
ib. 1899, ii. 1-166, 'Romanes und Kyriakos.'it. 1901, pp. 693- 
766, *Die Akrostichis in der griech. Kirchenpoesie,' ib. 1903, 
pp. 551-691 (with an exhaustive collection of kontakia already 
printed or known in MS), ' Miszellen zu Romanes,' in ABA W, 
philos.-philol. u. bister. Klasse, xxn. iii. [1902] ; T. M. Wehofer, 
' Untersuchungen zum Lied des Romanes auf die Wiederkunft 
des Herm,' in S\V AW ^ IQOl ; P. Maas, 'Die Chronologie der 
Hymnen des Romanes,' in Byzantin. Zeitschr. xv. [1906] 1-44, 
' Das Kontakien, mit einem Exkui-s iiber Romanes und Basileios 
von Seleukeia,' ib. xix. [1910] 28.5-306. On the hymn Akathistos : 
P. de Meester, *L'inno acatiste,' in Bessan'one, vi. [1903-04] 
9-16, 159-165, 252-257, vii. [1904-05] 36-40, 213-224; P. F. 
Krypikiewicz. ' De hymni Acathisti aucCere,' in Byzantin. 
Zeitschr. xviii. [1909] 309-350. A good introduction to the 
music associated with liturgical poetrj' in the Greek Church 
will be found in J. B. Rebours, Traits de psaltique ; th^ot-ie 
et pratiqnc du chant dans l'^</lise grecque, Paris, 1907, to which 
may be added the valuable special artt. of H. Gaisser, 'Les 
Heirmoi de piques dans I'office grec,' in Oricns Ghristianus, 
iii. [1903] 416-610, and H. J. W. Tillyard, 'A Musical Study of 
the Hymns of Cassia,' in Byzantin. Zeitschr. xx. [1911] 420-485. 

A. Baumstark. 

HYMNS (Syriac Christian).— Our knoAvledge of 
the hymnody of the Syriac-speaking Churches has 
been greatly increased during the last 25 years by 
the publication of much literature in that language 
wliieh formerly existed only in MSS, and in par- 
ticular of many of the East Syrian or Nestorian 
service-books in Syriac, with English translations. 
But much still remains to be done, and until a 
similar work is ett'ected for the West Syrian, or 
Monophysite (Jacobite), service-books, some con- 
siderable gaps in our knowledge will remain. 

I. Early history of Syriac hymnody. — The 
earliest known writer of Syriac hymns was Bar- 
daisan (Bardesanes), whose book of 150 hymns 
after the number of the Psalter was in the hands 
of Ephraini the Syrian (see below). Bardaisan 
was born at Edessa (Syr. Ur-hai), the capital of 
Osrhoene, A.D. 155 (for the date, see DCB i. 250)., 
and was deemed by his successors to be heretical 
(for his doctrines see Eusebius, HE iv. 30). Sozo- 
nien [HE iii. 16) tells us that his son Harmonius 
was learned in Greek erudition, and 

' was the first to subdue his native language [Syriac] to metres 
and musical laws ; the verses he delivered to the choirs, and 
even now the Syrians frequently sing, not the precise copies 
by Harmonius, but the same melodies.' As these verses were 
somewhat infected with Bardaisan's heresy, * Ephraim . . . 
applied himself to the understanding of the metres of Har- 
monius, and composed similar poems in accordance with the 
doctrines of the Church. . . . From that period the Syrians 
sang the odes of Ephraim according to the law of the ode 
established by Harmonius '(cf. Theodoret, HE iv. 26). 

From these statements of Sozomen it has been de- 
duced that the hymns ascribed by Ephraim to Bar- 
daisan were really written by Harmonius, or at 
least that father and son worked together. It is 
clear, if Sozomen is to be trusted, that the Syrians 
derived their methods of hymnody from the Greek 
Christians in the first instance ; and we know from 
Eusebius that the latter used sacred poetry at an 
early date. That historian speaks [HE v. 28) of 
the ' many psalms and hymns, written by the 
faithful brethren from the heginninq ' celebrating 
' Christ the AVord of God, speaking of Him as 
Bivine (BeoKoyouvrii).' There is no indication hers 
that these hymns were sung in church ; but there 
is such an indication in Pliny's famous letter to 
Trajan (Ep. 96) : 

' They affirmed . . . that they were accustomed on a fixed 
day to assemble before dawn and to sing antiphonally a hymn 
to Christ as to a god.' 



In Eusebius (HE vii. 24), Dionysius of Alexandria 
(t265) is quoted as praising the schismatic Nepos, 
an Egyptian bishop early in the 3rd cent. , for his 
' extensive psalmody,' and saying that his com- 
positions still delighted many of the brethren. 
Probably Antioch led the way in the use of hymns 
in church. Socrates {HE vi. 8) ascribes the origin 
of singing antiphonal hymns to Ignatius the 
martyr, who ' saw a vision of angels hymning the 
Holy Trinity in alternate chants.' 

The most famous hymn-MTiter of the Syriac- 
speaking Christians was Ephraim (c. A.D. 308-375), 
a native of Mesopotamia. He is always repre- 
sented as a deacon, and his words ' Christ gave me 
the talent of the priesthood' (Op. Syr. iii. 467 D; 
DCB ii. 138) are not really against this, for the 
Syriac Icahnutha ('priesthood') includes all ranks 
of the ministry (A. J. Maclean and W. H. Browne, 
Catholicos of the East, London, 1892, p. 185) ; so the 
E. Syr. Sunhddhus (Book of Canon Law), vi. 1. 
In acldition to his numerous other works, he com- 
posed metrical homilies and other religious poems, 
including commentaries in metre on Holy Scrip- 
ture ; and lie also wrote a large number of hymns 
for liturgical purposes, many of which are stUl 
sung (see below, § 4 (a)). He made use of hymnody 
to spread orthodox doctrine, just as Bardaisan and 
Harmonius had used it, and as the Arians did, to 
spread their erroneous teaching (for the latter, see 
Socrates, HE vi. 8, where we read that they went 
about Constantinople at night chanting antiphonal 
hymns to support their heresy, while the Catholics 
imitated tlieir example). Ephraim seems to have 
done much to promote and improve ecclesiastical 
music, and his compositions became extremely 
popular (for an account of his writings see R. 
Payne Smith, in DCB ii. 137). His metres are 
irregular, and, as is the case with all the earlier 
Syriac poetry (see below, 3), his lines do not 
rhyme. There is no good reason to suppose that 
he ever wrote in Greek ; his extant works in that 
language are doubtless translations. A very inte- 
resting and newlj' published Syriac metrical homily 
by him on Bardaisan may be seen, with English 
translation, in JThSt v. [1904] 546 ff. 

After the separation of Nestorian and Mono- 
physite Syrians, the most famous Syriac hymn- 
writer was the Nestorian Narsai (Narses), known 
as the ' Harp of the Spirit ' (kinard d'rukha), who, 
after spending 20 years at the great school of 
Edessa, left it A.D. 457 to preside over the scarcely 
less celebrated school at Nisibis ; he died A.D. 502. 
His metrical compositions include 360 homilies ; 
of these 47 have been published in Syriac by A. 
Mingana (Mosul, 1905), together with 10 short 
poems (soght/at/ia) ; and four of these homilies, 
dealing with the Liturgy and the Baptismal Office, 
have been translated into English by R. H. 
Connolly, with illuminative Introduction and 
Notes ('The Liturgical Homilies of Narsai,' TS 
viii. 1, Cambridge, 1909). These homilies, how- 
ever, were not meant for church use, and for the 
hymns by this writer used in the services reference 
must be made to the East Syrian office books (see 
below, § 4 (a)). Narsai's favourite metre was the six- 
syllable line (see E. A. W. Budge's ed. of Thomas 
of Marga's Book of Governors, London, 1893, ii. 
300 n. ), but hymns by him in other metres are found. 

Of other early Syriac hymn-wi-iters may be 
mentioned Isaac of Antioch, a native of Aniidh 
(Diarbekr), who was an Orthodox priest at Antioch 
c. A.D. 450, and a disciple of Zenobius, who him- 
self had learnt from Ephraim (DCB iii. 295) ; and 
Jacob, bishop of Batnan (Batnae) in Srugh (Sarug), 
a district of Osrhoene, in the 5th cent. (+ A.D. 521 
or 522). Two volumes of the Homilies of the latter 
have been published by Bedjan (Paris, 1905-06), 
and some account of them may be seen in JThSt 



tlYMNS (Syriac Christian) 



13 



viii. [1UIJ6-07] 581 (K. H. Connolly). It has lieen 
disputed wlietlier he was Monophysilo or Orthoilox 
(see E. Kenaudot, Lit. Orient. C'ollectio, Frankfort, 
1847, ii. 366 f., and DCB iii. 327). He ordinarily 
wrote in tweIve-.syllablo lines. A third well-known 
hymn -writer was Balai (Balaeus), who wrote in 
quinquesyllabic metre (Connolly, ' Nar.sai,' p. ix ; 
DCB iii. 296'^), which he seems to have invented. 
He was a disciple of Ephraim, and a chorepiscopus 
(R. Payne Smith, Tliesaur. Syr., Oxford, 1897- 
1901, i. 534). 

The plan of writing homilies and expositions in 
metre continued for a lonf; time. We lind one by 
Thomas, bishop of Marga, inserted in his Book of 
Governors, a long biographical composition of 415 
stanzas in the twelve-syllable metre (9th cent. ; 
Budge, i. 172, ii. 345). Thomas afterwards became 
metropolitan of Beth Garmai (east of the Tigris). 

2. Syriac hymns and poems translated from 
Greek. — We have seen that the Greeks gave the 
Syrians the incentive to compose relit;ious poetry. 
The Syrians also used many hymns translated from 
Greek. Of these the earliest example, probably, 
is to be found in the Odes of Solomon, poems in 
Syriac (some also in Coptic), which have been 
lately recovered. J. H. Bernard (in JThSt xii. 
[1910-11] lfi'.,andinhised. ' The Odes of Solomon,' 
TS viii. 3, Cambridge, 1912) suggests that they 
are a collection of Christian hymns ' packed with 
allusions to baptism, and comparable to Ephraim's 
Hymns on the Epiphany ' (JThSt xii. 29), though 
perhaps his theory of their object and contents 
goes too far. He dates them c. A.D. 150-200 ; 
K. H. Connolly (JThSt xiv. [1912-13] 311) possibly 
a little later ; J. Bendel Harris, the first editor 
(Odes and Psalms of Solomon, Cambridge, 1909), 
a little earlier ; E. A. Abbott (Light on the Gospel 
from an ancient Poet, Cambridge, 1912) thinks 
that they were written by a Jewish Christian in 
the 1st cent. ; Harnack considers them to be a 
Jewish work with Christian interpolations^ 
against this see Connolly in JThSt xiii. [1911-12] 
298. That the Odes were used in public worship 
in the 4th cent, is made probable by a reference 
to them in the Testametif of our Lord, which we 
know only by a Syriac translation made by Jacob, 
bishop of Edessa, in the 7th cent, (t A.D. 708 or 
710). This Church Order has a direction (i. 26) : 
' Let them sing psalms and four hymns of praise 
(tishbkhdthd, see below, § 4 (a)), one by Moses, and 
of Solomon, and of the other prophets.' The 
present writer accepts Bernard's correction (JThSt 
xii. 31) of his own suggestion in the English edi- 
tion of the Testament (Edinburgh, 1902) that the 
Song of Songs is meant, and adopts his view that 
the Odes are here referred to. Now, though it 
has been suggested by Ahhott (Light on the Gospel, 
and JThSt xiv. 441) that Syriac, or some Semitic 
dialect, is the original of the Odes, yet the argu- 
ment hyConnoWy (JThSt xiv. 315 f., 530 fl'.), that 
our Syriac text is translated from the Greek, 
appears to be very strong (see also JThSt xy. 
[1913-14] 44 ff.). If it be sound, we have here 
a good example of the use by Syriac-speaking 
Christians of Greek hymns. 

Another example is the Syriac version of the 
(Jreek hymns of Severus, Monophysite patriarch 
of Antioch (A.D. 512-519), made by Paul, bishop 
of Edessa (A.D. 510-526 ; see DCB iv. 259), and 
revised by Jacob (see above). The Syriac has been 
edited by E. W. Brooks in Patrologia Orientalis, 
vii. 5 (Paris, 1912). 

3. Rhymed poetry. — The metrical compositions 
hitherto mentioned are not rhymed, but about the 
12th cent, the Syrians learnt from the Arabs the 
art of rhyming. A. Mingana states (Connolly, 
' Narsai,' p. xiii) that after A.D. 1150 all the poetry 
had this characteristic ; and Connolly (p. xxxviii f.) 



gives from Cardakhi (see in Literature) n. list of 
9 or 10 writers of the 13th cent, wlio urulu in 
rhymed verse. Of these the most famous were the 
Monojihysito Bar-hebraeus, and the Nestorian Au- 
dishfi' ( Abhdishf), Ebcdjesus) the bibliographer, 
Khamis (West Syr. Kliaiiiix), and George Wardfi. 
From Warda and Khuniis, hymn-writers of great 
repute, have been named two East Syrian service- 
books, containing 'propers' for festivals, etc., 
several of them probably having been written by 
these authors. 

These later writers are distinguished by an 
extremely artificial style, and by a profusion of 
Greek words and strange forms. For examples of 
their compositions reference may be made to the 
anthems at the Blessing of the Months, sung at 
Evening Service on the first day of every month 
except February (A. J. Maclean, East Syrian 
Daily Offices,'' p. 230). The stanzas attributed to 
Mar Abraham of Slukh (Seleucia) on the Tigris 
contain the follo\ving: Ahiyah = .TnN, 'Vl'\m — 6e6v, 
Aghustus = Augustus, the reigning king, and 
Ti'ulugh = eeoX47os, the reigning patriarch (these 
stanzas rhyme in -td). In the anthems given on 
p. 231 IT. each line of a stanza ends in -td, -nd, 
-an, -tlid, -rd, -zd, -dkh ; while the last four 
stanzas are non-rliyming. The authors of these 
rhyming stanzas are of the 13th cent, or later. A 
good example of the style of these later ■ivriters 
may also be seen in the highly artificial prayers 
said before the psalms in the East Syrian ^Iorning 
Office on festivals, composed by Mar Eliya ( Elijah), 
Catholicos, surnamed Abukhallm (J. S. Assemani, 
Bibl. Orient., Rome, 1719-28, III. i. 289) ; they are 
given in an English translation in Conybeare- 
Maclean, Rituale Armenoru7n,^ Oxford, 1905, pp. 
377-379. They are taken from the book called 
Abukhallm after Eliya ; they abound in foreign 
words to such an extent as to make them quite 
unintelligible to the Syrian. The famous Audishu 
(see above) was a great composer of hymns of praise 
(tishbkhdthd) and anthems (Payne Smith, Thes. 
Syr. ii. 4028 ; Assemani, in. i. 708), but his style is 
greatly disfigured by its artificiality. 

4. Hymnody in the present service-books. — In 
what follows the East Syrian service-books are 
those principallj' dealt with. They were largely 
re-modelled and systematized by Ishuyaw III. 
(Isho'yahbh, Jesujabus, lit. 'Jesus gave'), who was 
the Nestorian Catholicos from A.D. 647 to 658. 
Till his time there was no system of hymns, and 
probably he borrowed ideas from the Byzantine 
churches when he visited Antioch and other Greek 
cities. He revised the KhUdhrd (lit. ' Cycle '), or 
book of 'propers' throughout the year, and in- 
troduced much hymnody into it. For some account 
of this Catholicos see Thomas of Marga, bk. ii. 
§ 11 ; Budge gives some of his Epistles in Syriac in 
his edition of Thomas (ii. 132-147), and relates 
what is known of his life (i. pp. Ixx.xiv-xcvii). In 
addition to his work on the Khudhrd, Ishuyaw re- 
modelled the baptismal rite. 

The hymns in the East Syrian books are of 
diflerent kinds, and may now be considered in 
order. 

(a) The Hymn of praise, Syr. tishbukhtd (pi. 
tishbkhdthd), lit. 'praise.' This word, which is 
used in the Peshitta of the hymns in Ex 15', Dt 
3J19. 30 Qic^^ an(j of the Song of Songs (tishbkhath 
tishbkhdthd) is used also in the service-books, both 

1 In this article the more common namea are given in their 
Western form, as George, Ephraim ; others are griven as 
pronounced by the East Syrians, with the exact transliteration 
of the Syriac added if necessary, and with their Westernized 
forms. In the pronunciation au = 6; ai = French i (usually); 
kh and qh are hard and soft gutturals ; aio final is halfway 
between ow (as in ' cow ') and dv ; dh and th represent the two 
sounds of th in English. Consonants in words derived from thfl 
Pa'el conjugation, etc., are not doubled in pronunciation. 

2 Hereafter cited as ESDO. s Hereafter cited as RA. 



14 



HYMNS (Syriac Christian) 



East and West Syrian, of prose hymns like the 
' Gloria in excelsis ' (called by the West Syrians 
the ' hymn of praise of the night ') and of the ' Song 
of the Three Children ' (called by the East Syrians 
the ' hymn of praise of the company of Ananias'). 
The ordinary ' hymn of praise,' however, is a 
metrical composition consisting of a number of 
stanzas sung alternately by the two choirs (which 
are called respectively ' the former ' and ' the 
latter'), and usually of two lines each, though 
occasionally of four or more. Karely these hymns 
of praise are acrostic, beginning with the letters of 
the alphabet (ESDO, 231, 233), or with the letters 
of a name, as Ishu Mshikha ('Jesus Christ') or 
Shimsha-sahra ( ' sun and moon ') or the like (ESDO, 
167, 230), 

The East Syrian service-books frequently (but 
not always) ascribe these hymns of praise to de- 
finite authors. The following, among others, are 
mentioned : Ephraim and Narsai (above, § i) ; 
Shimun (Shimon) Barsaba'S (Simeon Barsaboe), 
Catholicos in the 4th cent. ; Awa (Abha, Abbas), 
Catholicos in the 6th cent. ; Thomas of Ur-liai 
(Edessa), contemporary and friend of Awa ; Bawai 
(Babhai, Babaeus : W. Syr. Babai) the Great, 
Abbot of Mount Izla early in the 7th cent, (see 
Budge, op. cit. ii. 46), Bawai of Nisibis (8th cent. ; 
Budge, ib. ; he was famous for his beautiful voice) ; 
George, Monophysite metropolitan of Nisibis (7th 
cent. ; see DUB ii. 642, Assemani, in. i. 456) ; 
'Abraham, Doctor' or 'Abraham of Izla,' i.e. 
Abraham of Kashkar, the reviver of monasticism 
in the 6th cent., the head of the monastery of 
Mount Izla near Nisibis (Budge, ii. 37) ; Abimelech 
(date!); Abraham of Nithpar, whose life was 
written by Saurishu Rustam (Sabhrisho Rostam, 
Sabarjesus Rostam), a disciple of Narsai (Thomas 
of Marga, bk. i. § 32, bk. ii. § 17 ; see also Budge, 
ii. 108 n.) ; John of Beth Raban (6th cent.), founder 
of a monastery in Dasin, a district on the Great 
Zab south of the modern Quchanis, the seat of the 
present Nestorian Catholicos Mar Shimun (Budge, 
ii. 67, 301 ; DCB iii. 405) ; Saurishu, Catholicos c. 
A.D. 600 ; Barsauma (Barsumas) of Nisibis (5th 
cent.) ; Khnana of Kh'dhayaw (Kh'dhayabh, Adia- 
bene), a district east of the Tigris, between the 
two Zabs (Assemani, III. i. 81). The ascriptions 
are in some cases doubtful, and the scribe himself 
sometimes hesitates, and gives two names as alter- 
natives. 

(J) The MadroLsha (lit. 'commentary,' Payne 
Smith, Thes. Syr. i. 956 ; pi. Madrdsh(), said to be 
a 'doctrinal hymn.' This is a less common form 
of hymn. It consists of an antiphon {'ilndya) and 
two or more verses (bdU : these two names are used 
by the West Syrians also). The antiphon is said 
first, and the two choirs then sing the verses in 
turn. There is a daily Madrasha at Compline 
(which is uncommon as a daUy service, but is used, 
combined with Evensong, on saints' days and in 
Lent ; it is, however, used by the more religious as 
a private devotion ; see Maclean-Bro\vne, Catholicos 
of the East, p. 234) ; two Madrashe are said at the 
Night Service on Feasts of our Lord ; one is said on 
Sundays, on saints' days, and on week days in 
Lent. A Madrasha is sometimes called a ' station ' 
(Syr. istatyund). 

\c) The AntheTui {'unlthd, pi. 'unydthd ; this word 
sometimes denotes a stanza of an anthem) is at 
once the most characteristic and the most common 
form of East Syrian hymnody. It consists of a 
number of stanzas ; each stanza is prefaced by a 
clause from the Psalms (occasionally from otlier 
books of the Bible) said in monotone ; then the 
metrical stanza is sung to a chant. The Anthem 
usually ends with a stanza prefaced by ' Glory be 
to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy 
Ghost,' and often with another prefaced by ' For 



ever and ever, Amen,' sometimes with a third 
prefaced by ' Let all the people say Amen ' (Ps 106*^). 
The length of the stanzas varies greatly ; but they 
are usually short, consisting of 2, 4, or 6 lines ; the 
lines are often of 4 feet (spondees or dactyls), some- 
times of 3i or of 5 feet or more. Under the heading 
of the ' Gloria ' and of ' Let all the people ' there 
are frequently grouped several stanzas, and these 
are sometimes elaborate and probably late com- 
positions ; they often commemorate the East 
Syrian martyrs and other worthies (see, e.g. , ESDO, 
134 fi;, where several other groups of stanzas are 
added after the 'Gloria'). 

As this form of hymnody is unknown in the 
West, it may be useful to give a specimen, taken 
from the Ferial Evening Service of First Tuesday 
{ESDO, 24) : 

Our help is in the name of the Lord (Ps 124S). Our help ia 
from God : who by means of His mercies chastiseth us all ; for 
He is the giver of our life : The hope of the salvation of our 
souls shall never more be out off ; but let us cry and say : Keep 
us, O my Lord, in thy compassion and have mercy upon us. 

And our helper in times of trouble (Ps 46^). Our help, etc. 
(repeat). 

Glory be to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Ghost. 
O Christ, who didst reconcile at thy coming all creation with 
Him who sent thee : pity thy Church saved by thy blood ; and 
bring to an end within it strifeful divisions : which allow the 
devil to enter : to the wonderful dispensation of thy manhood : 
and raise up in it priests to preach the sound faith. 

In the Anthems some of the stanzas inserted 
before the ' Gloria Patri ' are often called ' Of 
prayer' (see, e.g., ESDO, 145, 195) ; but the mean- 
ing of this heading is not clear. Some are ' occa- 
sional ' stanzas, as ' for a journey ' or ' for rain ' 
(p. 149). The Anthems at the Night Service, 
especially on Festivals of our Lord, are extremely 
long ; the translation of those appointed for the 
Epiphany takes 84 octavo pages of small print 
in JiA ; but the daily Anthems are only of from 
3 to 6 stanzas. The ' Martyrs' Anthems in praise 
of the heroes of the past, which are sung twice 
daily on ferias except in Lent (according to the 
rubric, they are appointed for Sundays also), are 
somewhat longer. They are a great feature of the 
services. The martyrs are called architects, the 
beams of a building, combatants (dghunisti, (1701- 
viaral), merchants buying the pearl, precious stones, 
etc. In almost every one of these Martyrs' An- 
thems the follomng are mentioned : St. George, 
the famous martyr under Diocletian (DCB ii. 645 f . ) ; 
St. Cyriac, the boy-martyr in the same persecution, 
and Julitta, his mother (T. Ruinart, Acta Sincera 
Martyrum', Amsterdam, 1713, p. 477) ; St. PithyOn, 
' who opposed the magi ' and was martyred by 
Adhur-prazd'gard (for a detailed account see the 
anthem in ESDO, 139) ; St. Sergius, martyr in 
Syria under Maximian or Maximin (DCB iv. 616 : 
sometimes his companion, St. Bacchus, is men- 
tioned, for whom see DCB i. 236) ; and the sons 
of Shmuni (the seven martyrs of 2 Mac 7), and 
Eii'azar (Eleazar) their teacher (4 Mac 5 fif. ) : their 
names are given (ESDO 111) as Gadai, Maqwai 
(Maqbhai, Maccabseus), Tarsal, Khyurun (Khi- 
bhron, Hebron), Khyusun (Khibhson), Bakus 
(Bacchus), Yunadaw (Yonadabh, Jonadab). [In 
the Latin paraphrase of 4 Mae 8 ff., published by 
Erasmus (the Bule of Reason), the names are given 
as Maccabseus, Aber, Machar, Judas, Achas, Areth, 
Jacob ; and the mother's name is Salamona (W. K. 
Churton, Uncanonical and Apocryphal Scriptures, 
London, 1SS4, p. 579 ff.).] 

Anthems are used at each of the four daily 
services (Evening, Night, Morning, and Compline 
— for the last, see above, (b)] and also in the 
Eucharistic Liturgy, in the baptismal service, 
and in large numbers in the occasional offices such 
as marriages and funerals. Many of the anthems 
at the burial of the dead are of great beauty, and 
are highly dramatic. Those used at the Eucharist 



HYMNS (Bthiopic Christian) 



16 



are: the 'Anthem of the Sanctuary,' sung after 
the psalmody at the beginning of the service ; the 
'Anthem of the Gospel,' sung after the Gospel is 
read; the 'Anthem of the Mysteries,' sung after 
an unnamed and fixed oH'crtory anthem ; an 
Anthem at the Fraction; and the '[Anthem] of 
the Bema,' sung by the choir in the nave during 
the communion of the people, which is unlike 
other anthems, and more nearly resembles a Ma- 
drasha, consisting of an antiphon and verses (for 
that sung on Ascension Day see I<\ E. Briglitnian, 
Liturr/ie.i EriMern and Western,^ Oxford, 1896, i. 
298 ; ifor that sung on the Epiphany see BA, 388). 

While ' Anthems ' are most highly developed in 
the East Syrian books, somewhat similar com- 
positions are found in Greek (see LEW, 354, where 
tliree parts of a prayer are ' farsed ' with the 
clauses of the ' Gloria Patri ' ; tlie prayer, how- 
ever, is not metrical). Much nearer to the East 
Syrian anthem is the West Syrian sedro (E. Syr. 
sidrd, lit. 'order'), though it is not so highly 
developed (for specimens see LEW, 71, 74, 80, 
108). The sedro begins with a prumion, or anti- 
phon {irpooifiws'), and this is followed by stanzas. 
The psalm-clauses, however, have in some cases 
dropped out ; the best example is that on p. 108, 
which retains not only the clauses of the ' Gloria,' 
but also Ps 368". Payne Smith [Thes. Syr. ii. 2534) 
says that a sedro is so called because it is arranged 
in order, and often is acrostic, or rhymes. 

The authorship of the Anthems is seldom men- 
tioned in the East Syrian service-books, but the 
Martyrs' Anthems are said in some MSS of the 
Qdhcim-u-wathar (lit. ' Before and After ') — the 
book of the daily offices less the ' propers ' of the 
season, etc., named after the two choirs who sing 
the services — to have all been composed by Mar 
Marutha (Maruthas), metropolitan of Miparqat 
(Maipheracti), a city on the Tigris between Mosul 
and Baghdad, otherwise known as Takrit (Tagrit) 
or Martyropolis. Marutha became metropolitan 
A.D. 640, or, as some say, A.D. 624; for his life, 
by his successor, Mar Dinkha, see Patrologia 
Orientalis, iii. 1 (ed. F. Nau, Paris, 1912). G. T. 
Stokes, in DCB iii. 859, appears to confuse him 
with one or two earlier namesakes. The Sunday 
Martyrs' Anthems differ in style from the week- 
day ones, and seem to be of a later date {ESDO, 
173). A few names of authors are given in the 
service-books to particular parts of other Anthems, 
especially to certain long and elaborate groups of 
stanzas added, in some cases, at the end. In the 
MSS translated in ESDO and BA these are : 
Khakim of Beth Qasha (lit. ' house of the pres- 
byter'), Shimsha Saidnaya, Audishu the biblio- 
grapher (13th cent. ; see above), Shimun, metro- 
politan of Amidh (Diarbekr), Abraham of Slukh 
(Seleucia on the Tigris), and Gabriel. The Anthem 
of the last-named is dated in the MSS ' 1910 of the 
Greeks,' i.e. A.D. 1599 {ESDO, 231). It would seem 
that, when an author's name is given to an Anthem, 
the composition is comparatively late. Some of 
the Anthems in BA are said in the MSS to have 
been derived from the Warda (above, §3), and the 
Gaza (lit. 'treasury'), a large volume containing 
propers for Festivals of our Lord, etc. 

(a) The TUrgama (lit. 'interpretation') is an 
expository hymn sung in the Liturgy. An in- 
variable turgdma is sung before the Epistle 
('Apostle,' i.e. St. Paul), and a variable one before 
the Gospel {LEW, 257, 259). 

(e) The Canon (Syr. ganuna— Kaviliv) is a hymn, 
metrical or non -metrical, consisting of verses 
• farsed ' with a psalm or other composition (for 
other meanings of this word see ESDO, 292) ; it is 
another great feature of the East Syrian services. 
A conspicuous example is the Canon ' Terrible art 
' Hereafter cited as LEW. 



thou,' sung on Feasts of our Lord {LEW, 297), 
whidi runs thus : 

'Terrible art thou, O God most hifh, out of thine holy place, 
worlfi without end. Blessed be the glory of the Lord from Hll 
place,' 

and is sung between several clauses proper to the 
particular festival. A very elaborate Canon occurs 
in the Third M6twa {Mautbhd, a series of anthems 
sung sitting, Gr. KiBur/xa) at the Night Service on 
Epiphany {BA, 365). The stanzas farse tlie clauses 
of Ut 32'^"'"*^, and are remarkable as including four 
unique verses in an old Persian dialect, in metre 
of lines of 8 syllables. D. S. Margoliouth judges 
them to belong to a dialect of Christians in Persia 
before the Muhammadan Conquest {JBAS, Oct. 
1903, and BA, 367 n.). Another instance of a 
Canon is tbeLdkhumdrd{lit. ' Thee, Lord '), named 
from its first words, and sung at almost all the 
services : 

' Thee, Lord of all, we confess : thee, Jesus Christ, we glorify : 
for thou art the Quickener of our bodies, and thou art the 
Saviour of our souls.' 

This is used as a farsing of a psalm-clause with 
'Gloria Patri' (see ESDO, 3, 104, etc.; LEW, 249). 
Yet another instance is the 'Holy God, Holy 
Mighty, Holy Immortal, have mercy upon us,' 
which is farsed with the ' Gloria Patri ' {ESDO, 
10 ; LEW, 250). These two compositions, how- 
ever, are not called ' Canons ' in the service-books. 
It may be added that ' farsing ' is a favourite prac- 
tice of the East Syrians ; tne psalms, and even 
the Lord's Prayer, are farsed (for the last see 
LEW, 252; ESDO, If.). 

Literature. — As the subject is so little known, it may be 
desirable to name certain East Syrian service-ijooks where 
specimens of the hymns described above may be found. The 
following two service-books, published in Syriac by the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury's Mission in London and at Urmi in 
Persia, may be mentioned out of several similar works : fakhsd 
(lit 'Order,' rd^ts), the Missal (1S90) ; Qdhdm-'iMXjdthdr, the 
book of daily offices (1892), for which see above, 4 (c). These 
contain the services as used by the Nestorians. The servjcea 
as modified for the ' Uniat Chaldaeans ' may lie seen in the 
Bremarium Chaldaicum, Paris, 1886. For Enp. tr. of the 
_ - - . ^^.. __ 



services see A. J. Maclean, East Syrian Daily 
London, 1894 ; F. C. Conybeare and A. J. Maclean, RituaU 
Armenorum and the East Syrian Epiphany Rites, Oxford, 
1905 ; F, E. Brigfhtman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, i. 
do. 1896 (contains one Liturgy, with the * propers ' for the 
Ascension); Liturgy of Adai and Man, London, 1893 (con- 
tains three Liturgies and the baptismal service). 

Besides the works mentioned in the course of the art., 
reference may be made to Gabriel Cardakhi, Liber Thesauri 
de Arte Poetica Syrorum, Rome, 1875 (an anthology of poems 
of different dates) ; G. Bickell, S. Ephraemi Syri Carmina 
Nisibena, Leipzig, 1866 ; J. Julian, Dictionary of Hymnology^, 
London, 1907, art. 'Syriac Hynmody.' A few Syriac hymna 
have been rendered in English verse by R. M. Moorsom 
Renderings of Church Hymns, London, 1901, and by others. 

A. J. Maclean. 
HYMNS (Ethiopic Christian).— Hymns enter 
largely into the services of the Abyssinian Church, 
and in catalogues of Ethiopic MSS the names of 
certain hymn - books are usually found, viz. the 
Degwa, the Egziabker nages ('The Lord is king'), 
the Me'rdf ('Chapter'), and the Mawdsheet ('Re- 
sponses'). Like other hymns, they are dedicated 
to particular persons, and intended for special 
occasions ; a complete hymn-book is one which 
contains hjonns for every solemnity in the year. 
A specimen of a Response or Antiphon is given 
by A. Dillmann in his Chrestomathia jEthiopica 
(Leipzig, 1866, § 10); it consists mainly of Scrip- 
ture texts, chanted by the minister, and partly 
repeated by the choir ; their response is called 
Meltdn. Although it bears the title Wdzem 
(' Hymn '), which resembles the Arabic wazrt 
('metre'), it bears no trace of rhythm or rhyme. 
Other hymns exhibit rhyme similar to that used 
in Arabic versification ; i.e. a series of lines all 
terminate in the same consonant or consonant and 
vowel : but, whereas in Arabic this rhyme per- 
vades the poem, in Ethiopic it pervades the strophe, 
which is ordinarily of five lines (see examples in 



16 



HYMNS (Latin Christian) 



E. A. W. Budge, Miracles of the Virgin Mary, 
London, 1900) ; sometimes, however, it is only of 
three. The lines of a strophe do not appear to 
correspond exactly in other respects, and at times 
vary considerably in length and sequence of syl- 
lables. The chanting is of three styles : Geez (or 
Zemd), 'Ezel, and Ardrdi, said to be suited re- 
spectively to holy days, fasts, and feasts ; of these 
names the second appears to be identical witli the 
Arabic Ghazal, ' love songs,' but the others are 
obscure. The Degwa is supposed to be the com- 
position of one Yared of the 8th cent. ; but this 
ascription is probably valueless. The matter con- 
tained in these hymns does not differ from the con- 
tents of analogous compositions in other branches 
of Christianity. 

Literature.— Catalo^es of Ethiopic MSS, especially A. 
Dillmann, Cat. codd. MSS oethiop. BihliQthec<s Bodleiance, 
Oxford, 1848 ; W. Wright, Cat. of the Ethiop. MSS in the 
Brit. Mus., London, 1877 ; H. Zotenberg, Cat. des MSS 
orient, de la biblioih^que nat. iii., Paris, 1S77. 

D. S. Maegoliouth. 

HYMNS (Latin Christian).— I. Early CHRIS- 
TIAN Hymns. — The language of the Western 
liturgies was originally Greek, not Latin, and the 
numerous Greek expressions in the present Roman 
liturgy remind us of this original dependence. 
Greeli, moreover, was the written language of tlie 
early Fathers and ecclesiastical writers till Ter- 
tullian, so tliat it is not surprising to find that no 
original and independent Latin hymns were com- 
posed before the 4tli cent, after Clirist. 

Isidore of Seville designates Hilary of Poitiers 
as the first hymn-composer of the Latin-speaking 
West,^ and, according to Jerome,^ he composed a 
whole hook of hymns, but had apparently no de- 
cisive success.' The reason of his failure was that 
he made no attempt to condescend to the unculti- 
vated Gallic populace, but tried to raise them to 
his own level. 

Regarding the hymns of Hilary there was no 
certain information until quite recently. The 
Liber hymnorum of which Jerome spoke was lost, 
and the other compositions which circulated under 
his name in anthologies and literary histories either 
could not be proved authentic or were associated 
^vith his name only through an error which has 
found its way from Daniel's Thesaurus hyinnologicus 
into countless works.'' In 1884, G. F. Gamurrini 
discovered fragments of the missing Liber hymn- 
ormn in the public library of Arezzo, and pub- 
lished them in 1887 in the Bibliotcca dell' academia 
storico-giuridica, vol. iv., under the title, ' S. HUarii 
Tractatus de Mysteriis et Hymni et S. Silvias 
Aquitanse Perigrinatio ad loca sancta.' Unfor- 
tunately, the hymn-book is in a mutilated condi- 
tion ; it contains only three hymns, which are all 
incomplete, two being defective at the beginning, 
and one at the end ; two of them are acrostics, 
or alphabet-hymns. In spite of this mutilation, 
the hymns are of priceless value to us, for they 
help us to estimate the oldest Latin hymns, and 
the poetical attempts of the great Gallic Church 
Father. Their contents — especially those of the 
first hymn, which deals with the doctrine of the 
Trinity and the consubstantiality of the Son — are 
not very clear, and have no popular character- 
istic. They are metrical in form, but show no 
artistic taste ; and great liberties have been taken 
with the metre. ^ 

Although Hilary was the first Western writer to 
compose hymns in Latin, Ambrose may be rightly 
called the Father of Latin hymn-composition, and, 
indirectly, of all Church hymnody and popular 

1 de Eccl. off. i. 6. 2 Be Vir. illust. 100. 

3 Co7n. in Gal. ii., pref. 
* Of. Analecta hymnica, xxvii. [1897] 49 f 
5 For other questions connected with Hilary's hymns see the 
detailed account in Anal. hymn. 1. [1907] 3 t. 



song.' There is far more evidence of the activity 
of Ambrose as a hymn- writer than in the case of 
Hilary. Many testimonies from Christian anti- 
quity, among which his own takes the first rank, 
assure us of his poetical activity as well as of his 
striking success." Augustine, his younger contem- 
porary, has preserved quotations from the hymns 
of Ambrose ; we have hia good authority for four 
of them, viz. ' j^iteme rerum conditor,' ' Deus, 
creator omnium,' 'Jam surgit hora tertia,' and 
' Intende qui regis Israel.' If, by means of these 
four hymns, which are undoubtedly genuine, we 
examine the characteristics of Ambrose's style of 
thought and poetical expression in language and 
metre, we may be 3,ble to prove his authorship of a 
series of other hymns in the collection of the Church 
of Milan. 3 

The first fact that strikes us in connexion with 
the success of Ambrose is that his influence as a 
hymn-writer was as strong as it was lasting. Both 
Augustine and Ambrose himself describe the in- 
spiriting and even fascinating effect which these 
hymns exercised when they first appeared. They 
were songs for the people and the congregation in 
the fullest sense of the term, being thoroughly 
popular in contents, form, and melody. Of course, 
the population of an imperial seat of residence like 
Milan stood at a higher level of culture than the 
people of a Gallic provincial to^vn like the Poitiers 
of Hilary, and those who could follow the sermons 
of Ambrose with intelligence and affection would 
also appreciate his hymns, and sing them with 
enthusiasm. 

The hymns of Ambrose spread rapidly over the 
West, and became popular everywhere. The 
ancient I-atin hymns were also folk-songs, and 
they continued to be so as long as Latin remained 
a living tongue. When it became a dead language 
of liturgy, the sphere of influence of these hymns 
naturally became narrowed ; instead of being the 
property of a whole people, they became, as poetry 
of the Church and cloister, the possession of a 
privileged c'ass. But, later on, a popular form of 
poetry was evolved from this poetry, which con- 
tinued to exist, and even flourish luxuriantly, in a 
dead language — an evolution which took place not 
in one, but in many languages ; and thus we have 
the surprising phenomenon of a popular form of 
composition passing through an artistic stage to 
return again to the popular level. In this sense, 
also, Ambrose is the father of our popular ecclesi- 
astical hymns ; even to-day some of his poems and 
melodies are sung by the people. It is impossible 
now to discover the stages through which the 
popular hymn of Ambrose passed in its develop- 
ment into the clerical and monastic hymn of the 
Middle Ages, or the time when the transformation 
was completed. The want of liturgical records, 
and especially of MS hymns, reduces us almost 
entirely to the expedient of combining fragments 
— an untrustworthy method when the data are so 
scanty and uncertain. With the exception of a 
few MSS, such as Vaticanus Beg. 11 and the Anti- 
phonary of Bangor (ed. F. E. Warren, Loudon, 
1893-95), which, however, belong to quite a differ- 
ent environment and a different kind of composi- 
tion, we have hardly any hymn-collections before 
the 10th century. In all of them the transforma- 

1 See G. M. Dreves, Aurelius Ambroidus, ^ d&r Vater des 
Kirchenijesavfjes,' Freiburg Im Br., 1893. 

2 lb. pp. 4, 28. 

3 This ia the aim of Dreves's Aureli^ts Ambrosius. Following 
the example of L. Biraghi (Inni sinceri e carmi di S. Avfibrogio, 
Milan, 1862), he proves fourteen hymns to be undoubtedly 
authentic, and four others to be probably composed by Ambrose 
(see Aur. Amb., pp. 127-14C, and Anal. hymn. 1. 11-21). Dreves 
is also the first to attempt to ascertain by the same critical 
method the melodies which we are justified in regarding as 
originating from Ambrose {Aur. Amb. p. 129 ff.). His state* 
ments on both points have not been contradicted or disproved. 



HYMNS (Latin Christian) 



17 



tion is complete; and tl ey also show another 
change • — the liymn governed hy quantity and 
metre has evolved one governed by rules of accent. 
Tlie single certain fact in this long period we de- 
rive from the monastic rules of Benedict, and of 
Aurolian and Cu^sarius of Aries, which sliow us a 
small number of hymns as existent in tlio 6th cent., 
and the Latin hymn almost completely transformed 
into the monastic hymn.' 

Contenijiorary with Ambrose, although his 
hymns appeared later, Prudentius- introduced a 
new kind of religious poetry ; the non-liturgical 
hymn appeared and developed alongside of the 
liturgical ; to the poetry expressing oilieial and 
public congregational devotion was added the 
poetry of personal and domestic edification. 

]3esides his greater works (he wrote in all over 
ten thousand verses), which are mostly didactic 
and polemic, Aurelius Prudentius Clemens com- 
posecl two works of mixed lyric and epic content, 
the Cathemerinon and Peristephanon, which have 
given his name a leading place in the history of 
hymnology. The first is a collection of hymns for 
the dill'erent hours of prayer in the day and the 
festivals of the year ; the second consists of a series 
of poetical narratives celebrating the sufferings, 
conilicts, and victories of various martyrs, especi- 
ally those belonging to Spain. These compositions 
belong to epic rather than to liymnic verse, but 
some of them were adopted into popular use as 
hymns. 

Prudentius presents a striking contrast to his 
immediate predecessor Ambrose, writing as he did 
from an entirely different point of view, and only 
for private reading. Among the early Christian 
hymn-writers, Ambrose may be called the Classic 
and Prudentius the Romantic. While Ambrose 
eve^y^vhere betrays the genuine Roman charac- 
ter, with its sustained dignity and strenuous self- 
control, in the poems of the hot-blooded Spaniard 
there is a sparkle and glow, a thrUl and enthusiasm 
unknown to the ancient Roman poets. The con- 
trast between the liturgist and the poet is also 
obvious in the external form chosen by the two 
writers. While the hymns of Ambrose invariably 
consist of eight stanzas — a number which remained 
the rule till far into the Middle Ages — those of 
Prudentius are much longer. All the hymns of 
Ambrose are composed in the iambic dimeter — a 
metre whose simplicity was specially adapted to 
meet the requirements of congregational .singing, 
and in which the majority of Latin hymns have 
been composed down to the present day ; on the 
other hand, Prudentius takes pleasure in imitat- 
ing and, if possible, surpassing, the rich variety of 
metres in Horace ; so that, even in poetical form, 
self-limitation marks the one, and self-expansion 
the other, of the two protagonists of ancient 
Christian poetry. 

As regards the influence of both writers on the 
hymn-composition which they originated, we may 
say that Ambrose has exercised a more powerful 
influence on the form, and Prudentius on the 
subject-matter, of sacred poetry, and that in later 
hymnody the one acted more as a restraint, and 
the other as a stimulus ; the influence of Ambrose 
has been the more permanent, and that of Pru- 
dentius the more extensive, as he did not confine 
himself within the narrow limits of liturgical hymn- 
composition. Further, the influence of Prudentius 
on posterity was as great as that of a conspicuous 
poet has ever been, because, like the poets of clas- 
sical antiquity generally, he became the common 
property of all nations who shared the intellectual 
wealth bequeathed by ancient Rome. 

1 Cf. C. Blunie. Dir Cursus Sanati Betiedieti Nursini, Leipzijjf, 
80S. 

2 PL lix.-lx. 

•■■OI.. VII. 2 



In comparison with these two masters of ancient 
Christian Ijynmody, the other Christian hymn- 
writers belonging to this period fall into the Lack- 
ground. We possess numerous inscriptional poem.H 
of Pope Daraasus (1 384), which are distinguished 
by elegance of expression and artistic polish.' The 
hyiiiiis attributed to him, however (one in praise of 
Agatha, and a hymn commemorating St. Andrew, 
wiiich has long been in liturgical u.se), apparently 
do not belong to him ; the former is iirobaljly of 
Moziirabic, and the latter of Gallo-Frankish, origan. 
Augustine (t 430) also touches the province of 
liyninology in so far as he composed a 'rhythm' 
against the sect of the Donatists, each strophe 
beginning in alphabetical order from a to v. He 
himself calls it ' Psalinus contra partem Donati: 
liber unus.' ^ It was intended for popular singing, 
in order to make the common people better ac- 
quainted with the distinctive teaching of the two 
parties, and had a refrain (hypopsalma). Although 
the form is lyrical, the contents are so pronouncedlj' 
didactic that the poem can hardly be counted among 
sacred lyrics ; but it is of the highest importance 
for the histoiy of rhythmic Latin poetry because 
of its indisputable authenticity. Pontius Meropius 
Anicius Paulinus, bishop of Nola in Campania 
(t 431), composed a whole 'book of hymns.'" 
Either this refers to the Carmina Natrilitia on St. 
Felix or the book has been lost. Among the ex- 
tant poems of Paulinus, all that can be called 
hymns are the 'Prayer' (Carm. iv.) and three 
paraphrases of Ps 7-9.'' Ctelius Sedulius, who 
flourished about the middle oi the 5th cent., has 
left two poems besides his great ' Oarmen Paschale.' 
These he himself intended to be hymns, although 
the first is really a combination of didactic and 
lyrical poetry ; and the second, the famous ' A 
solis ortus cardine,' is a poem in iambic dimeters, 
the initial letters oif whose strophes form an acros- 
tic. This hymn was used in the Mozarabic 
liturgy, where it was dirided into six sections for 
the Festivals of the Annunciation, of the Virgin 
Mary, the Birth of Christ, the Epiphany, Inno- 
cents' Day, the Feast of Lazarus, and Maundy 
Thursday ; it is also used in the Roman liturgy, 
but in a condensed form. Some verses from the 
' Carmen Paschale ' have a place in the Roman 
missal, in the Introit of the votive Mass of the 
Virgin." Pope Gelasius (t 496) also composed 
hymns in the manner of Ambrose.^ Unfortun- 
ately his hymnary is lost, and we cannot authen- 
ticate any single hymn as his literary property. 

II. Merovingian Hymns. — BeUsenn early 
Christian and mediaeval hymn-composition there 
are two transitional periods — the time of the 
Merovingians, which shows a further develop 
ment from metre to rhythm, and the Carlovingian 
period, which is a time of artistic renaissance, and 
which also inaugurates a completely new epoch. 
Ennodius, bishop of ^avia (t 521), like Gelasius, 
belongs in time to the Merovingian period, although 
in his whole character and tone of thought he is a 
product of the former early Christian age. We 
possess a complete hymnaiy written bj' him con- 
taining twelve hymns, most of which have sur- 
vived only in a single Brussels MS.' Ennodius 
was obviously roused to poetical activity by the 
example of Ambrose, and at any rate wrote his 
hymns as archdeacon of Milan for the use of the 
Churcli there. His hymns, with the exception of 
the eighth, are in the same measure as those of 
Ambrose. He always divides them into eight 

J PL xiii. 376 ff. ; ed. M. Ihm, Antholog. Lat. suppleinenta, i. 
[Leipzig, 1895]. 
- Retract, i. 20. 3 Gennadius, de Script. eccL 48. 

* Anal. hymn. 1. 47fl. ; PL Ixi. 439 f., 449-462. 

5 lb. 1. .^3(T. The poems of Sedulius are to be found most 
convenientlv in PL xix. 549 ff. 

6 Gennadius. 94. ^ PL Ixiii. 326-334. 



18 



HYMNS (Latin Christian) 



stanzas, and chooses only subjects that had not 
already been treated in verse by Ambrose. The 
Church of Milan, however, did not respond to his 
desire ; his hymns were not adopted in her liturgy, 
and only three of them can be traced in other 
liturgies. Ennodius is one of the poets on whom, 
as a rule, literary historians pour out the vials of 
their wrath. His hymns hardly deserve the cen- 
b.ure generally heaped on them ; in spite of being 
modelled on those of Ambrose, they are not entirely 
devoid of originality, and, notwithstanding their 
obscurity of style, they do not lack a certain in- 
spiration.' We must mention here Pope Gregory 
the Great (t 604) — not as a hymn-writer, but as a 
supposed hymn-writer. Just as all the reforming 
energy of this Pope with regard to the Liturgy 
lies in obscurity, so nothing is known about his 
poetical activity. All that we read about hymns 
which he is said to have composed is either the 
product of private supposition (such as that of 
Mone) or derived from Jodocus Clichtoveus, who, 
in his Elucidatorium ecclesiasticum (Basel, 1517), 
was the first to assign a few hymns to Gregory, 
^vithout any reason. During the whole mediseval 
period, down to the time of Gregory himself, almost 
absolute silence prevails on the subject." 

The greatest and most conspicuous figure of 
this period is Venantiua Honorius Clementianus 
Fortunatus, who was made bishop of Poitiers in 
599. His poetry, with the exception of the four 
books of his Life of St. Martin, is 'occasional 
poetry' in the strictest sense of the term. Ac- 
cording to Paulus Diaconus,^ he also composed 
numerous hymns for the various Church festivals, 
but these have not been handed down. In his 
eleven books of ' miscellaneous poems ' * there are 
three hymns on the Holy Cross and an ' occasional 
poem ' on Easter, which, in an abbreviated form, 
was used as a processional hymn. Besides these 
there are other three hymns ascribed to Fortunatus : 
the baptismal hymn, 'Tibi laus, perennis auctor' 
(called ' Versus Fortunati presbyteri ' in an 8th 
cent, office-book from Poitiers preserved in the 
' Bibliothfeque de I'Arsenal ' in Paris), the Christ- 
mas hymn ' Agnoscat omne sseculum,' and the 
beautiful hymn in praise of Mary, ' Quera terra, 
pontus, sethera.'" In spite of neglect of artistic 
form, the hymns of Fortunatus belong to the ac- 
knowledged pearls of Christian literature. Hymns 
like the ' Pange lingua ' and the ' Vexilla regis ' 
have never been surpassed, and will remain im- 
mortal. They had a great influence on both text 
and music of later hymns. ^ 

Among the contemporaries of Fortunatus we 
may mention Eugenius of Toledo (t 658), who 
bestowed special care on Church-hymnody, and 
revised the Church office-books ; but, as no ecclesi- 
astical hymns have come down under his name, we 
cannot ascertain his probable share in the hymn- 
composition of the Mozarabic liturgists.' After 
Venantius Fortunatus the most conspicuous poet 
of the period is the Venerable Bede (t 735). In 
the last chapter of his Ecclesiastical History of 
England, in which he inserted a synopsis of his 
original works, he says that he had also composed 
' a book of hymns in various verse-measures and 
rhythms.' We have to lament the loss of this 
book as a whole ; but eleven hymns have been 

1 Anal. hymn. 1. 61 S. 

2 Of. Dreves, ' Haben wij Gregor den Grossen als Hymnen- 
dichter anzusehen ? ' Tilbinger Qitartalschrift, 1907, pp. 548-562. 
O. Blunie, in an art. in the Stiinmen aits Maria-Laach (Ixxiv. 
[Freiburg im B., 190S] 269 £f.), has ventured to reclaim Gregory 
for sacred hymnody, but he seems scarcely satisfied with his 
own arguments. 

3 de Gest. Longobard. ii. 13. 
i PL Ixxxviii. 68 fl. 

5 Cf. Dreves, H ymnologische Studien zu Venantius Foriu- 
natus und Habanus Maurus, Munich, 1908, pp. 1-54. 

6 Anal. hymn. 1. 70 ff. 7 76. 1. 89 ff. 



handed down to us under Bede's name by Georgiua 
Cassander in his Hymni Ecctesiastici (Cologne. 
1556), regarding the genuineness of which there 
has been much controversy.' Besides these hymns 
we have an abecedary hynm on St. Edilthrida in 
the Ecclesiastical History (iv. 20), and two Psalm- 
paraphrases preserved in various MSS. Bede's 
hymns are of unmistakable sobriety, corresponding 
with the whole character of their author. They 
did not circulate widely, however, and exercised 
no lasting influence on later Latin hymn-writing ; 
only a few of them occur in liturgical MSS. The 
hymn on St. Edilthrida was imitated in a large 
series of Anglo-Saxon and Irish hymns, e.g. 
those of Wulstan of Winchester (of., further, 
below, p. aC)." 

We may mention here a double series of hymns, 
which began in the Merovingian period, and have 
a decidedly national character, which is strikingly 
evident in the national form of writing : the 
ancient Irish and the Gothic or Mozarabic hymn 
collections. The ancient Irish Latin hymns are 
discussed in art. Hymns (Irish Christian). More 
important than these, however, are the hymns col- 
lected in the Mozarabic Liturgy. This Liturgy, 
which differs very little from the Roman, was first 
entitled ' Old Spanish,' then, with the dominion ol 
the Goths, ' Gothic,' and, finally, after the con- 
quest of Spain by the Arabs (A.D. 711) ' Mozarabic,' 
i.e. the Liturgy of Christians living among Arabs. 
Isidore of Seville seems to have done for this 
Liturgy what Gregory the Great did for the 
Roman, but the facts of the case are equally un- 
certain. The hymns, numbering about 200, which 
can still be collected out of old Mozarabic brevi- 
aries, are by no means the product of one period ; 
on the contrary, there are some in the classical 
metre of the early Christian period, some which 
show the gradual transition from metrical to 
rhythmic composition, and some displaying all 
the linguistic barbarism of the 10th century. The 
Mozarabic Liturgy is much richer in hymns than 
the Roman. It has a whole series of hymns for 
special occasions, such as the consecration of a 
bishop, a bishop's birthday, a coronation, a king's 
birthday, marriages, etc. 

With the disuse of the Mozarabic Liturgy this 
mass of lyrical poetry became obsolete, and found 
its way from the Church into the libraries and 
archives.' 

III. TBE CARLOVINGIAN BE2fAISSANCE.— The 
empire of the Carlovingians, with its Csesaropap- 
ism often resembling that of Byzantium, marks 
a new epoch for Latin hymnology. During this 
period two tendencies appear which afterwards 
run parallel through the whole of the Middle 
Ages, viz. the artistic reproduction of the old and 
the obsolete, and the preparation of the new and 
original. Charlemagne was not only a warrior 
but a patron of art, and under his rule artistic 
Latin poetry received a new impetus which has 
been called the ' Carlovingian Renaissance.' The 
central focus of these eflbrts was the ' palace- 
school' of Charlemagne, ^vith which the most 
famous learned men of the time were connected. 
It must be admitted that, considering their num- 
bers and their poetical activity, the authors be- 
longing to the learned circle of the palace and its 
' school' composed few hymns — no doubt because 
the introduction of the Roman Liturgy into the 
whole empire of the Franks checked the impulse 
towards hymn-composition. Still, the majority of 
them made small contributions towards the treasury 
of Church hymnody. 

The most important was Paul the Deacon (t 799), 

1 See Anal. hymn. 1. 96 11. 2 /J. 

3 See lb. xxvii. for Cienfuegos's attempt to resuscitate it. The 
Liturgy is found most conveniently in PL Ixxxvi. 



HYMNS (Latin Christian) 



19 



who from 782 to 786 stayed at the Court of Charle- 
magne. Besides a hymn on tlie miracle-worker, 
Benedict of Nursia, in his History of the Lombards 
(i. 26), we have the immortal poem on John the 
Baptist.' Paulinus 11., patriarch of Aquileia 
(t 802), was a more productive composer. His 
best known and most popular hymn was that on 
the Apostles Peter and Paul, beginning ' Felix per 
omnes festum muiidi cardines.''^ Alcuin (t 804), a 
central figure in this group and one of the most 
prolific hymn-writers, is represented by only two 
hymns — one on Vedastus and an evening hymn.° 
Legend says that Theodulf, bishop of Orleans 
(t 821), from his prison-window greeted the Palm 
Sunday procession in Angers, in which King Louis 
the Pious took part, with the improvised hymn 
' Gloria, laus, et honor,' fragments of which are 
still in use in the Roman Liturgy. The only 
other extant hymns of 'fheodulpli are those for 
'The Salutation of the King,' In Advcntu Regis.* 
[n this circle of poets we may also include Florus, 
the deacon of the Lyons Church, and Sedulius 
Scottus (t c. 874), the scholar of Lifege. We have 
some hymns by Florus (fl. middle of 9th cent.) com- 
posed in elegiac verse, and some free translations 
of psalms in heroic metre (one Psalm-paraphrase is 
written in iambic dimeter).^ The poems of Sedulius 
Scottus belonging to the rank of hymns are very 
few." 

Besides this group of poets of the early Carlo- 
vingian period, there is another in the later period 
—the 'Singers' school' of St. Gall.' The two 
groups are connected by Babanus Maurus, who 
was a pupil of Alcuin, and Walafrid Strabo, who 
came from St. Gall to Rabanus at Fulda, and later 
on became abbot of Keichenau. Walafrid, the 
younger of the two, is the better and more artistic 
poet, Rabanus the more productive and influen- 
tial. The poems of Rabanus (+ 856), especially his 
hymns, are known chiefly from the ed. of C. Brower 
(Mainz, 1617), who took them from a MS which 
probably belonged to the Fulda monastery. A 
small portion of this MS is preserved in the 
monastic library at Einsiedeln.^ In his hymns 
Babanus is more original and inspired than in 
his other works. The immortal ' Veni Creator 
Spiritus ' is assigned to him by a Breslau MS now in 
London.' Walafrid, nicknamed Strabo or Strabus 
( ' the cross-eyed '), abbot of Eeichenau (t 849), seems 
to have composed a ' Book of Hymns ' (sacrorum 
hymnorum librum unum [J. Pitseus]), but it has 
been lost. Only a few hymns of Walafrid are 
Itnown — a Christmas hymn, a hymn on Gallus, 
well known in Germany in the Middle Ages, 
hymns on Mammes, Januarius, Sergius, and Bac- 
chus, and poems to welcome the Emperor.'" An- 
other pupil of Rabanus — the monk Gottschalk of 
Orbais (t 869) — composed hymns, or, rather, spiri- 
tual songs. Two of them are specially interesting 
because of their original rhythms." 

The 'School of St. Gall,' to which we now pass, 
produced two classes of writers — the first class 
being an offshoot of the Carlovingian Renaissance, 

1 From the opening words of this hymn, ' Ut queant laxis 
resonate fibris,' Guido of Arezzo borrowed the tonic ' Ut, re, mi' 
notation. For the hymns see PL xcv. 472-474, 1597 f.; cf. also 
E. "Dximmler, 'Zu den Gedichten des Paulus Diaconus,' in 
Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft /itr dttere deutsche GeschichtB- 
Icunde, xvii, (1891) 397-401, and Anal. hymn. 1. 117 fl. 

2 Anal. hymn. I. 126 ff.; FL xcuc. 47&-604. 

3 lb. 1. 162a.; PL ci. 681 f., 726 f. 
i Ib.l. 160 fl. 

6 lb. 1. 210 fl.; PL Ixi. 1088-1087. 

6 Jb. 1. 229 fl.; PL ciu. 293 fi. 

7 A. Schubriger, Die Sdngerschule St. Gallens, Einsicdeln, 
1868. 

8 On the genuineness of the poems assigned to Rabanus by 
Brower, see Dreves, Hj/mnologische Studienzu Venantius Foi'tu- 
natus und Rabanus Maurus, pp. 55-136. 

^ Anal. hymn. 1. 180ff.; for the hymns see also PL cxii. 
1649 ff. 
10/6. !. 1678. 11/6. 1.219 ff. 



cultivating the liturgical hymn in classical metre 
and developing the procc^Kional hymn, and the 
second (cs]i(H:i;illy Notker and Tutilo) introducing 
an entirely new art of sequences and tropes. 

(1) In the former class Ratpert (tafter884) was 
an active writer, although all that remains of his 
liturgical writings is a sliort litany for Sunday 
processions, com^iosed partly in elegiac, partly in 
heroic, verse, beginning 'Arcfua Spes mundi,' acom- 
niunion hymn ' Laudes, Omnipotens, ferinius tibi, 
dona colentes,'a processional hymn for the festival 
of St. Giill, and a song to welcome the Queen.' 
Waldraramus (wrongly entitled ' deacon ' by Ekke- 
hart IV.) composed a processional, ' Sancte Pater, 
juva nos,' two hymns to welcome the liing, and a 
sequence for the Church-dedication festival.' A 
contemporary and brother-poet of his is the younger 
Hartmann, abbot of St. Gall (t 925), of whose com- 
positions we possess a hymn to be sung before the 
Gospel (really a precursor of the ' Conductus ' 
which came into use later), a hymn and a pro- 
cessional for the festival of the Holy Innocents, 
a metrical litany for Sunday processions, hymns 
to welcome the King, and hymns for the proces- 
sion bearing the remains of St. Magnus.' Others 
in this class are Notker Physicus (t975), who 
wrote hymns on the Virgin Mary and St. Othmar,* 
and Ekkehart the Deacon (t973), the author of 
some sequences. 

(2) Notker the Stammerer (Balbulus; t912) 
stands at the head of the second class. He in- 
troduced rhythmical sequences into the Church 
liturgy, freed hymn-composition from the trammels 
of early Christian art, and thus inaugurated the 
rhythmical composition of the Middle Ages, which 
afterwards developed so luxuriantly. In Not- 
ker's time there was no proper musical notation. 
Melodies had to be memorized ; and the notation 
in use was merely an aid to memory for the singer, 
marking the groups of notes and the general rise 
and fall of the melody, but not the exact intervals 
between the notes. It was very difficult to re- 
member passages in which a long sequence of notes 
(sometimes occupying several lines and called 
' melisms ' and ' jubilations ') had to be sung on a 
single syllable of a word, as, e.g., in the Alleluia at 
the end of the Gradual. Notker had often wondered 
how this difficulty could be obviated. When the 
monastery of Jumifeges in Northern France was 
destroyed by the Normans, one of the monks came 
to St. Gall. In the choir-books which he brought 
with him Notker saw that there were words fitted 
into the long sequences of notes — a syllable for 
every note ; and he determined to attempt some- 
thing similar. Under the wordless 'melisms' he 
introduced words of his own composition, so that 
each note was sung to a single syllable ; and he 
composed two lines of words for each musical 
phrase {clausula), which, if we may infer earlier 
custom from later, were rendered by choirs of men 
and boys alternately. After Notker had overcome 
the first difficulties with the help of his teachert 
Iso and Marcellus, he composed sequences for 
nearly all the festivals of the ecclesiastical year, 
divided them into two books, wrote a preface, and 
dedicated them to Bishop Liutward of Vercelli, 
the patron of his monastery. Notker's collection 
of sequences, which held its ground in Germany 
till the time of the Council of Trent — and some of 
it even later — exists in numerous MSS, in many 
of which, however, there is a mixture of later 
additions, e.g. sequences of Ekkehart and others. 
In contents, form, and manner of musical phrasing 
Notker's sequences are entirely original — a lituigi- 

1 Anal. hymn. 1. 237 fl. ; PL Ixxxvii. 39-41, 46. 
2/6. I. 244 ff. 

S Jb. 1. 260 fi. ; PL Ixxxvii. 29-33, 43 f., 47. 
« FL Ixxxvii. 48-60. 



20 



HYMNS (Latin Christian) 



eal, poetical, and musical innovation — as the 
hymns of Ambrose had been, and their circulation 
and influence find no parallel except in the case of 
the great Milanese. As with Ambrose's hymns, 
Rome alone showed little appreciation for the 
Teutonic innovation of Notker — a circumstance 
which afterwards, at the Council of Trent, proved 
momentous for sequence-composition. Besides his 
sequences Notker composed a series of hymns on 
St. Stephen.! 

Next to Notker the Stammerer, Tutilo (t 898) is 
the most influential member of the St. Gall school; 
for he ranks as the first writer of 'tropes' {i.e. 
additions in prose or verse to an already existing 
liturgical text). 

These insertions were afterwards more frequent in Missals or 
Graduals tlian in Breviaries or Antiplionaries. In the former 
we find them in the ' Kyrie,' ' Gloria,' 'Sanctua,' ' Agnus Dei,' 
and in the Epistles (EpUres/arcis) aa well as in other fixed or 
changinfj parts of the Mass (Introit, Gradual, Offertory, Com- 
munion) : in the latter, as a rule, only in some of the Responses. 

Only a few tropes composed by Tutilo remain, 
and these are mostly in prose, and therefore inte- 
resting to liturgists, not hymnologists. As regards 
hymn-writing Tutilo is important, not on account 
of what he composed, but for wliat he inaugurated 
and suggested : the composition of tropes, intro- 
duced in German territory and cultivated to a 
moderate extent in Germany, spread into France, 
Italy, and England, where it attained a much 
fuller development. 

The ' School of Saint Amand ' {Schola Elnonensis) 
also flourished during this period. Milo (t872) 
was one of its most celebrated teachers and a 
prolific poet, but none of his hymns have been 
preserved. The most distinguished, however, 
was Hucbald (+ 930), one of the first composers 
of harmony. He discovered the organum, or ars 
organizandi, i.e. the art of accompanying a melody 
in perfect fifths ; and his name is also connected 
with the introduction of the metrical or rhymed 
office (Historia rhythviica), i.e. a daily liturgical 
prayer-office, comprising the seven canonical hours, 
in which the hymns and everything else sung, 
except the Psalms and lessons, are composed in 
metre, rhythm, and rhyme. Besides hymns on 
St. Theodoric of Rheims and St. Cyricus of 
Nevers, he composed rhymed offices on St. Rio- 
trude of Marchiennes and others. At any rate, 
the district of St. Omer, St. Amand, and Lifege 
may be rigiitly regarded as the birthplace of this 
kind of composition.^ 

IV. Tbs Early Medieval Period.— When 
treating of the school of St. Gall as a whole, we 
have already touched on the early medieval period 
(10th and 11th centuries). The 10th cent, takes up 
the task — interrupted and postponed by the Carlo- 
vingian Renaissance — of liberating the Latin hymn 
from ancient metrical laws and of bringing it under 
the government of rhythm. During the process, 
which is tedious and confusing, the hymns which 
appear are neitlier metrical nor rhythmical ; they 
have neither accent nor metre — in fact, the com- 
posers seem simply to have followed the principle 
of counting syllables. Rhyme appears in a de- 
sultory manner in the Carlovingian period, in 
Rabanus and Gottschalk, but throughout the 10th 
cent, it remains weak and imperfect. It was not 
till the 11th cent, that both accent and rhyme 
reached the pitch of perfection which they main- 
tained in the 12th and 13th centuries. At the 
same time the art of writing sequences, begun by 
Notker, continued to be cultivated, although it 

1 The ley:end of the origin of the ' Media vita in morte sumus,' 
which attained such celehrity, is the invention of a later time. 
Notker's hymns are conveniently edited in FL cxxxi. 1005-1026, 
[xxxvii. 5S-62. 

2 The rhymed offices of the Middle A;j:es, as far as they are 
known, will he found in Anal, hymn, v. [1889], xiii. [1892], xvii, 
[1894], xviii. [1894], xxiv.-xxvi. [1896-97], xxviii. [1898], xlv.a 
[19021. 



never again attained Notker's depth of thought 
and mysticism. In the 11th cent, sequences ap- 
peared in France which, re-constructing Notker's 
prose tropes in poetic form, and his syllable- 
counted cadences in rhythms and strophes, intro- 
duced a new type of sequence. They constitute — 
to borrow a figure from architecture — the transi- 
tion-style, in which Romanesque forms are mixed 
with Gothic elements. During this period, as 
throughout the whole of the Middle Ages, metre 
holds its ground, but, like rhythm, it is re-modelled 
and re-moulded in the disguise of the most variable 
and purely ornamental forms. ' 

One of the most famous hymn-writers of this 
period is the Anglo-Saxon Wulstan, precentor of 
St. Swithin in Wincliester. We have several 
abecedaries composed by him in elegiac measure 
on local saints of Winchester — Athelwold, Birin, 
and Swithin. They are modelled on Bede's hymn 
on Edilthrida, and have been revised by Ordericus 
Vitalis.^ The monastery of the reformed Bene- 
dictine order at Clugny, which at this time in- 
fluenced not only France but all the Christian 
kingdoms of the West, is represented in hymn- 
composition by the two most celebrated abbots 
that it possessed — Odo, the best musician of his 
time (t 943), and Odilo (t 1048). Only a few frag- 
ments of their hymns remain. Odo celebrated St. 
Martin of Tours ; ' Odilo panegyrized St. Majolus, 
abbot of Clugny, and the empress St. Adelheid, 
consort of Otto the Great.'' The German poet- 
pope Leo IX., a count of Egisheim (t 1054), is 
closely connected with the Clugny group. Besides 
two hymns he composed a rhythmical office in 
honour of Gregory the Great." 

More famous than all these, however, as theo- 
logian, schoolman, and poet, is Fulbert of Chartres 
(t 1028). The comparatively few poems of his 
which are extant are composed in the most varied 
metres and rhythms. The more widely-circulated 
of his writings were the sequence ' Sonent regi 
nato,' the Epijphany hymn 'Nuntium vobis fero 
de supernis in France, and the Easter Song 
' Chorus novae Jerusalem ' throughout Christen- 
dom.^ Other French hymn-writers of this period 
are Adhfemar of Chabannes, a monk of Angouleme 
(t 1034), who panegyrizes in hymns the patron of 
his monastery, St. Eparchius;' Eusebius Bruno, 
bishop of Angers (tl081), who composed a number 
of rhythmical religious poems, of which one on 
St. Stephen became the common property of the 
mediaeval Church ; * and Anselm, archbishop of 
Canterbury (tll09), the composer of some pious 
prayers. It is to be regretted that we cannot give 
more substantial proof and a more detailed de- 
scription of Anselm's activity as a hymn-writer.' 
In a MS of the poems of Eusebius Bruno there is a 
poem of Berengar of Tours (t 1088), ' Juste Judex 
Jesu Christe.' '" 

In Italy, besides pope Leo IX. just mentioned, 
there are two conspicuous poets, who in other 
respects difier as widely as two writers can — Peter 
Damiani (t 1072) and Alfanus of Salerno (t 1085). 
One writes in mediaeval rhythms ; the other might 
be designated as a herald of humanism. 

Peter Damiani belongs to the prolific hymn- 
writers of the Middle Ages. As regards artistic 
form, his poetry can hardly bear comparison with 

1 Of. the countless varieties of Leonine verse with its elabora- 
tions and artificialities, the ' versus caudati ' and ' bi-caudati,' 
' cruciferi ' and 'cruciati,' etc. (Anal. hyvm. v. 12 ff.). 

2 Anal. hymn, xlviii. [1905] 9 ff.; see also C. Blume, ' Wolstan 
von Winchester und Vital von St. Evroul, Dichter der drei Lobge- 
sange auf die heiL Athelwold, Birin, und Swithun,* SWAW 
cxlvi. [1903] p. iii. 

3 PL cxxxiii. 61S-616. 

« Anal. hymn. 1. 264 ff., 297 ff. ; PL cxlii. 961-961, 991f ., 1036 i7 

6 lb. 1. 302 ff. 

6 lb. 1. 280 ff. ; PL cxli. 339-352. 

7 /6. xlviii. 19 ff. i;i». xlviii. 79. » /6. xlviii. 94 ff 

10 Mone, Lat. Hymnen des MittelalterSt i. 359. 



HYMNS (Latin Christian) 



21 



the more polished and elaborated compositions of 
the succeudinK age ; but under its bald exterior 
with the feeble assonantal rhymes are hidden a 
genuine poetic genius, and a warmth of feeling 
which at times bursts into a volcanic blaze. In 
the ordinary hymn-forms he celebrates the Virgin 
and the local saints of his native place, Ravenna, 
and depicts the joys of heaven and the terrors of 
the Judgment. His poem on the joys of Paradise, 
beginning ' Ad perennis vitae fontem, ' has actually 
been honoured by being wrongly assigned to the 
6th cent, or to St. Augustine him.self.' Alfanus 
of Salerno composed a series of 21 liturgical 
hymns, a metrical office, and a number of religious 
lyrics.* With one exception all his poems are in 
classical metre, and are, for his age, remarkably 
pure in expression and form. 

Germany also produced several important hymn- 
writers. Heribert of Eichstatt (t 1042), a count of 
Rothenburg, composed a series of liturgical hymns, 
some of which, e,.g. his hymn on the Holy Cross, 
and a poem on St. Lawrence, found a general 
circulation in Germany. In other hymns he cele- 
brates the local patron saints of Eichstatt — Willi- 
bald and Walpurgis.' Bern of Reichenau (Berno 
Augiensis ; 1 1048) was a musician as well as a poet, 
and he certainly wrote more than the few hymns 
and sequences known to us as his. Othlo, monk 
of St. Emmeran in Regenaburg (t 1072), deserves 
mention as the composer of a series of prayers in 
stiff hexameters and stanzas.'' There were two 
writers of greater influence than these, however — 
Heriman the Lame (Hermannus Contractus) of 
Reichenau (t 1054), one of the most celebrated men 
of his time, and Gottschalk of Limbure (t 1098), 
the most distinguished composer, after Notker, of 
sequences in Germany. Heriman was a popular 
teacher and a prolific as well as celebrated writer. 
Besides his chief work, his Ckronicon Angiense (the 
first universal history of the Middle Ages), he com- 
posed mathematical, astronomical, and musical 
works. Very few of his liturgical writings have 
come down to us under his name. The sequences 
which we know to be his are marked by a mysti- 
cism going far beyond that of Notker, and by the 
trick of inserting Greek words in the Latin text. 
The one most free from the latter mannerism is 
the most celebrated and widely used of Heriman's 
sequences, 'Ave prseclara maris stella,'^ which 
also shows the writer's preference for long cadences 
in contrast to the much shorter ones of Notker. 
Besides this we have an office in honour of St. Af ra 
composed mostly in prose, and (probably) the 
beautiful antiphons still used in the services of 
the Church, ' Alma Redemptoris Mater ' and ' Salve 
Regina.' * As a composer of sequences, Gottschalk 
of Limburg far surpassed Heriman. With the ex- 
ception of Notker of St. Gall there is no composer 
of sequences during this period when rhymeless 
rhythms were in vogue from whose hand we have 
a greater number of ' proses ' than Gottschalk. 
He writes in a very peculiar style. He is especially 
fond of the figures known as ' enumeratio,' ' poly- 
ptoton,' and 'aniiominatio.' He shares with Heri- 
man the preference for long cadences, and, without 
imitating him, resembles him very closely in his 
manner of conceiving and presenting a subject.' 

1 Anal. hymn, xlviii, 29 fl. ; PL cxlv. 861-864, 930 fl . 

2 The list of his hymns will be found in Anal. hymn. 1. 330, 
the text, ib. xxii. [1895], on the pages referred to in 1. 330 ; his 
reliffious poems of a non-liturgical character are collected in ib. 
1. 330-338. This ed. corrects the numerous faults of the earlier 
ones, since all the original MSS were freshly collated. For a 
convenient, though less critical, ed. see PL c.xlvii. 1219 fl. 

5 Anal. hymn. 1. 290 fl. ; PL cxli. 1369-1374. 
1/6. 1. 320fl. 

8 On the question of the authorship of this sequence see Anal, 
hymn. 1. 309. 

6 Anal. hymn. 1. 308 fl. 

7 Ib. 1. 339 ff. ; Dreves, * Godescalcus Lintpurgensis,' in SyTti- 
nolog. Beitr. i. [1897] ; PL cxli. 1S2S-1S34. 



Mention must be made of one more contemjiorury 
composer, Wipo, a IJurgundiaii, Court-chujilain 
to the Kmperors Conrad II. and Henry III., and, 
according to a marginal note on an Einsiedeln MS, 
author of the famous Easter sequence, Htill in use, 
'Victim* paschali laudes.' Ihis sequence is of 
special interest becau.se it is a classical example of 
those transitional sequences in which the old torms 
initiated by Notker are adorned with rhymes and 
re-cast in a rhythmical mould. 

V. The MlDlJLE Ages.— We now reach the 
acme of medioeval culture, the period of Early and 
High Gothic, in which poetic composition keeps 
abreast of the sciences and arts, and not least in 
the form of religious Latin poetry, 'i'here are 
more writers of reputation ; the forms of composi- 
tion show a richer variety ; the rhythms are more 
correct, the language more tuneful, and the rhymes 
purer. Good writers of the 12th and 13th centuries 
obey the rule that the masculine (iambic) rhyme 
must be two-syllabled. 

The writers of this period may be arranged into 
several groups. Tlie first group is formed round 
Hildebert of Lavardin and the second round 
Abelard. The whole mass of liturgical composi- 
tion, however, culminates in Adam of St. Victor. 
Another group is dominated by Philippe de Grdve. 
Finally, there are several less celebrated writers. 

(1) The chief members of the first group are 
Marbod, bishopof Rennes(t 1123), Baudri(Balderi- 
cus), abbot of Bourgueil and bishop of Dol (t 1130), 
and Reginald, monk of Saint Augustine's, Canter- 
bury (t 1 109). All these writers have two character- 
istics in common : they cultivate classical and 
metrical poetry, although Marbod and Reginald 
also write Leonine or rhymed hexameters ; and 
in their poems they incline towards worldly or 
religious - epical or didactic poetry. Marbod 
wrote a series of hymns and prayers (the latter 
partly in metre and partly in rhythm).' Of 
Baudri's compositions only a few hymns on St. 
Samson of Dol remain. ^ The form which he pre- 
fers is that of the poetic epistle, and the collection 
of his letters is of great importance from the point 
of view of the historical student. Reginald of 
Canterbury, in the last book of his chief work, the 
Life of St. Malchtis, has collected a series of hymns 
addressed to God, to Christ, to the Holy Spirit, 
etc., all of which he puts in the mouth of his hero. 
These hymns show unmistakably a feeling for 
poetic form and a certain energy of sentiment 
which secure for their author an honourable place 
in the great throng of mediaeval writers." 

Hildebert himself (t 1133), archbishop of Tours, 
belongs to the most careful cultivators of form 
among the medifeval poets. Some of his verses 
were actually included by modern philologists in 
the anthology of Latin classical authors, and were 
taken for genuine productions of antiquity, till 
Haur^au drew attention to the mistake. It is 
unfortunate that there are no liturgical composi- 
tions of Hildebert known. But, even if Hildebert 
had given us nothing but the single Oratio devot- 
issima ad Tres Personas SS. Trinitatis, ' Alpha et 
U magne Deus,' this one poem would give him a 
claim to be reckoned with the greatest hymn- 
writers of aU ages and tongues.'' 

(2) Of an ' Abelardian ' group we cannot, strictly 
speaking, say anything from the literary-historical 
point of view, since Abelard does not belong to any 
one school or tendency ; but, considering the fact 
that the two men who most deeply and perma- 
nently affected his life — Bernard of Clairvaux and 
Peter the Venerable— were both engaged in hjmin- 

1 Cf. Anal. hymn. 1. 388 ff. ; PL clxxi. 1647 fl. 
2/6. xviii. 252f. 3/6. 1. S70fl. 

•1 lb. 1. 408 fl. ; PL clxxi. 1411-1414 ; cf. also B. Haur^au, Lei 
ItfHanrjes po^tigue^ d'Eildebert de Lavardin. Paris, 1882. 



22 



HYMNS (Latin Christian) 



composition, it is perhaps justifiable to bring them 
together in a group. Bernard of Clairvaux (t 1 153) 
composed only a few hymns on the saints Victor 
and Malachias,' which are not very remarkable in 
contents or form. All the other works ascribed to 
him in the mediaeval period have been proved by 
B. Haureau'' not to be his. The well-known 
' Jubilus ' of the Name of Jesus, in which two- 
syllabled masculine rhyme is employed through- 
out, is certainly not his. It is probably not earlier 
than the 13th century. 

Alarger numberof liturgical hymns and sequences 
and extra-liturgical rhymed prayers have come 
down to us from the hand of Peter the Venerable, 
abbot of Clugny (t 1156). His compositions are more 
numerous and of a higher quality than Abelard's, 
displaying variety and polish of form. His melodies 
are also preserved.* 

Peter Abelard (t 1142) surpasses both Bernard 
and Peter the Venerable as a n3min-writer. He is 
one of the few mediaeval poets who composed a 
whole hymnary. It is very copious in contents, 
and has come down to our time almost complete. 
The first book contains the ferial hymns, the second 
the hymns for the festivals of our Lord, the third 
for the feasts of the saints. These hymns are not 
so rounded and complete as the hymns of later 
writers, and their contents sometimes suggest the 
philosopher rather than the poet ; but their im- 
perfections are due to the fact that the hymnary 
was not composed gradually in hours of inspiration, 
but had to be executed all at once. Still, as a 
whole, it is a remarkable piece of work, not only 
because of the new forms which Abelard introduces 
into hymn-composition, but also on account of the 
beauty of the contents. It is unfortunate that the 
two original MSS, which mutually supplement 
each other — the older Brussels codex and the more 
recent and fuller one at Chaumont-sur-Marne — 
do not record the melodies of the hymnary, since 
Abelard enjoyed a wide reputation as a melodist.^ 

(3) The writings of Adam of St. Victor (t 1192) 
stand at the head of liturgical composition of the 
Latin -speaking Middle Ages — indeed, of all Chris- 
tian lyric poetry. He is unquestionably one of the 
greatest poets who ever mastered the Latin tongue. 
His poetical works were edited four times during 
the 19th cent., three times by L6on Gautier (who 
deserves to be called his discoverer ; Paris, 1858, 
1881, 1894), and once by Eugene Misset and Pierre 
Aubry (do. 1900), whose edition gives the melodies 
of the sequences. ° In the contents of his writings 
— e.g. his sequence on the Holy Trinity, ' Profitemur 
unitatem,' which in theological scholastic know- 
ledge surpasses even the ' Lauda Sion ' of Thomas 
Aquinas— in the euphony of his language, and in 
the incomparable grace with which he wears all 
the shackles of rhythm and rhyme imposed upon 
him, Adam of St. Victor is equally great. 

(4) In the 13th cent, we come upon a group of 
poets who may be called the ' hymn-writers of the 
Mendicant orders,' although the central figure of 
the group is a personage who during his life belonged 
to the most strenuous opponents of the Mendicants 
— the chancellor, Philippe de Grfeve. In this group 
we find Thomas Aquinas (t 1274), the singer of 
the Sacrament of the Altar, and the author of the 
justly-celebrated ' Lauda Sion,' the ' Pange Ungua,' 

i Anal. hymn. xix. [1895] 189 fl. ; PL clxxxiii. 776f., 779, 
clxxxii. 1117 f. 

^ Des Pokmes latins attribu4s d saint Bernard, Paris, 1890 ; 
for a convenient ed. see PL clxxxiv, 1307 ff. 

3 Anal. hymn, xlviii. 233 ft. ; PL olxxxix. 1012-1022. 

■• lb. I. 141 ft. ; PL clxxviii, 1776 S. 

5 A fifth edition (by M. Legrain, Bruges, 1899) appeared in 
Belgium 'in iisum scolarum,' wliich attempts the praiseworthy, 
although probably unattainable, task of making this master of 
a new form of Latin composition known to young students ; 
.'t. also PL cxcvi. 142S-1634 ; Eng. tr. (with original text) by 
D. S "'ranRham, 3 vols., London. 1881. 



and the ' Adoro Te ' ; ' Johannes Fidanza, surnamed 
Bonaventura (t 1274), a theologian and poet like 
Aquinas, author of the ' Tree of Life,' an office 
celebrating the Passion of Our Lord, and of the 
beautiful Passion-hymn ' Recordare sanctae crueis ' ;' 
John Peckham (Johannes Pechamus), a pupil of 
Bonaventura, sulasequently archbishop of Canter- 
bury (t 1292), who composed the lovely nightingale- 
song ' Philomela praevia,' a rhymed office celebrat- 
ing the Holy Trinity, which displays deep thought 
and warm feeling with the most elaborate rhythmi- 
cal expression, and some widely celebrated hymns 
in honour of the Virgin, etc. ;' Julian of Speier 
( Julianus Teutonicus ; tl278), the author of rhymed 
offices in honour of St. Francis of Assisi and Antony 
of Padua, remarkable for both contents and form ;* 
Constantinus Medici, archbishop of Orvieto(t 1257), 
the author of an equally elaborate office in honour 
of St. Dominic ; ° and Thomas of Celano (t after 
1250), the author of some sequences and probably 
of the immortal sequence on the Last Day, the 
' Dies Irae,' so often translated and set to music. 

This was originally composed for private devotion and ended 
with the words, ' Gere curam mei finis.' In the 13th cent, it 
was sometimes adopted as a sequence in the Mass-books of the 
Franciscan Orders, and for that purpose the six last lines (which 
are not consistent with the rest either in contents or in form) 
were appended to it. It was not till towards the end of the 15th 
cent, that the ' Dies Irae ' was used more frequently as a se- 
quence. By that time it had been forgotten that a Mass with- 
out an ' Alleluia,' such as the Mass for the dead, ought to have 
no sequence. 

All those writers, to whom a large number of 
less importance might be added, are surpassed by 
a man who until recently has not received the 
recognition and honour which he enjoyed among 
his contemporaries — the chancellor of the Church 
of Paris, Philippe de Grfeve (Philippus de Grevia; 
1 1236). From his hand we have a Summa Theolo^ica 
(unfortunately still unprinted) and three collections 
of sermons — for feast-days, on the Psalms, and on 
the Gospels appointed for Sundays. These sermons 
are still for the most part unpublished. In spite 
of his zealous and deep theological studies, Philippe 
de Grfeve found time for copious poetical activity. 
His chief poem was the ' Cantio,' a sacred song 
intended for vocal performance. Although extra- 
liturgical in contents and origin, it found its way 
into the liturgy and pervaded it, while it also 
prepared the way for the sacred popular song in 
the vernacular. We have a whole series of such 
songs composed by him on subjects ranging from 
hymns to the Virgin, of a child-like simplicity and 
devotion, to verses of keen wit and satire. He also 
wrote some hymns properly so called ; and there 
are few hymns in the great treasury of the mediasval 
Church with which his hynm on Mary Magdalene 
will not bear comparison. Henri d'Andeli, in his 
poetical panegyric of Philippe de Grfeve, called 
him the most valiant and wisest ' qui fut en la 
crestiente.'' 

(5) We have still to mention a series of writers 
belonging to this period who produced some fine 
religious lyrics : the ' doctor universalis,' Alanus 
of Lille (t c. 1203), on account of his Anticlaudianus, 
ranks among the most famous and widely read 
poets of the Middle Ages ; Alexander Neckam 
(latinized as Nequam), abbot of Cirencester (t 1217), 
also one of the most skilled artists in verse of his 
time, composed fine hymns to the Virgin and in 

i Anal. hymn. 1. 683 fl. 

2 At the end of the 15th cent., when canonized by the 
Franciscan pope Sixtus rv., he was credited, like Bernard ol 
Clairvaux, with a series of ascetic poems which he did not 
compose. 

s Anal. hymn. 1. 592 ff. 

* lb. V. 126 tf., 175 ff. ; cf. also J. E. Weis, Julian von Speier, 
Munich, 1900, and Julian's von Speier Chorale zu den Reim- 
ofizien des Franzi^cus- und Antoniusfestes, do. 1901 ; H. Felder, 
Die liturg. Reimojficien auf die heil. Franciscus und Antonius, 
gedichtet und cmnponiert durch Julian von Speyer, Freiburg- 
1901. 

5 76. XIV. 11897] 239 II. 6/6. 1. 62Slt. 



HYMNS (Latin Christian) 



23 



honour of Mary Maf^dalene ;' John Hoveden 
(t 1275), Court-chaplain of Queen Eleanor of 
England, mother of Edward III., composed a series 
of inediocro religious lyrics, and a narrative lyric 
poem on the life and suli'erings of Christ entitled 
Philomela, which Is of conspicuous excellence ; 
Guy de Basoches (Guido de Bazochis), precentor 
of Chalons-sur-Marne (t 1203), in his collection of 
correspondence, which is important for the literary 
history of the period, has interwoven numerous 
hymns and religious poems ; ^ Adam de la Bass6e 
(Adamus de Basseia), canon of Saint Pierre de 
Lille (+ 1258), composed songs of the most varied 
kinds to suit existing liturgical or popular melodies;* 
and Orrigo Scaccabarozzi (t 1293), the arch- 
presbyter of Milan, wrote several liturgical Iiymns, 
rhymed offices, and Masses, which, however, are 
not remarkable eitlier for contents or for form.* 

We must specially mention two female writers : 
St. Hildegard, the abbess of Rupertsberg in Bin gen 
(t 1179), and Herradis of Landsberg, abbess of 
Hohenburg or Odilienberg in Alsace. Hildegard, 
the great seeress of the 12th cent., also composed 
hymns and sequences, or, rather, rough drafts 
of hymns and sequences, which are corrected by 
another hand. In the Wiesbaden MS (the only 
one in which they occur) these rougli drafts are 
set to music — whether by HUdegard or some one 
else we do not know." I'he compositions of Her- 
radis of Landsberg (t 1167) are of a different kind. 
She enriched the library of lier convent ynth a MS 
which is equally interesting for the history of art 
and the history of literature. The ' Hortus delici- 
arum,' as it was called, seems to have been a kind 
of theological Encyclopsedia, and was iDustrated 
by interesting miniatures which are quite famous. 
On 23rd August 1870 the MS was destroyed by 
fire. This ' Pleasure-garden ' of Herradis also con- 
tained a series of poems ascribed to the anthologist." 
Whether these are her composition or not, she 
certainly wrote poetry, and so far mastered the 
Latin tongue as to be able to clothe sentiments of 
simple piety in an unadorned and pleasing garb. 

We must here merely mention the fact that a 
number of hymns had been appearing anonymously 
during these early centuries, and, in fact, these far 
exceed in numbers the compositions whose authors 
are known. 

VI. The Later Middle Ages.— In the I4th 
and loth centuries Latin hymn-writing slowly but 
steadily declined from the high level which it 
attained in the 12th and 13th centuries. There 
were more writers interested in the further develop- 
ment of the art, but they do not rouse our admira- 
tion. And the great stream of anonymous poetry 
increased. Some works of first-rate quality ap- 
peared, but the gradual falling-off continued. The 
form of hymn-writing seems to have undergone the 
most rapid eclipse in France, where it had reached 
its most perfect development. Word-accentuation, 
which constitutes the basis of rhythmical composi- 
tion, did not even with Abelard attain the perfec- 
tion to which Adam of St. Victor brought it, and 
in Philippe de Grfeve's work it perceptibly declined. 
The process of deterioration went on rapidly until 
hymn-writing was again reduced to the system of 
syllable-counting from which it had begun to 
emerge in the 10th century. In England, and 
perhaps more gradually in Germany, the same 
deterioration took place ; in Italy it had never 
reached the perfection which it attained in France. 

This period begins with Jacopone da Todi 
(t 1306), the Franciscan poet, who composed many 
celebrated Italian religious poems. He is com- 

1 Anal. hymn, xlviii. 262 ft. 2 7(>. 1. 507 £f. 

3 lb. xlviii. 298 fl. i lb. xiv.6 [1893) and 1. 617 fl. 

^ lb. 1. 483 a. 

6 In ZKT xxiii. [1902] 632 fl. the present writer haa shown 
that this is incorrect. 



monly regarded as theauthor of the worlil- renowned 
' Stabat Mater,' the most beautiful mcdi:i/val elegy 
in hoiujur of the Virgin. Like the ' bies Ira;,' the 
' Stabat Mater ' was originally a hymn for private 
devotion ; but it occurs in many of the 1.5tn cent, 
books of prayer, and before the end of the century 
it found its way into the Liturgy. Cardinal 
Jacobus de Stephanescis (t 1343) displayed activity 
as a liturgical writer and as a compo.ser. Among 
acknowledged compositions of his are Iiymns on St 
George, antiphons in honour of pope Coele.stin v. 
(Petrus Morrone), and a few other liturgical and 
extra-liturgical jiieces.' Another cardinal, Guil- 
lermus da Mandagoto (t 1321), more famous as a 
lawyer than as a poet, composed sequences which 
his nephew (of the same name) included in the 
Missal of Usez, and thus handed down to posterity. 
Faultless in form, these poems are greatly lacking 
in the glow of inspiration.^ These writeis are 
succeeded by two Austrian poets, the Cistercian 
Christan of Lilienfeld (t before 1332) and the 
Carthusian Konrad of Gaming (Gemmicensis ; 
t 1360), who is also called Konrad of Heimburg, 
after his birthplace. From the pen of the former 
we have a great number of hymns and sequences, 
offices and prayers in rhyme, which are all remark- 
able for their carefully-cultivated form and their 
tone of deep piety. His rhymed prayers are short ; 
they nearly all contain five stanzas, each beginning 
with the word 'Ave.'' Konrad of Gaming has 
left liturgical compositions, chiefly hymns in honour 
of the Virgin and the saints. Tliey are, as a rule, 
rather long, but reveal a child-like and touching 
piety.* Konrad of Gaming was more widely read 
m Germany than his model, Christan of Lilienfeld, 
whose poems are preserved almost exclusively in 
the MSS of his monastery. There were other 
imitators of Christan of Lilienfeld besides Konrad, 
e.g. the Carthusian Albert of Prague (first half of 
14th cent. ), who compiled a book of devotion entitled 
Scala Cceli, in which there is a series of his own 
compositions. They are inferior in style, and of 
weajisome prolixity." The prolific writer, Ulrich 
Stbcklin of Rottach, abbot of Wessobrunn (t 1443), 
shows skilful manipulation of the forms, but 
sufl'ers from the same weakness of barren verbiage. 
He followed the lines marked out by Christan and 
Konrad, and may therefore be mentioned here, 
although he properly belongs to the next century.* 

Turning from this group of South German writers 
to the North, we find in the 14th cent, a small 
group of Scandinavian hymn-writers of some im- 
portance. The oldest of them is Brynolphus I., 
bishop of Soara (t 1317), the author of a rhymed 
office on St. Helena of Skofde, with the hymns 
belonging to it, and probably also of a rhymed 
office in honour of St. Nikolaus of Linkogiug.' 
To Birger Gregorsen (Birgerus Gregorii ; tl383), 
bishop of Upsala, we owe rhymed offices in honour 
of St. Birgitta and St. Botuidus, with accompany- 
ing hymns.* The hymns of both these writers are 
distinguished by carefully modelled poetic forms, 
showing French influence. A third northern 
writer, Petrus Olavi, attendant of St. Birgitta 
and confessor in Vadstena (t 1378), seems more 
careless regarding cadence and rhyme. He arranged 
the choral office of the nuns of the order of St. 
Birgitta, and composed a whole series of new hymns 
for it.» 

In the first half of the 14th cent, there flourished 
in France Guillaume de Deguilleville (Guillermus 
de Deguilevilla ; t after 1358), prior of Chaalis, 

1 Anal. hymn. 1. 624 ff. 2 lb. xlviii. 317 fl. 

3 lb. xli.a [1903]. 

"1 The first complete ed. of the poems of Konrad is in Anal 
hvmn. iii. [1888] 1-102. 

5 lb. iii. 106 fl. 6 /(,. vi. [1889], xxxviii. [1902]. 

' lb. xxvi. 90fl. 8 lb. XXV. 166fl., 179ff. 

o/i. xlviii. 410 fl. 



24 



HYMNS (Latin Christian) 



known through his epic-didactic poems in his 
mother-tongue, ' Pfelerinage de la vie humaine,' 
'Pfelerinage de I'dme,' ' PMerinage Jesu-Chrisfc.' 
He has also left several very long Latin poems, in 
which is noticeable a vanishing of the word- 
accentuation.' Along with him should be men- 
tioned the Englishman Gualterus Wiburnus, a 
Franciscan poet (t after 1367), who composed 
several hymns in honour of the Virgin, in carefully- 
handled forms.^ At the eud of the 14th cent, lived 
two poets who are closely connected through the 
Feast of the Visitation of Our Lady, which was 
just then beginning to be observed — Cardinal Adam 
Easton, also called ' Adam Anglicua ' (t 1397), and 
Johann of Jenstein, archbishop of Prague (t 1400). 
An illuminated edition of Jenstein's works, which 
he himself revised, appeared in Rome. This is 
the present Codex Vaticanus, 1122. It also con- 
tains the ecclesiastical compositions of Jenstein — 
sequences, tropes, rhymed offices, hymns, and 
rhymed prayers, which are very unequal in con- 
tents and form, his worst being the hymns on St. 
Wenzel.' Jenstein was the first to introduce the 
observance of the festival of the Visitation of the 
Virgin into his Archiepiscopal see, and urged 
Urban VI. to introduce it into the whole Church. 
Urban VI. was prevented by death from carrying 
out the suggestion ; but his successor, Boniface IX., 
in 1389 issued the bull commanding the observance 
of the festival. The office composed by Jenstein, 
however, was not adopted into the Roman breviary, 
for that honour was reserved for a rhymed office 
composed by Cardinal Adam Easton. It begins 
with the words, ' Accedunt laudes virginis,' and 
exhibits an acrostic on his name, which, however, 
has fallen into disorder.'' This office was handled 
severely, and not altogether justly, by the Humanist 
Jakob Wimpheling in his Castigationes locorum in 
canticis ecelesiasticis et divinis officiis depravatormn 
(1500). The festival of the Visitation of the Virgin 
caused great activity on the part of poets. There 
are no fewer than ten different rhymed offices 
in honour of it. One of them, used by the Domini- 
can order,^ and beginning, ' Colleetentur corda 
fidelium,' was composed by Raimund of Capua 
(t 1399), confessor and biographer of St. Catherine 
of Siena. Another Dominican, Martialis Auribelli 
(t 1473), wrote acrostic hymns in honour of Saint 
Vincent Ferrer. 

We have already entered the 15th century. 
Among the writers in the earlier part of it is the 
unfortunate fanatic Johann Hus (t 1415). Only a 
few of his hymns remain, composed partly in 
Czech and partly in Latin. The most widely 
celebrated was his 'Jesu Christe, nostra salus,' 
which shows his name woven into an acrostic, and 
which is still occasionally sung. With the name 
of Hus we may connect the host of anonymous 
Bohemian poets who zealously cultivated a special 
kind of Church hymn, the so-called 'eantiones.' 
Next to France, no country has so delighted in this 
form of vocal music as Bohemia. Their form — 
doubled stanzas, and a concluding song to follow, 
sometimes similarly doubled — is often very artistic ; 
their rhythm and rhymes, however, show every 
sign of decadence. 

A figure whose fame belongs to universal history 
marks the end of the 15th cent. — that of Thomas 
h. Kempis (t 1471). He wrote a number of hymns 
and rhymed prayers. Some of the prayers seem 
to have been provided with melodies, most of them 
not for public but for private use. The composi- 
tions of the famous mystic are not of great poetic 
value.^ Somewhat younger than h, Kempis, and 
following in his track as a mystic and poet, is 



1 Anal. hymn, xlviii. 321 ff. 
s lb. xlviii. 421 ff. 
6 lb. xxiv. 94 fl. 



- n. 1. 630 ff. 
4 lb. xxvi. 89 ff. 
6/6. xlviii. 467 ff. 



Johannes Mauburnus (tl503), abbot of Livry. 
Most of his works are still unprinted. Those 
which we know to be his are found in his Eosctum 
exercitiorum spiritualium (first printed, 1491).* 
With these two mystics we may associate a third, 
Henricus Pistor, canon of St. Victor in Paris. 
Jodocus Clichtoveus has preserved in his Elucida- 
torium ecclesiasticum a tine sequence of his com- 
posed for the festival of St. John the Baptist. 
One of the most prolific theological authors of 
this period is Dionysius of Rickel, known also as 
'Dionysius Carthusianus ' (tl471). He has been 
given the cognomen, ' Doctor Ecstaticus, ' although, 
as a matter of fact, his character appears to have 
been the prosaic one of compiler. He also com- 
posed some Latin rhythms. There are extant long 
poems on God and the Holy Trinity, or, rather, 
rhymed dissertations and reflexions which are 
wearisome from their prolixity. They are known 
only from the author s Opera Minora, Cologne, 
1532. A few other religious poets of this period 
deserve mention. Matthaus Ronto, a monk of 
the Olivetan convent at Siena (t 1443), wrote some 
hymns which are preserved in a MS of the Wil- 
hering monastery.'' 

Hieronymus de Werdea (as he was called in the 
convent, though christened John), prior of Monsen 
(tl475), wrote religious poems (which never take 
the form of liturgical composition) celebrating 
Christ and the Virgin, Saints Benedict, Florian, 
George, etc. Considering the period in which he 
wrote, their form is well managed, but there is 
no genuine poetical inspiration in them. We may 
also mention Wynandus de Stega, priest at Ba- 
charach, who has left hymns and sequences in 
honour of St. Werner. A Vatican MS has pre- 
served two other poems of his, one in a German 
adaptation. At the close of the century stands 
the Franciscan Johannes Tisserand, who founded 
an order of Magdalens in Paris in 1493. A Paris 
MS has handed down some of his poems, whose 
form reminds us of those of Guillaume de Deguille- 
ville. He composed the Acts of Bernhard de Corbio 
and the five martyrs of Morocco, and possibly also 
the rhymed office which exists in honour of these 
martyrs. 

Summary. — It would be easy to add to the fore- 
going list of hymn-writers, but the purpose of this 
article has been rather to indicate only the princi- 
pal figures and most significant tendencies at work. 
We have seen that all through the Middle Ages 
metrical as well as rhythmical poetry was culti- 
vated, while poetry modelled on that of ancient 
Rome was never entirely extinct. But towards 
the end of the mediaeval period the character of 
this poetry changed ; and the so-called humanistic 
poeti-y, the product of the Renaissance of classical 
teaming, appeared. It is distinguished from the 
metrical poetry of the Middle Ages, not only by 
greater purity of language and poetical form, but 
also by greater dependence on the common models 
— a dependence which is sometimes repellent. This 
kind of composition first appeared in Italy in the 
beginning of the 14th cent., but soon passed over 
into Germany. At first it was only rarely in the 
form of religious poetry or hymns, but later it 
became quite an important branch of religious lyric 
poetry. As this humanistic poetry seldom found its 
way into liturgical use, for the exigencies of which 
the period of rhythmical poetry had made ample 
provision, we have here disregarded it. It was 
a new art, alien and hostile to the Middle Ages. 
Although medijeval composition in its offshoots 
reaches far past the Council of Trent, while the 
beginning of humanistic poetry goes far back into 
the departing medifeval period, we may designate 
the Council of Trent as the dividing line between 
1 Ct. Anal. hymn. I. 515 ff. 2 lb. xiviii. 45tiff. 



HYMNS (Irish Christian) 



25 



tlie intellectual world of tlie Middle AgeH and a 
more modern period. This line, at any rate, 
separates the freely developing litur^'ical eoniposi- 
tion of the niediaival period from that of the post- 
Tridentine period, which was executed to order. 
When the lionian rite obtained exclusive validity, 
the very conditions of e.\istence were withdrawn 
from liturgical composition. It had to come to an 
entl because there was no more scope for it in the 
liturgy ; and the liturgy itself was looked u|ion as 
something hnished and complete. Provision was 
made for the few necessities of the kind by a 
Itoman Congregation, which gave a commission 
for hymn-writing, but could not supply poetic in- 
spiration. On one occasion, however, a national 
Ciiurch, a Galilean, burst from these fetters and 
created liturgies and liturgical poems, although 
only one poet, J. B. Santeul, deserves mention. 
Even in the Galilean poems there is no pulse of 
genuine liturgical life ; they were commissioned 
work ; it is a matter of indift'erence whether the 
authority who commissioned them resided In Kome, 
Paris, or Lyons; they were manufactured, not a 
natural growth, and only furnish another proof 
that what has been extinguished cannot be called 
back to life by an arbitrary decree. And, since 
history is always the representation of life, we 
may without exaggeration affirm that the his- 
tory of the liturgy in general and of liturgical 
poetry in particular closes with the Council of 
Trent. 

Literature. — U. Chevalier, Repertonum kymnolog., 3 vole., 
Louvain, 1S92-19U4 (criticized and amended by C. Blume, Re- 
pertorium repcrt&rii, Leipzig, 1901) ; J. Julian, Diet, of Hymn- 
ology, new ed., London, 1907; H. A. Daniel, Thesaurus 
hymnolog., 6 vols., Halle and Leipzif]:, 1841-56 ; F. J. Mone, 
Lat. [Ij/mnen des Mittclalters, 3\'o\s.t Freiburg, 1853-55; G. M. 
Dreves and C. Blume, A nalecta hymnica medii cevi, Leipzig, 
18S6 ff., and Uymiwloq. Ecitruge, do. 1S97 S. ; ' Poetse Lat. medii 
levi ' in MGH, Abt. v., Berlin, 1880-99 ; K. A. Beck, Geseh. des 
kathol. Kirchenliedes von seinen ersten An/dngeUy Cologne, 
1878 ; A. Ebert, Gesch. der Literatur des Mittelalters, i.'-, 
Leipzig, 1889 ; M. Manitius, Gesch. der christlich-lat. Poesie, 
Stuttgart, 1891 ; U. Chevalier, Po^sw liturg. trad, de I'^glise 
cathol. en Occident, Tournai, 1894, and Poisie liturg. du moyen 
dge, Paris, 1893 ; L. Gautier, Hist, de la poesie liturg. au 
moyen d^e, i., do. 1SS7 ; G. Morel, Lat. Hymnen des Mittel- 
alters, Einsiedeln, 1867 ; F. W. E. Roth, Lat. Hymnen des 
Mittelalters, Augsburg, 1888 ; R. Trench, Sacred Lat. Poetry^ 
London, 1864 ; J. Kehrein, Lat. Sequenzen des Mittelalters, 
Mainz, 1873 ; S. G. Pimont, Hymnes du briviaire romain, 3 
vols., Paris, 1874-84 ; C. Albin, La Poesie du briviaire, Lyons, 
1899 ; F. Arevalo, Hymnodia Hispanica, Rome, 1786 ; J. 
Dankd, Veius hymnarium ecclesiasticum Hungarioe, 1893 ; 
G. E. Klemmmg, Hymni, sequentim et pice cantiories in regno 
Suecice olim usitatcE, i vols., Stockholm, 1885-87; J. Steven- 
son, Lat. Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church, Durham, 1851 ; 
J. Meams, Early Latin Hymnaries, Cambridge, 1913. 

G. M. Deeves. 

HYMNS (Irish Christian).— Like all the hymns 
of the Middle Ages, the religious poems of Christian 
Ireland fall into two groups : ( 1 ) those directly 
intended for use in liturgical worship, and (2) those 
written for purposes not originally connected with 
the offices of the Church, such as hymns in praise 
of special saints, or verses composed as charms 
against disease or pestilence, or as safeguards in 
moments of danger. Many of these personal 
poems seem afterwards to have been used in the 
Church services, although they were not written 
expressly for this purpose. Of the first group all 
are in Latin ; of the second group some are in 
Latin and some in Irish. 

I. Liturgical hymns. — The use of hymns in the 
offices of the Church seems to have been a very 
ancient custom in Ireland. In Adamnan's Vita S. 
Columbce, a hymnoruin liber septimaniorum sanctcB 
ColumbcB mami descriptus, apparently a book of 
hymns for use on each of the days of the week, is 
mentioned (ii. 9), and we learn from one of the 
prefaces to St. Columba's hymn, ' Altus Prosator ' 
{Ir. Lib. Hymn. ii. 24), that Gregory sent a gift to 
St. Columba of the Hymns of the Week. We find 
also that, on the morning of the death of the Saint 



(9 June 507), hymns were Bung in the monastic 
olhccs at lona ; liyinnis inntutinalibua te.rminatit 
is the phrase used by Adaninan (iii. 2'.i). These 
slight iiidicationH [joint to the use of hymns in the 
oltices of the Church as early as the Cth century. 
That they were so used in times not far removed 
from this at least is certain. The Antiplumary of 
Barif/or dates from the end of the 7th cent., and 
twelve hynms used in the Church offices are given 
in it. Again, in the directions given in the litur- 
gical fragment found at the end of the 9th cent, 
copy of the Gospels called the Book of St. Mulling, 
portions of three (possibly four) well-known Irish 
hymns are directed to he sung, with certain sup- 
plementary stanzas, in the course of a short olhce 
which seems to have been designed as a service of 
Intercession against the yellow plague, a pestilence 
which decimated Ireland at frequent intervals 
during the 7th and following centuries. An office 
practically identical with this is appointed In the 
tract entitled The Second Vision of Adamnan 
{Lcabhar Breac, p. 258'' f.) for special days of 
fasting and prayer ; also on the first three leaves 
of the 10th cent. (?) Greek Psalter at Basel (A. 
vii. 3), which contains some Latin pieces and 
directions for what appears to be a monastic office 
in Irish handwriting, three Irish hymns are 
found. 

In the largest existing oollection of Irish and 
Latin hymns, that known as the Irish Liber Hymn- 
orum, of which two MSS, slightly differing from 
each other in contents, exist — one now in the 
Franciscan Library, Merchant's Quay, Dublin, 
which belonged to the Library of Father John 
Colgan at Louvain in the 17th cent. ; the other in 
the Library of Trinity College, Dublin (classed E. 
4. 2), a MS of the 11th cent. — the material does not 
appear to be arranged in any order of service. It 
contains in the main body of the collection 17 
hymns and poems in Latin and 9 in Irish, also the 
' 'le Deum,' ' Benedictus,' ' Magnificat,' ' Gloria in 
excelsis,' an abridgment of the Psalter, etc.; and 
among the extra matter added at a later time in 
the Franciscan MS are found two other Latin 
hymns and the ' Lorica ' of Gildas, with the ' Bene- 
diclte,' the ' Quicunque vult,' etc. 

From the manner in which the material is thrown together 
and the elaborate prefaces in Irish with which it is accompanied, 
it would appear that this is a miscellany of religious pieces 
rather than an actual choir book. The editors suggest that it 
may have been compiled at a time when the older Celtic services 
were giving place to the use in England, in order to preserve 
all those pieces which were most cherished in the memories of 
the monks, as connected with a s.vstem of worship which was 
being superseded by a new and less national order of religious 
service. 

Several of the poems contained in the Liber 
Hymnorum are ascribed to saints of the 6th and 
7th centuries. Besides the ' Lorlea,' or hymn of 
protection, ascribed to St. Patrick himself, there 
are hymns by St. Sechnall (Secundlnus), a con- 
temporary and disciple of St. Patrick, by St. 
Columba (t597), by St. Ultan (+656), by St. 
Broccan (+ 650), by St. Cummlan Fada ( ' the tall ' ) 
(+ 661-2), and by other saints of the 7th and Sth 
centuries. That many of these hymns are of great 
antiquity is shown by the use in them of pre- 
Hleronymian texts in both the OT and NT quota- 
tions and allusions, such as are found in Sechnall's 
' Audite omnes ' in honour of St. Patrick, and in 
St. Columba's ' Altus Prosator.' The surprise of 
St. Patrick, expressed in the Preface, at the use by 
St. Sechnall of the word ' maxlmus ' in the phrase 
' maximus namque in regno caelorum ' is also 
interesting, as this is the reading of St. Cyprian 
and of the Rushworth Gospels, the Vulgate (Mt 5'') 
having ' magnus.' It shows that the hymn pre- 
served a reading already almost forgotten at the 
time of the composition of the Irish prefaces, v;hich 
are probably in all cases later than the hymns 



26 



HYMNS (Irish Christian) 



themselves, and that the author of the preface was 
perplexed at the use of a word unfamiliar to him. 
The ascription of the 'Loriea' to St. Patrick 
(t461), and of the hymn ' Audite omnes' to his 
contemporary St. Sechnall, is "confirmed by their 
rude Latinity and by the use of uncouth grammati- 
cal forms in the former, as well as by the structure 
of both poems. The ' Loriea' is not in metre, and, 
though constructed with a sense of proportion, 
it shows no knowledge of either Irish or classic 
forms of verse. It contains allusions to pagan 
practices, and is evidently the direct descendant of 
the native pagan rune or charm. The hymn of St. 
Sechnall is unrhymed, and quantity and elision are 
completely ignored ; nor does it show acquaintance 
with the Irish poetic rules of composition, which 
required a certam fixed number of lines and syl- 
lables, besides alliteration, rhyme, and assonance. 
It would seem that these poems were composed 
before the native poetic metres had reached perfec- 
tion, and this is in accordance with their early 
legendary origin. In St. Columba's great poem, 
the ' Altus Prosator,' we are carried a step forward, 
for some more definite effort at structural confor- 
mity is shown ; each line is closed by a word of 
three or more syllables, with a rhyming sound in 
the last syllable and a careful choice of concurrent 
vowels. This hymn recounts in an alphabetical 
poem of 24 stanzas of six lines each, addressed to 
the Trinity, the creation and fall of the angels, the 
creation and fall of man, the foundations of the 
earth and the under world, and the second coming 
of Christ and final judgment. It shows curious 
affinities with the Book of Enoch and may be com- 
pared with the Saltair-na-Iiann, the longest Irish 
mediaeval poem on any religious subject, which 
contains sections treating of the same questions of 
cosmogony and speculations on the system and fate 
of the universe. It is found in many MSS among 
works ascribed to Prosper of Aquitaine (403-465) ; 
in three cases or more it follows on the work de 
Vita contemplativa, now kno^vn not to be a genuine 
work of Prosper's. But its subject and char- 
acter, its barbarous Latinity, and its use of words 
found only in a few pieces which have Celtic 
origins (see below, § 3), as well as its use of an 0. 
Lat. text similar to that in early use in Ireland, 
tend to confirm the traditional ascription of the 
hymn to St. Columba. The inclusion of a long 
portion of this poem in a hymn by Rabanus 
Maurus, archbishop of Mainz (786-856), and its 
appearance among the works of Prosper, testify 
to its popularity. It is said in the preface to have 
been written in Hi (lona) and sent as a gift to 
Pope Gregory, who ' found no fault with it except 
the scantiness in it of praise of the Trinity ^er se-, 
though the Persons were praised through their 
creatures.' This reproof reaching St. Columba, he 
wrote the hymn ' In te Christe ' to amend this lack 
in the former composition. 

A giadual approach to a more perfect form of 
verse-structure according to native Irish ideals is 
seen in the hymn of St. Cummian ' the Tall,' 
' Celebra Juda,' which has a rich end-rhyme or 
harmony of two or more syllables, with a careful 
correspondence in the vowel sounds and occasional 
alliteration and internal rhyme. In the later 
hymns by St. Colman mac ftlurchon in praise of 
St. Michael, and in St. Cuchuimne's hymn to the 
Virgin, written about the middle of the 8th cent, 
(at a time when we know from the fragments of 
non-liturgical verse that remain to us that Irish 
poetry was approaching its highest perfection), we 
find this verse-system develo])ed with the richest 
and noblest effect. The prosody of the classical 
language is replaced by accent and rhyme, and 
the technical skill of such lines as this, with 
its rich trisyllabic rhymes, its alliterations, cor- 



respondences, and harmonies, could not easily 
be surpassed : 

aeterna posaint praestare re^a re^ni aulia 

ut posaideam cum Christo paradisi fraudia 

(Hymn of St. Colman [t 7311), 
or again : 

cincemils in 6mni die cbncinfentea vkrih 

c6nclam^nte3 D60 dignum bymnum s^nctae Marine 

(Hymn ot St. Cucliuirane tt 746]). 

The only hymn in the Jr. Lib. Hymn, not by 
Irish saints is that ascribed to St. Hilary of 
Poitiers, ' Hymnum dicat turba fratrum,' a classic 
unrhymed poem which is praised by Bede {de 
Arte met. 23 [PL xc. 173]), but without naming 
any author. It is not accepted as HUary's by 
Daniel or Dreves; the latter considers that only 
the three hymns found in the Gamurrini MS in 
Arezzo are genuine works of Hilary. Yet there 
is much more solid ground for accepting it as his 
than there is for receiving the seven hymns printed 
under Hilary's name by Daniel and accepted by 
D. S. Wrangham in Julian's Diet, of Hymnology'- 
(London, 19U7, p. 522), the authorities for which 
are very late. The ' Hymnum ilicat' is expressly 
ascribed to Hilary in the Antiphonary of Bangor, 
7th cent., in two ancient codices of St. (Jail (codd. 
567 and 577) of the 8th and 9th centuries, and in 
the two MS copies of the Ir. Lib. Hymn. ; it is 
also so named by Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims 
(t 882), twice (de Una et non Trina Deitate, i. and 
xii. [PL cxxv. 486, 566]) ; it forms part of the 
offices in the Book of St. Mulling, in the Second 
Vision of Adamnan, and in the Book of Cerne — 
the last a document which shows signs of having 
been formed under Irish influences ; in the Second 
Vision of Adamnan, as in ' de Arreis,' an old Irish 
tract (for which see RCel xv. [1894] 285-298, it 
is directed to be repeated as a charm or peniten- 
tial exercise, and the value attached to its recita- 
tion is shown by the story of the three clerics ( W. 
Stokes, Lives of the Saints from the Book of Lis- 
more, , Oxford, 1888, pp. viii, ix). It would appear 
from the Rule of St. Ailbe of Emly (t 542 [?]), and 
from its place in the Book of Cerne, that it was sung 
in the early morning ; but one of the prefaces sug- 
gests another purpose. It says sic nobis convenit 
canere post prandium, and the St. Gall MS no. 
567 directs its recitation omni tempore. The last 
eight lines seem to be an addition by an Irish 
writer. Among the additamenta copied into the 
Liber Hymnorum at a later date are the well- 
known ' Christe qui lux es et dies,' and a hymn in 
praise of SS. Peter and Paul, ' Christi Patris in 
dextera'; the latter poem is not found elsewhere, 
and it is probably a native composition. Among 
the hymns in Irish, the poem in praise of St. 
Brigid, variously ascribed to St. Columba and to 
St. Ultan (t 656), beginning Brigit bi bithmaith — 
' Brigid, ever-good woman ' — is the most perfect, 
and shows a complete mastery of the difficult 
technical laws which governed Irish verse. 

In the A ntiphonary of Bangor are found twelve 
Latin hymns, ten of them placed close together in 
the first section of the book, and two at the end, 
but probably sung at intervals during the offices, 
for we find the musical rubric ' Post Hymnum ' 
attached to four of the Collects. Besides these 
hymns proper, there is a whole series of rhym- 
ing Collects for the day and night hours (nos. 17- 
26), and similar Collects are found elsewhere inter- 
spersed among the prayers and antiphons. Of 
the twelve hymns, two, the ' Hymnum dicat ' of 
St. Hilary and St. Sechnall's hymn in praise of St. 
Patrick, ' Audite omnes,' are found in the Ir. 
Lib. Hymn, and elsewhere. Three (nos. 14, 95, 
129) are personal to the monastery of Bangor (Co. 
Down), from which the service book originally 
emanated ; they celebrate the praises of this im- 
portant foundation and of its first abbots. It con- 



HYMNS (Irish Christian) 



27 



tains also a hymn in praise of a St. Cainolac, of 
whom very little is known. Of the remaining six 
hymns, one, 'Mediae noctis tenipus est' (no. 10), 
is well-known and is piven both here and in the 
Mozaraliic Breviary (see PL lx.\xvi. 932 f.) for 
'medium noctis.' It is cited in the Rule (xi. 69) 
of Ciesarius of Aries (t 542 ; AS, Jan. ii. 18) for 
use at the first nocturn and by the Codex lilieno- 
viensis (9th cent.) for use at noctums on Sunday. 
Daniel (i. 46, iv. 26) thinks that it is an Ambrosian 
hymn, and that it is distinct from the hymn ' Jesu 
defensor omnium ' with which it has often been 
printed. It does not seem to be of Irish origin. 
The remaining five hymns are not found elsewhere, 
and nos. 3, 8, 9 are almost undoubtedly Irish. 
Nos. 11, 12 do not show sufficient indications to 
pronounce upon their origin, but they are found 
in no other copy, which argues in favour of their 
local origin. The hymn of the Apostles (no. 3) 
was very popular in Ireland and is mentioned with 
St. Sechnall's hymn ' Audite omnes,' St. Colman's 
hymn to St. Michael, ' In Trinitate spes,' and the 
' Hymnum dicat' of Hilary as among the peniten- 
tial hymns recommended m The Second Vision of 
Adamnan (c. 1096). It consists of 42 stanzas be- 
ginning ' Precamur Patrem,' and was probably an 
Eastertide or Sunday hymn. Daniel thinks, and 
J. D. Chambers (in Julian, p. 642) agrees with him, 
that it bears evidence of having been translated 
from a Greek original. 

The beautiful hymn, 'Sancti venite, Christi 
corpus suraite ' (no. 8), is entitled Eymnus quando 
communicant sacerdotes, and was sung during the 
communion of the priests who formed part of the 
monastic body. Hence Daniel's argument (i. no. 
160, iv. 109) that the administration of the 
sacrament in both kinds to the laity is implied in 
such lines as ' Hoc sacramento corporis et san- 
guinis ' falls to the ground so far as this hyrnn is 
concerned. Tradition saj'S that, when Patrick 
and Sechnall were passing a church, they heard 
this hymn chanted within by a choir of angels at 
the offering. It is still used in the offices of the 
Western Church, and is familiar in Neale's trans- 
lation, ' Draw nigh and take the Body of the Lord.' 
The hymn ' Ignis Creator igneus ' (no. 9), entitled 
Eymnus quando cereus benedicitur, seems to have 
been sung at the daily lighting of lamps at the 
' Hora Vespertina ' or else at the annual festival 
of the benediction of the Paschal candle on Easter 
even. The custom of lighting a Paschal fire was 
very ancient in Ireland, and Duchesne thinks that 
it spread from there to other countries ( Christian 
IToraAip*, London, 1912, p. 250 f.). The hymn to 
martyrs, ' Sacratissimi martyres summi Dei' (no. 
11), IS rhythmic rather than metrical. No. 12, 
' Spiritus divinae lucis gloriae,' is for use at matins 
on Sunday. Its origin is unknown. 

It is to be remarked how common was the use 
of alphabetical hymns in the Irish Church. Nos. 
1, 2, 14, 25, and 28 of the hymns in the Ir. Lib. 
Hymn, are alphabetical hymns, and nos. 13, 14, 
15, and 129 in the Antiphonary of Bangor. In 
some instances, as in no. 14, the hymn to St. 
Comgall, abbot and founder of Bangor monas- 
tery, the whole poem is a tour de force ; almost 
every line in the stanzas of 8 or 10 lines each 
begins and ends with the same letter or syllable. 
The hymn of CjeUus Sedulius, ' A solis ortus car- 
dine,' is also alphabetical, and there are other 
examples. Among the Latin poems of St Colum- 
banus (b. 543) and Sedulius Scottus (t after 874) 
are several on religious subjects. Dreves includes 
seven hymns by Sedulius in his collection, three of 
them being Paschal hymns {Anal. Hymn. 1. [Leip- 
zig, 1907] 229). Others will be found interspersed 
in the Liber de Rectorihas Christianis of Sedulius. 

A number of Irish hymns which found their 



way abroad about the 11th cent, are studied by 
C. lilume in Der Cur.tus S. Bcned. Nurs. (Leipzig, 
1908). 

2. Hymns used as charms. — A large number of 
the Irish liymns were composed as charms, the 
recitation of them being supposed to ward off 
famine, disease, fire, or pestilence, or they were 
used to safeguard a traveller on going a journey. 
Such are the 'Noli Pater' of St. Coluniba, the 
'Loricas' of St. Patrick and St. Columba, the 
hymn of St. Colman mac Ui Cluasaigli {Sin D6), 
the hymn of St. Cuchuimne, ' Cantemus in omni 
die,' the hymn of St. Colman mac Murchon, ' In 
Trinitate spes mea,' and many others. The re- 
citation of such hymns was supposed not only to 
confer protection on the author, but to be a .safe- 
guard against similar perils to all who recited 
them afterwards, besides in most cases securing 
heaven to those who kept up the practice regularly 
(see prefaces to these hymns in Ir. Lib. Hymn.). 
In several instances, where the hymn was long 
or difficult to remember, the same benefits were 
obtained by reciting the last three stanzas only. 
For instances of this practice see the office in the 
Book of St. Mulling, in which the last three 
stanzas of the hymns 'Audite omnes,' 'Celebra 
Juda,' and 'Hymnum dicat' only are given. In 
one instance, ' Christus in nostra,' only the last 
three stanzas of what seems to have been a long 
alphabetical poem have survived either in the Ir. 
Lib. Hymn, or in the office in the Basel MS (A. 
vii. 3), where also it is found. A similar custom 
is the recitation of 365 verses gathered from the 
Psalms, which was held to be equivalent to that 
of the whole Psalter. 

3. Loricas. — Among these charm-hymns, the 
Luricas or Loricas, ' Hymns of the Breast-plate,' 
which were composed as a protection against danger 
or disease, form a group by themselves, showing 
special peculiarities. Ten of these are known, but 
they are, doubtless, only examples of a common 
form of religious invocation. They usually fall into 
two or three parts, the first invoking the power of 
the Trinity and of the angels and heavenly hosts, 
the second enumerating at great length and with 
extraordinary minuteness the members of the body 
which might be subject to injury, with often a 
third part detailing the dangers to which the body 
is exposed, as in St. Patrick's ' Lorica.' A common 
feature of all these charm-hymns is the repetition 
of the same phrases and invocations, often at great 
length and with slight variations. 

The following are the most important of these 
Loricas : (1) The Lorica of St. Patrick is of early 
date, though it is not found in Muiichu's Life of 
the saint. It was traditionally composed as a 
protection when the saint and his companions were 
in flight before the king of Tara, and is said to have 
rendered them invisible. It is uncouth in lan- 
guage ; but in spirit and structure, as in religious 
fervour, it is by far the finest of all the charm- 
hymns. 

(2) More pagan and very fatalistic in tone is an 
ancient and rude Lorica of St. Columba, in which 
God is addressed as ' King of the White Sun ' and 
Christ as ' My Druid.' It is said to have been com- 
posed as a protection when the saint was joui'ney- 
ing to Donegal after the Battle of Culdremhne. 

(3) The authorship of the long Lorica of Gildas (called also 
the Lorica of Latkacen, Lading, or Lodgen) is uncertain. In the 
oldest document which contains it — the Book of Nunnaminster 
(Harl. MS 2966 2. SS»-40 ; 8th cent.)— it is said that 'Lodgen 
appointed this Lorica in the j'ear of danger, and that the virtue 
of it is great if it be chanted three times a day. ' The Darmstadt 
MS printed by Mone, new at Cologne (no. 2106, end of 8th cent.), 
has at the end, ' Explicit hjTnnus quem Lathacan Scotigena 
fecit,' and the Book of Ceme (9th cent.) saye in its preface, 
' Lodgen sang this Lorica three times a day.' The copy in the 
Leabhar Breac (fol. llln) is more expUcit. It has ' Gillus hano 
loricam fecit ad demones expellendos eos adversaverunt illi . . . 



28 



HYMNS (Modern Christian) 



Liai[d]cend mac Bliith bannaig venit ab eo in Insolani Hiberniain, 
transtulit et portauit super altare sancti Patricii episcopi sanos 
nos facere, amen.' The Laidcend, son of Buith the Blessed, of 
the Leabhar Breac MS, is evidently the same as the Lathacan 
Seotigena of the Cologne MS. He was a monk of Clonfert- 
MuUoe in Ossory, and died 12th Jan. 66U. Taking it for granted 
that Gillus is identical with Gildas the historian, a saint well- 
known in Ireland, who is so called in the Irish Ann. of Tigher- 
nach, the Ann, of Ulster, and elsewhere, it seems likely that 
the ' Lorica ' was brought into Ireland at a later date by Lodgen, 
and appointed by him for use in ' the year of danger ' or plague 
as a charm against the disease. If it was frequently used by 
him, as the Book of Ceme states, and placed by him on the altar 
of Armagh, it might easily be thought to be his own composi- 
tion. Hugh Williams {Ct/fn. Record Series, no. 3 [1901], 304-313) 
considers tliat the hymn is later than the time of Gildas, but 
that it belonged to the S.W. British group in which the name 
of Gildas was pre-eminent. Zimmer (A'ennius Vtnd., App. 
291-342) also ascribes its origin to the S.W. British monasteries, 
but places it early in the 6th century. 

The great interest attaching to this ' Lorica ' 
arises from the number of peculiarities of language 
that it contains, some of the forms being found 
elsewhere only in the Folium Luxemburgense, a 
fragment containing an abstract of rare and diffi- 
cult words from a continuous Latin text with por- 
tions of an enlarged recension of the tract Hisperica 
famina (first published by A. Mai in vol. v. of his 
Classici Auctores [Rome, 1828-38], pp. 479-500, 
from Cod. Vat. Reg. Ixxxi. ; cf. also Migne, PL xc. 
1187-96). 

(4) The same pompous and artificial Latin, inter- 
spersed with Greek and Hebrew, is found in the 
Lorica of Ley den, a fragment strongly resembling 
the Lorica of Gildas in its detailed list of the parts 
of the body as well as in the obscurity of its word 
forms (V. H. Friedel, ZCP ii. [1898] 64). 

It will be seen that the two prominent features 
of all these charm-hymns are [a) a tendency to 
repetition of words and phrases, and (b) the use of 
uncommon words and forms. These peculiarities 
occur in a greater or less degree in the two remain- 
ing ' Loricas ' hitherto published, the Lorica of 
Mugron, successor of ColumciUe (t 980) (K. Meyer, 
Hibemica Minora, Oxford, 1894, pp. 42--44, from MS 
Rawl. B. 512), and a 'Lorica,' classed 23. E. 16, 

f). 237, in the Royal Irish Academy (partly trans- 
ated by E. Gwynn, in Ir. Lib. Hymn. ii. 210 ; 
text printed by K. Meyer, Archiv fur celt. Lexiko- 
graphic, iii. [1907] 6 f., from MS 23. N. 10, p. 19, 
Royal Ir. Acad., and by A. O'Kelleher, in Eriu, 
iv. [1910] 236, with translation). The ' Altus 
Prosator ' of St. Columba shows similar peculiari- 
ties of language, while redundancies of expression 
are a common feature in prayers, confessions, etc., 
produced under Irish influences (for examples see 
Book of Cerne, nos. 17, 15, 18, 54, 7 ; Ir. Lib. Hymn. 
ii. 211-212, 213-215). 

To any one familiar with the ancient pagan 
charms or incantations universal among the peasan- 
try of Europe, and in common use among the 
Gaelic peoples, it will at once be clear that these 
' Loricas, ' repeated as incantations against evil, 
come down in direct descent from earlier pagan 
models. In many cases, as in the Lorica of St. 
Patrick, the Christian tone and sentiment may 
have been added to an existing pagan charm. 
Such charms and runes aje still found in the 
Western Highlands and in Ireland, and a glance 
at some of those collected in A. Carmichael's Car- 
mina Gadelica (Edinburgh, 1900), or in Hyde's Re- 
ligious Songs of Connacht (London, 1906), will show 
that their iorm is precisely that of the ' Lorica ' of 
St. Patrick or of Mugron. Incantations were taught 
and practised as a regular part of their profession 
by the bards down to the 14th-15th cent, or later, 
and the fragments of incantations on the same 
model found in the St. Gall MSS show that they 
were also used in the monasteries. The pagan 
charms were Christianized in tone but their forms 
remained unchanged (see, further. Hymns [Celtic] 
above, p. 4). It is also to be remarked that all 



charms contain large numbers of words that have 
become so corrupted by constant oral repetition 
that they remain as mere meaningless sounds ; they 
are simply spell-words essential to the charm. la 
it not probable that some of the uncouth forms 
found in the ancient ' Loricas ' of Ireland may be 
explained in this way ? 

Literature. — J. H. Todd, Book of Hymns of the Ancient 
Church of Ireland, 2 vols., Dublin, 1855-65 ; J. H. Bernard 
and R. Atkinson, The Irish Liber Hymnonim, 2 vols., London, 
1898; E. Wiudisch, Ir. Texte.i. [Leipzig, 1880] ; W. Stokes 
and J. Strachan, Thesaurus PalcBohibernicus, ii. [Cambridge, 
1903] 298-359 ; F. E. Warren, Antiphonary of Bangor, 2 vols., 
London, 1893-95 ; H. J. Lawlor, Chapters on the Book of Mull- 
injj, Edinburgh, 1897, ch. vii. ; C. Blume, Ber Cursus S. Bene- 
dicti Nursim, Leipzig, 1908 ; J. Burkitt, * On two early Irish 
Hymns,' Jl'hSt iii. [1902] 95 f.; A. Holder, Die Reielienauer 
Randschriften, i. [Leipzig, 1906]; W. Stokes, 'Second Vision 
of Adamnan," RCel xii. [1891] 420-439 ; the poems o( Sedulius 
are edited by L. Traube, Poctce Lat. cevi Carulini, iii. [Berlin, 
1896] ; the ' Audite omnes ' of SechnaU may be found most con- 
veniently in PL liii. 837-840. 

The * Lorica ' of St. Patrick is given in the Liber HymrKn-um, 
i. 133, ii. 49 ; W. Stokes, Tripartite Life of St. Patrick, i. [Lon- 
don, 1887] 48, etc.; the ' Lorica' of Qildaa, in W. de Gray Birch, 
Book of Nunna-ininster, Winchester, 1889 ; A. B. Kuypers, 
Prayer Book of ^deluald the Bishop, commonly called the Book 
of Cerne, Cambridge, 1902 ; T. O. Cockayne, Leechdoms, 3 
vols., London, 1864-66; W. Stokes, Ir. Glosses, Dublin, 1860; 
H. Zimmer, Neimius Vindicatus, Berlin, 1893 ; H. Williams, 
Gildm de Excidio Brit., etc., London, 1901, no. 3, pp. 304-313; 
and K. Bartsch, Zeitschr. fiir roman. Philot. ii. [1878] 213 ; 
the ' Lorica ' of Columcille. in J. O'Donovan, Miscellany of Ir. 
ArcJuBol. Soc, i. [DubUn, 1846]; the 'Lorica' of Mugron, in K. 
Meyer, Hibemica minora, Oxford, 1894 ; the ' Lorica ' of Leyden, 
in V. H. Friedel, ZCP ii. [1893] 64; the Hisperica famina, in 
PL xc. 1187-96 ; Luxemburg fragment and St. Omer poem, in 
J. M. Stowasser, Wimer Stud. ix. [1887] 309-322, and Pro- 
gramm de? Franz-Joseph's Gymnas., Vienna, 1887-89 ; R. 
Thurneysen, RCel xi. [1890] 89 ; H. Zimmer, op. cit. pp. 291- 
342, and ' Zwei neue Fragmente von Hisp. fam.,' in Nachricht&n 
der konigl. Gesell. der Wissensch. zu Gottmgen, phil.-hist. Klasse, 
1896, ii. 120 (cf. F. J. H. Jenkinsou, The Hisperica Famina, 
Cambridge, 1908) ; the hymns of Hilary, in G. M. Dreves, 
Analecta hymnica medii cevi, 1. [Leipzig, 1907] ; H. A. Daniel, 
Thes. hynuiolag., Halle and Leipzig, 1841-66, i. 191, iv. 30 ; A. 
J. Mason, JThSt v. [1903] 413-482; A. S. Walpole, ib. vi. 
[1904] 699-603. ELEANOR HULL. 

HYMNS (Modem Christian). — The rise of 
modern hymnody may be regarded as synchronous 
with the rise of Protestantism, and in the earliest 
hymns is mirrored the antithesis between the old 
faith and the new. 

I. German hymns. — The earliest hymns of the 
Reformation were those of the Bohemian Brethren, 
of which a collection of 89 was printed at Prague in 
1501, and another, of about 400, in 1505 ; but these 
were so effectually suppressed that only one imper- 
fect copy of the former is known to exist, and none 
of the latter. For practical purposes the history of 
modem hymnody begins with the publication, 
in 1524, at Erfurt and Wittenberg respectively, of 
two small books of German hymns, in each of 
which about three-fourths of the contents were 
from the pen of Luther. Altogether, Luther's 
hymns and sacred songs number 38 ; of these 1 1 
are wholly or partly translated from the Latin, 4 
are revised from pre-Reformation hymns, 6 are 
metrical psalms, 6 paraphrases of other portions of 
Holy Scripture, and 11 original. At least 24 are 
still in more or less common use. 

The hymnody of Protestant Germany is the 
richest in Christendom, and by 1820 it was known 
to include more than 80,000 hymns of varying 
merit. The great majority of the authors were 
members of the Lutheran Church, whereas the 
hymn- writers of the ' Reformed,' or Calvinistic, 
Church were comparatively few, and their eflusions 
were generally more suited to private devotion 
than to public worship. This is due to a belief, 
strongly held by Zwingli and Calvin, and generally 
accepted by their adherents, that the Biblical 
Psalms furnish a complete manual of praise for 
public worship, and the only one divinely sanc- 
tioned. As a result of this belief, more than 130 
German Metrical Psalters, more or less complete. 



HYMNS (Modem Chribtian) 



are known to exist, and seven-cif,'litliH of lliem were 
compoMeii by Mieinl)ers of the Kefornied Cliiiroli. 

The L'reat German hynm-writers may be con- 
veniently arranged in seven succossive periods, 
eacli of which has its own distinctive cliaracter. 

(1) The tirst group consists of l>utlier and his 
contemporaries, from al)OUt 1517 to 1560. Their 
hymns are neither didactic nor retrospective, but 
natural, cordial, and fearless, at once popular and 
churclily. As long as the Uennan lan^^uage en- 
dures men will sing Luther's pathetic ' Aus tiefer 
Notli,' his child-like ' Von Himniel hoch da konim 
ieh her,' and his immortal ' Ein feste Burg.' With 
him must be associated Michael Weisse (1480- 
1534), who translated many of the Bohemian 
Brethren's hymns into German, but who is perhaps 
best remembered for his funeral hymn ' Nun lasst 
uns den Leib be{;raben,' Paulus Speratus (1484- 
1551), Nieholaus Hermann (t 1.561), Paul Eber 
(1511-69), .Johann Zwick, of the Kefornied Church 
(1496-1542), and Hans Sachs, the cobbler-bard of 
Niiremberg (1494-1576). 

(2) The second period, 1560-1618, is one of 
transition towards the subjective style of later 
times. There are occasional references to personal 
circumstances, and didactic matter is sometimes 
introduced. Many worthless compositions of this 
age have come down to us, and the best authors 
were too prolific. Among these may be named 
Bartholomilus Kingwalt (1532-98), Johann Michael 
Altenburt;- (1584-1640), and, above all, Philipp 
Nieolai (1556-16U8). 

(3) The third period is that of the Thirty Years ' 
War, 1018-48. The Psalms now become the 
model and type ; prominence is given to personal 
matters ; brevity and terseness give place to 
enlargement of thought. From this estimate one 
hymn must be excluded, the ' Nun danket alle 
Gott' of Martin Kinckart (1586-1649), which is 
almost the only one of his voluminous writings 
which has escaped oblivion, and which has become 
the national doxology of Germany. Martin Opitz 
(1597-1639) was a literary man of no very decided 
principles ; but he greatly influenced German 
nymnody by his literary style, and as a reformer of 
German prosody. This influence operated chiefly 
on writers of what is called the Silesian School. 
Of these the foremost place belongs to Johann 
Heermann (1585-1647), the author of 400 hymns, 
including ' Herr Jesu Christ, du wahres Licht,' 
and ' Herzliebster Jesu, was hast du verbrochen?' 
Johann Kist (1607-67) was also a prolific writer. 
Others of the school are Josua Steemann (1588- 
1632), Paul Flemming (1609-40), Matthaus Apelles 
von Lowenstern (1594-1648), and Johann Matthaus 
Meyfart (1590-1642). To the contemporary school 
of Konigsberg belong Simon Dach (1605-59), 
Georg Weissel (1590-1635), Heinrich Albert! (1604- 
51), and others. 

(4) The fourth period reaches from the peace of 
Westphalia to the outbreak of the Pietistic con- 
troversy, 1648-90. Hymns of this period assume 
more and more of a subjective character, the objec- 
tive features tending to disappear, while hymns 
relating to various circumstances and events in 
life— as suffering, consolation, death, the family, 
etc. — become more numerous. There is often a 
tendency to excessive length, a common fault of 
meditative verse. The chief singer of this genera- 
tion — in the judgment of many, the greatest of all 
German hymnists — is Paulus Gerhardt (1607-76). 
Foremost among his 120 hymns is the incomparable 
' O Haupt veil Blut und Wunden,' and not far 
behind it comes the ever popular ' Beflehl du deine 
Wege.' To the same school belong Ernst C. 
Homburg (1605-81), Johann Franck (1618-77), 
Georg Nenmark (1621-81), and Johann Georg 
Albinus (1624-79). 



Contemporary with these is a group of poctB 
whoso hyriins are, in general tone, mystic and 
conlcniiilntive. Foremost among them is Johann 
SclieiUcr (1624-77), who, bccominj; a convert to the 
Koman Communion in 1053, assumed the name of 
AnguluH Silesius. Many of his hymns, written 
botli before and after his transition, display a 
marvellous sweetness, in strange contrast with the 
bitterness of Ids controversial writings, e.g. ' Ich 
will dich lieben, meine Stiirke,' ' l.icbe, die du 
mich zuni Bilde,' etc. With him may be associated 
Christian Knorr von Roscnrolh (1636-89), Michael 
Franck, Sigismund von Bircken, Christoph \\'eg- 
leiter, and others of less note ; and in the Keformed 
Church Joachim Neander (1650-80). 

(5) The fifth period is that of Pietism, about 
1690-1750. The hymnists of the,se two generations 
are far too numerous to be particularly specified, 
but they may be classified in live groups, (i.) The 
contemporaries of Spener, pervaded by a healthy 
and sincere piety. Spener himself wrote few 
hymns of any value, and those produced by the 
rest of the group are noticeable for quality rather 
than for quantity. We may mention Adam 
Drese (1620-1701), Johann Jakob Scliutz (1640-90), 
Cyriacus Giinther (1649-1704), Saniuel Kodigast 
(1649-1708), Laurentius Laurenti (1660-1722), and 
Gottfried Arnold (1066-1714). 

(ii. ) The older school of Halle. Their hymns 
are of a scriptural, practical, and devotional 
tendency, and are mostly for individual edification 
and for the closet, rather than for the church. 
Most worthy of notice are Wolfgang Christoph 
Dessler (1600-1722), the author of more than 
100 hymns, of which the best known are ' Mein 
Jesu dem die Seraphinen ' and ' Ich lass dich 
nicht, du musst mein Jesus bleiben,' Johann 
Anastasius Freylinghausen (1670-1739), Johann 
Heinrich Schroder (1667-99), Bartholomaus Cras- 
selius (1667-1724), and Johann Joseph Winckler 
(1670-1722). 

(iii.) To these succeeded a younger school, repre- 
senting the decline of Pietism into sentimentalism 
and trivialities. The better writers of this school 
are Johann Jakob Ranibach (1693-1735), Johann 
Lud-vvig Conrad Allendorf (1693-1773), Carl Hem- 
rich von Bogatzky (1690-1774), and Leopold F. F. 
Lehr (1709-44). 

(iv.) Side by side with these is a group of poets 
devoted to strict Lutheran orthodoxy, and there- 
fore unsympathetic towards Pietism. Three of 
these composed, among them, nearly 2000 hymns, 
many of which, though not of the highest order of 
merit, are of great and permanent value. Salomo 
F'ranck (1659-1725) is best remembered by his 
hymu for Easter even, ' So ruhest du, O meine 
Ruh ' ; Erdmann Neumeister (1671-1756) was the 
author of many cantatas for use in church, and 
re-modelled a number of older hymns ; Benjamin 
Schmoick (1672-1737) was the most prolific of the 
school. 

(v.) The school which is represented in theology 
by Bengel and Crusius, mediating between Pietism 
and orthodoxy, claims a few sacred poets. The 
chief of these are Johann Mentzer (1658-1734), 
Johann Andreas Rothe (1688-1758), P. F. Killer 
(1699-1769), and C. C. L. von Pfeil (1712-84). 

Two distinguished hymnists of the period appear 
to stand apart from all these various groups. 
Gerhard Tersteegen (1697-1769), brought up in the 
Reformed Church, but from early manhood a 
mystic and a separatist, has more in common 
with Schefiier than with any other poet. His 
numerous hymns were long restricted to a limited 
circle, but during the last 70 years have been repre- 
sented in most German hymn-books, Lutheran as 
well as Reformed. 'Gott ist gegenwartig ' is tlie 
most popular ; but ' Siegesfiirste, Ehrenkonig,' 



30 



HYMNS (Modern Christian) 



'Gott rufet noch,' and others are of sterling 
value. 

Nicholaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-60), 
patron and afterwards bishop of the Moravian 
Brethren, wrote upwards of 2000 hymns of almost 
every possible degree of merit, but even at the 
lowest displaying deep personal devotion to Christ. 
His extraordinary aptitude for improvising led to 
the production of a huge mass of rhyme, of which 
sincere piety is the only redeeming feature. The 
use of his hymns is almost restricted to the 
Moravian Church ; but ' Jesu, geh voran ' and 
' Christi Blut und Gerechtigkeit ' are hymns that 
Christendom will not willingly let die ; and a few 
centos, translated into various languages, are 
current. 

(6) The sixth period, from about 1750 to 1830, is 
that of the ' Enlightenment' {q.v.), whose effect on 
hymnody was for the time disastrous, especially in 
the dilution of the church hymn-books and sacred 
poetry in general. During its earlier years the 
orthodox tradition was worthily maintained by 
Christian Fiirchtegott Gellert (1715-69), who in 
1757 published 54 hymns characterized by rational 
piety and good taste, but generally individual 
rather than churchly. Many of them are still in 
use, the most popular being ' Jesus lebt, mit ihm 
auch ich.' Friedrich G. Klopstock (1724-1803) 
produced in 1758 modernized re-casts of 29 earlier 
German hymns, apparently without any doctrinal 
motive. Of his original pieces, mostly emotional 
and subjective, by far the best is the triumphant 
funeral song ' Auferstehn, ja, auferstehn wirst du.' 
Modernizing of standard hymns, without doctrinal 
purpose and with undesirable results, was under- 
taken by Johann Andreas Cramer (1723-88) and 
Johann Adolf Sohlegel (1721-93). The one spiritual 
singer who stands conspicuous in this dreary time 
is Johann Caspar Lavater (1741-1801). Of his 700 
hymns the best known is ' Jesus Christus, wachs 
in mir.' Georg F. P. von Hardenberg, commonly 
called Novalis, was a religious poet rather than a 
hymn-writer. 

(7) A seventh period, one of Evangelical revival, 
may be dated from the publication by Christian 
Karl Josias Bunsen in 1833 of his Versuch eines 
allgemeinen evangelischen Gesang- und Gebetbuchs, 
containing 934 hymns, followed in 1837 by the 
Evangelucher Liederschatz of Albert Knapp, with 
3590. Bunsen endeavoured to restore, as nearly as 
possible, the original text of each hymn ; Knapp, 
unfortunately, was less scrupulous ; but from that 
time the colourless hymn-books of the preceding 
age gradually disappeared ; and those now in use 
usually contain the best productions of evangelical 
singers from the Reformation downward. It 
would be impossible to pass in review the original 
compositions of the last three generations. Five 
names are specially worthy of mention : Ernst 
Moritz Arndt (1769-1860), Christian F. H. Sachse 
(1785-1860), Johann Wilhelm Meinhold (1797-1851), 
Albert Knapp (1798-1864), and Carl J. P. Spitta 
(1801-59), of whose Psalter und Harfe 55 editions 
were printed in as many years. 

2. Dutch hymns. — Even in the 15th cent, a 
number of macaronic hymns, partly Latin and 
partly Dutch, and generally of a Hussite charac- 
ter, were current in the Netherlands. A collection 
of these was printed at Kempen in 1550. The 
Reformation in these regions was of so strongly 
Calvinistic a type, however, that several synods 
forbade the singing of any hymns except those 
found in Holy Scripture. A collection of metrical 
Psalms, with music, was printed at Antwerp in 
1539 ; and two complete metrical Dutch Psalters 
appeared in 1566. To another Psalter, published 
in 1580, were added metrical versions of other 
Scripture canticles, together with the Ten Com- 



mandments, the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the 
' Gloria in excelsis.' Altogether between 30 and 
40 Dutch Psalters appeared before 1773, in which 
year the Synod of South Holland issued an author- 
ized version, which is still commonly used in tht 
Dutch Reformed Church. 

The Dutch Lutherans, in 1615, published at 
Utrecht a collection of 58 hymns translated from 
the German. The suppression of these was at- 
tempted by the Synod of Dort (1619) ; but a few 
years later local synods authorized their use on 
festival occasions. In 1659, Willem Sluiter pub- 
lished a volume entitled Psalmen, Gezangen en 
geestelijke Liederen, which, together with a posthu- 
mous volume of hymns by the same author, was 
long in popular use for domestic worship. The 
first religious bodies in Holland to authorize the 
use of hymns in public worship, however, were 
dissenters from the Dutch Reformed Establish- 
ment. The Anabaptists published an Appendix 
to the Psalter in 1713 ; a hymnal for a separatist 
congregation, compiled by Jacob Groenewegen in 
1750, ran through several editions ; and a large 
volume of Mennonite hymns appeared in the latter 
half of the 18th century. It was not till 1805 that 
the first authorized hymn-book of the Dutch Re- 
formed Church was offered to the public. It con- 
tained 192 hymns, of which a large proportion were 
translations. An Appendix, which had been nearly 
20 years in preparation, was authorized in 1866. 
This hymn-book and appendix are still in common 
use both in Holland and in South Africa ; and 
nearly aU other Dutch hymnals have borrowed 
largely from them. 

Of the older Dutch Lutheran hymns almost half 
were appropriate only to festivals. It was not till 
1826 that the Lutheran Synod of Holland published 
its own hymn-book, containing 376 hymns, of which 
150 were from the older Lutheran books, and 162 
were new compositions. Some serious omissions 
were supplied in an Appendix 24 years later. The 
other most important Dutch hymn-books are the 
modern Baptist hymnal, a volume of translations 
from the Latin by R. B. Janson (1860), and a 
volume of revival hymns, translated from English 
and American originals. Very few Dutch hymns 
are original compositions ; according to the best 
authority, the whole number does not much exceed 
3000, of which at least two- thirds are translations. 

3. Scandinavian hymns. — The Reformation in 
the Scandinavian countries was, to a greater extent 
than elsewhere, the work of the rulers rather than 
of the people. The national Churches of Sweden, 
Denmark, and Norway were thoroughly Erastian. 
These facts had some influence. If not on the com- 
position of church songs, at least on their publica- 
tion and use in public M'orship. 

The father of Swedish hymnody was Lars Peter- 
sen, archbishop of XJpsala (t 1573), who, in addi- 
tion to original pieces, made many translations 
from Latin and German hymns. His brother, Olaf 
Petersen, also has some repute as a hymn-writer. 
They were assisted in their poetical work by two 
other brothers, Lars and Peter Andersen. These, 
in 1536, published Swenske songor eller wisor nw 
pa nytt prentade, foriikade, och under en annan 
skick an tilforenna vtsatte ('Swedish Songs or 
Hymns, now newly printed, enlarged, and pub- 
lished in a different shape from the former ' ; what 
that former book was we are not informed). Two 
kings of Sweden — Erik xiv. (t 1577) and Gustavus 
Adolphus (slain at Liitzen, 1632) — contributed to 
the national hymnody ; the latter, shortly before liis 
death, wrote the renowned battle-song, ' Fbrfaras 
ej, du lilla hop.' 

The number of Swedish hymn-writers is not 
great. Of the 15 who wrote within the 17th and 
18th centuries the greatest was Johan Olaf Wallin 



HYMNS (Modern ChriBtian) 



31 



(1779-1830). In 181!) he ijuljlislied Den swemka 
Fsalmbo/ccn af Kunungen ;/iUad och stadjdstad 
('The Swedisli Hymn-book, approved and con- 
firmed by the King'), wliich is Ktill in common 
use throughout the country. To it he contributed 
about 150 original hymns, besides translations and 
revisions. 

In 1529 there was published at Rostock, in the 
Danish language, Eru ny Handboy, med Psnlitier 
oc aandelige Lofsanne, wdrngne aff than licllige 
Schrifft ('A new Handbook, witli Psalms and 
Spiritual Songs of Praise derived from Holy 
Writ'). This contained translations from the 
Latin, German, and Swedish, and some originals. 
Its principal author was Glaus Martenson Tonde- 
liinder (1500-70) ; and it was the hymnary of the 
Danish and Norwegian Lutherans for more than 
a century. In 1683, Thomas Kingo, bishop of 
Kunen, whose Aandelige Sjunge-chor ('Spiritual 
Choral-Songs') had attracted attention, was com- 
missioned to prepare a new hymn-book for the 
churches in both countries. The first part ap- 
peared in 1689 ; it contained many of Kingo's own 
compositions, and was greatly admired by some, 
while others, of the Pietistic school, unfairly de- 
nounced it as rationalistic. The controversy was 
so violent that the completion of the book was 
entrusted to a committee, who, however, v.orked 
on Kingo's lines, and included many of his hymns. 
The resultant Forordnede ny Klrke-Psalnie-Bog 
('Authorized New Ghurch Hymn-book'), in its 
complete form, appeared in 1699. Several attempts 
were made to supplant it by collections on Pietistic 
lines. Especially notable was a Ny Salmebog ( 'New 
Hymn-book ') edited in 1740 by Erie Pontoppidan. 
This contained a large number of hymns, both 
original and translated, by Hans Adolf Brorson, 
bishop of Ribe, whose views were decidedly Piet- 
istic. Another attempt in the same direction was 
made by N. H. Balle, bishop of Seeland, who in 
1797 produced a revision of Kingo's book under the 
title Evangelisk-Kristelig Salmebog ( ' Evangelical 
Ghristian Hymn-book '). The attempt failed, how- 
ever, because of the feebleness of the verse ; and 
more than half a century passed before any real 
improvement was effected. This at length was 
brought about, mainly through the influence of 
Nikolai Frederik Severin Grundtvig (1783-1872). 
This eminent scholar, true poet, and fervent evan- 
gelist waged war for many years against the pre- 
vailing Rationalism and Erastianism of the national 
Ghurch, and suffered accordingly. While under 
ecclesiastical suspension he wrote and compiled 
Sang-Vdrk til den danske Kirke ('Song -Work 
for the Danish Church '). His moral influence at 
length prevailed so far that his worth was appre- 
ciated, and steps were taken to prepare a new 
Salniebogen til Kirke- og Hus- A ndagt ( 'Hymn-book 
for Church and House Worship '). This was sanc- 
tioned for general use in 1853, having been edited 
by the poet Bernhard Severin Ingemann (1789- 
1862). It was based on the old book of Kingo, but 
contained many hymns by Brorson, Grundtvig, and 
Ingemann. 

Iceland is closely bound to Denmark by political 
relations. For a long time the only hymn-book in 
use there was the Graduale or Messu-saungs bok 
('Mass-Song-Book '), consisting of translations into 
Old Norse of a few of the earlier hymns of jNIarten- 
son's collection. The last edition is dated 1773. 
Since then local translations of the Danish books 
have been in use. In 1861, Thordersen of Reyk- 
javik issued N'jr vidbcetir vid hina evangelisku 
Sdlmabbk (' New Contributions to the Evangelical 
Psalm-book'), much on the lines of the Danish 
book of 1855. 

Norway, until 1814, had been politically united 
with Denmark ; and Danish hymn-books, or re- 



visions of sucli books Ml modernized language, have 
been in cummoii use — the churches allowing them- 
selves considerable freedom. The books now most 
inwai: B,TG Kirke-Saliiw-Bogen ("Y\\& Church Hymn- 
book '), edited on the basis of older books by Magnus 
B. Landstad, and authorized in 1869 ; and Christ- 
elige Psainier til Husandagt og Hkolebrug ('Chris- 
tian Hymns for Domestic Worship and for Use 
in Schools'), published in 1851 by Jolian Nikolai 
Frantzen. 

A veiy large proportion of the Scandinavian 
hymns are translated from German Lutheran 
authors. The older hymns are generally doctrinal 
or invocative ; those of later date are rather sub- 
jective, expressing personal sentiments, hopes, and 
fears. As to the characteristics of individual 
singers, it is commonly said that ' Kingo is 
the poet of Easter, Brorson of Christmas, njid 
Grumltvig of Whitsuntide.' 

4. French hymns. — The earliest known French 
hymn-book was printed in 1527. It was entitled 
Hymnes communs de I'annie, and consisted of 
translations of Latin hymns by Nicolas Mauroy. 
In 1533 appeared the Miroir d'une dme 2'6cheresse, 
by Marguerite de Valois, to which were appended 
metrical versions, by Clement Marot, of the Creed, 
Lord's Prayer, Ave Maria, Grace before Meals, etc. 
Between this date and 1597 nine small books of 
Huguenot Songs were published, containing hymns, 
carols, ballads, and paraphrases of Scripture. Mean- 
while, in 1542, Marot published his 50 metrical 
Psalms, which, being sung to ballad tunes, became 
widely fashionable. In hope of supplanting these, 
Guy de la Boderie, a Roman Catholic, published 
Hymnes eccUsiastiques in 1578, also Cantiques spiri- 
tuels, consisting of translations from Prudentius, 
Petrarch, and Vidas, and some paraphrases of Scrip- 
ture songs. Before the end of the century, several 
other volumes of devout songs were produced by 
Huguenot writers, such as Nicolas Denisot, Charles 
de Naviferes, Etienne de Maizon Fleur ; but none 
of them were designed for public worship. The 
Reformed Church in France, as in Germany and else- 
where, limited its church-song to Biblical Psalms 
and Canticles. Various writers, therefore, sought 
to supply what was lacking in Marot's work ; and 
in 1550 a complete Psalter was published in Paris, 
consisting of Marot's versions, with others by Gilles 
d'Auriguy, Robert Brincel, 'C. R.,' and 'CI. B.' 
This was generally supplanted by Les Pseaumes 
mis enriine franqoise par Clivient Marotet Thiodore 
de Bize, 1562. Of this at least 24 editions were 
printed within the year, at Paris, Caen, Lyons, 
Geneva, and other places. Until the early years 
of the 18th cent, this Psalter alone was used in the 
public worship of the Reformed Church ; and be- 
yond the bounds of that community its influence 
has been far wider than that of any other metrical 
Psalter. 

The Lutheran Church in France, besides using 
the Psalter, made free use of translations of the 
best German hymns. Pseaumes, hymnes et can- 
tiques . . . mis en rime franqais selon la rime et 
mtlodies allemands^, Frankfort, 1612, contains 63 
hymns or paraphrases. Successive enlargements 
or developments of this book appeared under vari- 
ous titles in the 17th and 18th centuries, that of 1739 
having 381 pieces. The rigidity of the Reformed 
Church also gave way in 1705, when Benedict Pictet 
published Cinquante-quatre cantiques sacrez pour 
les principales solemnitez. Twelve of these wers 
authorized for use in public worship, and became an 
appendix to the Psalter throughout the Reformed 
Church. Some of them are among the finest hymns 
in the French language. 

The French Roman Catholic hymnists of the 17th 
cent, are not numerous. La PhilomUe siraphique, 
by Jean I'Evangeliste, 1632, consisted of hymns of 



32 



HYMNS (Modern Christian) 



a mystical type, set to secular tunes. It was re- 
garded as a Jansenist book, and was not designed 
for use in church. Pierre Corneille versified parts 
of the Imitatio Cfiristi, thus producing a few hymns 
still current. Racine also wrote, in 1689, two hymns 
which are still in use. A few hymns of a soberly 
quietistic strain were wi-itten by the illustrious 
Feneion, and a large number by Madame Guyon 
(1648-1717); but few, if any, of these have come 
into common use. A number of hymns by Abb6 
Pellegrin were published in 1706-15, and set to 
lively secular tunes ; some of them are still in use. 
A meritorious collection of hymns was made for 
the Seminary of St. Sulpice in 1765. The Secucil 
de cantiques, traduits de I'allemand, 1743, was a 
Moravian hymn-book of 75 pieces. In successive 
editions the number was raised to 576 in 1778, of 
which about 370 are translations from the German, 
the rest lieing French originals. 

Probably the greatest of French hymn-writers 
is H. A. Cesar Malan (1787-1864), pastor at Geneva, 
champion of Evangelicalism, and the founder of 
modern French Keformed hymnody. He is said 
to have written about a thousand hymns ; and, 
though many are weak and full of literary faults, 
others are of great value. A large number are 
still in use, and some of them are found in every 
French Protestant hymn-book. Of contemporary 
and later writers of the same school may be named 
Ami Bost, Merle d'Aubign^, Henri Lutteroth, 
Alexandre Vinet, and Adolphe Monod. 

Modern French hymn-books are very numerous, 
and suited to every phase of Protestant Christi- 
anity. The first French Methodist hymn-book 
was issued in England about 1813, for the benefit 
of French prisoners of war ; it contained many 
translations of English hymns. Another, for use 
in the Channel Isles, appeared about 1818, and in 
an enlarged edition in 1828 ; it was frequently re- 
printed, until replaced by a better book in 1868. 
In 1831, or earlier, appeared Cantiqiies chritiens d 
I'usage des assemblees religicuses, which reached 
a 14th edition in 1881. The Reformed Church has 
overcome its aversion to ' liuman compositions,' 
and since 1787 has sanctioned several good hymn- 
books. The Walloon Collection (1803) contained 
133 hymns ; a good collection published at Frank- 
fort in 1849 contained 289 ; and the Nouveau Livre 
de cantiques, edited by E. Bersier, Paris, 1879, has 
217. At least six French Lutheran hymn-books 
were published in several editions during the 
19th cent, at Paris, Montbeliard, Strassburg, and 
Nancy ; and a French Moravian hymn-book, in 
1880, contained 700 pieces, mostly translations 
from the German. Several modern books of the re- 
vivalist type have had mde circulation, especially 
those published in connexion with the Protestant 
Mission called ' L'CEuvre MacAll.' The most 
noteworthy of these is Cantiques populaires, which 
with its supplement contains upwards of 60 trans- 
lations of English and American ' revival hymns.' 

An undenominational hymn-book, with music, 
appeared at Paris in 1834, under the title of Chants 
chrUiens, edited by Henri Lutteroth. Its aim was 
to collect the best hymns of the older poets, as 
Racine, Corneille, Pictet, etc., together with others 
of recent date. It was much moditied in successive 
editions, assuming its final shape, with 200 hymns, 
in 1857. Its influence has been wide and bene- 
ficial, bringing into common iise numerous hymns 
of great merit. Its chief blemish is that it is too 
didactic— an unusual fault in French hymnody, 
which is, for the most part, intensely subjective. 
French hymns rarely or never have the strength 
of good (ierman or English poetry ; but the best 
of them have much sweetness and tenderness, 
while some are highly picturesque, and others of 
delightful simplicity. 



This seems a fitting place to mention a group 
of French Roman Catholic poets of the 17th and 
early 18th centuries, who wrote in Latin, and 
whose hymns are to be found in the Paris Breviary 
of 1726 and other Galilean Breviaries. The fore- 
most of them in merit is Charles Coffin (1676-1749); 
next must be ranked Jean Baptiste de Santeuil 
(1630-97) and his elder brother Claude (1628-84); 
with these are honourably associated Guillaume 
de la Brunetifere (t 1702), Nicolas le Toumeux 
(1640-86), S. Besnault, and several of lesser note. 
Their hymns, especially those of Coffin, are of a 
high standard of excellence. 

5. Italian hymns. — The religious revival initi- 
ated by St. Francis of Assisi in the 13th cent, 
called forth a number of religious songs in the 
Veronese and Umbrian dialects, some of which 
were sung by the F^lagellants in their processions. 
Towards the end of the century Jacopone da Todi 
(to whom is usually attributed the ' Stabat Mater 
dolorosa') wrote many vernacular songs extolling 
the divine love, which, though never used in the 
regular church services, were much sung during 
the two following centuries by members of the 
religious orders. Towards the middle of the 15th 
cent. G. Savonarola wrote ' Hymns of Praise and 
Con templation,' which, however, were not suited for 
use in public worship. Two of his contemporaries, 
Matfei Belcari and Girolamo Benevieni, wrote 
hymns which were widely known and used. The 
spiritual poems of Vittoria Colonna (1490-1547) 
were highly esteemed, but there is no evidence 
that they were ever used in public worship. 

From this time till late in the 17th cent, no 
religious poet of eminence arose in Italy. But in 
1688, Matteo Coferati, a priest of Florence, edited 
a collection of about 330 hymns, under the title 
Corona di sacre catizoni, laude spirituali di pin 
divoti auton. The authors' names are not stated. 
This is the earliest known Italian hymn-book. 

Bernardo Adimari, a priest of the Oratory of 
San Filippo Neri, was the author of 212 hymns, 
published at Florence in 1703. These were accom- 
panied by tunes in four parts ; and there is evi- 
dence that at this time it was common in many 
places to sing hymns antiphonally, or one verse by 
the choir and another by the people. The next 
prolific hymn-writer was Alfonso JIaria de Liguori 
(1896-1787). His verses were designed for popular 
use. Some are devotional, some ascetic, and some 
mystical ; they abound in utterances of intense 
devotion, but are for the most part too warm and 
passionate for English taste. Liguori has often 
been credited with the authorship of the best 
known of all Italian hymns, 'Viva, viva Jesu'; 
but the ascription is very doubtful. The well- 
known poets Metastasio and Manzoni wrote hymns 
which have been included in church collections ; 
and several recent Roman Catholic poets of less 
note might also be mentioned. Among the princi- 
pal Protestant hymn-writers of the 19th cent, are 
Gabriele Rossetti, his kinsman, T. Pietrocola 
Rossetti, C. Mapei, G. Niccolini, and Michele di 
Pretoro. An Englishman, Thomas W. S. Jones, 
who lived many years in Italy, is also the author 
of more than 140 hymns in the Italian language. 
At least 10 Protestant Italian hymn-books, some of 
considerable bulk, have been published since the 
Italian Revolution, at Florence, Naples, Rome, 
Trieste, and Casella. Some of these contain 
numerous translations of English and American 
hymns. In Italy the Roman Catholic Church does 
not favour the singing of hymns in the vernacular 
in public worship ; nevertheless, in extra-liturgical 
services such hymns are used with some freedom. 

6. English hymns. — Popular tradition has con- 
stantly associated hymn-singing \vith the Lollards. 
But, although a number of devout songs are pre- 



HYMNS (Modern Christian) 



33 



served in MSS of the 14th and 15th centuries, 
some of them of no little merit, they are all — ex- 
cept a few carols — too intensely persona! to have 
been used in public worship. 1 ho earliest printed 
Enj,'lish hymns are probably those in Marshall's 
Primer of 1535 and the Sarura Primer of 1538. 
These are translations from the Latin, and their 
versification is of the rudest. 

The first English hymn-book, properly so called, 
is the Goostly Psalnies and Spirituall Songes of 
Miles Coverdale, 1539. It contains 41 pieces, 
all but 5 of them translations or imitations from 
the German — 17 being from Luther. There are 
versions of 13 Psalms, the 'Magnificat,' 'Nunc 
dimittis,' ' Gloria in excelsis,' the Creed, the 
Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments. 
Efforts were made to suppress this book, but in 
1545 Henry vill. authorized a new Primer, which 
contained 8 hymns, smoother in versification than 
the former primers. In this Cranmer is believed 
to have had a hand, and it was his desire that 
English versions of the old Church hymns should 
have a place in the projected new service-books. 
It is thought that the influence of Calvin and 
Bucer had to do with the abandonment of this 
project. 

During the interval between the death of Henry 
and the accession of Elizabeth the ' old version ' of 
the Psalms was gradually compiled, the chief con- 
tributors being Thomas Sternhold, John Hopkins, 
Thomas Norton, William Kethe, and William 
Whittingham. To several successive editions a 
few hymns were prefixed or appended ; the com- 
plete edition of 1562 has 23, including ' The Lamen- 
tation of a Sinner' and the earliest kno^vn non- 
Roman Communion hymn in the English language, 
'The Lord be thanked for His Gifts.' The next 
really important hymnological publication is the 
Gude and Godlie Ballatis, which bears the same 
relation to the Reformation in Scotland as Cover- 
dale's Goostly Psalmes does to that in England. 
The principal, but not the only, authors were the 
brothers John and Robert Wedderburne, clergy- 
men of Bundee, who became exiles on account of 
their Protestant principles. The earliest editions 
have entirely perished, and their date is matter of 
conjecture ; the oldest linown perfect copy was 
printed at Edinburgh in 1578, with the title Ane 
Copendious Buik of godlie Psalmes and spirituall 
Sangis. It contains 116 pieces, all in the Scottish 
dialect. There are 22 metrical Psalms, 8 Scripture 
paraphrases, the Creed, 34 hymns, 8 graces, and 
43 ballads, some devotional and some satirical. 
More than a fourth of the whole is translated from 
the German, and a few pieces are borrowed or 
adapted from Coverdale. Several of the devo- 
tional ballads are remarkable for their beauty and 
tenderness, while the satirical pieces, some of them 
coarse as well as humorous, attack the Roman 
Catholic clergy with considerable vigour. 

It may seem surprising that, of about 130 Eng- 
lish writers of religious verse in the latter half 
of the 16th cent., scarcely any contributed to the 
worship-song of the Church. The explanation lies 
in the fact that — largely, no doubt, through the 
Calvinistic influence brought to bear upon the 
formative period of the English Book of Common 
Prayer — only the scantiest scope was allowed for 
hymns in public worship, an injunction of the first 
year of Elizabeth granting merely that 'in the 
beginning or in the end of the Common Prayer, 
either at morning or evening, there may be sung 
an hymn, or such like song, to the praise of 
Almighty God.' It was not until the revision of 
1661-62 that the insertion, after the third collect at 
morning and evening prayer, of the rubric for the 
anthem opened the way, even though slowly taken, 
to a true hymnody. In modern times a few Eliza- 

VOL, VII. — 3 



bethan hymns have come into common uoe, e.g., 
the earliest original English morning hymn, 'You 
that have spent the quiet night,' by George Gas- 
coigne, and the delightful 'Hierusalem, my happie 
home,' of which the author, ' F. B. P.,' has not 
been satisfactorily identified. 

Between the death of Elizabeth and the out- 
break of the Civil War the conditions were much 
the same ; .-ind the sacred poets of the day, such 
as John Donne, George Herbert, and Phineas 
Fletcher, for the most part ofl'ered no contribu- 
tions to public worship, though a few of their 
devout lyrics have found a place in modem hymn- 
books. A few attempts were made to supplant 
the Sternhold and Hopkins Psalter, but with little 
success. The very meritorious version of George 
Sandys failed to win the public ear ; that of 
William, Earl of Stirling, though put forth in the 
name of King James, had no better success ; and 
the faithful but intolerably harsh version of Henry 
Ainsworth found favour only with the Separatists. 

To this period, however, belongs the first really 
great English hymn-writer, George Wither (1588- 
1667). His poetical works, sacred and secular, are 
numerous. His noble version of the Psalms has 
been undeservedly neglected. His Hymns and 
Songs of the Church was printed in 1623, with ' the 
particular approbation both of the king and of 
convocation, but the intrigues of the Stationers' 
Company frustrated the intentions of the king and 
clergy, and practically suppressed the book. It 
contained all the OT and NT Canticles, the Song 
of Songs, the Lamentations, versions of the Lord's 
Prayer and ' Veni Creator,' and 44 original hymns 
for various ecclesiastical seasons and special occa- 
sions. In 1641, Wither published Hallehijah, or 
Britain's Second Eemembrancer, with a dedication 
to the Parliament, his sympathies being at that 
time on the popular side. The book contained 
233 hymns, classified as occasional, temporary, and 
personal ; 42 of them are taken from the former 
book, often with alterations which are not always 
improvements. 

The Sternhold and Hopkins Psalter had become 
unacceptable to the Puritans, not because of its 
rugged versification, but because it was not, in 
their opinion, sufficiently close to the original. 
They conceived the impossible idea of a literal 
translation from the Hebrew in an English metre 
that could be sung. Between 1640 and the end of 
the century there were at least half - a - dozen 
attempts to realize this fancy — among them the 
curious Bay Psalm-Book of the Puritan Colonists 
in New England (1640). When the Long Parlia- 
ment undertook to remodel the Church of England 
on Puritanical lines, part of the scheme was to 
provide a metrical Psalter for general use through- 
out England and Scotland. The work was assigned 
to a committee, who, by conflating two versions 
by Francis Rous and William Barton respectively, 
produced what is known as ' The Scots Version '■ — 
it being approved by the Scottish General Assembly 
in 1649. With all its faults — and they are neither 
few nor small — it has endeared itself to the hearts 
of the Scottish people, and will not be supplanted 
for generations yet to come. The wonderful 23rd 
Psalm in this version is probably the most perfect 
metrical Psalm in Christendom. 

Between the fall of the Monarchy and the Re- 
volution several poets produced lyrics which, 
though not designed for use in public worship, 
were utilized by later compilers of hymn-books. 
Such were Henry Vaughan, Richard Crashaw, and 
John Quarles. There were also at least three 
genuine hymnists — William Barton, whose work 
has been unaccountably neglected, Samuel Cross- 
man, and John Mason, whose best productions are 
stUl deservedly popular. Mention must also be 



34 



HYMNS (Modern Christian) 



made of two rhymesters, whose verses are unmiti- 
gated doggerel, but who did excellent work as 
pioneers. Abraham Cheare, a Baptist minister of 
Plymouth, who died in prison in 1668, is the first 
known English author of hymns for children. 
Benjamin Keach, also a Baptist, had been set in 
the pillory for seeking to propagate his opinions 
through the press. His Spiritual Melody_ (1691) 
is poor; but by it, and by a couple of vigorous 
pamphlets, he practically broke down the prejudice 
which until then existed among Baptists against 
singing in public worship. 

In 1692 was printed the first edition, unauthorized 
and incorrect, of Bishop Thomas Ken's Morning 
and Evening Hymns. At first written for the 
scholars of Winchester School, they have won an 
abiding place in the esteem of all English-speaking 
Christendom. Ken's other hymns, for the festivals 
of the Church, were a posthumous publication, and 
have been little regarded. 

At the time of the Kevolution the Psalms of 
Sternhold and Hopkins, already archaic, were still 
almost exclusively used in the Anglican Church ; 
the well-meant attempts of W. King, John Patrick, 
John Denham, and others had totally failed to 
supplant them ; and the noble versions of Sandys 
and Wither had apparently been forgotten. About 
1698 a New Version, by Nahum Tate and Nicholas 
Brady, was put forth under royal patronage, and 
soon became immensely popular. Its one merit is 
that, smooth and unimpassioned, it suited the 
literary taste of the day. For 150 years it held the 
field against all rivals ; at present about half-a- 
dozen psalms of the ' New Version ' continue in 
use, the most popular being the 34th and the 67th. 

In the Church of Scotland, on the re-establish- 
ment of Presbyterianism after the Revolution, the 
General Assembly considered the question of an 
authorized appendix to the Scottish Psalms. 
Patrick Simson of Renfrew had published, at 
Edinburgh, six books of Spiritual Songs or Holy 
Poem^, consisting of versified paraphrases of all 
the poetical parts of Scripture except the Psalter. 
The work is of considerable merit, the rendering 
being fairly close, without that rigidity which 
marked the Scottish and New England Psalms. 
In 1695, Simson being Moderator, the Assembly 
appointed a Commission to revise the Scripture 
Songs ; but the business was delayed year after 
year, and in the end nothing was done, so that the 
boottish Psalms continued in exclusive use for 
about 50 years longer. 

Among English Nonconformists the manuals of 
Church Song chiefly in use were the Scottish 
Psalms, a revision of the New England Psalter, 
and, occasionally. Barton's. During the last decade 
of the century several ministers — Robert Fleming, 
Joseph Boyse, Thomas Shepherd, Richard Davis, 
and Joseph Stennett — produced hymns for the use 
of their own congregations, some of which found 
wider, though very limited, acceptance. Nearly 
all these hymns are personal rather than congrega- 
tional ; and most of them are mere Calvinistic 
theology in rhyme. The first selection of hymns 
for Nonconformist worship of which we have found 
any trace was published in 1694 under the title A 
Collection of Divine Hymns upon several Occasions. 
To this seven authors contributed, among whom 
were Richard Baxter, John Mason, and Thomas 
Shepherd. The next selection, Matthew Henry's 
Family Hymns (1695), consisted entirely of centos 
from various metrical versions of the Psalms. 

In 1695 a young Nonconformist student com- 
mented on the unsatisfactory character of the 
rhymes in use atthe Meeting-house inSouthampton, 
and was challenged to produce something better. 
The next Sunday the spirited paraphrase ' Behold 
the Glories of the Lamb Amidst His Father's 



throne' was 'lined out,' to the delight of the 
worshippers. The young man was Isaac Watts, in 
after years renowned as pastor, philosopher, and 
poet. In 1707 he published Hymns and Spiritual 
Songs, in Three Books, containing 222 pieces, which 
in the second edition (1709) were increased to 360. 
These were followed in 1715 by Divine and Moral 
Songs for the Use of Children; and in 1719 by The 
Psalms of David imitated in the Language of the 
New Testament. Other publications in verse 
followed ; and Watts's various works contain at 
least 750 hymns, of which nearly 200 are still in 
common use. Before his death, in 1748, fifteen or 
sixteen editions of his hymns had been circulated ; 
and for more than 100 years their use, with or 
without a supplement, was all but universal among 
Congregationalists and Baptists. His meditative 
hymns are not usually superior to those of Cross- 
man, Ken, and Mason ; but in hymns of praise 
fitted for united utterance he has no superior and 
few equals. His theology is in the main Puritan, 
without the Puritan rigidity and intolerance. 

Watts wa3 the first who could be deemed the founder of a 
distinct school of Eny;lish hymn-writers. Among his followers 
may be reckoned, in addition to a multitude of inferior rhymers, 
Simon Browne (1680-1732), Philip Doddridge (1702-51), Anne 
Steele (1716-78), Thomas Gibbons (1720-S6), Samuel Stennett 
(1727-95), and Samuel Medley (1738-99). 

The influence of Watts extended into Scotland. In the hymns 
of John Willison (t 1750), and in the Scripture Songs of Ralph 
Krskine (t 1752), he is plagiarized almost wholesale. In the 
Translations and Paraphrases prepared by a committee of the 
General Assembly in 1745, of 45 paraphrases 18 were by Watts. 
In the Paraphrases of 1781, of 67 pieces 19 are based on Watts 
and 4 on Doddridge, but all more or less altered. By far the 
most successful of these alterations is the fine paraphrase — 
transmuted from one of Watts's feeblest hymns — ' How bright 
those glorious spirits shine.* 

Of writers more or less contemporary with Watts, but outside 
the sphere of his influence, the following deserve mention : 
John Dryden (t 1701), who is believed to have translated from 
the Latin most of the hymns which appear in the Roman 
Catholic Primer of 1706; Nahum Tate (f 1715), already mentioned, 
the chief author of those hymns and alternative versions which 
appeared as a supplement to the ' New Version ' in 1 703 ; Joseph 
Addison (t 1719) ; Samuel Wesley the elder (t 1735) ; and Joseph 
Hart (t 1768), most of whose hymns are strongly Calvinistic. 

We come next to the greatest of all English 
hymn-writers, Charles Wesley (1707-80), the poet 
of the Methodist revival. The exact number of his 
hymns is doubtful, because of an arrangement with 
his brother John (1703-91) that in works for which 
they were jointly responsible their respective parts 
should not be distinguished. The poetical publica- 
tions of the two brothers number 62 distinct issues, 
ranging from single leaflets to stout volumes, 9 of 
which include pieces by other authors. On the 
lowest estimate these works contain 4395 hymns 
by the Wesleys. Of these 100, including all those 
translated from the German, are certainly the work 
of John, while of 325 the authorship is uncertain ; 
so that 3970 pieces at least may be ascribed to 
Charles. His general tone is strongly Arminian. 
At least 500 of Charles Wesley's hymns are in use 
in the Methodist Churches, and a large proportion 
of them are equally valued in other communions. 

The unapproachable greatness of Charles Wesley 
seems to have had a repressive influence on hymn- 
writing in Methodist circles ; not more than three 
or four of his Methodist contemporaries left any- 
thing of value ; and even the most gifted of these, 
Thomas Olivers, is chiefly remembered by one 
great hymn, ' The God of Abraham praise.' 

A totally different school is represented by a 
succession of writers who seem to have derived 
their inspiration from the Moravian Brethren. 
The German Moravian hymns are too often char- 
acterized by a kind of spiritualized sensuousness, 
and the same feature is found, in a mitigated form, 
in many English hymns of the same denomination. 
John Gambold (1711-71), sometime vicar of Stanton 
Harcourt, and afterwards Moravian bishop, edited 
the great hymn-book of 1754, containing 115.f 



HYMNS (Modern Christian) 



ss 



Hymns of the Children of God in all Ages, wliicli, 
expurgated and revised, furnished most of the 
material of Moravian hymn-boolis till quite recent 
times. Its influence is evident in the liymns of 
John Cennick (1718-55), of James Allen (1734-1804), 
of Walter Shirley (1725-86), and of Jonathan Evans 
(1749-1809). Some characteristics of this school 
are also found in thejjoerasof Augustus Monta^Tie 
Toplady (1740-78) ('Rock of Ages, cleft for me ') ; 
but they are modified by his militant Calvinism. 

Yet another school, tliat of moderate Calvinism, 
is represented by the Olncy Hymns, lirst published 
in 1779, the joint work of William Cowpor (1731- 
1800) and John Newton (1725-1807). The romance 
of Newton's adventurous youth, and the patlietic 
story of Cowper's intermittent insanity, are well 
known ; the effect of each on their respective 
contributions is easily traceable. The features 
common to both resemble those of J. Mason ; 
Cowper is remarkable for his tenderness, and 
occasionally for expressions or thoughts that seem 
suggestive of Moravian sources ; Newton is some- 
times gloomy, and sometimes descends to mere 
doggerel, but at his best he exhibits a strength and 
ioyousness to which his colleague is a stranger. 
His hymns number 280, of which 50 or 60 are still 
in use ; Cowper produced 68 (besides his translations 
from the French of Madame Guyon), of which 
nearly half have a place in modern hymn-books. 
To the Olney school may be referred Thomas 
Haweis (1732-1820), John Fawcett (1740-1817), 
John Ryland (1753-1825), and many others of less 
note. 

A few writers of the 18th cent., who cannot be 
classed with any particular school, are remembered 
as the authors of single hymns ; while the rest of 
their works, sometimes voluminous, are all but 
forgotten. Such are Robert Seagrave (1693-1750) 
('Rise, my Soul, and stretch thy wings'); James 
Faneh (1704-67) ('Beyond the glittering starry 
skies'); John Bakewell (1721-1819) ('Hail, Thou 
once despised Jesus'); Edward Perronet (1726-92) 
('All hail the power of Jesus' name') ; and Robert 
Robinson (1735-90) (' Come, Thou Fount of every 
blessing'). 

Two small sects which originated in Scotland 
about the middle of the 18th cent, yielded hymns 
of some literary interest. Among the Christian 
Songs of the Glasites, or Sandemanians (1749), are 
several especially designed for secular tunes ; and 
this idea was stUl more vigorously carried out by 
John Barclay (1734-98), the leader of the Bereans. 
Some of Barclay's hymns, set to familiar Jacobite 
and other Scottish tunes, possess real beauty. 
Similaradaptations occur in .4 CoUectionof Spiritual 
Songs, published in 1791 by John Geddes, a Roman 
Catholic clergyman. Here, too, may be mentioned 
the Christian Hymns, Poems, and Sacred Songs of 
James Relly, the Universalist (1720-78), published 
in 1777 ; these display a good deal of rugged vigour. 

It seems fitting to notice also some of the more 
important selections of hymns that appeared in the 
18th century. The first of any note offered to 
the Church of England seems to have been the 
Collection of Psalms and Hymns, 70 in number, 
published by John Wesley at Charlestown in 1737. 
This excited little interest, and was not reprinted. 
More important was George Whitefield's Collection 
of Hymns for Social Worship (1753). The hymns 
were mostly from Watts and Wesley, often freely 
altered ; and, though compiled by an Anglican 
clergyman, were chiefly used in 'Tabernacles' and 
Meeting-houses for Nonconformist or undenomina- 
tional worship. This collection passed through 
many editions, the 25th loeing dated 1781. Martin 
Madan's Collection of Psalms and Hymns (1760) 
had a great influence on subsequent developments 
of hymnody, chiefly through his very skilful 



alterations and corrections. Other collections were 
those of JJyer (1767), R. Conyers (1767), Richard 
de Courcy (1775), and Toplady (1775). All theiio 
editors were Anglican clergymen of the Evangelical 
type, and the tone of their books was distinctly 
Oalvinistic. So were the various collections used 
in the Countess of Huntingdon's chapels from 1764 
till 1780, when they were displaced by her own 
Select Collection. A strong Evangelical Arminian- 
ism, on the other hand, pervaded the selections 
edited by John Wesley, from 1741 onward till the 
production, in 1780, of his Collection of Hymns for 
the Use of the People called Methodists. A mild 
type of Calvinism characterized the selections 
compiled by Congregationalists, usually as supple- 
ments to Watts's Psalms and Hymns. The earliest 
of these was that of Thomas Gibbons (1769), which 
was followed by Rowland Hill's (1783), George 
Burder's (1784 ; 28th ed. 1829), William Jay's (1797), 
and a considerable number of local publications. 
Rather more pronounced was the Calvinism of the 
Particular Baptist selections of J. Ash and C. Evans 
(1769), and John Rippon (17S7), while the General 
Baptist Hymn-book (1771) and Dan Taylor's (1793) 
were just as distinctively Arminian. Two Scottish 
Baptist books also deserve notice : the collection 
made by Sir William Sinclair of Keiss (1751) and 
A Collection of Christian Songs and Hymns (Glas- 
gow, 1786). 

The growth first of Arianism and then of Socin- 
ianism in the English Presbyterian Churches 
necessitated a special provision for worship. This 
was usually made by eliminating from the hymns 
of orthodox writers every allusion to the Trinity, 
the Incarnation, and the Atonement. The earliest 
selection made on this principle was printed in 
London in 1757, and at least 10 such books 
appeared at various places before the close of the 
century ; one of them, by William Enfield (Warr- 
ington, 1778), professed to be ' unmixed with the 
disputed doctrines of any sect.' Most of these 
books contain little that could not be sung by a 
pious Jew or Muhammadan. 

The earlier years of the 19th cent, were barren 
of new or striking hymns ; but before long there 
burst forth such a flood of sacred melody as 
England had never heard before. It is quite im- 
possible to review, within any reasonable limits, 
the English and Scottish hymnists of the century, 
of whom more than 550 are enumerated between 
1800 and 1890. A few points may be briefly noted. 

(1) The large number of women writers who 
produced not merely sentimental verses, but 
genuine hymns of lasting worth. Prominent 
among them are Cecil Frances Alexander (1823-95) 
('The golden gates lift up their heads'), Sarah 
Flower Adams (1805-48) ('Nearer, my God, to 
Thee'), Charlotte Elliot (1789-1871) ('Just as I 
am, without one plea '), Frances Ridley Havergal 
(1836-79) (' Take my life, and let it be '), Adelaide 
Anne Procter (1825-64) ('The Avay is long and 
dreary'), and Anna Letitia Waring (1820-1912) 
('My heart is resting, O my God'). Others have 
displayed remarkable skill as translators, especially 
from the German, as Jane Borthwick (1813-97), 
Frances Elizabeth Cox (1812-97), Sarah Findlater 
(1823-86), and Catherine Winkworth (1829-78). 
Others, again, are unrivalled in adapting them- 
selves to the capacities of children, e.g. Cecil 
Frances Alexander ( ' There is a green hill far 
away'), Jane E. Leeson (1807-82) ('Saviour, 
teach me day by day '), and Jemima Luke (1813- 
1906) ('I think when I read that sweet story of 
old'). 

(2) The appearance, for the first time, of really 
good hymns for children, child thought in child 
language. Isaac Watts had led the way, but for 
two generations he had no followers. Even 



36 



HYMNS (Modern Christian) 



Charles Wesley's eiforts in this direction were 
far from being a complete success ; his famous 
'Gentle Jesus, meek and mild,' needs explaining 
to make it intelligible to children. But Jane 
Taylor (1783-1824) and her sister, Ann Gilbert 
(1782-1866), understood child nature ; and, though 
sometimes entangled in theology, their songs for 
children usually excelled those of Watts as far 
as his did the efforts of Abraham Cheare. The 
path they opened up was worthily followed not 
only by C. F. Alexander and Jemima Luke, but 
by E. Paxton Hood, W. W. How, Annie Matheson, 
Albert Midlane, Hugh Stowell, and many more. 

(3) The naturalizing, by satisfactory transla- 
tions, of the best Latin, Greek, and German 
hymns. The last named have found most favour 
in the Evangelical section of the Anglican Church, 
and among the Free Churches. Some of the most 
capable translators have already been indicated ; 
others are mentioned in the literature at the end 
of the article. Attention was drawn to the rich 
stores of Latin hymnody in connexion with the 
Oxford Movement between the years 1830 and 
1840. Naturally the chief, though not the only, 
translators of the Breviary and other mediaeval 
hymns were men of the High Church school, such 
as J. D. Chambers (1805-93), John Chandler (1806- 
76), W. J. Copeland (1804-85), R. F. Littledale 
(1833-90), and, above all, John Mason Neale(1818- 
66). With these may be associated a few Roman 
Catholics, especially Edward Caswall (1814-78). 
The foremost translator of the late Latin hymns 
of the Galilean Breviaries was Isaac Williams 
(1802-65). These hymns first found acceptance in 
High Church circles ; but the best of them are 
now in common use in almost all Christian com- 
munions. The Greek hymns were first urged on 
public attention by J. M. Neale, and his versions 
are still most in favour ; but many others have 
been effectively translated by John Brownlie. 

(4) The enormous output of mission and revival 
hymns, mostly subjective or hortatory, and many 
of them set to the tunes of popular songs. These 
became common in connexion with the great 
religious revival of 1858, and were augmented 
3,bout 1873 by hymns of American origin. Some 
of them were valuable, but many were sentimental 
and, when judged by strict canons, not always in 
the best of taste. It must be owned, however, 
that songs of this class, used by Evangelistic bodies 
like the Salvation Army, have often availed to 
call forth genuine religious emotions in persons of 
the most degraded type. 

The hymn-books of the 19th cent, are literally 
innumerable. No fewer than 160 were compiled 
for use in the Anglican Church alone between 1800 
and 1860, to which in the next 30 years 90 more 
were added. The use of many was merely local, 
while others are fairly representative of distinct 
schools of thought within the Church. Of the 
collections in use prior to 1860 by far the greatest 
number represented the Evangelical school ; and it 
is estimated that these were used in nearly three- 
fourths of the English parish churches. The most 
popular books of this class were William Mercer's 
Church Psalter and Hymn Book (1854), Charles 
B. Snepp's Songs of Grace and Glory (strongly 
Calvinistic, 1872), and Edward H. Bickersteth's 
Hymnal Companion (1870, revised 1876). Of 
the moderate High Church type was Hymns 
Ancient and Modern (1861, revised 1875 ; appendix 
1889 ; another revision 1904), which has become 
the most popular of all English hymn-books. To 
the same school belong William Cooke and Ben- 
jamin Webb's The Hymnary (1872). and Church 
Hymns (1871, revised 1903). To the advanced 
High Church party belong The Hymnal Noted 
(1852), with its many supplements, James Skinner's 



Daily Service Hymnal (1863), R. F. Littledale's 
People's Hymnal (1867), C. F. Hemaman's Altar 
Hymnal (1884), and the English Hymnal (1906). 
Recently a few books of the Broad Church type 
have appeared, but they are not extensively used. 
Of hymn-books compiled for the use of the various 
Nonconformist Churches during the century, a list 
of at least 250 is before us, not including innumer- 
able selections designed for Sunday schools, or the 
multitudinous 'undenominational' books, large 
and small, compiled in the interests of revival, 
missions, temperance, or merely as publishers' 
speculations. But the tendency has long been 
towards concentration ; the local collections have 
generally gone out of use, and all the great de- 
nominations have their authorized or characteristic 
hymn-books, by which most of the others are being 
gradually supplanted. 

It reraaina to indicate a few of the most distin^ialied 
hyinnists of the 19th cent., not heretofore mentioned, accord- 
ing to their eccleaiaatical associations. Two of tiaem can 
scarcely be regarded as belonging to any special communion : 
Thomas Kelly (1769-1864) and Jamea Montgomery (1771-1S54), 
who between them produced nearly 1200 hymns, of which no 
fewer than 160 are still in common use. To the Anglican Church 
belonged Reginald Heber (1783-1826), bishop of Calcutta, John 
Keble (1792-1868), author of the Christian Year, Henry Francis 
Lyte (1793-1847), Christopher Wordsworth (1807-85), bishop of 
Lincoln, John S. B. Monsell (1811-75), William Walsbam How 
(1823-97), bishop of Wakefleld, Godfrey Thring (1823-1903), 
John Ellerton (1826-93), and F. T. Palgrave (1824-97). Among 
Roman Catholics, John Henry Newman (1801-90) and F. W. 
Faber (1814-53) stand pre-eminent. To the Presbyterian 
Churches belong Horatius Bonar (1808-89), John Ross Macdufi 
(1818-95), Jamea Drummond Bums (1823-64), and Anne Ross 
Cousin (1823-1906). Among the Methodists but tew hymn- 
writers are conspicuous : Benjamin Gough (1805-77), W. M. 
Punshon (1824-Sl), Mark Guy Pearae (b. 1842), and Thomas B. 
Stephenson (1839-1912) deserve mention. To the Congrega- 
tional Churches belong W. B. Collyer (1782-1854), Josiah Conder 
(1789-1865), George Rawson (1807-89), Thomas Toke Lynch 
(1818-71), Edwin Paxton Hood (1820-85), and Thomas Horn- 
blower Gill (1819-1906). Among Baptists we note, of the ex- 
clusive Calvinist school, John Kent (1766-1843), WiUiam Gadsby 
(1773-1844), and Joseph Irons (1785-1852) ; of the modern Uberal 
school, W. Poole Balfern (1818-87), Dawson Bums (1828-1909), 
T. Goadby (1829-89), Marianne Hearn (1834-1909), and J. M. 
Wigner (1844-1911). Of Unitarians, at least fifty have written 
hymns of merit ; the best known are Anna Letitia Barbauld 
(1743-1825), John Bowring (1792-1872), J. Johns (1801-47), 
William Gaskell (1806-84). and Jamea Martineau (1805-1900). 
Swedenborgian hymn-writers of note are Joseph Proud (1746- 
1826), Manoah Sibly (1767-1840), and F. M. Hodson (c. 1819). 
Among the Plymouth Brethren we observe Edward Denny 
(1796-1889), J. N. Darby (1800-82), J. G. Deck (1802-84), and S. 
P. Tregelles (1813-76). Bernard Barton (1784-1849) stands 
conspicuous in the Society of Friends ; while of the Irvingites, 
Edward W. Eddis and Ellen Eddis deserve fuller recognition 
thaji they have yet received. 

7. American hymns. — The celehrntei Bay Psalm- 
Book of 1640 was the first English book printed in 
America. The 3rd edition, about 1650, revised 
and augmented by a number of Scripture hymns, 
was reprinted about 70 times, and continued in 
almost exclusive use in New England for about a 
hundred years. In 1757 a revision by Thomas 
Prince failed to gain public favour ; but about 
that time Tate and Brady's New Version began to 
be known ; and this, together with Watts's Psalms 
and Hymns, gradually superseded the older book. 
It is doubtful whether a single original hymn of 
American origin had been printed in America 
before the date last mentioned. Certainly the 
first American hymnist of whose work any part is 
still in use was Samuel Davies (1723-61), whose 16 
hymns, including the noble ' Great God of wonders, 
all Thy ways,' were printed posthumously in 
England. Scarcely any collections of hymns were 
published in America before the War of Inde- 
pendence ; probably the earliest was an appendix 
of 27 hymns, annexed to Tate and Brady's Psalms, 
issued by the Episcopal Church in 1789. The 
Reformed Dutch Church also published a collection 
of Psalms and Hymns in 1789. A Methodist Pocket 
Hymn Book, which was not approved by Wesley, 
certainly appeared before 1790 ; and a Baptist 
collection was printed at Newport, R.I., not later 



HYMNS (Modern Christian) 



37 



than that year. Two Uuivoraalist collections were 
published in 1792 ; Lutheran and Unitarian collec- 
tions in 1795 ; the first Congregational selection of 
any merit is dated 179U ; and no Presbyterian 
selection was authorized until 1828. Jt is a notice- 
able fact that in all these books, and in most of 
tliose wliich followed, by far the greater number of 
the hymns were by English authors. In 18 of the 
most extensively used hymn-books of the Episcopal, 
Presbyterian, Methodist, Bajitist, Congregational, 
and Keformed Ciiurches, published between 1826 
and 1880, less than 14 per cent of the hymns are of 
American origin. 

Until the great religioun revival which com- 
menced in America about 1858, and extended over 
a large part of English-spealiing Christendom, very 
few hymns of American authors were included in 
English collections. Since that time, however, 
many have gained great popularity, especially 
hymns embodying the Gospel call, hymns of 
aspiration, and such as relate to the future life. 
A common fault of American hymns is a too great 
tendency towards sentimentalism ; and many of 
them seem to owe their popularity to the light 
jingling tunes to which they are wedded. 

8. Welsh hymns. — There is some evidence of the 
use, in the Early British Church, of hymns in the 
native language ; but no specimens remain, and by 
the time when Protestantism arose the Welsh had 
apparently lost the gift of composing hymns. 
Early in the 17th cent, the celebrated Vicar of 
Llandovery, Kees Prichard, published a volume of 
religious poems, largely didactic, entitled Canwyll 
y Cymry ('The Welshman's Candle'), portions of 
which were commonly sung as hymns. It became 
immensely popular, was many times reprinted, and 
its influence is not yet extinct. In 1621 Arch- 
deacon Edmund Prys produced his metrical version 
of the Psalms, which is still in use, though par- 
tially supplanted by the more modem version of 
William Morris. Skill in poetical composition is 
so widely dift'used among Welsh-speaking people 
that the number of hymn-writers is very great, 
whUe the paucity of family names makes them 
somewhat difficult to distinguish. Two poets of 
the 17th cent., Rowland Vaughan (c. 1629-58) and 
Elis Wyn (1670-1734), are held in honourable 
remembrance, each by a single hymn. As early as 
1703 a collection of sacramental hymns was pub- 
lished by Thomas Baddy, a dissenting minister. 
A few years later a collection was issued by the 
celebrated educationalist, Griffith Jones of Llan- 
ddowror (1683-1761), but it is not certain whether 
it included any of his own compositions. 

The great outflow of Welsh sacred song began 
with the religious revival initiated by the early 
Calvinistic Methodists, in whose ranks are enrolled 
the greatest of all Welsh hymnists, William 
Williams of Pantycelyn (1717-91), his contem- 
porary David Williams, Morgan Rhys (t 1776), 
and Ann Griffiths (1776-1805). Outside that circle 
we find the names of David Jones of Caio, who in 
1753 translated into Welsh Watts's Psalms, and 
afterwards his Divine Songs. He was a Con- 
gregationalist, as was loan Thomas of Rhaiadr 
(fl. 1776-86), many of whose hymns are still in use. 
The great hymn-writer among the Unitarians was 
Edward Williams, renowned as an antiquary under 
the name of lolo Morganwg (1745-1826). The first 
Baptist hymn-book in Wales was compiled by 
Joseph Harris, called ' Gomer,' in 1821 ; it con- 
tained many of his originals. 

The most striking characteristics of Welsh 
hymnody are depth of emotion and abundant use 
of metaphor — every kind of natural object being 
enlisted for the illustration of things spiritual. The 
hymns are for the most part intensely subjective. 

Q. Missions. — Since the year 1800, agents of the 



various missionary societies have produced hymns 
in ujjwards of a hundred and twenty languages 
and dialects, of which more than half had never 
previously been reduced to writing. Some of thefie 
are in native, some in English, metres, and, an 
might be expected, a large proportion of them are 
translations from English or German originals. 

[lo. Cumanic and other early vernacular hymns. 
— In a Latin-Persian-Curnanic glossary oJ 13U3 
(ed. G. Kuun, Codex Cumanicus, Budapest, 1880) 
are a few hymns in Cumanic, the language of a 
hybrid Turkish tribe then occupying Moldavia and 
the neighbouring districts. The majority of these 
hymns are translated from the Latin ; e.g. there is 
a rendering of the 'Vexilla regis.' One hymn, 
however, Eucharistic in character, is thus far 
believed to be an original composition (cf. W. 
Bang, 'Beitragezur Erklarungdes koman. Marien- 
hymnus,' in GGN, 1910, pp. 61-78, and ' Ueber 
einen koman. Kommunionshymnus,' in Bull. Ac. 
roy. de Beige [classe des lettres], 1910, p. 230). 

It is by no means impossible that a considerable 
body of early vernacular hymnody was composed 
in various languages, only to disappear. Thus, the 
Observantine Minorite Ladislaus (c. 1440-1505) is 
recorded by his biographer, Vincentius Morawaki, 
writing in 1633, to have composed many hymns. 
Psalters, etc., some of which were in Latin, but 
others in Lithuanian (' Vita,' I. ix. 59, in ^.S, May, i. 
[1866] 579). All trace of these Lithuanian produc- 
tions has vanished. — Louis H. Gray.] 

Literature. — J. Julian, Diet, of Hymnology, revieed ed., 
London, 1907 ; A. F. W. Fischer, Kirchenlieder-Lexicmi, 
Gotha, 1879 (suppl. pt. i., 1886) ; F. A. Cunz, Gcsoh. des dent. 
Kircheniiedes, Greiz, 1865 ; E. E. Koch, Gesch. des Eire/ten- 
lieds und Kirchengesanges der christl., insbesondere der deut. 
evangel. Kirche^, 8 vols., Stuttgart, 1876; P. Wackernagrel, 
Das deut. Kirchentied von der ditesten Zeit bis zu An/ang des 
xvii. Jahrhunderts,5 vols., Leipzig, 1864-77 ; J. MUtzell, Geist- 
liche Lieder der evangel. Ktrche aus dem xvi. Jahrhundert, 3 
vols., Berlin, 1865 ; C. Winkworth, Christian Singers of Ger. 
many^ London, 1869, Lyra Germanica, do. 1865-58, and The 
Chorale Book for England, do. 1863 ; S. Findlater and J, 
Borthwick, Hymns from the Land of Luther, do. 1884 ; J. 
Kelly, Paul Gerhardt's Spiritual Songs, do. 1867, Hymns of the 
Present Century ; from the German, do. 1886 ; F. E. Cox, 
Eym.ns from the German^ do. 1864 ; C. H. Dunn, Hymnsfrom 
the German, do. 1857 ; K. A. Beck, Gesch. des kathol. Kirchen- 
liedes, Cologne, 1878 ; R. Massie, Martin Luther's Spiritual 
SoTigs, London, 1863, and Lyra Domestica, 2 parts, do. 1860-64 ; 
E. F. Bevan, Songs of Eternal Zt/e,do.l85S ; Alice Maningrton, 
Footprints of the Holy Dead, do. 1863 ; George Macdonald, 
Exotics, do. 1876 ; O. Wetzstein, Relig. Lyrik der Deutschen im 
xix. Jahrhundert, Neustrelitz, 1891 ; A. F. W. Fischer, Kirch- 
liche Dichtung, hauptsdchlich in Deutschland, Gotha, 1892, and 
(in collaboration with W. Tiimpel) Das deut. evangel. Kirchen- 
lied des xvii. JahrhunAerts, 3 vols., Giicersloh, 1902-06; R. 
Wolkan, Das deut. Kirchenlied der bohm. Briider im xvi. 
Jahrhundert, Prague, 1891 ; J. Zahn, Die geistl. Lieder der 
Briider in Bohmen, Mdhren, und Polen, Nuremberg, 1875 ; R. 
von Liliencron, Zur Liederdichtung der Wiedertdufer, Prague, 
1892 ; T. Odinga, Das deut. Kirchenlied der Schweiz im 
Reformationszeitalter, Fraucnfeld, 1889; E. Wolff, Das deut. 
Kirchenlied der xvi. und xvii. Jahrhunderte, Stuttgart, 1894 ; 
J. Westphal, Das evangel. Kirchenlied nach seiner geschichtl, 
Entwickelung, Leipzig, 1901; W. Nelle, <?«cA. des deut. evan- 
gel. Kirchenliedes, Hamburg, 1904 ; J. W. Beckmann, Forsok 
til Svensh Psalmhistoria, Stockholm, 1845 ; P. Wieselgren, 
Svenska kyrkans skona litteratur, Lund, 1833 ; C. J. Brandt 
and L. Helweg:, Den danske Psalmedigtning, 2 vols., Copen- 
hagen, 1846-47 ; C. J. Brandt, Vore danske Kirke-Salm^boger 
fra Reformationen til Nutiden, do. 1SS6 ; G. Tait, Hymns of 
Denmark, London, 1868 ; J. N. Skaar, Norsk Salmehistorie, 
Bergen, 1879-80 ; F. P^rennfes, Dictionnaire de noels et de 
cantiqu.es, Paris, 1867 ; F. Bovet, Hist, dit psautier des iglises 
riyorTnfce, Neuchltel, 1872; A. Atgrer, Hist, et r6le des cantiquel 
dans les dglises r6fonnees, Geneva, 1883 ; E. L^vy, Poisies re- 
ligieuses, proven^ales et fraiigaises, Paris, 1887 ; ii. Bordier, ie 
Cnansonnier huguenot, 4 vols., do. 1871 ; A. F. Ozanam, Les 
PoUes franciscains en Italie, do. 1862 ; A. F. F. di Bruno, Lira 
cattolicai, Turm, 1886; J. Gadsby, Memoirs of the Hymn- 
Writers of the nth and ISth Cent.s, London, 1861 ; L. C. Biggs, 
English Hymnology, do. 1873 ; C. Rogers, Lyra Britannica, 
do. 1866 ; J. Miller, Singers and Songs of the Church ", do. 
1869 ; E. F. Hatfield, The Poets of the Church, New York, 
1886 ; S. A. W. DuflBeld, Sng. Hymns ; their Authors and 
History, do. 1886 ; D. Morrison, Great Hymns of the Church, 
London, 1890; R. Palmer (Lord Selborne), .Hj/mns ; their Hist, 
and Development, do. 1892 ; W. G. Horder, The Hymn Lover: 
An Account of the Rise and Growth ofEng. Hymnody, do. 1889 ; 
G. A. Leask, Hymn-Writers of the 10th Cent., do. 1902 ; H. S. 



38 



HYMNS (Egyptian) 



Burrage, Baptist Hymn-Writers and their Hymna^ Portland, 
Me., 3888; H. E. Lewis, Sweet Singers of Wales, hondon, 1889; 
W, H. Frere, in Hymns Ancient and Modem, hist, ed., 
Oxford, 1909 ; M. Bell, artt. ' Hymn ' and ' Hymn Tune," in 
The Prayer Book Dictionary, London, 1912. 

T. G. Ceippen. 

HYMNS (Egyptian).— The religious literature 
of ancient Egypt is fairly prolific in the depart- 
ment of hymnology, and a considerable amount 
of religious poetry has been preserved and trans- 
lated ; but, on the whole, it cannot be said that 
the quality is on the same level with the quantity. 
To a great extent the hymns which have survived 
bear the stamp, not of a genuine personal religious 
feeling on the part of the writer, as in the case of 
our own best hymns, but of a purely official and 
stereotyped attitude towards the divinities whose 
praises are celebrated. Religion in Egypt, as we 
know it, was far too much of a business of cast- 
iron ritual to leave much room for any natural 
outpouring of thoughts and feelings of devotion 
and affection. If there were such outpourings, 
they were probably not on account of the great 
gods, whose position was infinitely removed from 
that of the ordinary worshipper, but rather of 
some of the minor deities, whom, as we know, the 
common people of Egypt took to their hearts in 
preference to the distant and unsympathetic figures 
of the great triads and enneads. Such effusions 
were not at all likely to survive in any quantity 
in comparison with the stilted official odes which 
had the sanction of the priesthood, were multi- 
plied in an infinity of copies, and were continually 
used for ritual purposes. 

In the time of the New Empire, however, there 
are traces of a feeling of impatience with the 
stereotyped formulae of the official religion, and 
one or two of the hymns which have survived from 
this period give us what is otherwise very unusual 
— the expression of a personal and living interest 
in religion. Thus, from a hieratic papyrus of this 
period we have the following : 

* Amen-Ra, I love thee and enfold thee in my heart . . . 

I do not follow anxiety in my heart ; what Amen-Ra gaith 
Cometh to pass.* 

To the same period also belongs a hymn which gives 
us one of the very few evidences that the devout 
Egyptian ever realized his o^vn sinfulness : ' Chastise 
me not,' says a writer whose poem is preserved 
in the Anastasi Papyrus, ' according to my many 
sins.' A hymn to Thoth from the Sallier Papyrus 
presents us with a view of the inward and secret 
nature of true religion totally alien to the beliefs 
of the upholders of the great religious cults of the 
nation, who emphatically seem to have thought 
that they would be heard for their much speaking : 

' O thou sweet spring for the thirsty in the desert ; it is closed 
for those who speak there, it is open for those who keep silence 
there. When the silent man Cometh, he findeth the spring.' 

Such natural expressions of love, confidence, and 
inward intercourse with God are, however, quite 
exceptional in Egyptian hymnology. Taking^ the 
ordinary run of the hymns to the great gods, we 
find a constant repetition of the same cycle of ideas 
in practically the same phrases — a repetition which 
becomes wearisome, and gives a very poor idea 
of the extent to which any genuine devotional 
feeling can have entered into Egyptian religion. 
Erman's opinion {Life in Ancient Egypt, p. 389 f.) 
is amply justified : 

' There seems to be no question of devotional feelings on the 
part of the singer ; in fact, the greater part consists of stereo- 
tj-ped phrases, which could be adapted to any of the mighty 
gods, and could also be used in adoration of the king.' 

In fact, the average Egyptian hymn seems to 
have been constructed on a certain definite recipe. 
It was essential that the writer should say that 
the two countries (Upper and Lower Egypt) to- 
gether show honour to the god, that his fear is 
in all lands, that he has subdued his enemies and 



received the dignity of his father, that he is praised 
by the great cycle of the gods, that all creatures 
are full of delight at his coming and adore his 
beauty, and so forth. All this belonged to any of 
the gods. In order to make the effusion a charac- 
teristic hymn to Ra or Amen, there were added 
the name of the god in question, and perhaps one 
or two allusions to the myths associated with him 
and to the particular temple or temples which he 
most affected ; the result was a standard hymn 
which had this advantage, that with a few altera- 
tions it would do equally well for Ptah or Osiris. 

Thus we have the following from ' A Hymn to 
Ra when he riseth ' (Papyrus of Nekht) : 

* Homage to thee, O thou glorious being, thou who art 
dowered with all sovereignty. . . . The regions of the north 
and south come to thee with homage, and send forth acclama- 
tions at thy rising in the horizon of heaven. . . . The goddess 
Nut doeth homage unto thee, and the goddess Maat embraceth 
thee at all times. . . . The company of the gods rejoiceth at thy 
coming, the earth is glad when it beholdeth thy rays.* 

Ani (Papyrus of Ani) can find nothing more 
original to say of the same deity : 

* Homage to thee, O thou who hast come as Khepera, the 
creator of the gods. . . . Thy mother Nut doeth an act of 
homage unto thee with both her hands. The land of Manu re- 
ceiveth thee with satisfaction, and the goddess Maat embraceth 
thee both at morn and eve.' 

Osiris fares no better than Ra at the hands of 
his devout worshipper : 

* Glory be to Osiris Unnefer, the great god within Abydos, 
King of eternity, lord of the everlasting. . . . Eldest son of the 
womb of Nut, lord of the crowns of the north and south, lord 
of the lofty white crown. As prince of gods and of men he 
hath received the crook and the whip and the dignity of his 
divine father. Thou art crowned lord of Busil*ig and ruler in 
Abydos.' 

The great bulk of Egyptian hymn literature 
consists of poems in praise of one or other of the 
three great gods, Ra, Amen, and Osiris. 

I. Hymns to Ra. — A certain amount of real 
religious feeling was apparently awakened in the 
Egyptian mind by the contemplation of the rising 
and setting of the life-giving sun, and this was 
transferred to the Sun-god, though its expression 
is often very stilted. 

* Homage to thee,' says an interesting hymn in the Papyrus 
of Hu-neter, ' O thou who art Ra when thou risest and Turn 
when thou settest 1 Thou risest, thou risest, thou shinest, thou 
shinest, thou who art crowned king of the gods. . . . Thou 
didst create the earth, thou didst fashion man, thou didst 
make the watery abyss of the sky, thou didst form the Nile, 
thou didst create the deep, and thou dost give light unto all 
that therein is. . . . Thou art unknown, and no tongue is 
worthy to declare thy likeness : only thou thyself. . . . Millions 
of years have gone over the world, I cannot tell the number 
of those through which thou hast passed. Thou didst pass 
over and travel through spaces requiring millions and hundreds 
of thousands of years ; thou passest through them in peace, 
and thou steerest thy way across the watery abyss to the place 
which thou lovest. This thou doest in one little moment of 
time, and then thou dost sink down, and dost make an end of 
the hours.* 

Thus Ra is here adored as the Creator, the In- 
efiable, and the Eternal, and in this hymn, at 
least, there is a distinct vein of genuine poetical 
feeling in the description of the Sun-god's swift 
journey over space. But even in such hymns the 
constant reiteration of the creation formula and 
the endless repetition of the solar journey in the 
morning and evening boats become very tiresome. 

One of the most important of the Ra hymns la 
that series which is sometimes called the ' Litany 
of Ra.' It exists in the form of a long text sculp- 
tured at the entrances of the royal tombs in the 
Valley of the Kings at Thebes. Its importance 
lies, not in its poetical merits, which are very small 
indeed, but in the fact that throughout the hymn 
Ra is successively identified with 75 various gods 
or cosmic elements. They are all forms of the 
god, who, as primordial deity, embraces all, and 
from whom emanate all the other gods, who are 
only his manifestations. 

* Homage to thee, Ra, supreme power, he who descends into 
the sphere of Amentet, his form is that of Turn. Homage to 



HYMNS (Egyptian) 



39 



thoe, Ua, supreme power, he whoHondtj forth the plants in their 
Hcoflon, liJH form is that of Sob. llrniia^e to thee, Ra, supremo 
power, the ^'reut one who rules whiit is in the Nun, his form is 
that of Nut,' . . . and so on. 

2. Hymns to Amen. — Ne.\t in importance to the 
Ea liymns come tlioae addressed to Amen. Of 
these perhaps tlie best is that found in a hieratic 
papyrus (no. 17, Boulaq). It contains, of course, 
the usual formulfe, which belonged to Amen, as 
they belonged to Ra, to Osiris, or to any of the 
great gods, and were mere matter of habit, so many 
unes to be filled according to the usual recipe, 

' Chief of all the gods, lord of truth, father of tho gods, 
creator of beasts, maker of men, lord of existences, creator of 
fruitful things, maker of herbs, feeder of cattle,' 

and it e.\pressly identifies Amen, not only with 
Ra, but with Turn, Min, and Khepera. Yet it 
contains also here and there traces of that realiza- 
tion of divine power in the sustenance of living 
things which always, as Erraan has observed (Life 
in Ancient Egypt, p. 391), brings reality, and some- 
thing of beauty and freshness, into the arid desert 
of Egyptian hymn-writing. 

' He it is who makes pasture for the herds and fruit trees for 
man ; who creates that whereby fish live in the river and the 
birds under tlie heavens ; who gives breath to them who are in 
the egg and feeds the son of the worm ; he creates that whereby 
tho gnat lives, and also the worms and fleas ; ho creates that 
whiclt is needed by the mice in their holes, and that which feeds 
the birds upon all trees.' 

The verses, with their minute description of the 
divine care for the smallest creatures, suggest a 
far-off anticipation of Coleridge's 

* He prayeth best who loveth beat 

All things both great and small, 
For the dear God who loveth us 
He made and loveth all.* 

At the same time the writer has a sense, somewhat 
unusual, of moral quality in his god. To him, 
Amen is a god 

' listening to the poor who is in distress, gentle of heart when 
one cries unto hira, deliverer of the timid man from the violent, 
judging the poor, the poor and the oppressed. Lord of wisdom, 
whose precepts are wise. Lord of mercy most loving, at whose 
coming men live.' 

The pantheistic tendency of Egyptian religious 
thought is clearly seen in the late hymn found 
in the inscription of Darius at the Oasis of el- 
Khargeh. The hymn is specifically addressed to 
Amen ; but we find that the god is completely 
identified witli the other great gods of Egypt : 

' He is Ra, who exists by himself. ' 'lb is Amen who dwells 
in all things, the revered god who was from the beginning. . . . 
He is Ptah, the greatest of the gods.' ' Thy august ram dwells 
in Tattu ' identifies hira with usiris. *Shu, Tefnut, Mut, and 
Khons are thy forms, dwelling in thy shrine under the types of 
the god Khem.' 'We cannot,' says Naville {The Old Egyp. 
Faith, p. 149), ' sum up more clearly the Egyptian doctrine 
than in the following phrase: " Thy throne is reared in every 
place thou desirest, and, when thou wiliest it, thou dost 
multiply thy names." ' 

3. Hymns to Osiris. — Of all Egyptian hymns, 
those addressed to Osiris are perhaps the most dis- 
appointing. Here, if anywhere, we should have 
expected to find the evidence of sincere religious 
feeling. For tlie cult of Osiris was not only the 
most popular and long-enduring of Egyptian cults, 
but waj so precisely because of the human elements 
in the life of Osiris, the sympathy which these 
createc between him and his worshippers, and the 
ethical character of many of the beliefs regarding 
him. If any personal relationship existed between 
an Egyptian worshipper and any of the great gods, 
it is to be looked for in the Osiris cult. Yet, when 
we turn to the Osirian hymns, we find, almost 
more than anywhere else, only the multiplication 
of bombastic and meaningless epithets. 

' Praise to thee, Osiris, son of Nut, who wearest the horns, 
and dost lean upon a high pillar ; to whom the crown was given, 
and joy before the nine gods. . . . Great in power in Rosetta, 
a lord of might in Ehnas, a lord of strength in Tonent. Great 
of appearance in Abydos . . . before whom the great ones of 
might feared ; before whom the great ones rose up upon their 
mata. ... To whom Upper and Lower Eg^'pt come bowing 
down, because his fear is so great and his might so powerful.' 
' Beyond this,' says Erman {Egyp. Rel. p. 48), ' this priestly poet 
could find nothing to say of this most human of all the gods.' 



A certain amount of human feeling does, how- 
ever, enter into the funeral hymn known ii.a the 
'Lamentations of Isis and Is'i'plilhys,' in which 
these goddesses are supposed to bewail tlie deceased 
O.niris : 

' Come to thy house, come to thy house, O (fod On I ... O 
beautiful youth, come to thy house that thou mayest see me. 
I am thy sister whom thou lovest ; thou shalt not abmndon 
me. . . . Come to her who loves thee, Unnefcr, thou blessed 
one. Come to thy sister, come to thy wife, thy wife, thou whose 
heart is still. ... 1 call to thee and weep so that it is heard 
even in heaven, but thou dost not hear my voice : and yet I am 
thy sister, whom thou lovedst upon earth. Thou lovedst none 
beside me, my brother, my brother I ' 

This is both genuine and touching ; but, as it 
was the typical funeral lamentation, it is per- 
missible to believe that these qualities are due, 
not to the worship of the god, but to the human 
loss which was actually bewailed. 

4. Hymn to Hapi. — JBesides the hymns addressed 
to the great gods, there are others, such as the well- 
known hymn to Hapi, the Nile-god, in which the 
foriiiulai have a little more of life and reality be- 
hind them. The worshipper was here addressing 
a god who was a necessity of his daily life, and 
there could scarcely fail to be an element of sin- 
cerity in his approach to such a deity. 

' The flowing stream, laden with blessing, is a visible sacred 
being, and when the Egyptian treats of the real, and describes 
tho things he daily sees, his art always succeeds the best' 
(Erman, Life in A nci^nt Egypt, p. 391). 

The following extracts are from Maspero's trans- 
lation of the 'Hymn to the Nile' (from the 2nd 
Sallier and the 7tn Anastasi Papyrus) : 

'Hail to thee, Hapi, who appearest in the land, and comest 
to give life to Egypt ; thou who dost hide thy coming in dark- 
ness. . . . Creator of corn, maker of barley. ... Do his fingers 
cease from their labours, then are all the millions of beings in 
misery ; doth he wane in heaven, then the gods themselves and 
all men perish ; the cattle are driven mad, and all the world, 
both great and small, are in torment. But if, on the contrary, 
the pra3'ers of men are heard at his rising, then the earth shouts 
for joy, then are all bellies joyful, each back is shaken with 
laughter, and every tooth grindeth. . . . Stones are not sculp- 
tured for him ... he is unseen, no tribute is paid unto him, 
and no offerings are brought unto him ; nevertheless the gene- 
rations of thy children rejoice in thee, for thou dost rule as 
king ... by whom the tears are washed from every eye I ' 

5. Royal hymns. — Among all the gods there was 
probably none who was so real to the ancient 
Egyptian as the one whom he called ' the good 
god,' in contradistinction from ' the great gods ' — 
the reigning Pharaoh. It was the duty of all loyal 
subjects to ofl'er adoration to him, and even the 
answers of the courtiers to the questions of their 
sovereign had to be prefaced with a short hymn of 
praise in which all the stock attributes of divinity 
were piled upon the king. T\vo of these royal 
hymns stand out above others, and are important 
enough to require notice, though their poetical 
merit is not very great. The first is that addressed 
to Senusert III. (Usertsen) of the Xllth dynasty. 
It is remarkable for its exact strophic structure, 
and for the illustration which it gives of the fact 
that at so early a period the Egyptian literary art 
was already bound, not to say strangled, by hard 
and fast rules. 

' Twice great is the King of his city, above a million arms ; as 

for other rulers of men, they are but common folk. 
Twice great is the King of his city ; he is as it were a dyke, 

damming the stream in its water flood. 
Twice great is the King of his city ; he is as it were a cool lodge, 

letting men repose unto full daj-light. 
Twice great is the King of his city ; he is as it were a bulwark, 

with walls built of the sharp stones of Kesem.' 

The hymn runs thus, with carefully balanced 
lines, through six long strophes, in which the king 
is compared to aU sorts of good and gracious influ 
ences. 

The second hymn was inspired by the warlike 
prowess of Tahutmes III. of the XVlIIth dynasty. 
After an introduction in praise of Tahutmes, the 
poet makes the god Amen guide his son the king 
round the whole circuit of the world, giving it all 



40 



HYMNS (Greek and Roman) 



into his power. Occasionally in this long geo- 
graphical excursion there are passages of vigour 
and fancy which show that the fierce energy of 
the old king had awakened the imagination of his 
subjects. 
' I have come, giving^ thee to emite down those who are in their 

marshes. 
The lands of Mitanni tremble under fear of thee ; 
I have made them see thy Majesty as a crocodile ; 
Lord of fear in the water, unapproachable. 
I have come, giving; thee to smite the Libyans, 
The isles of the Utentiu belong to the mischt of thy prowess ; 
I have made them see thy Majesty as a fierce-eyed lion. 

While thou makest them corpses in their valleys. 
I have come, giving thee to smite those who are nigh thy 
border. 
Thou hast smitten the Sand-dwellers as living captives ; 
I have made them see thy Majesty as a southern jackal, 
Swift-footed, stealthy-going, who roves the Two Lands.' 

By far the most significant relics of Egyptian 
hymnology, however, are the two hymns addressed 
to the Aten, or life-giving power of the solar disk 
by the King Amenhotep IV., better known as 
Akhenaten, of the XVIIIth dynasty. The longer 
of these lias been frequently translated, and it 
stands alone in its simple realism, its vivid depic- 
tion of the benefits received from the Aten, and 
its conception of a universal deity to whom all 
nations are alike dear : 

Thou restest in the western horizon of heaven. 

And the land is in darkness like the dead 

Every lion cometh forth from his den, 

And all the serpents then bite ; 

The night shines witii its lights, 

The land lies in silence ; 

For he who made them is in his horizon. 

The land brightens, for thou riseat in the horizon. 

Shining as the Aten in the day ; 

The darkness files, for thou givest thy beams ; 

Both lands are rejoicing every day. 

Men awake, and stand upon their feet. 

For thou liftest them up , 

They bathe their limbs, they clothe themselves. 

They lift their hands in adoration of thj' rising, 

Throughout the land they do their labours . . . 

The ships go forth, both north and south. 

For every way opens at thy rising ; 

The fishes in the river swim up to greet thee ; 

Thy beams are within the depth of the great sea.' 

Then passing to the universality of his deity : 

* In the hills from Syria to Kush, and the plain of Egj'pt, 
Thou givest to every one his place, thou framest their lives, 
To every one his belongings, reckoning his length of days. 
Aten of the day, revered of every distant land, thou makest 

their life. 
Thou placest a Nile in heaven that it may rain upon them . . . 
Oh, lord of eternity, the Nile in heaven is for the strange 

people. 
And all wild beasts that go upon their feet. 
The Nile that cometh from below the earth is for the land of 

Eg.\T)t, 
That it maj' nourish every field. . . . 
Thou makest the far-off heaven, that thou mayest rise in it. 
That thou mayest see all that thou madest when thou wast 

alone. 
. . . Thou art in my heart, there is none who knoweth thee 

excepting thy son Nefer-Kheperu-ra-ua-en-ra. 
Thou causest that he should have understanding, in thy ways 

and in thy might' (Griffith, in Petrie's Eist. of Egypt, 

ii. 216 1.). 

While there is perhaps nothing absolutely 
original in the hymn except the acknowledgment 
of a universal and spiritual god to whom all men 
are dear, yet even the familiar motives are handled 
with such freshness and vigour as to make Akhen- 
aten's hymn a welcome oasis in the dry and thirsty 
land of Egyptian hymnology. The misfortune is 
that it stands practically alone. 

Literature. — A. Erman, Handbook of Egyp. Religion, 
Eng. tr., London, 1P07, Life in Ancient Egypt, do. 1894 ; G. 
Steindorff, Rel. of the Anc. Egyptians, do. 1905 ; E. Naville, 
The Old Egyp. Faith, do. 1909 ; G. Maspero, The Daim of 
Civilization, do. 1894, The Struggle of the Nations, do. 1896 ; 
P. le Page Renouf, Origin and Growth of ReL of Anc. Egypt 
(Hibbert Lectures, 1870), do. 1880 ; J. H. Breasted, Hist, of 
Egypt, do. 1906, De Hymnis in Solem sub rege Amenophide IV. 
conceptis, Berhn, 1894 ; E. A. W. Budge, The Gods of the Egyp- 
tians, London, 1904, Egyptian Religion, do. 1900, The Book of 
the Dead, do. 1898 ; HP, Ist and 2nd ser., do., various dates; 
W. M. Flinders Petrie, A History of Egypt, vol. Ii., London, 

189«- James Baikie. 



HYMNS (Greek and Roman).— I. GREEK.— 
The term iifivo! (first found in Hom. Od. viii. 429, 
and Hesiod, Works and Days, 657), of unknown 
and probably (like IXeyos, Tratdv, Stdiipa^poi, etc.) 
non-Greek derivation,' was applied to poems 
addressed to the gods, as iyKii/uov was used to 
denote eulogies of human beings. In its widest 
sense it included such species as dithyrambs, 
poians, nomes, threni, etc. ; but, according to the 
definition of the grammarians, it was appropriated 
to narratives of or addresses to divine personages, 
without dancing and without music, other than 
that of the cithara (Proclus, Chrestomathia, p. 244, 
ap. Phot. Bibl. 320 A 12, Bekker : iicaKovv Si KadbXov 
iravTa ri «/s Toys virepripovs [uTrrjpira^ MS] ypacpdfieva 
ufipovs' 5ti> Kal rd irpoabbLov koI to. S.'Kka. to ■KpoeipT]n^va 
(paivovrai. &.VTi.5i.aaTiXKovT€s ti^ ijfj.v(it ws etSt] irpbs y^vos 
. . . 6 di KijpLos v^vos trphs Ktd&pav ^Sero earibrmv ; of. 
also Plato, Legg. 700 B, 801 B, Ion, 534 C ; Aristotle, 
Poet. 14486 27). It will be convenient to distinguish 
Greek hymns according to their metre, since the 
character of the hymn varied materially with the 
metrical form. 

I. Hexameter hymns. — These originally con- 
stituted a kind of department of epos, and were in 
the hands of its executants, the rhapsodes. They 
were of different dimensions : some, such as the 
greater Homeric hymns (see below), were as long as 
a book of the Odyssey ; others consisted of a fen- 
lines. The latter were known as wpooLiua and were 
used by rhapsodes as a preface to their recitation 
(Pindar, Nem. ii. 1-3, who says that the usual 
invocation was of Zeus).' The word, however, was 
applied to the longer hymns also, as, for instance, 
by Thucj'dides, iii. 104, to the Homeric hymn to 
Apollo. The lay of Demodocus upon the loves of 
Ares and Aphrodite {Od. viii. 266-366) appears to 
be an imitation of a hymn of the first class ; the 
first ten lines of Hesiod's Works and Days are the 
earliest specimen of the second. In the same poem 
(654 ff.) Hesiod says that he won a three-legged pot 
with ears at the wake of Amphidamas at Chalcis 
with a hymn ; and a quotation from an unknown 
Hesiodic poem (fr. 265, Rzach) represents Hesiod 
and Homer competing at Delos with ' new hymns ' 
to Apollo. Another hymn which we can refer to 
an early period is the TrpoudSiov written by Eumelus 
of (^rinth (8th cent.) for a Messenian pilgrimage 
to Delos. Two Doric hexameters are quoted from 
it by Pausanias, IV. xxxiii. 2. 

Hymns began with a formula of invocation — 
usually to the Muses : Movtrat . . , SeSrc AC iwiTrert 
(Hes. Works and Days, If.); 'Ep^ijv xiixvet, MoCo-a, 
Ai6s Ka.1 MtudSo! vlbv (Hym. Homer, in Herm. 1) ; 
aixipl /xoi ''Epixeia.o (f>l\ov 76i'Oi' Ivveive, Mouira [Hym, 
Homer, in Pan. 1) (the last opening was so frequent 
in the dithyramb as to give rise to a verb ajx(pia- 
vaKTi^etv [Suid. «.«.]) — and ended with one of fare- 
well and transition to another theme (dXXd, &vai, 
fiaXa X"-'^?^ [Zenobius, v. 99] ; vvv Sk deal fjiAKapei twv 
icdXCiv ILtpdovoi. (are [ jilius Dionysius, ap. Eustath. 
360] ; KoX ai) fiiv ovroj X^^P^y ^^^^ '^^•^ AtttoOs vU' aurap 
iyi) Kal (TEio Kal SXXtis fivrjcroti doiS^s [Hym. Homer, 
in Apoll. 545 f.]).' 

The extant hexameter hymns may now be con- 
sidered. 

(a) Homeric hymns. — This name is applied to a 
collection of 33 poems handed down usually together 
with the hymns of Callimachus and Proclus and 
similar poetical literature (ed. A. Baumeister, 
Leipzig, 1860 ; A. Gemoll, do. 1877 ; E. Abel, do. 

1 It is possible, however, that u^vo5 has arisen from *u5/ios, 
and is connected with liSw, v5cw, 'to tell of, celebrate*; cf. 
Brugmann, Gr. GrammA, Munich, 1913, p. 89, and the lit. 
there cited. 

2 This statement is confirmed by the hymnal language of 
Theocritus, xvii. 1 ; Aratus, 1. 

3 Imitations of these formulje are frequent in literature : 
Theocr. i. 132, ii. 14, 3cv. 142, xvii. 136 ; Ion of Chios, i. 16 j 
Nonnus. xix. 174, 192 ; inscr. ap. Plut. Vit. Aem. Paul. 16. 



HYMNS (Greek and Roman) 



41 



18St); A. Goodwin, Oxford, 1893; T. W. Allen 
and E. E. SikeH, London, 1904 ; Allen, do. 1912). 
The antiquity of the collection as Huch is limited 
by the neo-Orphie character of the eif^hth hymn 
(to Ares), and cannot at earliest be fixed much 
before the Christian era. 

The first five hymns in the collection were od a large Bcale, 
ftnd of them a short account may be K'ven. The hymn to 
Dionysus (i.) is a fragment, but that to I)enietcT (ii.) is ot 
considorabie poetical value. It narrsites the rape of Persephone 
by Pluto ; the wanderings of Demeter in search of her daughter ; 
her reception, disgiiiHed as an old woman, in the house of Celeus 
at Eleusis ; and her intention of making the cliild Demophon 
immortal. Frustrated in this by the child's mother, Metanira, 
she reveals herself, orders the foundation of a temple at Eleusis, 
and causes the fruits of the earth to cease. Zeus eventually 
commands that Persephone return to the upper world, alUioui^h 
she must pass a third of each year in the under world. The 
crops once more come up, and to the Eleusiniana are revealed 
the rites of Demeter's worship upon which depends happiness 
lu another world. The date of this hynm turns ahuost entirely 
on an UTi^utnkintexsilcntio. The doctrine of the after happiness 
of the initiate (ver. 4S0fE.) is otherwise not found before I*iti<lar, 
and there is no definite evidence by which to date its first 
appearance. Further, the hymn makes very large omissions ; 
in fact, it ignores the whole of the mystery proper, as it was 
practised, nor does it mention one prominent personage, 
lacchus, or the obscene part of the Baubo-story. As this was 
clearly intentional, just as was the dignified and epic tone of 
the story, no definite date can be inferred from it. Of more 
importance is the absence of any allui^ion to Athens, which, it 
is generally believed, had absorbed Eleusis by 600 B.C. This, 
together with the lofty style of tlie poem, leads us to date it 
not much later than 700 B.C. Subsequently, at a date unknown, 
it was excerpted and adapted to assist a prose narrative of the 
etory in its fuller and Orphic form (cf. papyrus ed. VV. Schu- 
bart and U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Berliner Klassiker- 
texte, V. [Berlin, 1907] 7 fF.). Tradition is silent regarding the 
authorship of the hymn. 

The hymn to Apollo (iii.) is unique in that it was ascribed in 
antiquity to Cynrethus of Chios, a rhapsode (Hippostratus, 
FHG iv. 433), who 'was the first to recite the Homeric poems 
in Syracuse in the 69th Olympiad.' The date has been recognized 
to be wrong on the ground that, firstly, it contradicts the other 
statement in the passage, since it is incredible that Homer 
should first have reached Sicily in 604 b.c. in the age of 
Epicharmus ; and, secondly, from an argument ex silentio 
derived from the poem itself, which alludes neither to the 
Pythian games (instituted 5S6 b.c.) nor to the burning of the 
temple of Tropbonius and Agaraedes (548 B.C.). This is decisive 
against 01. 69, and Cynaethus may revert to his natural date 
among the Homeric and Peloponnesian rhapsodes of the 8th 
CEDtury.l 

The hymn begins with the birth of Apollo. Leto, seeking a 
place in which to bring forth her son, wandered in vain round 
the coasts of the ^gean, from Crete to Athos, from Pelion to 
Cnidus ; only barren Delos received her. Here Apollo was 
born, and the island burst into flowers of gold. So it is be- 
loved by Apollo more than any other place, and there the 
lonians gather with their wives and children and ships and 
possessions, for boxing, dancing, and singing. Here is the 
marvel of the Delian singing-women, who imitate the words 
and the music of all men, and here the sweetest of singers, 
a blind man who lives in Chios. Besides Delos, Apollo inhabits 
Lycia, Mieonia, and Pytho, as well as Olympus, the home of 
Zeus. Brides hath he too, but the poet will tell how he set 
up the first oracle in the earth. To accomplish this, he left 
Olympus and set foot in Pieria ; thence, passing the -Enianes, 
the Perrhsebi, and lolcus, he reached Cenaeum in Eubcea. The 
Lelantine plain displeased him, so he crossed the Euripus and 
travelled [along the later Sacred Way] by Thebes and Onchestus, 
Haliartus, and the city of the Phlegyie to Crisa. There, with 
the help of Tropbonius and Agamedes, he built his temple, and 
shot a great snake which wasted men and sheep, from whose 
rotting {Trudfiu) the place was called nvfito, and the god ttuSios. 
He still required ministers, and them he brought by sea from 
aiinoan Knossos in Crete — meeting their ship in the guise of a 
dolphin (SeAffit?) — and there he established them to pray to him 
as 6eA«/)t['ios, and to maintain themselves upon the sheep that 
should be sacrificed by the tribes of men. But, in case of idle 
word, or deed, or insolence, other men should rule them. 

It has long been recognized that this hymn consists of two 
parts, the Delian and the Delphic. The character of the two 
is different : the former is brilliant, and deals with the lonians 
and the poet at least as much as with Apollo ; the second is 
impersonal, and contains a number of essential details, local 
and historical. Moreover, the lines constituting the junction 
of the two parts (179-206) are not natural in the context, and 
the opening of the second hymn is unusual (207-214). If, then, 
Cynaithus wrote the first part, another author must be sought 
for the second, and probably in Bosotia, since the interest is 
entirely continental, and the events take place on the Pilgrims' 
Way from Mycalessus to Pytho. It is usually supposed, but 
without definite evidence, that the two parts were put together 



1 His antiquity is assumed by Philodemus, who mentions him 
together with Orpheus (Herculanenstum voluminum quce 
mipersunt, Naples, 1793-1855, vL 156, col. 7; cf. Gomperz, 
Sir^H'cxxiii. [1890]). 



at a later period; yet ft Is quite ai likely that CynoBt^iui 
composed the first part as a preface to the second, which was 
already existent, and Joined them together without much ado. 
The Hesiodic Scutum is an ancient document of similarly com* 
posite character. The whole hymn, like the others, is distio* 
guished by its omissions : the Delian portion mentions none of 
tlie aighls anil sacred i)lacea of iJeloa, which were well known 
at least as early as the 6th cent. (Theognis, 5 IT.) ; this is prob* 
alily a proof of its antiquity, as is the cheerful description of the 
lonians, and the allusion to M.-eonia (i.e. Lydia) and Lycia a« 
seats of Apolliiie worship. This outlook has been recognized 
to date from a time before the Lydian monarchy had begun 
to threaten Ionian independence, i.e. from the 8th century. 
Another niiportant omission is that of Apolline worship in the 
north, and the story of the Hyperboreans ig.v.), which was 
sung by Olen (see below (c) (1)), U is uncertain what interpre- 
tation is to be put upon tliis fact. The helphic portion equally 
omits most of the features of the oracle, especially the P.vtbia 
(see A- P. Opp6, JUS x\iv. (1904] 2H IT.), and its allusion to the 
pre-Apolline worship at I'ytho (^UOff.) is supeificial and vague. 
The hymn to Hermfs (iv.) is equally eclectic, and describes only 
the following features of the god's functions and history : hie 
birth of Maia at C^Ueoe in Arcadia; the invention of the lyre 
four days afterwards; the theft of Apollo's cattle at Pieria; 
the invention of Are (produced by the friction of sticks); the 
slaughter, dismemberment, and roasting of two kinc, and the 
portioning of the cooked parts into twelve, of which Hermes 
did not taste ; Apollo's search and discovery of the cattle ; the 
terms struck between tbet:^e two gods — Apollo received the lyre, 
and Hermes, besides retaining the care of cattle, also received 
the caduceus (' rod of wealth ') ; and the witchcraft of the 
three aefj-vaX or Qpiai. The story, therefore, is very simple, 
although reference is incidentally made to most of Hermes' 
functions. The hymn is more ajtiological than the others. On 
the other hand, it has a peculiar raciness; Hesiod is parodied 
(36), and the indifference of the Olympians towards mankind is 
roundly asserted (577 f.). The date of the hymn may be obtained 
by considering the geographical state of the legend ; the cows 
are driven from Pieria (in an earlier form of the tale this had 
probably been Pereia in S. Thessaly) to the Alphean Pyius ; 
later authors substituted the Messenian Pylus. The Alphean 
or Nestorian Pylus appears to have been sacked towards the 
end of the 7th cent, in consequence of the events narrated by 
Herodotus, iv. 145, and Mimnermus, fr. 9, and it rapidly became 
forgotten. Hence its mention here appears to make the docu- 
ment not later than the end of the 7th cent., for in Stesichorus, 
fr. 44, of the same period, we find mention of the adjacent 
Alphean Samos or Samicum, which was soon also to vanish from 
memory. Some slight linguistic peculiarities (Allen-Sikes, p. 
133) perhaps point to a Busotian or Eubcean origin. The same 
story of the invention of the lyre and the theft of the cattle 
is told in the newly discovered satyr-play, the 'Ixv^rai of 
Sophocles iOx{/r. Pap. ix. [1912]), but the influence of the hymn 
is not apparent. 

The hymn to Aphrodite (v.) ia a straightforward account of 
one episode in the goddess's life, telling how, in revenge for her 
influence over the whole universe, Zeus inspired her with a 
passion for the Tro.ian prince Anchises, who begat on her a child, 
-dEneas, whose stock should rule over Troy for ever (196 f .). The 
poetical merits of the hymn are very high. Its date and place 
are uncertain, but the theme, the prophecy, and the detail that 
the Trojans and Phrygians speak different languages (113 ff. ; 
cf. P. Kretschmer, Einieitung m die Geach. der griech. Sprache^ 
Gottingen, 1896, p. 1S2), as well as one or two verbal usages, 
point to a colonist, doubtless a Homeric, auihoF. 

A word must be said upon the evidence of the presence or 
absence of the digamma in these hymns, since it affords a legiti- 
mate criterion for their relative age. The result of the calcula- 
tions (Flach, Bezzenberger's Beitrdge, ii. [1S7S] 1-43 ; Allen-Sikes, 
p. Ixxi) is (1) Pythian or Delphic part of the hymn to Apollo, 
(2) Aphrodite, (3) Delian part of the hymn to Apollo, (4) 
Demeter, and (5) Hermes. It should also be added that the 
style of their composition is a continuation of the Homeric 
manner : it is dignified and anthropomorphic. Although ritual 
dTToppTjra are alluded to (as in Demeter), and the origin of rites 
is explained (as in Hermes), the details are not given. There 
is, therefore, the same apparent absence of magic and primitive 
symbolism as in Homer. This is in striking contrast to the 
Orphic literature (see below). 

The remaining hymns maybe briefly dismissed. They appear 
to be all invocations or irpooifita, and are insignificant except 
that to Dionysus (vii.) and that to Pan (xix.). Their age is un- 
certain, but they contain no trace of Alexandrian style or, 
except in Ares (viii.), of eastern doctrine. It ia doubtful if any, 
except viii., can be brought below 500 B.C. 

{b) Callimachxis of Alexandria. — This poet (t c. 
240 B.C.) has left six hymns, handed down in the 
same MSS as the Homeric, which, until the recent 
recovery of fragments of the Hecale and the jEtia, 
were all the writings of Callimachus that had 
directly survived. The hymns (ed. O. Schneider, 
Leipzig, 1870 ; U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff^ 
Berlin, 1897) are to Zeus, Apollo, Artemis, Delos, 
on the Bath of Pallas, and to Demeter. The Aovrpa 
IlaXXdSoy is in elegiacs, and this and the hymn to 
Demeter are in Doric. As might be supposed from 
Callimachus'sreputation, these hymns have superior 



42 



HYMNS (Hebrew and Jewish) 



literary quality, but they are quite unepic and 
frankly modern, and, like the Alexandrian epics 
in general, lind their interest in tetiology. 

(c) Orphic hymns. — These poems (ed. G. Her- 
mann, Leipzig, 1908 ; E. Abel, do. 1885), 88 in 
number, have nothing save the name in common 
with the older Orphic hymns and poems. They 
are of mystic signification and no literary value. 
According to A. Dieterich (de hyninis Orphicis, 
Marburg, 1891, p. 24), they are of different dates ; 
the extremes are, on the one hand, the allegorizing 
doctrines of the Stoics ; on the other, the magical 
inscriptions (A.D. 100-150) in which the hymns are 
quoted (see also Petersen, Philologus, xxvii. [1868] 
385-431). 

(d) Hymns of Prochis. — This philosopher, the 
head of the Academy (t A.D. 485), composed, 
amongst his many other works, 8 hymns of a Neo- 
Platonic character (ed. A. Lud\vich, Konigsberg, 
1895). Like the Orphic hymns, they are contained, 
for the most part, in the same MSS as the Homeric 
hymns. Their literary value is not great. 

(e) Lost hexameter hymns. — Among hexameter 
hymns which are no longer extant the following 
deserve mention : 

(1) Olen of Lycia wrote hymns to Eileithyia, 
Hera, and Achaia, which were in use at Delos. 
According to Pausanias (IX. xxvii. 2), he was the 
oldest of hymn-writers. His name 'fiXiji', which is 
not Greek, confirms their Lycian origin, and Lycia 
is the most probable source of the ApoUine wor- 
ship. It is remarkable, therefore, that Herodotus 
(iv. 35) quotes him for the northern extension of 
ApoUine influence, viz. the legend of the Hyper- 
borean tribute, which, as we have seen, is passed 
over in the Homeric hymn. As Suidas calls Olen 
iiroiroids, we may infer that his hymns were in 
hexameters. 

(2) Pamphos (na^0ms), whom Pausanias (IX. 
xxvii. 2) puts between Olen and Orpheus, wrote 
hymns for the Athenian sacral family of the 
Lycomidas, who had the hereditary function of 
performing worship to Demeter at Phlya in Attica. 
He wrote about Demeter, and perhaps also on 
other divinities. Two hexameters (on Zeus) are 
quoted in Philostratus, Heroicits, 693. 

(3) The quotations of the hymns and hymnal 
poems which go under the name of Orpheus are 
collected by E. Abel, Orphica, Leipzig, 1885, pp. 
224-251 (see also Dieterich, de Hyninis Orphicis ; 
H. Diels, Fraqmente der Vorsokratikei^, Berlin, 
1906-10, pp. 473-482). According to Clem. Alex. 
{Strom, i. 21), the greater part of the Orphic corpus 
was composed by various hands in the 6th cent. 
B.C., although both the hymns and the poems 
were universally believed to be older than Homer. 
These hymns, like those of Pamphos, were written 
for the Lycomidse for temple-worship at Phlya, 
and were used also at Eleusis. They were more 
devotional and less literary than the Homeric 
(Pausanias, IX. xxx. 12), short and few in number 
(ib.), and appeared incredible and grotesque to the 
uninitiate (Menander, de Encom. v. 41). The poem 
dealing with the rape of Persephone (fr. 209 ff'.) 
illustrates this criticism, and, compared with the 
Homeric hymn to Demeter, shows the difference 
between the Orphic and the Homeric treatment 
of myth. 

(4) Very similar to the Orphic h3Tnns were those 
of MusEeus (Pans. x. vii. 2), which were in use also 
at Phlya and Eleusis. Plato {Eep. 364 E) men- 
tions MusiEUS and Orpheus together. There are 
no quotations. On Musseus in general, see Kinkel, 
Ep. gr.fr., Leipzig, 1877, p. 218 ff.; Diels^, 482-488. 

Other hexameter hymns hardly require mention. 
Socrates wrote one in prison to the Delphic god 
[Phcsdo, 60 D) ; a beautiful imitation (to Adonis) is 
inserted into Theocritus's 15th \dy\\ ; and the exist- 



ence of many short ritual hymns in the classical 
period is inferred from imitations in drama by 
Adami, Jahrb.f. klass. PhiloL, 1901, p. 213 tf. 

2. Melic hymns. — The paean is as old as the 
Hiad (i. 473, xxii. 391) ; the AT)Xid5es also (Eurip. 
Here. Fur. 607) and the Cretan ministers of Delphi 
{Hym, Homer, in Apoll. 518) sang a paean ; and, 
if we took the word iiixvo^ to cover the psean, nome, 
dithyramb, and 8prjvo!, a long list of titles would 
have to be given. When we adopt the somewhat 
arbitrary ancient restriction of meaning (see p. 40*), 
we find the follo\ving among poets who wrote 
hymns : Alcieus, Alcman, Anacreon, Castorio, 
Lasus, Simonides (all in T. Bergk, Poetce lyr. Gr.^, 
Leipzig, 1882, iii.), Pindar, and Bacchylides, aa 
well as Ion of Chios {ib. ii. 251, with a kind of 
elegiac hymn to Dionysus) and Aristotle (to Arete, 
ib. 360, of uncertain classification). All these, 
however, have perished, so far as direct tradition 
is concerned. A certain number of hymns or 
similar compositions have been preserved on stone ; 
among these are Isyllus's poem on Asclepius {IG 
Pel. Ins. i. 950) of about 300 B.C., of unusual 
literary merit (see von Wilamowitz-Moellendorfi', 
Isyllos von Epidauros, Berlin, 1886) ; three hymns 
discovered by the French at Delphi {BCH xvii. 
[1894] 651, xviii. [1895] 71, xix. [1896] 393) by 
Aristonous, Cleochares, and Philodamus ; a hymn 
sung by the Cretan Curetes {BSA xv. [1908-09] 347, 
with commentary by Bosanquet and Murray); a 
hymn to Asclepius ((7/4 III. i. 171 [3rd cent. A.D.]). 
See in general the article ' Hymnus' byS. Pteinach 
in Daremberg-Saglio, Lex. des ant. gr. et rom., 
Paris, 1896 fi"., p. 337. 

II. Latin. — Hymns play a very small part in 
Latin literature. The axamenta, hymns of the 
Salic priests of Mars, unintelligible even to the 
priests (Quintilian, I. vi. 40), exist only in a few 
quotations (see Teuffel-Schwabe, Gesch. der rom. 
Lit.^, Leipzig, 1890, § 64). The hymns of the 
Fratres Arvales, however, are preserved in inscrip- 
tions first dug up in 1570 in the Vigna CeccareUi, 
near Magliana, on the road from Kome to Porto. 
They are edited in GIL vi. (1886) 2023 if., and by 
Henzen, Acta Fratr^t-m ArvaliuTn (Berlin, 1874). 
In literature proper we may point to Catullus's 
34th poem (' Dianse sumus in fide') and his invoca- 
tion of Venus (xxxvL 11-16), and Horace's Carmen 
sceculare. 

Literature. — Besides the sources mentioned in the article 
reference may be made to the usual Histories of literature, 
e.g. G. Bernhardy, (rrundriss der griech. Literaturgesch.. 
Halle, 1S76, i. 301 B. ; K. Sittl, Gesch. der qriech. Lit., Munich, 

18S4, pp. 16 ff., 193 2. T. W. Allen. 

HYMNS (Hebrew and Jewish).— It will for the 
present purpose be best to adhere to the boundary 
line between Hebraism and Judaism provided by 
the destruction of the Temple by the Romans, 
A.D. 70, and the consequent substitution of syna- 
gogue worship for that of the Jerusalem sanctuary 
by the Jewish leaders assembled at Jamnia. We 
shall thus have to consider ( 1 ) the hymns embodied 
in the OT and the apocryphal and pseudepi- 
graphical writings, which stand in some degree of 
relation to the Hebrew Canon, and (2) the hymns 
found in the Jewish liturgy and other literary 
sources belonging to Sjmagogue times. 

I. Hymns of the OT and Hebrew writings re- 
lated to it. — The ancient Hebrews were endowed 
with a high degree of poetical sensitiveness which 
often showed itself in quick lyrical utterance re- 
flecting the inward emotion with wonderful truth 
and vividness ; and, as the select and most refined 
spirits among them were also pre-eminently gifted 
with religious feeling and intuition, it was only 
natural that their lyrical faculty should have often 
exercised itself in strains of sacred song. Such 
song, moreover, though in each case naturally 



HYMNS (Hebrew and Jewish) 



4a 



isauiiif,' from an individual 8]>irit, generally ex- 
pressed the Teelinf; and thought of the national or 
tribal circle to which the poet belonged ; for the 
sense of communal oneness, which is to the present 
day a marked characteristic of the Jewish diaspora, 
was probably stronger among the ancient Hebrews 
than among any of the nations surrounding them, 
and the religious poet, as a rule, gave genuine 
utterance to the emotions which at the moment 
swayed the community to which he belonged, or 
were supposed to have swayed it in the historical 
period which his song was intended to celebrate. 

The three outstanding national songs of victory 
indited by some of the most gifted poets of the 
race are the Song of Deborah ( Jg 5), which critics 
generally admit to bo the earliest source for the 
history of the events which it celebrates ; the 
Song at the Red Sea (Ex 15), which, though 
apparently composed in the time of the monarchy, 
may embody a nucleus from very ancient times ; 
and the Song of Victory contained in 2 S 22 and 
Ps 18, supposed by some critics to be in part a 
genuine product of the Davidic a^e. The sense 
of Jahweh's might and of gratitude to Him for 
victories vouchsafed is a dominant note in all the 
three songs, but in power and intenseness of ex- 
pression the Song of Deborah stands unequalled. 
'With might steppest thou onward, O my soul' 
(v.'^') fitly expresses the spirit of exultation which 
pervades the whole poem. 

The outstanding antithesis to these strains of 
triumph is the Book of Lamentations, or Thrcni, 
which is traditionally ascribed to the prophet 
Jeremiah, and for the most part undoubtedly re- 
flects the mournful attitude of the community 
in the early years of the Exile. In the highly 
finished five elegies comprised in the collection, 
Lsrael is seen heartbroken and weeping with bent 
head in the presence of Jahweh, who has allowed 
judgment in its fullest measure to fall on the sin- 
ful nation. The book thus consists of five dirges 
of a type akin to ' Dies Irse,' written, not in the 
dread contemplation of future judgment, but in 
actual sight of the havoc wrought by the ' wrath ' 
of the offended Judge whom the nation, in a flood 
of tears, nevertheless implores to allow His love 
and pity to reassume its ancient sway. 

Striking instances of lyrical utterance occasioned 
by special situations, real or supposed, in the life 
of individuals, but affecting the community by 
reason of the great significance to it of the persons 
concerned, are the triumphal hymn of Hannah 
(1 S 2'-"), the Thanksgiving of Hezekiah (Is 38»»--»), 
and what may be called the Psalm of Jonah (Jon 
23-io)_ The literary prophets, with their souls 
wrapt in the contemplation of things supra-mun- 
dane and hidden from ordinary sight in the counsel 
of the Eternal, also naturally break out at times in 
longer or shorter hymnal strains in the midst of 
scathing admonition or description of happiness 
to come (so, e.g.. Is 9"^- 12. ii^, Jer 14™- 16'», and 
note particularly Hab 3) ; and the controversies of 
the Book of Job regarding the justice, power, and 
providence of God are as naturally apt to lead to 
occasional outbursts of hymn-like utterance (so, 
e.g., 25. 26='i-). 

Apart, however, from the pieces named and 
others of a similar nature to be found in different 
parts of the Hebrew Canon, the Book of Psalms is 
the great hymnal treasury of the ancient Hebrew 
Ecclesia, or Church, embodying the typical ex- 
pression of all possible religious moods, and rang- 
mg historically from David and the Davidic age 
down to the re-awakening of the national and 
religious life in the time of the Maccabees. Be- 
sides the compositions which were primarily 
communal in character (as, e.g., Pss 33. 47. 50. 
36. 106. 113-115), many Psalms appear to have 



been originally lyrics of individuals ; but personal 
experience of whatever kind — whether of peni- 
tence, exaltation, prayer for help, or even of 
violent resentment of oppression and thirst for 
vengeance — is there, so far as it was considered to 
represent a true a.spect of Israel's relation to 
Jahweh and the world, fully owned and echoed by 
the community at large, so that the original ' 1 ' 
of the poet has everywhere become the syiubol of 
the great communal self, of which he was, in truth, 
the genuine mouth-piece, uttering individually 
the religious emotions of the great body to whicli 
he belonged.' 

The titles most in use to denote a hymnal com- 
position are shir, shlra, mizmor, t'hilla, and t'JUla. 
The first three terms point, in one way or another, 
to the rhythmical and musical character of the 
pieces concerned ; i'hilla denotes a hymn of praise ; 
and t'filla, which primarily means ' prayer ' or 
' supplication,' sometimes bears the general sense 
of liturgical composition (see particularly Ps 90). 
' Lamentations ' or ' Threni ' translates the term 
l^tnoth, though not so styled in the Hebrew 
Canon, the Synagogue name of the Book being 
nD'N (' How !'), which is the first word of the first 
chapter. ^ 

Regarding the question of rhythm, a subject 
which has been much discussed of late (for refer- 
ence to summaries see Literature at the end), one 
can say that there is now a sufficiently general 
consensus of opinion in favour of the view that 
it is the accentual beat which mainly, if not 
exclusively, counts in Hebrew versification, the 
intervening number of .syllables having (wittiin 
limits, of course) no determining effect on the 
poetical structure. The ' parallelismus membro- 
rum,' though 'not a constant phenomenon of 
Hebrew poetry' (G. B. Gray, ' Isaiah i.-xxvii.,' in 
ICC [1912], p. Ixi), is yet almost everywhere as 
striking a characteristic in hymnal pieces as in 
gnomic composition. The only special kind of 
rhythm so far definitely established in OT poetry 
is the elegiac or hlnCi form (first pointed out by 
K. Budde), in which the second hemistich of a 
line is shorter than the first, the mourner being 
supposed to break off his plaint in a sob.' 

The proposition, however, that this rhythmic 
form had its origin in the ancient lament for the 
dead performed by women mourners (see, e.g., 
HDB iv. 5) is so far incapable of verification, and 
it is, moreover, true that 'it can no longer be 
maintained that the r\\jt\rni is peculiar to elegy, 
though it may be said to be characteristic of it ' 
(Gray, op. cit. p. Ixiii, note). 

The question of strophical arrangement in 
Hebrew hymns and OT poetry in general has also 
been much discussed in recent times (for a sum- 
mary see HDB iv. 7f.). A decisive factor in 
favour of, at any rate, occasional strophic structure 
is the retrain that is sometimes found (see, e.g., 
Pss 42. 99) ; and there is, besides, a strong auxili- 
ary argument for fairly frequent strophic arrange- 
ment in the undoubted fact that music, both vocal 

1 The question of the individual element in the Psalms has 
often been discussed in recent times. But we have aoraething 
very similar in filodern English hymnal collections. Toplady'e 
'Rock of Ages, cleft for ine,' and Newman's 'Lead, Kindly 
Light . . . lead Thou me on,' for instance, were primarily 
utterances of personal religious emotions, but they at the same 
time express the genuine cry of all Christian believers, that is 
to say, of the whole community or Church. A striking modern 
instance of the patriotic emotion of an individual poet becoming 
truly national in character is that of Theodor Kbrner, who died 
while fighting (or the liberation of Germany. In the Psalter 
the national and religious spirit is one and indivisible, so that 
the hymn-writer is one and the same with the politician and 
nationalist. 

2 For terms that are used more or less rarely the reader is 
referred to the Introductions and Commentaries on the Psalms 

3 Cf. the classic elegiac metre, in which the pentametei 
alternates with the hexameter. 



44 



HYMNS (Hebrew and Jewish) 



and instrumental, regularly accompanied the 
recital of hymns (besides the headings of Psalms, 
which are by themselves quite conclusive, see 1 Ch 
25^', 2 Ch 7°), for the musical tune is naturally 
either repeated with the successive longer units of 
the poetical composition, or else changes its char- 
acter at the beginning of a part meant to express 
a different strain of poetical emotion. Congrega- 
tional responses at certain intervals, for which 
there is some evidence (see Ps 106^- "), would 
seem to lead to a similar conclusion. A composi- 
tion like Ps 136, in which the second hemistich is 
throughout the antiphonal response to the first, 
has, of course, no bearing on the question of 
strophieal arrangement. 

The poetical compositions embodied in the 
Apocrypha stand on a lower level, both with re- 
gard to inspiration (using this term in its widest 
sense) and to their bearing on the national life ; 
yet they do in some limited, and partly sec- 
tarian, manner continue on lines similar to the 
hymnal pieces contained in the Canon. 

The Song of the Three Children' (the Benedicite) 
has a grand liturgical effect, notwithstanding the 
deliberate artificial attempt to enlist every part of 
creation in the great symphony of praise. Among 
other notable examples are the Prayer of Manasses, 
portions of Baruch, 2 Mac l^'-^", Wis 9. The 
praise of Famous Men in Ecclesiasticus (44-50) is 
in reality also of the nature of a hymn, all praise 
being finally ascribed to the God whom the famous 
men served. Specially noteworthy are the 16 lines 
which in the Hebrew Cairo text are inserted be- 
tween vv. 12 and 13 of ch. 51, and of which the 
first 14 are modelled on the antiphonal strains of 
Ps 136. It is a disputed point, however, whether 
these verses formed part of the original composi- 
tion of Ben Sira. 

The most notable hymnal section of the pseud- 
epigraphical writings connected with the OT is the 
collection of 18 pieces belonging to the time of 
Pompey's invasion of Palestine, which are known 
as the Psalms of Solomon ; ^ but shorter or longer 
hymn-like strains are also found in the fourth 
Book of Ezra and the Book of Enoch. The Greek 
hexameters of the Sibylline Oracles, iii. , of which 
the greater part is also Hebraic in spirit, follow 
the prophetical writings with regard to the pre- 
sence of an occasional hymnal strain. 

Apart from the Psalms of Solomon, which have 
their root in important national events, the poeti- 
cal portions of these writings are, as may be ex- 
pected, as much removed from actuality as the 
prose frameworks in which they appear ; yet they 
sound a genuine note of the religious idealism by 
which the Pseudepigrapha — largely sectarian in 
origin — were called into existence. 

2. Hymns of the Synagfogue. — After the de- 
struction of the Temple by the Romans, Judaism 
definitely succeeded the ancient Hebraism. The 
bulk of the Hebrew people could not see their way 
to adopt the form of Christian adoration which, 
in the minds of its true devotees, was expressive 
of the most real inwardness of the religious life. 
The Jews, therefore, clung to their own ceremonial 
and devotional forms, which, indeed, enshrined 
a peculiar inwardness of their own, and it is this 
special Judaic religious inwardness that was per- 
petuated and developed — very often in beautiful 
language of true devotion — in a long series of 

' The question as to whether Hebrew or Greek was the 
origiual medium of compoaition for this and the other pieces 
named is not important in the connexion, the spirit pervading 
them being in all cases Hebraic, though no doubt influenced 
by Hellenistic tendencies. 

2 It has also been maintained by some that the so-called 
Odes of Solomon^ of which J. Rendel Harris discovered a Syriac 
rendering, were also originally Hebraic ; but this opinion is not 
likely to gain many adherents. 



hymnal compositions, which have become more or 
less closely attached to the general framework of 
the daily and festival prayers. The great model 
in the earlier stages of this liturgical development 
was naturally the Psalter, which, as in the Temple 
services, was itself largely drawn upon for pur- 
poses of synagogal and individual devotions, and 
which to the present day provides the ritual with 
some important constituent elements (so particu- 
larly the Hallel in the festival services and the 
series of Psalms in the earlier portions of the daily 
prayers). The liturgy, moreover, in its general 
idea as well as in its prevailing form, is a systematic 
elaboration of the B'rdkhd, or Benediction, which 
is in its simpler form well represented in the OT 
(see Gn 24", 1 K 1^^ Ps 28«, Neh 9=), but in the 
specifically Jewish period gradually developed 
into a system of prayers and doxologies, to some 
parts of which the lyrico-religious genius of the 
race could not but give a high poetical form. 

Among the finest and most important of the 
poetical Benedictions which thus came into exist- 
ence are the pieces which precede and follow the 
recitation of the dde* (' Hear, O Israel, the Lord 
our God is one Lord,' etc.) in both the morning 
and evening services, the former having two Bene- 
dictions before and one after the Sh'md, and the 
latter two before and two after this central con- 
fession of the Divine Unity (see Mishna B'rdkhoth, 
i. 4).' Among the other pieces whose existence in 
early times is attested by Talmudical references 
are the famous Nishmath ( ' The breath of all things 
living') in the Sabbath and festival prayers, and 
several compositions in litany form ; and the 
elaborate Benediction at the end of a meal, to 
which much importance has always been attached, 
also exhibits a decidedly poetical tone in some of 
its parts. 

Among the various compositions belonging to the 
time of the Geonim, which followed the Talmudical 
period, are the famous BarUkh Sheamer of the 
morning service, and the equally famous En KHo- 
henu, which stands in the modern Ashkenazi ritual 
at the end of the Sabbath service, but is recited 
every day by the members of the Spanish and 
Portuguese congregations scattered in different 
parts of the world. The Aramaic ' Y'kum Purkan, 
inserted in the Sabbath services, which also belongs 
to this period, may be classed as an interesting 
and characteristic congregational supplication in 
poetical prose. 

The earliest synagogal hymn-writer known by 
name is Jose ben Jose, who appears to have lived 
in the 6th or 7th cent., and among whose composi- 
tions is a,n'Aboda (on this term see below, p. 45'') 
which is still used in Piedmont and other places. 
His pieces exhibit no rhyme, whereas Yannai, as 
well as his famous pupil and successor El'azar ben 
Jacob ^alir, adds the use of rhyme to the acrostic 
and other earlier marks of poetic form, jglalir 
opens a new and most prolific epoch in the history 
of synagogal hymnology. On his date and birth- 
place widely conflicting views have been held, but 
Zunz, who is the highest authority on questions of 
this kind, places him in the latter half of the 10th 
cent.," and names southern Italy as the place of 
his nativity. He composed no fewer than 200 
pieces, scattered over divers portions of the Ash- 
kenazi and Italian forms of the Mahzor, as used at 
the present day. His subject-matter is derive'., 
mainly from Talmudic and Midrashic sources. 

1 Zunz (Gottesdienstlicke Vortrdge^, p. 382 f.) considers that 
in their present form these pieces show later additions ; but 
the rhyme of some parts, on which he largely relies, may be 
accidental. 

2 On the l^addish, which is also Aramaic, see vol. i. p. 459 f . 

3 So in Gottesd. Vortrdge -, pp. 376 and 395 ; in Literatur- 
geschickte, p. 31, however, the first half of the 9th c«nt is 
regarded as the earliest possible date. 



HYMNS (Hebrew and Jewish) 



His language is very often obscure and to the ear 
of the Hebrew purist strange and even uncouth, 
but his synagogal insjiiration is of so high an order 
that the impression whicli lie made on his contem- 
poraries has — notwithstanding much influential 
opposition — continued its sway down to the present 
time. 

An impetus to an entirely difl'erent style of 
liturgical poetry was given by Sa'adya Gaon (891- 
941), whose original home was Egypt, but who 
spent the most active part of his life as head of the 
Academy of Sura in Mesopotamia. He cannot be 
said to have been the founder of a liturgical school 
in the same sense as ](Jalir. His poetical composi- 
tions are not very numerous, nor was he strong as 
a poet, his genius enabling him rather to shine as 
philosopher, commentator, and controversialist ; 
but, on the other hand, he brought to his task the 
beat literary and scientiiic refinement of his age 
and surroundings, and he was in this way able, 
among his greater successes, to give an important 
fresh direction to liturgical efibrts, which later on 
developed into the finest poetical achievements of 
mediaeval Jewry. Acquainted as he was with the 
pure classical themes and forms of Arabic literature, 
no naturally aimed at similar purity of language 
in his Hebrew compositions ; and the subject-matter 
of his devotional pieces rested for the same reason 
on philosophic contemplation rather than on Tal- 
mud and Midrash. His atrophic system is elaborate, 
and he also uses rhyme besides the alphabetical 
acrostic. 

Thus arose two distinct schools of liturgical 
composition, ^alir representing the more exclusive 
Jewish spirit of nationalism which found its chief 
nourishment in Talmudism, and Sa'adya paving 
the way in the direction of general human culture 
and the philosophico-scientific aspect of religion ; 
and so deep-rooted as well as far-reaching were 
these two tendencies that each in its turn became 
the starting-point of one of the two main divisions 
of the Jewish liturgy, the Komano-Germanic order 
of festival services belonging, in the main, to the 
school founded by ^^alir, whilst the Hispano- 
Arabian liturgy has been built up by the great 
poets who worked on in the spirit of Sa'adya. 

No wonder, therefore, that the names of the 
leading writers of the last-named school, such as 
Solomon ibn Gabirol ' ( fl. 1050), in whom the Spanish 
school reached its most classical development, 
Moses ben Ezra (11th to 12th cent.), Yehuda hal- 
Levi(t about 1140), and Abraham ibn Ezra (t 1167) 
sound more familiar to the cultured Europe of the 
present day than the, in their own way, also highly 
distinguished names of men like Meshullam ben 
Kalonymos of Lucca (10th cent.), Gershon ben 
Yehuda (fl. first half of 11th cent.), Solomon 
Yisha^i (t 1105), and his son-in-law Samuel ben 
Meir. 

It was, however, — on account of the general bond 
uniting all synagogal communities into one great 
organization, — inevitable that the poetical composi- 
tions of each school should exercise an influence on 
the other. The Jewish liturgical writers of each 
country were, moreover, naturally to some extent 
affected by the surroundings amidst which they 
worked ; nor could individual poets help importing 
into their compositions their own intellectual, 
doctrinal, or emotional peculiarities. Among the 
later (post-classical) writers of sacred poetry who 
thus, for one reason or another, become entitled to 
particular mention in even a brief historical survey 
of the subject are Abraham of Beziers (13th cent.), 
his son Yed'aya (entitled hap-Penini), Yehuda 
5arizi (t before 1235), Moses Kieti (fl. first half of 
15th cent.), Israel Nagara (16th cent.), Isaac Loria 

1 Latinized as Avicebron, and widely IxQOWd under tliat name 
i» the author of F&ns Vitce (Q"n ^lpD). 



the Kabbalist (1534-1572), and the Yemenite 
Shalom ben Joseph Shabbezi (17th cent.). The 
moat prolific authors of short hymnal compositions 
among those just named were Israel Nagara and 
Shalom Shabbezi, though of the former only a few 
penetrated into the liturgy ; and of the other 
apparently none. 

Among the most important terms used since 
early times in connexion with synagogal liturgical 
])oetry are (besides Paytdn and Piyyut, respectively 
denoting 'poet' and 'poetical piece of devotion,' 
the significant part of both words coming no doubt 
from the Greek ttoitjt^s) : (1) If'rOha, which is some- 
times used in the general sense of liturgical poetry 
(the word denoting ' coming near ' in prayer), but 
in the plural usually bears the more restricted 
meaning of pieces accompanying the Prayer of 
Eighteen, or, rather, its festival representative ; 
(2) Yo-froth, i.e. Piyyutim accompanying the bene- 
diction Yoser Or ( ' Creator of the Light '), but some- 
times also used in a more general sense ; (3) S'lihoth, 
or penitential pieces ; (4) Klnoth, or elegies ; (5) 
' Ahodd, a species of elaborate composition for the 
Day of Atonement descriptive of the Temple Service 
as solemnized on that day, the account being based 
on the Mishna Yoma ; (6) Azkdroth, embodying 
the Pentateuchal commandments ; (7) Hoshdnoth, 
i.e. pieces with a Hosannah refrain, used on 
Hoshdna Rabba (the 7th day of the feast of Taber- 
nacles) ; and (8) Widdui, or confession of sins. 
The entire collection of the festival services is 
entitled Mahzor, i.e. '(annual) cycle.' 

The introduction of rhyme into liturgical poetry 
prior to the time of Kalir has already been referred 
to. With regard to the use of acrostics, it is im- 
portant to mention that, besides the very frequent 
employment of the alphabetical device, the authors 
of Piyyutim were very much in the habit of mark- 
ing their compositions with acrostics of their own 
names, the motive underlying this practice probably 
being, not vanity, but the desire of linking their 
own personalities with their sacred compositions. 
In the case of Kalir it has been shown (see Zunz, 
Gottesdienstlicke Vortrdge^,]). 398 f.) that he also 
often achieved this object by means of Gematria, 
i.e. by the equation of the numerical value of his 
name with that of a sentence in the poem. Of 
special interest is the form of metre which has been 
employed in Hebrew hymns — and, indeed, Hebrew 
poetry in general — from the time of Solomon ibn 
Gabirol onwards. The measure rests neither on the 
quantity of the syllables nor on the accent, but on 
the difl'erence between a simple syllable (t'nuah) 
and a syllable beginning with a moving sh'wa 
(called ydthed, i.e. 'tent-pin' or 'nail'). The 
simple syllable is in modem editions of Hebrew 
verse marked -, irrespective of quantity in the 
usual sense of the term, and the ydthed is marked 
U-. Seventeen difi:erent forms of verse founded on 
this principle are generally counted, but it will 
here suffice to give examples of two only, repre- 
sented by the opening hemistichs of the well-known 
hymns respectively beginning Adon 'Olam and 
Yigdal : 

1. Adon 1 'Olam | asher [ malakh. 1 i 

2. Yigdal I E16 | him Hai | w=yiah | tabbal). 

In the first case the line is described as consisting 
of a ydthed and two t'nuoth, followed by another 
ydthed and two t'nuoth ; in the second case the 
scansion is two t'nuoth, a ydthed, and two t'nuoth, 
followed by another yathed and two t'nuoth. 

Among the most popular pieces attached to the 
daily services are Adon 'Olam and Yigdal (just 
referred to), and L'khd Dodl. The first-named 
poem, which was probably not composed before 
the end of the 13th cent., lays special stress on trie 

1 The poet haa, however, allowed himself considerable licence 
in this piece. 



46 



HYMNS (Japanese) 



Divine Unity, and was in this way probably meant 
to enforce the Jewish side of a polemical religious 
topic. The Yigdal, written in Italy by Daniel ben 
Yehuda Dayyan in the early part of the 14th cent. , 
embodies in brief poetic form the thirteen articles 
of faith formulated by Moses Maimonides in the 
12th century. The L'kha Dodi, composed by 
Solomon Ben Moses al-ljiabis (16th cent.), is a fine 
poetical greeting of the 'Bride of the Sabbath' 
recited at its entrance in the Friday evening 
service.-' Of considerable popularity are also the 
Hahdaloth, i.e. poetical pieces recited in the home 
at the close of the Sabbath, some of which embody 
legends of the prophet Elijah. Solomon ibn 
Gabirol's great philosophico-religious poem entitled 
Kether Malkutk deserves special mention ; it may 
be described as a great Hymn of Adoration and 
Penitence, though only attached, and that loosely, 
to some of the rituals. 

The number of Piyyutim of various kinds for 
fasts and festivals, and more particularly for the 
New Year's Feast and the Day of Atonement, is so 
large that much space would be occupied by even 
a careful selection. But it should be remarked in 
conclusion that the note of sadness that is so very 
prominent in the recital of the nation's manifold 
sufferings and its deep penitence, as well as the 
strain of joy in other parts of the liturgy, is very 
often of so intensely lyrical a character that musical 
expression becomes almost a necessity, and it is for 
this purpose mainly that the profession of Mazzdnim, 
or Synagogue Cantors, came into existence in early 
times, and has remained an institution down to 
the present day. 

LrrERATURB. — On the Psalms and hymnal compositions in 
other Books of the OT, see the Biblical Introductions and Com- 
mentaries. Summaries of the different theories regarding metre 
in OT poetry will be found in the artt. ' Poetry (Hebrew),' in 
HOB iv. 3 fl. (K. Budde), and 'Poetry,' in JE x. 93 fl. (E. KSnig), 
as well as 'Poetical Literature,' in EBi iii. col. 3793 ff. (B. 
Dubm). For a general survey of the more primitive period the 
reader should be referred to The- Early Poetry of Israel in its 
Physical and Social Origins, by G. A. Smith (Schweich Lectures, 
1910 ; published London, 1912). Until quite recently the best 
edition of the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha was that of E. 
Kautzsch (Tiibingen, 1900) ; but there is now R. H. Charles's 
edition (Oxford, 1913), in which fuller information will be 
found on points connected with the present article ; specially 
to be mentioned among editions of separate parts is R. H. 
Charles's Book of Enoch 2, Oxford, 1912, m which special atten- 
tion is given to the rh^'thmic form of some parts. 

The great authority on Synagogai poetry is Leopold Zunz, 
Die synagogale Poesie des Mittelalters, Berlin, 1S55, Die Ritus 
des synagogalen Gottesdienstes, do. 1S59, Literaturgeschichte 
del' synagogalen Poesie, do. 1S65, also parts of Die gottesdienst- 
lichen Vortrdge der Juden, Berhu, 1832, 2 Frankfort, 1S92. 
Consult also M. Sachs, Religiose Poesie der Juden in Spanien, 
Berlin, 1845 ; Franz Delitzsch, Zur Geschichte der jiidischen 
Poesie, Leipzig, 1836; the article 'Piyyut,' in JE x. 66 ff. 
(besides ''Abodah' and the artt. on individual liturgical 
writers [of varying merit, however] in the same Encyclopedia) ; 
' Liturgische Poesie,' in Hamburger, Supplementband ii. (a very 
serviceable summary of the entire subject). Among Catalogues 
of MSS giving lists of hymns may be mentioned A. Neubauer, 
Catalogue of the Hebrew MSS in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, 
1886, cols. 218-418, and the present writer's Catalogue of the 
Hebrew and Samaritan MSS in the BHtish Museum, ii. [19051 
197-487. 

Among the very numerous editions of the Daily Prayers and 
the Maljzor are the Prayer Book of Amram Gaon, Warsaw, 1865 ; 
Malizor Vitry (compiled about 1210; published Berlin, 1893); 
'Abodath Yisrael (ed, Seligman Baer, Rodelheim, 1868 [the best 
edition with a Hebrew Commentary]) ; ' The Authorized Daily 
Prayer-Book ' (with a tr. by S. Singer, London ; often reprinted) ; 
the Sepbardic Forms of Prayer (mth D. A. de Sola's tr., London, 
originally pubhshed 1836-38 ; revised by M. Gaster, 1901-06) ; Ser- 
vices of the Synagogue ; a New Edition of the Festival Prayers 
with an Eng. Tr. in Prose and Verse, London, 1904-09. 

G. Maegoliouth. 

HYMNS (Japanese). — Before the introduction 

of Buddhism, the hymn was not an integral part of 

the liturgy of Japanese religion. The religious 

dance {kagura) ^ seems to be of a pre-historie origin, 

1 Compare particularly the designation ' Princess Sabbath ' in 
vogue among the Falashas (see J. Hal6vy, T^'&zdza Sanbat, Paris, 
1902). 

2 Aston's explanation {Shinto, London, 1905, p. 238) of the 
Chinese signs for kagura as meaning ' God-pleasure ' is mislead- 
ing ; they mean ' divine music' 



and it was performed with musical accompaniments, 
both instrumental and vocal. The songs chanted 
on these occasions were called the kagura-uta, but 
the extant ones are not so old as the dance itself ; 
the collection dates from the 9th cent., and their 
style and language point to their composition at 
that age. 

It was Buddhism that introduced hymns to Japan, 
or gave them an important r61e in the religious 
performances. In the first period of Buddhism in 
Japan they were sung in Sanskrit or Chinese, and 
were called gathd (Jap. ge or kada), which were 
later adapted to Japanese and gave rise to a new 
style of poem composition, called ima-yo, or 
' modern style.' It consisted of a strophe of 48 
syllables, namely in four feet, each of which con- 
tained 12 syllables. The kagura-uta were mostly 
the regular Japanese verses of 3 1 syllables, and these 
were gradually superseded by the ima-yo, especially 
since the 11th century. These hymns were sung 
after the melody of the Indian gathd, and the art 
was carefully cultivated in Buddhist colleges and 
monasteries, according to the theories and tradi- 
tions of the Indian sabda-vidyd (Jap. shomyo, 
' theories of language and music '). A collection 
of these hymns (along with some secular poems) 
dating from the middle of the 12th cent.^ is handed 
down to us, and they show a great extension of the 
ima-yo hymns. The themes are either Shinto 
benediction and felicitation for worldly pros- 
perity, or they are taken from Buddhist legends 
and praises of Buddha. Thus, parallel with the 
distinction in style, these hymns show a di'S'ision of 
labour between Shinto deities, who care for the 
earthly good, and Buddhist deities, who guide men 
to the other shore of bliss. Here we shall cite 
some examples : 
' What a pity, we cannot see Buddha face to face, 

Though he is everywhere at any time ; 

Yet, as in a vision, he appears to us 

In the calm morning hour, when there is no human bustling. 

* A mere illusion it was that we saw dispersed 
The smoke (of cremation) arising from the Sala f rove (of KuSi- 

nagara) : 
The Lord Sakya never died (in reality), 
But He is preaching the truths eternally on Vulture Peak.' 2 

' The Deity of Mikasa Hill, 
Whom we worship and pray now. 
He is surely looking upon us ; 
So long as he blesses us. 
Sure is the prosperity of our Lord, 
Who rules the lands under heaven.' 3 

These hymns, both Buddhist and Shinto, were 
not only chanted in front of a sanctuary as a part 
of the liturgy, but were sung on various occasions, 
at banquets and musical evenings, in sitting rooms, 
and on streets. The intention in doing so was not 
profane, but it was meant to dedicate daily life 
and even amusement to the praise and glory of the 
deities. Yet the secularization led to the de- 
gradation of the sacred poems ; and this circum- 
stance gave rise, on the other hand, to particularly 
religious hymns, mostly composed by pious monks, 
in contrast to the composition of the ima-yo by 
court nobles. 

We distinguish two categories in these pious or 
pietist hymns, the one called wa-san and the other 
go-eika. The wa-san means Japanese gdthds ; they 
consist of 48 syllables and differ little from the 
ima-yo in style and themes. Yet there was a certain 
difference of melody, and the wa-san were chanted 
only at religious performances. The oldest wa-san 

1 Ryojin Hisho (* A Precious Collection of Chanting Pieces '), 
compiled by the monk-Emperor Go-Shirakawa, contained 10 
fascicuU ; but only one of them was recently discovered and 
edited by N. Sasaki. 

2 The contrast between the earthly life of Buddha and his true 
immortal life, the idea taken from ch. xv. of the Lotus of the 
True Law. 

3 A 31 syllable poem ; the deity of Mikasa is the famous 
Kasuga, the ancestral deity of the clan Fujiwara. 



HYMNS (Muslim) 



47 



are ascribed to Kuya (001-972) and GenKhin (942- 
1017), the famous pioneers of Amita-Iiuddhism. 
Though the authenticity of this tradition is not 
well establislied, the rise of this category of hymns 
seems most probably to date from the last part of 
the 10th century. These pioneers were followed 
by many composers, and the toa-san were almost 
exclusively deaicated to Amita, the redeemer in the 
western paradise, Sukliavati.' The best known and 
most popular wa-san are ascribed to Shinran ( 1 173- 
1262), the founder of the Shinshu, the largest of 
Buddhist sects in Japan up to this day. The 
following are three specimens from Shinran's 
wa-san : 

'Beings so numerous as dusts and fine sands, who are in the 

worlds in the ten directions, 
They are all embraced by Aniita's grace and never forsaken. 
Only if Lhey invoke his name ; 
Our Lord is, therefore, called Amita, the Infinite.' 

' Without end is the dreary ocean of births and deaths, 
Immersed in it are we since eternity ; 
We can in no way be carried across (to the other shore) 
But by being loaded on the ship of Amita's vow to save all.' 

•Lo ! There a torch illumines the ever-dark night of illusion I 
Never regret yourself that the eyes of wisdom are troubled. 
There is here a ship on the ocean of births and deaths, 
No need of groaning over the heavy sins and obstacles.' 

Nearly four hundred of Shinran's hymns make 
up a collection — the largest in the hymnology of 
Japanese Buddhism ; and they are chanted and 
sung in many temples and families, so that the 
nasvaewa-san has almost been monopolized by them.^ 

The second category, the go-eika, consists of the 
poems composed by deities. It owes its rise to the 
practice of pilgrimages to various sanctuaries 
scattered over the country. The mountaineering 
practice of syncretic Buddhists was very old in its 
origin, but it was limited to the priest class belong- 
ing to regular orders. Towards the end of the 
10th cent, the example of an ex-Emperor, who be- 
came a pilgrim, was followed by many nobles and 
common people. During the centuries of civil 
wars which lasted from the 14th to the 16th, the 
practice became universal. The disgraced nobles 
and defeated warriors, the men who had lost dear 
ones, and those whose properties had been ravaged 
derived their consolation from their devotion to 
deities, and especially from the itinerancies made 
from sanctuary to sanctuary. The most popular 
of these places of pilgrimage were the thirty-three 
Kwannon (Skr. Avalokitesvara, the god or goddess 
of mercy) in the central provinces, the eighty-eight 
temples dedicated to Kobo Daishi,* the sixty-six 
places for the recitation of the Hokke-kyo (Lotus 
of the True Law), etc. The pilgrims go their way 
and prostrate themselves before the shrine, chant- 
ing the hymn ascribed to the deity of each shrine. 
Most of these hymns are simple in idea, saying that 
the deity appeared on the spot because he loved the 
place and wished to attract the people to the place 
and to his worship, and the like. They are also 
crude in rhetoric, and represent the poetic genius 
of the uncultured people in the ages of wars. Yet 
many of these are quite popular even at the 
present day, and they are chanted at meetings in 
private houses.^ 

Since the 17th cent., Buddhist hymnology has 
made hardly any progress (Shinto hymns almost in 
disuse since the 14th). Changes or development in 
melody were left to the various branches of secular 
music (which owe their origin to religious music), 

1 Later on, some wa-san were composed in praise of various 
other Buddhas and saints. 

2 Many of the Buddhist sects in Japan do not use hymns, but 
recite their sacred texts and litanies. 

3 A popular saint who lived in the 9th centur.v. 

4 One group of these hymns is dedicated to Jizo (Skr. Ksiti- 
garbha), revered as the patron deity of children, especially 
dead ; and they are sung in mournful tones in the houses of the 
common people where a child has died. 



and the hymn retains its archaic simplicity, 
with some minor deviations according to sects. A 
feature of Japanese hymns (botli Buddhist and 
Shinto) is that they are not always sung by all 
the worshippers but often by the priests alone. 
Another characteristic is the absence of refrain. 
In the case of the Shinshu hymns, Amita's name 
is repeatedly chanted, in the place of a refrain, 
between two strophes of the hymns. 

LiTKRATURE. — The only literature bearing on the subject has 
been mentioned in the article. M. ANESAKI. 

HYMNS (Muslim). — Music and verse have no 
place in the ordinary worsliip of the Muslims, 
so that it might be ditlicult to find in Islamic 
literature anything precisely analogous to the 
Cliristian hymn. The Qur'an is hostile to the poets, 
and the Prophet was at first careful to dissociate 
himself from them ; he ' had not been taught 
versification' (Qur. xxxvi. 69), and seems never to 
have had any appreciation of it, though towards 
the end of his career he employed a court-poet, 
and allowed poetical eulogies on himself to be 
recited. Still it is asserted that his troops inspired 
themselves on the field with war-songs, which, 
owing to the religious character of their cause, 
might be called hymns ; and the songs of triumph 
which celebrated the early victories of Islam seem 
to deserve the same name; an example is to be 
found in the verses of the poet 'Afif celebrating 
the victory of the Muslims over the apostates of 
Bahrain (Aghani, xiv. 49). 

In the early poetry the verses had ordinarily 
little more than an artificial connexion with each 
other, so that the same poem might contain edify- 
ing and unedifying matter ; but, with the settle- 
ment of the Arabian State and the consequent 
development of study, the departments of poetry 
came to be separated, and two which bear some 
analogy to hymns are encomia of the Prophet and 
his Companions, and the subject called zuhd, i.e. 
' contempt of the woiid.' The composition of the 
former sort began, as has been seen, in the Pro- 
phet's lifetime, and has ever since been popular. 
Perhaps the most celebrated poem of the kind is 
the Burdah of Sharaf al-din Muhammad b. Sa'id 
al-BusIri (t A.D. 1295), in 170 lines. Miraculous 
powers are supposed to be attached to this work, 
which has been frequently interpreted and trans- 
lated. An example of a poem in praise of the 
Companions is that by the inventor of the maqd- 
mah, Badi' al-zaman al-Hamadhani (t A.D. 1008 ; 
see Yaqut, Diet, of Learned Men, ed. Margoliouth, 
London, 1907 ff., i. 114-116). The Slii'ah naturaUy 
have poems in praise of 'Ali, Fatima, and their 
family ; an author of celebrity in this line was 
'All b. 'Abdallah al-Nashi' (t A.D. 976). one of 
whose laments on Husain was chanted by a pro- 
fessional mourner in a mosque (Yaqut, v. 240). 

The beginnings of ascetic poetry are found very 
early ; the author who is usually regarded as the 
best representative of this department is Abu'l- 
'Atahiyah (t A.D. 826, 827, or 829). His dlwan 
(published at the Koman Catholic Press, Beiriit, 
1886) is mainly devotional and introspective ; and, 
were the odes rendered into European verse, their 
content would be found to resemble that of many 
a hymn-book. 

The use of music for the purpose of stirring 
religious emotions scarcely goes back to the time 
of Muhammad, but appears to have commenced 
early in Islam ; 'Ata b. Abi Rabah (t A.D. 734) is 
said to have introduced the practice at Mecca 
during the days of the pilgrimage month called 
tashrlq ; he kept two singing- women to perform on 
these occasions [Qut al-qulub of Abu 'Talib al- 
Makki, Cairo, 1310, ii. 62), and the custom was 
maintained in the ^ijaz. Probably the verses 



48 



HYMNS (Samaritan and Karaite) 



sung by these women were erotic ; but the Sufis 
habitually address the Divine Being in the terms 
of the erotic passion, and it is often difficult to tell 
whether a poet is allegorizing or not. The erotic 
poems of Ibn al-Mu'allim (t A.D. 1196) were com- 
mitted to memory by the dervishes of the Rifa'i 
order, who sang them at their religious concerts, 
for the purpose of exciting their soiUs to a state of 
rapture (Ibn Khallikan, tr. de Slane, London, 
1842-71, iii. 169). These appear to have been 
primarily erotic ; but those of Ibn al-Farid (t A.D. 
1238), probably the most affecting in the Arabic 
language, seem to have been primarily religious. 

The propriety of employing music and erotic odes 
for this purpose was naturally questioned by the 
orthodox, and some authorities condemn it un- 
hesitatingly. Those who approve of it are inclined 
to confine it to persons who have attained a high 
stage of holiness, and in whom the music can wake 
only sublime thoughts, or with whom it serves as 
an aid to fasting {Qut al-qulub, ii. 61). The in- 
fluence of music on the mind and its effect on 
persons of different spiritual attainment are dis- 
cussed by Sufi writers with great subtlety, e.g. in 
the Kashf al-Mahjub (tr. Nicholson, London, 1911, 
pp. 397-413). It seems clear that there need be 
nothing essentially religious about either the verses 
or the tunes which can be employed devotionally ; 
and the enemies of the Sufis taunt them with 
smging frivolous songs in the mosques and even in 
the great sanctuary of Mecca (al-Alam al-Shdmikh, 
by Salih b. Mahdi al-Muqbili [t 1696], Cairo, 1328, 
p. 380). Naturally the legal systems which forbid 
all music could be quoted in condemnation of these 
performances. 

LrrERATURE. — This has been given in the article. 

D. S. Margoliouth. 

HYMNS (Samaritan and Karaite). — The hymnal 
compositions of the Samaritans and the Karaites, 
though in each case decidedly particularist in 
spirit, are, nevertheless, properly comprehended 
in the wider Israelitish family of devotional verse. 

I. Samaritan hymns. — Out of the great mass of 
valuable details tliat have resulted from A. E. 
Cowley's investigation (see Literature at the end), 
it becomes evident that the data bearing on the 
composition of the Samaritan liturgy, which con- 
sists of Pentateuchal lections alternating with 
poetical and prose compositions, appear to justify 
the assignment of special significance to the follow- 
ing three periods, each marking a fresh departure 
in liturgical development: (1) the 4th cent, a.d., 
when Aramaic was the language nsed ; (2) the 
10th and 11th centuries, when Aramaic had ceased 
to be the vernacular, but was still used in liturgy, 
though it had become artificial and mixed with 
Hebraisms ; and (3) the 14th cent, and after, when 
Hebrew, mixed with Aramaisms. had become the 
liturgical language. 

The names of great composers of hymns in the 
4th cent, are Marqah and Amram Darah, the latter 
being possibly identical with Amram b. Sered, the 
father of Marqah ; and the leading synagogal 
reformer, in conjunction with whom both of them 
worked, was Baba the Great, a contemporary of 
the high priest Nethanael, who died A.D. 332. 
Marqah's son Nanah also wrote some devotional 
poetry. The collection of their poems (Marqah's 
pieces being referred to in the texts under his name, 
and Darah's work being known aa the Durran) 
constituted, together with the lections from the 
Pentateuch and a number of prose pieces, the 
original form of the liturgical canon which later 

acquired the title of Defter (J^^ = Si.rpSipa), its 

earliest known representative being the Brirish 
Museum MS Oriental 5034, the greater part of 
which was written in A.D. 12,58 



The dates of the leading writers of the 10th and 
subsequent centuries cannot, in the present state 
of our knowledge, be fixed with much certainty ; 
but Cowley, whilst fully appreciating the confused 
character of the references found in the chronicles 
and elsewhere, considers that the style of the com- 
positions assigned to al - Dustan suggests a date 
in the 11th cent., that Abu'l-5a3an of Tyre also 
belongs to some part of the 11th cent., and that 
Ab Gelugah and Tabiah b. nm flourished in the 
early part of the 12th century. Firmer ground 
is reached in the allocation of dates in the third 
period. The founder of the new school of writers 
was apparently the high priest Pinhas (1308-63), 
and the talent and zeal shown by him remained 
hereditary in his family for some generations. Of 
his two sons, Eleazar and Abisha, the former, who 
left only a small number of liturgical pieces, suc- 
ceeded to the ofiice of high priest, whUst to the 
latter, who enjoyed a great reputation as a writer, 
seventeen pieces can be assigned with certainty, 
and seven others with a high degree of probability. 
Pinhas, the son of Abisha, who succeeded his uncle 
Eleazar in the high priesthood, and died in 1442, 
was also a liturgical writer. 

There is, on the other hand, considerable uncer- 
tainty regarding the date of the liturgist Pinhas 
b. Ithamar, who was high priest at Damascus. 
Cowley is inclined to accept A.H. 793 (A.D. 1391) 
as the beginning of his term of office, but he ac- 
knowledges that the possibility of his having 
flourished about a century later is not excluded. 
There is also some uncertainty about the dates of 
several other hymn- writers connected with Damas- 
cus (e.g., Abraham 'jnn'.i, probably about the middle 
of the 15th cent. ; Seth Aaron b. Isaac, probably 
about the same date). Of the hymn-writers of 
later times, chiefly belonging to the Levitical,^ the 
Danfi, and the Marhib families, only a few repre- 
sentative names can be mentioned in this place. 
A prolific writer of the first-named family was 
Tabiah (or Ghazzal) b. Isaac (t 1787), and among 
the latest hymn-writers of the same stock was 
Pinhas b. Isaac (t 1898). The Danfi names which 
most frequently occur are Murjan and Muslim 
(sriDS^D), and the latest member of the Marhib 
family to write liturgical compositions was Abra- 
ham b. Ishmael, who was living in 1828. 

For a list of the services (which, as may be 
expected, follow mutatis mutandis the order of 
the Jewish liturgy) and the manner in which 
the poetical pieces are distributed in them, see 
Cowley's edition of the Samaritan liturgy, which 
includes an ' Index of First Lines ' of the pieces 
published in the work (Introd. pp. Ixxiii-xcv).' 

' With regard to metre in the poetical composi- 
tions,' writes Cowley, 'no certainty is possible, 
since pronunciation varied at different periods and 
we know little about it at any time.' He, how- 
ever, agrees that some pieces seem to be metrical, 
though the majority exhibit only 'some sort of 
rhythm.' The alphabetical acrostic has been very 
usual since the time of Marqah, and the acrostic 
giving the author's name, which is found once in 
Marqah (piece beginning nnm '.t iSn rmin'jNi mo), 
is very usual in later pieces. Rhyme, which is 
used by neither Marqah nor Darah, becomes very 
common in the later periods, when it is not infre- 
quently (in the long hymns) employed up to a high 

1 The high -priestly family of Aaronic descent died out in 
1623-24 ; from that date onward the office descended to mem- 
bers of the family of Uzziel, a younger son of Rohath. 

2 The services in praise of the prophet Moses, as exemplified 
by the British Museum MS Additional 19,021 (Arabic ; composed 
in 1537 by the Shaikh Isma'il ibn Badr ibn Abul-'Izz ibn Rumaih), 
should be added to the list embodied in Cowley's edition. It 
should also be noted that the Samaritan order appears to betray 
at some points conscious imitation of the Jewish liturgy (so, e.g., 
the frequently occurring forms of nines"). 



HYMNS (Vedio) 



49 



de^Tce of teiliou.snena, a long row of liues ending 
in the same rliynie. 

2. Karaite hymns. — At the foundation of Kara- 
ism, about A.D. 750, the traditional liturgy of the 
Je\v3 was, as a part of Talmudical legalism, dis- 
carded by the sectaries, and the Pentateuch, the 
Psalter, and other parts of the OT were hencefortli 
to constitute the only sources from which, besides 
lections, ]irayers and devotional songs were to be 
drawn. The totally unimaginative and stationary 
attitude which Anan enjoined on his followers 
could not, however, be maintained for very long ; 
and, just as the abandonment of Talmudical her- 
meneutics and general Halakhah led to the gradual 
development of an almost equally involved system 
of Karaite legal hermene\itics. so also in the course 
of time, the Rabbinic liturgy was replaced by a 
Karaite ritual running on parallel lines with the 
Eabbanite services. As, moreover, the Karaite 
leaders possessed the sense of logical consistency 
in a much higher degree than the poetic faculty, 
they for the most part not only found it necessary 
to miitate the hymnal models of the Rabbanites, 
but even could not help admitting Rabbanite com- 
positions into theu' liturgical collections (as by 
Solomon ibn Gabirol and Yehudah hal-Levi). 

The most prominent among Karaite liturgical 
authors was Moses Dar'i, who was also successful 
as a writer of secular poems. He is believed in 
Karaite circles to h.ave flourished about the middle 
of the 9th cent., and it is, accordingly, claimed 
that Solomon ibn Gabirol, Moses ibn Ezra, Yehudah 
hal-Levi, and other Rabbanite poets worked on 
models provided by Dar'i. Investigations — princi- 
pally by Steinschneider and Geiger — have, however; 
shown that the position must be reversed, Dar'i 
having in reality been the borrower from the Rab- 
banite poets referred to, so that the end of the 12th 
cent, is the eai'liest date that can be assigned to him . 

The greatest name connected with the develop- 
ment of the Karaite liturgy is that of Aaron b. 
Joseph {called Aaron the Elder to distinguish him 
from Aaron b. Elijah of Nicomedia), who flourished 
at Constantinople (though horn in Sulchat in the 
Crimea) in the second half of the 13th and be- 
ginning of the 14th cent., and who is often affec- 
tionately referred to at the head of his poetical 
compositions in the printed Karaite Service Books 
as "jimn ('the Master, may his memory be for a 
blessing'). The impression made by Aaron b. 
Joseph's personality and work (which includes a 
series of poetical pieces for the pericopes of the 
Pentateuch as liturgically recited throughout the 
year) was, indeed, so great that his redaction of 
the liturgy remained, under somewhat varied 
forms, the norm of the Karaite services down to 
the present day. Traces of other rituals, in some 
cases actually exhibiting different sets of liturgical 
poems, and m other cases also having no doubt 
contained pieces by other authors, are, however, 
not lacking. Joseph b. Mordeeai Troki, writing 
to his countryman Elijah Bashiatsi (both of them 
having belonged to the Byzantine body of Karaites) 
towards the end of the 15th cent., states that 
there were at that time three different rituals in 
the hands of the Karaites : ( 1 ) by one of the early 
liturgists (D'jiDipnD 'n), (2) by Aaron b. Joseph, just 
mentioned, and (3) by Joseph, the father of the 
same Aaron (see Neubauer, Aus der Petersburger 
Bibliothek, Leipzig, 1866, pp. 58, 140). More de- 
finite evidence of the existence of different rituals 
is afforded by the British Museum MSS Or. 2531 
(dated A.D. 1700), 2530 (16th-17th cent.), and Or. 
2532 (written about A.D. 1700), the first represent- 
ing the ritual of Damascus, and the last two that 
of Jerusalem (for full descriptions, with lists of 
pieces, see Margoliouth, Cat. of the Heb. and 
Samar. MSS in the Brit. Mus. ii. nos. 725-727). 

VOL. VII. — 4 



Among the other noted Karaite authors who — 
for the most part in addition to works of largei 
compass — composed liturgical poems are Aaron b. 
Elijah of Nicomedia (14tli cent., already referred 
to), Israel b. Samuel Rofe (early 14th cent.), Samuel 
al-Maghribi (i.e. of North Africa; in this case, 
Cairo; early 15th cent.), Elijah liashiatsi (already 
referred to), Caleb Kfendopolo (latter half of loth 
cent., first at Adrianople, then Constantinople), 
Yehudah b. Elijah GibbOr (author of .•nm- nmo, 
consisting of a series of poems on the pericopes of 
the Pentateuch ; beginning of 16th cent.), Daniel b. 
Moses Peroz (living at Damascus in the latter part 
of the 17th cent., where he also composed an intro- 
ductory treatise on the Damascus ritual), Isaac b. 
Shalom (end of the ISth cent.), and another writer 
of the same name (presumably resident in the 
Crimea, now the only important part of Karaite 
settlements), who edited the Karaite Service Book 
printed at Vienna in 1854. In the Museum MSS 
referred to the name Samuel 'id very frequently 
appears as the author of hymns, and other names 
(such as c'7ifD = Muslim or Meshullam, and Mansur) 
occurring there also await further investigation. 
Among the topics dealt with are the praises of 
Moses, Aaron, Samuel, and Elijah. In the hymns 
occurring in the MSS, Hebrew is sometimes inter- 
mixed with Arabic, and occasionally Arabic only 
is employed. It furthermore remains to say that 
the order of the Karaite services corresponds 
(again, of course, mutatis nivtandis) to the Jewish 
Synagogue services, and that in point of metre, 
rhyme, acrostics (both alphabetical and of authors' 
names), etc., the Karaite liturgical poems run on 
parallel lines with the Rabbanite Piyyutlin. 

Literature. — i. Samahitan. — The most important wjrk to 
consult is The Samaritan Liturgy, ed. A. E. Cowley, Oxford, 
1910, on which the section dealing with Samaritan hymns has 
been based. Other works (or articles) are ; W. Gesonius, 
Carmina Samaritana e codicibus Londonienslhrts et Gothaiiis. 
LeipzifT, 1824 ; M. Heidenheim, Die samaritaniscke Liturgie, 
Leipzig, 18S5 ( = Bibtiothcca Samaritana, ii.), and a number of 
liturgical pieces in different parts of Deutsche V ierteljakrs- 
schrift filr enf/lisch - theoL For.tchung und Krilik, 1861-71; 
A. J. Merx, ' CarminLi Samaritana e codice Gothano,' in Atti 
della reale academia dei Lincei, Rome, 1887 ; L. Rappoport, 
La Liturgie sarnaritaine : ojfice du soir des fHes, etc., Paris, 
19C10 ; G. Margoliouth, ' An Ancient MS of the Samaritan 
Liturgy ' [i.e. the Brit. Mus. MS Or. 5034, referred to in the 
article], in ZDMG Ii. [1897] 499; J. A. Montgomery, The 
Samaritans, Philadelphia, 1907, wiiere also a number of further 
details on this literature will be found (bibliography, pp. 
322-346). 

ii. Karaite. — The two principal editions of the Liturgy (totb 
representing forms of Aaron b. Joseph's redaction) are mO 
D'unpn niVrn, Vienna, 1S54, and D'Knpn jn:D3 niVsn, Odessa and 
Wilna, 1868-72. Complete lists of hymns found in the Brit. 
Mus. Karaite liturgical MSS are given in G. Margoliouth, Cat. 
of the Ueb. and Samar. ilSS in the Brit. Mus., London, 190O ff., 
ii. 450-487. Lists of hymns in the comparatively few Karaite 
liturgical MSS in Berlin are given in M. Steinschneider's Heb. 
Handschr. ii. [Berlin, 1897J no. 198 ; Aus der Petersburger 
Bibliothek, by A. Neubauer, has been referred to in the body 
of the art., and scattered information on liturgical topics will 
be found in the works named in the bibliography appended to 
A. de Harkavy's art. 'Karaites,* in JE vii. [1904] 438. 

G. Margoliouth. 
HYMNS (Vedic).— I. Importance.— The body 
ot 'literature comprising the Vedic hymns claims 
a very liigh place in the history of civilization ; for 
it supplies the investigator not only of Indian but 
of Aryan life with his most ancient data. The 
language in which they are composed furnishes the 
student of comparative philology with his oldest 
and most abundant material. From the informa- 
tion contained in them can be constructed a fairly 
detailed description of the social and political con- 
ditions of the earliest Aryan inhabitants of India. 
In them we find the sources of Aryan mythology 
and religion : here alone can be traced the process 
of personification by which gods were evolved from 
natural phenomena, and the stages by which poly- 
theism was transformed into the pantheism that 
for far more than two thousand years has domi- 



50 



HYMNS (Vedic) 



nated the thought of the Hindus. In them can be 
discerned the foundations of the indigenous Aryan 
religions of India — Hinduism, Jainism, and Buddh- 
ism : the first the faith of four-fifths of the Indians 
of to-day, the last a world religion that has pro- 
foundly influenced the civilization of the Farther 
East. Without a knowledge of them these later 
religions cannot be understood any more than the 
NT without the OT. 

2. Definition. — Owing to the somewhat dilierent 
sense attaching to the word in other literatures, it 
is necessary to define the term ' hymn ' as applied 
to the Vedas. Here it means a ritual poem con- 
sisting, on the liigher side of religion, in praises of 
the gods, and generally accompanying the sacrifice 
offered to them ; or, on its lower side, in sj^ells or 
charms directed against hostile powers, and ac- 
companying some domestic practice of a magical 
character. Hymns of the former type, in which 
praise of one or more of the gods associated with 
prayers for all sorts of worldly goods is the chief 
feature, are collected in the Rigveda, the oldest of 
the four Vedas. Hymns of the latter type consti- 
tute the main contents of the latest of the four, 
the Atharvaveda. The use of the term ' hymn ' is 
also extended so as to include a certain number 
of poems, philosophical or even quite secular in 
character, that have found their way into the 
canonical form of both these Vedas. These two 
collections alone consist of hymns. 

The other tsvo Vedas are formed of disconnected 
verses or spells employed solely for application to 
special ritual purposes. The Saraaveda contains 
hardly any independent matter, all its verses (ex- 
cept 75) being borrowed from the Rigveda and used 
exclusively in the ritual of the Soma sacrifice. 
These verses are strung together without any in- 
ternal connexion, being significant only as appli- 
cable to a particular rite M'hen they are chanted 
in the various melodies collected in certain song- 
books. The Yajurveda consists solely of ritual 
formulas (about one-half being in prose), which, 
unlike the verses of the Samaveda, are successively 
applicable to the whole sacrificial ceremonial. 
About one-half of its metrical portion is borrowed 
from the Rigveda, the remaining three-fourths of 
its contents being original. Owing to the com- 
pelling force which, by the time of this Veda, the 
sacrifice was regarded as possessing, its formulas 
virtually belong to the sphere of witchcraft : they 
are sacrificial spells, not differing fundamentally 
from the domestic spells of the Atharvaveda. 

3. Chronology. — According to the native tra- 
ditional authorities, the Vedas were the creation 
of Brahma, and were onlj' revealed to or, as they 
express it, seen by various seers irsis). Scientific 
investigation, however, has shown from internal 
evidence that not only the four Vedas but parts of 
the same Veda ditter in age, and that tliey were 
composed by seers who belonged to various families, 
and who often refer to the skill with which they 
have endeavoured to fashion a new hymn to win 
the favour of the gods. But, although the relative 
ages of the various Vedas are known, we have 
nothing in the nature of exact chronology in re- 
gard to them. All that we can say is that the lower 
limit of the period covered by them must neces- 
sarily be fixed at several centuries before 500 B.C., 
the approximate date of the spread of Buddhism 
on India. For Buddhism presupposes the exist- 
ence not only of the Vedas themselves, but of the 
intervening theological and theosophical literature 
if the Bralimanas and Upanisads (see Vedic Re- 
ligion, 2, b, c). Since that literature is extensive 
and betrays a considerable development of ideas 
within its limits, it cannot be assumed to have 
begun later than about 800 B.C. Again, the evi- 
dence of their language, their religious ideas, and 



their geographical data proves that the Vedas vary 
greatly in age. Thus we find that, between the 
time when the earliest and the latest Vedic hymns 
were composed, the Aryan invaders had spread 
right across Northern India from Eastern Kabul- 
istan to the delta of the Ganges. SimUar evidence 
indicates the existence of successive chronological 
strata within each Veda. To allow for all this 
gradual development it is necessary to postulate a 
period of some centuries, decidedly longer, foi 
example, than that between Homeric and classical 
Greek. Hence tne age of the Vedic hymns cannot 
be assumed to begin later than about the 13th cent. 
B.C. In the opinion of the present writer, which 
practically agrees with the earlier moderate esti- 
mate of Max Muller in his Ancient Sanskrit 
Literature, five hundred years are amply sufficient 
to account for the gradual changes, linguistic, re- 
ligious, social, and political, that this hymn litera- 
ture reveals. We have only to reflect on the 
vast transformation wrought on the continent of 
America by the lapse of only four centuries since 
the European immigration began. H. Jacobi, 
however, and an Indian scholar, B. G. TUak, in 
1893 independently arrived at the conclusion, on 
astronomical grounds, that the period of Vedie 
culture goes back to a far higher antiquity. The 
latter claims for some Vedic texts the immensely 
remote date of 6000 B.C., while, according to the 
former, the hymns of the Rigveda must at any rate 
be earlier than 3000 B.C. This is not the place to 
discuss the complicated arguments on which these 
results are based. Suffice it to say that such dis- 
tinguished authorities as Whitney, Oldenberg, 
and Thibaut all refuse to accept these deductions, 
which are founded on the assumption that the 
early Indians possessed an exact astronomical 
knowledge of the sun's (not the moon's) course in 
relation to the lunar mansions, such as there is no 
evidence, or even probability, that they actually 
possessed. The astronomical calculations are not 
in doubt ; it is the validity of the assumptions and 
inferences which constitute the starting-point of 
those calculations that is in the highest degree 
questionable. The possibility of extreme antiquity 
seems to be disproved by the relationship of the 
earliest literature of the Avesta {q.v.), estimated 
to date from the 6th cent. B.C. , to the Vedic hymns. 
That relationship is linguistically (to say nothing 
of religious ideas and practices) already so close 
that, if the language of the Avesta were known 
to us at a stage earlier by six or seven centuries, it 
could hardly differ at all from that of the Vedic 
hymns. It therefore seems impossible to avoid the 
conclusion that the Indians cannot have separated 
from the Iranians much earlier than about 1300 
B.C. By Jacobi's hypothesis the Indians had al- 
ready separated from them before 4500 B.C. From 
this it follows that both the Indian and the Iranian 
language remained practically unchanged for the 
truly vast period of over 3000 years, whereas in 
a similar period the Vedic language has undergone 
the immense changes represented by the present 
condition of the modern vernaculars of India. The 
present writer's view does not seem to be invali- 
dated by Hugo Winckler's discovery, in 1907, of the 
names of the Indian deities Mitra, Varuna, Indra, 
Nasatya (in the form of mi-it-ra, uru-w-na, in-da- 
ra, and na-Sa-at-ti-ia), in an inscription dating 
from 1400 B.C., at Boghaz-keui in Asia Minor. 
The phonetic form of these names quite well ad- 
mits of their being assigned to the Indo-Iranian 
period, when the Indians and Persians were still 
one people. The date of the inscription would 
allow two centuries for the separation of the 
Indians, their migration to India, and the com- 
mencement of Vedic hymn literature in the north- 
west of Hindustan. 



HYMNS (Vedic) 



SI 



4. Growth of the hymn collections. — When the 
tndo- Aryans entered India by tlie passes of the 
Hindu-Kush, they brought witli thcin a religion 
in which various powers of Nature were personified 
and worshipped as gods, of wliom a few, hucIi as 
Dyaiis ( = Z6iys), go bade to the Indo-European 

feriod, and several others, such as Mitra, Varuna, 
ndra, to the Indo-Iranian period. A comparison 
of Veda and Avesta shows tnat they also brought 
with them the cult of lire and of Soma, and were 
aco^uainted with the art of composing religious 
lyrics in several metres. The object with which 
most of these ancient hymns were composed was 
to win the favour of the gods by praises accom- 
panying the oblation of melted butter in the fire 
and the offering of the iuice of the Soma plant on 
a litter of grass. Doubtless many hymns of this 
character composed in the earliest period of the 
Aryan invasion have been lost. Those which 
have survived were composed almost exclusively 
by singers of the hereditary priestly class. They 
were handed down in difl'erent families by memory, 
not by writing, which cannot have been introduced 
into India before 800 B.C. at the earliest. These 
family groups of hymns were by gradual stages 
brought together till, with successive additions, 
they assumed the earliest complete form of the 
Higveda, from which the later Vedas, when they 
came into being, borrowed a considerable part of 
their matter. The different Vedaa were then 
handed down by a separate tradition till they 
were edited in their final form called Samhitd, 
with which the second period of their textual his- 
tory begins, and in which they have come down to 
us. The constitution of the Samhita text of the 
Rigveda must have taken place at the end of the 
period of the Brahmanas or about 600 B.C., but 
before the appendages to those works, called 
Upanisads (see Vedic Religion, 2, c), came into 
bein^. The editors of the Sariihita did not alter 
the diction of the text already in existence, but 
merely applied to it certain later euphonic rules, 
by which, in particular, vowels are contracted or 
changed to semi-vowels in such a way as to obscure 
the metre. On the completion of this work extra- 
ordinary precautions were taken to preserve intact 
the sacred text fixed in this manner. The first 
step was the constitution, by a grammarian named 
Sakalya, of the Pnda, or ' word ' text, in which all 
the words of the Samhita are separated and given 
in their original form as unaffected by the rules 
of euphonic combination, and all compounds are 
analyzed. This text, which practically consti- 
tutes the earliest commentary on the Kigveda, 
was followed by others of a more complex character 
devised to prevent the possibility of any change or 
loss in the sacred collection of hymns. The result 
of all these safeguards is that the text of the 
Rigveda has been handed down for 2500 years 
practically unmodified, with a fidelity elsewhere 
unparalleled. There is evidence showing that even 
in the earlier period of the text the hymns of the 
Rigveda were preserved with such care that, if the 
Samhita text is pronounced with due regard to 
metre, it represents the hymns almost in the very 
form in which they proceeded from the lips of their 
composers. The Saiiihitas of the other Vedas were 
also provided with Pada texts and other safe- 
guards, but the tradition in their case has been 
a good deal less trustworthy than that of the 
Rigveda. 

5. Language and metre. — The language in which 
the Rigveda (and to a less extent the other Vedas) 
is composed represents the oldest stage of the 
classical Sanskrit stereotyped by the grammarian 
Panini (c. 300 B.C.), differing from the Tatter about 
as much as Homeric from Attic Greek. It is much 
richer in grammatical forms. Thus it possesses a 



subjunctive in frequent use and some twelve forms 
of tlie infinitive. The former lias entirely died 
out in Sanskrit, while of the latter only a single 
form survives. The language of the Vedic hymns 
also diflers from Sanskrit in its accent, which is 
marked in all the Sarhhitas, and, like that of the 
ancient Greeks, is of a musical nature, depending 
essentially on the jiitch of the voice, not the stress. 
This accent was, some time after the beginning of 
our era, exchanged in Sanskrit, as in later Greek, 
for a stress accent. 

All the hymns of the Rigveda are metrical. 
They consist of stanzas mostly of four verses or 
lines, but also of three and sometimes five. The 
line, called pdda ('a fourth'), forms the metrical 
unit, consisting generally of eight, eleven, or 
twelve syllables. A stanza is usually composed 
of lines of the same kind ; but a few of the rarer 
forms of stanza consist of a combination of difl'erent 
lines. The metres are about fifteen in number, 
but of these only seven are at all common. Three 
of them, the trisiubh (four lines of eleven syllables), 
the gayatri (three of eight), and the jar/ati (four of 
twelve), are by far the most frequent, accounting 
for two-thirds of the total number of the stanzas 
in the Rigveda. The metres of the Vedic hymns, 
compared with those of Sanskrit, of which they 
are largely the foundation, are somewhat elastic 
and irregular : only the rhythm of the last four or 
five syllables in the line is fixed, while that of the 
first part is not subject to any fixed rule. They 
occupy a position midway between the metres of 
the Indo-Iranian period, in which (according to 
the evidence of the Avesta) the metrical principle 
was the number of syllables only, and those of 
Sanskrit, in which (excepting the epic stanza 
called Hoka] the quantity of every single syllable 
in the line is determined. Generally a Vedic hymn 
consists of stanzas in the same metre : a typical 
variation of this rule is to mark the conclusion of 
the hymn by a stanza in a difl'erent metre. A 
certain number of hymns are strophic in their 
construction. The strophes in them consist either 
of three stanzas in the same simple metre, usually 
gayatri, or of the combination of two stanzas in 
difl'erent mixed metres. The latter strophic type 
is found chiefly in the eighth book of the Rigveda 
and is called pragatha. 

6. Extent and divisions of the Rigveda. — The 
Rigveda consists of 1017 or (counting eleven that 
are recognized as a later addition) 1028 hymns, 
containing altogether about 10,600 stanzas. The 
average length of a hymn is thus rather more than 
ten stanzas. The shortest hymn consists of only 
one stanza and the longest of fifty-eight. The 
Samhita text, if printed continuously like prose 
and in Roman characters, would fill an octavo 
volume of about 600 pages of 33 lines each. The 
Rigveda is divided into parts in two ways. The one 
division is a purely mechanical one into astakas, 
or ' eighths,' of about equal length, each of these 
consisting of eight adhyayas, or 'lessons,' each of 
which is subdivided into vargas, or ' groups,' of 
five or six stanzas. The other division is into ten 
mandalas, or ' books ' (literally ' cycles '), and 
suktas, or 'hymns.' The latter system is a his- 
torical one, throwing light on the manner in which 
the collection arose. It is, therefore, the division 
invariably followed by Western scholars at the 
present day in dealing with or quoting the hymns 
of the Rigveda. 

7. Arrangement. — Of the ten books, six (ii. to vii.) 
are homogeneous. The hymns contained in each 
of them were, according to native tradition, com- 

Eosed ('seen ') by singers of the same family, which 
anded them down as its own collection. This 
tradition is supported by the internal evidence of 
the seers' names mentioned in the hymns and of 



52 



HYMNS (Vedic) 



the refrains occurring in those books. Hence they 
are generally designated the 'family books.' The 
principle of arrangement which prevails in them is 
uniform, each of them being divided in the same 
way into groups addressed to different deities. 
Books i., viii., and x. are not the composition of 
families, and the groups of which they consist are 
the productions of different individual seers. Book 
ix. is peculiar in that all its hymns are addressed 
to one deity. Soma, while their arrangement is in 
no way connected with their authors, for the groups 
within it are constituted by identity of metre. In 
tlie family books the first group is always addressed 
to Agni, the second to Indra, and those that follow 
to less important deities. The arrangement of the 
hymns within these deity groups is in the diminish- 
ing order of the number of stanzas. Thus in bk. ii. 
the Agni group of ten hymns begins with one con- 
taining 16 stanzas, the last having only six. The 
first hymn of the Indra group here has 21 stanzas, 
the last only four. The entire group of family 
books, again, is arranged according to the ascend- 
ing number of the hymns they contain, if later 
additions are allowed for. Thus the second book 
has 43 hymns, the third 62, the sixth 75, and the 
seventh 104. The homogeneousness of these books 
renders it probable that they formed the nucleus of 
the Rigveda, which grew to its final extent by later 
successive accretions. The first of these additions 
seems to have been the second part of bk. i., which, 
as formed of nine groups, each by a different author, 
came to be collected and prefixed to the family 
collections, following the latter as their pattern in 
their internal arrangement. The eighth resembles 
the family books, inasmuch as it is composed for 
the most part by members of one family, the 
Kanvas. But it differs from them in other re- 
spects. Thus it does not begin with a group of 
hymns addressed to Agni ; and it is peculiar in the 
predominance of the strophic prac/atha metre. The 
fact that it contains fewer hymns than bk. vii. 
indicates that it was not included in the collection 
of family books ; but its somewhat analogous 
character caused it to be the first to be added at 
the end of that collection. The hymns forming 
the first part of bk. i. (1-50) have various points in 
common with those contained in bk. viii. ; more 
than half of them seem to have been composed by 
seers of the Kanva family ; the atrophic metre 
affected by that family reappears in them ; and 
many similar or identical passages are found in 
the two collections. The present state of research 
does not enable us to decide the chronological 
priority of the two collections or to explain why 
they were divided. The fact, however, remains 
that they were added at the beginning and the end 
of an older collection. 

The addition of bk. ix. was the direct result of 
the formation of the first eight into a unit. This 
book consists entirely of hymns addressed to Soma 
and recited while the pressed juice of the plant was 
' clarifying ' {pavamana). Their composers were 
seers belonging to the same families as those of 
bks. ii.-vii., as is shown, among other evidence, by 
the occurrence of refrains peculiar to those families. 
The hymns to Soma Pavamana have all been ex- 
tracted from the family books (in which no Soma 
hymn of any kind occurs), as well as from bks. i. 
and viii. (which contain only one and two hymns 
respectively to Soma in his general character), 
being gathered into one book as the hymns proper 
to the Udgatr, or chanting priest (while the rest 
belonged to the sphere of the Hotr, or reciting 
priest), and added at the end of bks. i.-viii. There 
is no ground for supposing that these Soma hymns 
were of later date than the others. On the con- 
trary, the presumption is that the hymns belong- 
ing to the Soma ritual, which goes back to the 



Indo-Iranian period, date from early Vedic times. 
It has not as yet been possible to detect difi'erencea 
of chronology in this book. As to its internal 
arrangement the order of its first 60 hymns depends 
on the number of their stanzas, which decreases 
from 10 to 4. In the remaining 54, some of which 
are very long (one having as many as 58 stanzas), 
this principle is not observed. The two parts also 
differ in regard to metre ; for, while the first 60 
hymns are composed (except 4 stanzas) in gdyatrl, 
nearly all the rest consist of groups in other metres : 
thus 68-86 form a jagati, 87-97 a tristubh group. 

Book x. was added last of all. It is undoubtedly, 
as its language and contents show, of later origin 
than the rest of the Rigveda. Its composers were 
evidently acquainted with the older books. Not 
only the position that it occupies at the end of the 
whole collection, but the fact that the number of 
its hymns (191) is made up to that of bk. i., is an 
indication of its supplementary nature. It consists 
of hymns by a large number of seers of difi'erent 
families, the names of some of which occur in other 
books. But the traditional names of the authors 
of a great many of these hymns are very doubtful. 
Though this book is in general more modem than 
the rest, it contains some hymns as old, and at 
least as poetical, as the average of those in other 
books. Such hymns perhaps found their way into 
this supplementary collection because they had for 
some reason been previously overlooked. As a 
whole, the tenth book approximates in language 
and general character to the Atharvaveda, with 
which it is also closely associated. For of about 
1350 stanzas from the Rigveda incorporated in the 
Atharvaveda more than 40 per cent are taken from 
bk. X. Here, in contrast with the other books, we 
find earlier grammatical forms and words growing 
obsolete, while indulgence in abstract ideas and 
philosophical speculation, as well as the introduc- 
tion of matter connected with witchcraft, such as 
is characteristic of the Atharvaveda, has much 
increased. 

8. Subject-matter. — The great bulk of the hsrmns 
of the Rigveda consist of invocations of various 
deities. Their contents are, therefore, largely 
mythological, and furnish the main source of our 
knowledge of Vedic religion {q.v.). The gods to 
whom most hymns are addressed are Agni (about 
200), Indra (over 250), and Soma (over 100), who 
thus between them claim considerably more than 
one-half of the whole Rigveda. 

Only a few hymns (not exceeding 30) are not 
intended for the worship of gods or deified objects. 
About a dozen of these, almost restricted to bk. x., 
are concerned with magical practices, the proper 
sphere of the Atharvaveda. Two such (ii. 42, 43) 
deal Avith augury ; two others are directed against 
poisonous vermin (i. 191) and the disease called 
yaksma (x. 163) ; two (x. 58 ; 60, 7-12) consist of 
incantations for the preservation of life ; one (v. 55) 
is a charm to induce sleep ; two (x. 183 ; 162) are 
spells for procuring offspring or for warding off a 
demon destructive of children ; one (x. 166) is 
directed against enemies, another (x. 145) against 
rival wives ; one (x. 159) is a song of triumph over 
rivals ; another (vii. 103) a panegyric of ftrogs as 
magical bringers of rain. 

Some 20 others are more or less secular poems, 
concerned with social customs, moral questions, 
riddles, and cosmogonic speculations. Several of 
these are especially important as throwing light 
on the earliest thought and civilization of India, 
though much information of this character may be 
gathered from incidental references scattered 
through the rest of the collection. One of the 
most noteworthy is the long wedding hymn (x. 85) 
connected with the marriage ceremonial, though 
containing a large admixture of mythologicaJ 



HYMNS (Vedic) 



53 



matter. There are also in bk. x. five hymns 
(14-18) dealing with funeral rites. Four of them, 
liowever, aro addressed to deities concerned with 
the life beyond the grave. The last, being quite 
secular in tone, supplies more information than 
any of the rest about the funeral usages of early 
Vedic India (see Death and Disposal of the 
Dead [Hindu]). 

Besides several mythological dialogues in which 
the speakers are divine beings (iv. 62; x. 51, 52; 
86 ; 108), there are two in which one or both agents 
are human. One is a somewhat obscure colloquy 
(x. 95) between a mortal lover Pururavas and a 
celestial nymph, who is on the point of forsaking 
him. The other (x. 10) is a dialogue between the 
twins Yama and YamI, the ancestors of the human 
race. This group of hymns has a special literary 
interest as precursors of the dramatic poetry of a. 
later age. 

Among the secular hymns of the Rigveda are to 
be included the danastutis ( ' praises of gifts '), which 
are represented by one complete hymn (i. 126) and 
appendages of 3-5 stanzas to over 30 others. They 
are poems of a semi-historical character, being 
panegyrics on liberal patrons in whose behalf the 
singers composed their hymns to accompany the 
sacrifice. They furnish incidental genealogical 
information about the seers and their employers, 
as well as about the names and habitat of the 
Vedic tribes. They are late in date, belonging 
chiefly to bks. i. and x., and to supplementary 
hymns of bk. viii. 

Four of the secular hymns are of a didactic type. 
One of them (x. 34) is a remarkable poem, being 
the lament of a gambler who, unable to resist the 
fascination of the dice, deplores the ruin he has 
brought on himself and his family. The other 
three, describing the various ways in which men 
follow gain (ix. 112) and praising wise speech 
(x. 71) or the value of good deeds (x. 117), are the 
forerunners of the sententious poetry which was so 
assiduously cultivated in post-Vedic Sanskrit 
literature. 

Two of the hymns of the Kigveda consist of 
riddles. One of them (viii. 29) in ten stanzas 
describes various gods by their characteristic 
marks, leaving it to the hearer to guess who in 
each case is meant. A far more elaborate collec- 
tion of riddles is a long hymn (i. 164) consisting of 
52 stanzas. These propound, in mystical and 
symbolic language, a number of enigmas, many 
of them connected with the sun. Thus the wheel 
of order with 12 spokes, revolving round the 
heavens and containing within it in couples 720 
sons, means the year with its 12 months and 360 
days. 

Lastly, there are six or seven cosmogonic hymns 
containing speculations regarding the origin of 
the world in connexion with a Creator (called by 
different names) as distinct from any of the ordi- 
nary gods. Only one of them (x. 129), however, 
treats the subject in a purely philosophic spirit, 
as an evolutionary process from the non-existent 
(a-sat) to the existent {sat), and thus forms the 
starting-point of Indian philosophy. 

From the geographical data furnished by the 
Rigveda, especially the numerous rivers mentioned 
there, we are justified in concluding that at the 
time when these hymns were composed the Aryan 
tribes were in occupation of the territory drained 
by the Indus river system lying between 35° and 
28° northern latitude and 70° and 78° eastern longi- 
tude, and corresponding roughly to the North- 
west Frontier Province and the Panjab of to-day. 
This conclusion is borne out by the references to 
the flora and fauna of the country in which they 
were settled. 

From the historical data of the hymns we further 



learn tliat the Aryans were still engaged in war- 
faro with the original inhabitants. Many victories 
over these foes are recorded, and once 1000 of them 
are said to have been bound and 30,000 slain with 
the aid of Indra. That the Aryans were still bent 
on conquest is to be inferred from the mention of 
rivers as barriers to tlieir progress. Though split 
up into numerous tribes, they wore conscious of 
religious and racial unity, for they contrasted the 
aborigines, whom they called Dasj'us or Dasas, 
with themselves, designating them as non-sacri- 
ficers and unbelievers, and calling them ' black 
skins' and the ' Dasa colour' as opposed to the 
'Aryan colour.' Tliis racial contrast appears to 
have been tho starting-point of the later system 
of caste [q.v.), the Sanskrit name of which (varna) 
i;ieans ' colour.' The enslaved Dasas became the 
Sudras, the fourth or lowest caste, first mentioned 
in one of the very latest hymns (x. 90) of the 
Rigveda. 

The names of many of the Vedic tribes are men- 
tioned. There was no political cohesion among 
them, for, though they sometimes formed coali- 
tions, they were constantly at war with one 
another. A coalition of several tribes is referred 
to as taking part in the ' battle of the ten kings,' 
when Aryans fought against each other on the 
banks of the Parusni river (now Ravi). 

The hymns also furnish material for a fairly 
detailed account of the social conditions of those 
early days. Thus we find that the family was the 
foundation of society with the father as its head, 
and that women held a freer and more honoured 
position than in later times. Mention is made of 
various crimes, of which robbery, chiefly in the 
form of cattle-lifting, seems to have been the com- 
monest. Indebtedness was known, mainly as a 
result of gambling, and reference is made to the 
clearing ofi' of debt by instalments. Various de- 
tails are given about clothing and personal adorn- 
ment. Thus we see that it was usual to wear an 
upper and lower garment, which were made of 
sheep's wool and were often decorated. Bracelets, 
anklets, necklets, and earrings were used as orna- 
ments. Hair is mentioned as worn in different 
ways. Men usually grew beards, but occasionally 
shaved. The usual food consisted of milk, clarified 
butter, grain, vegetables, and fruit. Meat was 
eaten only on ceremonial occasions, when animals 
were sacrificed. The commonest kind was ap- 
parently beef, since bulls were the chief ofierings 
to the gods. But the sanctity of the cow which 
prevailed, having in fact come down from the 
Indo-Iranian period, gradually grew in strength 
till in later times beef in general came to be abso- 
lutely forbidden, and has remained so among the 
Hindus down to the present day. Two kinds of 
spirituous liquor were made : soma was restricted 
to religious ceremonies or festivals, while surd, 
made from some kind of grain, was that in ordinary 
use. 

That one of the main occupations of the invad- 
ing Aryan was warfare is only natural. He fought 
either on foot or from a chariot ; but, as far as can 
be seen, not on horseback, as in later times. The 
usual weapons were bows and arrows, but spears 
and axes were also employed. Cattle - breeding 
seems to have been the chief means of livelihood : 
cows are the most prominent objects of desire in 
the prayers to the gods. But tillage was also 
practised to some extent. Fields were furrowed 
with a plough drawn by bulls. Corn was cut 'with a 
sickle, and then threshed out and winnowed. The 
mention of channels excavated for water seems to 
indicate that irrigation was not unknown. "Wild 
animals were trapped and snared, or hunted with 
bows and arrows, sometimes with the aid of dogs. 
Navigation in boats (doubtless of a very primitive 



54 



HYMNS (Vedlc) 



type) propelled by paddles seems to have been em- 
ployed mainly for the purpose of crossing rivers. 
Fishing hardly seems to have been practised, prob- 
ably because the rivers of Kabulistan and of the 
Panjab were in those days, as they are now, poor 
in fish. Trade was known only in the form of 
barter, the cow representing the standard by which 
the value of commodities was estimated. 

The primitiveness of life in those days enabled 
every man to supply most of his own wants. But 
it is clear that certain trades and crafts already 
existed, though doubtless in a rudimentary stage. 
One of them was the combined occupation of the 
carpenter and the wheelwright, who, since the 
construction of chariots and carts required special 
skill, must have been much in demand. Skill in 
the composition of hymns is often compared by 
the singers of the Rigveda with the deftness of the 
wheelwright. Mention is also made of the smith 
who smelted ore in a forge, and made kettles and 
other vessels of metal. The tanner, too, is spoken 
of as preparing the skins of animals. Women 
practised plaiting mats of grass or reeds, sewing, 
and especially weaving, but whether they as yet 
ever did so professionally is not clear. 

Among active atnusRments chariot-racing was 
the favourite one, as might have been expected in 
a warlike and conquering population. The social 
recreation most practised was playing with dice, 
which were four in number. Dancing was also 
indulged in, chiefly by women. The people were 
fond of music, playing on the drum (dundubhi), 
the flute (vana), and the lute {mna). The lute has 
from those early days been the favourite musical 
instrument of the Indian. Singing also is often 
mentioned. This art, at least as applied to religi- 
ous purposes, must have advanced beyond a rudi- 
mentary stage by the time the Samaveda was 
compiled, for the melodies in which it was chanted 
were numerous, and are already often refen'ed 
to by their special names in the Brahmanas and 
Upanisads. 

9. Literary merit. — The diction of the hymns of 
the Rigveda is, on the whole, simple and natural. 
The moderate use of compounds, which are practi- 
cally restricted to two members, contrasts strik- 
ingly with their frequency and inordinate length 
in classical Sanskrit. Considering their great 
antiquity, the hymns are composed with a remark- 
able degree of metrical skill and command of 
language. But, as they were produced by a sacer- 
dotal class and were generally intended to accom- 
pany a ceremonial that was no longer primitive, 
their poetry is often impaired by constant sacrificial 
allusioas. This is especially apparent in the hymns 
addressed to the two ritual deities Agni and Soma, 
where the thought, otherwise artless and direct, 
becomes affected by conceits and obscured by 
mysticism. This tendency was probably aggra- 
vated by the necessity of ringing the changes on a 
limited range of ideas throughout a large number 
of hymns, comprising nearly one - third of the 
whole collection. Here we already meet, in its 
earliest form, that partiality for subtle and difficult 
modes of expression which prevails in post-Vedic 
literature, and which one of the Brahmanas already 
indicates by observing that ' the gods love the 
obscure.' In spite of such defects, the Rigveda 
contains much genuine poetry. Since the gods 
addressed are, for the most part, personifications 
of natural phenomena, and their connexion with 
those phenomena is still felt, the praises addressed 
to them give rise to much beautiful and even noble 
imagery. It is, however, only to be expected that 
the literary merit of so large a body of poetry 
should vary considerably. Some hymns accord- 
ingly consist of commonplace and mechanical verse, 
while others attain a high level of poetic excel- 



lence. The average degree of literary skill is in 
fact remarkably high. This is perhaps partly due 
to the fact that these early singers felt the necessity 
of producing a hymn composed with the highest 
art in order to please the gods. A poet often says, 
generally in the last stanza, that he has praised 
the deity according to his knowledge or ability, 
that his hymn is like a well-wrought car, a well- 
woven garment, or a bride adorned for her lover. 

The hymns in which literary merit is most con- 
spicuous may be briefly indicated. The group of 
some twenty addressed to Usas, goddess of Dawn, 
is the most poetical in the Rigveda. It will prob- 
ably be admitted by all who read them, even if 
only in a good translation, that their beauty is 
quite equal, if not superior, to that of the descrip- 
tive religious lyrics of any other literature. Some 
of the hymns to Indra (esp. i. 32) show much 
graphic power in their account of the conflict of 
that god with Vrtra, the demon of drought ; those 
to the Maruts, or storm-gods, often depict with 
much striking imagery the phenomena of thunder 
and lightning, and the mighty onset of the wind. 
One hymn to Parjanya (v. 83) paints the devastat- 
ing effects of the rainstorm with great vividness. 
The hymns addressed to Varuna, the most ethical 
of the Vedic gods, describe the various aspects of 
his sway as moral ruler of the world, in an exalted 
strain of poetry. Several of the mythological 
dialogues already referred to set forth the situation 
with much beauty of language. Such are the 
dialogue between Indra's messenger, Sarama, and 
the demons who have stolen the cows (x. 108), and 
that between the primeval twins, Yama and YamI 
(x. 10). The gambler's lament (x. 34) is the finest 
specimen of pathetic poetry in the Rigveda. Ideas 
connected with death are treated in language of 
impressive and solemn beauty in one of the funeral 
hymns (X. 18). Among the cosmogonic hymns one 
in particular (x. 129) is an example of how pro- 
found philosophic speculation can be clothed in 
poetry of a high order. 

10. Interpretation. — In dealing with the hymna 
of the Rigveda, the important question arises, to 
what extent are we able to understand their real 
sense, considering that they have come down to 
us as an isolated relic from the remotest period of 
Indian literature ? The reply, stated generally, is 
that as the result of the labours of scholars the 
meaning of a considerable proportion of the Rig- 
veda is clear, but of the remainder many hymns, 
and a great many single stanzas or passages, are 
still obscure or unintelligible, as a comparison of 
different translations suffices to show. This was 
already the case in the time of Yaska, the author 
of the Nirukta, the oldest extant commentary on 
parts of the Rigveda (c. 600 B.C.); for he quotes 
one of his predecessors as declaring the Vedic 
hymns to be obscure, unmeaning, and mutually 
contradictory. Detailed critical research has al- 
ready done much to reduce the number of passages 
the sense of which is questionable. It cannot be 
doubted, however, that an irreducible minimum of 
unintelligible matter will always remain, simply 
because no evidence survives of the particular 
circumstances that could enable us to understand 
the allusions made. Much progress is still to be 
expected from patient and minute research guided 
by the method of interpretation now generally 
accepted. In the earlier period of Vedic studies, 
commencing in the middle of the 19th cent., the 
traditional method, which follows the great com- 
mentary of Sayana (14th cent.) and is represented 
by the translation of the Rigveda begun l>y H. H. 
Wilson in 1850, was considered adequate. But 
now the critical method initiated by Rudolf von 
Roth, the founder of Vedic philology, is, with 
some modifications, that which has been adopted 



HYMNS (Vedic) 



69 



by practically all Western scholars. Roth proved 
that, though the native commentators were in- 
valuable guides in explaining the theological and 
ritual texts of the Brahraanaa and Sutras, with 
the atmosphere of which they were familiar, they 
did not possess a continuous tradition from Ihe 
time of tlie Vedic hymns. They could not in fact 
possess any such tradition, for interpretation began 
only when the meaning of the hymns had become 
obscure. That the gap between the poets and 
interpreters even earlier than Yaska must have 
been considerable is shown by his predecessor's 
opinion quoted above. That Yaska'a own inter- 
pretations are often merely conjectural appears 
from his frequently giving two or more alternative 
meanings for a word. Yet he must have had more 
and better means of ascertaining the sense of vari- 
ous obscure words than Say ana, who lived nearly 
2000 years later. Sayana's interpretations, how- 
ever, sometimes differ from those of Yaska. Hence 
either Yaska is wrong or Sayana does not follow 
the tradition. Again, Sayana often gives several 
inconsistent e-vplanations of a word in interpret- 
ing single passages or commenting on dilferent 
passages. In short, it is clear from a careful ex- 
amination of their explanations that neither Yaska 
nor Sayana possessed any certain knowledge about 
a large number of different words in the Kigveda. 
Hence their interpretations can be treated as de- 
cisive only if they are borne out by probability, 
by the context, or by parallel passages. For the 
traditional method Roth therefore substituted the 
critical method of interpreting the difficult parts 
of the Rigveda from internal evidence by the 
minute comparison of all passages parallel in form 
and matter, while taking into consideration con- 
text, grammar, and etymology, without ignoring 
the help supplied by the historical study of the 
Vedic language in its connexion with Sanskrit or 
the outside evidence derived from the Avesta and 
from comparative philology. In the application 
of his method, Roth attached too much weight to 
etymological considerations, while he undervalued 
the evidence of native tradition. Pischel and 
Geldner, on the other hand, in emphasizing the 
purely Indian character of the Vedic hymns, con- 
nect the interpretation of them too closely with 
the literature of the post- Vedic period and the 
much more advanced civilization which is described 
therein. There is good reason to hope, from the 
results already achieved, that a steady adherence 
to the critical method, by admitting all available 
evidence, including that of ethnology, and by avoid- 
ing the excesses just indicated, will eventually 
clear up a large proportion of the obscurities and 
difficulties that still baffle the translator of the 
Vedic hymns. 

II. The Atharvaveda. — The Atharvaveda, re- 
garded as a whole, deals with the lower side of 
religion as represented by witchcraft, the word 
itself meaning the ' lore of the Atharvans or 
magicians.' The oldest designation by which this 
Veda is known in Indian literature is Atharvdh- 
girasah, ' the Atharvans and Angirases,' the names 
of two classes of pre-historic fire-priests, referring 
respectively to the two kinds of spells, the propiti- 
ous and the hostile, that form the main content 
of the collection. Very diflerent from the world 
of the Rigveda is the sphere to which we are now 
introduced. There we have moved among the 
beneficent gods of the bright heavens. Here we 
are confronted with the dark hostUe powers that 
the sorcerer seeks to win over by flattery or to drive 
away by imprecations. The priest and the magician, 
though originally one and the same, had from the 
beginning of the Vedic period been separated, the 
functions of the former being concerned with the 
gods, those of the latter with the uncanny world of 



demons. The ceremonial, moreover, to which the 
spells of the Atharvaveda apply is that of domestic 
rites or of such as are connected with the person of 
the king. It has nothing to do with the great sacri- 
ficial ceremonial of the three other Vedas which, in 
the works of the Brahmana and the Sutra period, 
are constantly characterized aa the trayi viayd, or 
'the threefold sacred lore.' A long time accord- 
ingly elapsed, after its hymns had assumed the 
form of a collection, before it attained to canonical 
recognition as the fourth Veda. The Saihhita text, 
in the shape in which it has come down to us, un- 
doubtedly came into being later than that of the 
Rigveda, for internal evidence of diti'erent kinds 
shows that a good many of its hymns belong to a 
more recent period than any in that collection. 
It probably dates from after the completion of the 
Brahmanas of the Rigveda, which do not mention 
it, while it is referred to in two of the Brahmanas 
of the Yajurveda. Its original contents had already 
been Brahmanized by the addition of many hymns 
which are of a theosophic character, or contain 
references to the sacrificial ceremonial, or were 
composed directly in the interests of Brahman 
priests. But it was probably not till it had been 
superficially connected with the great sacrificial 
ceremonial by the addition of bk. xx., which, 
excepting twelve hymns, is borrowed unchanged 
from the Rigveda, that the Atharvaveda came to 
be acknowledged as a canonical work. It appears 
to have gained that position by the second cent. 
B.C., when it is referred to in this sense by tlie 
Mahdbhasya, the ' great Commentary ' on Panini's 
grammar. 

Probably the composition of the Atharvaveda, 
like that of the Rigveda, extended over a period 
of several centuries, which, however, is not to 
be regarded as a period subsequent to that of the 
Rigveda. While some of its hymns are later than 
any in the Rigveda, and the Brahmanized additions 
are contemporaneous with the late portions of the 
Rigveda, many of the characteristic hymns forming 
the nucleus of the collection may be considered just 
as old as the earliest in the Rigveda. There is, 
indeed, a probability that some of its spells go 
back in their original form to a very early pre- 
historic age, being cognate in form and matter to 
ancient spells preserved in other Indo-European 
languages. 

The language of the Atharvaveda, considered 
grammatically, is later than that of the Rigveda, 
but earlier than that of the Brahmanas. Lexically 
it is noteworthy for the many popular words that 
appear in it. This is doubtless due to its material 
having been current among the people and not the 
priestly class. Another peculiarity of this Veda is 
the introduction among its hymns of a considerable 
amount of prose like that of the Brahmanas. The 
whole of one bk. (xv.) and the greater part of 
another (xvi.) are composed in prose, while six 
others (viii.-xiii.) contain prose passages of some 
length. The metre in which the great bulk of the 
Atharvaveda is written does not essentially differ 
from that of the Rigveda. But two points in regard 
to it are to be noted. One is the extreme metrical 
licence that appears in its hymns : it is so great 
that the irregular verses probably outnumber the 
regular ones. The other is the predominance of 
the anusiubh metre, which in the Rigveda comes 
only fourth in order of frequency. 

The Atharvaveda consists of 20 kdvdas, or books, 
containing 731 hymns. The number of stanzas in 
a hymn ranges from one to eighty-nine, their total 
being about 6000. Leaving out of the calculation 
what is borrowed direct without alteration from 
the Rigveda, the Atharvaveda has 5038 stanzas, or 
about one-half as many as the older Veda. Inter- 
nal evidence shows that this collection also under- 



56 



HYMNS (Vedic) 



went a process of growth by successive additions 
till it assumed the form in which it has come down 
to us. It is clear that the first eighteen books had 
been combined before the last two were added. 
That older collection consists of three main divi- 
sions, in the first two of which, bks. i.-vii. and viii. 
-xii., the hymns are arranged according to the 
number of stanzas they contain, while the guiding 
principle in the third, xii.-xviii., is unity of subject- 
matter in each book. The first group comprises 
short hymns (none exceeding eighteen stanzas), 
the second long hymns ■with more than twenty 
stanzas, the subjects in both being miscellaneous. 

There can be little doubt that the first six books 
of the first group formed the nucleus of the 
Atharvaveda, their hymns consisting of its charac- 
teristic matter, charms and spells exclusively in 
metrical form. These six books are arranged 
primarily according to the amount of text they 
contain in an ascending scale, the first having 153 
stanzas, the sixth 454. This principle is supple- 
mented by the arrangement of these books accord- 
ing to the normal number of stanzas contained in 
their hymns, also in an ascending scale. Thus bk. 
i. contains hymns of 4, ii. of 5, iii. of 6, iv. of 7, v. 
of 8 stanzas. Book vi. contains hymns of only 
3 stanzas, occupying this position because the 
secondary principle here is subordinated to the 
primary one of amount of text. Book vii. is to be 
regarded as a supplement to this group. This is 
indicated by the fact that it infringes both prin- 
ciples that govern the arrangement of the preceding 
books, being botli much shorter than bk. vi. and 
consisting of hymns which have normally one 
stanza only, and which can, therefore, hardly be 
accounted hymns at all. 

In the second main division, bks. viii.-xii., the 
hymns are arranged according to decades, each of 
the first four containing ten hjTnns of 20 to 50 
stanzas, while bk. xii. has five of more than 50 
stanzas. This group further difiers from the first 
in two special points. As contrasted with the 
mainly popular matter of that group it is clearly 
of hieratic origin, its sphere of tliought being that 
of the Brahman priesthood. It also contrasts with 
the first group in form, each of its books contain- 
ing an extensive passage of prose like that of the 
Brahmanas. 

The tliird main division, xiii.-xviii., distributes 
its hymns among its six books according to their 
subject-matter. Thus xiv. deals with the wedding 
ceremonial, and xviii. with burial rites, both 
borrowing most of their stanzas from bk. x. of the 
Rigveda, and thus not being specifically Atharvan 
in character. Bks. xiii. and xvii. consist of hymns 
addressed to the sun, in the character of Koliita, 
or the Euddy one, in the former, and as identified 
with Indra and Visnu in the latter. The whole of 
XV. and most of xvi. consists of prose resembling 
that of the Brahmanas. The former treats mysti- 
cally of the vratya, probably meaning the religious 
mendicant ; but it is hard to say exactly what 
unity of subject-matter connects the hymns of the 
latter. 

Some time after these main divisions had been 
formed into a collection of eighteen books, the 
nineteenth was added to it as a supplement. That 
this was the case is proved by a considerable 
amount of cumulative evidence. The most strik- 
ing is that the 23rd hymn of this book supplies a 
sort of table of contents to the eighteen preceding 
books, and presupposes their existence practically 
in their present arrangement. It is also to be 
noted that the corrupt state In which the text of 
this book has been handed down is in marked 
contrast with that of the earlier collection. Last 
of all was added bk. xx., which consists almost 
entirely of extracts from the Rigveda taken over 



unchanged (while the material borrowed from the 
Rigveda at an earlier stage had undergone con- 
siderable modification), and is in no way related to 
the rest of the Atharvaveda. This supplement 
was appended simply in order to bring the Veda 
of spells into connexion with the sacrificial Soma 
ceremonial of the Brahman priesthood. It is a 
significant fact that two of the most important 
auxiliary works belonging to the Atharvaveda and 
dating from the latest period of Vedic literature, 
its Pratisakhya and its Kausika Sutra, ignore bks. 
xix. and xx. 

It now remains to give a brief survey of the 
various contents of the Atharvaveda. A large 
number of its hostile spells are intended as reme- 
dies, together with the use of difi'erent herbs, 
against a number of diseases, ailments, and in- 
juries, such as fever, jaundice, scrofula, leprosy, 
dropsy, cough, baldness, ophthalmia, impotence, 
poisoning, snake-bite, wounds, and fractures (cf. 
Disease and Medicine [Vedic]). These incanta- 
tions are addressed to the diseases personified as 
demons, or to whole classes of demons supposed to 
cause them. This Veda, supplemented by its 
Kausika Sutra, is thus our earliest source for the 
history of Indian medicine. Allied to the remedial 
spells are the charms which invoke or praise heal- 
ing plants, the purifying waters, and fire, the most 
potent dispeller of demons. Among the auspicious 
spells are many prayers for protection from the 
various forms of death and disease, and for long 
life, often expressed in the form of a desire to live 
' a hundred autumns.' Others are charms for the 
prosperity of flocks and the produce of the fields, 
or for luck in undertakings, especially in gambling. 
Another group aims at the attainment of harmony 
and concord or of success in the assembly. A 
large class is concerned with wedlock and love. 
Several of these are of a pacific character, being 
charms for the obtainment of a husband or bride, 
blessings on a newly married couple, prayers for 
chOdren or a happy wedded life. More numerous, 
however, is the hostile type, such as imprecations 
against rivals or incantations to compel the love 
of an unwilling person. A considerable group of 
hymns concerns the person of the king. They con- 
sist of spells to be employed at the royal inaugura- 
tion or intended to secure for him the attainment 
of power, fame, and especially victory in battle. 
There are, again, a few hymns consisting of spells 
for the expiation of sins or moral transgressions, 
such as the non-payment of debts. Finally, there 
remain three or four classes of hymns which, being 
alien to the true Atharvan spirit, date from a late 
period in the growth of this collection. One of 
these comprises the hymns composed in the interest 
of Brahmans. Though the later literature fre- 
quently refers to witchcraft and sorcerers in a 
hostile spirit, their use is even sanctioned when 
employed by Brahmans against others. In these 
hymns the inviolability of the person and property 
of Brahmans is emphasized, while imprecations 
are hurled against their oppressors. They also 
contain exaggerated panegyrics of the sacrificial 
fee (dalcsina), the liberal bestowal of which is pro- 
nounced to be the height of piety. In this group, 
prayers of a less interested nature, as for wisdom 
and theological knowledge, are rare. Sacrificial 
hymns and spells, besides those borrowed whole- 
sale from the Rigveda in bk. xx., occasionally 
appear in other parts of the Atharvaveda. The 
group of cosmogonic and theosophical hymns 
doubtless constitute the latest additions to this 
collection. Their speculations and terminology 
indicate a development of philosophy correspond- 
ing to that which appears in the Upanisads. They 
are not to be regarded as forming a connecting 
link between the philosophy of the Rigveda and 



HYMNS (Vedic) 



57 



that of the Upani^ada. They are mystical pro- 
ductions not of genuine seekers after trutli, but 
of sorcerers who utilize the pliilosophical notions 
current in their day mainly to subserve their 
practical purposes. Among the hymns of this 
class may be mentioned those in which the sun 
appears as a cosmogonic principle (xiii.; xi. 5), and 
those in which personifications of Prana, or Breath 
(xi. 4), Kama, or Desire (ix. 2), Kala, or Time 
(xix. 53-54), and even Uchchhista, or 'Remnant' 
of the sacrifice (xi. 7), are deified as the Supreme 
Being. 

The literary merit of the Atharvaveda is, as may 
be expected from its contents, much lower than 
that of the Rigveda. But a few of its hymns, 
besides many isolated verses scattered throughout 
the collection, furnish specimens of true poetry. 
Such is the long hymn (xii. 1) in which the Earth 
is invoked as the supporter of all living things and 
the bestower of all blessings. Another (iv. 16), 
though concluding with two verses essentially 
Atharvan in character, exalts the omniscience of 
Varuna in language unsurpassed by any hymn 
addressed to that deity in the Rigveda. 

The geographical data found in the Atharva- 
veda indicate that its composers lived in a region 
much farther east than the home of the singers of 
the Rigveda. Certain tribes of the north-west are 
referred to as remote, while the country of the 
Magadhas (Bihar) and that of the Angas (Bengal) 
are mentioned as known. By the time this Veda 
was completed the Aryan migration appears, there- 
fore, to have extended as far as the Delta of the 
Ganges. It is noteworthy that the Atharvaveda 
seems never to have penetrated to South India, 
and that it is practically unknown there at the 
present day. 

The Atharvaveda and the Rigveda combined 
enable us to understand fuUy the character and 
spirit of the oldest poetry of the Aryan Indians. 
The information we derive from the former supple- 
ments in a remarkable manner what we know 
from the latter about the religious and social con- 
ditions of the times, especially the more intimate 
side of domestic life, the regulated form of which 
Is presented by the Grhya Sutras, or manuals of 
domestic ritual, belonging to the latest stratum 
of Vedic literature (c. 500-200 B.C.). Between 
them these two Vedas furnish a body of material 
which is of inestimable value, not only for the 
early history of India in its various aspects, but 
for the study of the development of human insti- 
tutions in general. 

12. Though the two liturgical Vedas cannot be 
said to consist of hymns, it is perhaps advisable 
to describe as briefly as possible their form, their 
arrangement, their contents, and their relation to 
the other Samhitas. The Samaveda consists of 
1549 stanzas chanted in various melodies, called 
saman, to accompany the Soma ritual. Its stanzas 
are nearly all borrowed from the Rigveda, chiefly 
from bks. viii. and ix. The 75 stanzas not de- 
rived from the Rigveda are to be found in other 
Samhitas or in ritual works. Its stanzas are 
mostly composed in the gayatri metre or in the 
so-c3\leA pragdtha strophe, both of which metrical 
forms were originally meant to be sung (their 
names being derived from ga, 'to sing'). It is 
divided into two parts. The first consists of 585 
single stanzas arranged in decades, the first group 
of which is addressed to Agni, the second to Indra, 
the great Soma drinker, and the third to Soma. 
The second part, containing 400 chants, is arranged 
on a different principle. It consists throughout 
of small gi'oups of stanzas, closely connected and 
generally three in number, which follow the order 
of the main sacrifices. Internal evidence shows 
that the second book is secondary in character as 



well as later in date. As regard.s the age of the 
Sainaveda, it is at least certain that th^ divisions 
of the first book are known to the Satapatha 
Brahmana. There is also some ground for be- 
lieving that as a collection the Samaveda is older 
at any rate than two of the recensions of the 
Yajurveda, the Taittiriya and the Vajasaneyi 
Saiiihitas. The two parts of this Veda supply 
only the words. The melodies of the chants were 
doubtless long handed down by vocal tradition 
only. They were later collected in ganas, or 
'song-books,' which indicated in musical notation 
the manner in which the words were to be sung. 
These tunes received special names in very ancient 
times, two of them, the Bfhat and the Ratliantara, 
being even mentioned in the Rigveda. There are 
indications that the oldest of them may have been 
of popularorigin and connected with the rites of pre- 
Brahmanical sorcerers. Thus the second part of 
the Samavidhana Brahmana, a ritual work belong- 
ing to the Samaveda, is a manual of ■vvitchcraft 
which prescribes the employment of various sdmans 
for purposes of sorcery. The injunction of the 
Bralimanical law-books, that the recitation of the 
Rigveda and the Yajurveda must cease on the 
sound of a saman being heard, is perhaps a remi- 
niscence of such early use. 

Thus, though the contents of the Samaveda are 
worthless from a literary point of view, they are 
of some value for the history of sacrifice and ^vitch- 
craft, and decidedly important for that of Indian 
music. 

13. The Yajurveda is the prayer book of ' sacri- 
ficial formulas ' (yajus), from which it receives its 
name, and which are in prose. These form about 
one-half of its matter and are original. The re- 
mainder is metrical, consisting of stanzas (rchas), 
about one-half of which are original, whUe the other 
half are borrowed from the Rigveda. The latter 
are taken over singly or in groups for application 
to a particular ceremony, but a few entire hymns, 
such as V11& purusasukta, 'Hymn of Man' (x. 90), 
have found their way into this collection. In the 
characteristic prose formulas and prayers of the 
Yajurveda, the gods are not always invoked or 
prayed to, but various sacrificial implements or 
rites are brought into connexion with them. Thus 
the priest, in offering an oblation, says, ' Thou art 
the body of Soma, thee (I offer) to Visnu' ; or, in 
taking hold of some utensil, he exclaims, 'At the 
stimulation of god Savitr I grasp thee with the 
arms of the Asvins, with the hands of Pusan.' 
The object of most of these formulas is not to 
worship the gods, but to force them to fulfil the 
desires of the sacrificer. Many of them are in 
fact nothing else than spells in prose. Among 
them imprecations like those of the Atharvaveda 
are also to be met with. Here, too, we find the 
beginnings of that form of prayer which seeks to in 
fluence a god by the repetition of his various names, 
and which was greatly developed in later times. 
This is represented by the &atarudriya, or enU' 
meration of the hundred names of the god Rudra, 
A simUar tendency appears in the frequent em^ 
ployment of sacred but unintelligible exclamations, 
especially the syllable om, which, having originally 
been a particle of assent, is somewhat analogous 
to the Hebrew ' Amen.' Thus prayer in the Yajur- 
veda shows deterioration as compared with the 
Rigveda and a proclivity to revert from the domain 
of religion to that of witchcraft. 

The language and the metre of the prose formu- 
las and of the original verses of the Yajurveda 
agree on the whole with those of the Rigveda, but 
represent a distinctly later stage. The internal 
evidence of the subject-matter points in a similar 
direction. It shows that the country in which the 
Yajurveda was composed lay much farther east 



58 



HYPERBOREANS 



than that of the Rigveda, having as its centre the 
tract between the two small rivers Sarasvati (Sar- 
suti) and Brsadvati (Chautang), somewhat to the 
west of the Jumna. The organization of society 
also appears at a more advanced stage than in the 
Rigveda, the caste system in particular having 
grown up and been consolidated in the interval. 

The YajuTveda has come down to us in six re- 
censions. Four of these form a closely connected 
group, called the Black Yajurveda, the texts of 
which are often identical word for word. They 
agree in mixing up, to some extent, explanatory 
matter with their sacrificial formulas and stanzas. 
The two other recensions, which are very closely 
allied, form the so-called White Yajurveda. This 
contains the prose and verse formulas to be recited 
at the sacrifice only, the e.xplanatory matter being 
collected in a Brahmana. It is divided into 40 
chapters, in which several chronological strata may 
be distinguished. It appears to have originally 
consisted of the first eighteen alone, for this is 
the only portion explained word for word in the 
Brahmana and recurring in the Taittiriya recen- 
sion of the Black Yajurveda. To them were then 
added the next seven chapters. These 25 chapters 
together form the older part of this recension and 
contain the prayers for the most important gi'eat 
sacrifices, which comprise food oiTerings on the one 
hand and Soma ofierings on the other, both being 
associated with the cult of fire. The remaining 
fifteen chapters are evidently of a supplementary 
character. The fortieth, being an Upanisad, was 
added last of all. Even the original part of this 
recension must have assumed shape at a later date 
than any of the recensions of the Black Yajurveda, 
because the separation and distribution of its matter 
are more systematic than in the latter. 

Though the Yajurveda can scarcely be said to 
display any literary merit, it is important and 
even interesting to the student of the history of 
religions, especially with reference to the signifi- 
cance of prayer. 

Ltteraturk.— I. Editions,— Rigveda,; T. Aufrecht^, Bonn, 
1877; F. Max Muller2, London, 1890-92. Atharv.iveda : R. 
Roth and W. D. Whitney, Berlin, 1855-57 ; Shankar P. 
Pandit, Bombay, 1895-99; The Kashmirian Atharvaveda 
(Paippalada Recension), M. Bloomfield and R. Garbe, Balti- 
more, 1901 ; books i.-iii. ed. with critical notes by L. C. 
Barret, inJAOS xxvi. [1906] ff. iSamaveda : T. Benfey, Leip- 
zig, 1843 ; Satyavrata SamasramI, 5 vols., Calcutta, 1874-78 ; 
Jaiminiya Samhita of the Samaveda, W. Caland, Breslau, 1907. 
Yajurveda : Vajasaneyi Sariihita, A. Weber, London and 
Berlin, 1852 ; Taittiriya Samhita, A. Weber, Berlin, 1871-72 ; 
Maitrayani Sariihita, L.v.Schroeder, Leipzig, lSSl-85; Kathaka 
Samhita, L. v. Schroeder, 4 vols., do. 1900-13, Index vol. ,'1912. 

2. TuA.vsLATiOffS.—mgveds.: (a) EnaKsh.—H. H. Wilson, 
6 vols., London, 1850-88 (completed by E. B. Cowell and W. F. 
Webster); R. T. H. Griffith- (popular), 2 vols., Benares, 1896- 
97 ; partial, F. Max Miiller, Vedic Uymns (to Maruts, Rudra, 
Vayu, and Vata)=SBB xxxii., Oxford, 1891 ; H. Oldenberg, 
Vedic Uymns (to Agni in books \.-v.)=SBE xlvi., do. 1897. (6) 
German,— h. LudHrig, 6 vols., Prague, 1876-88 ; H. Grass- 
mann (metrical), 2 vols., Leipzig, 1876-77 ; selections : K. F. 
Geldner and A. Kaegri, Siebenzig Lieder des Rigveda, Tiibingen, 
1875 ; A. Hillebrandt, Lieder des Rgveda, Gottingen, 1913. 
Atharvaveda : W. D. Whitney, ed. C. R. Lanman, in Harvard 
Oriental Series, 2 vols., Cambridge, Mass., 1905 ; R. T. H. 
Griffith (popular), 2 vols., Benares, 1895-96 ; M. Bloomfield, 
Bymns of the Atharva-veda (full classified selection) — SBiJ 
xlii., Oxford, 1897. Samaveda : T. Benfey, Leipzig, 1848 ; 
R. T. H. Griffith, Benares, 1893. Yajurveda : The Texts of the 
White Yajurveda, R. T. H. Griffith, Benares, 1899. 

3. History of the Texts. — H. Oldenbergr, Die Hymnen 
des Rigveda (Prolegomena), Berlin, 1SS8 ; A. A. Macdonell, 
History of Sanskrit Literature, London, 1900, pp. 40 ff., 171 ff. ; 
M. Winternitz, Gesch, der ind. Litterafur, Leipzig, 1909,' 
vol. i. pp. 51 ff., 142 ft., 147 ff. ; W. D. Whitney and C. R. 
Lanman, ' Extent and Structure of the Atharva-veda .Saiuhita,' 
in Whitney's translation, vol. i. pp. cxl-clxi. 

4. CnnOflOLoaY.-F. Max Miiller, History of Aiicient Sans- 
krit Literature, London, 1859, p. 572 ; B. G. Tilak, The Orion, 
or Researches into the Antiqitity of the Vedas, Bombay, 1893 ; 
H. Jacobi, ' Ueber das Alter des Rigveda,' in Festg'russ an 
Rudolf von Roth, Stuttgart, 1893, ZDMG xlix. (18951' 218-230, 
'The Antiquity of Vedic Culture,' in JKAS, 1909, pp. 721-726 
1910, pp. 756-764 ; A. B. Keith, ib, 1909, pp. 1100-1106, 1910, p. 
464 ff.; H. Oldenbergr, ZDilG xlviii. [18941 629-648, xlix. (1S95] 
470-480, 1. [1896] 45IM64, .J RA S, 1909, pn. 1095-1 100 ; G. Thibaut. 



/4,xxiv. [1895] 85 ff.; W. D. Whitney, Proc. of Amer. Oriental 
Society, 1894, p. Ixxxiiff. ; A. A. Macdonell, History of Sans- 
krit Literature, p. 11 1. ; A. A. Macdonell and A. B. Keith, 
Vedic Index, 2 vols., London, 1912, vol. i. pp. viiif., 405, 420- 
427 ; M. Winternitz. op. cit. 246-258. 

5. LisaUABE AND METRE, — B. DelbrUck, Syntaktische 
Forschungen, vols. i. ii. v. [Halle, 1871, 1872, 1888] ; A A. Mac- 
donell, Vedic Grammar, Strassburg, 1910 ; E. V. Arnold, Vedic 
Metre, Cambridge, 1905 ; H. Oldenbergr, 'Die Metrik des Rig- 
veda,' in his Hyranen des Rigveda, pp. 1-190. 

6. Subject-matter.— A."^ Ka.egi, Der Rigveda^ Leipzig, 
1881 (Eng. tr. by R. Arrowsmith, The Rigveda, Boston, 1886); 
L. V. Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, Leipzig, 
1887, pp. 1-178 ; A. A. Macdonell, History of Sanskrit Litera- 
ture, pp. 40-201; Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index; M. 
Winternitz, op. cit. 51-103 ; M. Bloomfield, The Atharvaveda, 
Strassburg, 1899 [QIAP ii. lb]. 

7. INTERPEETATIOX.—]. Mulr, 'The Interpretation of the 
■Veda,' JRAS, 1866 ; R. Pischel and K. F. Geldner, Vedische 
Studien, S vols., Stuttgart, 1889-1901 ; H. Oldenberg, Veda- 
^orschung, Stuttgart and Berlin, 1905, Rigveda, Textkritische 
und exegetische Noien, 2 parts, Berlin, 1909, 1912; K. Geldner, 
Der Rigveda in Auswahl, pt. i., 'Glossar,' Stuttgart, 1907, 
pt. ii. ' kommentar,* do. 1909 ; L. v. Schroeder, Mystenum und. 
31imus inh Rig-veda, Leipzig, 1908. 

A. A. Macdonell. 

HYPERBOREANS.— A people who, in Greek 
legend, were fabled to live in the extreme north, 
beyond {iirdp) tlie north wind {/3o/3^as), and hence to 
enjoy a warm climate which continually gave them 
sunshine and abundance. They were imagined to 
exist without war, and free from all natural ills ; 
but they were not supposed to be immortal, the 
life of each Hyperborean being 1000 years in dura- 
tion. They are mentioned in poems attributed to 
Homer and to Hesiod, and are described by Pindar 
and Herodotus. yEschylus {Choeph. 373) alludes 
to their proverbial felicity. Later writers, like 
Strabo, accept them (on the authority of Pindar, 
Simonides, etc.) as having at least a legendary 
existence. They were thought to be worshippers 
of Apollo, and especially to have sent maidens to 
Uelos for the service of that god. Herodotus 
(iv. 36) says : ' If Hyperboreans exist, then there 
must also be Hypernotians ' (who live as far to the 
south as the Hj'perboreans live to the north), and 
seems sceptical as to the real existence of the 
people, though he narrates the legend of the 
maidens coming to Delos (iv. 33-35). Pindar (Pytli. 
X. 29-34) says that it is impossible for men to 
mount to heaven or reach hy sea or land the 
Hyperboreans, ' with whom Perseus once feasted, 
as they were sacrificing asses to the god ' (Apollo). 
He depicts them as a joyous, music-loving race, to 
whom disease and old age never came. 

The etymology of the name is not certain, but 
bor is probably the same as Skr. gir, 'mountain' ; 
and hyper -borean may at first have meant (as 
Otto Schroeder thinks) ' above the mountains ' (in 
heaven) ; that is, it may have been an appellation 
of celestials. But, from a comparison of similar 
myths, it seems more probable that, while 'over 
the mountains ' is the literal meaning of the word, 
tlie locality thus indicated had, as is usually under- 
stood, the sense ' across ' rather than ' above ' tlie 
mountains. For the Hyperborean myth is not 
unique. It has a parallel in the Hindu fable of 
the 'Northern (uttara) Kurus,' who live for ' 10,000 
and 1000' years in a land of bliss beyond the 
northern mountains — a land of perpetual bloom, 
where the food is the ' milk of the milk-tree, re- 
sembling ambrosia' (see art. Blest, Abode of the 
[Hindu]). These Hindu Hyperboreans also are ever 
free from illness. Megasthenes, in the 4th cent. 
B.C., made the Greeks acquainted with them {FHG 
ii. 424), and the parallel with the native Greelc 
myth is noticed by Strabo (p. 711). In Hindu 
tradition. Mount Meru is also supposed to be in 
the north, and is described as the abode of bliss. 
The Persians, too, had a form of the legend in the 
myth of Yima's paradise (see art. Blest, Abode 
OF THE [Persian]), a garden of delight having im- 
[lerishable food, where people live ' without age or 



HYPNOTISM 



59 



death,' although this paradise seems to be com- 
bined out of various elements, and may origin- 
ally have referred to a happy realm of the blest 
hereafter. 

The tradition of a northern home, which suc- 
ceeding generations would conceive of as an 
abode of greater and greater felicitj', is not in- 
compatible with the geographical origins of the 
Indo-Europeans, who entered Greece and India 
from a northern land ; and it is possible that the 
myth of the Hyperboreans has in it some germ of 
historical truth, especially as there is otlier evi- 
dence in the Vedic age of the northern origin of 
the people holding this tradition. The same myth, 
however, is found among some of the tribes of 
North America — of course, set in an appropriate 
frame ; and this fact has led to the more or less 
fanciful interpretation of the story as a tradition 
belonging to tne whole human race, and commemo- 
rating descent from the arctic zone, the garden 
of Yima and Mount Meru being the North Pole. 
Such a hypothesis is too ill supported to meet with 
general approval, and much of the literary evidence 
adduced in its support is unconvincing. 

LiTBRATURE. — Homer, Epigoni, and Hyvmsiy'i. 29); Pindar, 
10th Pythian Ode ; Herodotus, iv. 32 {. ; Strabo, p. 711 (xv. 57); 
Hesiod and Simonides, as cited by later writers ; Plutarch, 
Moral. 1136 ; O. Crusius and M. Mayer, ' Hyperboreer,' in 
Eoscher, i. 2805-41 ; B. G. Tilak, The Arctic Home in the Vedas, 
Poena, 1903; J. T. Wheeler, The Zonal -Belt Hypothesis, 
Philadelphia, 1908. For the etymology of the word, of. Otto 
Schroeder, in ^fllTviii. [1906J 81; see also W. Mannhardt, 
Wald- und Feldkulte, Berlin^876-77, ii. 234 £E. 

E. Washburn Hopkins. 

HYPNOTISM. — Hypnotism is the name now 
generally given to the study of, and the practice of 
inducing, a peculiar abnormal state of mind which 
in some respects is allied to sleep (hence the name, 
from vTTvos, ' sleep '). The modern practice of 
hypnotism has been developed from the practice 
of ' magnetic ' or sympathetic healing, which en- 
joyed a great vogue in Europe and especially in 
Paris in the latter half of the 18th cent., owing 
chiefly to the labours of F. A. Mesmer (whence the 
term ' mesmerism,' still in popular use). Until the 
middle of the 19th cent, almost all practitioners of 
' mesmerism ' followed Mesmer in attributing the 
effects they produced in their patients to the pas- 
sage from the operator to the patient of some subtle 
physical influence or fluid, generally called ' animal 
magnetism.' The adoption by the mesmerists of 
this unverifiable conjecture largely accounts for, 
and to some extent perhaps justifies, the extreme 
scepticism and hostility with which the arts of 
the mesmerists were regarded by the great bulk of 
the medical profession until almost the close of the 
19th century. 

To a French physician, Alexandre Bertrand, 
belongs the honour of having first pointed out 
(Train du sonmambulisTne, Paris, 1823) that the 
therapeutic and other effects attributed to ' animal 
magnetism ' are (in so far as they are genuine, and 
not, as in the early days so many were, errors due 
to fraud or to malobservation) to be regarded as in 
the main produced through the mind of the patient 
working apon the organism, as effects of expecta- 
tion induced in the mind of the patient by sugges- 
tions given directly or indirectly by the operator, 
these effects being generally favoured and in- 
tensified by a peculiar mental and bodily condition 
of the patient induced by the mesmeric procedures. 
Bertrand's great discovery remained, however, al- 
most unheeded by the medical world ; and twenty 
years later James Braid, a surgeon of Manchester 
{N eurypnology , London, 1843), arrived indepen- 
dently at the same conclusions, and by his success- 
ful application of hypnotic measures in his practice 
secured for them, under the name of ' Braidism,' 
a certain consideration nven in medical circles. 
But it was not until the '"-ruth was discovered 



and published independently for the third time 
in 1884 by II. Bcrnheim, Professor of Medicine at 
Nancj', tliat it began to gain general acceptance 
in the scientific world and (under the name of 
' hypnotism,' which Braid had suggested) to be 
applied by medical men in all parts of Europe 
without serious risk of loss of their professional 
reputations. In the last decade of the 19th cent, 
it became generally recognized that hypnotism was 
a legitimate method of medical practice, extremely 
useful in man}' cases of nervous and functional 
disorder. 

When Bernhcim published his work (Dc la Sug- 
gestion, Paris, 1884), he took the view that the 
therapeutic effects he recorded were secured by 
creating in the mind of the patient the expectation 
of the disappearance of symptoms ; and the process 
of inducing such expectation, which generally took 
the form of confident affirmation on the part of the 
physician, he called 'suggestion.' He recognized 
that such 'suggestions' operate more powerfully if 
the patient to whom they are directed is first 
brought into a drowsy or half-sleeping state. But 
he did not recognize that this state, so favourable 
to the operation of suggestion, differs essentially 
from a normal state of drowsiness. On the other 
hand, Charcot, the celebrated physician who ex- 
tensively applied the hypnotic methods in the 
SalpStri^re Hospital at Paris (in the eighties), 
taught that the hypnotic state is a peculiar and 
abnormal condition which can be induced only in 
persons suffering from certain nervous deficiencies. 
These two views of the hypnotic state were opposed 
to one another in a lively controversy prolonged 
through many years. It is now generally recog- 
nized that the truth is to be found by adopting the 
middle way. Hypnosis (as the hypnotic state is 
now generally called) is a peculiar state of mind, 
involving some abnormal condition of the nervous 
system, as Charcot maintained ; but this condition 
is one which can be temporarily induced by a 
skilful hypnotist in the great majority of normal 
and perfectly healthy persons. The most constant, 
perhaps the only constant, feature or symptom of 
hypnosis is the increased suggestibility of the 
subject ; for, although in most cases, especially in 
cases of deep hypnosis, the subject presents the 
appearance of drowsy passivity or even profound 
sleep, this is not always the case ; and in this 
respect much depends upon the methods used for 
the induction of hypnosis and the general handling 
of the case by the operator. 

In a typical condition of hypnosis of moderate 
depth, the subject appears completely plastic in 
the hands of the operator. He remains unre- 
sponsive to, and apparently unaffected by, all 
persons and things of his environment, except the 
operator and those things or persons to which the 
latter may direct his attention. But, in relation 
to the operator, his mind and senses seem to be 
peculiarly alert and responsive ; and he obeys im- 
plicitly the slightest indications of the operator's 
wishes or expectations. This responsive obedience, 
however, which is the essence of the abnormal 
' suggestibility ' of the subject, is not a voluntary 
obedience ; it differs from the most abject voluntary 
obedience in two important respects. First, the 
hypnotized subject may, and sometimes does, exert 
his will to resist the suggestions of the operator ; 
and, though such exertion may be attended with 
more or less success according to the depth of the 
hypnosis, the degree of training of the subject, and 
the extent of the personal influence established 
by the operator, the measure of its success is 
very much less than in the normal condition, or 
the effort required for success is much greater. 
Secondly, the subject's obedience to, or acceptance 
of, suggestions is much more complete, unhesitat- 



60 



HYPNOTISM 



ing, and uncritical, than in the normal state. He 
accepts with conviction suggestions so improbable 
and against all common experience that in his 
normal state he could not accept them or believe 
in them even though he should endeavour to do so. 
For example, he may be told that he cannot lift 
his hand from his knee, and forthwith he finds 
himself unable to perform this simple action. And 
in a similar way he may be prevented from per- 
forming any other movement or be made to execute 
any ' suggested ' movement. In such cases it seems 
that the essential condition of the effectiveness of 
the ' suggestion ' is that the notion suggested to 
the subject shall be accepted by him with complete 
conviction, and shall prevail firmly in his mind 
without being subjected to the criticism or opposi- 
tion of other notions. There is good reason to 
believe that, if any person in a normal condition 
could be induced to accept any such suggestion 
with complete conviction, the notion thus estab- 
lished in his mind would be just as effective in 
controlling his movements as is the suggestion 
made during hypnosis ; for we occasionally observe 
instances of such control of movement by an idea 
suggested under peculiarly favourable conditions 
to a person in a normal state. And not only 
control of bodily movement, but many others of the 
phenomena of hypnotism, notably the induction of 
hallucinations and delusions of all sorts, and the 
abnormally increased influence of the mind over 
organic functions such as sleep, the action of the 
bowels, and the circulation of the blood, may 
plausibly be brought under the same type of 
explanation. 

According, then, to one view widely prevalent 
among the more orthodox psychologists and prac- 
titioners of hypnotism, hypnosis is essentially a 
condition in which the suggestibility (the tendency 
to accept any proposition imparted) normal to all 
minds is temporarily increased owing to some 
peculiar condition of the patient's brain induced by 
the process of hypnotizing him ; and this condition 
of the brain is held to be one of ' relative dissocia- 
tion,' i.e. one in which the interplay of the systems 
of neurons (the anatomical elements of which the 
brain is composed) is rendered less free and lively 
than it normally is, so that, any one system being 
excited, it works out its eflects in an untrammelled 
and thorough manner. 

But there is a class of hypnotic phenomena which 
does not easily lend itself to interpretation of this 
simple type ; in various ways the subject's behav- 
iour may seem to express two independent but 
simultaneous streams of mental activity, and this 
peculiar condition seems in many cases to be pro- 
longed beyond the period of hypnosis into the 
fully waking state. It is, in fact, in the influence 
of commands or suggestions given during hypnosis, 
but designed to take effect after the termination 
of that period (post-hypnotic suggestions), that the 
dual stream of mental activity is most clearly 
revealed. For the waking subject may be quite 
unable to recall to consciousness any incident of 
the period of hypnosis or the nature of any sugges- 
tions made to him during that period, and yet he 
may carry out such suggestions with minute ac- 
curacy ; and these post-hypnotic suggestions thus 
carried out by the waking subject, without conscious 
recollection of the instructions given, may be such 
that their execution implies complex intellectual 
activities. For example, the subject may be in- 
structed to perform some simple action after the 
lapse of a given number of minutes ; and in some 
cases the number of minutes so named may be 
so large that the accurate determination of the 
appointed moment may necessitate either con- 
tinuous counting of the passage of the minutes 
throughout hours, days, or even weeks, or the 



carrying out of complicated arithmetical operations 
which seem to be beyond the normal powers of the 
subject. Such post-hypnotic executions of sugges- 
tions are typical of a large class of phenomena 
which seem to render necessary the notion of 
subconscious or co-conscious mental activity. 

Some of the exponents of the hypothesis of 
neural dissociation attempt to apply it to the 
explanation of the facts of this order also. Others, 
notably Pierre Janet, attempt a rather different 
line of explanation. They argue that, while trrdy 
productive mental process is always fully conscious 
and involves the activity of a centre of synthetic 
mental energy, the subconscious processes are 
always of the nature of semi-mechanical or auto- 
matic repetitions of processes previously achieved 
by true mental activity. 

To many students of hypnotism it seems that 
both these attempts at explanation are wholly 
inadequate. It may be admitted that neural dis- 
sociation of various degrees is characteristic of the 
hypnotic state, while yet it is recognized that this 
hypothesis affords but a partial interpretation of 
a part of the facts. By those who take this view 
it is urged that, according to both these theories, 
hypnotic and subconscious mental processes must 
be of a relatively low grade of efficiency (and many 
of them, no doubt, answer to this description) ; yet 
in some cases, it is pointed out, they far surpass in 
intellectual level or in range of control over bodily 
functions the normal mental processes of the sub- 
ject ; and it is insisted that these features of hyp- 
notic process must be considered in relation to a 
wealth of facts which have been recorded in the 
course of modern studies of hysteria, spontaneous 
trance, mediumship, genius, religious conversion 
and ecstasy, and other unusual mental states and 
processes in which the bounds of normal mental 
activity seem to be transcended. 

When hypnosis is thus regarded in relation to 
the larger field of manifestations of obscure but 
wide-ranging powers of the mind, hypnotism ap- 
pears as a means of experimental investigation 
capable of greatly extending and deepening our 
conception of human personality ; and it is from 
this point of view that many of the most eflective 
students have pursued it, and that many interesting 
speculations have been made for the purpose of 
rendering the facts in some degree intelligible. 
Such speculations are, in the main, of two types. 
On the one hand, the psychical constitution of man 
is regarded as indefinitely richer and more complex 
than is revealed by the course of our normal 
mental life, as comprising potentialities or faculties 
which normally find no expression owing to the 
limitations imposed by our bodily organization, 
and which find only partial and very incomplete 
expression in the super-normal phenomena of the 
abnormal states of which hypnosis is the experi- 
mental type. Of speculations of this group, the 
conception of the ' subliminal self ' put forward by 
F. W. H. Myers {Human Personality and its Sur- 
vival of Bodily Death, London, 1903) is the boldest 
and most elaborated. 

Speculations of the other type (best represented by 
William James in A Pluralistic Universe, London, 
1909, and other writings) attempt to account for 
the super-normal phenomena by conceiving human 
individuality as relative only and as conditioned by 
the nature of the bodily organization. Each 
human mind or personality is conceived as but a 
fragmentary and temporary expression of some 
larger psychical whole ; and it is sought to explain 
the super-normal phenomena by assuming that they 
are rendered possible by some temporary relaxation 
or breaking down of the conditions by which the 
isolation of the individual mind is commonly main- 
tained, so that for the time being it may share in 



HYPOCHONDRIA 



61 



the larger life of the whole, of which it is in reality 
a part, and may draw psychical or spiritual energy 
from tlie common store more freely than is possible 
in normal conditions. 

That some such far-reaching hypothesis would 
be needed for the explanation of the facts is indis- 
putable, if any large part of the mass of super- 
normal phenomena reported by careful and credible 
observers should be finally established — telepathy, 
clairvoyance, expression of knowledge possessed 
only by deceased persons, and so forth. Those 
who attempt to explain all the facts of hypnosis 
in terms of the hypothesis of the division or dis- 
sociation of the normal mind generally ignore or 
repudiate the alleged super-normal phenomena as 
the products of fraud or error. The decision as to 
the type of theory which must eventually gain 
general acceptance for the explanation of hypnosis 
thus depends upon disputed questions of fact in 
that obscure and difficult province of investigation 
in which the Society for Psychical Research has 
now for a generation been actively engaged. 

LlTBRATiTRE. — J. M. BramwelJ, HypnotisTti : its Uistori/, Prac- 
tice, and Theory, London, 1903 ; C. L. Tuckey, Treatment by 
Ej/pnotiKm and Su(;(festion^, do. 1913 ; A. MoU, Der Hypno- 
tisinvs, Berlin, 1889 (Enp. tr., London, 1901) ; art. ' Hypnotism,' 
in EBr^^ ; several artt. in Proc. of Soc. for Psychical iiesearch, 
especially those by E. Gurney, in vols. i.-v. 

W. McDOUGALL. 

HYPOCHONDRIA. — In the literature and 
practice of medicine, hypochondria is regarded as 
one of the many forms of mental affection embraced 
under the term ' melancholia.' Any uneasiness or 
disease of the regions on either side of the abdomen 
beneath the cartilages of the false ribs, of the hypo- 
chondriacal regions in short, was, from the earliest 
times, associated with those feelings of profound 
depression and sense of ill-being which constitute 
the basis of the affection. This is well illustrated 
in the old Folio frontispiece of The Anatomy of 
Melancholy, where Hypochondriacus is depicted 
leaning on his arm : 

' Winde in his side doth him much harm 
And troubles him full sore, God knows. 
Much pain he hath and many woes.' 

Underlying all signs of hypochondria are func- 
tional disorders, less frequently organic disease, of 
any portion of the intestinal tract from the stomach 
downward or of the larger secretory glands in 
the abdomen, especially the liver and the sexual 
organs, or a combination of these conditions. Con- 
sequent on deranged chemical processes initiated by 
the abnormal functioning of the abdominal organs 
and the absorption of poisonous products thus 
elaborated into the blood system, all parts of the 
body may be functionally disturbed, and more par- 
ticularly those organs and tissues which are predis- 
posed. There is a consensus of opinion that hypo- 
chondria is induced by poisons arising from the 
deranged chemical processes above mentioned 
(metabolic origin) ; but recent researches suggest 
that the virus in the blood may be due to the pre- 
sence of micro-organisms, which find a footing in 
the disordered walls of the intestinal tract ; cases 
of hypochondria have been recorded in which the 
mental affection has disappeared with the elimina- 
tion of such organisms under appropriate treatment 
(microbic origin). 

Sense impressions received by way of the several 
intestinal and abdominal organs do not intrude on 
the mind in healthy states save as vague, and 
not clearly distinguishable, pleasurable emotions. 
Where disordered or diseased functioning occurs, 
the affective or emotional elements of mind are of a 
more or less painful nature. Further, wliere there 
is an insane or neurotic inheritance, such as is com- 
monly found in hypochondria, varied manifesta- 
tions of this malady are excited by worry, shock, 
or mental stress and strain of any kind. 

Hypochondria is more prevalent in men than in 



women, and is usually met with in middle age ; it 
is rarely seen in persons under thirty. It is pre- 
ceded, as a rule, by dyspeptic and anajmic condi- 
tions, is insidious in its origin, and develops slowly. 
The attack may be slight, and take the form of 
mild depression. In such circumstances it does 
not interfere with one's occupation, and ends in 
recovery after a few weeks or months of proper 
attention. In many cases, e.specially where there 
is a hereditary taint, the disease develops and 
may pass the limits of sanity. Here the disturbed 
general sensations already referred to force them- 
selves on the attention, gradually arrest it, and 
occupy the whole mental domain. The affected 
person becomes fearful and anxious. There is 
marked mental inhibition and particularly of will 
power. The sensations perceived are much ex- 
aggerated ; thus excessively painful spots are 
pointed out, shooting pains are complained of, and 
loud lamentations are made of loss of power or 
want of sensation in various parts of the body. 
The trouble grows worse until the hypochondriac 
thinks of nothing but his many ailments, and 
believes he is the subject of some frightful malady. 
He seeks relief in all sorts of remedies, and consults 
all kinds of persons in the hope of finding help. 
He is constantly searching his excretions for signs 
of serious disease ; he reads medical and quack 
literature in order to diagnose his condition. Any 
mild disorder he has, or change in his appearance, 
is magnified into a grave malady ; spots on his skin 
are signs of syphilis ; vague pains and throbbing 
in the head tell him that his brain is dissolving or 
breaking up. He points to well nourished limbs 
and saj's they are wasted or dead. He believes he 
is the source of infectious disease, and recounts 
all his ailments in endless variety. The sensations 
arising from the disordered or diseased organs of 
the body are falsely interpreted, and are, therefore, 
to be classed as illusions. These illusions consti- 
tute prominent symptoms of hypochondria, and 
the most striking examples of the serious effects of 
illusion are seen in this connexion. The misinter- 
pretations thus referred to pass insensibly into 
false conceptions and judgments. Hallucinations, 
i.e. the experience of sensations, when the terminal 
sensory organs are not excited, are not common. 
When they do occur, they are generally auditory 
and incidental (see, further, art. Hallucination). 

A lady known to the writer, when labouring under bjTJOchon- 
dria in an advanced stag:e, believed that an egfg, which she had 
partaken of, had developed into a chicken. She heard the chirp 
of this chicken for some days cominfj from the region of the epi- 
gastrium. As the chicken grew the chirp was no longer heard, 
and the beliefs changed into ideas based on the illusion that a 
fowl was located somewhere in the intestine, and that, whenever 
food was taken, this bird picked it up. The sensations of the act 
of picking were graphical!}' described. The gnawingpainsof an 
ulcer, subsequently discovered in this patient, accounted for the 
sensations and the beliefs experienced, as they disappeared with 
the surgical treatment of the ulcer. 

The mental pain felt bv the hypochondriac is 
more apparent than real. He may look the picture 
of grief when detailing his distresses, but, unlike 
the true melancholic, he can for the moment be 
diverted from his troubles to talk rationally and 
act brightly. Defective will power and loss of 
memory are associated with hypochondria. The 
memory defect is due to the concentration of the 
mind on the bodily troubles. All other thoughts 
for the time are excluded, and so the experience of 
recent events not obtruding on his limited mental 
outlook is lost. 

Hypochondria is not easily confused with other 
mental afiections. Though it difi'ers in degree only 
from true melancholia, which is more concerned 
with morbid thoughts than morbid sensations, 
there are obvious differences : the hypochondriac 
is restless, always seeking for sympathy and the 
ear of one to whom he may detail his sorrows ; the 



62 



HYPOCRISY 



melancholic generally keeps to one place and one 
attitude, and does not dwell on his mental state 
unless under pressure. The frequency of suicidal 
attempts, wiiicli are generally openly made, is to 
be explained by the desire of the hypochondriacal 
to elicit sympathy and not from any impulse to 
self-destruction, though it has to be noted that 
in a few cases such attempts may be accidentally 
successful. The suicidal attempts of the melan- 
cholic are generally deliberate and secretive. 

The condition known as 'psychasthenia' has 
been confounded with hypochondria. In this dis- 
ease, there are irrepressible thoughts, fears, and 
impulses, and an absence of those morbid sensations 
which are the central theme of hypochondria. 
Hypochondriacal symptoms not infrequently arise 
in the course of many forms of mental disease ; 
they are generally of a temporary nature, and due 
to the same causes as are at the basis of the real 
affection. 

With appropriate treatment, hypochondria is 
eminently recoverable. The main lines of treat- 
ment are rest, alteratives, tonics, milk and farinace- 
ous foods, and, above all, cheerful surroundings 
and skilful nursing. 

Literature. —D. Hack Tuke, art. * Hypochondria,' in Diet, 
of Pyschol. Medicine, London, 1S92 ; chapters in the many 
works on Mental Disease, such as T. Clouston's Clinical Lecturers 
on Mental Diseases^, do. 1S96, Hygiene of Mind, do. ""QOe, and 
(TnBoundness of Mind, do. 1911 ; H. J. Berkley, Mental 
Diseases, do. 1900 ; W. H. B. Stoddart, Mind and its Dis- 
ordeirs, do. 1903 ; L. C. Bruce, Studies in Clinical Psychiatry, 
do. 1906 ; A. Church and F. Peterson, Nei-vous and Mental 
Diseases 5, New York, 1905 ; Eugenio Tanzi, Mental Diseases, 
Eng. tr., London, 1909 ; Ernesto Lugaro, Modem Problems in 
Psychiatry, Eng. tr., Manchester, 1909. 

Hamilton Mark. 
HYPOCRISY. — Primitive man was so much a 
member of the society to which he belonged that 
he was unable to conceive of any existence apart 
from it. It was all-important to him that there 
should be a body with power to regulate his habits. 
What he wanted most urgently was to be disci- 
plined, and early society undertook this task with 
awill. What he got was a comprehensive rule 
binding men together, making their conduct in 
similar matters the same, moulding them, as it 
were, into a common pattern. The rules evolved 
covered the whole field of life as completely as a 
modern bureaucrat could desire. There was no 
room left for individuality, for conduct in every 
respect must conform to the common type. Primi- 
tive man, too, was most anxious to comply per- 
fectly with the rules laid down for him ; he was 
afraid of the wrath of the gods incurred by any 
departure from them. The element of fear bulked 
largely among the motives controlling his life. 
Like ourselves, from this point of view, he hated 
trouble, and chose — though he was barely conscious 
that he made a choice — the line of least resistance. 
In tropical Africa the country is covered by a net- 
work of narrow footpaths, made by the natives. 
These paths seldom run straight, and their flexu- 
osities witness to small obstacles, here a stone 
and there a shrub, which the feet of those who 
first marked the path avoided. To-day one may 
perceive no obstacle. The prairie which the path 
crosses may be smooth and open, yet every travel- 
ler follows the windings, because it is less trouble 
to keep one's feet in the path already marked than 
it is 10 take a more direct route for oneself. The 
latter process requires thought and attention ; the 
former does not. Primitive man instinctively felt 
this, and discouraged all independence of judgment. 
He was most desirous of creating what Bagehot 
called ' a cake of custom ' to bind all his actions 
into a whole that would commend itself to his 
community. Consequently, hypocrisy was an idea 
outside his line of action, for he wanted to eon- 
form. 



This intense eagerness to conform can easily be 
seen in such arrested civilizations as those of the 
East. The hardening of the cake of custom be- 
came too much for India, and men were so stereo- 
typed by this hardening that they were unable to 
break through it. There is a tendency in de- 
scendants to differ from their progenitor, but the 
Indian discouraged variation from the original 
type. Among successful peoples the difterers dis- 
sembled at first, until they became strong enough 
to soften the cake of custom, though they pre- 
tended to themselves that they had changed 
nothing. 

This course, however, was the exception, not the 
rule ; for the propensity of man to imitate what is 
before him is one of the strongest parts of his 
nature. In early times it was a case of ' that 
which hath been is that which shall be ; and that 
which hath been done is that which shall be done : 
and there is no new thing under the sun ' (Ec 1"). 
This extreme propensity to imitation forms one 
great reason of the amazing sameness which every 
observer notices among savage nations. No bar- 
barian can bear to see one of his nation deviate 
from tlie old barbarous customs and usages of his 
tribe. All the tribe would ine^atabiy expect a 
punishment from the gods if any one of them re- 
frained from what was old or began what was 
new (cf., further, art. Custom). Comparative 
sociology at once reveals a substantial uniformity 
of genesis. The habitual existence of chieftain- 
ship, the establishment of chiefly authority by 
war, the rise everj'where of the medicine-man and 
the priest — these are evident in all early organiza- 
tions. It is true the old order changes — leaving 
some room for dissemblers — yielding place to the 
new, but the new does not wholly consist of posi- 
tive additions to the old ; much of it is merely the 
old very slightly modified, very slightly displaced, 
and very superficially re-combined. ' If you want,' 
remarked Swift, ' to gain the reputation of a 
sensible man, you should be of the opinion of the 
person with whom for the time being you are 
conversing.' It is obvious, then, that all primi- 
tive men were profoundly sensible. When Lord 
Melbourne declared that he would adhere to the 
Church of England because it was the religion of 
his fathers, he was acting upon one of the most 
deeply rooted maxims of his ancestors. 

Conduct in the olden days was never individual- 
istic ; it was always corporative. To early man 
all his acts were tribal, for all the acts of tlie tribe 
involved him in their consequences. Hypocrisy to 
him was abhorrent, for he could not bear any 
divergence from the observed ritual. When the 
street statues of Hermes were mutilated, all the 
Athenians felt afraid ; they thought that they 
would be ruined because one of their corporate 
body had mutilated the image of a god. The mind 
of the citizen had been so permeated by the ideas 
of the day that they were part and parcel of its 
mental furniture. His brain, not merely his 
actions, was so cut and marked as to conform to 
the orthodox type. His habits, his superstitions, 
and his prejudices were absolutely those of his 
fellow-tribesmen. In the Fiji Islands, for example, 
a chief was one day going over a mountain path 
followed by many of his people, when he happened 
to stumble and fall. All his followers, save one, 
also stumbled and fell. Immediately they beat 
the defaulter, asking him whether he considered 
himself better than the chief. 

The Greeks and the Romans possessed the seed 
of adaptiveness, and were, therefore, able to free 
themselves from the cake of custom. This freedom, 
however, made possible the existence of the hypo- 
crite, and yEschylus (Agam. 788 S.) analyzes the 
traits in his character : 



HYPOCRISY 



G3 



iroAAoi 6b PporCtv to AoKnc ^Icai 
TTpoTiowo-i 6t«T)f napafidi^ti;. 
Tu> fiuaTTpayoiTTi i fTriiTTPl'ax'tl' 
ira? Tis cTotjuof fiij-y^iia 60 Aumjs 
ov6ev c(/>' ^Tra/j Trpoc7t*ci'ccTaf 
«a't fuyxaipouo'ii' o^ocoirpcrrei? 
aye'AatTTa TrpdirajTra fiia^6lxrl'0l. 
otrrt? 6' ttyaWb? irpofiaToyVioiJUuv, 
OUK «(m AaOcii' oiifiara </jwt6s, 
Ta fioKoOl'T' «iJ</»poi'0'; e'« 6ia^0lac 
vSapel aaiveiv (|jiA6ttiti. 

The /ZJarf (ix. 312 f.) speaks even more plainly : 

ixOpol yap fxot leeti'Oy ouw? 'ACSao jryAjjcrii', 
ii5 ;^' tTcpov p-kv Ktvd-r^ eel (/>pccriV, aAAo fie eiTriJ. 

With this passage may be compared Od. xviii. 
282 f., and Theognis, Ekff. 87. So far has the 
Greek travelled from the old conception that Plato 
lays down in the Rejjnblic (iii. 394) that our guard- 
ians ought not to be imitators, and that the 
productions of the imitative arts are bastard and 
illegitimate (x. 603 H'. , Laivs, xi. 915 f. ). 

During the last two centuries of the Roman Re- 
public the presence of superstition and scepticism 
is very noticeable. With the unreality of Roman 
literature was combined the unreality of education. 
The teacher often selected questions of casuistry 
for discussion bj' the pupil. Such discussions in- 
evitably developed the tendency of the age to 
afrectation and lack of reality. To this Lucian 
and Seneca, Statins and Velleius bear witness. 
In the pages of the lirst writer we meet the sham 
philosopher, speaking loudly of virtue while his 
cloak covers all the vices of dog and ape. Cicero 
(de Nat. Dear. ii. 28. 70, iii. 17. 43, de Div. i. 3. 
6), Seneca (frag. 39), Pana?tius, Polybius (vi. 56), 
Quintus Scsevola, and Varro (Aug. de Civ. Dei, 
vi. 4) regarded religion as the device of statesmen 
to control the masses by mystery and terror. It 
had become impossible for these men to believe in 
the old faith, yet the people had to continue to 
take part in a gross materialistic worship. Accord- 
ing to Gibbon, all religions were regarded by the 
people as equally true, by the philosopher as 
equally false, and by the statesman as equally use- 
ful. Cicero quotes a dictum of a Pontifex Maximus 
that there was one religion of the poet, another of 
the philosopher, and another of the statesman. 

Stoicism maintained the idea of a ' double truth ' 
—one truth for the intellectual classes and one for 
the common people, the climax being reached in 
the phrase, 'It is expedient for the state to be 
deceived in matters of religion ' (expedit igiturfalli 
in religione civitatem). Thinkers in the community 
adopted this attitude towards religion in the last 
cent. B.C. It is too much to say that they were 
hypocrites, but the outcome of their thought was 
hypocritical. Sulla used religion for State pur- 
poses, and with him it became merely another 
department of political activity. In Cicero's time 
old women had ceased to tremble at the fables 
about the infernal regions (de Nat. Dear. ii. 2-5). 
Even boys, according to .Juvenal, disbelieved in the 
world of spirits (Sat. ii. 149-152). Cicero was an 
augur, yet he quotes with approval Cato's saying 
that he wondered how one augur could meet 
another without laughing. On tlie whole, how- 
ever, the people still retained their faith in the old 
gods, which the educated had lost. The latter, in 
spite of their disbelief, attended carefully to the 
details of ritual. In their case creed and practice 
were utterly divorced, and the effects of this 
divorce on the moral character can easily be imag- 
ined. In commenting upon the life of Seneca, 
Macaulay remarks : 

'The business of a philosopher was to declaim in praise of 
poverty with two millions sterling; out at usury ; to meditate 
epigrammatic conceits about the evils of luxury, in gardens 
which moved the envy of sovereigns ; to rant about liberty, 
while fawning on the inso'ent and pampered freedmen of a 
tyrant; to celebrate the liVine beauty of virtue with the same 
pen which had just before written a defence of the murder of a 
mother by a son ' (Essays, pop. ed,, London, 1870, p. 393). 



Just as many a sturdy beggar in the Middle 
Ages donned tlie cowl of a bugging friar, many an 
idle vagaljoud and prolligato culled himself a Stoic, 
and brought discredit upon the name. (See Taci- 
tus, Ann. xvi. 32, for Egnatius, a hypocrite of thi.i 
order ; A. Grant, Klliiai vf Aristotle, London, 1866, 
i. 281 ; J. B. Lightfoot, Ep. tuPldlippians*, London, 
1878, p. 284, notes.) 

The latter-day philosophies of Greece proved to 
the Roman that the foundations of bis religion 
were baseless, yet its existence was indispensable 
for the preservation of the State. This conflict 
between private belief and public conduct can be 
seen, for example, in Ennius. He wrote treatises, 
embodying advanced sceptical doctrines, and he 
also wrote patriotic poems in which the whole cycle 
of Roman gods was exhibited and most reverently 
treated. From Augustine's de Civ. Dei (iv. 27) we 
learn that Quintus Sctevola develops tlie ' double 
truth ' of Ennius into the familiar triple one — the 
religion of poets, of philosophers, and of statesmen. 
The Avriting of Scajvola and Varro came too late, 
for Sulla's control of religion by the State had 
killed it. 

Contemporary with the classical possessors of 
'double truth' and 'triple truth' were the Pharisees, 
the people often taken as typical hypocrites. Their 
hypocrisy was a consequence of their past history, 
for, in the catastrophe of the Exile, Ezra perceived 
the danger of associating -with the neighbouring 
peoples. The policy of splendid isolation was that 
best fitted to save Israel : it must ' observe to do 
all that is written in this book of the Torah,' that 
is, what is contained in the five books of Moses. 
The importance of the Torah forms the central 
point in the outstanding reformation of Ezra. 
Henceforward the Jew felt, as he had never felt 
before, that he had a guide laying down a detailed 
code of conduct ; it was an honest attempt to guard 
the religious life of the family from the corruption 
of intercourse with strangers. The strict Jew 
became the Pharisee, ' the separate one.' As his 
strictness increased, he explored the Torah more 
thoroughly, and came to see that by analogy its 
precepts applied to cases not originally contem- 
plated. The Scribes, the Sdphertm, interpreted 
the Divine teaching so widely that many traditions 
came into being ; the Besponsa Prudentium, the 
' answers of the learned in law,' furnishes a parallel 
case from Roman law. The SSpherim worked out 
rules applying to particular cases, much after the 
fashion of the Jesuits. Their system iuculcated 
deliberation in judgment, which is the key to the 
casuistry of the Talmud. Moreover, the Scribe 
and the Jesuit equally urged that this deliberation 
proceeded from the desire to do justice to every 
possible aspect of the question at issue. 

Under the princes of the Madcabjean house there 
was a steady tendency towards a stricter enforce- 
ment of the Torah. The Pharisees (Pirdshini, 
' separated ') frowned upon the worldliness of the 
rest of the nation, and formed themselves into 
distinct societies pledged to observe certain rules 
in the matter of meat, drink, and clothing, accord- 
ing as the Torah or traditions derived from it 
allowed or forbade these points. The rules of right 
conduct, the Halakhah, increased so much in scope 
that they practically covered all the actions of a 
man's life. It is plain that the HilakhSth imposed 
upon the many what only the few could obey, and 
the result was hypocrisy, and formalism became 
prevalent. The tithing of mint, anise, and cummin 
was performed, while the motive of these actions 
was not sufficiently scrutinized. Jesus, then, was 
obliged to speak plainly in the long speech con- 
tained in Mt 28, when He said : ' Woe unto you, 
scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites ! ' In their case 
the letter had killed the s|nrit. They had played 



64 



HYSTERIA 



a noble part in Jewish life, but their hypocrisy (cf. 
the seven classes of Pharisees, of whom five are 
hypocritical or foolish, Sotah 226) had destroyed 
their usefulness. They had been truly patriotic, 
truly scrupulous, but their social ritual forced 
them to become unscrupulous. It is the degenera- 
tion of the best which makes the worst, and the 
sincere observer of the Torah in the days of Ezra 
left for his successors in the days of Christ the 
most insincere of men. 

Most men want their lives regulated for them, 
and what the Sdphertm had done before the Chris- 
tian era the Christian Church undertook to carry 
on. Cases of conscience had rules formulated for 
them, and in the writings of Thomas Aquinas we 
find an elaborate code of morality. In the Summa 
Theologica, ii. 2, the question of hypocrisy receives 
careful treatment. 

Qu. cxi. art. i. asks, *Ib all simulation sinful?* Simulation, 
we learn, is properly a lie enacted in certain sig^ns, consisting of 
outward actions ; and it makes no difference whether one lies 
in word or in action. Hence, as all lying: is sinful, so also is all 
dissimulation. As one lies in word when he signifies that which 
is not, but not when he is silent over what is — which is some- 
times lawful ; 80 it is simulation when by outward signs, consist- 
ing of action or things, any one signifies that which is not, but 
not when one omits to signify that which is ; hence without 
any simulation a person may conceal his own sin. 

Art. ii. : * Is hj'pocrlsy the same as dissimulation?* Augustine 
says : * As actors (hypocritce, viroKpiTai) pretend to other 
characters than their own, and act the part of that which they 
are not ; so in the churches and in all human life, whoever 
wishes to seem what he is not, is a hypocrite or actor ; for he 
pretends to be just without rendering himself such.' So, then, 
hypocrisy is simulation, not, however, any and every simulation, 
but only that by which a person pretends to a character not 
his own, as when a sinner pretends to the character of a just 
man. The habffc or garment of holiness, religious or clerical, 
signifies a state wherein one is bound to works of perfection. 
And, therefore, when one takes the holy habit intending to 
betake himself to a state of perfection, if afterwards he fails by 
weakness, he is not a pretender or hypocrite, because he is not 
bound to declare his sin by laying the holy habit aside. But if 
he were to take the holy habit in order to figure as a just man, 
he would be a hypocrite and pretender. 

Art. iv. : ' Is hj'pocrisy a mortal sin ? ' There are two things 
in hjrpocrisy, the want of holiness and the state of possessing 
it. If, therefore, by a hypocrite we are to understand one 
whose intention is carried to both these points, so that he cares 
not to have holiness but only to appear holy — as the word is 
usually taken in Holy Scripture — ^in that understanding it is 
clearly a mortal sin ; for no one is totally deprived of holiness 
otherwise than by mortal sin. But if by a hypocrite is meant 
one who intends to counterfeit the holiness which mortal sin 
makes him fall short of, then though he is in mortal sin, still 
the mere prudence on his part is not always a mortal sin, but 
is sometimes only venial. To tell when it is venial and when 
mortal, we must observe the end in view. If that end be 
inconsistent with the love of God and of one's neighbour, it will 
be a mortal sin, as when one pretends to holiness in order to 
dissemble false doctrine, or to gain some ecclesiastical dignity 
of which he is unworthy, or any other temporal goods, placing 
his last end in them. But if the end intended be not inconsistent 
with charity, it will be a venial sin, as when one finds pleasure 
and satisfaction in the mere assumption of a character that does 
not belong to him : of such a one it is said that ' there is more 
vanity than malice in him.* 

This analysis is noteworthy because it is the 
presentation that dominated niediceval life, and in 
the Summa Theologica Latin Christianity received 
a definitive form, covering all the transactions of 
life. The separation between law and custom, 
thought and action, lies at the very root of all 
forms of hypocrisy, and literature bears witness to 
this divorce of creed and life. 

The poem Piers the Plovnnan exposes the corruption of the 
times, while Chaucer's Canterbury Tales does not overlook the 
ecclesiastical courts. In Tlie Scourge of Villanie, Marston 
analyzes the most offensive forms of the hypocrisy of the 
sensualist. The Reformers devote much attention to this 
particular vice. Bradford describes a Ijj'pocritical profession 
of the Gospel (5ermo7is, Cambridge, 184S, p. 436 f.). Eidley 
shows that hypocrisy is a double evil {Works^ do. 1841, p. 60). 
Becon points out its prevalence (Early WritingSy do. 1S43, p. 
40), analyzes it {Prayers, do. 1S44, p. 610 ; cf. BuUinger, Decades^ 
V. [do. 1852] 11 f.), exposes the dislike of God's v7ord {Catechism, 
do. 1844, p. 408), the liability to fall away in time of persecution 
{Prayers, 263), and the vainglory of its prayer (fiarZ^/ Writings, 
130). Buliinger compares hypocrites to chaff and rotten 
members {Decades, v. 12-13). Latimer emphasizes the difficulty 
in knotting them {Remains, Cambridge, 1845, p. 62), dwells on 
their salutation and conduct {Sermons^ do. 1844, p. 289) and 
their desire to sell their works, their * opera supererogationis ' 



{ib. 482 ; Remains, 200). John Woolton notes their observance of 
rites and ceremonies {The Christian Manual^ Cambridge, 1851, 
p. 45). William Tindale observes that they extol their own 
works above the law of God {Expositions, do. 1849, p. 127), 
notes their alms, prayers, and fastings {ib. 78), their desire to be 
praised of men {Doctrinal Treatises, do. 1848, p. 73), their 
outtt'ard abstention from sin {ib. SU), their impurity in heart 
{Expositions, 26, Doctrinal Treatises, 496), their faith {Exposi- 
tions, 11, 130), their judgment of others {ib. 112), that they have 
the world on their side {Doctrinal Treatises^ 133), that they 
must be rebuked {Expositions, 44), and their wisdom must be 
turned to foolishness {Doctrinal Treatises, 134). 

A perusal of the works of the Keformers proves 
how conscious they were of the relaxation of moral 
discipline in the 16th century. Moreover, when 
persecution overawes, it transforms a man into a 
hypocrite. The weak bent to the intolerant policy 
of the time by the use of the weapons of intrigue 
and falsehood, and both then and ever since escape 
has frequently been sought from censure — whether 
ecclesiastical or social — by a feigned compliance 
which is the mark of hypocrisy. 

LrrERATUHE. — J. Lubbock, The Origin of Civilisation'^^ 
London, 1912; W. Bagehot, Physics and Politics, new ed., 
do. 1896; H. S. Maine, Ancient Law, new ed., do. 1906; E. 
Schiirer, HJP, Edinburgh, 1891; R. T. Herford, Pharisaism, 
London, 1912 ; F. Weber, System der altsynag, paliist. Theologie^ 
Leipzig, 1880 ; J. Wellhausen, PhaHsaer und Sadducder^ 
Greifswald, 1874 ; W. Bacher, Die Aqada der Tannaiten, 
Strassbui^, 1884-90 ; D. Chwolson, Das letzte Passamahl 
Christi und der Tag seines Todes, St. Petersburg, 1892 (contains 
an essay on the Pharisees); M. Friedlander, Die religiosen 
Bewegungen innerhalb des Judentums im Zeitalter Jesu, 
Berlin, 1905 ; J. Earle, 3Hcrocosmographie, reprint, London, 
1868 (contains an essaj' on ' A she-precise Hj^pocrite ') ; Jeremy 
Taylor, Diictor Dubitantium, ed. A. Taylor, do. 1851-55 ; 
J. Bunyan, The Pilgrim's Progress, ed. C. H. Firth, do. 1898 ; 
S. Butler, Hitdibras, ed. A. R. Waller, Cambridge, 1905, 
Characters, ed. A. R. Waller, do. 1908; J. B. Mozley, 
University Sermons 2, do. 1876, p. 25 ; J. H. Newman, Parochial 
and Plain Sermons, i. [new ed., do. 1868], sermons x.-xii. ; 
T. de Quincey, Works, viii., Edinburgh, 1890, p. 310. 

Robert H. Murray. 

HYSTERIA.— Hysteria (yo-T^pa, * the womb') 
is a psychical, or at any rate a functional, nervous 
disease, which is so much more frequent in women 
that its consideration as regards the male sex may 
for the present be omitted. The chief clinical 
feature of the disease, which, however, is not 
manifested by the majority of the subjects of the 
affection, is the hysterical fit ; the other symptoms 
are either preliminary or subsequent to the fit, or 
they occur as isolated symptoms with a tendency 
to culminate in the fit. The fit may succeed a 
period of great excitement, or it may come on 
spontaneously, but it never occurs suddenly, as is 
the case in epilepsy ; and it usually takes place 
when other people are present. Consciousness is 
never entirely lost, as may be ascertained by 
touching the conjunctivae, when a protective spasm 
of the eyelids will at once occur. The eyeballs are 
always turned up, so that the pupils are concealed 
under the upper eyelids. The hands are clenched, 
and the thumbs inverted. There is usually clonic 
spasm of the muscles, and the patient struggles 
and throws herself about. She may moan or cry 
and breathe stertorously, but there is no biting of 
the tongue or bloody froth about the mouth, as in 
the epileptic fit. The paroxysm generally termin- 
ates with crying, laughing, sighing, or yawning, 
and is followed by a feeling of exhaustion. Various 
mental, motor, and sensory symptoms appear in 
hysterical subjects, subsequent to the fit, associated 
with it, or independent of it. 

I. Mental symptoms. — The subjects of hysteria 
are neuropathic, and a hereditary tendency to 
insanity or the neuroses is usually present in 
their family history. They manifest prominently 
those symptoms of instability which are described 
by modern writers as mental degeneracy. Chief 
among these are a want of intellectual vigour, 
excitability, ostentation, vanity, deficient self- 
reliance, and a craving for sympathy and notoriety. 
The subjects are extremely susceptible to sugges- 
tion by stronger wills than their own, and exhibit 



HYSTERIA 



ei 



a feeble resistance to various instinctive proniptingH 
or temptations to wliicli they may be subjected. 
At the same time, they are by no means deficient 
in intelligence, and the ingenuity they display in 
attracting attention to their supposed maladies, or 
in simulating diseases, is often phenomenal. Upon 
such a iisychical basis it is easy to see that the 
diseased mental symi)toms may assume many and 
diverse forme. Some of the patients are depressed 
and moody ; others gay, excited, and reckless in 
their conduct. Many of them are restless, irritable, 
impatient, and difficult to manage or to live with. 
The morbid ambition of others leads them to such 
means of attaining notoriety as prolonged fasting, 
the invention of improbable tales of assault upon 
themselves — usually of an indecent nature — or the 
simulation of various forms of obscure diseases, of 
which paralysis of motion is the principal. 

2. Motor symptoms. — It is a mistake, however, 
to suppose that true hysterical paralysis is a simu- 
lated affection. This paralj'sis is distinguished 
from ordinary organic forms in so far as sensation 
in the paralyzed limb is never abolished, and the 
nutrition of the afl'ected part is not impaired. In 
hysterical hemiplegia the face and tongue are 
rarely implicated, while in hysterical paraplegia 
the two lower limbs are usually unequally para- 
lyzed. 

3. Sensory symptoms. — The principal sensory 
disturbance is a condition of hypereesthesia, or 
over-sensitiveness, which involves both the special 
senses and the general sensibility of the patient. 
Slight sounds, bright lights, or a small degree of 
cutaneous pressure produce undue and exaggerated 
efi'ects upon the nervous system. Neuralgic pains 
in various parts of the body are often complained 
of. One of the most common symptoms is the 
globus hystericus, described as a choking feeling or 
a constriction in the throat or chest, as if a ball 
were passing up or down the cavity. Anaesthesia 
of diflerent parts of the body, sometimes involving 
one whole side, is not an unusual symptom in 
advanced cases. The patient may be unaware of 
the presence of the symptom, and the anaesthesia 
may be either complete or partial. Generally 
speaking, in hemianjesthesia the condition is per- 
manent, but fluctuates in degree from time to 
time. Charcot attached great importance to 
tenderness of the ovary, usually the left, in 
hysteria. The ovarian hyperaesthesia is indicated 
by pain in the lower part of the abdomen, corre- 
sponding in site to the position of the affected 
ovary. This pain may be so extremely acute that 
the slightest touch on the part is dreaded, while in 
other patients firm pressure is required to elicit it. 
Firm pressure has usually a decisive effect in 
checking the advent of the hysterical fit. In other 
cases it tends to bring out certain sensations which 
are known as the aura hysterica, prominent among 
which is the globus hystericus already referred to. 
The hyperaesthetic ovary is usually upon the same 
side of the body as is affected by the various 
sensory and motor disturbances which have been 
mentioned. 

4. It is necessary to refer briefly to three pheno- 
mena which are associated with hysteria. These 
are: (1) catalepsy, (2) trance, and (3) ecstasy. 
These three phenomena are so intimately asso- 
ciated with one another that the one may merge 
into the other in the same subject. In catalepsy 
there is a condition of stupor, accompanied or not 
with loss of consciousness, and followed or not by 
a recollection of what took place during the con- 
dition. The will to move is in abeyance, and the 
muscles are rigid. When a limb is moved passively 
by an observer, it remains in any position in which 
it may be placed. In the state of trance the 
patient lies as if dead — some persons have even 

VOL. VII. — 5 



been 'laid out' as dead in this state; the skin 
assumes a deathly paleness ; and the functions of 
respiration and circulation are so attenuated as to 
be almost imperceptible. In Ihe ecstatic slate the 
patient becomes so vividly hallucinated that com- 
plete scenes which she is able to describe fluently 
pass in sequence before the mental vision. The 
nature of the ' visions ' changes according as the 
mental condition of the patient varies emotion- 
ally from grave to gay. The ecstatic state is 
accompanied by posturing and gesturing of an 
exaggerated character, which not infrequently 
terminate in dancing movements such as are prac- 
tised by certain religious communities. 

5. Estimated by its universal diffusion over the 
world and by the frequent references to it in the 
writings of travellers, lay and medical, hysteria 
must be the most common of all the neuroses. In 
the very oldest Brahnianical writings, which pre- 
cede the Christian era by thousands of years, 
mention is made of it among the diseases of the 
nervous system (J. Jolly, Meclicin [GlAP iii. 10 
(1901)], p. 119). The origin of the word, derived 
from the writings of the Greek physicians, is also 
very ancient. Coming down to comparatively 
modern times, we find it constantly referred to in 
the writings of travellers. Judging from the com- 
parative frequency of these references, we can 
form the opinion that ' one of the principal seats of 
the malady is the group of countries in the Arctic 
latitudes of the Eastern Hemisphere, including 
Iceland, the Faroe Islands, Lapland, and the parts 
of European and Asiatic Russia in the extreme 
north. From the last of these we have information 
of the truly endemic prevalence of hysteria among 
thewomenof the Samojeds . . . and of the Jakutes 
and other Siberian tribes, as well as among the 
inhabitants of Kamschatka . . . thus hysteria is 
unusually common among the women of the Baltic 
Provinces, and among those of Viatka, Simbrisk, 
Samara and the Kirghiz Steppes' (A. Hirsch, Geog. 
and Hist. Pathol., Eng. tr., London, 1883-86, iii. 
519). Among the inhabitants of the Malay Penin- 
sula a peculiar manifestation of the disease, known 
as latah, is very common, of which an excellent 
description has been given by Ellis (Journ. of 
Mental Science, 1897, p. 32). 

6. When we turn from endemic to epidemic hys- 
teria, a wide and difficult field of inquiry presents it- 
self. As hj'steria is a hereditary disease, it must be 
latent in otherwise apparently noiTnal populations 
to an enormous extent. This latent potentiality 
may suddenly become active, under the influence 
of any powerful excitant, moral or spiritual, acting 
on a people. It is generally believed that these 
powerful emotional excitants sharply delimit the 
neuropathic from the normal elements in a popula- 
tion. The history of religious hysterical epidemics 
is inextricably associated with the history of the 
human race, so far as we know it, and can be 
traced, through the records of the Asiatics and 
other Eastern races, down to the accounts of the 
Mad Mullahs of our own day. In Europe, during 
the Christian era, the most remarkable instance of 
it was the ' dancing mania ' of the Middle Ages. 
An account of it given by Raynald, as it was 
witnessed at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1374, is as follows : 

'They formed circles hand in hand, and appearing- to have 
lost all control over their senses, continued dancing, regardless 
of the bystanders, for hours together, until at length they fell 
to the ground in a state of exhaustion. . . . While dancing they 
neither saw nor heard, being insensible to external impressions 
through the senses, but were haunted by visions, their fancies 
conjuring up spirits whose names they shrieked out. . . .Where 
the disease was completely developed, the attack commenced 
with epileptic convulsions. . . . They foamed at the mouth, and 
suddenly springing up began their dance amidst strange contor- 
tions ' (quoted from J, F. C. Hecker, Epidemics of the Middle 
Ages, Eng. tr., London, 1844, p. 87). 

Those interested in this peculiar form of psycho- 



66 



IBADIS 



5' 



lathology will find a very full description of it in 
'. F. C. Becker's Epidemics of the Middle Ages. 
That such epidemics are not necessarily associated 
with religious fervour alone is seen from the similar 
outbreaks of hysterical excitement which occurred 
in Paris during the Revolution and after the close 
of the Franco-German war. In Madagascar, in the 
year 1864, an epidemic of hysteria occurred among 
girls and young married women between fifteen 
and twenty-five years of age. The occasion of the 
outbreak, which began at one point and spread 
gradually over almost the whole island, was the 
profound sensation caused among the people by 
the violent death of the king, and the consequent 
changes in the form of religion and laws. The 
morbid phenomena were almost identical with 
those of the dancing mania of the Middle Ages 
(Hirsch, loc. cit. p. 529). See also art. Degenera- 
tion. 

From the above facts and many others that 



might be cited, it appears probable that in every 
population there is a certain amount of hysteria ; 
that it varies in amount in different communities 
or races ; and that in predisposed individuals the 
disease varies in intensity — from those subjects 
who without known cause present the pronounced 
clinical symptoms of convulsion, hallucination, 
mental aberration, or disease-mimicry, up to those 
who only under extreme excitement manifest 
perversions of feeling and conduct of a pathological 
nature. 

LlTERATUHB- — In addition to the authorities cited in the 
article, and the standard worlta on Medicine and Pathology, see 
P. Sollier, Genhse et nature de t'hyst^rie, Paris, 1897 ; P. Janet, 
Etat mental des hpst^rirpces, do. 1893, and Les N>^vroses, 1898 ; 
R. Lee, Treatise an Hysteria, London, 1871 ; Legrand da 
Saulle, Les Hyst^riques'^, Paris, 1891 ; A. Moll, Das nervose 
Weib^, Berlin, 1898; A. T. Schofield, Functional Nerve 
Diseases, London, 1903 ; F. C. Skey, Hysteria, do. 1867 ; P. 
Mantegazza, Eslasi umane, Milan, 1887. 

John Macphekson. 



IBADIS. — The Ibadis were a Muslim sect, a 
branch of the Khawarij {q.v.). They were called 
after" Abdallah b. Ibad, who figures in the Chronicle 
of Tabarl (ii. 517) in the year 65, as separating 
himself from the Kharijite leader, Nafi' b. Al-Azraq 
(founder of the Azariqah), and taking a more lenient 
view of the treatment to be accorded to the unor- 
thodox than Nafi', but less lenient than that of 
'Abdallah b. Saflar, founder of the Sufriyya. The 
chronicles otherwise say little about him, and in- 
deed confuse him with other personages ; but, in an 
Ibadite treatise excerpted by E. Sachau (Mittheil. 
des Seminars fiir orient. Sprachen, ii. [Berlin, 1899] 
47-83), two letters purporting to have been written 
by him to the Umayyad Kha,lif 'Abd al-Malik are 
preserved, and his birth and death are said to \a,ve 
taken place in the reigns of Mu'awiya(A.D. 651-680) 
and 'Abd al-Malik (685-705) respectively. These 
letters are homUetic in character, and contain little 
that is definite respecting the special doctrines of 
Ibn Ibad, though insisting on the political pro- 
gramme of the Kharijites, who were responsible 
for the assassination of Othman, and afterwards 
for that of ' Ali. There is probably little reason for 
supposing them to be genuine, and analogous for- 
geries are common. Ibn Ibad appears to have 
devised a new interpretation for the word kdfir, 
' denier,' which ordinarily means ' unbeliever,' but 
may also signify ' ungrateful ' ; according to him, 
a Muslim who committed a capital oflence might 
be described as a kafir in the latter sense ; and the 
consequence to be deduced was that the goods of 
Muslims might not be appropriated as spoil, though 
their lives might be talcen. This doctrine, which 
is sketched by fabari (loc. cit.), is afterwards said 
to be characteristic of the Ibadis by writers on 
sects ('Abd al-Qahir [t A.H. 429], in al-Farq bain 
al-Firaq, Cairo, 1910, p. 82; 'Abd al-Qadir al- 
Jilaui [t A.H. 561], in al-Ghunyah, Cairro, 1288 A.H., 
i. 76. 19). 

By the end of the Umayyad period the views of 
Ibn Ibad appear to have found numerous adherents, 
since the Ibadi 'Abdallah b. Yabya, who headed 
an Insurrection in A.H. 130, found support in 
Basra, Padramaut, and Yemen. A detailed ac- 
count of this revolt is given in the Aghani (1st ed., 
Bulaq, 1285, xx. 97-114) ; and perhaps the most 
authentic documents which we possess about the 
tenets of the sect are the sermons which in that 



narrative are ascribed to the heads of the rebellion, 
which was shortly crushed by the Umayyad forces, 
after the Ibadis had enjoyed brief supremacy in 
both Mecca and Medina. Early in the Abbasid 
period they gained groimd in Africa, where in A. D. 
758 they founded Sijilmasa, and held Qairawan 
from 758-762. They became prominent again be- 
tween A.D. 942 and 947, but were defeated by the 
Fatimids, and the survivors took refuge in Jebel 
Nefusa, where they were to be found in the time of 
Ibn Hauqal (t A.H. 366), and where the community 
still survives. From Africa they spread to Spain, 
where in the time of the author last quoted they 
were represented in Castille, and an author of the 
5th cent. A.H. (Ibn Sazm) speaks of the Ibadis in 
that country rejecting meat slaughtered by Jews 
or Christians. In the somewhat earlier treatise 
by 'Abd al-Qahir they are divided into four sub- 
sects, called Hafsiyyah, ^arithiyya, Yazidiyya, 
and ' Believers in pious acts not done for God's 
sake' ; they difi'ered on a variety of subjects, but 
all agreed on the interpretation of the word kafir 
given above, with the consequences deduced. 

From an early time they appear to have been 
dominant in Oman, where their religion is still 
official. There they were found by Ibn Batuta in 
the 14th cent. ; he observes that at midday on 
Friday they have a prayer of four inclinations, 
and something like a khutba ('sermon'). They 
ask God's favour for the first two khalifs, but say 
nothing of the third or fourth, and indeed speak of 
the last as ' the man,' whereas tliey call the assassin 
at whose hand he fell ' the faithful servant ' (ed. 
and tr. Defr^mery and Sanguinetti, Paris, 1853-59, 
ii. 228). J. R. ^ eWsted. (Travels in Arabia, Lon- 
don, 1838, i. 332) claims to be, after Sale, the first 
European to give any account of their tenets ; he 
appears to have employed an account drawn up 
by a contemporary dervish, which he imperfectly 
understood ; the statement that the Ibadis deny 
that the Deity will be seen in the next world (as the 
Sunnis think) is, however, confirmed by Sachau's 
treatise. The account of W. G. Palgrave (Travels, 
London, 1865, ii. 366) is even less accurate than 
Wellsted's. Other places, besides Jebel Nefusa, 
where IbadI communities continue to exist are the 
island Jerba, and the Cercle Laghouat in Algeria, 
where the M'zab profess this doctrine. L. Rinn 
(Marabouts et Khouan, Algiers, 1884, p. 143) states 



IBN EZRA 



67 



that tliis settlement dates from about A.H. 400, and 
that those who started it had ori(,'inalIy dwelt soutli 
of Vargla at Kerima, Sedrala, and Jebel Ihad. 
These Alfjerian Ibadis, who in 1884 numbered 
about 49,000, are, according to this author, more 
like an ascetic sect than a political community. 
He speaks very hi^'hly of their honesty, morality, 
and devoutness. Their organization resembles in 
many respects that of the Sufi confraternities. 
The most accurate account hitherto published in 
Arabic is that e.\cerpted, as stated above, by 
Sachau from a treatise called Kashf al-Ghummah, 
which is only one specimen of a large Ibadi litera- 
ture, little known in Europe. The treatise is evi- 
dently late, and appears to be modelled on the 
manuals in use among the larger Muslim com- 
munities ; and the diii'erences between the Ibadi 
doctrine and the Sunni do not appear to be very 
numerous ; moreover, the author, in his polemic 
against the SunnI doctors, seriously misrepresents 
them. Like the Sunnis, the Ibadis believe in pre- 
destination ; they deline ' faith ' as ' word and deed, ' 
and declare that repentance is only for uninten- 
tional offences. The bulk of their polemic is di- 
rected against views which are associated with the 
Shi'ah, the Murjis, and the Mu'tazils. 

Ovidng to the French annexation of the M'zab 
confederation in 1882, the legal system of the com- 
munity has been studied by French scholars, and 
a manual of M'zabite legislation was drawn up by 
E. Zeys (Algiers, 1886). This is based on a work 
called the Nil by the Shaikh 'Abdal-'AzIz, of the 
second half of the 18th century. A further list of 
Ibadite works is enumerated by A. Imbert, Le 
Droit abadhite chez les Musulmans de Zanzibar 
et de I'Afrique orientale (Algiers, 1903); the ear- 
liest of these is called Bdyan al-Shar ( ' Explanation 
of the Code '), in more than 70 volumes, composed 
by Muhammad b. Sulaiman (t A.H. 508), while 
the most authoritative is of about the year 1840 
A.D., called Qdmus al-Shari' a (' Ocean of the Law'), 
in more than 90 volumes. Imbert gives some ac- 
count of the peculiar features of the system in the 
matter of inheritance, based on a monograph by 
Sachau (' Muhammedanisohes Erbrecht,' in SBA W, 
1894, p. viii). 

Literature. — To the authorities quoted above add I. Gold- 
ziher, Vorlesimgen uber den Islam, Heidelberg, 1910 ; E. Mer- 
cier, Histoire de I'Afrique septentrionale, Paris, 18S8-90. 

D. S. Margoliouth. 

IBN EZRA.— I. Ibn Ezra, Abraham ben Meir 
(Aben Ezra, Avenares), Jewish philosopher, poet, 
grammarian, and exegete, and one of the most 
widely-known Jewish scholars of the Middle Ages, 
was bom in Toledo, Spain, during the last decade 
of the nth cent., and died c. 1167. The first part 
of his life was spent in his native country, which 
he seems to have left in the year 1140. From that 
year until his death he was a continuous wanderer, 
his way leading him to Egypt and through 
Northern Africa, Italy, and Southern France, and 
to England. His place of death is variously given : 
some authorities contend for Rome, others for 
Calahorra on the frontier of Navarre. Ibn Ezra 
was a prolific writer ; his roaming life did not 
prevent him from composing works upon a variety 
of subj ects. His style is always precise — sometimes 
so precise as to be slightly unintelligible, especi- 
ally in his commentaries ; and at times hurried — 
owing to the circumstances of his life. 

As a poet, Ibn Ezra is a worthy representative 
of the Hispano-Jewish Hebrew poetry, which was 
modelled upon that of the Arabs. While not 
possessing the simplicity and naturalness of its 
greatest representative, Jehudah Halevi (q.v.), he 
excels him in the depth of his feeling and in the 
pungency of his wit. Fully 150 of his religious 
poems — ^lyric, didactic, and historical — have found 



their way into the prayer-book of the S3'nagogue. 
His Dlwdn, or colluiiLed poetical works, comprises 
about 200 different pieces, and contains many that 
are of a purely worldly character. He often plays 
with numerical relations, as he was much interested 
in mathematics. As is the fashion in Oriental 
literature, he clothed a variety of subjects in poetic 
garb. Not only did he intersperse short poems in 
the introductions to his various commentaries on 
parts of the IJible, but lie versified treatises on 
religion, on calendar-rules, and on chess. 

His Diw&n has been published by Jacob Egers, Diwdn deB 
Abraham ibn Esra, Ucrlin, 1880 ; and his collected poetical 
works by David Kahuna, Kobt^^ liokrtiat ha-Jia'ba', 2 vols., 
Warsaw, 1894 ; and with German tr. by David Rosin, Reimc 
und Gedickte dee Abraham ibn L'sra, Breslau, 1885-1894. Cf. 
K. Albrecht, ' Studien zu den Dichtungen Abrabanis ben Ezra,' 
ZDMG Ivii. (19031 421-473. 

In philosophy, Ibn Ezra shows distinct traces of 
Neo-rlatonic and Pythagorean influences. His 
Neo-Platonic ideas he seems to have adopted from 
his earlier contemporary Solomon Ibn Gabirol 
(q.v.); the Pythagorean from the writings of the 
Arabic 'Brethren of Purity.' According to Ibn 
Ezra, the whole universe is made up of substance 
and form — with the exception of God, who is 
substance alone ; though substance is defined as 
that of which being can be predicated. God is 
further described as the power out of which conies 
that which is felt and thought. He is incorporeal 
and spiritual, ' knowing in a sense very different to 
the knowledge of man, since He is at one and the 
same time the Knower and the thing known.' 
But God knows only general ideas — the immutable 
and permanent species, not the individuals that go 
to make up the species. When we attribute 
wisdom, goodness, and righteousness to Him, we 
are describing His actions only, not His essence. 
When we speak of God's creative act, we refer 
only to the sublunar world ; the rest of creation — 
heavenly bodies, angels, spheres, and stars — have 
neither beginning nor end. He is thus opposed to 
what became the official theological doctrine of 
Judaism, the creatio ex nihilo. God determines 
the species, to which He gives the power to fashion 
the individual. The sublunar world is created 
through the instrumentality of the angels. In 
fact, God acts upon the world through the angels, 
and through certain human beings \Yho have not 
entirely lost the character of angels — prophets, 
pious ones, and the righteous. He also uses as 
intermediaries the heavenly bodies, which, by their 
conjunction, work good or evil upon mankind. 
But, in order to save his religious conceptions, 
Ibn Ezra holds that God can overpower the work- 
ings of the heavenly bodies ; and that this inter- 
ference depends upon the moral condition of the 
subject affected, thus making free will possible. 
It is accomplished through the angels. Ibn Ezra 
does not rationalize the wonders in the Bible, 
though he warns against exaggerating their im- 
portance. The universe is composed of the Highest 
world (angels), the Middle world (sun, moon, and 
stars), and the Lowest world of Nature (made up 
of the four elements and the three kingdoms). 
With the exception of his 'Aruggat ha-Hokmdh 
and Pardes ha-Mezimmidh, written in rhymed prose, 
Ibn Ezra has left no work of a peculiarly philo- 
sophic character. His ideas are scattered through- 
out his other writings. 

See Rosin, in Monatstichrift fur Gesch. und Wissensch. des 
Judenthums, xlii. [189SJ, xliii. [1899] ; Hamburger, Real-Emy- 
clopddie des Judentums, iii. , vi. 

Two theologico-religious works of Ibn Ezra 
deserve mention. The first is the allegory Sai 
ben Mekis, a rhymed prose description of the 
Supreme Being, composed upon the lines of 
Avicenna's ^ai ibn Yaksdn, and to be classed with 
Ibn Gabirol's Keter Malkut (best text in Egers' 
ed. of the Dvwdn). The second is his Yesod Mora 



68 



IBN EZRA 



(ed. and tr. by M. Creiznach, Leipzig, 1840), a 
pamphlet written in England, in which he treats 
of the study of the Law and of the nature of the 
divine commandments. But Ibn Ezra not only 
gives semasiological explanations ; he tries to find 
the ethical foundations for the various command- 
ments. 

As a grammarian, Ibn Ezra was the first of the 
Spanish school to write in Hebrew, though his 
method of treatment and his terminology are still 
wholly dependent upon his Arabic prototypes. 
His wish was to popularize the Arabic system 
among the Jews and to make them acquainted 
virith the works of his noted predecessor, Judah 
Hayyuj. His largest work on grammar is his 
SefRT Sahot, written in 1145. To this must be 
added a number of smaller treatises : Yesod 
Dikdulp, Safah Berurdh, Yesod Mispar, Sefer ha- 
Shem, Sefer Yether, and a popular treatise entitled 
Moznayim, a sort of terminological dictionary of 
Hebrew lexicography. Most of these works are 
poor and hurried in their arrangement, and written 
probably merely as text-books. 

See W. Bacher, ' Die hebraische Sprachwissenschaft,' in 
J. Winter and A. Wiinache, Die jiidische Litteratur, ii. [1392-95] 
184. 

Ibn Ezra is best known as a commentator of the 
Bible. His commentaries were always popular 
among the Jews, being usually printed together 
with the glosses of Rashi. He wrote commentaries 
upon the following books : Pentateuch, Isaiah, 
Twelve Minor Prophets, Psalms, Job, Canticles, 
Ruth, Lamentations, Kohelet, Esther, and Daniel ; 
and a second commentary to Exodus, Canticles, 
Esther, and Daniel. As a commentator Ibn Ezra 
opens up a new era among his compatriots because 
of his judicious aloofness to the claims of tradition 
when they cannot be substantiated by the plain 
meaning of the text. In the introduction to his 
commentary on the Pentateuch he discourses upon 
the methods hitherto employed in explaining the 
Biblical text : the digressive, the anti-traditional, 
the allegoric, and the Midrashic. All of these he 
rejects in favour of his own method, which he 
characterizes as a combination based on tradition 
and free research. In tliis manner a scientific 
sanity pervades his comments, which causes him 
to reject the theory of the verbal inspiration of 
the text, to lay minor stress upon the miracles, 
and, exegetically, to oppose any insistence upon 
the difJ'erence between scriptio plena and scriptio 
defecta as indicating a difl'erence of meaning. 
Whenever he himself departs from this level, it 
is either with the object of finding a deeper and 
more philosophical meaning or of indulging in 
astrological speculations, to which he was much 
given. Free research, however, leads him to take 
up positions on certain questions which, though 
on a line with currents which were not strangers 
to the Synagogue (see Gottheil, ' Some Early Jewish 
Bible Criticism,' JBL xxiii. [1904] 1-12), Avould 
have rendered him an object of suspicion, had he 
not at times veiled his real meaning, at times 
given his reader a choice of explanations by adding 
such expressions as ' the reader will adopt the 
opinion which recommends itself most to his judg- 
ment,' or ' he who understands the difficulty should 
keep silence.' Thus, because he does not believe 
that the writers of the Bible anticipated history, 
he holds that the latter part of Samuel was written 
by some one other than the prophet ; and that the 
second part of Isaiah was not written by the author 
of the first part. His influence upon Spinoza's 
theories in this respect {Tract. Theol.-Pol. viii.) is 
evident. 

See M. Joel, Spinoza's tkeoL-poL Traktat, Breslau, 1S70, p. 64 ; 
and, in n;eneral, Bacher, in Winter and Wiinsche, Die jiidische 
LiUeratiLT, ii. 288 ft. 

In addition, Ibn Ezra wrote a number of works 



on mathematical subjects, e.g. Sefer ha-Mispar 
and Yesod Mispar on arithmetic ; Sefer ha-'Ibbur 
on the calendar ; and Kele ha-Nehoshet on the 
astrolab, as well as a treatise on chronology. 

Despite his tendency to rationalism, Ibn Ezra 
was a child of his times, and, as mentioned above, 
was much interested in astrology. As many as 
eight small treatises on this subject have come 
from his pen. 

See M. Steinschneider, * Abraham ibn Ezra . . . zur Gesch. 
der mathem. Wissensch. im xiii. Jahrhundert,' in Abhandl. zur 
Gesch. der Mathematik, Leipzig, 1880, pp. 57-128. 

Literature. — M. Friedlander, Essays on the Writings of Ibn 
Ezra. London, 1876 ; N. Krochmal, Moreh Nebuke ha-Zeman, 
Lemberg, 1851, ch. xvii. ; H. Graetz, Gesch. derJuden, Leipzig, 
1S61, vi. note 8; W. Bacher, Abraham ibn Ezra als Gram, 
matiker, Strassburg, 1882, also in JE vi. 620-624. 

2. Ibn Ezra, Moses ben Jacob, Jewish poet and 
philosopher ; contemporary and relative of his 
greater namesake Abraham ibn Ezra ; bom in 
Granada c. 1071, died c. 1138. He was a most 
fruitful writer of religious poetry, which is all 
characterized by gravity and a touch of pessimism. 
It is not surprising, therefore, that of the 220 such 
poems ascribed to him the greater part are to be 
found in the rituals for the solemn festival of New 
Year and the Day of Atonement. Of his secular 
poems, which do not possess the wit and sparkle 
of Abraham ibn Ezra, a large number (300) are 
found in his Dlwan, which is still unpublished. 
He is also the author of a remarkable poem, vari- 
ously styled Tarshtsh a.ni' Anak, containing some 
1210 verses and written in the style of the Arabic 
tajnis, in which the lines of each strophe eud in 
words similarly written and pronounced, but differ- 
ing in meaning (homonyms). Ibn Ezra intended 
by this tour de force to show the possibilities of 
the Hebrew language in the working out of such 
literary conceits. The poem is divided into ten 
chapters, in which the tajnis-rhyraes are arranged 
alphabetically. The first chapter is occupied with 
the praise of some great man, who is supposed to 
have been the learned astronomer Abraham bar 
Piyyah of Barcelona. 

Even in his secular pieces, Moses ibn Ezra pre- 
serves his seriousness ; but so varied is his use of 
the Hebrew language that his compositions are 
often preferred to those of Jehudah Halevi and 
Abraham ibn Ezra. 

The Tarshtsh has been inadequately edited by David Giinz- 
burg for the society Meljise Nirdaniim, Berlin, 1886. See, how- 
ever, T. Lewenstein, Prolegomena zu Moses ibn Ezra^s Buch der 
Tajnis, Halle, 1893. 

The most important work that has come down 
to us from Moses ibn Ezra is his Kitab al-Mul}a- 
darah, written in Arabic. It is the only work of 
its kind written by a Hebrew scholar, and contains 
a detailed treatise on Hebrew prosody, a history 
of Hebrew poetry, and a mirror of the history of 
the Jews of his time. It is evidently fashioned 
closely upon the model of the Arabic Adab books. 

Only a portion ot it has been edited by P. K. Kokovtzov, in 
Vostoinyja ZanMki, St. Petersburg, 1895 (pp. 193-220) ; but a 
general account of its contents has been given by M. Schreiner 
in HE J xxi. [1890) 98-117, and xxii. [1891] 62-81, 236-249. 

Moses ibn Ezra also wrote a philosophical work 
under the title 'Arugat ha-Bosem. Only frag- 
ments of this composition have been published, 
so that it is impossible to understand the system 
to which he adhered. He cites a number of Greek 
philosophers, al-Farabi, and, of Jews, Saadia Gaon 
and Ibn Gabirol. It is evident that this work 
must be of inferior importance, as it has left little 
trace in the literature of tlie time. 

A few selections have been published by L. Dukes in the 
Hebrew periodical Ziyyon, ii. [1842] 117 S. 

Literature. — L. Dukes, Moses hen Ezra aus Granada, 
Altona, 1839 ; L. Zunz, Literatitrgeschichte der synagogaten 
Poesie, Berlin, 1865, p. 202 ; M. Sachs, Die religiose Poesie der 
Juden in Spanien, do. 1845, p. 276. 

Richard Gotthbil. 



IBN GABIROL— IBN HANBAL 



69 



IBN GABIROL.— Solomon ibn Gabirol (Gab- 
riel) enjoyed two diatinet reputations. To the 
Synagogue he was known as a hymnologist, to the 
Cnurch as a philosopher. It was S. Munk wiio, 
first in a periodical in 1846 and later in his 
Milanrjes de philosnphie j'uive et arubc (Paris, 
1857-59), proved the identity of Ibn Gabirol with 
Avencebrol or Avicebron. This name seems to 
have arisen by successive corruptions of Ibn 
Gabirol into Aven-gebrol, Avicebrol, and the other 
forms familiar from quotations in the mediiBval 
Scholastics. E. Kenan (Averrois, Paris, 1852, p. 
76) describes Munk's discovery as an ' eminent 
service to the history of philosophy.' p"or the 
curious implications of the identilication, com- 
pare the remarks of Ueberweg-Iieinze, Gesch. der 
Philos. (Berlin, 1898) ii. 296. 

Ibn Gabirol was a Spanish Jew, who passed 
the years 1040-50 in Malaga (M. Steinschneider, 
Die heb. Uebersetzungen des Mittelalters, Berlin, 
1893, § 219). It is commonly supposed that he 
was born about 1020 and died about 1070. Some 
authorities fix his death in the year 1058. The 
picture drawn of his personal life by H. Graetz 
may be found in the latter's History of the Jews 
(Eng. tr., London, 1891-92), vol. iii. ch. ix. There 
are no materials for a more definite narrative. Of 
his literary activities, however, we are better in- 
formed. Many of his Hebrew poems have been 
preserved in the Synagogue liturgy. Among these 
may be particularly cited his Royal Crown, which 
has been more than once rendered into German, 
and is to be found fully in English prose in the 
Prayer -Book of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews 
(ed. M. Gaster, Day of Atonement, Oxford, 1904, 
p. 47), and in part in English verse in Alice Lucas's 
Jewish Year (London, 1898), p. 140. It is an inte- 
resting fact that Ibn Gabirol, famous philosophi- 
cally as a Platonist, should in this poem, the 
masterpiece of the neo-Hebraic muse, nave gone 
for inspiration to Aristotle's short treatise ' On 
the World.' Gabirol's text Is Aristotle's saying : 
' What the pilot is in a ship, the driver in a chariot, 
the coryphseus in a choir, the general in an army, 
the lawyer in a city — that is God in the world' 
(de Mundo, ch. vi.). Where Gabirol differs from 
Aristotle is not merely in the moral optimism of 
his outlook, but in the mystical fervour of his 
inward gaze. There is, moreover, a charm of 
'youthful freshness' in his verse, a quality which 
led to the erroneous belief that the poet died 
young. Many others of Gabirol's poems are found 
in the ' Spanish ' liturgy ; a short invocation of 
his, translated by Mrs. R. N. Salaman, is now 
included in the ' German ' service-book (see Author- 
ized Hebrew Prayer-Book, annotated ed. , London, 
1913, p. ccxlvi). Gabirol also wrote didactic 
hymns, such as his Azhardth (Exhortations) — 
poetical summaries of the Biblical Laws, for reci- 
tation on Pentecost. Another long poem of his 
is termed 'Anaq ; this is a linguistic treatise. 
Others of his poems previously unknown have 
been recently published. Ibn Gabirol, like other 
mediaeval Hebrew authors, wrote secular as well 
as religions poems ; several of his epistles have 
come down to us. His command of a pure Hebrew 
style is as remarkable as is the elevation of his 
thought. He stands very high among post-Biblical 
writers of Hebrew. 

Besides his poetical works, Ibn Gabirol com- 
posed ethical and metaphysical treatises, some of 
them of minor importance. A full account of 
these may be found in the work of Steinschneider 
cited above. One popular collection of moral 
maxims, the Choice of Pearls, is attributed to 
Ibn Gabirol, though authorities are divided as to 
the correctness of this ascription. The book was 
translated into English by B. H. Asher (London, 



1859). More authentic is the J m/irovement of the 
Moral QurUities, written in Saragossa about the 
year 1045 (od. S. S. Wise, in Arabic and English, 
New York, 1901). 

* In two respects the "Ethics" (by which abbreviation the 
worlc may be cited) is hi^'hly (ir\\(\mi\. In the firtit nlaec, as 
compared with 8aadia, his predecessor, and iiahya and Muinio- 
nides, his successors, Gabirol toolt a new stand, in so far as he 
set out to systematise the principles of ethics independently of 
religious belief or do^nm. Kurtlier, hie treatise is original in 
its emphasis on the physio - psycholoj^'ical a8j)ect of ethics, 
Gabirol's fundamental thesis being the correlation and inter- 
dependence of the physical and the paychi.;al in respect of 
ethical conduct ' (J A' vi. 5'21)). This thought, indeed, permeates 
the philosophy of our author. 

By far the most important of Ibn Gabirol's 
philosophical treatises was the Arabic work of 
wliich the original is lost, but which is known in 
Hebrew as 3/'q6r IJayijim and in Latin by the 
equivalent title Fons Vitce. The fullest edition of 
the Latin is by C. Baeumker, Avencebrolis Fons 
Vita; (MUnster, 1895). Mysticism naturally at- 
taches itself to Platonism ; hence the Fons Vitce, 
being Platonic in spirit, easily influenced the 
Jewish Qabbala, especially in its theory of emana- 
tions. On the other hand, it did not affect the 
progress of Jewish scholastic theology, partly be- 
cause the latter assumed an Aristotelian guise, 
and partly because the Fons Vitce, though it 
essentially is an attempt to harmonize the Jewish 
monotheism with Platonism, is based on extra- 
Biblical foundations. The Fons Vitce is, how- 
ever, frequently quoted by Christian scholastics. 
Albertus Magnus cites its author as an Arab 
(Ueberweg - Heinze, 266). Duns Scotus, whose 
hostility to the Jews is notorious, had no suspicion 
that the author whom he so admired was himself 
a Jew. Of Duns Scotus the historian just cited 
(p. 291) says that ' many Platonic and neo-Platonic 
ideas penetrated into his thought by the channel 
of the Fons Vitce.' 

Holding that every created substance, whether spiritual or 
bodily, possesses matter as well as form (a position contested 
by Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas), Duns Scotus 
asserted : ' ego autera ad positionem Avicembronis redeo.' He 
agrees with Ibn Gabirol in holding 'quod unica ait materia' (p. 
296). Platonic realism and its underlying hypostatization of 
ideas have obvious relations with Ibn Gabirol's materia univer- 
salis, though, unlilie Spinoza, Ibn Gabirol does not identify 
God with the materia universalis. On the contrary, he abso- 
lutely excludes God from any such category. The theory of 
the identity of substance running through the universe of spirit 
and body is a hypothesis of far-reaching import, and interest in 
Ibn Gabirol has been revived in recent times because of the 
new turn which has been given to mystical and monistic con- 
ceptions. 

Literature. — Besides the works cited in the course of the 
article, the following may be added, out of the extensive litera- 
ture on the subject ; M. Sachs, Zfie rel. Poesie der Juden in 
Spanien, Berlin, 1845, pp. 8^0, 213-248 ; G. Karpeles, Gesch. 
der jiid. Lit., do. 1886, pp. 466-483 ; W. Bacher, Bibelexegese 
der jild. Retigionsphilosophen des Mittelalt., Strassburg, 1892, 
p. 45 ; J. Winter and A. Wiinsche, Die jiid. Litt., ii. (Trier, 
1894) 723, iii. (1896) 28, 109 ; D. Kaufmann, Stud, ilber Salomon 
ibn Gabirol, Budapest, 1899 ; D. Neumark, Gesch. der jiid. 
Philos. des Mittelalt., i. (Berlin, 1907) 157, 500, 624, 655. 

I. Abeahams. 
IBN HANBAL.— Ahmad ibn Hanbal, the 
founder of the ^lanbalite school, was born in the 
month of Rabi" the first, A.H. 164 (A.D. Nov. 780) 
in Baghdad. His lineage was of pure Arabic 
stock, from the great tribe of Bakr ibn Wall. 
Hanbal was the name of Ahmad's grandfather. 
His father, Muhammad, died when Ahmad was 
still in infancy. Rarely the imam is called Ahmad 
ibn Muhammad ibn IJanbal. When 15 years of 
age, he began the study of tradition and other 
Muslim sciences. To acquire a full knowledge 
of the holy texts, he visited Mecca and Medina, 
Yemen, Syria, Mesopotamia, Kufa, and Basra, 
and studied under Sufyan ibn 'Uyaina, Abfl 
Yasuf, al-Shafi'i, and many other famous teachers 
of those days. During this time he often lived in 
penury and suffering. Yet, when still a youth, he 
was held in reverence as an authority in matters 



70 



IBN HAZM 



of Muslim tradition. Al-Shafi'i too seems to have 
had a great respect and affection for Ibn ^anbal. 
It is told that, when al-Shafi'I went at last to 
Egypt, he said : ' I do not leave behind any one 
greater as a,faqih or more pious and learned than 
Ahmad ibn fllanbal.' 

After this period of travelling, Ahmad continued 
CO reside in Baghdad. Soon he was regarded as 
one of the greatest teachers of tradition a,TiAjiqh. 
During his whole career he was a great defender 
of orthodoxy. In hia personal life he was very 
scrupulous in his adherence to the ritual observ- 
ances. It is said that he was wont to pray every 
day 300 raKa's at least (every prayer consists of a 
certain number of ralcds). It was his custom at 
night, after the last prayer of the day, to sleep 
only for a short time, and then to arise and offer 
prayers of supererogation until the morning. He 
recited the whole Qur'an once every seven days. 
His needs were so extremely few that his life 
might seem a continuous fast. His demeanour 
was that of a man abstracted from the common 
concerns of life. 

Ahmad's maintenance of the integrity of ortho- 
dox faith, during the inquisition (mihna) ordered 
by the Klialif al-Ma'mun and his successors, is 
looked upon as one of his greatest merits by his 
Muslim biographers. Al-Ma'mun had adopted in 
the year A.H. 212 (A.D. 827) the doctrine of the 
Mu'tazilites, that the Qur'an was created. The 
Khalif made this tenet obligatory upon his sub- 
jects, and sent letters to all the provinces, order- 
ing that his governors should cite the qddis and 
learned men and demand of them a clear answer 
as to Allah's creation of the Qur'an. Those who 
would not yield, as the test was applied, were 
frightened by threats and tortures. But Ahmad 
ibn J^anbal remained firm in the orthodox faith 
that the Qur'an was Allah's uncreated word. He 
was cast for some time into prison, in chains, but 
refused to assent to the Khallf's doctrine. In 
the year A.H. 219 he was scourged in the palace 
of the Khalif Mu'tasim, Ma'mtin's successor. 
Finally, as the crowd outside became moved with 
anger and was preparing to attack the palace, the 
Khalif ordered the suspension of the punishment, 
and soon after set Ahmad free. 

After the scourging Ibn IJanbal was let alone. 
It may be that the Government feared a popular 
outbreak if any further action was taken against 
the holy man. In the year A.H. 234 (A.D. 848) the 
Khalif al-Mutawakkil stopped the application of 
the test by public proclamation. When Ahmad 
was asked by this Khalif to undertake the teach- 
ing of al-Mu'tazz, his favourite son, in the palace 
at Surramanra, he excused himself, fearing that 
the Khalif was going to make him an attach^ to 
the court. 

As a,faqih and a traditionist, Ibn ^anbal bore 
a great reputation among his own and the follow- 
ing generations. He was a man of great influence 
among the people, and the leading representative 
of the strictest orthodox party in those days. He 
died on the 12th of Rabi' the first, A.H. 241 (A.D. 
31 July 855), at the age of 77 years. When the 
news of his death became kno\\'n, there was 
general grief over the city of Baghdad and even 
m distant countries. It is told that many 
thousands were present at his funeral. 

In regard to Ibn ^lanbal's works we know very 
little. Only one book, the Musnad, his great 
work, is well kno^vn. It is a compilation con- 
taining about 30,000 or 40,000 traditions relating 
to the sunnah of the Prophet. According to 
Ahmad ibn ^anbal, only the traditions in it were 
a reliable basis for argument in fiqh and other 
Muslim sciences, whilst the traditions omitted 
therein were not at all to be regarded as a sound 



basis. The Musnad is not arranged with any 
reference to the subjects of the traditions it in- 
cludes, but only according to the earliest authori- 
ties of the cited traditions. The work has always 
had a great reputation in Muslim circles ; it has 
been used by many traditionists, but its immense 
size and the inconvenient method of its arrange- 
ment prevented it from becoming a popular book. 
A printed edition was issued at Cairo in 1896. 

After the death of Ibn ^anbal, his pupils and 
admirers continued to form the so-called Sanbalite 
madh/iab, one of the four Muslim schools of fiqh, 
which still exist at the present day. The ^anbal- 
ites have always distinguished themselves by their 
aversion to liberal theories in matters of faith, and 
their enmity against the Muslim rationalists and 
freethinkers (see, further, art. Sects [Muslim]). 

LiTBRATUEE. — Waiter M. Patton, AJimed ibn Hanbal atxd 
the Milyiia : a Biography of the Imdm, including an Account 
of the Mohaminedan Inquisition called the Mihna, Leyden, 
1897 ; I, Goldziher, ' Anzeisje von Patton's Ahmed ibn Hanbal 
and the Miljna,' in ZDMG^lii. [1898] 166-160,' ' Zur Gesch. der 
tianbalit. Bewegungen,' ib. Ixii. [1908] 1-28, ' Neue Materialien 
zur Litt. des Ueberlieferungswesens bei den Muhammedanem,' 
ib. 1. [1896] 465-606, and art. ' Ahmed b. Mu^iammed b. Hanbai," 
in EI i. [1913] 188-190; C. Broclcelmann, Gesch. der arab. 
Lit., Weimar and Berlin, 1897-1902, i. 181-183. 

TH. W. JUYIfBOLL. 

IBN HAZM.— Ibn ^Jazm (AbQ Muhammad 
'All b. Ahmad), a celebrated theologian and bel 
esprit of Muslim Andalusia, was born A.H. 384 
(A.D. 994) in a suburb of Cordova, the Umayyad 
capital. He belonged to a Spanish family of con- 
verts (muwallad; cf. ZDMG liii. [1899] 602 ff.) 
hailing originally from Niebla. His great-grand- 
father, 5azm by name, had renounced the Chris- 
tianity in which he was born, and embraced Islam ; 
but the family subsequently denied their Christian 
descent, and fabricated for themselves a Persian 
origin, claiming to be descended from a Persian 
who had been emancipated (maula) by Yazld, the 
brother of Mu'awiya, the first of the Umayyad 
Khallfs, and to be the prot^g^s of that family. 
Ahmad, the father of Ibn IJazm, had served a,s 
vizir under the ' Amirids (al-Mansur ibn Abl 'Amir, 
and his son al-Muzafl'ar), and Ibn 5azm himself 
held the office for a short time under the Khallfs 
'Abdalrahman IV. (al-Murtada) and ' Abdalrahman 
V. (al-Musta?hir), taking part in the wars forced 
upon the tottering Umayyad Khalifate by the 
insurgent Berbers under the claimant 'Ali b. 
IJammtid. He was for a time a captive among 
the Berbers. After the fall of Musta?hir (A.D. 
1024), he was thrown into prison by Muhammad II. 
(al-Mustakfi), the next occupant of the throne. 
On regaining his liberty, he withdrew entirely 
from the political arena, and lived a rather solitary 
life on his ancestral estate near Niebla, devoting 
himself to the literary and scientific pursuits which 
at length made him one of the most prominent 
figures in Andalusian Islam. He died there A.H. 
456 (A.D. 1063). 

His literary work was of a varied character. His 
son, Abu Rati', estimates that he was the author of 
some 400 compositions, consisting in the aggregate 
of 80,000 pages, and there is no doubt that he was 
a most prolific writer. He was a tasteful poet, and 
his love poems are often quoted. He also com- 
posed a belletristic monograph on love, entitled 
Taiiq al-hamama fi-l-ulfa wal-ullaf ( ' the dove's 
neck-ring on sociality and the sociable'), still 
extant in a single Mb (in Leyden), an edition of 
which is being prepared for publication by a 
Russian scholar. From this work a charming 
love-experience of its author has been translated by 
Dozy. Ibn IJazm contributed also to historical 
study. A short treatise of a historical character, 
Nuqat al-arus ft tawarxkh al-khulafa, was re- 
cently edited from the sole surviving MS (in 
Munich), and published with a Spanish transla^ 



IBN HAZM 



n 



tion (' Regalos de la novia sobre Iob anales de loa 
califas ') in tlie Bevista del Centra de Estudios His- 
toricos de Granada y su Reino (i. [1911] 160-180, 
236-248), by C. F. Seybold. Of more iniportance 
in this Uelii is Ibn yazm's great work entitled 
Jamharat nl-ansdb (in Maqrizi, Kilab Mi 'dz al- 
Awrepr/a [' History of the Fatimids'], ed. H. IJunz, 
Leipzig, 1909, p. 8, 1. 4 — the title appears as Kitah 
al-jamahlr fi ansdb al-mashdhlr), treating of the 
genealogy of the Arab and Berber tribes, witli 
special reference to the branches of tlie former in 
the Maghrib. This work, a section of wliich has 
been published in India by S. Khuda Bukhsli, was 
higlily prized by Ibn Khaldun (' Ibn l;Iazni is the 
imam of genealogists and learned men ' ; ' trust- 
worthy, he has no equal '), and was often used by 
him (Histoire des Berbiires, ed. de Slane, Algiers, 
A.D. 1847-51, i. 106 f., 147, ii. 2, and passim).^ 

But the bulk of Ibn ^lazm's literary work is 
devoted to theology. Even a treatise on Logic 
— now lost — he is said to have brought into the 
theological sphere, thus disregarding the position 
assigned to the former by Aristotle. Voluminous 
works on the Jigh, the hadlth, the dogmatics, and 
other elements of Islam are ascribed to him ; but, 
for a reason to be mentioned presently, the greater 
number have perished. He was at the outset an 
adherent of the Shafi'ite school, but, following in 
the wake of Dawud b. 'All {q.v.), the founder of 
the Zahiriyya school, abandoned it for the latter. 
Just as, in a general sense, he vindicates the 
rejection of the non-traditional sources for the 
deduction of the Laws in a special work (Ibtdl al- 
yiyds) first made known by the present writer, so, 
in particular, he develops his Zabirite polemic 
against the dominant schools [madhdhib) in the 
special chapters of his work al-Muhalld, which 
deals with the religious law, while in various works 
in systematic theology he exhibits the Zahirite 
method in its broadest application. In one direc- 
tion, however, he advanced beyond the normal 
position of the Zahirite school ; for, whereas they 
had hitherto limited the scope of their principle to 
the science of law (fiqh), and had regarded the 
province of dogmatic tneology as indifferent, Ibn 
5azm applied their method to the latter as well. 
In controverting, on the one hand, the Ash'arite 
theology, which in his day represented the orthodox 
conception of the faith, and, on the other, the 
dogmatics of the Mu'tazilites, he interprets theo- 
logy in the light of the Zahirite school, and from 
that standpoint assails all other views. He develops 
his criticism in his best known work, the Kitdb al- 
fisal fi-l-milal wal-ahwd wal-nilj.al — a title usually 
abbreviated to Kitdb al-milal wal-nihal — of which 
a printed edition is now available (4 vols., Cairo, 
A.H. 1317-21 ; on the MSS of. ZDMG Ixvi. [1912] 
166). 

In this treatise he firflt of all gives, for polemical purposes, an 
account of non-Muhammadan reliofions and their doctrines, and 
then a critique of tne doctrinal divisions of Islam. The first 
part of the worlt is devoted mainly to Judaism and Christianity, 
and to criticism of the OT and NT and the inconsistencies and 
absurdities therein, his design being to confirm a view already 
expressed in theQur'anand elaborated with increasing distinct- 
ness in later Islam, viz. that the alleged documents of revelation 
in the hands of Jews and Christians cannot possibly be the 
sacred writings given by God. He deals also with later religious 
writings of Judaism and Christianity, and, in particular, he 
submits the Talmud to severe criticism. This side of his work 
would never of itself have aroused the animosity of other theo- 
logians, but it was a very different matter with the bitter and 
merciless spirit in which, alike in the work before us and in his 
writings on the fiqh, he speaks of the most eminent authorities 
in Muslim jurisprudence and dogmatics. 

In his theological writings his tone is immoder- 
ate, fanatical, and unsparing, and he shows not 
the slightest respect for authority or for the great 
personalities of the past who stood high in the 
general esteem. His character for severity be- 

1 A quotation will be found in Nawawi, Tahdhxb, ed. Wiisten- 
leld, Gottingen, 1842-47, p. 376, line 4 from foot. 



came a proverb in literary circles: Saif ul-JJujjdj 
waqalarn Ibn B'izm ('The sword of IJajjiij and 
the pen of Ibn l;Iazm '). The result was that he 
lost all favour with the theologians ; his books 
were banned, and left unstudied (cf. Subki, Taba- 
qr'it al;Shnfi'iyn, Cairo, A.H. 1324, iv. 78), and 
were seldom quoted. This explains why most of 
his works are lost, and why some are extant only in 
rare MSS. Under the Abbadid ruler al-Mu'tamid, 
indeed, his books were publicly burned in Seville — 
a proceeding upon which Ibn I.Iazm commented in 
an epigram charged with supreme disdain : 
* Though you burn the paper, you cannot burn what the paper 

contains, for it is laid up in my breast ; 
It goes with me wltithersoever my camel betakes himself; it 
stops where I stop, and will be buried with me in my 
grave ; 
Let me alone with your burning of parchment and paper, and 
speak rather about science, so that the people may learn 
which of us knows anything ; 
If not, go to school again. How many secrets has Ood be- 
yond the thitigs you aspire to 1 ' 
In his increasing isolation he was shunned even by 
students. Of the few pupils who availed them- 
selves of his oral teaching the best known is 
Muhammad b. Abl Nasr al-Humaidi (tA.H. 488 
[A.D. 1095]), who speaks in laudatory terms of his 
learning, and his moral and religious character. 

Amongst his polemical works may also be in- 
cluded a still extant satirical poem of 137 couplets 
in which he holds up Christianity and its institu- 
tions to derision by way of a rejoinder to a 
Byzantine writer who had assailed Islam and the 
Khalifate in verse. A complete text of this poem 
appears in Subki (op. cit. h. 184-189). Ibn Hazm 
never speaks of Judaism or Christianity except in 
fierce and virulent language. 

Of his theological writings, besides the polemical 
work above referred to, his treatise on Abroga- 
tion in the Qur'an {Kitdb al-ndsikh wal-mansiikh) 
has been published (Cairo, A.H. 1297, in con- 
nexion with an edition of the Jalalain Com- 
mentary ; also at the Khairiya Press, A.H. 1308). 
An ethical work, Kitdb al-akhldq wal siyar fl 
muddwdt al-nufils ('On the healing of souls') — a 
series of maxims relating to morals and the 
conduct of life, arranged in chapters — has also 
appeared in print (ed. Mahmasani, Cairo, 1905). 
This tractate, in which the Imitatio Muhammedis 
is set forth as the ideal of the ethical life (cf. I. 
Goldziher, Vorlesungen iiber den Islam, Heidel- 
berg, 1910, p. 30), is of importance as afibrding a 
vivid impression of the author's personal character, 
and reveals very candidly his qualities and defects. 
He refers in it to the arrogance which ruled him 
for a time, but from which he was delivered by 
self-discipline. His intolerance, his propensity to 
bitter criticism of his fellow-men, and his ill- 
humour he ascribes to an enlargement of the 
spleen resulting from an illness (p. 77). This work 
is the tranquil outcome of the mature experience 
to which he constantly appeals. He complains 
here of the inconstancy of friends ; after long 
years of intimacy his own best friend had deserted 
him (p. 40). But in spite of all he is able to say : 

* Everything has its advantages : I myself have derived great 
benefit from the attacks of the ignorant. They have stirred up 
my spirit, quickened my feeling, stimulated my thought, and 
fosteri^d my activity. They were the cause of my composing 
large works which 1 should never have written unless they had 
disturbed my peace and fanned the spark hidden within me * 
(p. b-l). 

Of his sons, besides the Abu Rafi' mentioned 
above, we hear also of an Abu Usama Ya'qub as 
the transmitter of one of his father's works (Nuqat 
al-'arus; cf. Ibn al-'Abbar, Mu'jam [Bibl. arab. 
hispana, iv.], p. 29, line 2 from foot). 

Literature. — Sources for the life of Ibn ^azm ; C. Brockel- 
mann, Gesch. der arab. Lift. i. (Weimar, 1S9S) 400 ; R. P. A. 
Dozy, tlist, des Musultnansd'Kspagne, Leyden, 1S61, iii. 341 £F. 
{Ge&ch. der Mauren in Spanien, Leipzig, 1S74, ii. 210 ff.); the 
Arabic periodical al-3Iuqtabas, i. (a.ii. 1324) 39fl., ii. (a.b. 1326) 



72 



IBN TAIMIYA— IBN TUFAIL. 



313 ff. For bis work on the sects : I. Friedlander, in tiie 
Notdeke-Festschri/t, Giessen, 1906, pp. 267-277 ; tlie same writer 
has edited and translated the chapter on the Shi'ite sects in 
JAOS xxviii.-xxix. (1908-09). On his criticism of Judaism and 
Christianity : M. Steinschneider, Polem. und apologet. Lit, 
zwischen Muslimen, Christen, und Jitden, Leipzig^, 1877, pp. 
22, 99; I. Goldziher, *Muham. Polemilt gegren Ahl al-Kitab,' in 
ZDMG xxxii. [1878] 365 ; M. Schreiner, ib. xlii. [1888] 612, 
xlviii. [1891] 39 ; his polemic against the Talmud was published 
by Goldziher, in Kobak, Zeitschr. Jiir Gesch. des Judejituvis, 
viii. [1872] 76-104 _; his dogmatic sj'Stem with references to his 
works is set forth in Goldziher, Die Zdhiriten, ihr Lehrsystem 
und ihre Gesch., Leipzig, 18S4, pp. 116-170. 

I. Goldziher. 
IBN TAIMIYA. —Ibn Taimlya (TaqS al-din 
Abu-l- Abbas Ahmad b. 'Abdalhalim), the most 
eminent Muslim theologian of the 13th-14th cen- 
turies, was the scion of a Syrian family of scholars, 
and was born A.H. 661 (A.D. 1263) in Harran, near 
Damascus, a locality where a rigidly puritanical 
conception of religion had prevailed from early 
times (Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-hwffaz, ^aidarabad, 
n.d., ii. 48, line 3 from foot), and where the Han- 
balite school was strongly represented. The family 
of Ibn Tiamlya belonged to that school. As a 
public exponent of its tenets in Damascus he suc- 
ceeded his father in A.H. 681 (A.D. 1282), and in 
a short time his lectures and Avritings, in which he 
assumed a position of decided antagonism to the 
dominant tendencies of Muslim orthodoxy, made a 
great stir and aroused Tehement opposition. He 
rejected the unthinking and slavish adherence to 
a particular school of religious law (taqlid), and in 
the discussion of that subject he called upon his 
fellow-Muslims to fall back upon the old tradi- 
tional sources. It is true that he went further 
than the Zahirites (see art. Dawud b. 'Ali), with 
whose principles he closely agrees, in the range 
which he assigned to arguments from analogy 
(qiyas). Alike in the sphere of theology and in 
that of religious usage, he relentlessly assailed the 
innovations (bidd) which had found their way into 
the religious life, and, above all, he fought strenu- 
ously against the spiritualistic interpretation of 
the anthropomorphic passages in the Qur'an and 
the hadith, against the Ash'arite method of dog- 
matics, and against the mysticism of the Siifis 
iq.v.). In the cultus, again, he declared war upon 
the worship of saints and tombs which had crept 
into Islam, and he even objected to the practices 
of invoking the Prophet and making pilgrimages 
to his tomb. He differed from the acknowledged 
schools of jurisprudence with reference to the law 
of divorce. It is of special importance to note his 
opposition to the abuses which brought in their 
train the practice of tahlil, viz. that a man should 
not re-marry a woman from whom he had been 
definitely divorced, unless she had meanwhile 
consummated a valid marriage with another and 
been divorced from him. In his writings he is a 
zealous adversary of Greek philosophy, Judaism, 
and Christianity. By way of inciting the Muslims 
against them, he pointed to the Mongol inva- 
sion which had just swept over Syria, asserting 
that the visitation was in part due to the laxity of 
his co-religionists. He issued a,fatwd demanding 
that the Jewish synagogues in Cairo should be 
destroyed, and urging his people not to allow the 
chapels of other faiths to exist in their midst (ed. 
M. Schreiner, in RE J xxxi. [1895] 214 ff.). In his 
criticisms he did not spare the most widely accepted 
authorities of Islam, not even the first Khalifs. 
But the special object of his antagonism was al- 
Ghazali, whom he disliked both as an Ash'arite 
and as a mystic, and whose knowledge of the 
sources of theological science he greatly dispar- 
aged. His opposition to the Muslim consensus 
(ijma) — a theological growth of centuries — brought 
upon him a series of prosecutions, and from A.H. 705 
(A.D. 1305) till his death he was repeatedly im- 
prisoned both in Damascus and in Cairo. He died 



in prison on 22nd Dhulqa'da 728 (29th September 
1328). 

Though a stringent interdict was laid upon the acceptance 
of his doctrines, he was not left without champions. Even after 
his death, pamphleta were written on the question whether he 
was to be regarded as a kdjir (' unbeliever ') or as a genuine 
representative of orthodoxy. The tradition of his teaching waff 
continued by bis faithful pu|)il Shamsaddin ibn Qayyim al- 
Jauziya (t A.H. 751 [A.D. 1350]) in numerous works. At a much 
later period his views enjoyed a furtive revival in smaller circles, 
and the most striking historical result of his teaching is the fact 
that in the 18th cent, the founder of the powerful Wahhabi 
{q.v.) movement in central Arabia derived his initiative from 
the writings of Ibn Taimiya (cf. Goldziher, ZDilG lii. [1898] 156). 
His name is the shibboleth of the Wahhabite theologians in their 
controversy with the orthodox, who in turn take as their watch- 
word the name of Ghazali. 

As regards the influence of Ibn Taimiya at the present day, 
it should be noted that the party championed by Muhammad 
Rashid Rida in his periodical al-Mandr (now in its 16th year) — 
a party which rejects the taqtid of the four orthodox schools, 
appeals to the liadith, and is opposed to the worship of saints 
and the superstitious practices associated therewith— draws its 
constant inspiration from the writings of Ibn Taimiya and Ibn 
Qayyim al* Jauziya. It is perhaps due to this wide-spread accept- 
ance of Ibn Taimiya's views that within little more than a decade 
so many of the hitherto much neglected works of the great 
Hanbalite theologian have been issued in printed form in Cairo 
and Haidarabad. 

Ibn Taimiya displayed a vast literary fertility 
in books, tractates, epistles, and/ixiioas. Tlie list 
of his works given in Brockelmann's Gesch. der 
arab. Lift. ii. 103-105 is by no means exhaustive, 
and, in particular, attention should be drawn to a 
series of treatises {majtnuat al-rasd'il al-kubra), 
published in 2 vols, at Cairo, A.H. 1322. 

Literature. — I. Goldziher, Die Zdhiriten, ihr Lehrsystem 
und ihre Gesch., Leipzig, 1884, pp. 188-193, and in ZDMG Ixii. 
[1908] 25 f.; M. Schreiner, Beitrdge zur Gesch. der theolog. 
Bewegungen im Islam, Leipzig, 1899 { = ZDMG lii. [1898] 640- 
563, liii. [1899] 51-61), with a bibliography of the controversial 
writings for and against Ibn Taimiya; C. Brockelmann, Gesch. 
der arab. Lilt., ii. (Berlin, 1902) 103. I. GOLDZIHER. 

IBN TUFAIL.— Ibn Tufail (Abu Bakr Muham- 
mad ibn'Abd-al-malikibn Muhammad ibn Muham- 
mad ibn Tufail al-Qaisi), referred to by the Chris- 
tian Scholastics as Abubacer, was born, probably 
at the beginning of the 12th cent. A.D., in the little 
Andalusian town of Guadix (WadI Ash), and died 
in the royal city of Morocco in 1185. Besides the 
name Abu Bakr he also bore that of Abu Ja'far 
(as in the MSof the British Museum tr. by Pococke), 
from the name of another of his sons. Our in- 
formation regarding his life is but meagre, and 
what we are told is by no means always reliable. 
It is certain, however, that he was possessed of the 
learning and culture of his day, that he composed 
verses, and that he was actively engaged in medicine 
and politics. Thus we read that he was the physician 
and vizir of Khalif Abu Ya'qiib Yusuf (1163-84), 
with whom he lived on terms of friendship. He 
performed a special service to Muhammadan philo- 
sophy by introducing Ibn Rushd (Averroes) to that 
prince, and encouraging him to \vrite a commen- 
tary on Aristotle. This event has been generally 
assigned to the year 1154, but L. Gauthier brings 
it down to 1169. 

We possess no scientific work from the hand of 
Ibn Tufail. His claim of being able to improve 
the Ptolemaic system is probably to be interpreted 
merely as expressing his conviction that he must 
adhere as closely as possible to Aristotle rather 
than to Ptolemy. 

His only surviving work — a work that secures 
for its author a niche in the temple of universal 
literature — is a philosophical allegory entitled 
Hayy ibn Yaqzdn. In the introduction to that 
book he indicates his position in Muslim philo- 
sophy. He professes to be an adherent of the 
philosophy of enlightenment (ishrdq, 'illumina- 
tion '). This is not the crude pantheism current 
in India and Persia, but a speculative mysticism 
of a Neo-Platonic type. Having laid the founda- 
tions in the observation of Nature and in rational 



IBN TUFAII. 



73 



thought, he aspires to ascend to the higliest — i.e- 
to tlie state of ecstasy, in whidi the soul experiences 
wli.'it the eye has never seen, tlie ear never heard, 
and the heart of man never iinaj^aned. Just because 
such a spiritual process cannot be described easily, 
or even described at all, in words, it must be 
presented allegorically. The persons in his allegory, 
so far as their names are concerned, are borrowed 
from the mystical treatises of Ibn Sina (Avicenna). 
But *Salaman' and *Asal' are in all probability 
derived from the field of Hellenistic-Jewish legend, 
while ' Hayy' recallsthehrst syllable of 'Ouyomart,' 
a mythical king of Persia. Many features of Ibn 
Tufail's work are of legendary origin, but the 
arrangement is doubtless his own. The theme 
proposed was a practical question in Western 
Islam at the time, just as it had been in the East 
at an earlier day. The problem was, in fact, the 
relation of the individual to society, or, to state it 
more precisely, the relation between the philo- 
sophical reliexion and intuition of the individual 
and the traditional belief of the multitude. 

The author seeks to portray as clearly as possible three 
distinct types : (1) the philosopher, who by natural endowment 
and his own reflexion and self-abnegation is fitted to receive 
enlig:hteninent from above — one, that is to aay, who rises step 
by step to a mystic unity with higher spirits, and ultimately 
with the Divine Beinff Himself ('Hayy'); (2) the man of 
traditional beliefs ('Salaman'); and (3) the speculative theo- 
logian, who interprets the figurative language of revelation, as 
given in the Qur'an, in a spiritual sense ('Asar = Ibn Sina's 
' Absal '). The last-mentioned, accordingly, stands for the 
allegorical method of interpreting the sacred writings — a legacy 
of Alexandrian thought — which had been far more widely 
assimilated in Islam than philosophy in the stricter sense as 
represented by Hayy. 

The thread of the narrative is as follows : Hayy ibn Yaqjan 
('The Living, son of the Awake') is, when a mere child, cast 
upon an uninhabited island below^ the equator — or, according 
to another legend, comes into being there hy spontaneous 
generation. He is suckled by a gazelle, and grows up among 
animals, the language of which he learns, and from which, after 
trying the leaves of trees, he obtains his first primitive clothing. 
This is the starting-point of his development, which completes 
itself in 7x7 years. He has an intense desire to learn. The 
gazelle that suckled him dies, and shortly afterwards he begins 
to dismember it, continuing till he comes to the conclusion that 
the heart is the central bodily organ, the seat of the principle 
of life. Having discovered how to produce fire, and having 
found a relish in roasted flesh, he proceeds to dissect various 
other animals, either dead or alive. Then, just as he studied 
the animals of his island, even taming a number of them, so he 
investigates its plants and minerals, its atmospheric phenomena, 
and, in a word, the whole philosophy of Nature. He is struck 
by the multiplicity of phenomena, and he endeavours to find 
unity in all — the unity of the organism, that of the species and 
the genus, and at length the all-pervading unity of the world. 
From his study of physical Nature, in every part of which he 
traces the distinction between matter and psychical or spiritual 
form, and, accordingly, an ever-recurring birth and decay, he 
infers the existence of a pure and invariable Form as the cause 
of all that is, and in this way he comes to know the Deity from 
His works. The existence of the Divine Spirit he infers also 
from the fact that space must necessarily be conceived as finite. 

Thus far he has recognized the Creator of the world only as 
the most perfect spiritual being. He now proceeds to study 
his own spirit as the medium through which he has obtained 
that knowledge. He perceives that he belongs to a realm above 
the animal kingdom, and that he is akin to the spirits who 
control the celestial spheres. It is only as regards his body that 
he is of the earth ; his soul or spirit (rufi) is indubitably of a 
celestial nature, and the highest that is in him — that by which 
he has come to recognize the Supreme Being — must surely be 
akin to that Being. These reflexions furnish him with the law 
for his future conduct (cf. the exercises of Buddhist monks and 
of whirling dervishes). He restricts his physical wants to what 
is absolutely necessary. By preference he eats ripe fruits and 
vegetables, and only in case of necessity resorts to animal food, 
while he fasts as often and as long as possible. He resolves 
that no species of animate beings shall become extinct on his 
account. He aims at scrupulous cleanliness, and in his move- 
ments, as, e.g., his walks around the beach of his island, copies 
those of the heavenly bodies. By these means he is gradually 
enabled to raise his true Self above the heavens and the earth, 
and so to reach the Divine Spirit ; and at this stage, in place of 
his earlier logical proofs of God's existence, he enjoys the visio 
heaiifica and the unio tnystica. He has now transcended the 
mathematico-logical categories of unity, plurality, etc. So far 
as the world still exists for him, he regards it only as a reflexion 
of the Divine light. 

Hayy has often enjoyed the raptures of ecstasy, when at length 
his solitude is interrupted. Upon a neighbouring island live a 
people who, though adherents of the Muslim faith, are given to 
sensuous pleasures. A friend of Salaman, the ruler of this 



Island— an individual named AsAl — dcsirinff to devote himself 

to study and self-denial, seta out for Uayy'ii Inland, which he 
supposes to be uninhal)ited. Hare, then, he mectH with Hayy, 
and, when the latter has at length ocfiulred human lanjfuage, 
the two become convinced that the religion of the one, in it« 
rational interpretation, and the philosophy of the other are 
essentially the same. With a view to proclaiming this pure 
version of the truth to the credulous multitude, Hayy proceeds 
to the ttfijacent island, accompanied by Asr'il. But their dewign 
miscarries; and the two friends have ultimately to admit that 
Muljammad had acted wisely in giving the truth to the people 
under a veil of syniholical language. They, therefore, go back 
to the uninhabited island. In order that they may further give 
themselves to a life conwecrated to flod. 

The greater portion of Ibn Tufail's book is devoted 
to the course of Hayy's education, and it is not to 
be wondered at that those who hrst translated the 
work, and gave an account of the author's philo- 
sophy, were mainly concerned with tiie person of 
Hayy. But the central theme of the allegory, as 
has been indicated, is the relation between religion 
and philosophy, and the principle that philosophy 
is one with religion properly understood. This 
has been specially emphasized by Gauthier, though 
pei'haps somewhat one-sidedly. It is certainly quite 
obvious that in several passages Ibn Tufail is on 
Hayy's side : the eyes of Asal are opened to the 
profoundest mysteries of the Spirit, not by the 
direct revelation of the Qur'an, but by Hayy's 
philosophy of enlightenment ; and at all events 
the work permits the inference that man may 
attain to supreme salvation by the inner light 
alone, and without the aid of prophetic revelation. 
This point of view was enough of itself to render 
the book objectionable to the Christian theologians 
of the Middle Ages, while, in particular, the 
monopsychitism of its author was stigmatized by 
Albertus Magnus as 'error omnino absurdus et 
pessimus ' [de Nat. et Orig. An. ii. 4), and as a thing 
'omnino deliraraento simile' {de An. iii. i. 7). 

The Hayy ibn Yaqzdn had at first but few readers. 
The Neo-Platonists of the Renaissance seem not to 
have known it, else they would have found it 
acceptable, inasmuch as they taught that there 
were rays of the one Divine truth in all religions 
and philosophies. Certain points of connexion 
between Sayy and El Criticdn, a work by the 
Spanish author Baltasar Gracidn published in 
1650-53 — links recently pointed out by Menendez y 
Pelayo — have not yet been satisfactorily explained. 

Literature.— i. Tba nsla tions of Ha rr ibn Yaqza jv.— The 
Arabic text with a Lat. tr. by E. Pococke, Jr., and an in- 
troduction by his father, was published at Oxford in 1671, and 
reprinted in 1700. The first Eng. tr. (1674 ; from the Lat.) was 
the work of George Keith, who, as a Quaker, probably set a 
higher value upon the 'inner light 'than upon the letter of a 
revelation. A second Eng. tr. (also from the Lat.), by George 
Ashwell, appeared in 1686. In 170S, Simon Ockley, the orientalist, 
published a new English version from the original, and this was 
recently re-issued with few alterations by E. A. van Dyck, 'for 
the use of his pupils ' (Cairo, 1905). Of Dutch translators 
probably the first was J. Bouwmeester, a friend of Spinoza, 
whose rendering (Amsterdam, 1672) was executed from the Lat. 
of Pococke, and this work was re-published at Amsterdam in 
1701, while in the same year another issue, collated with the 
original Arabic and furnished with notes by the oriental scholar 
H. Reland, a professor in Utrecht, was published at Rotterdam, 
The earliest Germ, tr., by J. G. Pritius (Frankfort, 1726), was 
based upon the English of Ockley ; that of J. G. Eichborn 
(Berlin, 1783) is more independent. French and Spanish trr. 
have appeared only in recent times (see below). 

Pococke's designation of the work, * Philosophus Autodidactue,' 
appears on the title-page of most of the trr., even the Spanish 
of 1900. Reland (1701) has ' De natuurlijke Wijsgeer ' ('The 
Natural Philosopher '), and Eichborn, ' Der Naturmensch ' (' The 
Natural Man')- In the 19th cent. Hayy was often compared 
with Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, but to us it is surely rather the 
contrast than the resemblance that suggests itself : Crusoe is 
the pattern of the practical man, while Hayy is the ideal of the 
reflective and mystical mode of life. Since 1882 the original 
has been frequently issued in the East — in Cairo and Con- 
stantinople — and has thus been brought within the range of 
active European study. 

ii. D/scPSS/O.VS, etc.— A. Merx, ' Eine mittelalterliche Kritik 
der Offenbarun^,' in Die protestantiscke Kirckenzeitung fur d. 
evang. Deutuchland, 22nd July-12th August 1885; T. J. de 
Boer, The History of Philosophy in Islam, London, 1903, pp. 
181-187: El Fil6sofo aiitodidacto de Ahfntofail: Novela psico- 
logica traducida . . . d^l arabe por D. Francisco Pons Boigues, 
con un prdlogo de Menindez y Pelayo ( = Colecci6ii de Estudios 



74 



IBN TUMART 



Ardbes. v.), Saragossa, 1900; L6oa Gauthier, Hayy Ben 
Yaqdhdn: Roman philosophif^ue d'lbn Tho/ail, texte arabe 
. . . et traduction frang., Algiers, 1900, and Ihn Thofail : sa 
pie, SC8 ceuvres ( = Publ, de Vhcole des Lettres d' Alger, Bulletin 
de Corresp. Afrie. xlii.), Paris, 1909 <with bibliography). 

T. J. DE Boer. 

IBN TUMART.— Ibn Tumart was a famous 
Muslim reformer of Morocco, sumamed 'the 
Mahdi of the Almohads.' According to Ibn 
Khaldun, his name was Amghar, Berber for ' the 
chief.' The names of his ancestors were also 
Berber. The date of his birth is unknown ; but it 
must have taken place between A.H. 470 and 480. 
He was born in a village of Sus called Ijli en 
Warghan. His family were Iserghins, a section 
of the Hintata, one of the chief tribes of the Atlas. 
Ibn Khaldun says that they were celebrated for 
their piety, and that Ibn Tumart seemed eager to 
learn, and frequented the mosques, where he 
burned so many candles that he received the sur- 
name Asafu (Berber), ' the fire-brand.' It was 
probably the thirst for knowledge that drove him 
to the East. 

At this time the Almoravid dynasty, which 
ruled in the Maghrib and a part of Spain, was 
declining, and corruption of morals had followed 
close on conquest. One of the strictest Muslim 
sects, that of Malik ibn Anas, was in power ; it con- 
fined its attention to the study oi furu , manuals 
which, had usurped the place of the Qur'an and the 
liadiths. Ghazali had strongly opposed its doc- 
trines in the East in a chapter of his Ihyd 'nlum 
aZ-rfjn— the Kitdb al ' Ilm, which called forth the 
hatred of the lawyers (faqlh), such as the gadi 
lyad, and even Asli'arites like al-Turtushi, who 
did not admit independent minds into their sects. 
His works were burned by order of the Almoravid 
amirs. Further, the grossest anthropomorphism 
(tajsim) was prevalent ; the allegorical expressions 
of the Qur'an were taken literally ; and God was 
given a corporeal form. 

Ibn Tumart started his travels in Spain, and it 
was undoubtedly there that he began to modify 
his ideas under the influence of the writings of Ibn 
5azm (g.v.). He then went to the East, but the 
chronology of his travels is not certain. If, con- 
trary to the opinion of al-Marrakushi, it was 
during his first stay in Alexandria that he imbibed 
the doctrines of Abu Bakr and Turtushi, the latter 
— a believer in the Ash'arite teaching, although 
opposed to Ghazali — must have imparted it to his 
pupil. He afterwards made the pilgrimage to 
Mecca, and studied at Baghdad and perhaps at 
Damascus. There he became imbued with the 
ideas of Ghazali. Later writers say that it was 
under Ghazali's influence that Ibn Tfimart decided 
to reform the beliefs of his country ; but the two 
men never met. 

These years of travel and study had transformed 
the Maghribine talib. If his plan was not yet 
fixed in all its details, he had at least thought of 
it. On the vessel in which he sailed he preached 
to the crew and the passengers, who, in obedience 
to his words, set themselves to read the Qur'an 
and to pray. Thoroughly inspired with Ash'arite 
doctrines, he continued his preaching in Tripoli, in 
Mahadia, where the ruling sultan, Yabya ibn 
Tamim, showed him great regard after hearing 
him state liis case, at Monastir and at Bougie. 
There he played the part of moral reformer without 
restraint, making liberal application of an early 
maxim : 

'Whoever among you sees anything reprehensible must 
change it with his hand ; if he cannot, he must do it with his 
tongue ; if that is impossible, he must do it with his heart. This 
is the minimum of religion.' 

The Hammadite sovereign was annoyed at this 
impeachment of his authority ; the people them- 
selves rose up, and Ibn Tumart fled to the Beni 



Uriagol, a neighbouring Berber tribe, who took 
him under their protection. There he met' the 
man who was to continue his work, 'Abd al- 
Mu'min, a poor tdlib of Tajira, to the north of 
Nedroma, who, like himself, went to the East to 
study. Legend, which ascribes to Ibn Tumart a 
knowledge of the qabbala, which he learned in the 
East, claims that he recognized, from certain signs 
in this young man, the person for whom he was 
looking, just as Ghazali had recognized the future 
reformer in him. All that we know is that he had 
an interview with 'Abd al-Mu'min, that he ques- 
tioned him minutely, and that he ended by making 
him decide to give up his travels in the East in 
order to follow him. He then returned to the 
Maghrib by way of Warsenis and Tlemsen, out of 
which he was driven by the governor ; and then 
he passed through Fez and Miknasa, where the 
people received his remonstrances \vith blows. At 
last he arrived at Morocco, where he asserted more 
than ever his r61e of uncompromising reformer of 
morals and doctrines. The Lemtuna women, like 
the Tuaregs and Kabyle of the present day, did 
not veil their faces. On this account Ibn Tilmart 
insulted them, and even assaulted Sura, the sister of 
the Almoravid amir 'All. 'Ali himself was not 
free from his insults. He rebuked him even in the 
mosque. 'All, who was more patient and tolerant 
than the reformer, did not punish him as he 
deserved ; he merely summoned a conference at 
which Ibn Tumart had to argue with Almoravid 
lawyers. They discussed such points as : Are the 
ways of knowledge limited or not ? The principles 
of the true and the false are four in number : 
knowledge, ignorance, doubt, and supposition. 
He had no difficulty in defeating them, although 
among them there was a Spaniard as intellectual 
and as intolerant as himself — Malik ibn Wuhaib, 
who advised 'All to put him to death, but in vain. 
The amir spared him, and Ibn Tilmart fled to 
Aghmat, where he took part in further discussions, 
and thence to Agnilin, where he inaugurated his 
apostleship in a methodical way. At first he 
posed simply as the reformer of morals in so far as 
they were contrary to the Qur'an and tradition ; 
then, when he had obtained a certain influence 
over his followers, he went on to preach his own 
doctrines, inveighing violently against the dynasty 
'that followed false doctrines,' and pronounced as 
' infidel ' any who transgressed his teaching : it 
was a preaching of holy war, not only with pagans 
and polytheists, but also with other Muslims. He 
chose ten companions, 'Abd al-Mu'min among 
them, and, after preparing their minds by a de- 
scription of the characteristics of the Mahdi, he 
made them recognize him as such, and composed a 
genealogy for himself which made him a descendant 
of 'All ibn Abu 'Talib. His doctrine was not pure 
Ash'arism ; it was mixed with Shi'ism. The 
historians mention tricks of jugglery and perfidy 
to which he resorted in order to justify his claims. 
He rallied round him all the Herglia and a large 
section of the Masmflda, who had always been 
hostile to the Lemtuna (Almoravids), so much so 
that Yusuf (ibn Tashfin) had founded Marrakesh 
in order to keep them at a safe distance. He had 
written various treatises for them in Berber — a 
language which he spoke very well.^ One of them, 
the Tauhld, is preserved in an Arabic version, 
published at Algiers in 1903. He completed the 
organization of his followers, whom he divided 

1 According to the Rau4 al-Qir{ds, ihia meeting took place at 
Taiira, the birthplace of 'Abd al-Mu'niin. 

2 The Berbers knew so little Arabic that, in order to teach the 
uneducated Masmuda the Fdtilia (first sura of the Qur'an), he 
named each of them by a word of this sura : the first was called 
al-Haindu li'lldh (' praise to God ') ; the second, Iiabbi(* lord ') ; 
the third, al-'Aldmin ('of the worlds'). By asking them to 
repeat their names in order, he succeeded in teaching them tc 
recite the sura. 



IBSEN 



76 



into categories : the first was composed of the ton 
who had been the first to recognize him ; they 
were called the juma'a ('community'). The 
second was made up of fifty faithful ones ; these 
he sometimes called ' believers ' {mU'minun) and 
sometimes ' unitarians ' {mu'ahhidun, from which 
comes the name 'Almohads'). His authority, 
however, was not recognized all over, as was 
shown particularly by the inhabitants of Tinmal 
(or Tinmelel). He entered tliis town by strategy, 
massacred 15,000 men, took the women as slaves, 
divided the land and houses among his followers, 
and built a fortress. He converted the neighbour- 
ing tribes with their consent or by force, and in 
A.H. 517 he sent an army against the Alraoravids 
under the leadership of 'AM al-Mu'min. It sus- 
tained a terrible defeat, and the Mahdi found him- 
self blockaded in Tinmal. Some of his followers 
suggested surrender. Ibn Tumart had recourse to 
charlatanry with the complicity of Abu ' Abd Allah 
al-Wansharisi, whom he had brought from War- 
senis; and, having regained his prestige, he mas- 
sacred those of whom he was not sure. Ibn al-Athir 
gives the evidently exaggerated number of 70,000 
men as that of those thus slain. The cause of the 
Almohads revived as the power of the Almoravids 
weakened in Spain and Africa, and, when the 
Mahdi died in 524 (522 according to others), "Abd 
al-Mu'min, whom he had chosen as his successor, 
was ready to re-commenoe the struggle. His tomb is 
in Tinmal, but his name and his history are com- 
pletely forgotten. 

Literature. — Arabic authors; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kdmil fVl- 
ta^rikh, ed. C. J. Tornberg, vol. x., Leyden, 1S64, no. 8, pp. 
400-407 ; 'Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi, Kitab al-Mujib, ed. 
R. P. A. Dozy, do. 1847, pp. 128-139 ; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt 
al-A'ydn, 2 vols., Bulaq, 1299 A.H., ii. 48-63 ; Holal al'Mavshya 
(anon.), Tunis, 1329 A.H., pp. 78-88; Ibn Khaldiin, Kitdb al- 
'Ibar, 7 vols., Bulaq, 1284 A.H., vi. 225-229 ; Ibn Abi Zar', Rauif 
al-Qirtds, ed. Tornberg, 2 vols., Upsala, 1843-46, i. 110-119 ; Ibn 
al-Khatib, Raqm al-1iolal, Tunis, 1316 A.H., pp. 56-58; Al- 
Zarkashl, Ta'rikh al-daulatain, do. 1289 A.H., pp. 1-5 ; Ibn 
Abi Dinar, Al-Munisji akhbdr JJriyyah, do. 1289, pp. 107-109 ; 
As-Salawi, Kitdb al-tstiqsa, 4 vols., Cairo, 1312 A.H., i. 130-139 ; 
Le Livre de Mohammed ion Toumert, ed. J. D. Luciani, Algiers, 
1903. 

Western authors : I. Goldziher, ' Materialien zur Kenntniss 
der Almohadenbewegung,' ZDMO xli. [1837] 30-140 ; the Introd. 
to Livre de Moliammed ibn Toumert, pp. 1-102 ; cf . also R. P. A. 
Dozy, Kssai sur I'hist, de Vislamisme, Leyden, 1879, pp. 368-377 ; 
A. Muller, Der Islam, 2 vols., Berlin, 1885-87, ii. 640-644 ; C. 
Brockelmann, Gesch. der arab. Litt., 2 vols., Weimar and 
Berlin, 1S9S-1902, i. 400-402; A. Bel, Les Alnwravides et les 
Ahnohadm, Oran, 1910, pp. 9-16. ReNE BaSSET. 

IBSEN.— Henrik Ibsen (dramatist and poet) 
was born at Skien, in southern Norway, on 20th 
March 1828, the eldest son of Knud Ibsen, a sub- 
stantial merchant. Scottish, German, and Danish 
strains preponderated over Norwegian in his 
ancestry. While Henrik was still a child, his 
father failed in business, and the family removed 
from his first home, a stately house in the market- 
place, to a humble suburban dwelling. His school- 
ing was brief, and distinguished chiefly by a bent 
for art. This could not be indulged, and he was 
apprenticed at fifteen to an apothecary at Grimstad, 
a place still smaller and more remote. Here he 
spent seven years (1843-50), his time of storm and 
stress. The revolution of 1848-49 quickened his 
instinct of revolt and wakened his lyric power. 
He wrote fiery appeals on behalf of struggling 
Hungary and Denmark. He chose a Roman 
revolutionary for the hero of his first drama. 
Catiline ( 1850) excited no attention whatever ; but 
its importance is great. Ibsen re-published it in 
1875, with a preface in which he points out that it 
foreshadows the standing theme of his later drama 
— 'the conflict of will and power.' And he is 
already a dramatist ; in spite of his revolutionary 
sympathies, he has not idealized his hero ; his 
Catiline is a tragically mixed character, who owes 



his ruin more to his own inner corruption than to 
the power of his foes. 

A few months before its publication, Ibsen, 
having completed his apprenticeship, had come to 
Cliristiania. Here a second piece, A Viking's 
Barrow (Kjcempehdjen), was acted with Kome 
success. He lived precariously by journ.-ilism, 
editing, with two friends, a short-lived periodical. 
In Nov. 1851 an appointment as stage-poet of the 
theatre at Bergen cut short these desultory 
activities, and decided his career. In accordance 
with the terms of his contract, he spent some 
months of 1852 in the study of stage arrangements 
at Copenhagen and Dresden. The five following 
years at Bergen brought him a practical training 
in stage technique of the utmost value to him. 
Besides staging numerous plays by other men, he 
produced four new pieces of his own — in particular 
Dame Inger at Ostraat and The Feast at Sulluiug. 
Enthusiasm for the national past was in the air at 
Bergen, and Ibsen did not escape it. But his 
mind was utterly unhistorical ; history, even the 
national history, attracted him only as a source 
of dramatic or psychological problems, and these 
he was soon to find were furnished in greatsr 
abundance by contemporary society. Even when 
he drew upon history lie re-shaped it freely to his 
needs. The historical Dame Inger was a spirited 
and high-handed, but not a tragic, figure ; Ibsen 
involves her in a harrowing conflict between 
ambition and motherly love, which ends in her 
involuntary murder of the son for whom she has 
dared and endured. The Feast at Solhaug ( 1855) 
was the first result of his study of the sagas of 
Iceland. Something of their tragic grandeur is 
already reflected in the heroine Margit. But the 
lyrical form of the dialogue echoes the Norwegian 
ballads, and the temper of the play has a romantic 
buoyancy which Ibsen never again recovered. Two 
other new pieces were written and performed at 
Bergen — St. John's Night and Olof Liljekrans, 
both based upon Norwegian legend. Both remained 
till recently unprinted. 

In the summer of 1857, his contract at Bergen 
having terminated, Ibsen accepted a similar post 
at the Norwegian theatre in Christiania. A few 
months later he brought a wife to his new home, 
Susannah Daae Thoresen of Bergen. 

The theatre had been recently established ex- 
pressly to combat the dominant Danish taste by 
promoting a national Norwegian drama. Witli 
The Vikings at Helgoland {IS51), Norway definitely 
acquired an original and very noble drama of her 
own. But the resources of the Norwegian theatre 
were unequal to staging it, and the older theatres 
both at Christiania and at Copenhagen rejected it 
with scorn. Danish poets like Oehlenschliiger had 
dramatized the heroic saga in elegant iambics, and 
with a persistent effort to assuage and refine. 
Ibsen kept the rude strength of persons and 
situations, and the sinewy unadorned prose of 
their speech. Hjordis, the passionate wronged 
woman, who slays in deliberate vengeance the man 
she loves, is a tragic creation worthy of her proto- 
types in myth and saga, Brynhild and Gudrun. 

The rejection of The Vikings, which was not 
played anywhere before 1861, increased Ibsen's 
estrangement from Christiania society. Conserva- 
tive in politics, orthodox in religion, and devoted 
to Danish ideals of culture, the official and mer- 
cantile circles of the capital ott'ered a stolid resist- 
ance to the young and needy idealists of the 
Nationalist cause. Bjomson, four years Ibsen's 
junior, a born orator, and already the author of 
Synnove Solbakken (1857), stood above the taciturn 
Ibsen both in persuasive potency and in popular 
repute. And Ibsen's next drama was a satiric 
comedy which ridiculed well-to-do society at its 



76 



IBSEN 



most sensitive point, and turned its apathy into 
furious indignation. Love's Comedy (1862) is, on 
the surface, an amusing exposure of the foibles 
incident to conventional courtship and marriage ; 
a plea for the subjection of these relations to calm 
good sense, undistracted by sentiment and romance. 
But this attack upon ' romance ' was inspired by a, 
conception of love romantic in the extreme. Love's 
' comedy ' concerned only the shallow sentiment 
which society called by that name. The plight of 
genuine love in marriage could only, in Ibsen's 
eyes, be tragic : the routine of married life, the 
cares of household and children, vulgarized, he 
thought, the passion of souls. Falk, the young 
poet who preaches this doctrine, is at once ardent 
and shallow enough to make it, in his own case, 
plausible. The heroine, Svanhild, one of Ibsen's 
loveliest and most pathetic creations, gives him 
her heart, and they are on the point of adopting 
the conventional solution when the representative 
of calm good sense, an elderly merchant, inter- 
venes, poses the young lovers with their own 
forgotten principles, and offers his own hand to 
Svanhild, who sadly accepts it. The play is 
written with abounding wit in ringing rhymes, 
and is now popular on all Scandinavian stages ; 
but its imperfect technique and impossible ethics 
have hindered its vogue elsewhere. Love's Comedy 
is, however, important as Ibsen's first essay in the 
modern ' social ' drama. A second saga-drama 
followed. The Pretenders to the Crown was 
written in a few weeks of the summer of 1863. 
Like Dame Inger, it is built upon Norwegian 
history, but is at once less unhistorical and more 
Ibsenian. The two figures, whose prolonged duel 
for the throne of Norway we watch, are admirably 
imagined and drawn : Hakon, the born ruler, 
clear-sighted and strong-willed ; Skule, paralyzed 
by his own doubts. In Skule, Ibsen's own still 
hesitant faith in his powers may be reflected ; but it 
is Hakon, not Skule, who is suggested by the clear 
structure and powerful build of this striking play. 
Early in 1864 Ibsen's ali'airs reached a crisis. 
His outward circumstances, always precarious, had 
been seriously embarrassed by the failure, in 1862, 
of the Norwegian theatre. A small appointment 
as ' aesthetic adviser ' at the Christiania theatre 
barely afibrded a livelihood. His inner estrange- 
ment from society grew more bitter and intense. 
Some measure of it is given by the terrible stanzas 
of On the i^'eWs (1860), an autobiographic confession 
shot through with the passion of Faust and the 
cynicism of Mephistopheles. The outbreak of the 
Dano-Prussian war in the spring of 1864 added a 
new and more definite provocation. Norway and 
Sweden declined, as in 1849, to support their 
Danish brothers ; and the poet, who as a young 
man had then striven vainly to rouse them, felt 
their abstention yet more bitterly now. Some 
enthusiastic students went to the front as volun- 
teers, bat the government remained neutral ; and 
service in the Norwegian army remained, as Ibsen 
intimated in his mocking verses. The Ground of 
Faith, one of the safest of callings. He sought to 
leave the country, and applied for a travelling 
pension, such as had recently been granted to 
Bjornson. But Love's Comedy was too recent, and 
the favour was refused. In April 1864, Ibsen left 
Christiania for the south. Off Diippel he heard 
the Prussian guns ; at Berlin he saw the Danish 
trophies, and the first idea of a great retributive 
poem upon his unfaithful fellow-countrymen flashed 
into his mind. It was the germ of iJrarec?. In May 
he settled in Rome. The project at first made 
little progress. Brand was originally planned as 
a narrative poem, but the few cantos executed are 
laboured, and they were finally thrown aside and 
lost sight of. Thirty years later the Danish col- 



lector Pontoppidan discovered the MS in an 
antiquarian shop at Rome ; it was published at 
Copenhagen in 1907. Meanwhile Ibsen, better 
inspired, had reverted to the dramatic form in 
which he was a master, and to a swift, flexible, 
ringing verse ; he now wrote with fire, and in 
three months of the summer of 1865 completed the 
colossal poem. Brand, the prophet of ' All or 
Nothing, hero and fanatic, is a great tragic figure, 
sublimely, but not quite consistently, conceived ; 
and the drama itself is something less and some- 
thing more, and greater, than the invective against 
Norway which it set out to be. Types of her 
prevailing weaknesses — of compromise, sentimen- 
tality, faintheartedness — are drawn with brilliant 
and incisive touch ; peasants and artists, officials 
and clergy, come under the satirist's stroke ; but 
the final upshot is in the spirit of Agnes the 
devoted wife rather than of Brand, of love rather 
than uncompromising will. Brand lias longueurs, 
but in its greatest moments, such as the close of 
the fourth act, it reaches a tragic intensity unsur- 
passed in the literature of the century. (Contrary 
to the expectation of both author and publisher, it 
was received throughout the Scandinavian world 
with rapturous applause ; its fierce invectives 
counted for nothing with readers who recognized 
that the poet who lashed his country passionately 
loved it, or who saw in it, above all, a thrilling 
religious romance. With Brand, Ibsen's Scandi- 
navian fame begins. 

A yet greater work was immediately to follow. 
In Peer Gynt (1866), Ibsen found a totally new way 
of saying essentially the same things. The hero, 
instead of being the prophetic assailant of Nor- 
wegian failings, is their embodiment. The sombre 
tone and Hebraic intensity of Brand are replaced 
by an action of immense scope and many-coloured 
diversity. Peer, a romantic egoist, living only to 
' fulfil himself,' finds at the close of a career of 
self-indulgence tliat he has no self to fulfil. From 
the Nemesis pronounced by Ibsen upon fragmen- 
tary and purposeless lives he is saved, apparently, 
by the devotion of Solveig, in whose faith and love 
his ' self ' has lived — a beautiful incoherence which 
betrays the persistence of the romantic heart in 
Ibsen himself. In wealth of poetry, sometimes, as 
in Ase's death-scene, of the most daring originality, 
Peer Gynt marks the highest reach of modem 
Scandinavian literature. Even more than in Brand 
the poetry overshadowed the polemical animus 
which had inspired its inception. 

But in Ibsen himself the polemical animus was 
still vigorous. The desire to give it more direct 
and searching expression contributed to shape The 
League of Youth (1869), the first of the prose comedies 
of modern society. It was written at Dresden, 
whither he had moved from Rome in the previous 
year. The Liberal party, which was the main 
support of Norwegian separatism, is here brought 
with scathing realism upon the stage. The temper 
of the piece is as far removed from poetry as the 
form. Ibsen compared it to the Dresden ' beer 
and sausages,' after the Roman ' wine ' of Peer 
Gynt. The play provoked a storm of obloquy, to 
which Ibsen retorted in the verses At Port Said. 
A vaster work, meantime, was approaching com- 
pletion. Ccesar and Galilean, published in 1873, 
had been planned in 1864, and occupied much of 
the intervening years. The spell of classical 
antiquity, which inspired Julian's overthrow of 
Christianity, Ibsen himself, living at Rome, did 
not escape, and Julian is drawn with unmistakable 
sympathy. But Ibsen profoundly understood the 
futility of his enterprise, and portrayed his failure 
with an emphasis which procured for the drama the 
plaudits of the orthodox. Julian's character, how- 
ever, is not perfectly maintained ; in the Second 



IBSEN 



77 



Part lie is too far degraded to ronse genuine tragic 
pity. Ibsen, for the first and last lime, appears 
not completely master of his material. In botli the 
contendmg forces, Hellenism and Christianity, he 
saw the seed of failure, and looked forward, like 
Heine, to the coming of a ' Third Kingdom,' super- 
seding and surpassing both. 

The passage containing this prophecy is deeply 
interesting ; but Ibsen never reverted to it. It 
suggests a belief in the permanence of some form 
of political or religious community, which events 
were rapidly sapping in his mind. His fervid 
championship of Scandinavian brotherhood, of a 
union of the Northern States, had for years held in 
check his native individualism. He had allied 
himself with the Norwegian conservatives, and, 
not without astute arrangement on their part, had 
received flattering attentions and distinctions from 
the Swedish king, as an illustrious pillar of the 
Union. He was thus drawn into a false position. 
To political and ecclesiastical institutions as such 
he had at no time attached value. He had derided 
them in the persons of the Mayor and the Dean in 
Brand. His letters of the early seventies express 
a yet more radical antagonism. ' The State must 
go ! ' he wrote to Brandes in the crisis of the fate 
of France, 1871; 'all religion will fall!' The 
pillars of society, he was convinced, were rotten ; 
and the hope of humanity lay in a revolution 
which would alone make possible the free develop- 
ment of the individual. That such a revolution 
was imminent in Europe Ibsen for at least twenty 
years (1864-84) believed. One who thought thus 
could not long remain in alliance with the con- 
servatives ; in 1877, Ibsen cut himself loose with 
the drama significantly called The Pillars of Society. 
' It may pass in some sort as an antithesis to The 
League of Youth,' he wrote to his publisher shortly 
before its appearance. The satire is now aimed, 
not at the democratic agitators, but at the men 
of social standing and prestige, the magnates of 
finance and business ; and it is aimed with more 
conviction and more passion. In technical mastery 
and psychological force the Pillars falls short of 
Ibsen's finest work ; but the impact of the sharp 
tonic of truth, in the person of Lona Hessel, upon 
the fabric of an imposing but hollow respectability 
is represented with extraordinary verve. The 
conservatives deeply resented this unexpected 
blow. One yet more searching followed. A 
Doll's House (1879) probed the roots not merely of 
social status, but of the family itself. That women 
were to count with men as individuals, and to 
share men's claim to self-development, was now 
first made clear. In marriage this claim seemed 
to be all but universally ignored. Ibsen's ideal 
for women had hitherto been the selfless devotion 
of an Agnes or a Solveig to husband or lover. 
Even the emancipated Lona shatters the ' Pillars ' 
only that she may vindicate her brother. Nora is 
the first to discover that she herself has a person- 
ality, and a duty towards it, which as the vni& of 
Helmer she cannot fulfil. The play, a capital 
stage piece, called forth a storm of protest, which 
made its author's name for the first time widely 
known in Europe. The weightiest criticism took 
the form of the inquiry : ' What then of the 
children ? ' Ibsen replied in the terrible drama 
Ghosts (1881), a work far greater in technical 
mastery, as well as in intellectual reach, than any 
of its predecessors. In laying bare the horrible 
possibilities of inheritance, Ibsen discovered a new 
source of tragic terror and pity, analogous to the 
antique destiny, but indefeasibly real ; he also 
struck a courageous blow for the cause of woman- 
hood. But Ghosts only redoubled the scandal of A 
Doll's House. Ibsen, provoked by what he took to 
be a general conspiracy to ignore ugly facts, re- 



torted the next year with An Knumy of tlie People 
(1882), an incisive and brilliant satire, in which 
patricians and democrats /are etjually ill, and 
Ibsen's imlividualism culminates in the ringing 
declaration that ' the strongest man i» he who 
stands alone.' 

With this challenging cry, however, the pol- 
emical phase of Ibsen's drama closes. In his eight 
remaining plays the temper of revolution is con- 
stantly present aa a subject, but it no longer 
altogether reflects his own; on the contrary, he 
probes its weaknesses as remorselessly as those of 
conservatism and orthodoxy ; and his attitude is 
now that of the inscrutable doubter who pats 
searching questions everywhere and answers none. 
To find answers, as he said, was not his business. 
The Wild Duck (1884), a masterpiece of construc- 
tion, is a wonderful study of the disasters wrought 
by the blundering idealist; Gregers Werle is a 
diminutive Stockmann, Hjalmar Ekdal a mean and 
shabby Peer Gynt. Rosinersholm. (1886), perhaps 
the greatest of the prose dramas, paints the guilty 
passion of an emancipated woman, and her puri- 
fication by love and in death. No other modem 
play is informed with so deep a sense that sin may 
be forgiven, but must be atoned for, as this master- 
piece of the ' immoral ' Ibsen. Here, too, the 
mysterious suggestions of folklore, so abundant in 
Brand and Peer Gynt, so severely banished from the 
revolutionary prose dramas, once more recur. The 
' white horses of Kosmersholm ' gleam eerily in the 
background, foreboding the fateful issue ; and The 
Lady from the Sea (1888) is a study of such revolt 
as Nora's, inspired by no doctrine of self-develop- 
ment, but by the spell of the sea. Contrary, too, 
to Ibsen's wont hitherto, the spell is finally 
mastered ; Eline is reconciled to her husband. In 
Hedda Gabler (1890), even more than in The Wild 
Duck, he is occupied with the meaner and baser 
types of emancipated character ; Hedda is a pitiful 
parody of romantic revolt dra'svn with merciless 
power. The Master-Builder (1892), which shows a 
growing use of symbolism, portrays emancipation 
in a form at once more fascinating and more 
dangerous ; his old theme of rivalry between youth 
and maturity is resumed but in other terms. 
Solness succumbs to no young men's revolt but to 
the too stimulating homage of a girl. Little Eyolf 
(1894) and John Gabriel Borkman (1896) painted 
other tragic issues with diminishing power. 
Finally,in 1900, When WeDead Awakenflittleiaore 
than an eccentric parody of an Ibsenian play, closed 
the great series. In 1901, Ibsen suft'ered a nervous 
collapse, from which he never recovered. On the 
23rd of May 1906 he died. He was buried with 
national honours. 

The fierce controversies once provoked by Ibsen's 
name have long subsided, even in England, where 
they survived longest. It is premature to deter- 
mine the final rank of his work ; but there can be 
no doubt that it will count among the most potent 
and original literary forces of the 19th century. 
One of the last descendants of the Revolution, 
near of kin to the poets of Young Germany, above 
all to Heine, he added to their ardent individualism 
and to their brilliant imagination artistic con- 
science, method, and will. Drama was for him 
from the first a means of expressing his own im- 
passioned apprehension of the dissonances of 
modern society ; but he fashioned the instrument 
to his purpose with deliberate and calculated 
precision. In mastery of dramatic resource, in 
knowledge of the stage, he has no superior ; but 
his technique, without disdaining tradition, was 
shaped essentially by the need of presenting with 
the utmost cogency and clearness what he had to 
say. This meant, however, a wholesale rejection 
of stage conventions, stage situations, and stage 



78 



ICONOCLASM 



talk ; a return to fearless realism, especially in 
dialogue. It meant also a re-discovery of some 
long disused but potent ways in drama — the con- 
centrated or inverted tragic plot, as in Oedipus 
Tyrannus, and Rosmersholm, the stress of an 
irresistible fate, rooted in past events, as in the 
Oresteia, and Ghosts. His subject always con- 
cerned the forces which disturb or shatter social 
cohesion ; but his normal sympathy with these 
forces was at no time unqualified ; he exposed the 
corruption of a Catiline, the fanaticism of a Brand ; 
he angered both political parties, and perplexed 
his warmest partisans by an ironical impartiality 
which spared the failings of neither side. To see 
the truth under many aspects, ' to see life 
thoroughly and see it whole,' in the great Sopho- 
clean way, was less signally his gift ; and the 
drift of his thinking is accordingly not towards 
any kind of harmony, but to the statement of 
fundamental problems about life which cannot be 
resolved and must not be escaped. With all this, 
Ibsen was fundamentally a poet. His few but 
enthralling lyrics, and his magnilicent verse 
dramas, amaze the reader of his colourless prose by 
their splendour of imagination, their metrical 
brilliance, and the romantic intensity with which 
they render the passion of love. It was one of the 
secrets of his dramatic achievement that the white 
heat of poetry was in him united, as it has rarely 
been, with logical rigour and precision, and inflex- 
ible self-control. He gave the drama not merely 
an original technique, but immensely heightened 
intellectual and ethical significance. Since 1870 
the influence of his work has told powerfully upon 
the scope and status of the drama throughout 
civilized Europe. 

LlTERATTJEB. — Collected editions of Iboen'B works, with intro- 
ductions to the several plays, are now accessible (1) in the 
original, ed. Halfdan Koht, and others, Copenhagen. 189S ; (2) 
in German, ed. G. Brandes, and others, Berlin, 1899 ff. ; (3) in 
EngUsh, ed. W. Archer and C. H. Herford, London, 1906. The 
best study of his life and work, as yet untranslated, is R. 
Woerner, Henrik Ibsen, Munich, 1900. Halvorsen's biblio- 
^aphy, included in the Norwegian edition of the Works, is in- 
valuable. The first drafts of the plays are collected in Ejterladte 
Skrifter, 3 vols., Christiania, 1909. Ibsen's Letters were published 
in 1904, Eng. tr., Christiania, 1905. Manj' of the lyrics have 
been excellently translated by F. Garrett, Ijondon, 1912. Other 
studies are ; Brandes, Essays, Copenhagen, 186S ff. ; E. Gosse, 
Zfiscn, London, 1907; G. Bernard Shaw, Quintessence of Ibsen- 
ism, do. 1892 ; R. E. Roberts, Ibsen, do. 1912. The literature of 
Ibsenian commentary and exposition, esp. in German, is already 
immeasurable. Much of it is catalogued in the appendix to 
Woerner's Life mentioned above. C. H. HeRFORD, 

ICELAND.— See Teutons. 

ICONOCLASM. — Iconoclasm is the name of a 
movement against the worship of holy pictures in 
the Eastern Church, in the 8th and 9th centuries, 
which was repeated on a smaller scale in the 
Frankish kingdom. 

1. Origin. — The source of Iconoclasm is much 
discussed. Just before the Roman Emperors began 
to persecute image-worshippers, their rivals, the 
Khalifs at Damascus, had started asiniilar campaign 
among their Christian subjects (Yazid I., 680-683; 
Yazid II., 720-724). The Iconoclast movement in 
the Empire was warmly approved by the Muslims ; 
yet it is unlikely that it should have been caused 
solely, or even chiefly, by the influence of the gi-eat 
enemy of the Christian Emperors. Undoubtedly in 
the 8th cent, the worship of images in the East had 
arrived at an extreme point. When we read of 
people who chose, not a living man but some special 
icon (ekiiv), to be the godfather of their child, and 
who ground an image to powder, mixed this with 
water, and drank it as a magic medicine,' it is not 

1 So the letter of Michael n. to Louis the Pious (Mansi, xiv. 
417-422). On the cult of icons in the Byzantine Church just 
before Iconoclasm see E. Marin, Les Moines de Constantinople, 
Paris, 1897, ch. iv. pp. 312-326. 



difiicult to understand that a reaction would come. 
Moreover, long before the Iconoclast troubles began 
there were parties in the East which objected to 
the prevalent cult of holy images.' The Paulicians, 
thinking all matter bad, rejected material pictures. 
In the early 8th cent, several Orthodox bishops 
(Constantine of Nakolia, Theodosios of Ephesus, 
and Thomas of Klaudiopolis) had already preached 
against images and relics. A Jacobite bishop, 
Xenaias of Hierapolis, was a forerunner of the 
Iconoclasts ; and, when this party succeeded in 
getting the ear of the Emperor, the Iconoclast 
persecution began. 

2. The first Iconoclast persecution. — Iconoclasm 
throughout was a government movement ; the 
chief secondary issue all the time — indeed, from 
some points of view, the main issue — was the right 
of the Emperor to legislate for the Church. On 
the other hand, the monks were always defenders 
of images. The Isaurian dynasty of Emperors 
were the Iconoclasts of the first period, and the 
first of this dynasty, Leo III. (A.D. 716-741), began 
the campaign. As soon as he had made himself 
Emperor, he developed a policy of strengthening 
the Empire by enforcing uniformity and central- 
izing the power. " He persecuted Jews and Paulicians 
cruelly. Then he was persuaded by the party 
opposed to images that they were the main obstacle 
against the conversion of Jews and Muslims. 
There was also a certain rationalizing tendency in 
this dynasty which helps to explain his attitude. 
Constantine of Nakolia and his party persuaded 
the Emperor that the worship of images was the 
great hindrance to the unity of the Empire, that 
it caused superstition and divisions, and that it 
was forbidden by the first commandment (in the 
Byzantine numbering). Seeing the coming trouble, 
John of Synnada wrote to warn the Patriarch of 
Constantinople of Constantine's views ; and the 
Patriarch, Germanos I. (A.D. 715-730), wrote a 
treatise in favour of images, addressed to Thomas 
of Klaudiopolis.' But the Emperor, having now 
made up his mind to forbid image-worship, began 
to enforce their destruction ruthlessly. In 725 he 
published an edict declaring that image-worship is 
idolatry, and commanding all icons in the churches 
to be destroyed. The soldiers began to carry out 
his order, and there were disturbances throughout 
the Empire.'' Germanos protested against the edict 
and appealed to the Pope (Gregory ii., A.D. 715- 
731) in 728,' whereupon the Emperor declared him 
a traitor, deposed him, and set up an Iconoclast, 
Anastasios, in his place (730). Leo had already 
written to the Pope, commanding him to accept 
the new edict, destroy his images, and summon a 
general council to forbid their use. In 727 Gregory 
answered by a long defence of images ; he also 
blamed the Emperor's interference in Church 
matters, denied the need of a council, and demanded 
that Leo should cease his policy in this matter.* 
A correspondence between the Emperor and the 
Pope followed in which each maintained hisposition, 
Leo claiming the right to legislate for the Church, 
on the strength of being both ^airiXeils Kal iepeiis.' 
Meanwhile the persecution of image-worshippers 
raged in the East. The government was specially 
fierce against the monks, as being the chief defenders 
of images. Monasteries were destroyed, monks 
banished, tortured, and put to death. The Icono- 
clast movement took the further lines of rejecting 

1 One of the earliest forerunners of Iconoclasm was Serenus 
of Marseilles, to whom Pope Gregory I. (590-604) wrote a severe 
letter (Ep. ix. 105 [PL Ixxvii. 1027]). 

2 For Leo lli.'s policy in general see Bury, Hist, of the later 
Roman Empire, vi. ch. ii. 

S Harduin, iv. 246-262. 

4 See Gregory ll.'s first letter to the Emperor (Mansi, lii 
969 ff.). 

5 Harduin, iv. 233ff. 6 Mansi, xii. 959fl. 
7 Ja.fSi, Regesta, nos. 2180-2182. 



ICONOCLASM 



79 



and destroying relics, and denying the intercession 
of saints. These two furtlicr pointH, though not 
necessarily involved by Iconoclasm, became gener- 
ally identilied with it. At this time St. John 
Damascene, safe from the Emperor's anger at the 
Khalif's court, wrote his famous defences of icons.' 
In the West, too, the people rose against tlie 
Emperor's Edict. In 727 there was a revolt in 
Greece against the Iconoclast Emperor, and a 
certain Kosmas was set up as anti-Emperor, 
ostensibly to protect the images. It was easily 
put down ; then followed a second and severer law 
against image-worshippers. In 731 Pope Gregory 
II. was succeeded by Gregory III. (731-741), and 
the new Pope at once held a sj-nod of 93 bishops at 
Rome, who excommunicated all who defiled or 
destroyed pictures of Christ or the saints.^ The 
legate sent to Constantinople with a copy of this 
decree was stopped and imprisoned in Sicily. The 
Emperor then sent a Heet to Italy to punish the 
Pope ; but it was wrecked by a storm on the way. 
He confiscated all the property of the Holy See on 
which he could lay his bands (in Sicily and Southern 
Italy), and affected to withdraw Illyricum from 
the Roman Patriarchate and to join it to that of 
Constantinople. To make the Byzantine Patri- 
archate coterminous with what was left of his 
Empire was part of his general centralizing policy. 
He continued an active persecution of all image- 
worshippers till his death in 741. His son, Con- 
stantine v. (Kopronymos, 741-775), was an even 
fiercer Iconoclast than his father. At Leo's death 
there had been another rebellion when Artabasdos, 
who had married Leo's daughter, set himself up as 
Emperor and restorer of the icons. The intruded 
Patriarch, Anastasios, veered round (in the usual 
Byzantine way) under Artabasdos, restored the 
images, and excommunicated Constantino. The 
rebellion was soon suppressed. Artabasdos was 
blinded and imprisoned ; Anastasios was blinded, 
publicly flogged, forced to return to Iconoclasra, 
and then reinstated as Patriarch. In 753, Con- 
stantine summoned a great synod, which was to be 
ecumenical and to forbid image-worship for ever. 
Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem refused 
( o send legates. About 340 bishops attended. The 
see of Constantinople was vacant by the death of 
Anastasios (who did not long survive his mishand- 
ling), and Theodosios of Ephesus and Pastillas 
of Perge presided. This synod carried out the 
Emperor's wishes exactly, and declared all images 
idols forbidden by Ex 20«-, Dt 5^, Ro l^^-^^ etc. 
Pictures of Christ must be either Nestorian or 
Monophysite, since it is impossible to represent His 
Divinity ; the only lawful representation of our 
Lord is the holy Eucharist. It is blasphemous to 
represent by dead matter those who live with 
Christ. Image-worshippers are idolaters ; Leo and 
Constantine are the glory of the Orthodox faith, 
our rescuers from idolatry. With regard to three 
great defenders of images, already dead (Germanos 
of Constantinople, John Damascene, and a monk 
George of Cyprus), the synod declares that ' the 
Trinity has destroyed these three. ' An Iconoclast, 
Constantine II. (754-766),' was elected to the vacant 
see of Constantinople, and the government at once 
published the decrees of this synod, demanding 
that all bishops in the Empire should sign the acts 
and destroy images in their dioceses. Instead of 
pictures of saints the churches were now decorated 
with those of flowers, fruit, and birds. The 
Paulicians were well treated, but the monks were 
tortured and put to death. A great number of the 
martyrs of the Iconoclast persecution come from 

1 Three apologies ' Against those who destroy holy images ' 
(FG xciv. 1231-1420). 

2 Mansi, xii. 299 fl. 

3 The acts of the Iconoclast synod of 753 are contained in 
those of Nicsea H., Mansi, xiii. 205-363. 



this time. Relics were thrown into the sea. Then 
the Emperor, seeing in monasticism the maitihtay 
of image-worship, made a great eilort to abolish it 
altogether. The monastic habit was forbidden, 
monasteries were turned into barracks, and the 
Patriarch was made to denounce his former state 
as a monk in his own Church. It is noticeable that 
the army especially became fiercely Iconoclast. 
Constantine died in 775. His son Leo IV. (775-780), 
though he did not repeal the laws, was milder in 
enforcing them. He tolerated monks and, at least 
in the first part of his reign, carried out a policy of 
conciliation. Towards the end of his life, however, 
he renewed the active persecution of his father. 
But his wife Irene was always a devoted image- 
worshipper, and kept icons secretly in her apart- 
ments. 

3. The first reaction. — As soon as Leo IV. died 
(Sept. 780), a complete reaction set in. His son. 
Constantine VI. (780-797), was only nine years old, 
and the Empress Irene became regent for him. As 
soon as her fear of the army allowed, she set about 
to repeal the Iconoclast laws. All this time 
Iconoclasm had prevaOed only within the territory 
over which the Emperor actually ruled. Outside 
the Empire, under the Muslims and in the West, 
image-worship went on as before ; indeed, in the 
West especially, there was much angry feeling 
against the Iconoclast Emperors. Irene first 
deposed the Patriarch of Constantinople (Paul IV., 
780-784, naturally a partisan of the late govern- 
ment), and apronounced image-worshipper, Tarasios 
(784-806, an uncle or cousin of Photios),' was 
appointed to succeed him. Then the Empress 
renewed relations with Rome. She sent an embassy 
to the Pope (Adrian I., 772-795) begging him to 
come himself or to send legates to a synod which 
should undo the work of the former one.'' Adrian 
in answer sent two letters, one for the Empress 
and one for the Patriarch. 

He is not pleased with Tarasios' succession to the Patriarchate, 
but praises his orthodoxy about the images. He repeats 
arguments in favour of these, insists on his own authority, and 
demands the restitution of Illyricum to his Patnarchate.3 As 
legates he sends an Archpriest Peter and Abbot Peter of St. 
Sabbas near Rome. The other Patriarchs were then too much 
harassed by the Muslims to be able to send legates. However, 
the monks of Egypt and Syria send deputies, who seem in some 
sort to have been accepted aa representing their Patriarchs too. 

So the synod was opened by Tarasios in the 
church of the Apostles at Constantinople in August 
7S6, but it was at once dispersed by the soldiers. 
Irene then disbanded these and replaced them by 
others, and for greater safety the synod reassembled 
at Nicjea in Bithynia (where the first General 
Council had been held). Here it was opened in the 
summer of 787. This is the council counted by 
Orthodox and Catholics as the seventh General 
Council (Nicsea II.). About 300 bishops attended. 
The Roman legates signed first and were named 
first in all lists of members ; but Tarasios conducted 
the proceedings, apparently because of the usual 
difficulty of language. The synod declared the 
lawful use of icons, and defended this by texts 
showing that there were images in the Temple 
(Ex 25'8-=2, Nu V-, Ezk iV^-, He 9=) and by quota- 
tions from the Fathers. In the 5th session an icon 
was set up in the hall of the synod. The former 
council (of 753) was declared to be not ecumenical, 
since neither the Pope nor any of the other Patri- 
archs was represented at it, and its arguments 
were refuted one by one. The 7th session drew up 
the symbol (Spos) of Nicsea II., in which, after the 
usual renewed condemnation of old heresies, it is 
declared that the holy icons are to receive venera- 
tion (or worship, ir/joff/ciinjffis), not adoration (\arpeLa), 
The honour paid to them is only relative {a-x^rtKri), 

1 Vita Tarasii, ed. J. A. Heikel, Helsingfors, 18S9. 

2 Mansi, xii. 984-986. 

s Jafl6, Reg., nos. 2448 and 2449; Mansi, xii. 1073 £t. 



80 



ICONOCLASM 



and is given for the sake of their prototypes. 
There is nothing new in this. It is what the 
defenders of image-worship had said throughout 
the controversy. The synod then anathematizes 
the chief Iconoclasts, and, in opposition to the 
phrase of the other council, declares that ' the 
Trinity has made these three (Germanos, John 
Damascene, and George of Cyprus) glorious.' 
Twenty-two Canons were drawn up, of which the 
third forbids the civil government to appoint 
bishops.^ Copies of the acts were sent to the 
Pope, who approved them and had them translated 
into Latin. Then the images were restored in all 
the churches, and the first Iconoclast movement 
was at an end, although there remained a strong 
Iconoclast party, especially in the army. 

4. The second Iconoclast movement. — Twenty- 
seven years later Iconoclasm broke out again. 
This time it is easily explicable, for the Iconoclast 
party, which had not ceased to exist, again got the 
power. After NicEea II. the Empire was singularly 
unfortunate. The image-worshipping Emperors 
were defeated by the Muslims and Bulgars, and 
the soldiers looked back mth regret to the glorious 
reign of Constantine v. Micliael I. (811-813) was 
defeated by the Bulgars and forced to resign, 
while in his place the army set up Leo v. (the 
Armenian, 813-820), whom they persuaded that 
all the troubles of the Empire came from image- 
worship. The new Emperor invited the Patriarch 
of Constantinople, Nikephoros I. (806-815), to re- 
open the question of the icons ; but he refused, 
saying that it was already settled by a general 
council. In spite of this the old laws against 
images were renewed, and the work of breaking 
images in the churches began again. In the year 
815 Nikephoros - was deposed by a synod of bishops 
in obedience to the Emperor's orders, and an Icono- 
clast, Theodotos I. (815-821), was made Patriarch 
in his stead. Nikephoros was banished, and the 
new Patriarch immediately summoned a synod 
which undid the work of Nicasa II. and renewed 
the acts of 753.' The persecution of image- 
worshippers broke out again, more fiercely than 
ever. IJishops, monks, clergy, and laymen who 
would not accept the Iconoclast laws were banished, 
tortured, or killed. The great champion of the 
images at this time was St. Theodore, abbot of 
the Studion monastery,'' who, with the image- 
worshippers generally, appealed to the Pope (Pas- 
chal I., 817-824). Paschal wrote to the Emperor, 
protesting against his renewal of the old heresy, 
but without effect.^ He also welcomed the exUed 
monks at Rome, and gave them a monastery. In 
820 Leo v. was murdered, and Michael II. (the 
Stammerer, 820-829) was made Emperor. He 
continued the same policy, and the persecution 
went on as before. In 842 Theophilos (829-842), 
who had succeeded Michael II., died. The story 
of the farmer Iconoclast movement is repeated in 
this one with curious exactness. Theophilos left 
a son three years old (Michael III. the Drunkard, 
842-867), and again the Empress, Theodora, be- 
came regent for her son. At once she put an 
end to Iconoclasm. She deposed the Patriarch 
(John VII., 832-842) and put an image-worshipper 
(Methodios I., 842-846) in his place. She opened 
the prisons and let out the image-worshippers. 
In 842 a synod renewed the decrees of Nicasa II., 
approved John vil.'s deposition, and excommuni- 
cated all Iconoclasts. On the first Sunday of Lent 

1 The acts of Nicasa II. in JVIansi, >:ii. and xiii. 

2 His writings against Iconoclasni in PG c. 201-850 ; Vita 
Nicephori Patr., by the deacon Ignatius (ed. C. de Boor, 
Leipzig, 18S0). 

s IBansi, xiv. ISStt., 417. 

* His life, by a conteniviorary monii, in PO xcix. 113 ff.; his 
works, tfe.; A, Gardner, Theodore of Studimn, London, 1905. 
5 J. B. Pitra, Spic. Sotesm., Paris, 1852-68, ii. p. xifE. 



(19th Feb. 842) the images were taken in triumph 
in a great procession, and were restored to the 
churches. That is the end of the story in the 
East. Iconoclasm disappeared ; the holy icons 
have ever since been honoured by the Orthodox 
Church ; the decrees of Nictea II. have not again 
been disputed, and the memory of the restoration 
of the images is still kept every year (Feast of 
Orthodoxy, first Sunday of Lent). 

5. Iconoclasm in the West. — At the end of the 
8th cent, there was a slight echo of the great 
Iconoclast movement in the Prankish kingdom, 
caused by two misunderstandings. First, the 
Prankish bishops misunderstood what had been 
decreed at Nicaea II., and knew its acts only 
through a grossly inaccurate version. 

For instance, in the 3rd session of the council a bishop had 
declared : ' I receive the holy and venerable imaffes, but I give 
that worship which is real adoration (ko-to. Aarpciav) only to the 
consubstantial and life-giving: Trinity." This phrase had been 
translated : ' I receive the holy and venerable images with the 
adoration which I give to the consubstantial and life-giving 
Trinity.' The Franks misunderstood the word ' worship ' (n-pocr- 
KvinjtTi.<;) too. It is abundantly clear from the acts of the council, 
indeed from the whole controversy in the East, that this means 
reverence, a relative honour, for the sake only of the prototype 
(such is the explanation given by all the defenders of image- 
worship, St. John Damascene, St. Theodore, etc.). But in Latin 
Trpo(TKvirr,aLi was translated adoratio, and the Franks thought it 
meant what we generally mean by ' adoration.' 

Further, they were not used to, and did not under- 
stand, Byzantine etiquette. The Byzantines pros- 
trated themselves before the Emperor, incensed 
him, and kissed his feet ; they even gave these 
marks of respect to his portraits. So it was 
natural that they should do the same to portraits 
of the saints. Really all such forms have no abso- 
lute nor inherent meaning. They mean just what 
the custom of the time and place makes them mean. 
But the Franks, unused to such ceremonies, inter- 
preted them according to their more reserved cus- 
tom, and thought them idolatrous. Lastly, there 
was already the dislike of the Greeks and deep dis- 
trust of all that they did (the F'ranks were just about 
to break with the Eastern Empire altogether and 
to set up their own king as rival Emperor). Yet 
it should be noticed that these Prankish bishops 
never meant to take the side of the Eastern Icono- 
clasts. If they for a time condemned the second 
Council of Nicasa, they also condemned the Icono- 
clast Council of 753. 

Already, in 767, Constantine v. had tried to gain 
the Prankish bishops for his views, but without 
success. A synod at Gentilly sent a declaration to 
the Pope (Paul I., 757-767) which quite satisfied 
him ; ' but, when Adrian I. (772-795) sent the acts 
of Nicaea II. (wrongly translated) to Gaul, the 
bishops sent back a refutation of them (790) in 85 
chapters (790). This answer, expanded later, is 
the famous Capitulare de iiimginibus, or Libri 
carolini.^ In it the bishops admit that images 
and relics should be kept in churches and treated 
with due respect ; but God only can receive adora- 
tion. The images are to have opportuna ueneratio, 
not adoratio. Except for the misunderstood use 
of the word adoratio {TrpoaKwiia-is), this is exactly 
what Nicfea II. had declared. In 794 they held a 
synod at Frankfurt in the presence of two papal 
legates, who seem to have done nothing to clear up 
the misunderstanding. This synod formally con- 
demns Nicsea II., while showing plainly that the 
bishops do not understand what has there been 
decreed. They report it as a synod held by the 
Greeks at Constantinople (they do not even know 
where Nicsea II. sat), in which the ' Greeks ' had 
declared that the same service and adoration are 
to be given to images as to the holy Trinity ; and, 
accordingly, the Franks at Frankfurt, not sorry to 

1 Hefele-Leclercq, Uist. des cortciUs, iii. 726. 

2 Ih. 1061-1091 ; in PL xcriii. 999-1248. The authenticity ol 
the Idbri carolini, once disputed, is now admitted. 



IDEA 



81 



be able to condemn 'Greeks,' declare that tliey 
'despise and condemn that synod.'' Tliey sent 
their acts to Rome witli a petition that the I'ope 
would conliriii them, whicli, of course, he refused 
to do. He had already written a long o.\planation 
of the acts of Nica;a II.; but this did not arrive in 
Gaul till after the synod of Frankfurt. There 
matters rested for a time. When the .second 
Iconoclast persecution had broken out, Michael II. 
wrote to Louis the Pious demamlini,' that the Greek 
image-worshipping monks who had lied to tlie West 
shouUl be handed over to Byzantine justice, and 
also arguing at length against the images.^ Louis 
then begged the I'ope (Eugene II., 824-827) to 
receive fiom the Frankish bishops a collection of 
texts from tlie Fathers bearing on the subject, 
and to prepare this document they met in Paris 
in 825, where they again attempted a middle way, 
but leant decidedly towards Iconoelasm. The 
treatise was sent to Home with every possible 
expression of respect, as useful material for con- 
sideration in the crisis. Nothing is known about 
the result of this document, except that it made 
no change in the attitude of the Holy See. Tlien 
gradually the Frankish misunderstanding was 
cleared up, and the movement in the West died 
out. Pope John Vlll. (872-882) sent a more accur- 
ate translation of the acts of Niciva II., which 
helped to allay the suspicion of the Franks. 

There are a few later isolated cases of opposi- 
tion to the veneration of images in the West. In 
824 Claudius of Turin destroyed all pictures, crosses, 
and relics in his diocese ; for which action he was 
reprimanded by a number of other bishops and by 
a Frankish abbot, Theodemir. He was condemned 
by a local synod. Agobard of Lyons at the same 
time shared Claudius's views ; but Walafrid Strabo 
and Hincmar of Rlieims defended the attitude of 
Nicsea II., and so explained it that we hear little 
more of Frankish Iconoelasm. Still, as late as 
the 11th cent., Joceline of Bordeaux was severely 
reprimanded by Pope Alexander II. for Iconoclastic 
ideas. 

6. The cult of images. — Both the Catholic and 
the Orthodox Churches accept the decrees of Nica-a 
II., with their distinction between ax^TLKT] Trpoamj- 
vrja-L! and Xarpeia. But there is a practical diUer- 
ence in their application. The Orthodox have in- 
numerable pictures, and even bas-reliefs, which 
they treat with great reverence. But they have 
no solid statues, and are very much disposed to 
regard these as idols. The Catholic Church, on 
the other hand, sees no difi'erence in principle 
between a solid statue and a flat picture. Except 
the Nestorians, all the other Eastern Churches 
agree with the Orthodox in this matter. They, 
too, have pictures, but no statues, though some of 
them (notably the Armenians) are more reserved 
in their forms of reverence towards pictures, and 
sometimes blame the Orthodox in this matter. 
The Nestorians now have no pictures of any kind, 
only a plain cross, to which they pay the great- 
est reverence. They alone among the Eastern 
Churches make a principle of not venerating 
images, although there is evidence that formerly 
they had them, according to the usual Eastern 
custom. 

LlTERATURR. — C. J. Hefele, Histoire des ccmoiles, Freach tr. 
by H. Leclercq, vols, iii.-iv. (Paris, 1909), contains a complete 
account of Iconoelasm with the acts of all the councils, and 
copious hibliojrraphy. The acts are in Mansi, xii. and xiii,; 
Natalis Alexander, ' de Iconoclastarum haresi,* in F. Zaccaria, 
Thesaurus Theologicus^Venice, 1762, iv.64~iiS; L. Maimbourg:, 
Histoire de Vhirisie des icmioclastes, 2 vols., Paris, 16S3 ; F. C. 
Schlosser, Gesch. der hildersturmenden Eaiser, Frankfurt, 
1812 ; J. Marx, Der Bitderstreit der hyzant. Kaiser, Trier, 1839 ; 
K. Schwarzlose, Der BUderstreit, ein Kam]tf der griech. Kirche 
um ihre Eigenart und ihre Freiheit, Gotha, 1890 (the best short 

1 Mansi, xiii. 861 ; Pertz, Mon. Germ, hist. iii. 
' Hefele-Leclercq. iv. 43-19. 
VOL. VII.' — 6 



hi'.lory) ; L. Br^hier, La Qnfretle des images, I'aria, 1905 ; J. B. 
Bury, A llisturi/ of the Later Roman Umpire, Ixtiidou, 1889, iL 
■I'-^-l^- Aduian Fortescue. 

IDEA. — This word has been used by philoso- 
phers to denote (a) eternal natures or essences, 
the objects of true and abiding knowledge ; (6) 
such natures considered as contents of a Divine 
mind, and archetyjies of the things which we per- 
ceive with our senses ; (c) the contents, or some of 
the contents, of the liuman mind or consciousness. 
The present article will be devoted to tracing the 
historical origin and connexion of these several 
usages. 

I. In Greek philosophy. — The importance of the 
word in the vocabulary of philosophy is due to 
Plato, and its earlier liistory concerns us mainly 
as illustrating his usage. Both I54a and the kindred 
term clSos, from whose history its own is, down to 
the time of Aristotle, inseparable, are derived from 
the root of tdciv, ' to see, and originally had the 
sense of 'look,' 'looks,' 'outward appearance.' 
Already in Homer {Od. xvii. 454) eUos is used for 
'beauty.' The primary sense of 'appearance' 
passes easily into that of ' form ' or ' kind,' and 
in such passages as Thucydides, ii. 50 (t6 eUos t^s 
vdaov), the reference is plainly not so much to out- 
ward appearance as to true structure or essential 
nature ; and this meaning seems to have estab- 
lished itself in scientific circles before the time 
of Plato. A. E. Taylor has recentlj' contended 
{Varia Socratica, Oxford, 1911, p. 178 fi'.) that it 
is independent of the meaning ' Kind,' and is de- 
rived from a Pythagorean use of the word for 
geometrical figures, conceived as the ultimate ele- 
ments of reality (cf. Plato, Tim. 53 C) and then 
extended to such elements (aroixita), however con- 
ceived. The evidence seems insufficient to support 
this conclusion (see C. M. Gillespie, in Classical 
Quarterly, July 1912). 

We learn from the latrica of Meno (see J. Burnet, Early 
Greek Philosophy'^, London, I90S, p. 235 n.) that Plato's con- 
temporary, Philistion, called Empedocles' four elements ifi^ai ; 
hut this may only have meant 'kinds of body.' The fact that 
Democritus called his atoms t5eai or cifiij (Sext. Emp. Math. 
vii. 137 : Plut. adv. Colot. lllla ; see Burnet, p. 388 n.) is expli- 
cable by his view that the atoms differed from each other only 
in shape (Aristotle, Met. A 4, 985i> 13, de Gen. et C'orr. i. 2, Sis'* 
7). On the early history of the word see C. A. Brandis. Gesch. 
der gr. und rom. Phil., Berlin, 1835, pp. 242, 299, 307 ; H. Diels, 
Eleinentuw,, Leipzig:, 1899, p. 16 ; Burnet, op. cit., p. 354, and the 
reff. under e!6os, tZea, in the index ; Taylor, Vana Socratica, 
p. 178 if. ; Constantin Ritter, JVeiig Untersuchungeniiber Platon, 
Munich, 1910, p. 228 ff. 

The full examination of Plato's doctrine of Ideas 
and of the questions how far it was original, how 
far the common inheritance of the Socratic circle 
(see Burnet, p. 354 fl'.), and what changes it under- 
went at different periods of his life, lies beyond the 
scope of this article, which will confine itself to a 
general description of his usage, especially in rela- 
tion to the later history of the word. Aristotle 
(Met. A 6, 987=- 29 fi'.) tells that Plato, when young, 
learned from Cratylus the doctrine of Heraclitus, 
that everything sensible or corporeal (and to such 
things alone Heraclitus referred, according to 
Arist. Met. M. 4, 1078'' 14) was involved in a pro 
cess of perpetual flux or change ; and that Plato, 
who perceived the deadly consequence of this 
doctrine for knowledge, sought a way of escape 
suggested to him by his intercourse with Socrates, 
who, in dealing with attempts to show the purely 
conventional nature of such notions as those of 
justice, courage, and the like, had attempted, by 
defining these terms, to reach fixed objects of 
moral approval. For the very statement that 
what was just under these circumstances is unjust 
under those becomes meaningless unless what is 
meant by 'just' is the same in both cases. Plato, 
by extending this principle beyond the ethical 
sphere, reached his doctrine of Ideas — permanent 



82 



IDEA 



realities or natures corresponding to general terms. 
Such permanent natures are not objects of sense ; 
they are apprehended by understanding. Others, 
e.g. Democritus, had thought that such truly 
existent natures, effir; or iS^ai., must underlie the 
shows of the world ; but it was definitely realized 
by Plato (and, it would seem, first by him) that 
they must be incorporeal. 

Aristotle, by giving this account in close con- 
nexion with a treatment of the theory, usual with 
him, as a modification of the Pythagorean doctrine 
that Numbers are the ultimate realities, suggests 
that the Pythagorean influence on Plato was not 
independent of the Socratic ; and there are other 
indications (collected and insisted upon, not with- 
out exaggeration, in Taylor's Varia Socratica) that 
Socrates stood in closer connexion with Pytha- 
gorean circles than has always, despite Plato's 
Phcedo, been recognized. 

Aristotle's account brings out clearly the fact 
that Plato's ideas are objects of thought (vot}t6.) : 
they are not ' concepts ' or ' thoughts in the mind ' 
(vBriit.aTa.). The latter explanation is actually put 
by Plato (Farm. 132 B) into the mouth of the 
youthful Socrates, only to be dismissed by Par- 
menides with the pertinent inquiry whether there 
could be a thought which was a thought of nothing 
(vdri/ia oi3ev6s). Plato must not be regarded as one 
who, at first a ' conceptualist,' went on to 'sub- 
stantiate ' or ' hypostatize ' concepts. Such a 
gratuitous proceeding could not be regarded as an 
important contribution to philosophy (see Lotze, 
Log., Leipzig, 1874, iii. 2, § 313 ff., Eng. tr., Oxford, 
1888, ii. 200 ff. ). We should rather approach his 
theory by considering that, while we should readily 
admit that we might he mistaken about the motive 
of an act we thought just, or the beauty of a face 
which affection predisposed us to love, or which 
had been injured since we last saw it, we could 
not claim even to have an opinion about them, did 
we not know what justice or beauty is. So, too, a 
judgment that two visible lines are equal to one 
another can never express more than an opinion ; 
but, if we did not know what equality is, no such 
judgment could have any meaning at all. One 
could not doubt what was just in a hard case, or 
correct a wrong definition of justice on the produc- 
tion of a case not in accordance with it, except in 
virtue of a knowledge of the nature of justice. This 
nature or Idea is no corporeal being perceptible by 
the senses, but something more lasting, better 
known, and more properly to be called real than 
anything which is so perceptible. It is no notion 
in my mind ; I have a notion or knowledge of it, 
but for that very reason it is distinct from the notion 
or knowledge which I have of it. We may legiti- 
mately ask how this Idea is related to particular 
instances of it, or to the sensible phenomena which 
exhibit it, or to the mind which apprehends it ; 
but in all such questions we are talking and 
thinking of it as something real, permanent, 
known ; and, whatever it be, it is certainly neither 
a body nor a mode of consciousness ; if it is less 
plain that it is not a spirit, it is certainly not plain 
that it is so. 

Aristotle held that Plato was wrong in asserting 
that this Idea was x^p^^rdi/, separable and separate 
from the particulars wliich might he said to ' copy ' 
it or ' partake of ' it. The former metaphor Aris- 
totle {Met. A 6, 987" 11) ascribes to the Pythagor- 
eans, the latter to Plato. The difficulties of both 
are exhibited by Plato himself [Pami. 130 Eff.). 
But Aristotle did not hold that it should have been 
described as a 'thought in our minds.' Such 
thoughts are not the Individual substances of 
which we think ; and ' coneeptualism ' is at least 
as open as Platonism to the charge of x'^P'-'^l'-^^t 
the separation of the universal from the particu- 



lars. What Aristotle denied was the Platonic 
view that science required the assumption of 
'separate' Ideas (Po«i. Anal. i. 11, 77''5ff.), whereas 
it only required the possibility of universal predica- 
tion. What Plato called an Idea Aristotle called 
a KaH6\ov, or universal, an expression not used by 
Plato (but see Meno, 11 A) and implying the 
Aristotelian criticism. The apxh iTrnrT^fi/n]^ is for 
Aristotle ' one beside the many ' {Iv irapa, to woWd) 
like Plato's Idea {Post. Anal. ii. 100» 7), but as 
thus separated from the particulars it is in the 
mind only. Any other separation is not necessary 
for science, and involves insuperable difficulties. 
Aristotle, then, did not take Plato for a con- 
ceptualist who 'substantiated concepts,' but for 
a realist who placed the essence of individual sub- 
stances outside of them, and supposed that in 
predicating universally of them we were asserting 
another substance beside them, which possessed 
their common predicates without their distinct 
individualities. This had led to denial that the 
individual substances were substances at all, be- 
cause they were not this additional substance. 
Hence Plato's ei'Si; or Idiai to which Aristotle said 
good-bye (ra eidrj x^-'-P^''''^ [Post. Anal. i. 83'' 33]) 
were mere idle sounds {TcperLu tiara) ; but Aristotle 
himself held to dSr] otherwise conceived. For 
Aristotle every individual had its own etSos ( Met. 
A 5, 1071' 29) ; thus the soul of every animal is 
the etSos of its body {Met. Z 10, lOSo" 16). In 
perishable beings a perpetual succession of indi- 
viduals of the same kind realizes as near an ap- 
proach to immortality as is possible to them. Of 
all such individuals the same things which belong 
to the essence of each can be predicated in common ; 
hence eZSos may be used, not only of the individual's 
' form,' but of that of the group of beings of whom 
the same essential predicates hold, the infima 
species {Uto/iop eWos). Where one individual is (like 
a planet) eternal, there is no multiplicity of indi- 
viduals of that kind. Eventually ' form ' has come 
to be the usual rendering of eISos in the sense of 
the essential or fundamental characteristics of a 
substance ; ' species ' in that of a group of sub- 
stances, whose essential characteristics are not to 
be distinguished. But this differentiation has been 
only gradual. Cicero preferred /orma as a render- 
ing of flSos, because it could be declined through- 
out, while species must borrow the gen. and dat. 
pi. oi forma {Top. vii. § 30) ; but he gives species 
as the Latin equivalent of ISia {Acad. Post. i. 8i 
§ 30, Tusc. Disp. i. 24, § 58). 

We have so far not distingiiished the use of ifie'a from that 
of e!5o? ; but a preference for t5ea in certain contexts may be 
noted even in Plato. See L. Carapbell's note in Jowett and 
Campbell, Republic, Oxford, 1S94, ii. 294 ff. 'ISe'a is the more 
picturesque term, and sig:nifies 'form' rather than 'kind* or 
'class.' Cf. P. Natorp, Ptatos Ideenlehre, Leipzig, 1903, p. 2f. ; 
Ritter, Neue Lfntersitchnngen, p. 325 S. In consequence of the 
fact that Aristotle rarely used ISea in its philosophical sense 
e.xcept when referring to Plato, while etSo? is used by him no 
less when expounding his own views, Idea has become the 
recognized name for the Platonic Form ; and, even when it has 
come to be used in very un-PIatonic fashion, its Platonic asso- 
ciations have constantly led either to a misinterpretation of 
Platonic Ideas, because so-called, or to such a modification of 
the word's non-Platonic meaning as will bring it into closer 
accordance with Platonic usage. 

In the Eitthyphro (the earliest Platonic dialogue in which the 
word occurs) the tSe'a of holiness is to be used as a TrapaSety^ia 
(6 D, E). This is important in view both of the sulisequent 
employment of this expression by Plato himself (e.g. Hep. v. 
472 0, ix. 692 B, Farm. 132 D) and of the fact that it is as 
eternal patterns of phenomenal things that the Ideas were 
retained in the mediaeval tradition of Platonism. 

For passages illustrating the Platonic usage, see G. A. F. 
Ast's Lexicon Platonictim, Leipzig, 1S35-38 (until superseded 
by Burnet's), Kitter's very full essay (vi.) in his Neue Unter- 
ifuchuTigen, and Campbell's discussion of terminology in Jowett 
and Campbell, Republic, vol. ii. As Campbell shows, the 
transition to specially Platonic use is well marked in Farm. 
131 E, 132 A, and the frequent combination fj-Ca ISea is deserving 
of notice. 

On the question whether to all or only to some general terms 
there correspond Ideas, see Parm. 130, where the younj 



IDEA 



83 



SocrateH' huHilutinri to allow IduaH of mean lhiii(<a Ih In-atod a» 
a mark of philoHophical immaturity. On blio relation of the nar- 
ticularH to thu I<iea8 see I'ann. Xiil IT. It caimot be explamed 
in terms of a dilTerent relation, hucIi as fiinijai-i or fi^dr^i^, yet 
the doctrine of Ideaa must not bo jfiven up, else even 60 india- 
pcnaablo a notion as Unity, which aJHO involves puzzles, must 
Also be i^lven up. The attempt to describe the relation as 
liifj.T)<rii is presupposed in the criticism embodied in Iho argu- 
ment called TptT09 avBpmiTO^, Invented (see Alex. Aphrod. on 
Arist. Met. SOU'' 15) by the sophist Polyxenus, often referred to 
or used by Aristotle (e. (7., ilet. A 9, 990'' 17, where ct. Alex, ad 
loa.), and answered In principle by Plato, Rep. x. 597 C. 

In Rep. vl. 508 AIT. the IScaTov ayaOoO is the supreme principle 
of the beiny; of the other Ideas, and of the knowledtjo whose 
object these are, ovk oiicrias ofrosrov ayadov oAA' ert intKetva ttJ? 
ouffiaT jrpfCTjSeta «at Sirrujuei u7repe,\o['TOT. Tills account greatly 
Influenced later, especiallj' Neo-Platonic, speculation. In Aris- 
totle's Met. we learn of a doctrine of Ideas which are also 
numbers, which is not expounded in the Dialorjues. See, for 
Aristotle's criticism of Plato's ideas, esp. Met. A 9; but it is to 
be found in all parts of his works. 

The essential featiires of the Platonic Idea are 
that it is (1) an object of thotight, not a thought 
(vo-nTbv, not vliri)ia.) ; (2) an object of thought or 
knowledge, not of sense (vo-qrbv, not aladrfriv). 
Plato's philosophy is not Idealism in the sense of 
a doctrine which resolves the phenomenal world 
into facts of human consciousness. Lotze's ex- 
planation {Log. iii. 2) of the oi)o-(a of the Ideas as 
'validity' (Geltxmg) or Natorp's description of 
them as 'laws' (Gesetze) may be useful, if not 
understood as making them mere attributes of 
something else, considered in abstraction from 
their substances ; but J. A. Stewart's expression 
' points of view ' (Plato's Doctrine of Ideas, Oxford, 
1909 ; see esp. p. 4) so plainly makes them ways of 
apprehending, not realities apprehended, that its 
use is fundamentally incompatible with the account 
given above. 

Aristotle's abandonment of the word to Plato 
determined its subsequent history, although in- 
stances of its use which involve no reference to 
Plato's doctrine are to be found in many later 
writers, and even in the Middle Ages (see Du 
Cange, s.v.). 

Among the problems about the Ideas bequeathed 
by Plato to his successors historically the most 
important was that of their relation to the Divine 
mind. A doctrine of a personal God in the Chris- 
tian sense forming no part of Plato's theology, he 
himself freely varied his language to suit his 
context. God 'makes' Ideas {Bep. x. 597 B), 
' contemplates ' them (Phmdr. 247 D, E), ' uses 
them as models' in creation (Tim. 39 E). Such 
expressions are mythical or imaginative. More 
philosophically important is the Tine of thought 
illustrated by Soph. 249 A, Phileb. 28 D. The 
Ideas cannot \)e of inferior nature to the soul which 
finds its chief good in knowing them ; they must 
themselves possess life and thought. Again, as 
the material elements of our bodies are derived 
and replenished from the vaster masses of like 
nature in the great world, so must our souls be 
derived from the 'royal soul and royal reason' in 
the nature of Zeus, wherein dwells the wisdom to 
which the order in the world is due. The relation 
of the Ideas to this world-soul (for which see also 
Phmdr. 245 ff., Tim. 34 ff.. Laws, x. 892 ff.) is a 
genuine problem for Platonism, but there is nothing 
to suggest that in order to solve it Plato would 
have surrendered the objectivity of the Ideas. 
Rather they inform it and our souls, which are 
parts of it, ' as a light to enlighten and a guide to 
govern ' (Berkeley, Siris, § 335 [ Works, ed. Fraser, 
Oxford, 1871, ii. 496]). It was their indwelling of 
the soul as the t^ttos elSihv (Aristotle, de An. 429" 27) 
that proved to Platonists that it was immortal. 

Though Aristotle rejected Plato's Ideas, his 
speculations influenced the development of thought 
respecting them, which led to the view of them as 
Divine thoughts. While no idealist in the later 
sense, he held that the Divine mind cannot be (like 



our.H) in a poHition of dependence upon its object ; 
still less can it exercise itself in knowledge of what 
is inferior to itself: thus its object must be what 
itself is, and its activity vdtiais yoijo-eus {Met. A 9, 
1074'' 34). 

After an interval of five centuries Plotinus standa 
in the direct line of succe.ssion from Plato and 
Aristotle. While in sense-perception the perception 
conforms itself to an object other than itself, voDs, 
or understanding, can have no alien object external 
to itself. Its object must exist in it, but such an 
immanence in vou^, just because coDs is higher than 
anything but the One or the Good wliich transcends 
(like Plato's loia. Ta7(ifloO) the distinction between 
subject and object, is a higher kind of existence 
than the independence whicli the objects of inferior 
faculties enjoy over against the apprehending 
faculties. The intelligible natures of all things, 
which, of course, are no other than the Platonic 
Ideas, thus form the content of the eternal vom, 
which is the ' second person ' of Plotinus's Trinity 
(the One, the vodi, and the World-Soul) ; see Enn. 
V. ix. 8. Here we reach the interpretation of the 
Ideas as Divine thoughts which became traditional 
in the Middle Ages ; but the voSs of Plotinus is not 
what we should call a ' personal ' God. 

2. In mediaeval philosophy. — A further step is 
taken under the influence of Christianity, which 
seriously conceives God as 'personal.' A passage 
of Augustine {de Div. qu. S3, xlvi.) became in the 
Middle Ages the locus classicus on Ideas, and is 
quoted as such by Albertus Magnus {Sum. Theol. 
I. xiii. qu. 55. 2, § 2), Alexander of Hales {Sum. 
Theol. i. qu. 23. 2, § 4), Thomas Aquinas {Sum. 
Theol. i. qu. 15, art. 1 ; cf. in I. Sent. dis. 36. qu. 2. 
art. 1, deVeritate, art. 3, 'de Ideis'), Bonaventura 
{in I. Sent. dis. 35, Comp. Theol. i. 25, S^im. Theol. 
qu. 11, art. 1), and Duns Scotus (Op. Oxon., in 
I. Sent. dis. 35, art. 1). Augustine could reconcile 
his earlier conviction that we must suppose Ideas 
as eternal and immutable patterns of phenomenal 
things with his Christian belief in one eternal 
Being, the Creator of all others, only by suppos- 
ing the Ideas to be internal to God's essence and 
to participate in its eternity and unchangeable- 
ness. The world is in time, which (according to 
Plato, Tim. 38 B) began along with it ; its exist- 
ence is throughout dependent on the Divine will ; 
but its eternal pattern, the world of Ideas, is an 
integral part of the Divine nature. Augustine 
assists himself by the analogy of the designs in 
an artist's mind. This illustration had already 
appeared in Philo (who as a Jew was also accus- 
tomed to regard God as personal). See de Opifcio 
Mundi, §§ 16, 25, pp. 4, 5 (the Divine Logos, as one 
with the world of Ideas, the Kdcr/xos voririis, is called 
by Philo ISia tS>v ISiuiv ; the phrase, however — 
which occurs in Origen, c. Cels. vi. 64 — is bracketed 
by Cohn). The same metaphor of an artist's designs 
had been used by Seneca (Ep. 58, § 19) in exposition 
of Plato ; and we may compare with it a passage 
(in which, however, the word ISia does not occur) 
in the Introd. Arithm. of the 1st cent, mathema- 
tician Nicomachus of Gerasa in Palestine (i. 6). 
The Placita Philosophorum (i. 882 D [Diels, Dox. 
Gr., Berlin, 1879, p. 309]) already assert that Plato 
held the Ideas to exist iv rots voifj^aai Kal rats cpay- 
raffiats tou $eov Todrefm tov vov. The use of such lan- 
guage was encouraged by the new stress which 
Christianity laid on the thought of Divine person- 
ality. Hence the importance of Augustine's adop- 
tion of the analogy with the artist's designs. In 
the earlier period of Western mediseval thought 
Augustine's influence was paramount, and to the 
same still powerful influence it was due that even 
after the triumph of Aristotelianism in the 12th 
and 13th centuries the Platonic Ideas, as inter- 
preted by Augustine, retained their place in the 



84 



IDBA 



ical tradition beside the Aristotelian 
ti'orms. 

In the 12th cent, we meet with an explicit 
Platonism which regards the Ideas as eternal 
patterns; e.g., in Bernard of Chartres (John of 
Salisbury, Metalogicon, ii. 17, where the author 
traces the history of the doctrine of Ideas, and, it 
may be noted, speaks of eI3os as standing to ISia in 
the relation of exemplum to ex&inplar). We find 
other examples in the Megacosmus et Microcosmus 
of Bernard Silvester (sometimes identified with his 
probably older namesake of Chartres) and in the 
Anticlaudianus of Alan of Lille. This Platonism 
depends not only on Plato's Timceus (the only 
accessible dialogue) and Augustine, but on such 
writers as Boethius, Macro bins, and Marcianus 
Capella. After the triumph of Aristotle the 
acceptance of Ideas was still, as we have seen, 
general. It was a subject of controversy whether 
they were Ideas of individual things (Thomas 
Aquinas) or of universals only ; whether they were 
practical or only speculative (Henry of Ghent) ; 
whether they were in God's essential nature as 
rationes cognoscendi or only in His intelligence as 
objects of His knowledge (Ockam). The answers 
given to such questions depended, of course, on the 
general philosophical and theological position of 
the thinker concerned. 

3. Transition from the mediaeval to the modern 
use. — We have now to trace the process by which 
a word hitherto associated with eternal natures 
and archetypal Divine designs came to be commonly 
employed for the thoughts and even imaginations 
of human beings. The Stoics (perhaps carrying on 
a Cynic tradition ; see E. Zeller, Socrates and the 
Socratic Schools, Eng. tr., London, 1868, p. 254) 
interpreted the Platonic Ideas as mere concepts 
(ivvo-qixaTo) or even as images of sensible things 
(Plac. Phil. 882 E, Stob. i. 12, p. 332 H ; Diels, Dox. 
Gr. pp. 309, 472). Great as in certain directions 
was the influence of Stoicism (esp. through Cicero, 
Seneca, and Boethius) on mediasval thought, it is 
doubtful whether this interpretation of the Ideas 
affected the fortunes of the word before the 
Eenaissance, when a general revolt against Aristo- 
telianism brought into favour a word free from 
Aristotelian associations, while at the same time 
attention was drawn to the Stoic logic as the chief 
ancient rival of the Aristotelian. Thus the habit 
gradually crept in of using idea where the originally 
equivalent species had been commonly employed 
in the sense of vorp-bv etSos, aladTp-liv elSos {species 
intelligibilis, species sensibilis) of Aristotle's de 
Anima. We find Pietro Pomponazzi (1462-1525) 
passing from the Divine Idea to the idea qucB est in 
mente nostra, quw est species (de Incantationibus, 
Basel, 1567, p. 36). Melanchthon identified idea with 
the acttis intelligendi, which is best described as 
the formation of an image (de Anima, Lyons, 1555, 
p. 187), andcharacteristicallyattempted to reconcile 
Plato and Aristotle by interpreting Plato's Ideas 
a&imagines in mente (' Erot. Dial.', in Corp. Reform. 
Halle, 1834-60, xiii. 520), or (in an exposition of 
the Ethics) as communes notiones. In the latter 
interpretation he was taken to task by J. C. Scaliger 
(de Subtil., Frankfort, 1576, vi. 4) on the ground 
that notiones are accidents, whereas Plato held the 
Ideas to be substances, but was defended by 
Goclenius (sn .Eccerci^. J. C. S. de Subtil., Marburg, 
1599, p. 98), whose Lexicon Philosophicum (Frank- 
fort, 1613), s.v. 'Idea,' is worth consulting. 

The 16th cent, physician Fracastorius (de In- 
tellectione, i. {Opera, Venice, 1574, p. 129 A, 130 A]) 
uses idea as equivalent to universale, and the so- 
called Spagyric school of medical writers affected 
the use of the word, from which their master 
Paracelsus formed a number of technical derivatives 
(see B. Castellus, Lex. Med. Benov., Nuremberg, 



1682, pp. 705, 706). The Paracelsian terminology 
was the source of Jacob Boehme's, to whom the 
word ' idea,' when he heard it from his friend and 
biographer von Frankenberg, ' proved vastly agree- 
able,' suggesting to him 'a beautiful, heavenly, 
chaste virgin ' such as is Sophia or Wisdom in his 
theosophical system (Memoirs of Life, etc., tr. F. 
Okely, Northampton, 1780, p. 16). 

Outside the Schools the tendency at this period 
to give the word a wide extension of meaning may 
be illustrated from Shakespeare. Here the general 
sense of ' pattern ' or ' model,' itself directly de- 
scended from that current in mediaeval philosophy 
(cf. Hooker, Eccl. Pol. i. 4, § 1, ed. Oxford, 1874, 
p. 212, of the Lord's Prayer : ' the perfect Idea of 
that which we are to pray for'), passes into that 
sense of the 'idealizing' memory in Much Ado, IV. 
i. 226 (' the Idea of her life '), and into that of a true 
copy of the pattern in Rich. III., III. vii. 13 ('the 
right Idea of your father '), while ' ideas ' appear in 
Love's Labour's Lost, IV. ii. 69, along with ' forms, 
figures, shapes, objects, apprehensions' among the 
furniture of 'a foolish, extravagant spirit.' 

4. In modern philosophy before Kant. — In the 
technical language of philosophy the substitution 
of idea for species served to some extent to conceal 
the fact that the difficulties of the old theory of 
' representative species ' passed unsolved into a later 
psychology (cf. Reid, ' Human Mind,' ii. § 6, in 
Works, ed. Hamilton, ii. 140 ; H. W. B. Joseph, 
in Mind, Oct. 1910). These difficulties are trace- 
able to Aristotle's statements in ds Anima, ii. 12, 
iii. 2, about the reception by the perceiving soul of 
the form of the object without the matter, which 
easily lent themselves to a quasi-materialistic 
interpretation, and in any case tended to make the 
immediate object of perception and ultimately of 
conception also an image or representation within 
the mind of the real thing without. This substitu- 
tion becomes generally current through its adoption 
by Hobbes and Descartes. In his Hist. Animoe 
Humance (Paris, 1636), David Buchanan frequently 
uses idea as the equivalent of species for the im- 
mediate objects (objecta interna) of human con- 
sciousness. There is no evidence that he enjoyed 
personal intercourse with Descartes, but the facts of 
his life do not exclude the possibility ; his clara et 
liquida idea (p. 339) reminds us of the Frenchman's 
' dear and distinct' perceptions. With Hobbes idea 
is synonymous with phantasma and signifies an 
'appearance which remains in the brain from the 
impression of external bodies upon the organs of the 
senses.' Such appearances, if they represent ex- 
ternal bodies where they are not, are properly 
'idols,' false ' ideas.' ^ How the false idea or idol 
is to be distinguished from the true Hobbes leaves 
obscure ; but it is clear that ' idea ' and ' idol ' alike 
are something in the brain or mind. Thus we have 
different 'ideas' of the same thingin succession when 
what we first saw at a distance to be some material 
object we see on coming nearer to be a living thing, 
and on coming yet nearer to be a human being. 

An instructive controversy arose between Descartes and 
Hobbes over their use of the word 'idea.* Descartes had 
spoken freely in his MeditatioTis of the ' idea ' of God ; Hobbes 
objected that he had no such 'idea.' He did not mean that 
there is nothing to suggest to us the existence of a God ; but 
that we have no image in our minds of a being such as the 
admirable order of the world leads us to suppose exists. Des- 
cartes admitted this, hut said that by * ideas ' he did not mean 
' images of material things in the corporeal phantasy,' but 
always * anything of which the mind is directly aware ' ; so that, 
when we perceive ourselves to be, e.g., willing or afraid, he 
would call the volition or the fear ' ideas.' He adds : ' I have 
made use of this name because philosophers have lon^ been 
accustomed to use it to signify the forms of the perceptions of 
the divine mind, although we do not suppose any phantasia 
(sensible imagination) in God.' Thus the historical associations 
of the word with the Divine thoughts recommended it to Des- 

1 Bacon had already contrasted kumance Tnentis idola with 
divirne mentis idece as abstracti(mes ad placitum with verm 
signacvZa Creat&ris (Nov. Org. i. §§ 23, 124). 



IDEA 



8S 



cartes an a very gonoral exprt^sHioii for the immediate or direct 
object of conHciouaness, wliich would not ooniiiiit him to a 
materialJHtic tiieory of tlie nature of conyciouBiieHB. He \vi\n 
naturally, therefore, displeased by Hohbes's aaauinption that ite 
proper meaning wan that of an ' imapein thecorrioreai plianto-sy.* 
floljbos appealed to etymolojfy ; and bO went uaclt behind the 
aHsociationa wliich rccommcuded the word to I^cscartea, who 
indeed iiad himseif in Med. II., before Ilobbee's criticisms had 
raised tlie question, observed that, althoutih volitions, fears, 
and judfjmenta are all cogltationes, yet that kind of cttgitalwues 
to which alone tlie word ' idea ' properly refers are those which 
are tanquam rerum imaginea. This use of ' idea ' it is ditlicult 
todistin^'uish from that found in IlobbeaCsee Ilohbes, Lev. 1. U, 
iii. 84, iv. 46 f., de Corp. i. 1. § 3, 2, 5 14, 6, § 9 ; Descartes, Med., 
Obj. iii. 5. For Descartes's use see refl. collected in Veitch's 
note to hia tr. of Meth., Med., etc., Edinburgh, 1880, p. 270 fl.). 

Thus the word came into common philosophical 
use tainted with an ambiguity as carrying with it 
at once an association with a materialistic theory 
of experience and an association with one (the 
Cartesian) which insisted on the impossibility of any 
such theory. But in both Hobhes and Descartes it 
was associated with the view that the immediate 
object of knowledge is something in tlie mind — a 
view which admits of difl'erent developments accord- 
ing to the different views entertained of the nature 
of the mind. Notwithstanding the ambiguity, 
Gassendi (1592-1655), the friend of both Hobbes 
and Descartes, proposes to use it in the widest 
sense as less open to ambiguity than other equiva- 
lent words, such as species, notio, etc. (Inst. Log. 
pt. i. [Opera, Lyons, 1658, i. 92]). Cudworth 
(1617-83) speaks of 'sensible ideas' (Int. Sy.it., 
London, 1678, i. §§ 5, 39), but does not limit the 
word to these ; against Kobbes he recognizes an 
' idea of God ' (iv. § 1). Euet (1630-1721) regards 
Descartes as restoring the Stoic usage (Cens. Phil. 
Cartes., ch. ii. § 7, ed. Paris, 1694, p. 48). Male- 
branche (1638-1715), like hia contemporary Locke, 
uses idie for ' objet imm^diat de notre esprit ' (Rich, 
delaviriti, iii. 2, ch. i., ed. Paris, 1700, i. 386) ; but 
his doctrine (based on the Cartesian emphasis on 
the disparateness between mind and matter) that 
the immediate objects of our perception are not 
bodies, but rather the Divine archetypes of bodies, 
reverts in a way to the mediiEval use of the word. 
Finelon (1651-1 715) follows Malebranche : the ideas 
which constitute the human reason are universal, 
necessary, eternal, immutable, in fact they are God 
revealed in our souls so far as the limitations of our 
nature allow (De V Exist, de Dieu, ii. 4 [(Euvres, ed. 
Paris, 1787, ii. 228 ff.]). For the use (or uses) made 
of the word by Spinoza (1632-77) the reader must be 
referred to Spinoza himself (see esp. Eth. ii. def. 
3, 4, prop. 48, 49) and his commentators (esp. H. 
Joachim, Study of Spinoza, O.xford, 1901). As 
the spiritual or psychical correlate of an extended 
thing or body, a man's mind is described as the 
' idea ' of his body. 

Locke (16.32-1704) and Leibniz (1646-1718) both 
make ideas ' the immediate objects of the under- 
standing in the widest sense' (Locke, Ess. i. 1, § 8 ; 
Leibniz, Now. Ess. ii. 1, § 1 [ed. Erdmann, Berlin, 
1840, p. 222]). Locke held, against Descartes, 
that they are never 'innate,' but always derived 
from experience or from reflexion upon experience. 
For Leibniz all ideas are innate ; if distinct, they 
represent God ; if obscure, the world. Thus for 
both Locke and Leibniz they represent objects from 
which they are themselves distinct. With Berkeley 
(1685-1753) ideas, though conceived, after Locke, 
as the immediate objects of conception, represent 
no objects beyond themselves. They are them- 
selves the only objects ; of everything, except 
spirits or minds (of which we are said to have not 
'ideas' but 'notions'), the esse is percipi ; thus the 
object of perception is called an idea rather than a 
thing, because things are ' generally supposed to de- 
note somewhat existing without the mind ' and also 
to include ' spirits ' (Princ. of Human Knowledge, 
i. § m[Works, ed. Fraser, Oxford, 1871, i. 175]). 



Out of this very un-Platonic theorj' of ideas a 
more Platonic one is <level()ped by Berkeley in the 
much later Siris. Among the 'ideas' of Locke 
and Berkeley, Hume (1711-76) distinguished direct 
perceptions as 'impressions,' while the name 
' ideas ' is confined to reproductions of these which 
are known as such by their inferior 'liveliness.' 
This has become, on the whcde, the tradition of 
later English philosophy (see Spencer, Princ. of 
Psijchvlo(iy, London, 1872, pt. vii. ch. 16 [vol. ii. p. 
454 ff.] ; cf. Baldwin, DPhP, s.v. ' Idea '). Hume^s 
contemporary John-ion, who in his Dictionary 
dehnes ' idea ' as ' mental image,' branded (errone- 
ously) as ' modern cant' the use of it for a notion 
or opinion of which there cm be no such image 
(Boswell, Life, ed. Oxford, 1826, iii. 176). 

5. In modern philosophy since Kant. — This use 
of ' idea ' as primarily denoting a sensation repro- 
duced in memory or imagination passed with the 
English empirical philosophy to which it belonged 
to the French free-thinkers of the 18th cent., 
among whom Condillac (1715-80) uses idie for a 
sensation remembered and related to an external 
object, except in the case of a sensation of touch, 
where the sensation by itself is an idie because 
directly relating itself to such an object (Extr. 
rais. du traiti des sensations [(Euvres, Paris, 1798, 
iii. 39 fi'.]) ; and, similarly, Holbach (1728-89) 
uses the term for the image of an object which 
causes a sensation or perception (Syst. de la nature, 
Paris, 1821, i. 133). Not altogether dissimilar is 
the account of 'idea' given by Wolff (1679-1754), 
in Psych. Emp., Frankfort, 1732, § 48, as a mental 
representation in relation to the represented object. 
This use of 'idea,' however, was not to prevail in 
Germany. Kant (1724-1804) set himself (Kritik 
der reinen Vernunft, Transc. Dial. i. 1 \_Werke, ed. 
Hartenstein, Leipzig, 1867, iii. 256 ff.]) to restore 
the word from a deplorable degradation, in which 
it could be used for ' the representation of the 
colour red ' to its original Platonic use of a ' con- 
ception transcending the possibility of experience. ' 
Of such conceptions, which Reason inevitably 
forms, but which cannot be verified in experience, 
he recognized three : the soul, the world, and God. 
To Kant, that we necessarily think a thing to be 
so and so by no means implies that it is so in itself ; 
but to Hegel (1770-1831), who does not thus divorce 
thought from reality, such a conception, transcend- 
ing but implied in our experience in space, in time, 
as Kant called an Idea is no mere speculative 
problem or at most a postulate of action ; it is the 
ultimate unity, in the light of which alone what- 
ever is real is seen as it truly is, and that because 
it is only what it is as a stage in the eternal pro- 
cess wherein the Idea unrolls, as it were, before 
itself the riches of its own nature (see Log. §§ 213, 
236 {Werke, Berlin, 1843, vi. 385, 408]). As the 
Platonic Ideas constitute in Philo the content of 
the supreme Idea, the Divine mind or Logos, so in 
Hegel the one Idea breaks itself up into a system 
of definite Ideas ; and similarly for Schelling (1775- 
1854) the Ideas are the living Universals in the 
Divine mind ( Varies, iiber die Meth. der akad. 
Stud. xi. [Werke, Stuttgart and Augsburg, 1856- 
61, v. 317]), or, as it is put elsewhere {Syst. der 
Philos. § 33 [ib. vi. 183]), the essences of things as 
grounded in God's eternity. 

If divested of the theistic language, this use of 
Idea approximates to Schopenhauer's (1788-1860) 
(see Welt als Wille und Vorstellung, Leipzig, 1873, 
§ 25). An Idea is a ' definite and fixed grade of 
the objectification of the Will so far as it is thing- 
in-itself and therefore has no multiplicity.' These 
grades are related to individual things as their 
eternal forms or prototypes. Such Ideas are the 
forces of Nature (gravity, electricity, etc.), life, 
the various organic species, the chief types ot 



IDEAL 



humanity. This Schopenhauer holds to be in agi'ee- 
ment with Plato's true meaning, while Kant's three 
Ideas of the Reason have nothing in common with 
Plato's except a transcendence of experience which 
they share with the merest chimeras. The Idea, 
thus conceived, Schopenhauer holds to be the object 
which the fine arts aim at representing (it is to be 
observed that Kant also recognized sesthetic Ideas, 
Kritik der Urth. i. §§ 17, 49, 51 [Werke, ed. Harten- 
stein, Leipzig, 1867, v. 238, 324, 353]). Such a 
view gives to art a higher rank in the scale of 
values than is assigned to it by Plato, who, al- 
though sometimes describing the apprehension of 
the Ideas in language suggestive of aesthetic con- 
templation, regards the productions of the artist 
as an imitation not of the Ideas, but only of the 
sensible copies thereof {Bep. x. 596). 

Following Kant, who had taught that the Ideas, 
which were mere problems for the Speculative 
Reason, became postulates for the Practical, 
sufficient grounds for action though unverifiable 
in experience — thus we can, and indeed are bound 
to, act as though free, yet a speculative proof of 
freedom is impossible— ^srSari (1776-1841) speaks 
of practical Ideas (Freedom, Perfection, etc.) 
springing from judgments of value {Kurze Encyc. 
der Phil. § 47 [Wu-ke, Leipzig, 1850, ii. 79]). A 
similar usage is found in Wundt. 

6. Ambiguity of the word ' Idea.' — Some of the 
ambiguities which have beset the word 'idea' are 
merely verbal, and may be removed by careful 
definition. Such is that arising from the applica- 
tion of the word at once to eternal principles which 
underlie appearances and are discovered by the 
exercise of reason, and also to varjdng modes or 
states of a finite consciousness. Less easily kept 
apart are the sense of ' mental image ' and the 
sense of ' concept ' ; but the distinction between 
the words Vorstellung and Begriff (in recent philo- 
sophical English represented by ' concept ') has to 
a large extent saved German writers from this 
equivocation. But less easily eradicable is the 
ambiguity which the word 'idea' inherited from 
the word species' when, in the 17th cent., it took 
its place in the philosophical vocabulary. Used 
now for an activity of the mind apprehending an 
object (cf. the phrase 'I have no idea' = 'I do not 
know,' or the occasional use for 'the faculty of 
apprehension,' as in the well-known line in Thom- 
son's Seasons, ' to teach the young idea how to 
shoot '['Spring,' 1152]), now for the object imme- 
diately apprehended (even where, as in Berkeley, 
this is not treated as representative of anything 
beyond itself), it inevitably comes to suggest a 
tertiutn quid internal to the mind as compared 
with the external object it is supposed to repre- 
sent, yet not the mental process or activity of 
apprehending, but its immediate object. The 
assumption of such a tertium quid is rendered 
plausible by the difficulties due to a comparison 
between the experiences which different indi- 
viduals, or the same individual at different times, 
claim to have of one and the same object. Even 
justice seems to be done to all of these if each be 
considered as an apprehension of a different ' idea ' 
of the same thing, which is itself in no case the 
direct object of the experience. This may seem to 
be supported by the fact that we can seldom, if 
ever, think without imagery — a fact expressed by 
Aristotle in the saying, oiSinoTf voeX ivev <pavTd<r- 
fiaros ii i/vx^i (de. Anima, iii. 7, 431" 17), ' the soul 
never thinks without an image ' — even when, as in 
the instance of a chiliagon or of the Roman Empire, 
any image that may present itself is plainly not 
that of which we are thinking. In thinking, how- 
ever, of a sensible thing not actually present to the 
senses, but remembered, it is easy to confuse the 
image with the object, to talk as though it were 



the object of our thouglit, as though it were what 
we remembered (and yet, as it is here in our 
imagination noiv, it is clearly not it, but what it 
represents, that we remember) ; and, lastly, as 
though, even in perceiving an object actually 
present to the senses, it were such an image, and 
not the object, that is before us. This is a way of 
speaking which, when used of others, comes natur- 
ally enough, because we do not share their per- 
ceptions, but picture to ourselves what we take 
them to be perceiving, forgetting that this is not 
what they perceive, but only a picture of it in our 
imagination. 

The assumption of such a tertium quid between 
the apprehending mind and its object appears to 
be confirmed by the existence of hallucinations 
and of dreams, where what seems, as presented in 
consciousness, to be indistinguishable from a real 
object is afterwards judged not to have been such. 
This suggests that, both when a real object is 
present and when it. is not, what we actually per- 
ceive is not this object, but a ' mental image,' 
which may or may not be representative of a real 
original. But this assumption only transfers the 
difficulty ; it is no more easy to understand how, 
on the hypothesis that our immediate object is 
always such an 'idea,' we can become aware at 
all of an external object represented by some of 
them and not by others (cf. Berkeley, Princ. of 
Human Knowledge, § 8), than how in any case we 
sometimes come to think we perceive external 
bodies when we do not. These disadvantages of 
so ambiguous a word as ' idea ' (which are not re- 
moved by substituting, with J. Ward, ' presenta- 
tion' — a literal rendering of the Vorstellung of 
Herbart and Wundt) make it a hindrance rather 
than a help in discussing the nature of our experi- 
ence prior to any such reflective discrimination 
between the respective shares of subject and object 
as must appear in any account whicli can be given 
of it. It is significant of the realization of this by 
English psychologists that W. McDougall avoids 
its use on the ground that most who have so named 
features distinguished in the stream of conscious- 
ness have tended to 'reify' them, preferring to 
use the word 'feelings,' which describes them as 
features of our behaviour rather than as objects of 
our apprehension (see Psychology/, a Study of Be- 
haviour, London, 1912, p. 50) ; and that in Loveday 
and Green's Introd. to Psych. (Oxford, 1912) the 
word ' idea ' and its scarcely less misleading syno- 
nyms do not occur at all. 

Literature, — For further information as to the history of 
the word 'idea,' see W. Hamilton, Discussions, London, 1852, 
p. 70, Works of Thomas Reid, Edinburgh, 1S72, p. 925 fl. ; R. 
Euclien, Geschichte der phitos. Terminocogie, Leipzif;, 1S79, pp. 
199-201 ; R. Eisler, Worterbuch der philos. BegriiTe und Aus- 
driicke, Berlin, 1899, s.v. 'Idee,' i., to all of which this article la 
much indebted. C. 0. J. WeBB. 

IDEAL.— I. Use of the term.— The term ' ideal ' 
is perhaps one of the vaguest in common use. In 
popular usage it signifies sometimes what is ex- 
cellent of its kind, e.g. ' we had ideal weather ' ; 
sometimes what would be perfect if it could be 
attained, but as a matter of fact is utterly unat- 
tainable, as when we speak of the 'ideal' State; 
sometimes what is regarded as unworthy of serious 
attention as being purely fanciful and oblivious of 
the facts of the case. With the last two usages in 
mind, Hegel speaks of 

' the popular fancy that ideals are nothing but chimeras, and 
the very different fancy that ideals are something far too 
excellent to possess reality, or something: far too feeble to 
procure it for themselves ' (W. Wallace, Logic of Hegel, Oxford, 
1874, p. 8). 

From philosophical language, too, there comes an 
ambiguity, for the adjective ' ideal ' may correspond 
to either of the two nouns, ' idea ' and ' ideal ' ; and 
in the former case, corresponding to 'idea,' in the 



IDEAL, 



87 



sense in which the EngliHh psychological philo- 
sophers from Locke to Huiiiu made the term 
current, ' ideal ' is apt to be interpreted as in con- 
tradistinction to what is actual. The ' ideal ' and 
the ' real ' are distinguished, and the distinction 
becomes an opposition, and tlie tendency is intensi- 
fied to think of what is ideal in any sense as non- 
existent and permanently so — something that is 
'all in the air.' Further, this notion of ideals 
derives strength from consideration of the ideals of 
the artist. His ideals, tlie types of beauty whicli 
he depicts, are commonly taken to bo representa- 
tions of a beauty which never and nowhere existed, 
nor can be found. 

• The lif?ht that never was, on sea or land. 
The consecration, and the Poet's dream ' 

(Wordsworth, J'eele Castle). 

Turning from popular usage to writers on 
psychology and ethics, one's impression that ' ideal ' 
is a word of vague import is strengthened. Some 
have no use for the word at all. Some introduce 
it casually in the course of discussions without any 
explanation. Some use it as synonymous with 
'end.' Some draw a careful distinction between 
ideal and end, and, having drawn it, seem to ignore 
it. Various writers deal with various aspects or 
characteristics of the ideal ; few think it necessary 
to define tlie term or give a connected treatment of 
the topic. It is diflicult to understand why ' ideal ' 
should not be handled with something of the care 
which, e.g., 'motive,' 'intention,' and 'desire' 
receive. 

2. Definition. — An ideal in general may be 
defined as a conception of what, if attained, would 
fully satisfy ; of what is perfect of its kind, and, 
in consequence, is the pattern to be copied, and the 
standard by which actual achievement is to be 
judged. The ideal is the standard of value, and 
the actual has worth in so far as it embodies the 
ideal. ( For a general discussion of ideals and their 
significance, see Epistemology, §2of., in vol. v. 
p. 352ff.). 

Tlie moral ideal is what we are now concerned 
with ; and a moral ideal is a conception of what, 
if attained, would completely satisfy man as a 
moral being. It stands, as what ought to be, over 
against what is in character and conduct, and 
constitutes a standard by reference to which char- 
acter and conduct are estimated. The ideal is not 
synonymous with the end. It is a product of 
constructive imagination in which the end is 
envisaged as attained, embodied, and expressed. 
Individuals who agree in their way of defining the 
end may difl'er widely enough in their ideals. The 
ideals of a hedonist, for instance, may be high or 
low. On the other hand, it seems quite erroneous 
to say, as has sometimes been said, that difference 
of conception of the ideal determines the difl'erence 
between various schools of ethical speculation. 
For men who differ profoundly as moral philo- 
sophers do not necessarily differ widely as moral 
individuals. They may approve, condemn, seek 
after, and avoid the same things ; their ideals, 
therefore, are not dissimilar. It will appear below 
that difference of ideal — the kind of difference in 
view in the statement which we are considering — 
marks, not school from school of ethical theory, but 
stage from stage of moral progress. 

To entertain ideals is part of man's nature. It 
is given with his power of retrospect, forecast, 
and choice. All men have an ideal of some kind, 
for all rational beings distinguish what is and what 
should be. The moral ideal can be only formally 
defined as a conception of man with his powers at 
the best, using them for the best. It cannot be 
concretely defined. For man is a developing being, 
and does not know what his powers at the best may 
be. And conceptions of ' for the best ' may difl'er. 



and do differ. Further, a particular individual 
may (ind that, in cuii.structing hi.s ideal, the 
ncculiarity of his ci^cum•^lances requires that there 
IS a conllict of some kind between 'at the best' 
and 'for the best.' It is a serious question for 
some, e.g., whether, in view of all their circum- 
stances and obligations, they are justified or not 
in taking a University course, or entering a 
career for which they are fitted, but which requires 
an expensive training which will mean hard sacri- 
fice for others. Hence it is that 'ideals are 
relative to the lives that entertain them ' (W. 
James, Talks to 'Teachers on Psyeliology, London, 
1899, p. 29'2). An ideal, however, is not conceived 
to be something purely or essentially individual- 
istic. He who liolds it is not impressed with the 
relativity of it, but with its universality. It is not 
something which he alone should seek after ; it in 
what he conceives all should follow. 

There is an infinite variety of ideals as held by 
difi'erent individuals. They may be low or high, 
sordid or sublime ; they may be limited by the 
seen and temporal, or stretch forward to the unseen 
and eternal ; they may be so worth striving after, 
and the individual so thwarted and baffied in 
pursuit of them, that an argument for immortality 
may be founded thereon. Whatever its nature, 
the ideal is that which inspires, directs, and gives 
coherence to the moral life. (For an excellent dis- 
cussion of the meaning of ideals, see Leslie Stephen, 
The Science of Ethics, p. 74 ff. ) 

3. The forming of ideals. — As character is partly 
an endowment, partly an achievement, so ideals 
are partly imposed upon the individual, partly 
chosen by him. A child develops towards moral 
individuality by obeying authority which it did 
not itself constitute. When it awakens to moral 
consciousness, its standards of judgment are 
already so far fixed for it. It has been following 
an ideal chosen by others, set before it, and im- 
posed upon it. And obviously the imposed ideal 
may determine in varying degree the deliberately 
chosen ideal. The ideal in many cases never 
differs appreciably from the ideal found in the 
home or the community. Many are never aware 
of any break or contrast between what they are 
ordered or expected to obey and what thej' freely 
choose to obey. Such freedom to choose, indeed, 
is only dimly, if at all, realized ; or, if realized, 
may be regarded only as a temptation to be com- 
bated. In communities, however, where individual 
freedom is safeguarded and esteemed, and where 
there is a wide range of choice of life-work open, 
the necessary choice of some definite life-work, 
which brings a multitude of varied possibilities 
before the individual, contributes to his becoming 
keenly conscious of his power of choosing an ideal 
of what his life, character, and achievement are 
to be. 

The psychology and the whole process of such 
choice, such ' setting up ' of an ideal, are vei^y 
obscure. Factors enter into it due to temperament, 
previous training, and all sorts of ' personal equa- 
tion,' which make analysis in any particular case 
very difficult and generalization impossible. Our 
earliest ideals glow with colour and romance, and, 
literally enough, baffle description. There is some- 
thing great and splendid that we wish to attain, 
but what more definitel}' it is we cannot say. We 
hear the wind rise ' roaring seaward ' and feel we 
must go, but whither and wherefore we are not 
clear. We are inclined to think of our ideal as 
something absolutely new, unheard of till we dis- 
covered it (cf. W. James, Talks, p. 292 ; J. Koyce, 
Studies, New York, 1898, p, 80). The truth in 
this exaggerated view of ourselves and our ideals 
is that there is an element of uniqueness in every 
personality. With the lapse of time the ideal 



88 



IDEAL 



loses in colour but gains in clearness. It comes 
down from the skies to common earth. While it 
remains something personal, peculiarly our own, 
we lay more stress on its universal character. (On 
the contrast between the ' idealism ' of youth and 
the 'realism' of maturer years, see H. Lotze, 
Microcosmos, Eng. tr.^ Edinburgh, 1899, ii. 305 tf.) 

4. Is the ideal realized ? — To this question the 
answer is Yes and No. (a) On the one hand, we 
must hold that the ideal is attainable and is real- 
ized. An ideal which is absolutely and inherently 
unattainable cannot be an ideal ; for, as we have 
said, the ideal is our conception of what should be, 
and, as Kant says, ' an ought implies a can.' If a 
thing cannot be, there is no sense in saying it 
should be. And, unless we are prepared to deny 
that men ever act rightly, or that there is such a 
thing as moral progress, we must hold that the 
ideal is realized. ' The moral ideal may be said to 
be realized every time we truly act' (J. S. Ms.c- 
kenzie, Manual of Ethics*, p. 29). We know, too, 
that multitudes find their ideal realized in some 
individual ; their eftbrt is to try to be like him. 
What would he think of this ? is their standard of 
judging. (6) On the other hand, most men are 
constrained to admit that the ideal is never attained 
by them. Strive as they like, it remains ahead of 
their accomplishment. The fact is that man is a 
developing moral being, and that moral progress 
means, not only that in achievement the individual 
is ever coming nearer an ideal, but that the ideal 
itself is progressing. Like character, the ideal is 
only relatively fixed and permanent. If, as we 
have said, the ideal gives coherence to the moral 
life, it must obviously have stability of a kind. 
But we have to think of a stability in progress — a 
mobile equilibrium. As we progress in the moral 
life, the ideal unfolds and expands. 

' Every achievement of good deepens and quickena our sense 
of the inexhaustible value contained in every right act. With 
achievement, our conception of the possible goods of life in- 
creases, and we find ourselves called to live upon a still deeper 
and more thoughtful plane. An ideal is not some remote all- 
exhaustive goal, a fixed summum bonum ' (Dewey-Tuf ts, Ethics, 
p. 421 f.). 

Hence it is that what at any moment in the 
moral life we picture to ourselves as the best turns 
out to be only a better. As in achievement we 
approach what we regarded as the best, we gain a 
conception of something still more excellent. 

Hence the statement ' ideals are realizable ' is 
true ; it means that moral progress is possible. 
The statement ' the ideal is not realizable ' is also 
true, as meaning that we can assign no limit to 
moral progress. To say that there is an absolute 
ideal, an absolute best, is to say that such limit 
can be fixed, that there will come a time when no 
further moral progress can take place. (P'or full 
discussion of the points dealt with briefly in this 
paragraph, and of the problems which emerge, see 
T. H. Green, Prolegomena to Ethics, bk. iii. ; S. 
Alexander, Moral Ot-der and Progress, bk. iii.) 

5. Change of ideal. — Apart, however, from the 
change of ideal which proceeds in every life gradu- 
ally and imperceptibly, probably the majority are 
familiar \vith a change of another kind, when the 
cleavage between old and new is distinctly marked, 
and the connexion seems to be only one of sharpest 
contrast. There are times when one can say, ' The 
old things ai-e passed away ; behold, they are become 
new ' (2 Co 5"), when one feels oneself to be a new 
creature looking out upon a new world. This may 
come about under a manifold variety of circum- 
stances in which little, if any, general rule may 
be discerned. It may happen that needs of our 
nature of which we were not previously conscious 
suddenly make themselves felt, so that what 
formerly satisfied is no longer adequate. Needs 
which were weak or suppressed may become 



relatively stronger. Or we may find that what 
we thought would satisfy proves in experience 
unable to do so. It may happen that our call to, 
and assumption of, fresh responsibilities give a 
new vision of what life and character ought to be. 
We see that the old ways are unworthy, that the 
old habits must be broken, that our standards must 
be raised, and our whole scheme and view of life 
revised, as Heniy v. found when he assumed the 
dignity of kingship. A new bond of friendship or 
love may mean a similar new vision. Or the change 
may be, and often is, concomitant with a religious 
experience ; ' if any man is in Christ, he is a new 
creature ' (2 Co 5"). 

In some cases the phenomenon admits of ex- 
planation ; in others, especially when religious 
elements enter, it is too recondite ; obscure factors 
are involved of which the individual himself can 
give no clear account, and the case defies psycho- 
logical analysis. We cannot explain our tastes, 
our likes, and aversions ; it is a cold-blooded sort 
of love if one can explain why he prefers one person 
before others. And of that change of ideal which 
means a revolution in the moral liife, and comes, or 
seems to come, suddenly, an adequate explanation 
is seldom possible. ' The wind bloweth where it 
iisteth, and thou hearest the sound thereof, but 
knowest not whence it cometh, and whither it 
goeth ; so is every one that is born of the Spirit ' 
(Jn 38). 

When a new vision of the ideal comes to us, it 
may afi'ect us in a variety of ways. We may feel 
at once a peace and satisfaction like that of the 
merchant who has long been searching for the 
goodly pearl, and, having found it, sells all that 
he has and buys it ; we may yield to its attraction 
and inspiration. More often, especially when we 
not merely get a new conception of the ideal, but 
see the ideal realized or approximated in an actual 
life or deed, we may experience a sort of despair ; 
we may feel overpowered with a sense of the con- 
trast between what we are and Avhat we now see 
we ought to be (on this topic generally, and the 
value of self-abasement, see Iverach, The Other 
Side of Greatness, serm. i.). Or we may for a time 
be involved in a conflict of ideals, undecided as to 
how the moral life is to be directed, and, like Paul, 
' kick against the pricks ' (Ac d^). 

While moral progress is often marked by the 
positive appearance of a new ideal, it is also fre- 
quently marked mainly or entirely, negatively, by 
the failure of the old ideal any longer to satisfy us. 
Sometimes we see more or less clearly what the 
new ' better ' is, sometimes we have nothing but a 
sense that what we used to regard as best is not 
good, and that a 'better' there must be, though 
we cannot yet say what it is. We have to grope 
our way, ' moving about in worlds not realized ' 
(Wordsworth, Intimations of Immortality). 

6. The teaching of ideals. — It may be said to be 
the duty of every moral being to unfold and com- 
mend an ideal to those who are morally unde- 
veloped, or are searching for an ideal, and to 
propose something better to those who are plainly 
following a low ideal. In various aspects of it, 
this is the special task of preachers, teachers, and 
parents (see art. Education, Moral, vol. v. p. 
216 fl'.). We may note some of the most important 
principles which must be kept in mind in this con- 
nexion. Regarding the kind of ideal that should 
be commended for imitation, some remarks by 
L. T. Hobhouse are worth noting : 

' It is just worth noticing, as we pass, that ideals are interest- 
ing or vapid according as the element of construction or 
abstraction preponderates in them. Types in which differences 
are left out, in which you try to get down to the pure thing, 
free from all incrustation of other elements, are nauseating in 
proportion as their delineation is successful. This kind of 
" idealism " gives us the heroes and heroines who live to utter 



IDEALISM 



88 



moral platitudes, and tipoil whole cha[)l<:r8 of good writing. It 
inHpircB tlio morality wliioh tries to niuke all life a study of what 
you ought not to do. The constructive idealism, on the oilier 
hand, llnrls dissatisfaction always in Incompleteness, and lliids 
compIetcnCHs only in the many-sided character and the varied 
lite' {The Theory of Knowledjjt, p. '.iU). 

It is very important that the ideal e.\hibitecl 
should be pcsitivo, and not negative. Otherwise a 
boy will get tlio impression that a good boy is one 
who does none of the things tliat an average boy 
wants to do, and at any age one will conceive of 
virtue as an ana-mic thing, and goodness as essenti- 
ally .some form of abstinence. Further, the aim must 
be to make the ideal concrete, not abstract, to show 
flesh and blood examples, not merely to lay down 
precepts, to point to lives or deeds in which the 
ideal has been approximately embodied, to show 
that, as actual occurrences prove, virtue is not in- 
capable of attainment. (On this topic see S. M. 
Bligh, 27te Direction of Desire.) 

7. The unrealized ideal. — We have seen that 
the ideal is unrealized and unrealizable in the 
sense that it is a mobile thing which constantly 
keeps ahead of us in our moral progress. It ever 
appears as ' a better beyond the best.' But, apart 
from this, every one who is in earnest in moral 
endeavour knows that the ideal is not realized in 
another sense — in the sense, namely, that in his 
conduct he comes short more or less, and usually 
more rather than less, of what he purposed. Tak- 
ing the moral life at any moment, and the ideal as 
it is then presented to us, and striven after, there 
is often a wide gulf between what was to be and 
what is. This may be due to our fault or to our 
misfortune. We may find, like Paul, that the 
good we would we do not ; and the evil that we 
would not, that we do (Ro V). Or in iguorance 
we may adopt a wrong means of realizing our 
ideal. Or we may find that circumstances are in 
conspiracy against us, and forbid the realization 
of our purposes, that we are handicapped, thwarted, 
baulked by the force majeure of practical facts 
which we cannot circumvent or surmount. Be- 
sides, we must take account of our general in- 
ability to give adequate or appropriate expression 
to the deepest things of the spirit. Take the case 
of emotion. We can only stammer brokenly, and 
to an unsympathetic or uninterested ear ludi- 
crously, about our love. We search in vain for an 
adequate mode of expressing contempt or hate. 
In an excess of joy we are moved to tears, and a 
smile may be all the expression we can give to 
heart-breaking disappointment or despair. So 
with the ideal which in our highest moments may 
be revealed to us. Unutterable thoughts, in- 
expressible aspirations may come to us ; we feel, 
we know, that they are the most valuable of our 
possessions, though neither in word nor in deed 
can we fully reveal them. They are among the 
truest riches of our nature though we cannot ex- 
hibit them : 

' Thoughts hardly to be packed 

Into a narrow act, 
Fancies that broke through language and escaped ; 

All I could never be. 

All, men ignored in me. 
This, I was worth to God ' 

(Browning, Rabbi Ben Ezra). 

The familiar words of Kant respecting the good 
will may be applied to the ideal : 

* Even if it should h.appen that, owing to special disfavour of 
fortune, or the niggardly provision of a stepmotherly nature, 
it should wholly lack power to accomplish its purpose, . . . 
then, like a jewel, it would still shine hy its own light, . . . 
its usefulness or fruitlessness can neither add nor take away 
anything from its value ' (T. K. Abbott, Kant's Theory of Ethics'^, 
London, 18S3, p. 10). 

A lover of paradox might well say that a man's 
real worth depends on what he fails in. ' Thou 
didst well that it was in thine heart ' (2 Ch 6'). 
The ideal in some cases is doubly ideal ; it is a 
conception not of what would but of what should 



satisfy. The individual doe.t not feel the needs 
which it would meet, but in some sense he ac- 
knowledges that he ought to feel them, or at lea«t 
that tliey ought to be felt generally. An audience 
the in(lividu:ils of which are immoral, or even 
criminal, will hiss the villain of melodrama, and 
applaml the triumjili of long-suHcring virtue. 
One who makes no attempt to realize high ideals 
in his own conduct may he very exacting in de- 
manding them of others, or very earnest in com- 
mending them to others. Ideals which are not 
realized in conduct may thus still be determinant 
of character ; though inell'ective to shape conduct, 
they do have a share in making the individual 
what he is. Further, ideals which he never seeks 
to realize as a private individual may none the 
less mould his conduct in various ways as a 
member of society. They may determine his con- 
tribution to public opinion, his attitude on public 
questions, his vote at elections, his discharge of 
public duty. If he be a parent, they may pre- 
scribe the rules he lays down for his children. The 
moral standard of his home may be very different 
from that of his ofBce, and both very dillerent from 
the standard he acts up to when he feels himself 
free for the time from his usual social obligations. 
We may regard such a man as we please, but we 
cannot say that the ideals he never seeks to real- 
ize are altogether valueless, eitlier for himself or 
for society. Conduct is at the best but an imper- 
fect expression and revelation of an individual's 
ideals, and, similarly, institutions and customs 
are imperfect embodiments of the ideals, the moral 
worth, and the moral standpoint of a community 
(see art. Good and Evil, vol. vi. p. 318 fi'. ). This 
has been so well said by Julia Wedgwood that we 
may close the subject with a quotation from her 
work : 

' That which gives life its ke3'note is, not what men tliink 
good, hut what they think best. True, this is not the part of 
behef which is embodied in conduct ; the ordinary man tries 
to avoid only what is obviously wrong ; the best of men does 
not always make us aware that he is striving after what is 
right. We do not see people growing into the resemblance of 
what they admire ; it is much if we can see them growing into 
the unlikeness of tfiat which they condemn. But the dominant 
influence of life lies ever in the unrealized. Whiie all that we 
discern is the negative aspect of a man's ideal, that ideal itself 
lives by admiration which never clothes itself in word or deed. 
In seeing what he avoids we judge only the least important 
part of his standard ; it is that which he never strives to 
realize in his own person which makes him what he is. The 
average secular man of to-day is a different being because 
Christendom has hallowed the precept to give the cloak to 
him who asks the coat ; it would be easier to argue that this 
claim for what most would regard as an impossible virtue has 
been injurious than that it has been impotent. Christianity 
has moulded character, where we should vainly seek to discern 
that it had influenced conduct. Not the criminal code, but 
the counsel of perfection shows us what a nation is becoming ; 
and he who casts on any set of duties the shadow of the second 
best, so far as he is successful, does more to influence the moral 
ideal than he who succeeds in passing a new law ' {The Moral 
Ideal, ^. 373 f.). 

Literature. — Leslie Stephen, The Science of Ethics, London, 
1832, ch. ii. sect. iv. ; T. H. Green, Prolegomena to Ethics, 
Oxford, 1S84, bk. iii. ; S. Alexander, Moral Order and Pro- 
dress, London, 1SS9, bk. iii. ; Julia Wedgwood, The Moral 
Ideal, do. 1SS9 ; H. Spencer, The Data of Ethics, ed. do. 1894, 
ch. XV. ; L. T. Hobhouse, The Theory of Knowledge, do. 1890, 
pp. 209-213; J. S. Mackenzie, A Manual of Ethics^, do. 
1900 (see index); J. Dewey and J. H. Tufts, Ethics, do. 
1910, p. 421 f. ; J. Iverach, The Other Side of Greatness, do. 
190B, sermon i. ; S. M. Blig-h, The Direction of Desire, do. 1910 

W. D. NiVEN. 
IDEALISM.— 1. The term.— ' Idealism ' is a 
term of very varied application. As ^personal ideal- 
ism ' it may denote a view of human life in which 
all utilitarian and eudtemonistic considerations are 
subordinated to duty or to objective ideals of 
culture, and in which the mind asserts its superi- 
ority in the face of all determinism and material- 
ism. This is the type of idealism the attainment 
and vindication of which find imposing and even 
classical expression in Carlyle's Sartor Resartus. 



90 



IDEALISM 



Again, the term may be applied generally to 
philosophical and religious systems, to views of 
the universe and poetic creations, in which the 
world is represented as being dominated by spirit- 
ual ends of a moral, religious, or aesthetic character. 
An idealism of this kind is found in all the great 
national religions, in the most diverse philosophical 
systems, and in poems such as Dante's Divina 
C'ommedia and Goethe's Faust ; its antitheses are 
sceptical relativism and hopeless pessimism. But 
these rather general applications of the word have 
no place in a scientific terminology, and have not 
much significance even in the inexact speech of 
everyday life, as everything turns upon the par- 
ticular ethical, religious, or aesthetic sense in which 
the nature of the ideal and its authority over 
personality are conceived. As a technical term, 
idealism concerns us only as denoting a distinct 
type of metaphysical thought, and in that sense 
alone will it be dealt with here. 

2. The fundamental position of idealism. — In 
order to determine the philosophical import of the 
term ' idealism,' it will be necessary to fix the 
place which the corresponding theory occupies 
among the various fundamental philosophical posi- 
tions. These fundamental positions may be com- 
bined in the several systems of philosophy, but 
they always remain separate and distinct as 
regards their starting-points. No one single or 
solely possible point of origin can be ascribed to 
philosophical reflexion. On the contrary, the data 
of experience form from the outset the subject of 
various problems, the very variety of which renders 
anything like a real monism impossible. Thus we 
have, first of all, the question as to the ultimate 
i-eality given in experience ; secondly, the question 
as to what the thinker expects to attain by a 
logical elaboration of the given ; and, finally, the 
question regarding the attitude to be assumed to 
the facts of becoming and change, and therefore 
also to the existence of ends and values, in the 
data of experience. These three questions, even 
if the answers to them can be harmonized and 
combined, cannot, as has been said, be reduced to 
one another. To begin with the last : we note 
that from this question arise the systems of pan- 
theistic changelessness on the one hand, and of 
pluralistic change on the other, the two sides of 
the antithesis being exemplified by the Eleatics 
and Heraclitus respectively. In the second ques- 
tion originate, on the one hand, the systems which 
by logical elaboration of the given find a more specific 
and certain reality behind or above the manifold 
of experience — as, indeed, the basis and explana- 
tion of it ; and, on the other hand, the systems 
which seek merely to explain psychologically the 
formation of the concepts actually applied in ex- 
perience, and thus to regulate such application. 
These systems are respectively the dogmatic a 
priori theories of which Platonism is the type, and 
the empirical pragmatic theories represented by 
the Sophists. The first question, again, gives rise, 
on the one hand, to the systems which regard 
material reality as the primary element of experi- 
ence, and find in it the explanation of consciousness ; 
and, on the other, to the systems which begin with 
the individual consciousness, and pass thence to 
the trans-subjective reality : they are respectively 
the realistic systems represented by materialism 
and by a naturalistic pantheism of the Spinozistic 
type, and the idealistic systems framed by Des- 
cartes, Malebranche, Berkeley, and Hume. 

Now the place of ' idealism ' among philosophical 
conceptions lies within the confines of the last of 
these antitheses. It denotes the metaphysical 
theory which, as regards the primary and most 
certain datum of experience, takes its stand upon 
consciousness and its contents. In its most un- 



compromising and self-consistent form idealism is 
solipsism, and finds its initial and most difficult 
problem in the question regarding the trans-sub- 
jective reality of knowledge, or the separation 
of the merely subjective element from elements 
which are super-subjective and universally valid. 
This problem, which had been touched upon by the 
Greek Sophists and Sceptics, by Augustine and 
the mediaeval Nominalists, became the real crux of 
Descartes and Malebranche, of Locke and Berkeley, 
and it is impressively expounded by Fichte in his 
Bestimniimg des Menschen. This idealism is often 
called ' Phenomenalism ' — a designation which 
implies that consciousness and its content of phe- 
nomena must form the starting-point of all philo- 
sophical reflexion, that the entire range of physical 
and psychical reality is given as a mere phenomenon 
to a consciousness which carries the whole within 
itself. Whether the phenomena thus immanent 
in consciousness have correlatives of an objective 
character, and what such correlatives may be, are 
questions left entirely unanswered. Of late it has 
become common to speak of this view as ' Imma- 
nence ' — a term signifying that all reality is com- 
prised in consciousness as sensation, perception, 
and idea. All these, however, are neither more 
nor less than metaphysical idealism in the only 
technical sense that we can ascribe to the term. 
Hence, to put the matter shortly, idealism implies 
that the relation of subject and object, is one of the 
essential starting-points of philosophy, and in its 
view of that relation it lays down the decisive 
principle that objects can exist only for a subject, 
and that the subject which carries the objects 
within itself is the higher category, and as such 
must determine the process of philosophical 
thought. 

3. Various developments of the idealistic prin- 
ciple. — As thus understood, idealism is simply one 
of the essential starting-points of philosophical 
thought. But in its further development as a 
system it may assume a vast variety of forms. 
It really implies a method, not a school of opinions 
and beliefs with a definitely fixed result, or, at 
most, it involves such a result only in so far as it is 
oppoaed to materialism, according to which consci- 
ousness has its source in material reality, and 
arises from it in certain conditions, as was main- 
tained by the ancient materialists and their suc- 
cessors, as well as by the naturalistic monists and 
agnostics, who often approximate very closely to 
them ; and, of course, it simUarly opposes every 
kind of objectivism which would derive personal 
consciousness and its contents from some such sup- 
posed primordial datum as God, nature, the All, 
or cosmic law, as was done by Neo-Platonism and 
the ecclesiastical philosophy, by Spinoza and his 
modem followers. So far, it is true, idealism 
means something more than a mere method ; it 
signifies a mode of thought whose subject-matter 
is fixed and defined from the standpoint of consci- 
ousness and the ego. Even so, however, the most 
varied lines of systematic development lie open 
to it. 

(a) Various attempts to reach trans-subjective 
reality from the idealistic standpoint. — Tiius we 
may, with Descartes and Malebranche, begin with 
the idea of God as a fact of consciousness, pass 
thence to the objective world, and then from that 
position explain consciousness, or the ego. Or 
we may, with Locke, assert merely the probable 
existence of objective coirelatives to the contents 
of consciousness, and upon that probability con- 
struct a system that differs but little from objec- 
tivism. With Berkeley, we may attribute our 
experience of phenomena to the divine will, and 
thus attain to a theological theism, or, with Hume, 
Comte, and the Pragmatists, we may hold the 



IDEALISM 



91 



relation of subject and object to be inexplicable and 
inscrutable, and so content ourselves with what 
can be based upon the laws of phenomena. Some, 
with Schelling and Hegel, deduce from experience 
the identity of subject and object, and with this 
identity as a basis elucidate the being and evolu- 
tion of all things. Others, again, with Leibniz, 
Herbart, and Lotze, derive from the facta of con- 
sciousness a pluralistic reality corresponding there- 
to ; while some, finally, with Schopenhauer, deduce 
from the individual consciousness the theory that 
it subsists in the unconscious, from which subject 
and object severally arise, only to fall back again 
into the unconscious. There is thus an extra- 
ordinary variety in the systems evolved from the 
fundamental position of idealism. Some of these 
approximate to materialism, or else to objectivism ; 
some do not pass beyond the subject ; while some 
propound an objective reality corresponding to it. 
But in virtue of their common starting-point they 
are all rigidly opposed to pure materialism or 
pure objectivism. 

(6) Idefdism combined with epistemoloqical 
theories. — Further specialized forms of the ideal- 
istic theory present themselves, however, when 
this metaphysical starting-point is combined with 
conclusions developed from the epistemological 
starting-point. Here we meet with the great main 
divisions of idealism related to the second source 
of philosophical reflexion (as noted in § 2 above), 
viz. empirical-nominalistic and a priori realistic 
idealism — a distinction which, as represented by 
the Greek Sophists and Sceptics on the one hand, 
and by Plato on the otlier, ditt'erentiates idealistic 
systems to the present day. 

i. Nominalistic idealism culminates in Berkeley's 
Phenomenalism, in Hume, in Pragmatism, in 
James's Voluntarism, and in the entire psychologi- 
cal philosophy of modern times. It emphatically 
affirms that not only the facts of mind but also the 
facts of nature are phenomena of consciousness. 
Here consciousness becomes simply the stage on 
which the facts exhibit their movements. The 
associations and dissociations which take place 
according to the laws of nature and the psycho- 
logical laws of social life are the material of which 
our so-called knowledge — and, therefore, also our 
philosophy — is built. Here philosophy explains 
the genesis of the conceptual world as a process of 
moulding the contents of experience, or conscious- 
ness, and distinguishes between the elements that 
pertain to a trans-subjective world and those that 
pertain to the ego, and it ascribes to both groups 
of conceptions a power of continuous self-direction 
and of progressive self-adaptation to the ends of 
practical life. What these ends really are is a 
question that cannot be decided from the stand- 
point under consideration ; it belongs to the ethico- 
teleological series of problems (see (c) below). But, 
if we bring the modern doctrine of biological 
evolution witliin the epistemological circle of 
problems, then the theory of empirical idealism 
resolves itself into the doctrine of the continuous 
adjustments, inheritances, and selections according 
to which the contents of consciousness group them- 
selves conceptually with reference to the ideal 
ends realizing themselves therein. We have here, 
in fact, a psychological relativism having the ideal- 
istic method as its pre-condition, but it entirely 
avoids the metaphysical endeavour to reach abso- 
lute reality, and abstains even from a metaphysical 
interpretation of its own starting-point. At the 
same time, however, it lends to the systems which 
it embraces an anti-materialistic bent that does 
justice to the mystery of existence and of spirit. 
The idea of the great mystery which Comte recog- 
nizes in his ' Idee de I'humanit^,' Spencer in his 
' Unknowable,' and Simmel in his hypothesis of a 



' relativistischer Pantheismus' emanates from the 

idealistic starting-point. 

ii. The idealism directed by an a priori and real- 
istic episteniology, i.e. Platonism in its various 
forms, proceeds in a directly opposite way. From 
the psycliical data of consciousness and the psycho- 
logically explicable laws of association it dis- 
tinguishes a specilic inner capacity of forming con- 
cepts. This function cannot be explained by, or 
derived from, anytliing else, but, on the contrary, 
is itself the neces.sary condition of all explanation 
and derivation. It is a spontaneous and creative 
faculty of spirit or reason, and is independent of 
the soul as such, of its contents and their inter- 
action under the operation of psychological laws. 
This independence finds expression in the attri- 
butes 'a priori' and 'autonomous,' which imply 
that the faculty does not originate in experience, 
but that, on the other hand, experience is spiritu- 
ally permeated and so rendered intelligible by it. 
Thus a priori idealism does not merely dill'erenti- 
ate between the bare elements of consciousness 
and their associative combinations, but also dis- 
tinguishes from the latter the conceptual faculty, 
which follows its own logical laws. As valid, self- 
consistent, and necessary knowledge results only 
from an elaboration of the data of consciousness 
in conformity with these laws, it is the conceptual 
faculty that transforms the chaos of mental pheno- 
mena into a reality systematized and apprehended 
by means of concepts. True reality is generated 
only by a process of thought governed by autono- 
mous a priori principles. Hence this type of 
idealism is also designated realism — the knowledge 
of the veritably real by means of concepts. Such 
an idealism, by reason of its epistemology, stands 
at the opposite pole from nominalist-empirical 
idealism. But in this very circumstance lie the 
peculiar difficulties of the position, viz. (1) the 
dependence of all conceptual activity upon experi- 
ence, and the observed variability of the views 
advanced — facts ever in conflict with the apriority 
and autonomy maintained by the theory ; (2) the 
very idea of a reality which is attained by means 
of concepts — an idea which led Plato to hyposta- 
tize the concepts as absolute entities, and has led 
others to regard them as the laws by which the 
divine mind acts ; (3) the question as to how far 
the entire manifold of consciousness can be ration- 
alized by concepts, and whether the process does 
not leave a residuum of non-rational elements — a 
doubt which has re-asserted itself in fresh forms 
from Plato to Schelling and Schopenhauer ; and, 
finally, (4) the difference between the purely theo- 
retical general concepts, on the one hand, and, on 
the other, the practical ideals or values whose 
inherent a priori necessity coincided, in Plato's 
view, with the cognate necessity of theoretical 
knowledge, but whose genuinely practical and 
theoretically inexplicable character could not per- 
manently remain unrecognized. Thus, while the 
subsuming of idealism under the a priori episte- 
mology corresponds to the true import of know- 
ledge and of the conception of truth — since, of 
course, every sceptical and relativistic theory must 
likewise find its warrant in autonomous and logical 
evidence— yet this idealism, in setting up a reality 
which is apprehended only through concepts, and 
stands higher than the reality of immediate ex- 
perience, involves all the difficulties of rationalism. 
The idealism which is interpreted on nominalistie- 
empirical principles lies closer to reality, and does 
more justice to the changes that occur in the 
separate sciences and their presuppositions, but 
precisely on that account it surrenders the idea of 
truth, and falls into scepticism and sophistic 
relativism. 

(c) Idealism combined with teleological theories. — 



92 



IDEALISM 



Idealism assumes definite forms of yet another 
type, and encounters fresh problems, when it is 
brought into relation with the third main philo- 
sophical position (cf. § 2 above), i.e. that from 
which arises the antithesis of pluralism and 
monism, of change and immutability. In itself 
idealism is not exclusively bound up with either 
of the alternatives, but may take both directions. 
It contains elements which may lead to the one as 
well as to the other. But, once it becomes involved 
in the two antitheses, it manifests a very different 
character in each. 

i. Thus, when it proceeds from the individual 
consciousness, it encounters at the very outset the 
fact of a variety of consciousnesses. The joint 
action of these and the dialectic of their common 
discovery of the concepts are here held to be the 
necessary conditions of a kingdom of knowledge. 
From this point, then, idealism becomes plural- 
istic ; and, moreover, when the question is raised 
as to the possibility and probability of an extra- 
human consciousness, idealism must, on the higher 
plane, admit the existence of a plurality of intel- 
lectual realms, and, on the lower, must regard it 
as probable that the sub-human, and perhaps even 
the inorganic, world is endowed with a spiritual 
life. Now, as such pluralism involves the idea of 
movement and reciprocal influence, consciousness 
— conceived as a subjective activity seeking to 
reduce its contents to clearness and order — contains 
also the impulse to strive and advance towards 
self-comprehension and self-organization. Then, 
as ethical and practical values are at length recog- 
nized in this striving and developing subjective 
principle, there arises the ideal of personality and 
of a kingdom of individual minds. This form of 
idealism finds typical representatives in Augustine, 
Nicolas Cusanus, and Leibniz. Further, this multi- 
tude of spirits must, of course, remain united in 
their common starting-point — in consciousness in 
general. But this in turn brings us naturallj' to 
an absolute relativism, as in Heraclitus ; or to a 
pan-psychism, as in Averroes ; or to that unrecon- 
ciled opposition between the cosmic consciousness 
and finite personal spirits which is characteristic, 
above all, of European idealistic thought. 

ii. At this point, however, we touch upon the 
other factor of the antithesis — that which presses 
towards monism and changelessness. The con- 
sciousness that forms the starting-point here is not 
the casual finite consciousness at aU, the latter 
being indeed simply its representative. The in- 
dividual consciousness represents consciousness in 
general, inasmuch as it is a quintessence of the 
simplest metaphysical conditions. Here ' being ' 
means being for a consciousness : esse est percipi. 
Then, as consciousness in its individual aspect 
cannot perform this function except on the absurd 
supposition of solipsism, and as, moreover, the in- 
dividual consciousness has its genesis and its 
decay, its own ' being ' can exist only for and in an 
absolute consciousness. In this way the individual 
person, like all else, becomes an element in the 
divine mind. Here then we find ourselves within 
the sphere of monism — the monism of conscious- 
ness. If, however, we begin with the absolute 
consciousness, it is difficult to find a place for 
becoming and movement, as these can be pre- 
dicated only of particular, finitive, and relative 
things. Hence, either the absolute consciousness 
is interpreted anthropomorphically, i.e. as a being 
who creates, imparts, and directs the movement of 
things, or else movement is altogether denied, and 
the finite consciousness becomes a mere illusory 
appearance of the absolute consciousness. With 
the surrender of plurality and movement, in fact, 
the ego and consciousness themselves disappear, 
aud become the unconscious. From the mysticism 



of Brahmanism to Schopenhauer runs a quite in- 
telligible line of development, which Western 
thought, under the influence of Christianity, has 
been able to avoid only by tracing the human 
personality in some way to the Beity, and so 
lapsing into the well-known antinomies in the idea 
of God. 

We thus see that the bare adoption of meta- 
physical idealism does not carry us very far. 
Idealism acquires definite character only by being 
combined with the tendencies of thought which are 
definitely moulded by actual decisions regarding 
the other two philosophical starting-points. To 
exalt the mind, or consciousness, above all its con- 
tents is doubtless an important step, but it in no 
way determines the fundamental character of philo- 
sophical thought. The vital question is how the 
mind as thus exalted above its phenomena is itself 
regarded as to its own nature and the direction of 
its activity. But this, as we have seen, brings us 
face to face vnth a vast variety of alternatives, and 
with antinomies of the most formidable kind. 

4. Transcendental idealism. — The recognition 
of these innumerable complications and paralog- 
isms led to that unique form of idealism which is 
known as Transcendental or Critical Idealism — the 
doctrine of Kant. That doctrine concerns us here 
only in so far as it is idealistic, and has furnished 
modern thought with a new weapon against 
materialism and semi-materialism. The character 
of this idealism finds its clearest expression in the 
distinction which Kant drew between his own views 
and the empirioo-nominalistic idealism of Hume, 
as well as that of Berkeley — certainly no less em- 
pirical, but corrected and supplemented by a meta- 
physical theology. Kant's doctrine is idealism of 
the type evolved from the first starting-point. It 
is a metaphysic from the standpoint of conscious- 
ness as embracing all experience, in so far as that 
standpoint itself implies a metaphysical position. 
But this idealism is distinguished from Hume's by 
the fact that it is developed and explained, not by 
the empirical-nominalistic, but by a rationalistic- 
aprioristic, method, and from Berkeley's by the 
fact that it does not simply accept the facta of 
consciousness as given psychologically, and then 
graft upon these the metaphysical element, but 
transforms them by a critical and rational pro- 
cedure into real knowledge, and at the same time 
will have nothing to do with a metaphysical pro- 
cedure that would transcend the rational order of 
the phenomena themselves. Here we have the 
grounds of the two leading characteristics of the 
Kantian philosophy, viz. (1) the rational a priori 
transformation of the facts of consciousness into 
real knowledge by the a priori forms of reason ; 
and (2) the limitation of the validity of this trans- 
formation to the actual data of experience, and the 
tracing of all contradictions and antinomies to an 
illegitimate application of tlie categories to a reality 
beyond experience. Experience itself, in its intui- 
tions of time and space, in its synthesis of phe- 
nomena by means of the categories, and Ln the 
unity which it presupposes, becomes real only in 
vh'tue of the a priori forms of reason already 
operative within it. But these forms are to be 
applied only to the experiential material of the 
human consciousness ; for, if they are applied to 
what lies beyond, they inevitably become involved 
in all the paralogisms of traditional metaphysics. 
Adhesion to the fundamental idealistic position ; 
the expansion of this position into the intra-experi- 
ential rationalism of a logically necessary sys- 
tematization, and a practically necessary valuation, 
of the contents of experience or consciousness ; a 
demonstration of the fact that a metaphysic which 
seeks to transcend experience necessarily results in 
antinomies ; the vindication of ethico-religious con 



IDEALISM 



91 



victiona by a practical postulate on the basis of tlie 
moral reason ; and, finally, the reconciliation of 
the metaphysical postulate of moral frcedoiu with 
the theoretical-rational system of an ordered total- 
ity of experience by the doctrine of the purely 
phenomenal character of the ly.tter — these are the 
leading features of the Kantian idealism. It is, 
accordingly, a philosophical fabric sui generis, and, 
in fact, could not come into existence at all until 
the several starting-points of philosophy had been 
adequately developed, and until, in particular, the 
idealistic principle had been fully wrought out. 
Still, it is essentially idealism — idealism within the 
sphere of consciousness as embracing all experience, 
and in it the individual consciousness represents 
consciousness in general. But it does not sanction 
any advance beyond the idea of representation, or 
any reaching forth towards what is represented. 
The rational articulation and valuation of the con- 
tents of consciousness — that and that alone is its 
aim. How consciousness itself comes into being, 
how it is related to what transcends it, how the 
theory comes to embrace a plurality of conscious- 
nesses and the possibility of their mutual inter- 
course — these are for it unanswerable questions. 
The metaphysical range of Kant's idealism does not 
pass beyond the fundamental thesis of a system 
within the limits of conscious experience. 

The nature and deduction of the principles by 
means of which the contents of consciousness are 
reduced to order and valued need not concern us 
here. But it is necessary to point out that the 
Kantian system is also a form of personal idealism, 
i.e. that in its recognition of ethical ends and im- 
peratives, and its corresponding conception of the 
All, it rests upon practical judgments and postu- 
lates which lie wholly outside its metaphysical 
idealism as such, and are admittedly drawn from 
interests of a non-logical character. Hence it is 
possible, by divesting the system of its practical 
aspect, to interpret it in a decidedly naturalistic 
way. In point of fact, however, Kant himself, by 
thus expanding his system, has burdened it with a 
dualism which brings in its train all the old anti- 
nomies and perplexities of philosophical thought. 

Whatever significance is to be ascribed to the 
Kantian idealism, it at all events broke away from 
the practice — inherited from Greek philosophy — of 
simply identifying theoretical and metaphysical 
with personal and ethical idealism, and of extend- 
ing the consistency of the former to the latter. 
Theoretical procedure and practical procedure, 
logical articulation and ethical judgment, natural 
law and moral imperative, though both members 
of each pair have a common idealistic foundation, 
are rigorously differentiated by Kant. While 
necessity and validity are predicated of either 
side, yet they are not of the same type in both, 
and are in each case demonstrated on different 
grounds. The personal idealism of the ethical, 
religious, and eesthetic sphere must, accordingly, 
be clearly distinguished from the metaphysical 
idealism that ranks consciousness above all its 
phenomena, nor is it to be identified with the logi- 
cal and theoretical articulation of these phenomena. 
Thus a fresh source of philosophical principles is 
recognized and set apart, while at the same time 
further perplexities are added to philosophical re- 
flexion. The manner in which Kant ultimately at 
once distinguished and combined the antagonistic 
elements by his dual conception of the world, viz. 
a phenomenal, empirical, and logical, on the one 
hand, and a noumenal, intelligible, and personal, 
on the other, is obviously unsatisfactory, as human 
experience exhibits, and, for a true interpretation, 
demands, not the mere j uxtaposition, but the actual 
fusion, of the two aspects. This explains why 
Kant's subjective idealism of logically ordered ex- 



perience and moral freedom soon fell back again 
into an objective idealism, i.e. a theory which 
derives reality from the absolute or divine con- 
sciousness. 

5. German idealism. — The objective idealism 
evolved from the Kantian system is usually called 
'German Idealism' — a term covering the movement 
of speculation from Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel 
to Schopenhauer and Herbart, of the last of whom, 
again, such thinkers as Lctze, Kechner, and Wundt, 
notwithstanding the independent character of their 
contributions, may be regarded as the legitimate 
successors. But this type of idealism lias spread far 
beyond the confines of Germany. In France it is 
more or less independently represented by Cousin, 
Renouvier, and Maine de Biran ; in Britain by 
Coleridge, T. H. Green, Hutchison Stirling, the 
Cairds, and the Seths. It thus forms one of the 
outstanding phases of modern philosophy. It is im- 
possible to deal here with the movement in detail. 
SuHice it to emphasize its most vital feature, viz. 
that in all cases its starting-point is the individual 
consciousness, and that, as this is treated as repre- 
senting consciousness in general, it forms the 
bridge by which thought advances to the concep- 
tion of the divine universal consciousness or the 
divine universal will — the internally organized 
process of the former, or the active movements of 
the latter, being then the source of the world of 
subjective consciousness, which, in turn, will merge 
in the universal consciousness or universal will. 
Of the utmost importance in this connexion, accord- 
ingly, are the several interpretations of the idea of 
God which is disengaged by analysis from the sub- 
jective consciousness — as being, in fact, its neces- 
sary foundation and pre-condition. Thus we have 
theistic, pantheistic, or pessimistic interpretations, 
corresponding to the various leading conceptions of 
the subjective consciousness. This form of ideal- 
ism is, in reality, a revived Platonism or Neo- 
Platonism, except in so far as, on the lines of 
Descartes and Kant, the idealistic factor depends 
upon the principle of a philosophy of consciousness, 
and all laws and values are regarded as respectively 
but the processes and ends of the absolute con- 
sciousness which is deduced from that principle, 
whereas in the older systems named their idealistic 
character rests, not upon any central element ab- 
stracted by analysis from consciousness, but upon 
the hypostatization of the general concepts readily 
evolved from it. This expansion of the central 
idea of Kant — a position which was of set purpose 
narrowly circumscribed — brings back, of course, 
all the antinomies and perplexities which in his 
conscious and studied agnosticism he had so ingeni- 
ously got rid of. 

6. 19th cent, development. — The remarkable 
advance of physical science and the concrete study 
of sociological development which mark the 19th 
cent, brought about the collapse of this ideal- 
istic metaphysics in the grand style, and thus gave 
materialism once more an open field and a position 
of far-reaching inlluence. But a part of still greater 
moment was played at this juncture by semi- 
materialism or positivism, which declared the 
problem of subject and object to be insoluble and 
of no consequence, and recognized the phenomenal 
order of nature as of no less decisive import for the 
mind than an order metaphysically deduced. Our 
whole task, it was held, is to adjust ourselves to 
the laws actually operative in the world, in life, 
and in society as a means of the fullest possible 
self-expression and of the utilitarian organization 
of society. The determinative factor is in all cir- 
cumstances the law of physical and psychical 
phenomena ; the mind has no creative power of its 
own, but has only a capacity of adaptation by 
means of which, in its differentiations and Integra- 



B4 



IDEALISM 



tions, it may maintain and further the existence of 
human beings. To tliat existence itself no inde- 
pendent spiritual content is ascribed ; there is 
nothing beyond the adaptation of an empty 
capacity for existence. Here the mind is not 
derived from matter, — and so far an idealistic ele- 
ment is retained, — -but it is divested of all specific 
and spontaneous content, and receives everything 
from the surrounding world. Hence the relation 
between subject and object, and thus also the 
problem of idealism itself, together with all the 
fundamental views which serve to determine its 
development, may, as being insoluble and of no 
practical utility, be relegated to the sphere of the 
unknowable. This positivism, it is true, was 
challenged by a revival of the Kantian idealism — 
— in the form of Neo-Kantianism, in which, how- 
ever, Kant's ethics, his doctrine of freedom, and 
his philosophy of religion were for the most part 
set aside. Strong opposition came also from the 
nominalist-empirical idealism which, in the hands 
of G. Simmel, produced a type of thought as 
definitely idealistic as it was relativistic. 

But the modern or German idealism, as a phOo- 
sophy based on consciousness, met with a very 
severe and powerful criticism from the side of 
modern psychology, with its experimental investi- 
gation of consciousness. This psychology de- 
molished the conception of the ego, the soul, and 
the unity of consciousness, and thus made it 
difficult to deal with and make use of the individual 
consciousness as the representative of consciousness 
in general. Still more effective were the investiga- 
tions regarding the relation of supraliminal con- 
sciousness to subliminal consciousness (or the 
unconscious). Consciousness now became a mere 
series of isolated movements associated by con- 
tiguity — a mere fortuitous intensification of the 
subconscious. It is in the latter that the real 
continuity of consciousness lies, and in it likewise 
subsist the most important movements and forms, 
of which only a few ever come into the light of 
clear consciousness. This being so, supraliminal 
consciousness cannot be regarded as the primordial 
metaphysical datum, or as representative of the 
universe, or of reality in general. It should be 
remarked, however, that the subconscious, in 
which Schopenhauer and E. v. Hartmann find the 
principle of the cosmos, is itself no immediate 
datum of thought — no ultimate reality of experi- 
ence. 

But, as a matter of fact, these psychological 
theories of consciousness merely shift, and do not 
subvert, the foundation of idealism. Even the 
Kantian idealism — like the earlier Leibnizian 
theory of petites perceptions — took as its basis an 
unconscious or pre-conscious activity of reason, 
and his entire system was based upon the develop- 
ment of the occurrences due to that activity into 
the consciousness of principles, and upon the self- 
reflexion of reason which it rendered possible. 
Hence we should probably distinguish between a 
critico-transcendental conception and the psycho- 
logical conception of consciousness. The latter 
alone need be taken into account by the idealistic 
philosophy, and for that conception the distinction 
between the psychologically subconscious and the 
psychologically conscious fusion of subject and 
object does not really matter ; in fact, that fusion 
and the preponderance of the subject over its con- 
tents are thought of liere as only relative, as more 
or less complete. But, even if the foundation of 
the philosophy of consciousness is thus maintained 
and recognized, its development therefrom is con- 
fronted with new problems. Account must be 
taken from the outset of the distinction between 
the two grades of consciousness, and consciousness 
in the ordinary sense must be regarded as in itself 



inadequate, and as capable of being supplemented 
by elements and ideas which emanate from the 
subconscious. Above all, the higher concept, 
which embraces both ordinary consciousness and 
subconsciousness, becomes something which lies 
beyond the possibility of experience, and the true 
conception of reality is detached from experience 
and thought in quite a different way from Kant's 
method in the doctrine of the antinomies. To 
enable us to grasp that conception, in fact, we 
must fall back upon an imaginative and poetic 
intuition of the feeling of life and reality — a feeling 
the object of which cannot be demonstrated in 
experience or grounded in thought. Idealism thus 
becomes intuitive, as in the most recent school, 
viz. that of Bergson — a school whose influence is 
steadily increasing — and the conclusions drawn 
from that fundamental position conform less and 
less to the idea of a homogeneous and complete 
system. 

7. The significance of idealism for religion. — 
Having thus surveyed the development of the 
idealistic conception of things, we are now in a 
position to determine its significance for the veri- 
fication and valuation of the constitutive ideas of 
the Christian religion. Here, however, we must 
always bear in imind that idealism is concerned 
with only one of the fundamental problems of 
philosophy, and that, whatever its contributions 
to religious thought may be, it does not thereby 
solve the problems associated ^vith the other main 
starting-points of philosophical reflexion. Thus it 
in no way furnishes a solution of the questions 
arising from the antithesis of an empirical-relative 
versus a rational-absolute epistemology, or from 
that of pluralism versus monism, for these ques- 
tions lie outside its range. Nor, again, does it 
decide anything with reference to practical and 
personal idealism, inasmuch as the question re- 
garding the import of ideas and values is not solved 
simply by ranking consciousness above all its con- 
tents. What is of importance in personal idealism 
is rather the question as to the practical ends 
which we must recognize in the mind — ends that 
always have a spontaneous character and are not 
to be established by formal reasoning ; here, in 
point of fact, the decisive factor is the personal, 
individual will. 

Still, even with due recognition of all these 
reservations, idealism is of immense significance 
for religion. It invalidates all materialism and 
semi-materialism. It maintains that consciousness 
cannot be derived from matter, but that, on the 
contrary, matter exists only for consciousness — 
that its esse is percipi. Nor does;this imply that 
matter is simply given in consciousness, for in that 
case it would be of no consequence whether we 
started from the one or from the other. But in 
the fundamental relation between the two, accord- 
ing to idealism, consciousness is the formative and 
regulative principle — that which contains in itself 
meaning and life, and is, therefore, pre-eminent, 
and intelligible to itself. Idealism asserts the 
mind's supremacy over the real. But the convic- 
tion that mind cannot be explained by matter, 
and that it is the formative principle of the real, is 
a fundamental scientific postulate of religious life 
and thought, and is recognized as such wherever 
religious thought is consciously directed upon its 
possibility and its rights. It is true that the 
idealistic theory cannot in itself determine the 
direction in which the mind's supremacy will assert 
itself, or the ends and values which that supremacy 
involves. Idealism regards the mind merely as a 
formal principle, the materials of which are given, 
and the ends of which are revealed to the ^\'ill in 
the process of spiritual development. What par- 
ticular ends the mind will choose are determined 



IDENTITY 



95 



in part Ijy the solutions of tlio other two groups 
of philosophical problems, and, above all, are 
drawn from the supreme convictions of the mind 
itself. No more than any other form of philosophy 
can idealism by itself develop into relif^ion ; it must 
ever be supplemented by independent elements of 
religious hre, and from these receive a concrete 
determination. But in so far as mind and the 
supremacy of mind form the metaphysical pre- 
condition of religious belief, idealism is to that 
extent of the utmost signilicance for religious life 
and thought. 

Literature. — J. G. Fichte, Die BesHmmung des ^fen^cfLe1l., 
Leipzig, 1800 ; H. Rickert, Der Gegenstand der ErkenntnW^, 
Tiibinften, 1904; O. Liebmann, Analysis der Wirkticlilceit\ 
BtraBsburtj, 1911 ; H. Bdrijson, Essaisitrles dortn^es irnmMiates 
de la conscietice. Paris, 1839 ; J. Bergraann, Untersuchunrjcn 
iiber Hauptpttnkte der Philosophie, Marburg, 1900 ; E. Lask, 
Die Logik der Philosophie, TiibiTigen, 1911; G. Simmel, Ein- 
leitung in die Moraiwissenschaflen, Berlin, 1S92-93, Schopen- 
kauerund Nietzsche, Leipzig;, 1907 ; E. v. Hartoann, Geschzchte 
der iletaphysik, do. 1809-19U0 ; W. James, Tlve Will to Believe, 
London, 1897, A Pluralistic Universe, do. 1909 ; F. H. Bradley, 
Appearance and Reality, do. 1393 ; A. Seth, Uegelianisin and 
Personality, do. 1887 ; T. H. Green, Proleijoriiena to Elides, 
O-xford, 1383, pp. 1-88. E. TROELTSCH. 

IDENTITY. — I. General (logical Law of 
Identity). — Any discussion of the problems con- 
nected with Identity must necessarily start from 
a clear understanding of what is meant by Identity 
as a concept of pure logic, and what is the precise 
sense of the so-called logical Law of Identity. 
This is the more needful since Hegel at least pro- 
fesses to reject the Law of Identity, and since 
some of the most eminent of our modern philo- 
.sophers have, in consequence, been led to minimize 
the significance of the formula, though they have 
usually stopped short of actually denying it. 

There are several ways of defining sameness or 
identity as a notion in pure logic, but all of them 
are logically equivalent (on the meaning of ' equiva- 
lence ' a few words will have to be said further on). 
Thus, in a logic which, like that of Boole and 
Peano, is founded on the notions of class, member 
of a class, and the relations of inclusion in and 
exclusion from a class, we may conceivably begin 
by defining the identity of individuals, and proceed 
to consider identity between classes as derivative, 
or we may first define the identity of class with 
class and then deduce an expression for individual 
identity. Taking the first course, we may say that, 
if X and y are terms (i.e. determinate individual 
objects of thought represented in language by 
singular names or denoting phrases), x and y are 
the same term when every assertion which is true 
of X is also true of y, and every assertion which is 
false if made of x is also false when made of y ; or, 
to put it in other language, if x and y are not to be 
the same, there must always be at least one asser- 
tion which is true of the one but false of the other. 
Now, this definition of identity will also hold good 
if X and y are not individuals but classes. For 
classes are identical only when they comprise pre- 
cisely the same members, and in that case it is 
clear that whatever can be truly asserted of class x, 
and nothing else, may be truly asserted of class y.^ 

Or, again, we may reach an equivalent result by 
first defining identitj' as a relation between classes ; 
thus, the class x is identical with the class y when, 
and only when, every member of a; is a member of 
y and every member of y a, member of x. Bearing 
in mind that for every individual term there is 
always at least one class of which the term in 
question is the only member (as, e.g., Thomas 
Hobbes is the only member of the class ' author of 
Leviathan,' 2 the only member of the class ' even 
prime number,' and so on), we get the result that, 

1 If, e.g., there is a certain term m which belongs to x but not 
to y, there is a proposition, viz. 'a: contains m,' which, as it 
stands, is true, but would be false if y were substituted for ic. 



if x and y are both classes of one member, Ike one 
member of x is the same term as Che one member 
of y. This obviously reduces to our previous 
formula for the identity of individuals. For, if a 
be ' the x,' and there is a proposition which is true 
of ' tliea;' but not of ' the y,' such as ' the x is av},' 
it must be true that ' a is a to,' but false that ' the 
y is a IV,' contrary to our previous deduction from 
the definition of identity between classes. 

When we say of anything that it is ' the same ' 
or is ' identical,' our statement is manifestly in- 
complete, and, as it stands, without significance, 
unless we say what it is the same with. Identity 
is thus clearly a relation of some kind. Further, 
it is a symmetrical relation, i.e. it is its own con- 
verse, since, if a is the same as b, b is always 
the same as a. Also, the relation is transitive, 
i.e. it is always true that, if a is the same as b 
and b the same as n, a is the same as c' Again, 
identity, like self-love, self-support, suicide, is 
a self-relative, since everything is always ' the 
same as ' itself, or, to put it more technically, the 
same term which is antecedent, or first term, in 
the relation may always be sequent, or last term. 
It is tills that is expressed in the abstract formula 
known as the Law of Identity, a = a (for some 
remarks on the meaning of the symbol = in this 
formula, see immediateiy below). It should be 
noted that the formula of itself does not state that 
the asserted identity excludes the co-existence of 
difference or variety, and that the attacks which 
have been directed against it on this ground thus 
arise from misapprehension of its precise purport. 
Thus, if for a we substitute ' the crosser of the 
Rubicon,' the formula in no way denies that the 
person who crossed the Rubicon is the same person 
who was killed by Brutus and Cassius ; all that it 
denies is that the person who crossed the Rubicon 
can be identical with a person who never crossed 
the Rubicon, or who did not cross it in the circum- 
stances described in the proposition. This con- 
sideration of itself largely invalidates the Hegelian 
attack on the principle. There is, however, a 
further peculiarity about the relation of identity 
which is not taken into account by the formula, 
but has now to be mentioned, and does afford more 
plausible grounds for raising metaphysical diffi- 
culties. Self-relatives in general are relations 
which may subsist between a term and itself, but 
may also subsist between one term and another. 
Thus, a suicide is one who kills himself, but the 
relation of killer to killed may, and most often 
does, hold between distinct persons ; a man niay 
govern or love himself, but lie may also love or 
govern other persons. But absolute self -sameness, 
or identity, can subsist only between a term and 
itself. If a and b are numerically distinct terms, 
then it is never absolutely true that a and b are 
identical — a point which is perhaps most clearly 
brought out when we consider such relations as 
those studied in pure mathematics, where, e.g., 
it is fundamental that a point or an integer is 
never identical with any point or integer which is 
not itself. And, as we shall see directly, the same 
consideration that a thing is never identical with 
anything but itself is really of no less moment 
in the study of human moral and social relations. 

Summing up, then, we may say that identity is 
a relation which is symmetrical, transitive, and 
self-relative, and that in its strictest logical sense 
it is the only relation which can exist only between 
a term and itself. We have now to consider some 
of the objections which have been urged against 
admitting the reality of such a relation. But per- 

* In the case where a, b, c are geometrical magnitudes, this 
formula becomes the familiar 'first axiom' of Euclid, 'things 
which are equal to (i.e. hitve the same magnitude with) the same 
thing are equal to one another.' 



96 



IDENTITY 



haps it will be well first to say a word about one 
or two possible misapprehensions which arise from 
the ambiguity of the commonly adopted symbol = 
to express this relation. 

It must be remembered that the 83'mbols which represent 
relations and operations are, in the first instance, arbitrary. 
Such signs as =, +, x , ,^ of themselves tell us nothing of tlie 
relations or operations for which they stand. The person who 
first introduces them is at liberty to put what sense he pleases 
upon them, provided only that the sense intended is made per. 
fectly clear and that the same symbol retains, so long as no 
notice to the contrary is given, the same precise sense. It 
follows, further, that there is no objection to the emploj-ment 
of an already familiar symbol in an extended or otherwise 
modified sense, provided two conditions are observed : the 
relation or operation for which the symbol is henceforth to 
stand must have certain formal logical characteristics in com- 
mon with that for which it had been formerly used ; the same 
symbol must not be used for relations and operations which 
bear no analogy at all with one another. And it ought to be 
clearly indicated exactly how far the analogy between the old 
sense and the new extends, what formal characteristics are 
common to the two cases. Thus, in arithmetic, if the sj'mbol x 
has first been ' defined ' for the domain of natural integers, and 
* multiplication ' of one natural integer by another has thus 
received an unambiguous sense, we have no right to use the 
same symbol x or the word ' multiplication ' to denote an 
operation with rational fractions, or with ' algebraic ' or ' real ' 
numbers in general, without first fixing its sense by re-defining 
the word or the symbol for the new domain in which it is hence- 
forth to be employed. It follows that, taken apart from its 
definition for a given domain, a symbol of relation or operation 
is usually ambiguous, and some at least of the criticisms which 
have been passed on the formal expression of the Law of Iden- 
tity seem to be mere consequences of the ambiguitj' of the 
symbol =. It has been said, in support of the view that the 
relation = has no meaning unless it relates two distinct terms, 
that the whole point of such expressions as a:-t-7 = 10, or Ca-t-6)2 
= a'^+2ab+b^, would be destroyed if the sides of the ' equation ' 
were not different expressions. It must be replied that in the 
first case, where we are dealing with a genuine ' equation,' the 
symbol = does not denote logical identity at all, but equality, 
t.e. identity of magnitude. The symbol x here stands for a 
number, as yet supposed to be unknown, but such that, when 
it is discovered, the sum of it and 7 is equal to 10. If we replace 
X by the only value which satisfies the equation, viz. 3, the state- 
ment 3+7=10 becomes a strict identity. Its meaning is that 
the self-same number which results from the operation of adding 
7 to 3 is the number which results from adding 1 to 9. The two 
operations are distinct ; but, since each integer occurs only once 
in the series of natural numbers, the result of the operation is 
identical in the strictest sense, audit isof the result that we mean 
to speak. There is only one 10 in the whole universe of thought, 
and it is this unique object 10 about which we are making an 
assertion. If there could be two different numbers 10, one of 
which resulted from the addition of 1 to 9 and the other from 
the addition of 7 to 3, arithmetic would be impossible. Thus, if 
we take 3+7=9-f 1 as a statement about the results of two 
different operations, we are asserting the identity of a term — 10 
— with itself ; if we take it, as we are also at liberty to do, as a 
statement about two operations of addition, the sjinbol = no 
longer denotes identity but equivalence (i.e. the operations of 
adding 1 to 9 and of adding 7 to 8 are not identical, but they 
yield a result which is identical). So in an algebraical formula, 
like that given above, which contains no 'variable,' though it is 
often convenient to speak of the formula aa an 'identity,' or to 
say that the two sides of the expression are ' identically equal,' 
what is really stated is an equivalence. The meaning is not that 
the operation of multiplying (a+b) by itself is the same as that 
of multiplying a by itself, b by itself, and 2, a, b by one another, 
and then adding the results, but that the two processes yield a 
final result which is identical. 

It may still be urged that, at any rate when we 
make significant judgments of identity, there is 
always an assertion of difi'erence included in our 
statements. (For an able statement of the Wew, 
here criticized, that two terms are required for 
the relation of identity, see particularly Varisco, 
Conosci te Stesso, p. 147, note.) Thus, it may be 
said that, even in the ' identities ' of whicli we 
have just been speaking, by our own admission 
what we assert is that difl'erent operations deter- 
mine one and the same result, and that, apart from 
the difi'erence of the operations, it would not be 
worth while to assert the identity of the result. 
Who, for instance, would be the wiser for knowing 
that 10 = 10, or, to take Hegel's example, that 'a 
plant is — a plant ' ? And it may even be urged, as 
by Bradley, that the so-called Law of Identity a = a 
is not a judgment or proposition at all, since every 
significant proposition is a synthesis of different 
elements. Yet neither criticism seems to go to the 
root of the matter. It is not true to say that 



10 = 10 (the symbol = being here taken as meaning 
' is identical with ') is an unmeaning or otiose 
assertion. For it means that the number 10 is 
unique in the series of natural integers, so that, 
e.ff., in counting, when one has once passed 10 he 
will never come back to it, or, to use other words, 
that the series of integers is non-recurrent. If we 
do not usually think it necessary to mention this 
peculiarity of the series of integers, that is merely 
because of its familiarity ; in a logical study of the 
properties of number the peculiarity is a highly 
important one, and the proof of it a highly elabo- 
rate affair. Hence it is not strictly true to say 
that, whenever we assert identity, we simul- 
taneously assert or, at any rate, imply difference 
as well, though this is, no doubt, most commonly 
the case. And reflexion will show that, where we 
assert 'identity in difi'erence,' there is always an 
assertion of absolute self-sameness involved. 'Thus, 
if we say ' the wall-paper in Mr. X's study has 
exactly the same shade as that in Mr. Y's dining- 
room,' we do state a difference ; the papers are not 
the same papers, and the walls which they cover 
are not the same walls. But the shade of colour 
of the one paper is numerically one and the same 
with that of the other. There are not two colour- 
shades, but one. Or, if an actor in a stage recog- 
nition-scene exclaims, ' That person is my long-lost 
son,' it is implied, of course, that the long-lost son 
has changed in many ways, but there is something 
of which absolute identity is asserted ; he is 
numerically one and the same person. If personal 
identity were the fiction that Hume asserted it to 
be, such a statement as ' This is my long-lost son ' 
would always be false. Hence, wherever a state- 
ment of identity in diversity is made, it will be 
found to include as part of its meaning an assertion 
of the form a=a. This is not to deny that physical 
things change or that organisms grow ; it is merely 
to state that, unless the change or growth is a pro- 
cess within something permanently self-identical, 
the very statements ' This changes,' ' This grows,' 
cannot be true. 

With respect to the statement that an expression 
of the form a = a, if it means what it says, is no 
genuine judgment, one may say that the matter is 
partly one of arbitrary definition. If, in Bradley's 
fashion, a judgment is defined in such a way as to 
make the pre.sence of distinct terms part of the 
definition, then, of course, with such a definition, 
no affirmation in which there is only one term wUl 
be a judgment according to this definition. But 
this obvious consideration does not dispose of the 
question whether there may not be true and sig- 
nificant statements which fall outside the limits of 
this definition. Thus 10 = 10, according to what 
has just been maintained, is significant and true, 
since it disposes of the conceivably possible view 
that the number-series may be recurrent ; but it 
would not be a judgment according to Bradley's 
definition. And certainly the abstract schema of 
all such propositions, the formula a = a, cannot be 
an actual judgment, for the simple reason that a 
has here no determinate signification, but is merely 
a blank form standing equally well for any actual 
term, but not itself a term at all. And, where 
there is not even one term, there clearly can be no 
j udgment. But this criticism has of itself no more 
direct bearing on the Law of Identity than upon 
any other pure logical schema of possible judg- 
ments, such as, e.g., 'Ally's are y's.' Asthe present 
writer understands it, none of the so-called formal 
laws of thought claims to be more than a rule or 
formula according to which true propositions can 
be made, and in violation of which no true propo- 
sition can be made. The real function of the Law 
of Identity is thus simply to assert that every 
object of thought has a definite character. Si mi- 



IDENTITY 



97 



larly tlie Law of Contradiction (which, it may he 
incidentally ohserved, is not the Law of Identity 
diHguised in a ne;,'ative form, hut a wholly inde- 
pendent law) adds that no object of thought can at 
once have and not have a given determiiiate char- 
acter, while the Law of Excluded Middle further 
adds that, if the fjiven character is fully determin- 
ate, any given object of thought must either have 
it or not have it. The effect of the three taken 
together as postulates of thought is to ensure that 
the logical universe of discourse shall contain only 
determinate and distinct objects of thought, or, in 
other words, that its members, whatever they may 
be, shall possess a definite and recognizable indi- 
viduality. Since each of the three 'laws' is re- 
quired to guarantee this result, it seems impossible 
either to deny the logical value of the Law of Iden- 
tity, or, in Hegelian fashion, to maintain that an 
actual thing is only identical with itself because it 
is also different from itself, and vice versa. Indeed, 
we have seen that, in the case of such objects as the 
natural numbers, there seems to be a self-identity 
which excludes all difference whatsoever. To revert 
to our example, 9-l-l = 10 = 3-f7, there is undoubt- 
edly a dillerence between 9-fl and 3-H7, but it is 
a difference not in the result of the operations, the 
number 10, but merely in the methods by which it 
is obtained. What is identical here, the result, 
has no element of difference within it ; and what is 
different, the two operations, is not identical, but 
merely equivalent. So, when we say that two 
different men, A and B, see the same sun, the 
whole situation exhibits identity in difference ; but 
the identity belongs to one thing, the object seen, 
and is absolute down to the utmost particular ; the 
difference to something else, the processes by which 
the perception of the object is effected in the case 
of A and of B respectively. So more generally, if 
it is said of A and B that they are ' the same and 
not the same,' meaning, e.g., that their formal 
structure is the same but their material different, 
it is clear that identity is asserted about one con- 
stituent element of A and B, and difference about 
quite other constituent elements. The common 
formal structure, e.g., in respect of which A and B 
are pronounced the same, is strictly and numerically 
one and the same with itself, and it is precisely 
this that is expressed in the affirmative part of the 
statement. 

2. Application. — It is no part of the business of 
logic to formulate criteria of identity, or to say 
when any particular assertion of identity is correct. 
Still it may well fall within the logician's province 
to utter a warning against one or two popular fal- 
lacies, which might, if unnoticed, prevent the 
recognition of identity where it exists. The chief 
of these prejudices is perhaps the inveterate ten- 
dency to assume that identity, wherever it is 
asserted, means the presence of an identical ma- 
terial constituent or constituents in a complex. 
This, of course, need not be the case ; the point 
of identity in a given case may lie entirely in the 
formal structure of the complex, as when a melodj' 
is said to be the same, though it has been trans- 
posed into a different key. Or we may mean to 
assert identity of formal structure together with 
identity of some, but not all, of the material con- 
stituents. In such cases it may be impossible to 
say with certainty how many of the material con- 
stituents of a complex must remain the same in 
order that our assertion may be regarded as true. 
This is illustrated by the old question whether the 
pair of stockings which had been darned so often 
that no part of the original silk remained were still 
the same or a new pair. The point is that, in a 
case like this, we mean in ordinary life to assert 
something more than the formal or structural iden- 
tity of the pair of stockings ; we feel that the 
VOL. vii. — 7 



identity of the stockings is not preserved unlesfi 
at least some ]iart of the material has remained all 
through the processes of mending ; but we have no 
fixed staiiilarii by which tn dcterrrjine liow irjuch of 
the material must be preserved, and thus the ques- 
tion admits of no determinate answer. Wliat we 
may learn from it is that in any concrete case the 
question of identity cannot be answered unless 
the exact respect is specified in wliich identity is 
sought. It is possible to have, for instance, abso- 
lute i<lentity of material constituents without iden- 
tity of formal structure, or, again, complete identity 
of formal structure without any identity whatso- 
ever of material constituents. 'I'his shows us that 
the Law of Identity is in no way aflected by the 
fact that change is real, since either the material 
constituents of a complex or its formal element 
may change without affecting the other element. 
Hence, if a person is, in any given context, speci- 
ally interested in the one aspect, he may correctly 
assert identity, though there may have been con- 
sidei'able change in the other. We also see that 
the identity which co-exists with change is not well 
described as a permanent substratum. Where what 
we mean to assert is identity of form or structure, 
the use of a word like substratum, which inevitably 
suggests a material factor in a complex, is whollj- 
misleading. In general we may say that, owing 
to the fact that in concrete cases we usually mean 
to assert an identity which is neither wholly formal 
nor wholly material, the question whether some- 
thing is still ' what it was or has become ' some- 
thing different' cannot be satisfactorily answered 
except with reference to the end we have in view 
in raising it. To take a trivial instance — the fact 
that every material constituent of one's body may 
be different from any of what were its material 
constituents ten years ago is irrelevant to an 
' identification ' in the police-court. 

So far we have been in the main considering the 
case of complexes which on tlieir material side 
have been treated as mere aggregates capable of 
receiving a structural determination from without ; 
and we have seen that, with respect to them, there 
appears to be always a certain degree of arbitrari- 
ness involved in deciding the question how far they 
can be modified without losing their identity. (For 
some general remarks applicable to the case in 
hand, see Varisco's observations on the arbitrary 
element in scientific formulae [Conosci te Stesso, 
pp. 118-120].) The case of wholes which are not 
mere aggregates, and whose formal character con- 
sists not in a structure imposed from without, but 
in internal development along definite lines and 
towards a definite end, requires some further con- 
sideration. In what does the identity of a living 
organism or, again, of a personal self consist ? In 
the case of the organism, which is constantly re- 
newing itself by getting rid of superfluous material 
constituents and building up fresh elements to take 
their place, it is plain that identity does not de- 
pend on the retention of any material constituent 
throughout the whole of the organism's life. If 
we interpreted rigidly the Aristotelian formula, 
' presence of the same form in the same matter,' it 
would clearly not be a correct account of the iden- 
tity of any living organism. What seems to be of 
primary importance is formal identity as shown 
not in unchanging retention of one and the same 
structure, but in the continuous development of 
structure through successive phases according to a 
definite law of growth. We do not mean by this 
merely a law of growth common to all the members 
of a class or species, but a law or principle of struc- 
tural development which in its full determinate- 
ness is unique and peculiar to this one organism. 
(It is true that, e.g., one oak grows on lines which 
are much the same for all oaks ; but there are 



88 



IDENTITY 



always individual differences : no one oak is a 
mere replica of any other, and no mere general 
formula applicable to all oaks alike is an exhaust- 
ive statement of the living law of development or 
' form ' of this special oak. ) From the continuity 
of development presupposed in such a formal iden- 
tity, it seems to follow at once that identity would 
be destroyed if there could be an instantaneous 
change of all the material constituents of the 
organism. There would be no sense in speaking 
of a structure in which all the material constitu- 
ents were simultaneously replaced as a growth or 
development. It would be in the strictest sense a 
new creation. Finally, a word or two may be said 
about personal identity. Does it reside solely in 
the soul or mind, or does it involve identity of the 
physical organism ? In actual practice, of course, 
life does not present us with cases in which per- 
sonal identity is found apart from such an identity 
of the organism as has just been spoken of. But 
we can at least imagine such a possibility. 

Suppose, for example, that the Pythagorean doctrines were 
true, and that the soul of a man could become associated with 
the body of a parrot. If it were possible for the supposed parrot 
to convince us that it retained the psychical character which we 
had previously known as that of a friend, it is difficult to see 
how we could refuse to believe that we were dealing, not indeed 
with the same man, but with the same person. We should, e.gr., 
be morally bound to treat the parrot, not as a mere parrot, but 
as having the same moral claims and rights as our friend. And 
we should hardly regard the belief in personal immortality as 
capable of refutation by the mere consideration that there can 
be no identity of organism between an embodied and a disem- 
bodied spirit. 

And, again, though many theologians would 
maintain that complete immortality involves a 
' resurrection of the body,' it is hard to see in 
what sense they can maintain that the ' glorified ' 
body is the same organism as the ' corruptible ' 
body. Personal identity would thus seem to be 
essentially psychical and, in its concept (whatever 
the full concrete facts may be), independent of 
bodily identity. Once more, as in the case of the 
organism, it is important to understand that per- 
sonal identity is, primarily, identity of form. It 
does not require the permanent and unchanged 
persistence of any special material content, such 
as a group of sensations or thoughts or feelings, 
throughout the course of personal existence. It is 
no more required, in order that a man may be 
the same person as he was twenty years ago, that 
some mental ' contents ' should have persisted un- 
changed during the twenty years, than the same- 
ness of his body requires that some of its particles 
should still be the same as twenty years ago. 
What is required is that the succession of changes 
in mental and moral character should be linked 
together as a continuous development according to 
a law of growth which in its concrete fullness is 
characteristic of the person in question and of no 
other being in the universe. A man's present ex- 
perience is his experience, because it fits on to his 
past experiences as it does not fit on to any other 
series of individual experiences. It is thus an 
abuse of language, which may easily lead to the 
gravest confusion of thought, to speak of personal 
identity as involving anything in the nature of an 
unchanging psychical 'substratum.' 

The confusion appears in the crudest form in the 
difficulties raised by Hume about personal identity. 
His diBieulty is real only if we assume that personal 
identity means the permanent persistence of some 
identifiable mental ' state ' or group of states. If 
this is conceded, it is, of course, easy to show that 
we have no evidence for the existence of any such 
permanent ' impressions ' or ' ideas. ' Even Bradley's 
suggested minimum of a persisting core of coenses- 
thesia is something in which it is very hard to 
believe. The difficulty vanishes when it is seen 
that personal identity is primarily identity of form. 



not of content or matter. The same mistaken de- 
mand for identity of content as a basis of personal 
identity seems to lie at the bottom of the contem- 
porary tendency to exalt the ' subliminal ' self into 
a principle for the explanation of all psychological 
difficulties. It is, of course, a fact capable of 
establishment by careful observation, even if it 
were not already presupposed in the conception 
of the mind as a thing that grows and develops, 
that mental ' states ' do not arise and vanish in- 
stantaneously ; they have a period of ' marginal ' 
existence which may exist both before and after 
their occupation of the' ' centre ' of attentive con- 
sciousness. But the doctrine of the ' subliminal ' 
self extends this conception of the ' margin ' sur- 
rounding the ' focus ' of consciousness beyond the 
limits within which its validity can be submitted 
to experimental tests. The ' subliminal ' is thought 
of as a region in which mental contents of all kinds 
still persist as actual, though unconscious, when 
they have disappeared from even the ' margin ' of 
consciousness, and from which they can be evoked 
again in the processes of recall. As a symbol for 
the truth that the actual condition of conscious- 
ness may be largely determined by experiences 
which are no longer present to consciousness, there 
can be no objection to the use of such a notion ; 
but when the attempt is made to regard the symbol 
as an explanation — for instance, to explain recol- 
lection by the supposed persistence of a percept or 
idea ' below the threshold,' or to convert a mental 
tendency into an actual conjunction of ' subliminal' 
states — and, most of all, when personal identity is 
supposed to rest upon such an actually unchanging 
body of ' subliminal ' mental contents, it should be 
clear that we are dealing -with the Humian fallacy 
in a new dress. An identity which is really one of 
form and law is being illegitimately converted into 
one of material constituents. If we are right in 
holding that personal identity requires no notion of 
an unchanging ' substrate,' the theories which may 
be formed of the character of the supposed ' sub- 
liminal ' self will have no bearing upon the problem 
of identity. In fact, the very problem to be solved, 
in what the identity of a person consists, obviously 
breaks out again when we ask what is meant by 
the unity and self-identity of the supposed ' sub- 
liminal ' personality itself. 

Without introducing any reference to the ' sub- 
liminal,' we may simply state the facts of which 
it appears to give a mythological account thus. 
Since personal identity would appear to depend on 
the unique linking up of past with present mental 
states in virtue of a formal law or principle of 
mental development, it seems to involve as a con- 
sequence at least the possibility of a recall in 
memory of whatever experiences have belonged 
to a self. That we in all probability forget most 
of our experiences so completely that they are 
never recalled, at least in the life that we know, 
is no objection to such a view. For it may well 
be that they are not recalled simply because 
further experience does not provide us with the 
appropriate cues. From abnormal cases, such as 
those of persons who have survived the very near 
approach of death and have recorded their experi- 
ences, it would seem unsafe to assert of any ex- 
perience that it has certainly passed beyond all 
possibility of recollection. On the other hand, it 
is hard to see how the kind of continuity in mental 
development without which there would be no 
meaning in speaking of certain past experiences 
as mine, and not those of another person, could be 
preserved if all possibility of their actual recovery 
were precluded. Such totally lost experiences 
would not be ' linked up ' with any personality at 
all, and, if they could be supposed to exist, would 
seem to have become ownerless. But an owner- 



IDENTITY (Buddhist) 



88 



less experience is surely a contradiction in terms. 
On the contrary, if there is such a continuity in 
personal development that there is always a real 
dependence of the later phases of a personality 
upon the earlier — a dependence which is dillerent 
in kind from the dependence of one man's person- 
ality on that of another — this would seem to be of 
itself enough to guarantee the possibility that any 
experience which has been that of a given indi- 
vidual may be, when the cue for it arrives, rein- 
stated in the form of memory. Hence it seems, 
to the present writer at least, that memory is 
essential to personal identity, and that there is 
ultimately no sense, e.g., in speculations which 
represent the same person as passing through a 
succession of lives in each of which he is absolutely 
precluded from all possible memory of the events 
of those which have gone before. If all links of 
memory are destroyed at death (or at re-birth), on 
what ground do we pronounce a given man A to 
be a reincarnation of another man B rather than 
an entirely new creation ? 

Litkeatue'b.— A. LoaiCAi. Law of I DEifTIT7.—(l) Leibniz: 
R. Latta, The Monadology and other Philosophical Writinfis 
of Leibniz, Oxford, 1898; B. Russell, Philosophy of Leibniz, 
Cambridge, 1900, ch. v.; J. E. Erdmann, Leibnitii opera Philo- 
sophica, Berlin, 1839-40, esp. de Principio individui ; L. 
Couturat, Opuscules et fragments in^dits de Leibniz, Paris, 
1903, esp. de Analysi notionum (p. 356 £F.) and Primoe veritates 
(p. 518ii".); (2) Hegel: Wissensch. der Logik {=Werke, Berlin, 
1832-40, iv.-v.), bk. ii. sec. i. ch. 2 A, and Encyclopddie (Eng. 
tr., W. Wallace, Logic of HegeP; Oxford, 1892), §§ 116-121 ; W. 
Wallace, Prolcg. to the Study of Hegel's Phil., do. 1894, bks. 
IL-iii., passim ; (3) Lotze : Logik (Eng. tr., do. 1888), bk. i. ch. 2 

A, B, and iletaphysik (Eng. tr., do. 1887), bk. i. ch. 6 ; see also 
F. H. Bradley, Pnnciples of Logic, London, 1883, bk. L ch. 6 ; 

B. Bosanquet, Logic\ Oxford, 1912, bk. ii. ch. 7 ; C. Sigwart, 
Logik, Tiibingen, 1873-78, i. 14 ; B. Varisco, / Mawimi Prob- 
lemi, Milan, 1911, and Conosci te Stesso, do. 1912. For a purely 
formal expression of the chief propositions concerning identity, 
see A. N. Whitehead and B. Russell, Principia mathemat., 
Cambridge, 1910 2., i. 349. 

B. Personal Identity.— CW. l.eibaiz, Nouveatix Essais, 
ii. 27, iv. 7 : D. Hume, Treatise on Human Nature, London, 
1739-40, bk. i. pt. iv. p. 6 ; G. W. F. Hegel, Encyclopddie, iii. 
(Phil, des Geistes, Eng. tr., W. Wallace, Hegel's Philosophy of 
Hind, Oxford, 1894) ; R. H. Lotze, iletaphysik (Eng. tr.'-, do. 
1887), bk. iii. chs. i. and v., and Microcosums (Eng. tr.4, Edin- 
burgh, 1899), bk. ix. ; T. H. Green, Gen. Introd. to Hume's 
Treatise on Human Nature, pp. 342-346 (new ed., Oxford, 1890 
= Works of T. E. Green, London, 1886-88, i. 296-299), and 
Proleg. to Ethics, Oxford, 1884, bk. iii. ch. ii. A ; F. H. Bradley, 
Appearance and Reality, London, 1893, bk. L ch. x., bk. ii. ch. 
xxiii. ; B. Bosanquet, Psychol, of the Moral Self, do. 1897, 
lectures 5, 10, Principle of Individuality and Value, do. 1912, 
and Value and Destiny of the Individual, do. 1913 ; J. Ward, 
Realm of Ends^, Cambridge, 1912, Index, s.v. ' Individual ' ; B. 
Varisco, opp. citt. A. E. TAYLOE. 

IDENTITY (Buddhist).— I. We find the notion 
of identity principally in material objects which 
preserve the same aspect for a long time, and which 
may be moved in space without change of form. 
The Buddhists have carried the doctrine of non- 
identity so far that they have come to deny move- 
ment. According to them, when a body seems to 
move, it is really being continually renewed, and 
is, so to speak, re-born of itself — re-born each 
moment in a different spot. Such is the opinion 
of the orthodox (Skr. Aohidharmas). The Vatsi- 
putriyas, who are heretics, believe that a gesture 
is a movement, whereas, according to the orthodox 
opinion, gesture is but a new disposition of a body, 
which is no longer the same body as it was before. 
Yet, like all Buddhists, the Vatsiputriyas admit — 
basing their faith on Scripture and experience — 
that a flame is always being renewed, and that it 
never remains for one moment identical with itself. 
The flame of the lamp in the third watch of the 
night is the continuation of the flame in the first 
watch ; these two flames form a series {saiitati) : 
the first is the cause {hetu) of the second, for they 
have hoth the same nature ; the wick and the oil 
are not causes, but only coefficients (pratyaya). 
This series may be developed in space while it 
lasts : when there is a prairie fire, the flame of the 



Northern extremity of the prairie stands in the 
same relation to the llame of the Southern ex- 
tremity as the bird arriving in the South to the 
bird which has come from the North. But we may 
follow the problem still more closely. It may 
quite well be the case that flame, sound, and 
thought are essentially 'momentary,' 'perishing 
from moment to moment,' and yet that certain 
objects and the atoms originally constituting all 
objects remain identical. Certain things remain 
in existence as long as there is no cause to destroy 
them.' 

If things (sm'nskrta)^ are momentaiy, then the^ 
perish of themselves, without any cause. It is 
denied that the flame dies because it is blown out, 
or that sound dies because a hand is laid on the 
bell. The cause which is in opposition to the 
existence of the flame does not destroy the flame ; 
for how can we destroy what exists, or how can we 
destroy what does not exist ? This cause prevents 
the new flame from springing up to replace the 
present one ; it interrupts the series of the flame 
by paralyzing the forces which made it last. From 
all evidence, it is the same with wood. 

* Are we to think that wood perishes by contact with flame ? 
— Yes, for we no longer see the wood when it is burnt, and no 
reasoning is worth the evidence of our senses. — No. It is a 
matter of reasoning ; for, even if we no longer see the wood, that 
may be the outcome of the fact that it perishes of itself and 
ceases to be renewed. The non-existence of the wood, which, 
3'ou say, is caused by the fire, is a pure nothingness, a non- 
entity : and non-entity cannot be an effect and cannot be 
caused. Besides, if destruction, the non-existence which suc- 
ceeds existence, had sometimes a cause, it would always, like 
birth, have a cause. And you willingly admit that flame, sound, 
and thought are momentary by nature' (Abhidharmakoia- 
bhd^ya, iv. 2). 

If things perish without cause, from their very 
nature — as objects thrown into the air fall — they 
must perish in the very moment of birth, and they 
cannot exist beyond the moment in which they 
actually receive being ; they perish in the spot 
where they are bom, and they cannot pass from 
one place to another. 

' If destruction, being without cause, does not take place at 
the very birth of the thing, it will not take place later, for the 
thing remains what it is.' But, one may s.ay, the thing changes, 
it ripens, it grows older. What grows older and what changes 
is a ' series,' for the notion of change is by its very terms contra- 
dictory : ' "rhat the same thing should become other than it is, 
is absurd ; that the thing should remain the same, and its 
characters become different, is absurd.' 3 

There is much discussion over the example of 
water which disappears by ebullition. Tlie fire 
prevents the atoms of water, which disappear every 
moment, from procreating new atoms of water : 
' thus the mass of water is reduced more and more, 
until it entirely disappears, and finally does not 
exist in its series, or in its being.' * 

2. The point of view of the Bignaga school (5th 
cent. [?]) is too well known to require more than 
brief mention here.' By existence is meant the 
capacity for producing an effect (arthakriyaka- 
ritva). Now, a permanent thing is inactive. Does 
it possess, at the moment when it is accomplishing 
its present act, the power to accomplish its past 
and future acts ? If so, then it wiU certainly 
accomplish them at once, for it is not usual that 
anything capable of an act should postpone it. If 

1 The old school believes that things are anitya, 'non- 
eternal,' ' fragile ' ; but it does not say that they are all k^anika, 
' momentary,' ' instantaneous.' Buddha says : ' It is evident 
that this body lasts one year ... a hundred years, and even 
more. But that which is called mind, intellect, consciousness, 
keeps up an incessant round by day and by night of perishing 
as one thing and springing up as another ' (Sariiytitta, ii. 96). 

2 Sa7hskrta=' what is composed, caused.' The samskrta 
alone exists. The * non-caused,' be it 'space' or nirvana, ig 
but a name. 

3 Vasubandhu (3rd-4th cent. A.D. [?]) in Abhidharmakoia- 
bhd^ya, iv. 2, fol. 180 of Tanjur, Mdo, vol. Ixiii. (India Office 
Library copy). 

■>/6. 

6 See Sarvadarianasathgraha, Calcutta, 1858, tr. A. E. Gough, 
London, 1882, p. 16 ; tr, L. de la Valine Poussin, in Musion, new 
ser., i. [1902] 64. 



100 



IDLENESS 



not, it will never accomplish them, just as a stone, 
which is at the present moment incapable of pro- 
ducing a bud, will never produce one. It may be 
said that the permanent thing produces such and 
such an eflect by reason of the co-operation of 
additional factors. If these factors remain ex- 
terior, then it is they that are active. If they 
give some new capacity to the permanent thing, 
then our point is proved : the primitive being, who 
lacked this capacity, has perished ; a new being 
has been born who possesses this capacity. It is 
very difficult to attribute to a non-momentary 
thing, to a thing which is permanent and identical 
with itself, a successive activity. That which pro- 
duces no effect — space or nirvana — is not a thing, 
since it is incapable of action or reaction, and 
incapable of being caused. 

3. If we consider in a series {santati) two 
moments which are very close, the one ' cause ' 
and the other ' eft'ect,' we shall have no difficulty 
in persuading ourselves that they are neither 
identical nor different. The philosophy of Nagar- 
juna (1st cent. A.D. [?]), arguing from the fact that 
the relations of cause and effect are ' inexpressible,' 
gives its opinion in favour of the relative character 
of the idea of causality ; there is, in absolute truth, 
no cause and effect. A more moderate or less criti- 
cal philosophy admits a certain identity in the 
series. Every atom of water, according to it, is 
fluidity ; every atom of fire, heat. 

With regard to the most interesting of all series, 
the mental or intellectual series which consti- 
tutes our pseudo-individuality, our substantial and 
permanent pseudo-ego,^ the Milindapanha remarks 
that the murderer deserves to be punished, although 
he is, at the time of punishment, no longer the 
same being who committed the crime ; just as the 
marriageable woman belongs to the man to whom 
she has been promised as a little girl.^ Thus the 
aeries which constitutes our soul is divided into an 
infinite number of existences [nikayasabhaga, jan- 
man), each one of which is prepared to make 
retribution for a certain lot of actions (see art. 
Death and Disposal of the Dead [Buddhist]). 
In each of these existences the soul really remains 
identical with itself : its acts, with the exception 
of the very gravest, will not be requited till a 
future existence. There is no reason for surprise 
over the fact that it makes retribution (vipdka) 
for its past acts, or that it is disposed either to 
good or to evil by reason of the 'issuing' (nisyancla) 
of its past acts, although there is nothing per- 
manent in itself. It is a parallel with the flower 
which receives the counter-blow from the sub- 
stances on which the seed has fed. 

The Sautrantikas believe that acts bring about 
a certain modification in the series, i.e. in the soul 
— a spiritual modification, if we may call it so, 
from which retribution springs. The school of 
Abhidharma believes that the act creates a subtle 
matter (avijiiapti), which develops in an uninter- 
rupted series, forming part of the series of the 
human being, just as the series of thoughts or the 
series of gross elements does. So the past is per- 
petuated in the future ; and the being, although 
developing, yet remains to a certain extent similar 
Co itself. 

1 H. Taine(De Vlntelhqence^, Paris, 1879, pref. p. 9) : 'There 
is nothing real in the eG;o, except the train of its events.' 

2 Milinda, u. ii. 1, ed. V. Trenckner, Lond. and Edinb., 1880, 
p. 40 ; Rhys Davids, ' Questions of King Milinda,' in 3BB xxxv. 
[1890] 63 : ' The king said : " He who is born, Nagasena, does 
he remain the same or become another ? " " Neither the same 
nor another." " Give me an ilIii.stration." " Now what do you 
think, O king ? You were once a baby, a tender thing, and small 
in size, lying flat on your back. Was that the same as you who 
are now grown up ? " "No. Thatchild was one, lam another." 
" If you are not that child, it will follow that you have had 
neither mother nor father, no ! nor teacher . . ." * (cf. H. C. 
Warren, Bvddhism in Translations^ Cambridge, Mass., 1900, 
pp. 148-162). 



Literature. — This has been indicated in the notes. See also 
H. Oldenberg, Buddha'', Stuttgart, 1914, Eng. tr., London, 
1882 ; P. Oltramare, Bist. des id^es th^osophiqites dans I'Inde, 
i. [Paris, 1906] 197 ; L. de la Vallee Poussin, Bouddhisme, do. 
1909, p. 178. L. DE LA VaLL]6E POUSSIN. 

IDLENESS. — The essential idea of the word 
' idle ' seems to be empty or unoccupied. This idea 
may be applied vaguely to what is void of any con- 
tent, unsubstantial, trivial, useless, fruitless. More 
definitely it may refer to time that is not filled 
mth occupations. In English the latter is the 
more prominent meaning ; m the German eifel, the 
former. Probably the German usage keeps nearer 
to the original meaning of the word, and the pro- 
minent English meaning is derivative ; but it is 
this meaning that gives definite import to idleness 
as descriptive of a condition in the moral life of 
men. 

In this sense idleness presents an aspect that is 
not necessarily unfavourable, but is at times even 
favourable, to morality and happiness. It offers an 
agreeable relief from the irksomeness which is 
occasionally attendant on nearly all the occupa- 
tions of life. This dolce far niente has found a 
delightful expression in Thomson's Castle of In- 
dolence, and Tennyson's Lotos-Eaters. It is in the 
spirit of these poems that W. Morris speaks of 
himself in The Earthly Paradise as ' the idle singer 
of an empty day,' and Johnson entitled one of his 
well-known series of papers The Idler. But in its 
higher purport idleness is commonly denoted by 
' leisure ' ; it means such relief from the occupa- 
tions that are necessary for physical existence as 
leaves time and energy for the higher interests of 
life. In a practical shape this idea of idleness has 
found embodiment in the holidays or festivals of all 
races. Of these the highest type is the Hebrew 
Sabbath. But the Greek mind embodied the idea 
of the Sabbath in its own way. The name for an 
institution designed to cultivate the higher life — 
the name from which our ' school ' is derived — is 
the common Greek word for ' leisure,' o-xoX-^. In 
his blunter fashion the Roman called a school 
ludus, 'play' or 'sport.' Both of the great races 
of the ancient pagan world thus saw, like the 
HebreAvs, that the culture of a higher life becomes 
possible only when men have secured a certain 
relaxation from the serious labour for physical 
existence — such relaxation as appears compara- 
tively like playful exercise. As Gray puts it, life 
must ' leave us leisure to be good ' (Hymn to Adver- 
sity, 20). 

But this is not the most prominent feature in the 
moral aspect of idleness. The truth is that in this 
higher aspect idleness is conceived as idleness only 
in a relative sense of the term. The idle man en- 
joys relief from one class of occupations only that 
he may be free to occupy himself vrith others. 
' How various his employments whom the world 
Calls idle, and who justly, in return. 
Esteems that busy world an idler too ! ' 

(Cowper, Task, iii. 362-354). 

Accordingly idleness, as such, is never viewed by 
the moralist in a favourable light. Even Thomson, 
though the praise of industry in his second canto is 
a very palpable failure to neutralize the drowsy 
spell of the first, has yet to describe indolence as ' a 
most enchanting wizard, . . . than whom a fiend 
more fell is nowhere found' (canto i. 2). The 
ethical literature of the world is therefore full of 
warnings against the evils to which moral character 
is exposed by a life of idleness. These evils corrupt 
both spheres of the moral life, that of persona] 
character and that of social relations. 

I. Personal character is injured in various ways by 
an idle life. — (1) Even if morality be interpreted in 
the spirit of a narrow egoistic hedonism, reco^izing 
no worth or aim beyond personal pleasure, it is clear 
that that aim itself is defeated by idleness. What- 



IDLENESS 



10) 



ever theory of pleawure and pain may bo adoi>tc(J, it 
is self-evident that they are uut emotional products 
of tlio activities that make up life. I'loasuro, there- 
fore, can be obtained only by a suHicient deffree of 
occupation to create an interest in life. The pleasure 
of ease itself is enjoyable only as a relief from tlie 
fatigue of work. If the interest of life is not sus- 
tained by adequate employment, there is apt to 
grow up an emotional condition of life-weariness — 
tedium or ennui — which may become so intolerable 
as to drive its victim, if not to suicide, at least 
into some escape from idleness by means of laborious 
sports or feverish excitements like gambling. 

(2) But not only is activity necessary to enjoy- 
ment ; it is necessary also to maintain our energies 
in vigour. Bodily organs become atrophied from 
lack of exercise, and all the powers of life become 
enervated if not constantly employed. Conse- 
quently a general enfeeblement of character is the 
inevitable result of idlene.ss. 

(3) Probably, however, the malign aspect of idle- 
ness, which is mainly emphasized by the moralists, 
is that vacuity which leaves the unoccupied mind 
open to any seductive influences of evil. We have 
seen that sheer idleness becotaeD intolerable by 
eliminating all interest from life, leaving nothing 
to make life worth living. The craving for relief 
in some direction becomes irresistible ; and, if it is 
not found in useful occupations, it vnil be sought 
in occupations that are frivolous, if not positively 
pernicious. This is such an obvious teaching of 
common experience that it has found embodiment 
in many a familiar proverb, as well as in the 
homely lessons of popular moral and religious 
literature. 

2. But the larger aspect of idleness, as of ethical 
problems in general, is that which bears upon social 
relations. By its very nature idleness connects 
itself with the economics of society, and it draws 
its significance for social morality from a familiar 
commonplace of economical science with regard to 
the production of wealth. All those commodities 
— the necessaries and comforts and luxuries of life 
— which constitute wealth are producible only by 
labour expended on raw material furnished by 
nature. Every human being, therefore, who lives 
in unproductive idleness, who is merely a consumer 
without being a producer of wealth, requires others 
to labour not only for their own subsistence, but 
also for his. This fact forms the foundation of that 
sturdy moral sentiment to which St. Paul gives 
expression, that, if a man will not work, he has no 
right to the means of subsistence (2 Th 3'°). In 
this sentiment St. Paul represents a peculiar feature 
in the moral ideal of the Hebrews. For they stand 
almost alone among the nations of the ancient world 
in their appreciation of the moral value of industrial 
labour. On this subject there is nothing in all litera- 
ture more noble than the utterances of some of 
their Kabbis (some are quoted in E. Deutsch's 
essay on the Talmud, published in the volume of 
his Literary Remains, London, 1874, p. 5). 

Among other races social sentiment with regard 
to industrial labour took a very different course. 
The ideal of uncivilized tribes is well known. It 
is often illustrated by Herodotus's description of 
the Thracians (v. 6) : 'To be idle is accounted the 
most honourable thing, and to be a tiller of the 
ground the most dishonourable. To live by war 
and plunder is of all things the most glorious.' 
This ideal was undoubtedly confirmed by slavery. 
The origin of this institution is generally regarded 
as indicating an advance upon a more savage prac- 
tice, by which captives in war were ruthlessly 
slaughtered, if not also eaten, to gratify hunger, or 
revenge, or some horrid superstition. Instead of 
this, captives came to be adopted by their victors, 
and forced to undertake those peaceful, steady 



labours which are out of harmony with the bodily 
and mental habits of a warlike race. The result 
was that sucli labours camo to be viewed as appro- 
priate occup:itions only for persons of an iiiierior 
rank in society ; and, as slavery was perpetuated 
in all the later and higher civilization.s, the pre- 
judice a"ainst industrial labour became deeply 
engrained in the moral sentiment of the nilmg 
classes everywhere (see W. E. H. Lccky, Hist, of 
liiUionalism", London, 1877, ch. vi. ad imt. ; see also 
his Ilkt. of European Morals'-, do. 1809, i. 277 ; 
the fullest exposition of the varied influence of 
slavery upon the free classes will be found in H. 
Wallon, Hist, de I'esclavajje dans I'antiquiti', 
Paris, 1879, especially bk. ». ch. xii., and Lk. ii. 
ch. ix.). 

The great pagan races of the ancient world in 
general regarded most forms of industrial labour as 
incompatible witli the highest morality, and more 
particularly with the moral character of a free 
citizen. It is not indeed to be understood that the 
great States encouraged idleness. On the contrary, 
m some the law required every citizen to show that 
he had some honest means of living, and failure to 
do so was punishable by death (Herod, ii. 177). 
According to Herodotus, tins law was imposed upon 
Athens by Solon's legislation ; but, though Grote 
{Hist, of Greece, London, 1846-56, ch. xi.) rightly 
judges this to be improbable, it may be taken as 
implying that the great reformer did provide some 
measure to protect the State against idle vagrants. 
Herodotus, however, himself indicates the sweeping 
qualifications by which such condemnations of idle- 
ness are to be interpreted. For he takes care to 
inform us that, among the nations with whom his 
researches had made him acquainted, barbarian as 
well as Greek, the prejudice against trades (t^x""') 
was almost universal, those persons being held in 
highest rank (yevvaiovs) who kept themselves aloof 
from such occupations, and especially those who 
devoted themselves entirely to war (li. 166, 167). 
The truth is that the ancient States were in their 
whole sentiment military, not industrial, societies. 
The strength of their prejudice against trade, as 
Herodotus observes (loc. cit.), went at times so far 
as to prohibit their citizens from engaging in trade ; 
i.e. tradesmen were not allowed the full rank and 
rights of freemen. This remarkable prohibition is 
taken by Montesquieu {L'Esprit des lois, Geneva, 
1748, iv. 7) to illustrate the prevalent conviction of 
ancient legislators, that the trading spirit is in- 
compatible with the moral character necessary for 
civil freedom. It was for this reason that ancient 
thinkers sometimes justified the institution of 
slavery as being the only means by which in- 
dustrial labour could be carried on in a free State. 
It is, moreover, significant that the moral treatises 
of ancient paganism, being designed to expound 
the moral life of freemen, not only ignore the 
industrial virtutss, but, when they do touch upon 
trade, are in general opposed to the recognition of 
it as a legitimate sphere of life for the virtuous 
man. The only gi-eat teacher among the Greeks 
who had surmounted this prejudice was Socrates 
(Xenophon, Memorabilia, i. 2, ii. 7. 8, iii. 9) ; and 
his wholesome teaching on the subject throws a 
light, which has seldom been appreciated, on his 
personal character and influence. We seem to 
catch an echo of his teaching in that of his great 
disciple. For Plato recognizes the fact that trade 
cannot be harmful in its essential nature, as it is in- 
dispensable to society. He admits, therefore, that, 
if it were conducted in accordance with reason, it 
would be an honourable employment. But, as he 
holds this to be impossible for human nature, he 
would exclude the trader from the rank of freemen 
(Laws, xi. 918). Aristotle is unwilling to go even 
so far a-s his master in his concession to trade. 



102 



IDLENESS 



While holding that the best democracy is that of 
an agricultural country, and next that or a pastoral, 
he declares democratic government by a town popu- 
lation to be far inferior, because ' there is no room 
for moral excellence in any of their employments, 
whether they be mechanics, or traders, or labourers ' 
[Politics, vi. 4. 12, vii. 9. 3-4). The latest utter- 
ances of Greek philosophy carry the same sentiment 
to an extreme. Two extraordinary illustrations are 
furnished in Plutarch's Pericles and Lucian's Som- 
nium. Both of these authors speak with contempt 
of sculpture, even in the hands of Phidias and 
Praxiteles, as merely a manual occupation. In 
such employments, says Plutarch, op. cit., ad init., 
' though we are charmed mth the work, we often 
despise the workman, as we are pleased with per- 
fumes and purple, while dyers and perfumers 
appear to us m the light of mean mechanics.' 

It thus appears that the prejudice against manual 
labour continued do\vn to the beginning of the 
Eoman Empire. Cicero, in fact, during the last 
days of the Republic, had struck the keynote of 
Eoman sentiment on the subject. After dismissing 
nearly every kind of productive industry, except 
agriculture, as ' sordid,' he turns to commerce ; and 
the utmost length he is ■willing to go is a grudging 
admission that, if it is conducted on a large scaue — 
if it is ' magna et copiosa, multa undique apportans, 
multisque sine vanitate (cheating) Lmpartiens' — 
then it is not to be severely condemned — ' non est 
admodum vituperanda ' {de Officiis, i. 42 [151]). Such 
a state of sentiment accounts for the vast number of 
Roman citizens who were content to live the para- 
sitic life of clients, or even to accept a daily dole of 
bread from the Government rather than take up 
any industrial occupation. Even the learned pro- 
fessions, •with the exception of law, suffered social 
degradation from the same cause, and were left to 
men of lower rank, mostly slaves or freedmen 
(Cicero, loc. cit.). Apparently it was this cause also 
that prevented a fi'eeman or any of his family from 
cultivating music professionally. In this connexion 
Aristotle's discussion on the place of music in edu- 
cation is curious. While recommending that the 
young should be trained in music, he insists that 
the practice of it should be abandoned in maturer 
years, and must never be undertaken for gain. 
' Professional performers,' he says, ' we call vulgar 
{Pavavaovi), and no freeman would play or sing un- 
less he were intoxicated or making nm ' {Politics, 
viii. 5. 8). It is evidently owing to the same 
sentiment that Juvenal is shocked at a man of 
consular rank driving his own chariot. The 
satirist finds in the incident a proof of the de- 
grading innovations that were invading society, 
and he cannot palliate the degradation even on 
the ground of its having occurred by night, for 
still ' the moon and the stars were witnesses ' — ' sed 
liina videt, sed sidera testes | Intendunt oculos' 
[Sat.yai. 144-152). 

It is evident, therefore, that, when Christianity 
began to spread over the pagan Empire, it had to en- 
counter a deeply-rooted prejudice that encouraged 
idleness so far as most forms of industrial labour 
are concerned. It is true that Christianity brought 
with it the more wholesome sentiment of the 
Hebrews. It is also true that in the young Chris- 
tian community industrial labour was elevated to 
the loftiest dignity by the example of the Master 
(Mk 6'). And it is true still further that it would 
be difficult to overestimate the far-reaching in- 
fluence on industrial life of the fact that the slave 
took equal rank with his owner in relation to their 
common Master (1 Co 121^, Col 3"). But the con- 
version of the Empire did not mean that pagan 
sentiment died out altogether. On the contrary, 
new tendencies growing up in Christendom itself 
created some additional forces hostile to the in- 



dustrial life of the world. One of these was tha 
happy prominence given in the Christian ideal to 
the gentler virtues, and especially to charity. 
There is evidence, indeed, that at first careful pre- 
cautions were taken to avoid the abuse of this 
expansion of moral and religious life. The best 
proof of this is the fact that some of the official 
titles in the Church seem to have been adopted 
originally to designate those officers who were ap- 
pointed to administer the Church's charitable funds 
(G. Uhlhom, Chr. Charity in the Anc. Church, 
Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1883, bk. ii. ch. iv. ; E. Hatch, 
The Organization of the Early Chr. Churches, 
London, 1881, especially Lect. ii.). But, notvidth- 
standing all precautions, there is ample evidence 
to show that unfortunately the charity of the 
Church was often misdirected to the encourage- 
ment of idle beggary (Uhlhom, op. cit. bk. ii. ch. v. ; 
a glimpse of this abuse is aflbrded by Lucian's de 
Morte Pereg. , even if it be but a fictitious story of 
contemporary life). This unfortunate effect was 
aggravated by the development of the simple con- 
ception of almsgiving as a sacrifice into the theologi- 
cal dogma of its efficacy as an atonement for sin, 
and still more by that strange perversion of moral 
sentiment whicli elevated mendicancy into a 
peculiar grace of religious life. Under these in- 
fluences it is no wonder that the aristocratic 
prejudice of the ancient pagans against labour was 
carried over into the aristocracies of mediaeval 
Europe. In fact, it was apparently intensified in 
the transmission. In many countries a nobleman 
or gentleman lost all the privileges of his rank by 
engaging in trade (H. Hallam, Middle Ages^, 
London, 1846-48, i. 191). 

It will thus be seen that practically through all 
the ages and nearly all the races of men there has 
been an ideal of social rank strongly hostile to in- 
dustrial activity, strongly favourable to industrial 
idleness. This inheritance has come down to the 
modern world, and infects even its most advanced 
industrial communities. It is still an object of 
ambition among many of the most energetic in- 
dustrial workers to attain rank in the leisure class 
of their community ; and all the usages of such a 
class are based on the principle of avoiding every- 
thing that has the appearance of industrial labour 
— the principle of flaunting conspicuously the fact 
that they are living in unproductive idleness (T. 
B. Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class, New 
York, 1898; of., by way of antithesis, his The 
Theory of Business Enterprise, do. 1904). There is 
obviously but one cure for this condition of things ; 
and that is a revolution in the ideal of social rank, 
such as was foreshadowed in the memorable ad- 
dress : ' Ye know that in other communities the 
rulers are those who lord it over them, and the 
nobles those who exercise authority. Not so shall 
it be among you ; but whoever will become a noble 
among you shall be a servant, and whoever will be 
your prince shall be the slave of aU. For the Son 
of Man also came not to be served, but to serve 
and to give his life a ransom for many' (Mk 10'"'""). 

In the love of idleness extremes meet. Besides 
the idle rich who live upon accumulated wealth, 
there is in every community a vast horde of idlers 
who have no such wealth, but whose habits render 
steady labour so irksome that they prefer sub- 
sistence by beggary or theft. Not only is this 
class an object of serious concern to moral and 
religious reformers, but its maintenance and its 
control impose such a burden upon the industrial 
labourers of the world as to form a perplexing 
problem for the statesman. 

Literature. — This is sufficiently indicated in the worica 
referred to above. J. ClARK MURRAY. 

IDOLATRY.— See Images and Idols. 



IGNORANCE 



103 



IGNORANCE. — Ifjnorance liaH a bearing on 
the ultimate problems of pliilosophy (see art. 
Aqnoiolooy) ; but it has an important sip^nilicance 
in moral and religious life as well. This sig- 
nificance, as might be anticipated, has been but 
fradually evolved. In the moral and jural con- 
ition of primitive society there are many facts 
which prove that ignorance regardiujj the nature 
or injurious tendencies of an action is not recog- 
nized, at least not unequivocally recognized, as 
freeing the agent from responsibility for the injury 
done. This early confusion of the moral conscious- 
ness was evidently connected with the peculiar 
jural organization of primitive tribes. It is now a 
commonplace of historical science that society did 
not originate by previously isolated individuals 
combining. On the contrary, society is historically 
prior to the individual. Its primitive unit is not 
the individual, but some community — a family or 
clan — in which the individual is born and brought 
up. The moral life, therefore, is at first associated 
with the community rather than ^vith the individual. 
The moral responsibUities of the individual are ab- 
sorbed in those of his family or clan. The whole 
family or clan is held responsible for the misdeed 
of any member, nor is the misdeed fastened 
specially on the ofl'ender personally even when he 
is well known. In such a condition of society any 
individual may find himself involved in responsi- 
bility for an action of which he was entirely ignor- 
ant ; and consequently ignorance is not felt to be 
of essential importance in determining whether or 
how far any one can be called to account for 
an action. All this is abundantly illustrated in 
societies at the tribal stage of development. It 
was a striking feature of the aboriginal tribes of 
North America at the time of their discovery, and 
it may be traced still in the conduct of the sur- 
viving tribes with which the Governments of 
Canada and the United States are called to deal. 
An elaborate and interesting illustration of this 
phase of moral consciousness is riven by F. Parkman 
m his Jeswiis in N. America^", Boston, 1876, pp. 
354-360. More familiar Olustrations are furnished 
by the clans of the Scottish Highlands prior to the 
collapse of the clan-system after the disaster of 
Culloden. It is but a logical corollary from this 
moral and jural condition that criminal juris- 
prudence in its primitive crudeness often involves 
the whole family or kindred of the offender in the 
punishment of his offence. A well-known example 
of this, bringing it down even into a later civiliza- 
tion, is the story of Haman in the Book of Esther. 
War has continued this barbarous confusion of 
moral ideas to a much later period. Even in the 
wars of Christendom down to a very recent date it 
remained the custom to plunder and even butcher 
indiscriminately not only the combatants, but also 
the unofl'ending civilian population of a conquered 
town or an invaded country. 

The tribal organization, with its limited moral 
ideas and sentiments, has not always vanished at 
once on the welding of tribes into a nation. Among 
the ancient Hebrews tribal distinctions remain 
clearly marked long after the attainment of a 
larger nationality. Among the Hellenes the old 
tribal alliances and tribal feuds continued to the 
very last to complicate and fetter all nobler polit- 
ical aspirations, so that they never succeeded in 
establishing any unity of national life. In actual 
history, therefore, the morality of the great nation 
is still narrowed and hampered by the moral ideas 
of tribal life In the States of the ancient world 
generally the individual finds his chief, if not his 
sole, moral value in being a citizen. Man exists 
for the State, not the State for man. It is true 
that with the loss of political freedom individuals 
in the ancient States took to personal culture as 



the supreme object of life ; and this explains the 
vigorous vitality which lor generations was im- 
parted to the ancient schools of philosophy, to the 
Academics and Peripatetics, the Stoics and Epi- 
cureans, and oven the Sceptics. But the absolute 
worth of the individual finds di.stinct recognition 
for the first time ui the teaching of Christianity 
that it can profit a man nothing, though he gain a 
whole world, if he ldm.self bo lost (Mt 16™ ||). Still, 
the significance of this teaching did not make itself 
felt at once in the reorganization of society after 
the conversion of the Roman Empire. The old 
ideas of social organization continued to dominate 
the minds of men and modified the whole medijeval 
interpretation of Christianity itself. Under that 
interpretation the individual lost his direct religious 
responsibility and entered into relation \vith God 
only as a member of the religious community, the 
Church. The great revolution of the 16th cent, 
was a new assertion of the independent worth of 
the individual, and that not in his religious life 
alone, but in all his relations, social, economical, 
and political as well (this is illustrated by many 
interesting facts in the monograph by E. Belfort 
Bax on German Society at the Close of the_ Middle 
Ages, London, 1894). 

But, if the narrow ideas of a tribal society con- 
tinue to cramp the larger life of nations, on the 
other hand the ideas of a more spiritual morality 
begin to purify the moral life even of rude com- 
munities. Then the import of ignorance for mora! 
responsibility comes to receive more or less explicit 
recognition. Thus among the Hebrews, while the 
tribal custom of blood-revenge is still recognized in 
law, there is an explicit distinction drawn between 
the deliberate murderer and the man who happens 
to slay another ' ignorantly ' (Dt 19*), ' unawares 
and unwittingly ' (Jos 20' ; cf. Nu 35). For the 
latter, the law makes the equitable provision of 
cities of refuge where he can find protection from 
the avenging kinsmen of the person slain. More- 
over, Deuteronomy (24'") explicitly abolishes the 
custom of punishing a whole family for the misdeed 
of a single member, limiting the penalty to the 
actual transgressor. This enactment is given as 
the ground in law why the children of the murderers 
of king Joash were not put to death (2 K 14'- "). On 
this point, of course, the prophets represented the 
higher morality, and it finds eloquent expression in 
a singularly noble passage of Ezekiel (18'^"^- ; cf. the 
more brief but pithy expression in Jer 31^' ™). 

Athenian law had followed a similar course to 
that of the Hebrews. At an early period it had 
drawn a distinction between <l>bvo% iKovaios and 06vos 
aKoiKTios (Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Ant., s.v. 
' Phonos '), recognizing the fact that actions done 
in ignorance do not belong to the same moral cate- 
gory as those done in full knowledge. It is true 
that some of the old Hellenic myths, like that of 
Oedipus, point to a state of moral confusion which 
does not discriminate between an unwitting trans- 
gression of law and an intentional ivrong ; yet the 
handling of these myths by the great dramatists of 
the 6th cent. B.C. indicates in general a complete 
emancipation from the perplexed morality of the 
myths themselves. In fact, the two great tragedies 
of Sophocles on the Oedipean myth, especially the 
Oedipus in Colonus, might be interpreted as taking 
for their leading motive the vindication of an un- 
fortunate transgressor on the plea of ignorance 
(see esp. lines 262-270, 546-547, 957-988). 

While the import of ignorance in relation to 
moral responsibility was being brought into clearer 
light by the great dramatists of Greece, it received 
at the same time a more explicit recognition by 
the philosophic teachers. This was specially the 
case ^vith Socrates. The one definite doctrine 
which can mth certainty be ascribed to him seems 



104 



IGNORANCE 



to givu an exaggerated value to knowledge and 
ignorance in the moral life. This is the doctrine 
that in its essence virtue is knowledge, and vice 
ignorance (Xen. Mem. iii. 9, iv. 2 ; cf. Plato's 
Laches, Protagoras, Meno, and numerous refer- 
ences in other dialogues). In later ethical systems 
of tlie Stoical type there has been generally and 
logically a tendency to the same view. The view 
is criticized by Aristotle on the ground that virtue 
is not a single act of knowledge or of any other 
kind, but a habit (q.v.) trained by repeated 
action. The Socratic doctrine undoubtedly fails to 
recognize sufficiently the fact that virtue implies 
something to be done, not merely something to be 
known. But, as Aristotle himself points out (Eth. 
Nic. vi. 13. 3), though all virtue is not knowledge, 
there can be no vii-tue without knowledge (<l>p6vT)(m). 
That is to say, in order to do what is right a man 
must know what is right ; and therefore knowledge 
is an indispensable factor of virtue. A very fair 
plea may also be made for the contention that at 
the ciitical moment in a vicious action the agent is 
so blinded by passion that he does not really know 
what he is doing. To this extent also Aristotle 
recognizes a certain truth in the Socratic doctrine 
(Eth. Nic. vii. 3. 14). 

But the truth implied in the doctrine is not the 
whole truth. The doctrine overlooks at least two 
other truths : (1) that knowledge does not neces- 
sarily involve will to do what is known ; (2) that 
ignorance is not always or wholly involuntary. 

(1) Socrates assumed that, as virtue is ^know- 
ledge, and vice ignorance, a man needs only to 
have his ignorance removed — to learn what virtue 
requires — in order to become virtuous. That 
would imply that the doing follows with certainty 
the knowing of what is right. Now it may be 
admitted that a scientific psycholo"y does not 
allow us to regard knowledge and feeling and will 
as absolutely dissociated in actual life. Not only 
is there an element of will in all knowledge, but 
without knowledge will becomes merely the blind 
impulse of emotion. The power of will is thus 
so intimately dependent on knowledge that to 
common thought they appear at times identical. 
We say, in Bacon's phrase, that ' knowledge is 
power ' ; in many a popular phrase in ditl'erent 
languages the knowledge how to do a thing is 
spoken of as equivalent to being able to do it ; and 
etymology seems to identify in origin ken and can, 
kennen and konnen. Yet, while every allowance 
may be made for these significant facts, a scientific 
psychology also obliges us to admit that at times 
one of the aspects of mental life — knowledge or 
feeling or will — may so preilominate as to make 
the others practically negligible quantities. There 
is often a cool inert contemplation of bare fact 
without any response from the emotions or the 
will. There are even morbid conditions of mind, 
in which the patient has a perfectly clear idea of 
what it would be wise for him to do or not to do, 
while his will is so enfeebled that he has no power 
of constraint in the one case or restraint in the 
other. The pathology of mind furnishes strange 
illustrations of this practical dissociation of intelli- 
gence and will. (T. Ribot, in his Les Maladies 
de la volonte, Paris, 18S3, gives a detailed ex- 
position of the subject ; H. Maudsley also treats 
it in Body and Will. London, 1883, pt. iii., ' WUl 
in its Pathological Relations.') 

These morbid phenomena exhibit in an ex- 
aggerated form that disintegration of mental unity 
\vhich in less injurious forms is a common char- 
acteristic of imperfect mental action in general. 
For the healthiest mental life is that in which 
intellect and emotion and will harmoniously co- 
operate. Moral and religious teachers therefore 
\,\ve found it necessary to distinguish that mental 



state which represents merely an intellectual ac- 
tivity from that knowledge or faith which carries 
the whole mental nature with it, involving the 
assent of the att'ections and the will as well as of 
the intellect. But all this implies that virtue 
cannot be identified with knowledge, nor vice with 
ignorance, in the ordinary sense of these terms. 

(2) But there is another invalid assumption in 
the doctrine of Socrates. It is not true that a man 
may not be willingly ignorant. Knowledge is not 
a state of passive reception ; it always implies 
active effort, even if it be only the ellort of atten- 
tion. Consequently, as a man cannot do his duty 
if he does not know what his duty is, he is bound 
to put forth the voluntary effort required to obtain 
a knowledge of his duty. If he does not make the 
necessary effort, then he is to be blamed not merely 
for having done wi'ong, but for the ignorance that 
led to his wrong-doing. Such ignorance may 
relate either to particular facts or to general prin- 
ciples. 

(a) To discern what is right in particular cases, 
the facts must be kno^vn. But the agent may fail 
to learn the facts because he makes no effort to 
know them, possibly even because he makes some 
effort not to know tnem. In such cases his is pro- 
perly said to be wilful ignorance ; and, if it is 
pleaded as an excuse, the plea must be met with 
the reply that he ought to have known better. 

(b) Often moral ignorance extends to general 
principles. In the moral life of men there is no 
fact more familiar than the experience that con- 
science is kept clear by a consistent course of 
virtuous conduct, while it is darkened by persistent 
indulgence in vice. Men may come to prefer moral 
darkness to moral enlii;htenment because their 
deeds are evil (cf. Jn 3'-'). As this darkening of 
moral intelligence is a natural penalty resulting 
from habitual disregard of its teaching, the condi- 
tion has been described in old religious language as 
judicial blindness. Such moral ignorance, so far 
from being an excuse for sin, may be its most 
heinous aggravation. In an extreme form it may 
become that fixed habit of resisting the enlighten- 
ment of the Divine Spirit — that ' sin against the 
Holy Ghost' (Mt 123"- |l)— which by its very nature 
cannot be forgiven. 

But ignorance is often involuntary. Not only 
individuals, but whole races and classes of men are 
placed at times in such circumstances that it is 
practically impossible for them even to conceive 
any lofty ideal of morality. In particular cases, 
also, the most cultured moral intelligence may be 
unavoidably ignorant of facts necessary to a correct 
judgment ; and consequently it is not an infrequent 
refiexion of good men that they would have acted 
differently if at the time of action they had known 
better. Under such conditions ignorance is, in the 
technical language of the old moralists, spoken of 
as invincible ; and it forms a valid apology for 
faulty conduct. The same principle of justice 
demands further that all moral judgments on the 
conduct of men nmst be modified by a regard for 
the opportunities of enlightenment which they 
have enjoyed. This principle is made peculiarly 
explicit in the teaching of Christ (see esp. Lk 
1247.48^ Mt U™-2^). Cf. Invincible Ignorance. 

The problem of the moral import of ignorance is 
thus seen to be by no means simple. The external 
circumstances and the internal motives of moral 
action are so complicated that human judgment 
practically breaks down in attempting to determine 
liow far in individual cases ignorance is a just plea. 
It remains, of course, one of the sustaining assur- 
ances of religious faith that in the final account all 
the complications of every man's life \vill be truly 
and justly appreciated by an Omniscient Intelli- 
gence. But the perplexity arising from these com- 



ILLEGITIMACY 



105 



plications has naUirally opened a wide field for 
casuistical in;,'eiiuity. Unfortunately the science 
of casuistry, which might he made a valuahle dis- 
cipline for the enlightenment of moral intelligence, 
has commonly shown a tendency not to err on the 
side of moral safety, but rather to try to lind how 
near action may go to the brink of the precipice of 
sin without actually slipping over into the abyss. 
But, fortunately, jurispnidonce takes a heallliier 
attitude ; and in the problems connected with the 
moral import of ignorance probably the jurists will 
be found more helpful even to tlic moralist than 
any of the casuists. It is true that the juridical 
point of view dillera from the moral. Still it is 
based upon it ; and, as jurisprudence demands 
specific statement of the conditions under which an 
action is done, it can hardly fail to impart some of 
its own definiteness to the moral aspect of the 
action as well. In regard to our present problem, 
jurisprudence is in general governed by the ma.xim 
that ' ignorantia facti excusat, ignorantia juris, 
quod q^uisque scire tenetur, nemineni excusat.' It 
is specially in medical jurisprudence that the prob- 
lems of moral ignorance take their most interesting 
aud important shape. For the largest section of 
this science is that which deals with insanity in 
its relation to responsibility, and the old legal 
definitions of insanity generally made moral ignor- 
ance its test. It was a common judicial decision 
that, unless a person was at the time ignorant of 
the moral quality of the action for which he was 
called to account, he should be held legally respon- 
sible (Maudsley, Responsibility in Mental Disease, 
pp. 88-98). Obviously this involves the assump- 
tion, which has been shown to be involved also in 
the Socratic doctrine of virtue, that the Icnowledge 
of what is right implies >vill-power to do it, and 
that the knowledge of what is wron" implies will- 
power to refrain from doing it. But this assumption 
has been shown to be upset by psychology, especi- 
ally in its analysis of morbid phenomena. It is 
now, therefore, acknowledged that mere ignorance 
of wrong-doing is not a sufficient criterion of 
insanity. Nervous or cerebral disease may gener- 
ate an impulse which the patient knows to be 
wrong, but which is so irresistible that he cannot 
in justice be held responsible for yielding to its 
power. 

There is another class of actions arising from 
ignorance, on which the moralist may receive some 
g-uidance from the more specific definitions of the 
jurist. These are the actions coming under the 
general category of mala praxis — the malpractice 
of men in their professions or trades. In all the 
occupations of life, injury may be inflicted by the 
ignorance of practitioners or by that negligence 
which, as etymology indicates, is a peculiar form of 
ignorance, a temporary lapse of intelligence. In 
cases of this kind, while allowance must be made 
for a certain amount of ignorance or negligence as 
' invincible,' yet justice also demands that every 
man shall show reasonable diligence in mastering 
and applying the knowledge which he professes in 
his occupation. But the complications of modern 
professional and industrial life run this general 
principle of justice into an infinitude of details, for 
which the legislation of all countries has heen 
obliged to make elaborately minute provisions. 

It may be added that a peculiar modern phase of 
semi-professional life raises a curious question of 
moral ignorance. There seems to be good ground 
for believing that in their abnormal condition 
' mediums ' indulge at times in trickery or deceit, 
although in their normal consciousness they are not 
aware of what they have done. It is therefore a 
valid question, how far such persons are justified 
in allowing themselves to lapse into a condition in 
which they lose intelligent self-control, and become 



capable of doing unwittingly actions which in their 
norinul state they know to ne wrong. 

LiTKRATL'ftK. — On the doctrine of Socrut*t}, the ori^^iriat 90urc«i 
of inforiimtiori in the woritH of Xcnophon and l*luto fiave been 
jfiven ubove. Reference liuB also neen niode to Arintotle'e 
critique, and it may be added that the whole of the IIthI tlirec 
cliaptera in the seventh Ijooli of the iVicoT/iac/it'«n /•JI/iicH are of 
interest in this connexion. The casuistry of moral it^'norance in 
diHCLissed at lenj^th in J. P. Gury, Cmnpcndiurti Tlieotogitz 
iHaralis, Paris, IHbOj which is illustrated by its comimnion volume 
of CaaitH Conjycientue, do. 180y. In this work TracLutus i., de 
ActilniK ISumantH, hasasect;on(cap. ii. art. iil. 5 l)(/e 1 ijnvrantia, 
and TracLatus ii., (U Conacu'jitia, also bears on the subject. 
These passa^^es should, of course, be read in the li(;ht of the 
illustrative cases of conscience. On the relation of itfnorance to 
lej,'al responsibility the maxim quoted above finds a dis<ru88ion 
of some interest to the moralist in A Sulection o/ Li-<i(U MaxiTiis, 
CtasKiJied atid JUuntrated, by H. Broom (pp. 'JI).'i-:;27, 7th ed., 
London, 190(1). On the connexion of insanity with responsibility, 
moral as well as le^-al, valuable aid will be found in any of the 
great vvorlts on medical jurisprudence. H. Maudsley's lie- 
spontiibiiUy in Mental Disease, London, 1874, has been already 
referred to, and with it may be mentioned his I'atholo(jy oj 
Mind'-^, do. 1895, which devotes nine out of its eleven chapters 
to insanity. It must always be remembered, however, that 
Maudsley's psycholofrical and ethical views are deeply moulded 
by an extreme detenninisra. In The Juridical Review for 
Man-h, June, and September, 1904, the present aspect of the 
problem of insanity is discussed from both the medical and the 
legal points of view in a series of articles, by J. B. Tuke and 
C. R. A. Howden, conjointly, on 'The Relation of the In- 
sanities to Criminal Responsibility and Civil Capacity.' On 
tile moral aspect of nialinuctice there is a discussion in W. 
Whewell's Elements of Morality i, Cambridge, 1804, art^ 114. 
KesponsibiJity for negligence is the subject of a vast juridical 
literature, but it is mostly an exposition of special provisions in 
local legislation. In T. Beven's elaborate work, Sef]li'jence in 
Law'^ (1st ed. PriTiciples of Negligence), London, 1S95, bk. i. 
may be referred to as dealing with the ' constitutive principles 
of the law. F. Pollock's The Law of TortsT, London, 1904, 
devotes two chapters to negligence. Browninsf's Sludge the 
Medium is an attempt at psychological and ethical analysis of 
a peculiarly subtle condition of mind, but it cannot be accepted 
as based on a fair study of facts. Of real psychological and 
ethical value, however, is the discussion of the same mental 
condition in F. Podmore's Modern Spirituult-sm, London, 1902, 

u. 315-3-28. J. Clark Murrav. 



ILLEGITIMACY.— The subject of illegiti- 
macy, in general, presents a number of complex 
problems which demand the close attention of the 
sociologist. No single explanation can account for 
isolated cases, still less can it be used as a reason 
for the wide variations in the rates of illegitimacy 
in civilized communities. Dift'erences of religion, 
of mental range, of social conditions and aptitudes, 
of race, and of the marriage laws of the difi'erent 
countries, must all be taken into consideration. 
The importance of the subject, so far as it concerns 
Great Britain, is shown in the fact that 48,517 
illegitimate births were registered in the British 
Isles during the year 1910. As the most recent 
statistics available are those for Great Britain and 
Ireland, a detailed examination of the prevalence 
of illegitimacy in the several parts of the United 
Kingdom will throw light on some of the problems 
before mentioned. Taking the countries in the 
order of an ascending scale of frequency of illegiti- 
macy, and estimating the percentage of illegitimate 
births to the total number of births, unless where 
otherwise stated, the percentage for Ireland is 2'8, 
for England 4'3, for Wales 5'4, and for Scotland 
7-29. 

The percentage of illegitimacy in Ireland varies 
in the four provinces from 0'7 in Connaught to 3'7 
in Ulster. The latter province is the only one 
which has been above the mean for Ireland (2'8) 
during the quinquennium period 1906 to 1910. Of 
the counties of Ulster, the two with the highest 
percentages are Antrim (5'6) and Down (4'6), the 
two with the lowest percentages are Donegal (2'0) 
and Cavan (I'l). In Antrim, the district of Bally- 
money had 7"7 per cent of illegitimaej', and that 
of Ballymena 7'3 per cent ; in Down the district of 
Newtownards had 5'5 per cent of illegitimacy, and 
Ban bridge 5'2 per cent. The percentages of illegiti- 
macy in the cities of Dublin and Belfast were 2'5 



106 



ILLEGITIMACY 



and 3 '3 respectively. An analysis of those varying 
ratios in the different parts and districts of Ireland 
points to the prevalence of illegitimacy in large 
market towns subserving agricultural districts, 
and the populous rural and maritime districts of 
North East Ulster — a condition of affairs quite 
different from that obtaining in England, Wales, 
and Scotland, where illegitimacy is most common 
in thinly populated rural districts. At first sight 
racial differences may appear to account for the 
distinction referred to. In the eastern half of 
Ulster the majority of the inhabitants are of Scottish 
descent, while in Connaught the race is almost 
wholly Celtic. Illegitimacy is, however, as common, 
if not more so, among the Celtic population of 
Scotland as among the Teutonic, and commoner in 
Celtic Wales than in Teutonic England. Probably 
the explanation, so far as Ireland is concerned, is 
to be found in the influence of the Koman Catholic 
Church, which has a wholesome effect in preventing 
illegitimacy. 

Of the ten districts into which England is divided, 
those which are under the mean rate of illegiti- 
macy (4-3 per cent) are the South Midland (3'7 per 
cent) and West Midland (3"9 per cent), and those 
which are over it are the North Midland (4'9 per 
cent). North Western (4-5 per cent), Yorkshire (4'5 
per cent), and Northern (5'5 per cent). Eight 
counties form the South Midland district, and in 
four of these (Middlesex, Hertfordshire, Bucking- 
hamshire, and Northamptonshire) illegitimacy is 
on a relatively low scale ; in the remaining four 
the percentages are : Bedfordshire 4'4, Cambridge 
5'1, Huntingdon 5'6, and Oxford 5'7. In the 
Thame district of Oxfordshire, which comprises 
Lewknor and Thame, the high percentage of 8 '2 is 
attained. This rate is higher than that obtaining 
in the highest of all the districts, the Northern, 
and exceeds by 2-9 per cent that of the County of 
Westmorland, which is the county with the largest 
amount of illegitimacy in the Northern district. 
In London there is 4'0 per cent of illegitimacy. It 
will be noted that illegitimacy is more prevalent 
in the rural and agricultural districts of England, 
and especially where those districts are not thickly 
populated. The relatively low rates in London 
and large towns are undoubtedly helped by the 
steady influx of well-doing and enterprising young 
people from country districts ; the same cause 
adversely affects the country districts. In this 
connexion, however, it may be pointed out that 
iUegitimaey and immorality are not synonymous 
terms. In large cities, sexual immorality is 
prevalent, and opportunities for its practice are 
more abundant and less exposed to the force of 
public opinion than in the country. In large cities, 
moreover, illegal means to prevent the fulfilment 
of pregnancy are not uncommonly used, and can 
be resorted to with less risk of detection, injury, 
and punishment. On the other hand, the system 
of cohabitation, especially in the poorer districts 
of large cities, is a source of illegitimacy ; and 
such a mode of life is not necessarily associated 
with continuous immorality. 

Wales affords, in contrast to Ireland, the example 
of a Celtic race with the presence of a large amount 
of illegitimacy in its midst. The average percent- 
age for the whole of Wales is 5 "4, or 1-3 per cent 
higher than that of England and 2 -6 percent above 
that of Ireland. In the country districts of Wales, 
the highest levels are reached in Anglesey (8'7 per 
cent), Radnor (7 '5 percent) and Montgomery (7 '5 
per cent). The most thickly peopled county, 
Glamorgan, has the low percentage of 2'8. AVhen 
subdivisions of counties are taken into considera- 
tion, Bala, an inland rural district of Merioneth, 
gives the high rate of 13'1 ; and Anglesey, a 
maritime-rural district, has 11 per cent of illegiti- 



macy. The same remarks which were made on 
England with respect to the prevalence of a high 
rate of illegitimacy in a rural and thinly scattered 
populace apply to Wales, and, as the sequel will 
show, to Scotland, with this proviso regarding the 
last two countries, that the proximity of a mari- 
time population to such rural districts tends to an 
increase of illegitimacy. In Wales, as in Scotland, 
peculiar social customs, concurred in by tradition, 
are not uncommon in country districts during 
courtship, and these exercise an influence on the 
amount of illegitimacy. 

Of the four countries, Scotland has the highest 
percentage of illegitimacy, namely 7 '29. The 
percentage varies from 14'51 in Banffshire to 4 "49 
in Dumbarton. All the Scottish counties, towns, 
and cities have an average illegitimacy rate above 
the English mean of 4 '3 per cent. In the principal 
to\vns, there is a variation from a maximum of 9 '79 
in Edinburgh to a minimum of 3 '96 — the percentage 
found in Govan and Coatbridge. It is worthy of 
notice in passing that Govan and Coatbridge are two 
large industrial centres, whose population consists of 
the workingclasses. The average percentage for the 
principal towns in Scotland is 7 '35. Large towns 
have 5 "74 per cent of illegitimacy ; small towns 
6 '63 per cent; mainland rural districts 7 '24 per 
cent ; and insular rural 6'14. The Eastern districts, 
with a more fertile soil and better adapted for 
agricultural purposes than the Western, show a 
greater prevalence of illegitimacy than the Western. 
The Northern and Southern districts have the high 
rates of 8 '7 and 11 '85 per cent respectively. When 
a comparison of county districts is made, three 
have an unusually high percentage of illegitimacy 
—Banff 14-51, Elgin 14-27, and Wigtown 13-41. 
These three counties are mainly agricultural, with 
a large admixture of seafaring population. More 
than one-fourth (5951) of the male population of 
Banffshire are engaged in agricultural pursuits, 
and more than one-fifth (4183) are fishermen or 
seafaring men. Almost similar conditions to those 
prevailing in Banff with respect to the occupation 
of the population are to be found in Elgin and 
Wigto^vn. On the other hand, in counties with 
the lowest number of illegitimate children, such 
as Dumbarton (4-49 per cent), the populace is to a 
large extent occupied in shipbuilding, foundries, 
engineering, andcalico-printingworks. The housing 
of farm servants of both sexes in bothies — a custom 
peculiar to Scotland — is regarded as a fruitful 
source of illegitimacy, especially in those districts 
where the rate is high. 

The decline in the birth rate of the majority of 
civilized countries throughout the world has been 
very marked. If the quinquennium 1901-1905 is 
compared with that twenty years earlier, the fall 
in the birth rates in Switzerland, in Ireland, and 
in Spain has been about 3 per cent ; it reached 14 
per cent in France and Italy ; 16 per cent in Servia, 
England, Wales, and Hungary ; 25 per cent in the 
Australian Commonwealth ; and 27 per cent in 
New Zealand. Except in the cases of the German 
Empire, Sweden, France, Belgium, and the Aus- 
tralian Commonwealth, the decrease in the number 
of illegitimate births is greater than the correspond- 
ing fall in the general birth rate. This marked 
decrease in the majority of European and other 
civilized countries has been almost continuous 
during 20 years. With the exception of Sweden 
and France, where there has been an increase of 
7-5 and 8-5 per cent respectively, it has varied 
within wide limits. Thus it has been 3-1 per cent 
in Spain, 39-7 per cent in England, 37-4 per cent in 
Scotland, and 13-6 per cent in Ireland. The 
proportion of illegitimate births per 1000 unmarried 
and widowed women between the ages of 15 and 45 
years of age and for the years 1900-1902 reached 



ILLEGITIMACY 



107 



its highest points in Austria and tliu (Jerinan 
Empire ; the numbers in tliose two countries were 
40'I anil 27*4 respeutively. Calculated on the same 
basis, the smallest number of illcptiniate births 
took place in the Netherlands and Ireland, where 
the numbers were 6'8 and 3'8 respectively. 

Countries (arranRcd in Proportion ot illeKitimato 

order ol rat«8 in 1900- b.rtliH per lOOl) u,„„arne<l 

tann-. and widowed women aged 

^""''•'- 16 to 46 years. 

Austria 40*1 

German Empire 27'4 

Sweden 24-3 

Denmark 24'2 

Prussia 23'7 

Italy 19-4 

France 19*1 

Be]p;ium 17'8 

Norway 17'2 

Spain 16'6 

Scotland 13-4 

Australian Commonwealth 13'2 

Switzerland 9'8 

New Zealand 8'9 

England and Wales 8*5 

The Netherlands e'8 

Ireland 8'8 

The causes underlying the almost universal 
decline in the amount of illegitimacy are difficult 
to determine. Beneficent legislation, social activi- 
ties, a more elevated moral tone, and extended 
practice of the Christian religion are undoubtedly 
at their root. In the discussion of illegitimacy 
throughout the British Isles, reference has already 
been made to the influence of race, religion, and 
some social surroundings and conditions. It now 
remains to refer to these more fully and add other 
factors which exert a modifying power. 

There are difierences in laws relating to illegiti- 
macy which have a restraining influence or the 
reverse on its prevalence. By the law of Scotland 
and in accordance with the laws of most of the 
Continental countries, an illegitimate child is fully 
legitimated by the subsequent marriage of the 
parents. Such laws were intended to benefit the 
child by removing its dishonour and disgrace ; but 
a subsequent marriage does not always take place, 
and a woman is often led into immoral courses by 
the promise of marriage, which the man either 
refuses or never intended to fulfil. In Scot- 
land at any rate, this state of the law, combined 
with a common custom among the lower classes in 
country districts and fishing villages, whereby 
marriage does not take place until the woman is 
with child, is mainly responsible for the high 
position it takes with respect to illegitimacy. This 
conclusion is justified when the eflect of the exist- 
ing state of the law in other portions of the British 
Isles is considered. By English common law, an 
illegitimate child cannot be legitimated, though 
the civil and canon laws legitimate children whose 
parents subsequently marry. 

A factor that cannot be disregarded in the pro- 
duction of illegitimacy is the state of the law to- 
wards the fathers and mothers of such children. 
In Scotland, the mother has legal custody of the 
child until the age of 10 years, and the father is 
legally bound to contribute from 2s. 6d. to 3s. weekly 
towards the aliment of the child ; in England, the 
putative father may be summoned and compelled 
to make a proper allowance not exceeding 5s. per 
week. Here also the maintenance of the child 
devolves on the mother, who is bound to maintain 
the child as part of her family so long as she 
remains unmarried, or until the child is 16 years of 
age or gains a settlement in its own right, or, being 
a female, is married. Thus a man is penalized for 
having an illegitimate child to the extent of, at 
most, a meagre pittance of 5s. per week, and is 
often allowed to go scot free, either from fear on 
the part of the mother to sue for aliment, lest such 
action might spoil the prospects of a future marri- 



age, or by the facilities afforded of escaping; hia 
obligations by eniigr.ation to another country. 
Even when all the legal obligations are undertaken 
by the parents, an illegitimate child is expected to 
earn its own living and take care of itself at the 
early ago of 16. Social legislation tending to 
guard child life from immorality, and providing 
for the better care and training of such children, 
ought to embrace more suitable provision for the 
illegitimate child as well as sounder measures for 
combating illegitimacy. Already the Children's 
Act in this country has had a beneficent efiect in 
these directions, and it is much needed when the 
mortality of illegitimate children is compared with 
that of legitimate. It cannot be doubted that the 
illegitimate starts life less fitted physically for the 
battle than the legitimate. The deaths from all 
varieties of disease are greater among illegitimate 
children under one year than among legitimate 
children of the same age. With reference to stat- 
istics applicable to England and Wales for 1910, 
the proportion of deaths among illegitimate infants 
to 1000 illegitimate births, and among legitimate 
infants to 1000 legitimate births is seen in the 
following table to be greater for the illegitimate 
in all varieties of disease, and with respect to 
diarrhoeal and tubercular diseases more than double 
the deaths from similar causes among legitimate 
infants. 

Mortality of illegitimate as compared with lej^timate for 
England and Wales under one year of age, 1910. 

Cause of death. ,,, ... Both sexes. 

Illegitmiate. Legitimate. 

1. Common infectious diseases . 8"92 7"16 

2. Diarrh^Eal diseases . . . 26-34 12-05 

3. Wasting diseases .... 76-29 39-02 

4. Tubercular diseases . . . 7-86 3-74 

5. Miscellaneous diseases . . 76-43 39*67 

As in Great Britain, so it is elsewhere. In 
several European countries, new legislative meas- 
ures have been adopted or are in the course of 
being promulgated which wUl have a material 
effect on the existing amount of illegitimacy. In 
Germany, where the illegitimacy rate ranks next 
to the highest amount, that shown by Austria 
(see Table i. ), the laws which allow the father of 
an illegitimate child to be freed from his responsi- 
bilities by a small monetary payment have been 
widened in their scope so that such a father, in 
addition to monetary aliment, is now required to 
provide training for his child such as wUl fit it 
to earn its own living in after life. Further, if the 
child should be physically or mentaUy unfit to earn 
its own livelihood after the statutory age limit of 
16 years, the father must then support it all his 
life. The governing principles of recent legislation, 
both in Germany and in Austria, are for the better- 
ment of the illegitimate child. It is generally re- 
cognized that neither the mother nor the father is 
the most suitable guardian for an illegitimate 
child : such parents make the interests of the child 
subservient to their own, and in general they have 
not the moral strength to retrieve the honourable 
position which they have lost by giving the same 
attention and care to the child which it would 
receive had it been born in lawful wedlock. On 
these grounds an ofiioial guardian — the Vormund — 
is appointed to enforce the laws. In Germany the 
mother may be — though she seldom is — appointed 
guardian. In Austria, it is illegal for the mother 
to be appointed to this position. The reasons 
given for forbidding the mother to be Vormund 
are those already mentioned, in addition to the 
fear that she might not like to displease the father 
by putting into force the laws protecting the child, 
and this might lead to the chUd's being neglected. 
Again, the Vormund must be some person other 
than the father of the illegitimate child, or the 
father's relatives, or any one who may have an 



108 



ILLUSION 



interest in saving expense to tiie fatiier. In the 
performance of his or her duties, the guardian is 
assisted by voluntary agencies — such agencies as 
the Vigilance Societies of Britain. The guardian 
appointed by law is usually the president of one of 
these societies, and among the duties which are 
required to be performed are the proper direction 
of aliment so as to educate and train the child to 
be self-supporting, and the legitimation of the 
child by inducing the father to marry the mother. 
In Austria about one-half, 45*4 per cent, of the ille- 
gitimate children have become legitimated in this 
way through the influence of the Vormund and 
his voluntary helpers. 

In France, whei'e the lot of the illegitimate has 
been made extremely hard by the existence of 
article 340 of the civil code containing the well- 
known clause, ' La recherche de la paternity est 
interdite,' an Act to remove the hardships and 
amend the existing law has been announced. 
There are many points in this Act which find 
general acceptance throughout France ; and, should 
it become law, it will tend to diminisli illegitimacy 
and confer benefit on such as are illegitimate. By 
a process at law a mother may establish legal re- 
sponsibility on the father for his child if the action 
is brought within two years of its birth. Such an 
action may also be brought by the Court which, 
according to the Law of July 1907, acts in the 
capacity of the conseil de famille. 

One source of illegitimacy has not been referred 
to, but is worthy of special prominence — that 
which occurs as the result of the seduction of f eeble- 
or defective-minded women. Legislative action 
is at present under consideration in Great Britain, 
which, if^successful, will prevent or at least minim- 
ize such occurrences in the future, either by 
placing the feeble-minded woman under strict 
guardianship or by visiting with severe punish- 
ment those who thus take advantage of her. The 
clauses referred to have the following purposes : 
(1) feeble-minded persons who are in receipt of 
poor relief at the time of giving birth to an illegiti- 
mate child, or who are with child, may be dealt 
with and placed under special care ; (2) any per- 
son having carnal knowledge of a feeble-minded 
person who is under the provisions of the Mental 
beficiency Act is guilty of a misdemeanour. Legis- 
lation such as has been described is being under- 
taken in many countries other than those referred 
to, but on similar lines to those to which reference 
has already been made. There is good reason to 
believe from experience that it will not only reduce 
still further the general prevalence of illegitimacy, 
but also, where the latter occurs, will remove or 
alleviate the disgrace that clings to the illegiti- 
mate throughout life. 

Literature, — The statistical information and the tables for 
Great Britain and Ireland are taken from the Annual Reports 
for 1910 of the Ref^istrars-General of the several countries. 
The Report of the Registrar-General of England and Wales for 
1910 contains mach valuable information relating to foreij,'n 
countries. See also Reports by the Presidents of Statistical 
Departments or Bureaus of European countries, Reports of the 
Registrars-General of the British Colonies, and Reports of the 
Chief Statistician for Vital Statistics, Bureau of the Census 
U.S.A. Cf. C. Smith Rossie, 'The Love Child in Germany and 
Austria,' Eng. Rev., June 1912 ; O. Spann, Die Laqe und das 
Schicksal der unehelichen Kinder, Leipzig, 1909 ; A. Keller and 
H. Reicher, Die Fiirsorge fiir uneheiiche Kinder, Vienna, 
1909 ; F. Janisch, Die bjfentliche SchutzfiXrsorge fiir die une- 
helichen Kinder, do. 1906 ; Memoranda on ' A Social Evil in 
Glasgow,* by J. R. Motion and J. Lindsay, Glasgow, 1911 ; 
Acts of Parliament and Bills before Parliament such as * The 
Children Act '(1908), 'Criminal Law Amendment Act '(1912), 
and 'Mental Deficiency Bill" (1912-13). 

Hamilton Marr. 
ILLUMINATION. — See Encyclop.«:dists, 

Enlightenment. 

ILLUSION. — By the common usage of psy- 
clHilogy the name 'illusion' is now reserved for 



certain special anomalies of sense, which do not 
necessarily involve any process of cognition in the 
strict sense of the term. 

For the most part our senses provide us with a 
well ordered and steadily integrated system. This 
is most probably based upon the various series of 
differences that are known as the attributes of 
sensation. States also occur that are dependent 
upon variations in these attributes, and that pre- 
sumably are founded upon them or consist of them. 
These are known as 'forms' [Gestalten) or modes, 
and usually constitute variable series. Examples 
are found in the series of distances of increasing 
length in any of the three dimensions — in the line 
of sight, or vertically or horizontally perpendicular 
thereto — in the series of motions of increasing 
speed, in the series of surfaces of increasing area, 
in the series of positions ' round the head ' of 
auditory space, and so on. These series become 
correlated with one another in the sensory experi- 
ence of ourselves, and presumably of all other 
creatures in proportion to their complexity and 
development. In these higher developments at 
least the order of the system is manifest. No one 
fails to respond coherently, by action or by thought, 
to the integration of apparent size with distance 
from the point of observation. To uniocular vision 
the apparent surface of an object varies inversely 
with the square of the distance. In normal bin- 
ocular vision this rule holds good without modifica- 
tion only from beyond a certain distance from the 
eye. For nearer distances, within which differ- 
ences of optical position (convergence, divergence) 
are effectively distinct, tlie apparent surface tends 
to retain one and the same size. We do not 
notice differences in the apparent sise of equally 
tall persons seated around a drawing-room or mov- 
ing about in it. But a photograph shows us how 
their projections on our retinte must differ. And, 
if we seat them in a row and look along it, we can 
easily see these differences. For we then destroy 
the integrative process which usually guides us 
at near distances, and base our perception solely 
upon such differences as are conveyed by the size 
of the retinal impressions, which alone guide us 
at great distances. Thus in various circumstances 
various integrative processes, based upon a mani- 
fold of simpler sensory data, guide us, or rather 
our cognition. From their own point of view, 
however, our sensory processes are simply har- 
monious and systematic. If I am startled by 
the sound of a motor horn, I can usually locate 
it in a position in the horizontal plane round my 
head with considerable accuracy. If my head and 
eyes are impelled to turn towards this point, its 
source, they will turn rapidly and accurately. If 
the motor horn is a familiar one, I shall also have 
some 'idea' (I shall experience some mode) of the 
distance of the motor from me, even before I see 
it. And, when I see it, this auditory distance will 
be confirmed by the visual distance at which it 
will appear, and that again by its apparent size. 
In a sense there is, of course, no confirmatory pro- 
cess here at all, for that strikes beyond the senses 
into cognition, anticipatory belief, and judgment 
of coherence. It is rather merely the fact that 
all the more complex and usual sensory processes 
are adjusted to one another, integrated and cor- 
related in a systematic way. It is also true that, 
if sense is stripped of cognition, it can never be 
illusory, in so far as illusory is taken to include 
a reference to the realities of the external world. 
For, stripped of cognition and the memory which 
it involves, sense can refer only to sense, both 
being actually present and given, linked to one 
another by integrative processes. A reference to 
a permanent object means at least a reference to 
the contents and implications of experiences that 



ILLUSION 



109 



are not actually jirosent. Nevertheless, every 
cognition of tlie outer world implies and involves 
such an integration of sense as will make it 
possible. And sense must be systematic for 
systematic knowled^'e to be possible by means 
of it. 

In the major part of the complex integiations 
of sense, then, the combining factors and their 
references and attachments to one another are 
patent and manifest. An illusion, on the con- 
trary, is a ' departure ' from these generally pre- 
vaihng schemes of sense by reason of the operation 
of 'hidden' factors — factors which do not them- 
selves fall within any of the main integrative 
schemes of sense. As their ell'ects, however, ap- 
pear in sense and within a common integration, 
they get wrongly attributed to the operation of 
that process wliich in the course of ordinary in- 
tegration would bring them about. Thus arises 
a primitive kind of error, which has much interest 
for epistemology, just because it is so primitive. 
It provides a case of natural or unavoidable error, 
which is, none the less, erroneous and misleading. 
This peculiarity gives special importance to the 
study of illusions, and raises them far above the 
triviality which any practical considerations would 
attach to their study. 

Thus in the case of retinal irradiation whereby 
a bright surface looks larger than a dark surface 
of the same real size, the untutored mind will act 
and think as if the bright surface were really 
larger. Such a mind is guided by the habitual 
integration of distance from the eye and apparent 
size of surface, according to which two surfaces of 
the same apparent size and at the same apparent 
distance should be of the same real size, i.e. should 
give the same results by the method of visual 
superposition through the medium of, say, a foot- 
rule. The hidden cause of this illusion is sought 
on the retina, where its presence is hardly veriti- 
able, because there is no psychical difference be- 
tween the two cases which might account for the 
effect. Similarly the red letters of a coloured 
lamp sign appear farther away than the green or 
blue ones, because the cause — a mere matter of 
the difference of refraction of coloured lights, and 
hence of retinal ' disparity ' — is hidden (of. the red 
and blue patterns on many rugs). We soon dis- 
cover the illusion in this case when we see that 
the frame of the sign or the glass upon which the 
letters stand is Hat. Still it is to be noted that 
we discover this only in virtue of the correlations 
of sense with which it disagrees. 

In the illusions of reversible perspective there is 
no retinal distortion. The cube that appears solid, 
though merely drawn upon a flat surface, makes 
identical impressions upon both eyes. This is 
proved by the fact that the paper upon which the 
cube is drawn still appears flat, that the illusion 
holds also for uniocular observation, and that the 
illusory solid changes its aspect from moment to 
moment, all the then far points now appearing to 
be near and vice versa. If there is thus no change 
in the outer or in the retinal impressions to account 
for the apparent solidity and its reversal, the 
cause of these will lie in some more central pliysio- 
logical factor or in a purely psychical factor. 
Thus fatigue is said to determine at which moment 
the reversal shall happen, when the psychical de- 
terminations given by change of fixation and by 
thinking of one or other form of the solid have 
been excluded. Under certain circumstances, e.g. 
momentary exposure, supporting indices, suppres- 
sion of backgi'ound, etc., the illusion can be greatly 
increased. The cube will appear to be ' really ' 
solid. Here, of course, we have succeeded in ex- 
cluding only the integrations of sense which in 
ordinary circumstances make the illusion obvious, 



viz. that we see the object looked at — paper and 
drawing of cube u|ion it — as if it were at once Hat 
and solid. The hidden cause of this illusion prob- 
ably lies in the nature of stereoscopy as a purely 
psychical process. Possibly a primitive form of 
integrative recall operates here. It is not sur- 
prising that the cause of the illusions of reversible 
perspective, whether it be found in the process of 
redintegrative memory or not, should be hidden ; 
for the fusion that characterizes stereoscopy almost 
entirely obscures any p.sychical integrative factors 
it may contain. We are not usually aware of the 
double images that all vision involves, but only of 
their integrative result. 

The other illusions of sense still await definite 
classification. Much research has been done on 
them, but the discovery of their causes is per- 
plexingly difficult. A familiar example and one 
of the most pronounced is the Miiller-Lyer illusion, 
in which the lengths of two equal horizontal lines 
are distorted by the addition to their ends of 
two arrow-heads, pointing, in the one outwards 

( <: > ), in the other inwards ( > < ). The 

former line seems much shorter. The amount of 
the illusion has been measured under various cir- 
cumstances. Anything that tends to let the com- 
pared horizontal lines become prominent reduces, 
or destroys, the illusion. Certain primitive people 
are not subject to the illusion ; their synthetic 
visual capacity is probably low. If an analytic 
habit of vision is practised, the illusion can like- 
wise be suppressed. But the synthetic attitude ia 
the usual one in ourselves ; for the illusion appears 
even when the exposure is momentary. If a regu- 
lar series of Miiller-Lyer figures is prepared in 
which the arrow-head lines revolve harmoniously 
about the two end points of the horizontal line, 
and if this series is shown in the stroboscope 
(projection by the cinematograph would be the 
equivalent of this), the illusion will show its pre- 
sence most emphatically, for the horizontal line 
will appear to shorten and lengthen, and the end 
points will appear to move up and down. Many 
theories of this and other similar illusions have 
been given, but most of these — especially such as 
involve a reference to the physiology of the retina 
or of the optical muscles — have been shown to be 
untenable. The final explanation, however, is not 
even yet quite clear. Though we are told to com- 
pare the lengths of the horizontal lines, we seem to 
be compelled by the hidden cause of the illusion 
to compare the spaces enclosed by the two figures 
instead, and to refer the result of this comparison 
to the comparison which we were instructed and 
endeavoured to make. Of course, it is easy to 
learn that it is the end lines which are ultimately 
responsible for the illusion ; but it requires very 
little insight into psychological science to discern 
that this most patent factor is insufficient to account 
for the illusion. There is nothing in the side lines 
which should alter lengths or spaces. The cause 
must lie hidden in psychical processes, built upon 
the skeleton of lines given in the figure, but not 
patent in it ; for the illusion just consists in the 
difl'erence between the size of the line as a mere 
line and the size of the line as an element in a 
complex of lines and spaces. 

Much remains to be discovered before we can 
fully explain the illusions. Apart from the dis- 
covery of special facts, the gi'eatest contribution 
towards their solution will probably be made by 
the progress of general psychological theory re- 
garding the interconnexions of sensory states of 
difl'erent complexity. 

In the illusions of perception proper, we have 
to deal with the redintegrative completion of a 
sensory presentation that forms a part of two or 
more of the perceptual complexes of an individual. 



110 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (General and Primitive) 



Thus a shadowy form seen at the roadside on a dark 
night might be the outline of a bush, a brigand, or a 
beast. One would suft'er from illusion if one took it 
for anything but the harmless shrub. But the mis- 
takes one makes have clear though hidden motives. 
What is seen and heard and felt and known all 
suggest the ordinary wayside objects, but the 
fears that more or less assail us all in the dark 
help us to see what we dread. To children, who 
instinctively dread the darkness, the terrors of the 
way to bed up the dark stair through the unlit 
halls are very real indeed. We need not appeal 
to special ' traumata ' for an explanation of the 
origin of these fears. Children naturally fear 
darkness, strangers, and animals separately ; and 
these fears are sufficiently similar to be able to 
induce one another where that is possible. Of 
course, many a child knows that there is really 
nothing to fear in the unlit home, but revived 
images combine so readily with the data of per- 
ception of the same sense which evokes them 
that they are at once referred to the usual cause 
of the latter. Their own cause thus becomes 
hidden. In the illusions of suggestion we also see 
the operation of hidden causes which, of course, 



may be either emotional or merely associative and 
cognitive, or both. 

In general, then, true illusions all owe their 
being to the fact that incidental integrative and 
fusional coherences of (broadly) simultaneous ex- 
periences may obscure or usurp to themselves the 
references which parts of these experiences pos- 
sess and would otherwise plainly reveal. True 
illusions are, therefore, all of psychical origin. 
There is no sense or purpose in speaking of the 
disparity between the psychical and the material 
as being illusory. For the same reason, illusions 
caused by the anomalous distortion of impressions 
by the sense-organ hardly deserve the name. They 
enjoy it only in virtue of the fact that the anomaly 
which they represent exists both on the material 
and on the psychical side. 

LiTERATimB. — For a very broad treatment of illusion as 
equivalent to error, see James Sully, Illusions, London, 1881. 
For an introduction to the experimental investigation of the 
illusions, see any good text-book of experimental psychology, 
e.g. C. S. Myers, A Text-hook of Experimental Psychology^, 
Cambridge, 1911, ch. xxii., or E. B. Titchener, Experimental 
Psychology, New Yorlt, 1905, i. 161-170, and ii. 303-328, where 
numerous references to the experimental literature will be 

found. Heney J. Watt. 



IMAGES AND IDOLS. 



General and Primitive (G. d'Alviella), p. 110. 
jEgean (H. R. Hall), p. 116. 
Babylonian (L. W. King), p. 117. 
Buddhist (A. S. Geden), p. 119. 
Celtic (J. L. Gerig), p. 127. 
Chinese (J. Dyer Ball), p. 130. 
Christian. — SeelcoNOCLASM, IMAGES AND Idols 
(General and Primitive), WORSHIP (Christian). 
Egyptian (J. Baikie), p. 131. 

IMAGES AND IDOLS (General and Primi- 
tive). — ^There is a theory that certain species of 
animals have the instinct of proportion and even a 
feeling for art, as shown by the habitations which 
they make for themselves, the way in which they 
ornament them, the influence of the plumage or 
the song of the male on the female, etc. ; but it 
must be admitted that man alone possesses the 
gift of making images, i.e. of creating figured 
representations of beings and objects for a utili- 
tarian or sentimental purpose. This kind of repre- 
sentation implies not only that man reasons about 
his ocular impressions, but also that he claims the 
power of exteriorizing them accurately and even of 
reproducing them after they have disappeared 
from his vision. 

I. Classification.— Imnges having a religious 
value may be divided into three classes : (1) purely 
representative images, (2) magical images, and (3) 
idols. 

I. Purely representative images. — This class 
includes dra^vn, carved, sculptured, or painted 
images of a purely commemorative, instructive, or 
edifying nature, i.e. whose only aim is to repro- 
duce the features of a real or ideal person, the 
shape of a well-known object, an episode taken 
from history or legend, the appearance of a sacred 
spot, or the celebration of a rite. Every one likes 
to have near him whatever reminds him of the 
beings whom he loves or worships — especially their 
image ; this feeling alone would suffice to explain 
the frequency of figures representing either persons 
who have played an important part in worship, 
such as priests, reformers, miracle-workers, 
scholars, theologians, and martyrs, or the super- 
human beings to whom the worship is rendered. 
J. B. de Uossi,' analyzing the different kinds of 

1 Aper^ g&niral sur le$ catacombes, Paris, 1867, p. 17. ) 



Greek and Roman (P. GARDNER), p. 133. 

Hebrew and Canaanite (Adolphe Lods), p. 138. 

Indian (W. Crooke), p. 142. 

Japanese and Korean (T. Harada), p. 146. 

Lapp and Samoyed (D. MacRitchie), p. 148. 

Mushm (E. Sell), p. 150. 

Persian (A. V. W. Jackson), p. 151. 

Teutonic and Slavic (M. E. Seaton), p. 155. 

Tibetan (L. A. Waddell), p. 159. 

images found in the catacombs of Rome, makes a 
classification which might be applied to the figured 
representations of religions in general : ( 1 ) hieratic 
portraits, (2) ideographical symbols, (3) allegorical 
paintings illustrating parables, (4) historical scenes 
drawn from OT and NT, (5) scenes taken from the 
history of the Church, and (6) reproductions of 
ritualistic ceremonies. 

The maker of an image may either content him- 
self with imitating an accepted type or seek in- 
spiration for the treatment of his subject in the 
character and r61e ascribed to his model by 
tradition. As a matter of fact, the resemblance 
to the original person and the accuracy with which 
scenes are represented are secondary points ; all 
that is necessary is that people should believe in 
their accuracy or convention sanction them. It is 
a short step from this to purely allegorical images 
— representations of abstractions or ideal beings, 
such as Faith, Hope, Charity, Virtue and Vice, 
Religion, in forms borrowed from life. Even God 
Himself has been treated in this way. A. N, 
Didron, a famous 19th cent, archseologist, wrote a 
volume on the ioonographical history of God.' 
As an antithesis to this we might mention the 
copious iconography of the Devil published by 
Paul Carus.^ 

The image may be realistic, but interpreted in 
such a way that it becomes a pure symbol — e.g., 
among Christian images, the lamb and the dove ; in 
Buddhism, the wheel and the lotus-flower ; among 
the Egyptians, the crux ansata, the winged globe, 
etc. Some of these symbols are so clear as to 
require no comment : the representation of the 
moon by a crescent, of the sun by a disk or a rayed 
face, the scales of Justice, the bandage over the 
eyes of Love, the aureoled hand coming forth from 

1 Icmiographie chrHienne, kittoire de Dieu, Paris, 1844. 

2 History of the Devil from the earliest Times, Chicago, 1900. 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (General and Primitive) 



111 



a cloud and brandishing a weapon ; otiicra are bo 
complex tliat they become rebuses or hierogiyphB, 
the origin of whicli it is not always easy to trace — 
e.g., tlic tish, which in Greek (IxOv^) gives the 
anagram of Christ. 

These remarks are still more applicable to tlie 
representation of religious groups and scenes. 
Every great historical religion e.xcept Judaism 
and Islam has attempted to express its legends and 
myths in images. These representations may have 
only a commemorative or explanatory intention ; 
but we must remember that certain religions use 
them especially for the purpose of education and 
edification. 

'All the pictures that wo 8ee in the Church tell us as plainly 
as if the iniap:e spolce the story of Christ's coiniiif^ down among 
UH, the miracles of His Mother, or the struj^'gles and exploits of 
the saints, so that we may imitate their wonderful and inelTable 
actions.' 1 

No religion can rival Christianity in the multi- 
plicity of its images. In some large churches, such 
as the French cathedrals of Paris, Chartres, Reims, 
and Amiens, there are as many as two, three, or 
four thousand statues ; and in the cathedrals of 
Chartres, Bourges, and Le Mans, three, four, or 
five thousand figures on stained-glass.^ Although 
quite a number of these are merely figures of 
unimportant personages, nevertheless we have 
here what has been called a whole Bible for the 
use of the unlettered. Next to Christianity comes 
Buddhism, which has covered India, Ceylon, and 
the Malay Archipelago with its bas-reliefs, and 
flooded Tibet, China, and Japan with its painted 
images ; in this it has been imitated by the other 
religions of the Far East, including Hinduism. It 
is superfluous to mention here the service rendered 
to art by the mythological compositions of Grasco- 
Roman sculpture. Of less importance from an 
aesthetic point of view, but none the less interesting, 
are the bas-reliefs and paintings of Egypt, and the 
sculptures of Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. It 
may be said that the region where religious images 
are found forms a belt on the surface of the globe 
which includes the Northern hemisphere from 
Japan to Mexico, while in the Southern hemisphere 
there are only some rudiments of art. 

The desire to be permanently in touch with 
venerated objects led man to set up his own image 
in places where everything evoked the memory of 
his Divine patrons ; hence the eflSgies of private 
persons which were so frequent in the sanctuaries 
of pagan antiquity. In the Oriental monarchies, 
the right to a place in the sanctuary was almost 
entirely confined to the images of the Pharaohs, 
the Patesi, a.nd the Great kings ; even the most 
favoured citizens never aspired beyond having 
their features reproduced on a stele or in a statue 
placed near their tomb. In Greece, the privilege 
of figuring in the temples was accorded to the 
images of the most illustrious citizens or of private 
individuals who were rich enough to present a 
generous donation along with their eflSgy. The 
sanctuary chosen for this purpose was generally 
the one belonging to the god who had watched over 
the professional occupation of the donor, or to the 
god whom he specially worshipped." The two 
aims of having the gods near oneself and being 
near them were frequently combined by placing 
religious images on objects of everyday use — jewels, 
pendants, whorls, clothing, weapons and tools, 
vases, lamps, seals, and coins, the discovery and 
interpretation of which have contributed so much 
to our knowledge of the principal ancient religions. 
For a still closer combination the faithful engraved 
the portrait or the symbol of the god on their very 
bodies. Tatuing has enabled man to assume this 

1 John of Damascus, adv. Constantinum Cabalinum Orat. 7 
(PG xcv. 324). 

2 Didron, Histoire de Dieu, Paris, 1843, Introd. p. 1. 

3 E. Courbaud, in Daremberg-Saglio, s.v. 'Image.' 



Divine uniform, and examples are found all over 
the world, from tlio Australian savage who paintB 
on his brea-st the ijnage of his totem to the Breton 
or Italian sailor who has the image of the Madonna 
or of the Sacred Heart figured on his arm. It is 
now admitted tliat everywhere the tatuing of the 
uncivilized has a religious or magical significance. 

2. Magical images, i.e. images having magical 
properties. — Recent ethnology has thrown light on 
the close connexion whicli primitive intelligences 
establish between a being or object and its figured 
reproductions. This is an apjilication of the laws 
of similarity and contiguity, m which J. G. Frazer 
has found two of the chief sources of magic belief. 
Primitive man believed that, by tracing an image, 
he was producing the reality, and that, when he 
acted on the image, he was also acting on the 
thing itself. From the quaternary age onwards we 
find, on fragments of stone and bone, and also on 
the walls of caves, sculptured, carved, or painted 
images, representing animals of the period. 
Salomon Reinach ' reproduces more than 1200 of 
these figures, and points out that they nearly all 
represent species of animals which formed the food 
of the people of the time, and therefore the people 
would naturally desire to favour their multiplica- 
tion—mammoths, reindeer, horses, goats, etc. 

As a result of observations made in our own 
day among the savages of Australia, it has been 
proved that among the magical proceedings for 
promoting the development of species which pro- 
vide clans with their totem and their food there is 
a certain worship of the churingas, i.e. blocks of 
stone or pieces of wood on which there has pre- 
viously been traced the schematic image of the 
totem and which are placed underground in sacred 
places. In other places, these same figures are 
painted on rocks, and become the centre of cere- 
monies for furthering the multiplication of the 
totem.^ Another hunting people, the Bushmen of 
S. Africa, painted on the walls of their caves very 
good likenesses of the animals that they hunted 
or carried off' from their neighbours, the Kafirs.' 
Finally, similar paintings have been observed on 
tlie rocks of California and North Africa.* 

Even among the figured representations of pre- 
historic times, however, we find some images of 
harmful and undesirable animals ; but these ex- 
ceptions may also have a magical import. Thus 
the negro of West Africa cuts out figurines repre- 
senting crocodiles, tigers, or serpents. Attempts 
have been made to explain these images by totem- 
ism, but it is simpler to account for them thus : 
the negro thinks that, possessing the copy, he wiU 
be able to compel the original to go away or even 
destroy it altogether. 

The Kaitish of Australia believe that the rainbow prevents 
the rain from falling or makes it stop prematurely. They 
therefore draw a rainbow on a shield, which they hide far from 
the encampment, thinking that they will prevent the pheno- 
menon by making its image invisible.^ The natives of Malaysia 
use as preservatives bamboo stalks car\'ed with representations 
of the scorpions and centipedes which infest the country ; but 
they set the remedy and the scourge side by side by also 
carving on the bamboo the image of the pheasant which devours 
this vermin. Among the Burmese, the natives of the Shan 
States use the capsule of a plant called Tnartlnya as a snake- 
charm because it roughly resembles the head of a venomous 
snake with its two fangs.6 Ail these are applications of the 
principle that like acts on like, evokes it, or produces it. Eroile 



1 Repertoire de I'art quatemaire, Paris, 1913, and ' L'Art et la 
magie • in V Anthropologie, 1903, p. 257. 

2 For the various applications of the process in Australia and 
among other savages, see ERE i. 821-823, * Note on the use of 
Painting in Primitive Religions.' 

3 E. Cartailhac and H. Breuil, La Cavemed'Altamira, Berlin, 
1803 ; cf. C. H. Tongue, Bushman Paintings, Oxford, 1909 ; A. 
Schweiger, ' Neuentdeckte Buschmannmalereien in der Cape- 
Provinz' in Anthropos, viii. (1913) 652-669, 1010-1025 

•* J. D6chelette, Manuel d'arcMologie pr^historique, i. (Paris, 
1908). 
6 Spencer-Gillen>>, p. 294 f. 
*> H. Balfour, Evolution of Decorative Art, London, 1893, p. S3. 



112 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (General and Primitive) 



Durkheim has even extended this formula thus ; * Anything 
that aiiecta an object affects also whatever has any relation of 
proximity or solidarity to that object-' ^ 

As a general rule, the portrait of an object is 
supposed to give its possessor control over the 
original. This is the belief of savages, who usvially 
refuse to be photographed or sketched, and who in 
nearly all countries make use of this kind of spell 
to work evil on their enemies. Tlie oldest cases 
of such sorcery which have come down to us are 
perhaps the figured representations discovered on 
the walls of the grotto of Niaux (Arifege), where 
we find bisons riddled with barbed arrows. We 
have here, combined ^vith the solidarity of the 
image, the idea that the realization of an event 
may be brought about by simply sketching it. 
According to the practice of the Middle Ages, when 
one wanted to wound, paralyze, or kill an enemy, 
it was sufficient to make a figurine more or less 
like him, have it blessed by a priest on some pre- 
text or other, and then prick it with a needle in 
the heart or wherever it was desired to harm 
the original. Similar spells were in use among 
the Chaldseans, Egyptians, Hindus, Greeks, and 
Romans. They are also found among most un- 
civilized peoples who employ the arts of black 
magic. 

The same idea of artificial solidarity is found in 
ex-votos, where imitations of legs, arms, other 
organs, and even of whole bodies are placed near 
sacred images by believers who have been granted, 
or are praying for, the cure of certain ills : in the 
one case the donor hopes that, on account of this 
proximity, the gods will act on tlie injured member 
through the medium of its image ; in the other, 
the desired eifect having been obtained, he ex- 
presses his thanks to the deity by offering up the 
organ, of which the deity has already in a sense 
taken possession by expelling the malady. These 
same images, which abounded in the temples of 
jEsoulapius and other gods of healing,'' are found 
on the continent of Europe, without any modifica- 
tion of material or form, even in the smallest 
chapels of Roman Catholic rural districts. Often 
the possession of the image is sufficient to ward off 
illness and all kinds of calamities. Each image 
has its special charm : some guard against fever, 
others against plague, others against lightning, the 
perils of the sea, the enemy's shot, and so on ; 
there are even some which show where lost objects 
may be found, as, e.g. , certain of the Congo fetishes. 
Some have still wider scope, as talismans for ap- 
peasing fate and mastering destiny. 

Central Africa is the promised land of fetishism 
(q.v.) ; yet the negro, according to a statement 
made by Albert R^ville, which seems to be well 
founded,' distinguishes clearly between fetishes, 
which he believes to be inhabited by a spirit, and 
amulets, which he wears about his person, but 
does not worship, even wlien they reproduce the 
form of a living being. Schoolcraft also speaks 
of domestic idols in human or animal form found 
in the huts of the American Indians, but they were 
more of the nature of talismans, for they were not 
worshipped in any way.'' We may place in the 
same category the zemis of the Antilles, i.e. figur- 
ines made of wood, stone, or bone, representing 
fish, turtles, lizards, serpents, and even men.' 
These were so numerous at the time of the dis- 
covery of the Antilles that the Benedictine monks 
who came in the train of Columbus boasted of 
having destroyed single-handed more than 170,000 
of them at Hayti. To the same class perhaps 
belonged the teraphim of Laban, which Rachel 

1 Formes Uitnentaires de la vie religieuse, Paris, 1912, p. 50S- 

2 Cf- the art- ' Donarium,' by Homolle, in Daremberg-Saglio. 
8 ReUgions des peuples non-civilis^s, i. 97. 

* H- Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, Philadelphia, 1851-57, v- 169. 
6 CI- J- W. Fewkes, 25 RBEW (1907), pp- 42, 63-69- 



conoealed in the camel's furniture (Gn SI""'*) ; and 
the statuettes which abound in ancient tombs from 
Mgean times to the end of paganism. 

Large statues are as highly prized by com- 
munities for their magical services as small ones 
are by individuals and families. The desire to 
possess them frequently gave rise to armed con- 
tests, which took place as often between the cities 
of antiquity as between the towns of the Middle 
Ages ; the desire was not so much to have the 
monopoly of paying homage to the divinity or the 
saint as to gain possession of a talisman of repute. 
This is proved by the bad usage which the images 
sometimes received, either to punish the original 
for having refused a demand, or to compel him to 
fulfil it. It is not only in the Congo that nails are 
hammered into the sacred image to command its 
attention. 

In a church in Louvain there was until quite recentlj* an old 
statue of Christ, the red velvet robe of which used to bristle 
with pins. Now worshippers stick their pins into two cushions 
placed at the feet of the image, over which is the inscription 
in French and in Flemish : ' Please do not stick pins into the 
robe.' This practice, however, may be explained in another 
way ; it may be a case of getting rid of an illness by nailing 
it into the imat^e, or sometimes of passing it on by hanging on 
the image linen which has been in contact with the injured 
member. Frazer, following Mannhardt, gives sufficient evi- 
dence in his Golden Bough of cases of folk-lore, where agricul- 
tural populations, having manufactured an imageoramannikin 
representing the spirit of the last harvest and sometimes the 
spirit of death, destroy, burn, or drovvn it, after having loaded 
it with tlie sins or calamities which they desire to get rid of 
periodically. 

Just as the copy procures the services of the 
original, it may replace it on every occasion ; the 
ottering of the image instead of the reality thus be- 
comes both an attenuation and an extension of sacri- 
fice. Thus the Chinese offer to the divinity clothes, 
houses, furniture, sumptuous repasts, and even 
considerable sums, without growing any poorer, 
for these offerings are simply paper images. The 
Egyptians painted on the walls of the tombs 
olferings intended to maintain indefinitely the 
posthumous existence of the deceased, or depicted 
experiences that they would like him to be able 
to continue or repeat ; they even added figurines 
representing his wife, slaves, and workmen, so that 
in the life beyond the grave he might have all the 
co-operation that he enjoyed on earth. It seems 
now to be admitted that this was also in many 
cases the aim of the bas-ieliefs and paintings 
decorating the tombs of Etruria and ancient 
Greece. 

3. Idols, i.e. conscious and animated images. — 
The talisman, the fetish, and the idol form an 
ascending scale. The talisman is a material object 
endowed with marvellous properties, either because 
of its nature or of some magical operation it has 
gone through, or beca use it is invested with super- 
natural properties by some external Power. Tlie 
fetish is a talisman in which resides the spirit that 
gives it its power. The idol is a fetish represent- 
ing the supposed form of the spirit dwelling inside 
it. 

Idols are formed in various ways. (1) Bv the 
natural association of natural objects with the 
human features ivhich they resemble, e.g. the rocks 
resembling human beings worshipped by Negroes, 
Fijians, Chippewas, Lapps, and, indeed, by all 
peoples inhabiting hilly countries — not to speak 
of other similar ludi natiirm. (2) By forgetfulness 
or ignorance of the significance originally attached 
to an image. This, however, is an exceptional oc- 
currence. In most cases, it is only a question of 
the transfer of an image from one cult to another. 
Sometimes an attempt is made to explain the image 
by creating personages and even inventing myths 
for the occasion- Clermont Ganneau has called this 
by the apt name of 'ocular or optic mythology,'' 
1 .Mj/iAulogie iconographique, Paris, 1878- 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (General and Primitive) 



iia 



and lie gives several exanipleH of it : the child 
Horns, who becomes ainoiiK the Greeks the god 
of silence, because he holds his linger to his liiis ; a 
Pharaoh sacrilioing three barbarians, which forms 
the prototype of Cacus slaying the three-bodied 
Geryon, etc. Examples or legends which origi- 
nated in misunderstood images are no less frequent 
in niedioeval Christianity. It has often been 
asserted that the stories of cephalo]ihorous .saints 
{i.e. saints who are pictured with their heads in 
their hands) had their origin in the hgured repre- 
sentation of their decapitation. The martyrs and 
saints recognized by naive and perhaps interested 
parties in the bas-reliefs of p.agan sarcojiliagi are 
too numerous to be quoted.' (3) By simply mami- 
facturing an image rejiresenting a saperhuinan 
being. The artist, choosing his subject either 
according to his own taste or in obedience to 
orders, may conforra to tradition ; but it is the 
popular voice alone that ratilies and sanctions his 
work. Sometimes the idol is an ancient fetish of 
wood or stone which has been carved so as to give 
it the appearance of a human being ; at other 
times it is a statue whose reputation for super- 
natural power is due to the fetish enclosed in it, as, 
e.g., the statue of the Magna Mater Idma in Rome. 
(4) By the s%tpposed command of the divinity 
whom the image represents. In the Antilles, 
the tree in whicli a spirit dwelt revealed to the 
sorcerer how to set about manufacturing a statue 
with its wood. In the public square of Corinth 
there were two statues of Dionysus which were 
held in great veneration ; according to Pausanias 
(II. ii. 7), they were cut out of the wood of a tree 
which the Corinthians, in compliance with the 
command of an oracle, had worshipped under the 
name of Dionysus. In France, Italy, Spain, and 
the East there are frequent examples of images of 
the Virgin which are said not to have been made 
by the hand of man. We might mention in passing 
the Buddhist legend that the portrait of Maitreya, 
the future Buddha, was drawn by an artist tem- 
porarily transported into the special division of 
Paradise where Maitreya was awaiting the moment 
to descend on earth." Among the Greeks the 
same reputation was enjoyed by many of the most 
venerated statues, including the palladium in the 
Acropolis at Athens, representing the protective 
goddess of the city. (5) By means of some magical 
operation. Among the Negroes of the West Coast 
there are regular shops for fetishes and idols, kept 
by sorcerers. The purchaser makes his choice, 
and it is only then that the sorcerer causes the 
spirit to descend into the idol. Among the New 
Zealanders, the priest makes the souls of the dead 
pass into statues which he shakes up and down as 
if he were rousing a sleeping man ; if the opera- 
tion is unsuccessful, the soul may pass into the 
body of the officiating priest, who then falls into 
convulsions. In Finland a kind of doll, or para, 
made out of a stick and some rags, is carried nine 
times round a church to the words, ' Live, Para ' ; 
the para then begins to live, or, rather, a spirit 
comes and dwells in it.^ Towards the end of 
classic paganism, the operation was more complex, 
but its nature remained the same. According to 
Augustine {de Civ. Dei, viii. 23), Hermes Trisme- 
gistus speaks of it in the following terms : 

'To unite, therefore, by a certain art those invisible spirits 
to visible and material things, so as to make, as it were, ani- 
mated bodies, dedicated and given up to those spirits who in- 
habit them — this, he says, is to malte gods, adding that men 
have received this great and wonderful power.' 

The last upholders of paganism met the taunts 
of the Christians with the reply that they did not 

1 p. Saintyves (pseudonym for E. Nourry), Le.3 Saints, suacea- 
sevrs des dieux, Paris, 1907. 

2 A. Foucher, Iconographis bouddhique, Paris, 1S99, p. IIS. 

3 M. A. Castren, Finnische Mythologie, St. Petersburg, 1853, 
i. 106. 

vnt,. vii. — S 



worship the lironze, gold, or silver of the BtatueH, 
but the divinities that had passed into them on 
con.secration (Arnobius, ado. Gent. v. 17, 19). 

Nevertheless, an explanation is needed as to how 
this unliiiiited multiplication of the weison of the 
divinity, and the lielief in his actual presence in 
each of these images, could be reconciled with the 
unity of his personality. Here, we must remeinber, 
we are in the domain of things sacred, where .a lack 
of logic is overlooked, or, rather, a particular logic 
is admitted wliich applies the principle of contra- 
diction in a dillerent way from that of ordinary 
logic. According to a rudimentary idea, a super- 
human individualitj' may be d(jubled or multiplied 
ad injinitifm, and yet remain an unbroken whole 
in its original type and in each of its manifestations. 

II. History. — A favourite theory among 18th 
century theologians and philosophers was that 
idolatry was a degeneration. Man was supposed 
to liave begun with a very high and pure idea 
of the divinity. Then, desiring to have a 
material picture of his deity, he represented 
him by the noblest and most elevated thing that 
he knew — his own image. Gradually he came to 
regard these symbolical images as real jiortraits, 
and ended by treating them as divine individu- 
alities. As early as the time of the author of 
Wisdom (14^'"^") it was held that idols were origin- 
ally the images of deceased ancestors ; and Herbert 
Spencer has revived this idea.' It is not difficult 
to show, however, that history, pre-historic archae- 
ology, and ethnology are agreed in giving an 
entirely different explanation of the origin and 
evolution of idolatry. Undoubtedly there may be 
found in more than one religion periods of decadence 
in which idols, which had been more or less out- 
grown, re-appear in the worship. Thus, Buddhism, 
which had shaken the very foundations of idolatry, 
judging from the quasi-philosophical doctrine of its 
founder, re-installed the ancient idols of Hinduism 
and even of Tantrism, merely surrounding them 
with a new mythology created specially for them. 
But these are cases of infiltration or retrogression, 
not of logical and spontaneous development. 

Strictly speaking, idolatry is neitlier a general 
nor a primitive fact. It was entirely unknown 
in India in Vedic times. We have to come 
far down in the history of China and Japan to 
find any traces of its development. It was not 
practised by the nomadic tribes of the Semites. 
Among the Jews it appeared only in exceptional 
cases (e.g., the Golden Calf and the Brazen 
Serpent). Cassar (de Bell. Gall. vi. 21) and 
Tacitus (Germ, ix.-x.) assert that there were 
neither temples nor images among the Teutons. 
In Rome, according to Varro (Augustine, de Civ. 
Dei, iv. 31) the Romans lived 170 years with- 
out representing their gods by images. Even 
among the Greeks we find scarcely any traces of 
idolatry in the time of the Pelasgi. The question 
is whether this absence of idols is due to the fact 
that these peoples had too spiritualized a conception 
of their gods to give them material forms. It will 
be sufficient answer to note that idolatry is equally 
unknown to most of the peoples who are to-day 
still on the lowest rungs of the social ladder — 
Bushmen, Hottentots, Fuegians, Eskimos, Akkas, 
etc., who are at the first stages of intellectual and 
religious development. This seems to have been 
the mental condition of the future civilized races 
at the period of which we have just spoken.^ Even 

1 Sociology, London, 1885, pt. vi. § 585. 

2 For the period of cults without images see {a) among the 
Greeks, Farnell, CGS, 1896-1909, Index, s.v. 'Aniconic worship ' ; 
(&) among the Romans, W. Warde Fowler, Tlie Religious Ex- 
perience of the Roman People, London, 1911, pp. 146, 264 ; G. 
Wissowa, Rel. und Kultus der Rmner-, Munich, 1912, pp. 32, 
66 ; (c) among the Hindus, H. Barth, The Religions of India, 
London, 1882, pp. 61, 128, 259 ; (d) among the Semites, W. 
Robertson Smith, Rel. Sem.^, London, 1894, p. 207 ff. ; (e) among 



114 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (General and Primitive; 



among the nations where idolatry has been pushed 
to the furthest extreme, e.g. the Egyptians, Chal- 
dseans, Greeks, and Hindus, it came into being only 
with their progress in tlie arts of civilization. In 
the case of the aborigines of the New World, while 
idolatry flourished in the civilized States of Mexico, 
Peru, and Central America, it was encountered 
but rarely amon" the savages of the two American 
continents. Lahtau recognized this fact as early 
as the 17th cent. : ' We may say in general that 
the majority of savage peoples have no idols.'' In 
Japan, idolatry was equally unknown before the 
spread of Buddhism. Even to-day, ' broadly speak- 
ing, Shinto has no idols.' With a few exceptions, 
' the pictures of the gods sold at Shinto shrines in 
the present day are owing to Chinese or Buddhist 
influence.' But, as the same author shows, this 
is simply due to the arrest of development which 
made itself felt, more than a thousand years ago, 
in the ritual as well as in the theology of the old 
national religion of Japan. 

• This absence of idols from Shinto is not owing, as in Judaism 
and Islam, to a reaction against the evils caused by the use of 
anthropomorphic pictures and images, but to the low artistic 
development of the Japanese nation before the awaliening im- 
pulse was received from China. It indicated weakness rather 
than strength.'^ 

We may conclude, then, that idolatry is but a 
step in religious evolution, and that it even repre- 
sents a comparative advance. From the time of 
its first appearance onwards, man appeals to art — 
however rudimentary the attempt may be — to aid 
him in giving material shape to his religious ideal. 
Several authors maintain, with every appearance 
of reason, that the plastic arts originated in the 
service of religious or magical ideas (see Art, 
vol. i. pp. 817-827). The oldest images that 
have been discovered are the sculptures and paint- 
ings mentioned above, which go back to the rein- 
deer period, in the second half of the quaternary 
age. For a long time before that, man had prob- 
ably imitated the attitudes and movements of the 
animals he wished to capture or cause to multiply. 
Then it suddenly dawned upon him that ap- 
proximate images of them existed in certain frag- 
ments of stone, bone, or wood, or in some seed or 
shell. In his magical operations he may already 
have used objects which to his infantile imagination 
seemed like living beings, and for this purpose he 
naturally employed the natural or chance pro- 
ducts most favourable to his illusion. He would 
then try to increase the resemblance by clumsily 
touching up the object. Examples of this have 
been found in the primitive sculpture of various 
entirely difi'erent peoples. The next step would 
be to carve, or directly manufacture with the help 
of suitable materials, the image which he wished 
to possess and utilize. The fig. represents an object, 
now in the Oxford Museum, which was used as a 
charm by seal-hunters in the Queen Charlotte 
Islands. It is simply a pebble roughly resem- 
bling a seal, but sufficiently like it for the natives to 
have tried to increase the resemblance by scratch- 
ing in the eye, mouth, and nostrils.' 

It was probably a similar idea that inspired the 
first figured representations of the superhuman 
personalities whom man desired to have within 
reach so as to make them more accessible to his 
evocations and sorceries as well as to his prayers 
and homage. Whatever opinion one may have of 
the origins of religion, it must be admitted that at 
a certain period man began to experience the need 
for representing in concrete and personal form the 
the Chinese, A. R6ville, La Relifjion ckinoise, Paris, 1SS9, p. 
183 ; CO among the Japanese, W. G. Aston, Shinto, the Way 
of the Gods, London, 1905, p. 71 ff. 

1 Moeurs des sauvages am^ricains, Paris, 1723, i. 161. 

2 W. G. Aston, Shinto, pp. 71-73 ; see also M. Revon, Le 
Shinntoiffme, Paris, 1905, p. 227. 

^ Given in H. Balfour's Evolution of Decorative Art, fig. 31. 




/ 



( 



\ 



Seal-huntere' 
charm. 



mysterious forces which he conceived of as being, 
on the one hand, embodied in certain natural or 
artificial objects, and, on the other, situated at the 
very source of the phenomena 
of nature. The first images i 
which seem to have been the 
object of real worship occur 
long after the quaternary 
age. These are the rudely 
sculptured female figures in 
the caves of Marne, in France, 
found side by side with the 
representation of an axe, just 
as in the pre-Myceneean pic- 
tures discovered in Crete.' 
As a matter of fact, statues of 
women have been found be- 
longing to the reindeer age, 
with the abdomen, breast, and 
hips exaggerated out of all 
proportion ; but these very 
probably represent pregnant 
women — a magical means of 
ensuring the increase of a 
tribe. At any rate, it is cer- 
tain that man began at a 
given moment to make his 
fetishes in the form of the 
spirit which he believed to 
dwell inside each one. 

Examples of the transition from 
fetish to idol may be found among the 
most widely differing peoples. The 
first step seems to have been the wor- 
ship of upright stakes or more or less 
conical stones, found among the abo- 
rigines of India, the tribes of the Upper Nile, the Ostiaks of 
Siberia, and some small tribes of Oceania and North and South 
America — not to speak of the ancient populations of Western 
Europe. Elsewhere the natives set themselves to manufacture 
a kind of doll. The idols of some of the Siberian tribes consist 
of skins stuffed with grass. The Crees of the United States 
worship bundles of sticks topped with a head made of rags. 
The Brazilian sorcerers make idols out of calabashes which they 
set on a stick and bore with a hole to represent the mouth. In 
the Society Islands, fragments of columns dressed in native 
costume are worshipped. la the Fiji Islands, the natives 
decorate conical stones with a girdle and assign a 6e.\ to them. 
In the Deccan, the head at the top of the cippus is represented 
by a round mark painted red. Among the Indians of Virginia, 
a head was carved at the top of the stave, as is seen in a curious 
illustration in Lafitau's work. The head once formed, the rest 
must have followed rapidly. Arms and legs still joined to the 
body were sketched, and then finally these were seftarated off 
to give thera the necessary appearance of life and action. 

These facts are nearly all given in Lord Avebury's 
The Origin of Civilization, so it is not a little sur- 
prising to find, even in the seventh and last edition 
(London, 1912, p. 284), the following assertion : 

* Fetichism is an attack on Deity, Idolatry is an act of sub- 
mission to Him, rude, no doubt, yet humble. Hence Fetichism 
and Idolatry are not only different, but opposite ; 60 that the 
one cannot be directly developed out of the other.* 

As a matter of fact, fetishism is a direct ante- 
cedent of idolatry, and is every-\vhere co-existent 
with it. The fetish and the idol are both con- 
ceived of as the body of a spirit ; they are used 
for the same purposes and employed under the 
same conditions, except that idolatry lays more 
stress on the anthropomorphic, or rather zoo- 
morphic, conception of the cfivinity, and so lends 
itself to a more accentuated development of the 
cult. There exist, on the one hand, domestic 
idols, and, on the other, tribal or village fetishes. 
There are even fetishes that fill a still higher r61e, 
e.g. the black stone of Pessinus, which represents 
the Mother of the Gods in the Palatine temple. 
No occurrence is found of an intermediary state 
between fetishism and idolatry ; on the contrary, 
the history of art makes it clear that idolatry is 
the direct and immediate outcome of fetishism. 
Nowhere is this continuity more evident than in 
Greece, from the thirty stones of Pharee, which in 
1 Dechelette, ArchAologie prihisuynque, i. 5S5 ff. 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (General and Primitive) 



116 



the time of Pausanias (vil. xxii. 3) were regarded 
as the most ancient images of gods, down to the 
masterpieces of Phidias and Praxiteles.' 

Among the first idols, representations of animals 
or monsters predominate, as is still the case with 
the uncivilized peoples of to-day. All that can 
be maintained with certainty is that tlie tendency 
to invest supernatural beings with human shape 
increases with the growing conception of their 
personality as a type of ennobled manhood. At 
the same time the animals which originally re- 
presented these beings did not entirely disappear 
from iconography ; they became the companions 
or slaves of the divinities whom they used to 
embody, as, e.g., the owl of Athene, the eagle of 
Zeus, the hind of Artemis, the dolphin of Poseidon, 
and the dove of Aphrodite. In other cases, the 
bestial or repugnant forms have been left to evil 
spirits, the enemies of gods and men ; examples of 
this are too numerous to be mentioned here. A 
third combination has perhaps helped to give rise 
to composite figures, sometimes with a human 
head on an animal's body, sometimes with an ani- 
mal's head on a human body. The Egyptian pan- 
theon is formed almost entirely of these curious 
figures, and they are found in nearly all ancient 
and modem forms of polytheism. Peoples such as 
the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Chinese, who had 
left barbarism far behind, undoubtedly believed in 
the actual existence of such monsters. Their 
written traditions testify to this belief, and traces 
of it are found even among French authors of 
the Middle Ages. 

We must remember, however, that, when the 
sculptor in ancient times represented Janus as a 
god with three faces, to mark his faculty for seeing 
the present, the past, and the future all at one time, 
he was probably as fully conscious of making a pure 
allegory as the sculptor who in Christian times 
symbolized the Trinity by a three-headed being. 
It is questionable whether the Greeks, or before 
them the Phoenicians, when reproducing the image 
of a spirit with two pairs of wings, the one raised 
and the other lowered, really aimed at representing 
perpetual movement and not at simply reproducing 
superhuman beings who for the Assyrians had 
an actual existence. Again, it is a moot point 
whether, when the Buddhists assigned to their 
future Buddha, Avalokitesvara (q.v.), an infinite 
number of arms, it was really, as they say, so that 
he might the better save all his creatures, or 
whether it is not rather au express imitation of 
the numerous pairs of arms attributed to the Hindu 
Siva. 

We must, however, take into consideration 
another factor, viz. the possibility of the fusion 
of two types. There is a law in symbolism which 
holds good for all kinds of images. When two 
signs or two plastic types in any given neighbour- 
hood express the same or similar beliefs, they are 
inclined to amalgamate, if not to unite, and form 
an intermediary type. An attempt has been made 
by the present writer' to show how symbolic 
images differing as much as the wheel, the winged 
globe, the rose or the lotus, the conical stone, the 
crux ansata, or ' key of life,' the cuneiform star, 
the sacred plant, and even the human outline, 
have changed their forms and passed into each 
other, making composite types, in the different 
features of which the various originals may be 
recognized. These phenomena of plastic hybridi- 
zation are rarer in the case of the representation of 
living creatures, but even here some examples are 
found. Bancroft, referring to the totems in use 
among the Indians of North- West America, says : 

1 Of. M. Collignon, Mythologie Jigurde de la Gr^ce antique, 
Paris, n.d., pp. 11-17. 

2 In The Migration of Symbols, London, 1894, chs. v. and vi. 



' When the dcHcendant of tho *' hawk " carries off a wife from 
the "Halnion" tribe, a totem representing a fiwh with a hawk'l 
head for a time keepi) alive the occurrence, and finally becomM 
tho deity.' ' 

This emblem is just as odd as the hawk-man who 
represented Horus among the Egyptians. 

We have also to reckon with religions types 
which continue to exist after the disappearance of 
tlio worship to which they originally belonged. In 
present-day iconography, we may still find repre- 
sentations of subjects which originated among the 
sculptures of ancient Chaldaja, five or six thousand 
years ago, and which have come down to us through 
two or three intermediary religions and still retain 
at least a symbolic value. Such, e.g., is the sacred 
tree between two monsters facing each other, which 
has passed, on the one hand, to India, Persia, 
China, and Japan, and, on the other, to Greece, 
Rome, and the Christian countries of the West, 
where sculptors used it in cathedrals to represent 
the tree of the Garden of Eden. The transmission 
of images does not necessarily imply the trans- 
mission of the beliefs to which they were originally 
attached. When in a new religion it is desired to 
represent personages or traditions which have not 
yet been expressed in plastic art, the artists natur- 
ally treat the subject on the principles of the only 
art within their reach. In the catacombs. Chris- 
tians did not scruple to use the image of Orpheus 
taming the wild animals with his lyre, to sym- 
bolize Christ teaching men. Psyche being teased 
by Cupid came to represent the soul guarded by an 
angel. The ram-bearing Hermes, who originally 
figured in the sculptures of Asia Minor as a priest 
bearing the sacrificial lamb, furnished the essenti- 
ally Christian type of the Good Shepherd, and we 
know from the sculptures of Gandhara that this 
subject passed into Buddhist India about the same 
time.^ The first representations of the Heavenly 
Father as an old man seated in a cathedra were 
inspired by certain statues of Juppiter ; it is even 
possible that their prototype may be found among 
the Assyrian images of seated divinities which occur 
among the rock sculptures of Malthai. 

Again, we have to reckon with the deformations 
which in the long run always appear in the re- 
production of images. It is somewhat difficult to 
recognize in the classic type of the thunderbolt 
two tridents soldered together at the base. Joachim 
Menant* has showm that the Greek Sagittarius 
has its prototype in the winged bull of Assyrian 
palaces, which became among the Persians the 
image of the mythical bull Gayomart, half trans- 
formed into an archer ; and, by a series of easily 
discernible modifications, the bust of Apollo has 
become the simple epsilon found on coins. Among 
the paddle carvings exhibited in 1872 at the 
British Association for the Advancement of Science, 
there was a crouching human figure and ne.xt to 
it a crescent placed on the point of an arrow. No 
one who did not possess the whole series of inter- 
mediary figures could possibly have imagined that 
the latter was the outcome of the former.* In- 
versely, there are examples of the transforma- 
tion of a linear image into a human figure. 
The sacred baetyl which figures on the coins of 
Byblos reappears, modified in form through con- 
tact with the Egyptian crux ansata, in certain 
representations of Astarte and Tanit which de- 
pict these goddesses in a conical form with their 
elbows close to their sides and their forearms out- 
stretched. ° 

It must be borne in mind that a religion, more 

1 NR iii. 37. 

2 A. Griinwedel, Buddhist Art in India, Eng. tr., London, 
1901, fig. 44. 

3 Pierres gravies de la Saute Asie, Paris, 1SS6, p. 191. 

4 For other examples of the same kind see H. Balfour, EvolU' 
tion of Decorative Art, p. 33ff. 

I s Of. RBR XX. (1889) 142. 



116 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (^gean) 



especially when it has just superseded another, has 
often to tolerate the worship of images and even of 
sanctuaries belonging to former cults. When it is 
unable to destroy them, it finds that it is more 
advantageous to appropriate them. By adopting 
the labarum, Constantine wittingly chose an 
emblem which could be accepted both by the 
worshippers of Christ and by the worshippers of 
the Sun. Even to-day, Leroy-Beaulieu ^ speaks of 
an old Buriat idol, preserved in the Monastery of 
Posolsk on Lake Baikal, which has been trans- 
formed bj' the monks into a statue of Saint 
Nicholas, and is worshipped by pagans and Chris- 
tians alike. The Buddhists are still less scrupulous 
about appropriating the images of the religions 
which they have succeeded in suppressing by their 
propaganda : the solar wheel becomes the wheel of 
the Law ; the feet of Visnu are transformed into 
the feet of Buddha. When the Buddhists gained 
possession of the sanctuary erected at Bharhut 
by tree- and serpent-worshippers, they simply 
appropriated the bas-reliefs for their own religion 
by attaching to each scene an inscription giving 
it a Buddhist interpretation.^ The followers of 
Hinduism acted in the same way when they had 
succeeded in expelling Buddhism from India. 

It is sometimes rather difficult to judge whether 
the image of a superhuman being should be classed 
as an idol or as a magical or purely commemorative 
representation. Even the people who use them 
are not always clear on this point. When the 
priests of Hierapolis explained to Lucian {de Dea 
Syria, 34) that they had not placed the Sun and 
the Moon among the images of the gods in their 
temple, because men could see and worship 
them directly, it is possible that, at least to the 
priests, divine images were merely representational 
signs. But, when the Tyrians, besieged by Alex- 
ander, chained up the statue of Baal Melkart to 
keep the god from escaping to the enemy's side 
(Curtius, IV. iii. 21 f.), it is evident that they con- 
sidered and treated it as an idol. The same idea 
recurs in Sparta, where, according to Pausanias 
(III. XV. 5), the statue of Ares was chained up to 
prevent its escaping.' 

Speaking generally, we may include in the 
category of idols all images that open or close their 
eyes, gesticulate, utter oracles, move of their own 
free Avill, or converse with their worshippers. On 
the other hand, it would be an exaggeration to 
maintain that every image worshipped or even 
venerated is necessarily an idol. Nothing is more 
natural than to set up in a conspicuous place the 
images of the beings loved or esteemed, and to take 
as a personal insult outrages perpetrated on them. 
Later, the image is regardecf as an intermediary 
in all dealings with its original, and it is invested 
with the supernatural faculties attributed to the 
original. This tendency is co-existent -with the 
mental state, mentioned above, which confuses 
the copy with the original and leads to investing 
the images with a personality of their own. In 
the time of Pericles, Stilpo was banished from 
Athens for having maintained that Phidias's statue 
of Pallas Athene was not the goddess herself 
(Diog. Laert. II. xii. 5). In Buddhist iconography, 
Gautama's entry into Nirvana was represented at 
first only by an empty throne or by footprints. 
Gradually his image was introduced, and it linally 
ended by working innumerable miracles and 
becoming a regular object of worship. In order to 
escape from these superstitions certain monotheistic 
religions, such as Judaism and Islam, have entirely 
forbidden representations of the human figure or 
even of any animate being. 

1 Ija Religion dans Vempire des Tsars, Paris, 1889, p. 113. 
'^ A. Cunningham, The SCupa cf Bharhut, London, 1S79. 
3 For otiier instances see J. G. Frazer, Pausanias, London, 
1898, iii. 338 1. 



LlTERATDRE. — E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture'^, London, 
1903 ; J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough s, do. 1911 fi. ; A. 
R^ville, Religions des peuples non-cimlisis, Paris, 1883 ; A, C. 
Haddon, Evolution in Art, London, 1895; A. Lang, Myth, 
Ritual, and Religion, do. 1887 ; Yrjb Hirn, The Origins oj 
Art, do. 1900 ; M. Hoernes, Urgesch. der bild. Eunst in 
Europa, Vienna, 1898; Goblet d'Alviella, The Migration o) 
5y?n6oZs, London, 1S94; G. Ferr%ro, Les Lois psychologuiuesdu 
symbolisms, Paris, 1896 ; G. Perrot and C. Chipiez, Uistoire 
de I'art dans Vantiquiti, do. 1881-1911 ; H, Leclercq, 
Manuel d'arcMologie chrHienne, do. 1907. 

Goblet d'Alviella. 

IMAGES AND IDOLS (iEgean). — It was 
thought a few years ago that ^gean religion was 
aniconic, that the Mycenteans envisaged their 
deities in no form, human or other, and that with 
a sublime simplicity they confined their worship 
to trees or stone monoliths in which the divine 
spirit was supposed to take its residence, or placed 
in sacred spots a single stone seat, an empty 
throne, for the god to sit on, unseen by his wor- 
shippers. This view, however, always seemed 
rather improbable to some observers, who were 
convinced that, the phenomena of religion being 
pretty much the same in every country and all 
over the world, the jEgeans would eventually be 
proved to have been by no means so lofty in their 
ideas as the ' aniconic ' view would imply. This 
has come to pass, and we now know that the 
iEgeans made idols and venerated them as did 
every other people of their time. Whether D. G. 
Hogarth is right or not in claiming (EBE i. 143*, 
147", .ESr" i. 247'') that the ^geans worshipped 
only two deities, the Mother Khea and the son 
Zeus, or whether we should rather say that these 
were the two primary objects of worship, it is at 
least probable that the ' Dual Monotheism ' which 
he postulates was accompanied by the veneration 
of spirits of wood and water, sky, sea, and land, 
as in every other country of the world. In later 
Greek religion there is many a trace of these pre- 
Hellenic worships ; and, though we may say that 
Artemis, Diktynna, or Britomartis of Crete is but 
another form of Ehea, yet we may doubt whether 
the worshippers themselves thought so. They 
surely would have considered that they were vene- 
rating different goddesses. And in the representa- 
tions of deities which we have on seal-rings, etc., 
we no doubt see different forms of the goddess. 
We have representations, too, of demons, like the 
Thueris-headed water-carriers, no doubt deities of 
streams, who must be regarded as, if not gods, at 
any rate supernatural beings worthy of worship 
and distinct from the two primary deities.' 

We have not, however, many representations of 
other gods than Rhea and Zeus, although we may 
yet find them. The few images of the gods that 
have been found in the Cretan and other excava- 
tions are almost exclusively female, and represent 
ditt'erent forms of the great goddess, who is usually 
associated with the snake, no doubt to mark her 
chthonic character. The faience images of her, or 
of various dift'erent forms of her (or of different 
but closely-related goddesses), found at Knossos 
(ERE i. 143") are well known. One figure has on 
its head a spotted cat curled up. This is a curious 
attribute of the goddess, and may perhaps connect 
with Egypt (are we to see by connexion also the 
panther of later Greek iconography ?). 

The ruder figures of the goddess found at Knossos 
and Gournia, with their accompaniment of votive 
clay trumpets, are well known. They are contem- 
porary with the equally rude ' owl-headed ' figures 
from Mycense, also representing a goddess. 

1 Primary Rhea and Zeus certainly were ; one only doubts if 
they were "the sole objects of worship. Such monotheism is, 
after all, an artificial development of human religion : the natural 
man is polytheistic and idol-making. Monotheism is a product 
of high spirituality. We have no proof that the Jilgeans were 
at air a spiritual people : it is highly probable that they were 
nothing of the sort; and, if Egyptians and Hittites worshipped 
gods, it is probable that ^Egeans did so too. 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (Babylonian) 



m 



The young tjod, Zeus-Velcluincw, has not yet l)een 
found lopi'e.Hented in tlie round, but we liavo hints of 
his ajipcarance. On a fresco at Tiryns he stands, a 
warrior, upright, hohling spear in hand, and guarded 
by a great S-shapcd sliiehl. On a ring from My- 
cena; and on a sarcoijliagus from I*alail;astro he 
descends to eartli with long hair flying heliiiul liim 
in tlie wind. lie is a true Minoan in appearance. 

Some of the demons look like strange dog- 
headed insects, perliaps locusts. Certainly tliey 
are modelled after the Egyptian hippopotamus- 
goddess Thuei'is. 

One cannot say more as yet of Minoan icono- 
graphy; but more light will doubtless reach us 
with the further progress of study, and we may 
be able to distinguish between difl'erent forms of 
different deities. For, though one may consider 
that Hogarth's fundamental cliaracterization of 
j^igean religion, its special worship of Khea and 
Zeus, is no doubt correct, yet ono may doubt 
whether their ' Dual Monotheism ' excluded all 
other worship. It certainly did not exclude the 
veneration, if not worship, of the genii already 
mentioned, who resemble sometimes Egyptian 
deities, sometimes certain queer Anatolian demons 
whom we see on the rocks of Yasili Kaya. 

An odd feature was the veneration as idols of 
natural concretions of stone, which bore some 
fortuitous resemblance to the human figure : such 
crude objects of adoration have been found in the 
Western Palace at Kuossos. 

It is perhaps strange that the Minoans, with 
their love of art, should not have cared to repre- 
sent their deities more often and more grandiosely 
than they did. But neither did they represent 
mankind in the grandiose style of Egypt, and we 
do not yet know how many of the representations 
of the human form which we have in fresco and 
other materials are really meant to portray men, 
and how many are intended to shadow forth the god- 
head. One would expect, as one obtains in the case 
of Rhea and Zeus, complete anthropomorphism. 

The theriomorphic demons look exotic. The 
likeness to Thueris may have some special reason 
of which we are ignorant. Can it be referred to 
the most ancient days, when the jEgeans first 
came from the Nile-delta (as they probably did) 
to Crete ? They might have brought with them 
a memory of the great hippopotamus, a beast 
associated in their minds with water. This is but 
a suggestion. The cat on the head of the Knossian 
™ddess points, as we have seen, to Egyptian in- 
fluence. This may have acted occasionally, but 
we have no further trace of it. The goddess and 
her male companion have nothing Egyptian about 
them ; and there is nothing Egyptian about the 
Thueris-headed demons but their heads. Thueris 
never carries water-pitchers in Egyptian icono- 
graphy. We must regard this as a chance bit of 
foreign influence, like the cat, which is, by the 
way, treated in quite un- Egyptian fashion. 

The demons themselves, however, cannot be ex- 
otic. They are emphatically racy of the soil of 
Greece, the land of naiads and hamadryads. The 
two great gods are, of course, closely related to 
the Anatolian Kybele and Atys, and this Ana- 
tolian relation of the Minoan religion is not con- 
tradicted by the Greek naiads and hamadryads, 
since we know from the treaty of Rameses II. 
with king Khattusil of Khatti (1279 B.C.) that 
the Hittites worshipped innumerable spirits and 
divinities of mountain, wood, and stream, as well 
as the great gods. 

Literature. — C. Tsountasand J. I. Manatt, Ths Mycencean 
Age, London, 1807, ch. xiv, ; A. J. Evans, Mycencean Tree and 
Pillar Cult, do. 1901 ; D. G. Hog-arth, ' ^-Eirean Religion,' in 
SRIS i. 141 S.. and ' ^Egean Civilization,' in BBr" i. 246 «E. 

H. R. Hall. 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (Babylonian).— Idol- 
atry and iniage-wor.sliij) form a very .striking 
feature of the Babylonian religious syhtcm, and 
already meet us in an advanced stage of develop- 
nicMt in the earliest cultuial period of which 
material remains have been preserved. In Baby- 
lonia we have no means of tracing the gradual 
evolution of image-worship out of the fetish and 
the stock-and-.stone worship which necessarily pre- 
ceded it. The earliest inhabitants of the countrj', 
of whose existence we have obtained evidence by 
excavation, were the Sunjerians, and they were 
immigrants who brought with them an extraneous 
civilization from some mountainous region of Cen- 
tral Asia. Their gods were already anthropomor- 
[)hic, and their cult-images undoubtedly combined 
the character of portrait with that of fetish. It is 
a remarkable fact that even the earliest repre- 
sentations of Sumerian deities that we possess 
are not of the Sumerian racial type : they ex- 
hibit characteristic features of the Semite, the 
other racial element in the country which gradu- 
ally displaced the Sumerians after absorbing their 
culture. The most probable explanation that has 
been suggested is that the Sumerians found a 
Semitic population in possession of Babylonia, and 
that the representation of their own deities was 
subsequently influenced by the Semitic cult-images 
in the ancient centres of worship which they took 
over.' But the question is one of externals only, 
and, though of interest in another connexion, does 
not aflect the essential character of the divine 
image itself. Fashioned in the god's human form, 
it was believed to enshrine his presence, and for 
the Babylonians of all periods it never lost this 
animistic character. It never became a mere 
portrait or memento of the deity, but was be- 
lieved to have a life and spirit dwelling within it 
and actin" through it. 

Originally, no doubt, a Sumerian tribal or city- 
god was wholly identifled with his cult-image. 
No more than one image of each deity was wor- 
shipped, and the idea of the god's existence apart 
from this visible form must have been of graaual 
growth. It is possible to conjecture circumstances 
which would tend to encourage speculation in that 
direction. The capture and deportation of a god, 
followed by the substitution of another figure in its 
place and the subsequent recovery of the original 
image, would have led to the incorporation of two 
figures within one shrine. A king's ambition to 
rebuild or beautify a temple might have been ex- 
tended to the image itself, if the latter had suffered 
damage or decay. The misfortunes of the material 
image, especially if unaccompanied by national 
disaster, would in any case foster a belief in the 
god's existence apart from his visible body of 
wood or stone. And such a belief undoubtedly 
developed at a comparatively early period into the 
Babylonian conception of a heavenly division of 
the universe in which the great gods had their 
dwelling, making their presence manifest to men 
in the stars and planets which moved across the 
sky. 

This was a great stage in advance of pure image- 
worship, and the development undoubtedly followed 
the growth of a pantheon out of a collection of 
separate and detached city-gods. The identifica- 
tion of the more powerful of these deities with the 
great forces of nature emphasized the distinction 
between the god and his image. The sun-god 
could not be confined within his shrine, if he was 
seen to pass daily overhead from one gate of heaven 
to the other j and the moon-god's continual activity 

1 See Eduard Meyer, ' Sumerier und Semiten in Babylonien ' 
(Abh. der konigL preus-l, Akad. der Wissenschaften, 1906, Phil.- 
hisfcor. Classe, iii.), and L. W. King, Histt/rj/ of Suiner and 
Akkad, London. 1910, p. 47 tl. 



118 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (Babylonian) 



and chan^ng phases precluded the possibility of 
such a limitation in his case. The god of lightning 
must surely leave his temple, since he is seen riding 
upon the storm-cloud, while the true dwelling of 
the god of the abyss must obviously have been the 
abyss of waters below the earth until he was trans- 
lated to the Southern heaven. We have no means 
of dating this association of some of the greater 
gods with natural forces. It is possible that the 
Sumerians had passed this stage of thought before 
their arrival in Babylonia, and also that they 
found some of the ancient religious centres of the 
country already associated with sun- and mocn- 
oults and with other divisions of nature-worship. 
However that may be, it is quite certain that 
during all subsequent stages of Babylonian history 
the divine images never degenerated into mere 
symbols of divinity. They continued to enjoy a 
very real, though mystical, connexion with the 
gods they represented. Without consciously postu- 
lating a theory in explanation of his belief, the 
Babylonian never lost his faith in his god's actual 
presence within the image, and he found no diffi- 
culty in reconciling such a localization of the 
divine person with his presence at other cult- 
centres and with a separate life in the heavenly 
sphere. That this was actually the case will be at 
once evident if we refer to a few historical ex- 
amples of image -worship taken from different 
periods. 

Of the Sumerian epoch it is unnecessary to speak 
at any length, as Gudea's cylinder-inscriptions 
prove the sacrosanct character of a city- god's 
image even in the latter half of the period. The 
elaborate ritual and purification of both people 
and city, preceding the removal of Ningirsu's 
image from the old shrine at Lagash to the new,^ 
are a sufficient indication that the god and his 
image were still identified. With the rise of 
Babylon we note the important part which the 
actual image of Marduk played in each king's 
coronation-ceremony and in the renewal of his 
oath at every subsequent Feast of the New Year ; 
the hands of no other image than that in Esagila 
at Babylon would serve for the king to grasp. 
In the reign of Hammurabi, the real founder of 
Babylon's greatness, we see the Babylonian's 
conception of his visible gods reflected in his 
treatment of foreign images. It was not merely 
as booty, but in order to gain their favour, that 
Sin-idinnara and his army carried off to their own 
land the images of certain Elamite goddesses. 
And, when misfortunes followed, it was simply 
because these foreign goddesses resented their 
enforced banishment from their own country. 
On the careful restoration of the images to Elam, 
the goddesses themselves returned thither.^ Later, 
in the 15th cent. B.C., we know that an image of 
the goddess Ishtar was carried with great pomp 
and ceremony from Mesopotamia to Egypt, and 
in one of the letters found at Tell el-Amarna the 
statue and the goddess herself are absolutely 
identified. The land of Mitanni and Egypt were 
on friendly terms at the time, and the city of 
Nineveh was under the former's control. So, 
when Amenophis III. requested Tushratta, king 
of Mitanni, to send Ishtar of Nineveh to Egypt, 
he consented, and with the image sent a letter 
which throws light on the relation which the 
goddess was believed to bear to her image.^ 

1 Of. E. de Sarzec, Die. en Chald6e, Paris, 1884-1912, pi. 
33-36 ; F. Thureau-Dangin, Bie sum, und akkad. Konigsin- 
schriften, Leiprig, 1907, p. 883.; L. W. King and H. E. Hall, 
Egypt and Western AHa, London, 1907, p. 195 ff. 

2 Cf. King, LetUra of Hammurabi, London, 1898-1900, 1. 
p. xxxvii ff. 

3 H. Winclcler, Die Tkontafeln von Tell-el-Amama (Schrader's 
Reitinschriftliche Bibliothek, v. [Berlin, 1896]) 48 f., no. 20; 
and J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln^ Leipzig, 1907, 
eto.,p. 1788., no. 23, 



In the letter the goddess Ishtar herself is made to declare her 
intention of going to Egypt : ' Thus saith Ishtar of Nineveh, 
the lady of all lands, *' Unto Egypt, into the land which I love, 
will I go.'" Tushratta exhorts Amenophis to pay her due 
honour and to send her back, saying : ' Verily now I have sent 
(her) and she is gone. Indeed, in the time of my father, the 
lady Ishtar went into that land ; and, just as she dwelt (there) 
formerly and they honoured her, so now may my brother 
honour her ten times more than before. May my brother 
honour her, may he allow her to return with joy.' There is 
here no question of the image being a mere symbol of the 
goddess : the image is the goddess herself. 

It is clear from Tushratta's letter that this was 
not the first occasion on which Ishtar had paid a 
friendly visit to Egypt. Indeed, we may infer that, 
at any rate at this period, the custom was not 
uncommon for the image of a deity — in other words, 
the deity himself — to be sent on a ceremonious visit 
to a foreign country, where, if properly treated, he 
would, no doubt, exert his inlluence in favour of 
the land in which he was staying. And this con- 
clusion explains the great value that was always 
set on the capture of another race's gods. The 
captured images were not valued simply as symbols 
of victory ; they constituted the conquered nation's 
chief weapon of offence. Not only were the con- 
quered deprived henceforth of their god's assist- 
ance, but there was a very great probability that, 
if the captured image was pleased with its new 
surroundings and the deference paid to it, it would 
transfer its influence to the side of its new worship- 
pers. This explains the care with which captured 
images were preserved both by the Babylonians 
and by their more civilized neighbours, and the joy 
which marked any subsequent recovery of them. 

It is needless to cite instances : the most striking is Ashur- 
banipal's recovery of the goddess Nana's image from Susa in 
650 B.C., which an Elamite idng had carried off from Erech 
sixteen hundred and thirty -five years before.^ During this long 
period the Elamites had doubtless carefully ministered to the 
image, for their civilization and their religious cults had much 
in common with those of Babylonia. It is probable that, even 
when a barbarous mountain tribe was conquered and its villages 
sacked, its divine images were never destroyed, but carried off 
and preserved in the same spirit. This close connexion between 
the god and his image endured into the Neo-Babylonian period, 
and Nabonidus's offence in the eyes of the priesthood, which 
rendered Cyrus's conquest of Babylonia so much more easy,3 
was simply the fact that he ignored this feeUng. With his 
natural instincts blunted by archaeological study, and probably 
in furtherance of some ill-advised idea of centralizing worship, 
the king collected all the old images throughout the country 
into his capital, little recking that he was tearing the gods them- 
selves from their ancient habitations. The gods had long had 
their real abode in the heavens, but this had in no way weakened 
their mystical infusion of their images on earth. 

Far less close was the connexion between a 
Babylonian deity and his sculptured symbol or 
emblem, by means of which his authority or pres- 
ence could in certain circumstances be insured or 
indicated. The origin of such emblems was not 
astrological, nor is it to be sought in liver-augury : 
the emblems were not derived from fancied resem- 
blances to animals or objects, presented either by 
constellations in heaven or by markings on the 
liver of a victim. They clearly arose in the first 
instance from the characters or attributes assumed 
by the gods in the mythology ; their transference 
to constellations was a secondary process, and their 
detection in liver-markings resulted not in their 
own origin, but in that of the omen. The spear- 
head of Marduk is a fit emblem enough for the 
slayer of the demon of chaos ; the stylus or wedge 
of Nabu suits the god of writing and architecture ; 
the lightning-fork was the natural emblem of the 
weather-god, and the lunar and solar disks for the 
moon-god and the sun-god. Some divine emblems 
were purely animal, such as the dog of Gula, the 
walking bird of Bau, the scorpion of Ishkhara. In 
these cases there is nothing to indicate a totemistic 
origin, and the analogy of the goat-fish of Ea, the 
god of the Deep or the Abyss, suggests that they 

1 H. 0. RawUnson, Cun, Inscr. West. Asia, London, 1861-84, 
ili. [1870] pi. 38, no. 1. 

2 O. E. Hagen and F. Delitzsch, Beitr. zur Assyr., Leipzig, 
1890S., iL [1894] 205 a. 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (Buddhist) 



119 



are not to be traced beyond the niythological stage. 
In the earliest period the emblem of the city-god 
was the same as that of his city, and might some- 
times syniholize the city's power, as in that of 
Ningirsu of Lagash, represented by a lion-hcarled 
eagle grasping lions. Images of divine emblems, 
when sculptured upon a stone monument, ensured 
that the monument was under the protection of the 
deities to whom the sculptured emblems belonged. 
Legal documents concerning ownership of land 
were protected in this way from the Kassite period 
onwards,' and it was with a similar object that the 
later Assyrian kings carved at the head of their 
stelje the emblems of the chief gods of their jian- 
theon. Divine emblems, in addition to the figures 
of patron deities, were also engi'aved upon cylinder- 
seals,' and both were, no doubt, intended to ensure 
the owner's juotection. 

Another class of animal images entered very 
largely into the Babylonian religious scheme, and, 
though not the emblems of gods themselves nor 
the objects of direct worship, are entitled to be 
referred to in this connexion. The colossal lions 
and winged bulls which flanked the doorways of 
Assyrian palaces and were borrowed for the 
Persian palaces at Persepolis, the enamelled lions 
of Sargon's palace at Khorsabad and of the Sacred 
Way at Babylon, and the brick bulls and dragons 
of Ishtar's Gate were not purely decorative, but 
symbolized protective influences under animal 
forms. Texts of earlier periods also describe the 
lion, the bull, the raging hound, the serpent, the 
dragon, and other mythological monsters as charac- 
teristic of religious decoration. In two instances 
at least, the lions of the Gates of the Sun on whose 
backs their pivots rest, we may undoubtedly trace 
their origin to the noise of the creaking gate ; ^ and 
it is probable that sound, rather than sight, was 
the more important factor in determining the out- 
ward form of many mythological creations, whose 
protective qualities were portrayed in images which 
were often strange and ferocious.'' Other Baby- 
lonian images of repulsive form represented evil 
and not beneficent beings, and spells engraved upon 
them were intended to ensure the employment of 
their powers in the owner's favour or, in any 
case, not to his detriment.^ Clay images of gods, 
along with those of doves, were also buried near 
the gateways of palaces and temples to ensure 
their protection ; but these, again, were not objects 
of worship, but merely foundation-figures.' For 
the use of images by the Babylonians in sympa- 
thetic magic, see Magic (Babylonian). 

Literature. — In addition to the references g'iven in the foot- 
notes, the g-eneral woriis dealing with Babylonian religion and 
cult may be consnlted, such as M. Jastrow, Religion Baby- 
lonicns ' und Assyrians, Giessen, 1902ff., with Bitdermappe 
(1912) ; R. W. Rogrers, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, 
New York, 190S ; or L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and 
Mythology, London, 1899. For a convenient survey of the 
religious literature (which has a close bearing on the subject), 
see O. Weber, Die Literatur der Babylonier und Assi/rer, 
Leipzig, 1907. LEONARD W. KlNG. 

IMAGES AND IDOLS (Buddhist).— It would 
naturally seem as though, of the great religions 
of the world, Buddhism were the least likely 

1 See W. J. Hincke, A New Boundary Stone of Nebuchad- 
rezzar I., Philadelphia, 1907, p. 87 £f.; King, Bab. Boundary- 
Stones aiid Memorial Tablets in the Brit, Mus., London, 1912, 
p. xfl. 

2 See J. Menant, Recherches sur le glyptigue orientale, Paris, 
1883 ; L. Delaporte, Cylindres orientaux, do. 1910 ; and W. 
Hayes Ward, Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, Washington, 
1910. 

s Ct. L. Heuzey, RAssyr, ix. iii. [1912] 85 £E. 

4 Cf. King, ' The Origin of Animal Symbolism in Babylonia, 
Assyria, and Persis.' (PSBA, Dec. 1912, p. 276 8.). 

5 For examples of such devil-images, see R. G. Thompson, 
Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia, London, 1903-04, i. pi. ii. 
frontispiece ; C. Frank, 'KopfebabylonischerDiimonen'(fi.4ssi/r, 
vn. i. [1909] 21 ft.). 

flCf.,e.^.,R. Ko\dev^eY,DieTempelvonBabylonundB(yr8ippa, 
Leipzig, 1911, pp. 19, 26, 29. 



to have developed a syHtem ot idol-worship and 
veneration for images. The founder consistently 
deprecated the rendering of any Kpecial honour 
or reverence to himself, made no cfaim to divine 
prerogative or rights, and ignored, if he did not 
distinctly repudiate and deny, the presence and 
influence of the supernatural in human all'airs. 
What he had done in the way of tho attainment 
of perfect knowledge and of achieved deliverance 
or salvation, every man might do by the force of 
his own will and perseverance. The office of the 
Buddha was but to show the way. Each man 
must tread the road and win the goal for himself, 
none helping or hindering him in the supreme task. 
In a system of philosophy controlled by such 
principles there would appear to be no room for 
adoration or worship, and no authority to whom 
such worship might be addressed. Ultimately, 
however, and after no great interval of time, the 
tendency to create or conceive supernatural beings 
to whom homage might be rendered and from 
whom assistance might be hoped for re-asserted 
itself. Apparently the conception of the deifica- 
tion of the Buddlia himself began to find a place 
in the thought of his immediate disciples even 
during his liietime, and thus a system in intent 
and purpose non-theistic, neither postulating nor 
requiring the divine, became endowed with as ex- 
tensive and varied a pantheon as the most frankly 
polytheistic religion ever conceived. In the monas- 
teries and temples expression was given in plastic 
form, in image and sculpture, to these deities, the 
recipients of a true worship, which in concrete 
and visible presentation embodied and satisfied the 
desire of the worshipper for a substantial object of 
his adoration and regard. 

I. Deification of Gautama himself. — It was upon 
the person of the Buddha that this reverence and 
worship concentrated itself ; and throughout the 
entire history of Buddhism the figure of the founder 
remained central for all art and imagery. The 
degree of prominence assigned to him, however, 
varied greatly in the different countries in which 
Buddhism found a home. In some instances the 
influence of pre-existing faiths, with their popular 
divinities, proved too strong for the doctrines and 
principles of the imported creed ; and the figure 
of the historic Buddha was in effect superseded 
by forms of gods or goddesses, to whom a more 
sympathetic and helpful r61e was assigned. Theo- 
retically, for the present age, Gautama Buddha 
is supreme ; and in general it is his image that 
occupies the place of honour in the temples, and is 
indefinitely multiplied in the halls of the monas- 
teries, and in all places where an opportunity 
ofl'ered itself for a work of merit in erecting an 
image designed to embody in actual concrete form 
the gentle spirit and teaching of the founder of 
the faith. 

The tendency, therefore, to regard Gautama as 
more than human, and to endow him with some 
at least of the attributes of divinity, began to de- 
velop itself during his lifetime, and therewith the 
tendency also to represent him in imagery and 
sculpture as an object of adoration. The earliest 
sculptures, however, do not yet venture apparently 
to depict him as a man, but his presence is sym- 
bolically indicated by the sacred wheel (dharma- 
chakra), the Bo-tree, the footprint (pada), or 
a dagaba, etc. In the older representations also, 
the more important figures of the Hindu pantheon 
retained a place, especially Sakka (6akra, Indra) 
with his thunderbolt, who was later identified 
with one of the celestial Buddhas, Vajrapani, 
and to the end occupied a considerable place in 
Buddhist legend and tradition. 

It is not possible to determine at how early a 
period this desire for concrete and visible por- 



120 



IMAGES AND IDOLS (Buddhist) 



tiaiture of the Buddha himself did in fact find 
expression in art. Images of him were certainly 
known before the time of the Chinese pilgrims 
Fa-Hian and Hiuen Tsiang. Their narratives 
suggest, if they do not assert, that such images 
were neither rare nor a novelty. A more or less 
conventional and idealized type also was adopted, 
alilie of clioice and from the necessities of the 
case, wliioh tlien imposed itself upon all repre- 
sentations of the Buddha in every country and for 
all future time. The type was Hellenic, not native 
Indian ; and was derived from the Grjeco-Buddhist 
art of Gandhara and the North- West. Its artistic 
development, however, was checked and limited 
by the historical conditions of Gautama's life and 
character, and the need to preserve a general 
identity of aspect and feature throughout the 
wide area to which the Buddhist faith had gained 
access. The type, therefore, became stereotyped, 
the conventional and recognized form under which 
the Buddha was depicted. Almost the only variety 
permitted to the artist was in the pose of the 
hands {mudrd), and, to a less extent, the arrange- 
ment of the feet. The Hellenic character also 
was consistently maintained throughout, and is 
noticeable especially in the expression of the 
face and the disposal of the folds of the robe. 
In the earliest and oldest representations this is 
most apparent ; in the later there is a distinct 
approximation to Hindu forms and ideals. The 
figure thus delineated is that of a young Indian in 
the garb of a monk, with gentle and thoughtful 
countenance. In frescoes and paintings the head 
is often surrounded with a nimbus or halo, the 
symbol of deity and of the claim to adoration, a 
feature which is derived from Greek model and 
precedent. The type adopted was severely simple, 
and afforded comparatively little opportunity for 
the development of artistic taste or the display of 
artistic skill. These found a limited opportunity 
for expression in the figures of the Buddha's dis- 
ciples, and more widely in the extensive pantheon 
of divinities, Bodhisattvas and others, of the Maha- 
yana school. 

The character of the type was thus determined, 
and is easily recognizable. From whatever part 
of the Buddhist world the figure may be de- 
rived, the general features are the same, and 
convey the same impression of calm dignity and 
untroubled repose. The painter or sculptor had, 
as it were, the main outline and framework of 
his subject already laid down, and comparatively 
little latitude was admissible in the filling in 
of details. Three attitudes or poses of the 
figure are represented — sitting, standing, and 
lying or recumbent. Within each of these there 
are varieties of type, which are usually asso- 
ciated with events of the Buddha's life or offices 
which he performed. The ascetic ideal was main- 
tained in all, and in all the dress and outward 
appearance were plain and decorous, contrasting 
strikingly, on the one hand, with the richly orna- 
mented figures of the Bodhisattvas and other 
divinities, and on the other with the nude statues 
of the Jaina saints. Images, however, in each of 
the three attitudes are by no means equally com- 
mon on the sculptures or in the temples. The 
sitting posture is most frequently represented in 
all Buddhist countries. The recumbent figure, on 
tlie contrary, is hardly met with in the monas- 
teries of the north. 

2. Types of sculptures. — There are three main 
types or varieties of the seated Buddha. 

In all of them the Buddha