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Full text of "Encyclopedia Of Literature Vol I"

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ENCYCLOPEDIA 

OF 

LITERATURE 



ENCYCLOPEDIA 

OF 

LITERATURE 



Edited by 

JOSEPH T. SHIPLEY 



VOLUME ONE 




PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARY 

New York 



COPYRIGHT, 
BY JOSEPH T. SHIPLEY 

All rights reserved. 



NOTE 

An asterisk (*) after a name indicates that it is included 
in the "brief biographies at the end of this volume. 



MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 

TYPOGRAPHY BY BROWN BROTHERS LXNOTYPERS 

PRINTED BY THE FERRIS PRINTING COMPANY 



TO 
PETER L. R SABBATINO 

Numqwm ex toto otiosus, sed out legens, 

aut orans, out meditans, out aliquid 

utilitotis pro communi labor ans. 



PREFACE 



T 

IH 



.HIS is the first collection of surveys of the literatures of the world. Not 
counting minor dialects, men have spoken in some three thousand tongues. The 
first recorded literature comes to us across perhaps five thousand years. 

Of the thousand American Indian tongues, some sixty are included in the 
article on North American native literature; through these speak the most 
cultured groups. The same is true for the five hundred tongues of the Africans, 
and the seven hundred of Polynesia. For folklore has been deemed within the 
scope of this volume sometimes in separate articles, sometimes within the 
main survey. 

Certain languages have overleapt national bounds. Thus Latin was long the 
language of culture in Western Europe. Arabic, from the seventh to the fifteenth 
century by virtue of conquest and of religion (it being the language of the 
Koran) was the lingua franca of the Near East. The several Slavic literatures, 
in varying measure, intertwine. For analogous considerations, a survey of 
Christian hymnody is included: though in most national surveys it would receive 
scant attention, the influence of hymnody has in many lands bulked large. 

To ensure fullest presentation of a field, the reader should follow the 
asterisks (*) to the individual items at the end of the volume. 

All the material here presented has been especially written for this encyclo- 
pedia. A few fields have never been surveyed at all, in any language, before this 
volume. In others, the present writers have made pioneer research. Many of the 
literatures have not been this fully presented in English before; some of the 
less familiar ones have been granted extra space. 

The editor has made no Procrustean attempt to shape the articles; each 
insofar as space permits has been left largely in the author's style. The treatments 
therefore vary as the literatures themselves suggest. Titles of works not in English 
are given as seems in each case most appropriate. The inevitable subjectivity of 
each writer has been tempered by the suggestions of other scholars; these con- 
sultants have here my hearty thanks. 

Thanks are extended also to the Legations at Washington that generously 
aided in the securing of native authorities to present the literature of their lands. 

vii 



Especial thanks must go to Dr. R. N. Dandekar, Hon. Secretary, Bhandarkar 
Oriental Research Institute of Poona, who organized the group of authorities for 
the wide fields of Indian literature, and carried through the arrangements that 
have made possible the presentation of this unique section of the volume. Permis- 
sion has kindly been given by Constable & Company to quote translations by Kuno 
Meyer (whose name follows them, in the Irish survey) from his Selections From 
Ancient Irish Poetry. Also, my deep thanks to those whose encouraging words 
and spirit kept me unflagging through the four years, mainly amid the pressures 
of war, that have been spent upon the joyous pains of preparing this volume. 

JOSEPH T. SHIPLEY 



viii 



CONTRIBUTORS 

T 

JLHE FOLLOWING NAMES list those whose work gives substance to this volume. To 
them go my deepest thanks, for their work- and their wisdom, for their understand- 
ing patience through the strains of war and the inevitably severe, however gently 
intended, editorial handling. 

J. T. S. 



APTE, V. M. Prof. Sanskrit, Karnatak C. 
Dharwar, Bombay. Indian: The Veda. 

AUERBACH, LEO. Natl. Exec. Comm., Histad- 
ruth Ivrith (Organization for Hebrew Cul- 
ture). Hebrew. 

BACH-Y-RITA, P. C.C.N.Y. Catalan. ' 

BARUA, SHRI BIRINCHI KUMAR. Prof, and 
Head of Dept. Assamese, Cotton C., 
Gauhati, Assam. Indian: Assamese. 

BATTENHOUSE, HENRY M. Prof. English; 
Chmn. Div. Lang, and Lit., Albion C. 
English. 

BECK, RICHARD. Prof. Scandinavian Lang, 
and Lit., U. of N. Dakota. Icelandic. 

BHAKDI, (Mrs.) SAIYUDE. Royal Siamese Le- 
gation, Washington, D. C. Siamese. 

BILBAO, JUAN MANUEL. New York, N. Y. 
Basque. 

BIRGE, JOHN KINGSLEY. Publication Dept. 
Near East Mission, Am. Board, Istanbul, 
Turkey. Turkish. 

BOESCHENSTEIN, HERMANN. Assoc. Prof. Ger- 
man, University C., Toronto. Swiss. 

BOGGS, RALPH STEELE. Prof. U. of N. C. 
17. S. of America: Folklore. 

CARDOZO, MANOEL. Assfc Prof. Brazilian Hist, 
and Lit.; Curator, Oliveira Lima Library, 
Catholic* U. of Am. Portuguese. 

CARRIERE, JOSEPH M. Assoc. Prof. Romance 
Lang., U. of Va.; Pres. Am. Folklore Soc, 
Louisiana French; Am. French Folklore; 
French Folklore. 



CHATIERJI, SUNITI KUMAR. Prof. Indian 
Linguistics and Phonetics, U. oi' Calcutta, 
Bengal. Indian: Bengali. 

CONACIIER, W. M. Queens C., Ontario. 
Canadian (French^). 

DA CAL, ERNESTO G. N. Y. U. Galician. 

DANDEKAR, R. N. Bhandarkar Oriental Re- 
search Inst, Poona, Bombay. Indian: The 
Epics; Ancient Philosophy; Hindu Dhar- 
masastra. 

DILLON, MYLES. Prof. Comp. Philology and 
Irish Lit., U. of Wise. lrish f Scottish Gaelic f 

Manx. 

DUNN, JOSEPH. Prof. Celtic Lang, and Lit., 
Catholic U. of Am. Breton. 

ELWIN, VERRIER. F.N.I.; F.R.A.I. Patangarh, 
Mandla District, C.P. Indian: Middle 
India Oral. 

FOOTE, HENRY WILDER. Pres. Hymn Soc. 
of Am. Christian Hymnody. 

FRIDSMA, BERNARD J. Ed. Frisian Information 
Bur. Frisian. 

FRITSCH, CHARLES T. Asst. Prof. Old Testa- 
ment, Princeton Theol. Sem. Hittite. 

GATES, EUNICE JOINER. Prof. Portuguese and 
Spanish, Texas Tech. C, Brazilian. 

GINSBERG, H. L. Prof. Bible, Jewish Theol. 
Sem. of Am. Canaanite. 

GORDON, IAN A. Prof. English, U. of New 
Zealand. New Zealand. 

GORIS, JAN-ALBERT. Commr. of Information 
for Belgium in the U. S. A. Belgian. 



CONTRIBUTORS 



GRATTAN, C. HARTLEY. Author "Introducing 
Australia," etc. Australian. 

GRESHOFF, JAN. Co-ed., "Groot Nederland." 
Netherlands. 

GURBAXANI, H. M. Princ. D. J. and Sind C., 
Karachi, Sind. Indian: Sindhi. 

HAARHOFF, THEODORE JOHANNES. Director, 
"The Forum"; Prof. Classics, U. of the 
Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. South Af- 
rican. 

HALL, ROBERT A., JR. Assoc. Prof. Romance 
Lang., Cornell U. Italian. 

HATZFELD, HELMUT A. Prof. Romance Lang, 
and Lit., Catholic U. of Am. Spanish. 

HERSKOVITS, MELVILLE J. Prof. Anthropol- 
ogy, Northwestern U.; former Pres. Am. 
Folklore Soc. African; Africans in fiction. 

HIGGINS, REV. MARTIN J. Asst. Prof. Byzan- 
tine History and Greek, Catholic U. of Am. 
Byzantine. 

HOENIGSWALD, HENRY M. Yale U.; Lecturer, 
Hartford Sem. Found. Etruscan. 

HOLMES, URBAN T., JR. Prof. Romance Phil- 
ology, U. of N. C. Provencal. 

IYENGAR, R. K. SRINIVASA. Prof. English, 
Basaweshwar C., Bagalkot, Bombay. In- 
dian: Indo-Anglian. 

JAIN, BANARASI DAS. Dir. Jain Vidya Bhavan, 
Lahore, Panjab. Indian: Panjabi. 

JHAVERI, DEWAN BAHADUR KRISHNALAL M. 
Syndic, U. of Bombay. Indian: Gujarati. 

JOAG, R. S. Prof. Marathi, Fergusson C., 
Poona, Bombay. Indian: Marathi. 

JORGENSON, THEODORE. Head, Scandinavian 
Dept., St. Olaf C. Norwegian. 

JURJI, EDWARD J. Assoc. Prof. Islamics and 
Comp. Religion, Princeton Theol. Sem. 
Arabic. 

KAUL, J. L. Prin. Government C., Mirpur, 
Jammu and Kashmir. Indian: Kashmiri. 

KRAMER, SAMUEL NOAH. Assoc. Curator, 
Babylonian Section, U. of Penn. Museum. 
Accadian; Sumerian. 



KUNHAN RAJA, C. Head Sanskrit Dept., U. 
of Madras, Madras. Indian: Malayalam. 

LEE, SHAO CHANG. Prof. Chinese Culture; 
Head, Inst. of Foreign Studies, Michigan 
State C. Chinese. 

LIPTZIN, SOL. Prof, and Chmn. Dept. of 
German, C. C. N. Y. German. 

LUOMALA, KATHARINE. Hon. Assoc. in 
Anthropology, Bishop Museum, Honolulu. 
Polynesian. 

McGuiRE, MARTIN R. P. Assoc. Prof. Greek 
and Latin; Dean, Grad. School of Arts and 
Science, Catholic U. of Am. Post-classical 
individual items (Christian Fathers). 

MACNEILL, MAIRE. Irish Folklore Commis- 
sion, Dublin. Irish Folklore. 

MAGYAR, FRANCIS. New York, N. Y. Hun- 
garian (with A. Steiner). 

MANNING, CLARENCE A. Asst. Prof. East 
European Lang, and Lit., Columbia U. 
Albanian; Bulgarian; Czech; Estonian; 
Georgian; Modern Greek; Latvian; Lithuan- 
ian; Lusatian; Polish; Romanian; Russian; 
Slovak; Tyurkic; Ukrainian; Yugoslav. 

MARK, YUDEL. Yiddish Scientific Inst. 

Yiddish. 

MATENKO, PERCY- Prof. German, Brooklyn 
C. German: individual items. 

MENDOZA, VICENTE T. Mexico, D. F. Mex- 
ican and Central Am. Oral. 

MERCER, SAMUEL A. B. Prof. Semitic Lang, 
and Egyptology; Dean of Divinity, Trinity 
C., U. of Toronto. Ethiopic. 

METRAUX, ALFRED. Former Assoc, Dir. Inst. 
of Social Anthropology, Smithsonian Insti- 
tution. South Am. Indian. 

MIKELIAN, HAGOP E. New York, N. Y. 
Armenian. 

MILWITZKY, WILLIAM. Pres. Natl. Fed Mod- 
ern Lang. Teachers. Judeo-Spanish. 

MISRA, RAO RAJA DR. Shyam Behari, Rai 
Bahadur. Lucknow, U. P., and 
MISRA, RAI BAHADUR. Pandit Sukdeo 
Behari. Lucknow, U. P., Indian: Hindi. 



CONTRIBUTORS 



MUGALI, R. S. Prof. Kannada, Willingdon 
C., Sangli, Bombay. Indian: Kannada. 

MYERS, (Mrs.) FRANCES FRENCH. Albion, 
Michigan. English: individual items. 

NARAYAN RAO, C. L. T.; Anantpur, Madras. 
Indian: Telugu. 

NIESS, ROBERT J. Assoc. Prof. Romance Lang., 
U. of Kentucky. French: individual items. 

OLLI, JOHN B. Asst. Prof., C. C. N. Y. 
Finnish. 

PARRY, JOHN J. Prof. English, U. of 111.; 
Ed. "Jour. Eng. and Germanic Philology." 
Cornish; Welsh. 

PRAHARAJ, RAI BAHADUR G. C. Sahitya- 
Bisarada; Advocate, Patna High Court, 
Cuttack, Orissa. Indian: Oriya. 

QUAIN, REV. EDWIN A,, S. J. Asst. Prof. Clas- 
sics, Fordham U. Post-classical Latin. 

QUASTEN, JOHANNES. Prof. Ancient Church 
History; Dean, Faculty of Theology, Cath- 
olic U. of Am. Greek: Early Christian. 

RAGHAVAN, V. U. of Madras, Madras. In- 
dian: Classical Sanskrit; Literary and Dra- 
matic Criticism. 

ROEBUCK, CARL A. Assoc. Prof. Classics, Dal- 
housie U., Halifax. Greek. 

ROEDDER, the late EDWIN.' Late Prof. Emeri- 
tus German, C. C. N. Y. German Folklore; 
German: individual items. 

ROSENTHAL, FRANZ. Washington. D. C. 
Aramaic. 

SARMA, K. MADHAVA KRISHNA. Curator, 
Anup Sanskrit Library, Bikaner, Rajputana. 
Indian: Grammar. 

SAVAGE, JOHN J. Fordham U. Latin. 

SCICLUNA, CHEVALIER HANNIBAL P. Li- 
brarian Royal Malta Library, Director of 
Malta Museum. Maltese. 

SEEL&, KEITH C. Assoc. Prof. Egyptology, 
U. of Chicago. Egyptian. 

SHAIKH, CHAND HUSATN. Bar.-at-Law, Dept. 
of Education, New Delhi. Indian: Urdu. 



SHUCK, EMERSON C. Asst. Prof. English, 
Bowling Green State U. U. S. of America. 

SIMSAR, MEHMED A. New York, N. Y. 
Persian. 

SPELL, JEFFERSON REA. Prof. Romance Lang. 
U. of Texas. Spanish American. 

SRINIVASACHARI, RAO BAHADUR C. S. Prof. 
History and Politics, Annamalai U., Anna- 
malainagar, Madras. Indian: Tamil. 

STEINER, the late ARPAD. Late Assoc. Prof. 
German, Hunter C. Hungarian (with F. 
Magyar). 

STEINER, ^HERBERT. Wheaton C. Ed. "Co- 
rona"; "Aurora" Series. Austrian. 

SUMBERG, S. L. C. C. N. Y. German; indi- 
vidual items. 

THOMAS, R. R. Asst. Dir. Public Instruction, 
Assam, Shillong. Indian: Khasi. 

TINDALE, NORMAN B. Ethnologist, So. Aus- 
tralian Museum, Adelaide. Australian 

Aborigine. 

TIWARI, SHRI UDAI NARAIN. Allahabad, U. P. 

Indian: Ehojpuri. 

UPADHYE, A. N. Prof. Ardhamagadhi, Raja- 
ram C. Kolhapur, Bombay. Indian: Prakrit. 

UYEHARA, YUKUO. Asst. Prof. Japanese, U. 
of Hawaii. Japanese. 

VAIDYA, P. L. Prof. Sanskrit and allied lang., 
N, Wadia C., Poona, Bombay. Indian: 
Pali and Buddhistic. 

VIDEBECK, PASTOR C. M. Brooklyn, N. Y. 
Danish. 

VINCENT, C. J. Assoc. Prof. English, Queens 
C., Ontario. Canadian (English). 

VOEGELIN, ERMINIB W. Ed., "Journal of 
Am. Folklore"; Hon. Fellow in Anthro- 
pology, Indiana U. North Am. Native. 

WEINBERG, BERNARD. Asst. Prof. Romance 
Lang., Washington U. Guggenheim Fel- 
low, 1946-7. French. 

WIDEN, ALBJN. Mgr. Swedish Information 
Bur. Swedish. 



ENCYCLOPEDIA 

OF 

LITERATURE 



NOTE 

In the surveys, there is an asterisk (*) after names for which 
there is individual discussion at the end of the volume. 



ACCADIAN 



ACCADIAN (also known as Assyro-Babylonian) 
literature consists of epics and myths, hymns 
and prayers, and various types of wisdom com- 
positions. Much of it represents original crea- 
tive effort on the part of the Accadians, but 
the greater part seems to have grown out of 
the Sumerian (q.v.) literary works whose con- 
tents were borrowed, modified, molded, and 
integrated into new compositions by the Acca- 
dian poets and scribes. Many of the Accadian 
literary creations were composed in the second 
millennium B.C. However, the tablets on which 
they have been found inscribed date very 
largely from the first millennium B.C. Most of 
the texts have been translated by Western 
scholars in the course of the past century, and 
an excellent cross-section of the Accadian lit- 
erary remains will be found in Hugo Gress- 
mann's Altorientalische Texte zum alien Testa- 
ment (Berlin and Leipzig, 1926). Briefly they 
may be classified and described as follows: 

Epics: By far the most significant of the 
Accadian literary compositions is the Epic of 
Gilgamesh; it may well be described as the 
forerunner of the epic genre in world litera- 
ture. Its date of composition probably goes 
back to the very end of the third millennium 
B.C.; considerable portions have been found 
inscribed on tablets dating from the first half 
of the second millennium B.C. The poem is 
divided over eleven tablets (with a twelfth 
tacked on as an inorganic appendage) and 
consists of more than 3,000 lines, of which 
about half have been recovered to date. It must 
have been translated into all the more impor- 
tant tongues of the ancient Near East; frag- 
ments of translations into the Hittite and 
Human languages dating from the second half 
of the second millennium B.C. have been ex- 
cavated in Cappadocia. There is ample reason 



for this vast popularity. For unlike most of the 
Accadian epic and mythological material un- 
covered to date, the Epic of Gilgamesh is con- 
cerned primarily with man and his struggles 
and hopes, rather than with the rather mechan- 
ical and puppet-like activities of the gods. The 
episodes in the hero's life have a lasting signifi- 
cance and carry a universal appeal because of 
their human quality; they revolve about forces 
and problems common to man everywhere 
through the ages. The need for friendship, the 
instinct for loyalty, the impelling urge for 
fame and name, the love of adventure and 
achievement, the all-absorbing fear of death, 
and the all-compelling longing for immortality 
it is the varied interplay of these emotional 
and spiritual drives in man which constitutes 
the drama of the Epic of Gilgamesh, drama 
which transcends the confines of time and 
space. 

The second major epic of the Accadians is the 
creation poem Enuma Elish ("When above": 
the first two words of the composition); it is 
particularly significant for the theogonic and 
cosmogonic concepts current in Assyria and 
Babylonia. The poem consists of over 1,000 
lines, almost all of which have now been re- 
covered, and is divided over seven tablets. It 
was probably composed in the first half of the 
second millennium B.C., although practically 
all our available material consists of copies 
made in the first millennium. The major pur- 
pose of the composition is to present the myth- 
ological incidents and cosmological concepts 
that reveal and justify the rise of the god 
Marduk to the leading position in the Acca- 
dian pantheon. It therefore begins with the 
story of the creation of the gods and of their 
internecine struggles, culminating in Marduk's 
victory over Tiamat, the primeval water-god- 



ACCAD1AN JJTERATL7HE 



dess personifying Chaos. The poem continues 
with a description of Marduk's cicativc deeds. 
the creation of the universe from Tiamat's 
corpse, the organization of the universe and 
the creation of man; it concludes with a 
hymnal epilogue devoted to Marduk's fifty 
names. 

The Epic of Irra is another poem of which 
considerable text has been recovered. It deals 
primarily with the destructive attacks of the 
god Irra against mankind, which seem to cul- 
minate in an all-out hitter and uncompro- 
mising struggle between all the peoples of the 
Near East, a struggle from which the Acca- 
dians emerge as the sole victors. Finally, we 
have the fragmentary remains of several epic 
tales: one concerns the slaying of the monster 
Labbu; another deals with the slaying of the 
Zu-bird, who stole tablets of fate from the 
great god Enlil; a third relates of the struggle 
of the king of Kuthah against a demonic host. 

Myths- To date only a few Accadian myths 
have been recovered, and these but in frag- 
mentary form. Of myths dealing with the crea- 
tion of the universe and of man we have prac- 
tically nothing but a few small fragments; the 
major Accadian cosmogonic material is in- 
corporated in the epic Enwna Elish. Two 
myths deal with the destruction of mankind 
and involve the legendary sage Utnapishtim: 
one relates of a terrible drought and famine 
that brings death and starvation to man; the 
other is a "deluge" myth incorporated in the 
Epic of Gilgamesh. Two myths are concerned 
with the Nether World: one describes the 
descent of the goddess Ishtar to the Nether 
World and the consequent withering of all 
sexual desire on earth; the other relates the 
episodes leading to the appointment of the god 
Nergal as king of the Nether World. Finally, 
we have the fragmentary remains of two myths 
dealing with the Accadian legendary figures 
Adapa and Etana: one attempts to explain 
man's mortality as a result of a fatal misunder- 
standing; the other is concerned with the quest 



for the plant of birth, and involves a journey 
to heaven on an eagle's pinions. 

Hymns and Prayers: Practically all the Acca- 
dian hymns that have come down to us end in 
prayers for kings or private individuals. In the 
case of several hymns dating from the first half 
of the second millennium B.C., it is the hymnal 
portion that is the main concern of the poet; 
this is true, too, of one unusual Shamash 
hymn of considerable length and beauty. But 
in the course of time the prayer became the 
dominant part of the composition, while the 
curtailed and highly standardized hymnal por- 
tion served only as an introduction to the 
supplication that followed. These Accadian 
hymns and prayers were dedicated to numer- 
ous deities of the Accadian pantheon, but 
primarily to Marduk, the leading deity of the 
pantheon, to Ishtar, the goddess of war and 
love (the Sumerian Inanna), to Shamash, the 
sun-god (the Sumerian Utu), and to Ea, the 
god of wisdom (the Sumerian Enki). Of par- 
ticular interest are the so-called penitential 
psalms, in which the penitent makes a confes- 
sion of his sins and pleads for divine mercy 
and forgivenness. 

The Accadian poet, as will be evident from 
the following extract, brief as it is, knew the 
bitter tear and the contrite heart: 

I call to thee (Ishtar), I thy wretched, 

woeful, sick, slave! 
Look at me, my lady, take my plea, 
Gaze upon me with favor and hear my 

prayer! 
Utter my deliverance, and let thy spirit 

be soothed: 
The deliverance of my wretched body, 

full of confusion and disorder, 
The deliverance of my sick heart, full 

of tears and sighs, 

The deliverance of my wretched en- 
trails, full of confusion and disorder, 
The deliverance of my afflicted house, 
which utters bitter laments, 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



The deliverance of my spirit, sated with 
tears and sighs. 

Wisdom: Of the collections of proverbs and 
precepts which were no doubt current in 
Assyria and Babylonia, very little has been 
recovered to date. Similarly we have only frag- 
mentary remains of their fables, which involve 
in the main beasts, plants, and stones, and 
which consist largely of arguments between 
the rival protagonists in which each extolls its 
particular qualities and achievements. Of 
longer didactic compositions, three are fairly 
well preserved, these aie particularly signifi- 
cant as examples of the "criticism of life" 
current among the Accadians. In one, a 
Babylonian Job bemoans his suffering and 
affliction, which seem to have no justification 
since he always tried to do what was right and 
just, and is conscious of no sin; he is finally 



saved from death's door through the direct 
intervention of the great god Marduk. The 
second composition consists of a dialogue be- 
tween a man whose faith in divine justice is 
wavering and his friend who points out the 
errors of his conclusions. The third composi- 
tion consists of a dialogue between a master 
and his slave, and purports to show that there 
are two sides to every question, and that there 
are no real values worth living for. 

Spiritually and psychologically, at least, the 
modern reader will find himself not very far 
apart from his Accadian brother who lived 
thousands of years ago. 

G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, 7th ed., 
1937; R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Lit., 
1901; R. W. Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old 
'lestament, 1912; S. H. Langdon, Babylonian Wts- 
dom, 1923, R. C. Thompson, Epic of Gilgamish, 
1928. See Aramaic; Canaanite. 

SAMUEL NOAH KRAMER. 



AEOLIC-See Greek. 



AFRICAN 

(Negro Folklore) 



I 



NEGRO FOLKLORE (Africa and the New 
World^) . The forms of Negro folklore are 
the myth, tale, proverb, and riddle. The area 
of their distribution is Africa south of the 
Sahara and those parts of North and South 
America and the Caribbean where Negroes 
are found in any number. 

Aside from the formal aspects of this body 
of materials, what strike the student most 
forcefully are its unity and its vitality. The 
many plots which, with differing incidents 



and characters, recur again and again in the 
myths and tales, demonstrate that despite the 
kaleidoscopic effect given by these differences, 
they are but an overlay of variation that masks 
a basic homogeneity. Vitality is expressed not 
only in the wide African distribution of these 
"literary" forms, and of proverbs and riddles 
as well, but also in the retention of this aspect 
of aboriginal cultural endowment by peoples 
of African origin in the Americas. 

Struck estimated in 1925 that about 7,000 
tales of African tribes had been collected and 
published. This number is but a fraction of 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



the total, which he estimated at between 200,- 
ooo and 250,000 stories a figure which, while 
arbitrary, does suggest the immensity of the 
field. The largest bibliography to date, gath- 
ered by Klipple in 1938, lists books and papers 
containing 8,804 stories, though, because of 
duplications, the author gives 5,000 as "a con- 
servative estimate" of "the number of distinctly 
individual tales collected in Africa." New 
World Negro talcs, which include most of 
the incidents and many of the plots recorded 
in Africa, and which in addition have ele- 
ments of European derivation and in some 
regions also reflect borrowings from autoch- 
thonous Indian tribes, add many more to the 
total. The numbers of riddles and proverbs, 
in both the New World and Africa, arc vast. 
Doke, who collected proverbs among the 
Lamba of Northern Rhodesia, tells of indi- 
vidual informants who gave him as many as 
250 separate items at a single session. 

The literature varies greatly in yielding in- 
formation as to the range of folklore in a 
given African tribe or in a given New World 
locality. As far as Africa itself is concerned, 
while almost every writer who has described 
native life has also recorded a few talcs, col- 
lections of sufficient scope to give an adequate 
representation arc not numerous. Fortunately, 
the larger collections are from tribes widely 
distiibutcd over the continent. Among them 
we find the publications of Callaway on Zulu 
lore, Junod on the Thonga, Doke on the 
Lamba, Smith and Dale on the Ila, Chatelain 
on the Angolan Bundu, Weeks on various 
tribes of the Belgian Congo, Nassau on those 
of French Equatorial Africa, Gutman on the 
Chagga, Lindblom on the Kamba, Lederbogen 
on the Cameroon s folk, Frobcnius on the 
Yoruba and other tribes, Rattray on the 
Ashanti, Schon and Tremearnc on the Hausa, 
Tauxier on the Guro and Gagu of the Ivory 
Coast, Cronise and Ward on the Sierra Leone 
tribes, and Equilbecq and Tauxier on various 
peoples of French West Africa. It is thus pos- 



sible to obtain working concepts of the range 
and types of tales over Africa as a whole, 
especially since the resources of the smaller 
collections can be used to supplement these 
larger series. 

In the New World, collections of larger 
numbers of tales from a given region, gathered 
in accordance with specific plans to illuminate 
the problem of variation in type, have been 
the rule; though smaller, incidental series do 
exist. This is due largely to the influence of 
Parsons (in the Negro field), and of Boas and 
others who were concerned with collecting 
Indian folklore. Their insistence on gathering 
an adequate representation of the tales of a 
given people, and on taking down whatever 
might be offered without a priori selection, 
established a significant methodological tradi- 
tion. Some of these collections, most of which 
arc to be found in the Memoir series of the 
American Folklore Society, may be named: 
those of Parsons from the Sea Islands of Geor- 
gia, southern United States, the lesser Antilles, 
and the Bahamas, of Beckwith from Jamaica, 
of Andrade from Santo Domingo, of M. and F. 
Herskovits from Dutch Guiana. Other sub- 
stantial series are those of Forticr from Louisi- 
ana, Sylvain-Comhaire from Haiti, and Silva 
Campos from Brazil. 

Of the various types of Negro folklore that 
have been recorded, the animal tales arc by 
far the best known. This is not only because 
animal tales actually do bulk large in the 
Negro repertory. It is also due to the popu- 
larity of the Brc'r Rabbit stories published by 
Joel Chandler Harris in the last quarter of 
the i pth c. These tales are in many cases 
regarded as the type-forms of the Negro 
animal-trickster tale, and reference is fre- 
quently made to them in identifying a given 
story found in the folklore of various peoples 
of Africa itself. The result, especially in the 
case of casual recorders of tales in Africa, but 
also to some degree as concerns certain serious 
students, has been that animal-trickster stories 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



have been sought out to the exclusion of other 

types- 
Collectors have also been inhibited from 
publishing other kinds of tales because of an 
assumed lack of public interest in them, or 
because of a feeling that these others are not 
"truly" Negro. In the New World, the 
counterpart of this attitude has been to over- 
stress animal stories on the ground that only 
these are African. It would be unnecessary to 
indicate the fallaciousness of both these points 
of view were they not so deeply imbedded in 
current concepts of Negro folklore. The fact 
remains, however, that even folklorists do not 
seem to comprehend the extent to which non- 
animal tales are told by Africans and New 
World Negroes. 

When the more complete collections of 
tales from African and New World groups 
are read as units, it becomes apparent that in 
any given tribe or locality the animal-trickster 
stories comprise one of a number of cycles of 
tales. This tendency to group stories has not 
received the attention it merits, for two rea- 
sons. In the first place, non-animal tales were 
collected in such relatively small numbers 
that the phenomenon was difficult to recog- 
nize. Secondly, collectors of tales in Africa, 
especially non-scientific writers, themselves 
often have had an attitude toward the folk- 
lore of natives as something "primitive" and 
child-like. This stood in the way of serious 
consideration of how the total literary product 
of a given people was organized. 

It is only necessary, however, to consult the 
larger collections with the point in mind, e.g., 
such an early work as Callaway's Zulu collec- 
tion, where one can page through the various 
units of the Tale of Uthlakanyana, the first of 
a series of such cycles of stories about kings 
and commoners, animals and supernatural 
beings contained in the volume. Tales in 
manuscript collected by M. and F. Herskovits 
in Dahomey, West Africa, include animal- 
trickster cycles centering about Tortoise and 



Hare, a cycle having as its central character 
a trickster of gross undisciplined appetite 
called Yo, a cycle of tales concerning the ad- 
ventures of twins, another having to do with 
the precocious child, another of the mother- 
less child, another of the hunter, in addition 
to the various mythological and "historical" 
cycles. 

In these cycles of African tales, the action 
centers about a protagonist of outstanding im- 
portance. This is not so strikingly the case in 
the New World as in Africa, but even in the 
New World, linked tales after the manner of 
certain connected episodes of the Uncle 
Remus series appear. Thus a character who 
has been outwitted will mention an incident 
in another tale when he explains his motive 
for seeking revenge; or a situation that brings 
two stories within the same general frame- 
work will be made specific by reference to 
each. 

This grouping of the tales in cycles is no 
construct of the folklorist. The points that 
have been made indicate this, but the com- 
plete demonstration is had only in the actual 
telling, where those comments are heard 
which, given almost as asides, rarely creep 
into the printed version. "As you remember, 
Tortoise had come home after winning his 
race with Deer," the teller will begin a new 
story, or, "After Spider got out of prison, he 
thought how to revenge himself on Elephant, 
who had sent him there." 

Despite the existence of these cycles, the 
problem of classification is no less difficult in 
the case of Negro folk tales than for any other 
kind. As always, categories which have validity 
for one purpose do not serve another, and 
though the native has his own classifications 
of the tales he tells, these categories are more 
useful in affording an understanding of the 
tales than in furthering systematic treatment 
of the data, particularly where comparative 
analysis is the end in view. Animal tales, for 
example, are divided into various types, while 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



animals and human beings mingle in a con- 
siderable number of stories. One widely 
spread story of this kind recounts how the 
speech of the animals is revealed to a man 
on condition that he not tell of his new en- 
dowment; which he does, thereupon suffering 
various penalties. Or there is the tale, of con- 
siderable distribution in both Africa and the 
New World, which recounts man's ingrati- 
tudeor sometimes gratitude to animals who 
rescue him from danger. 

Myths, explanatory tales, tales with the 
double entendre, educational tales with ap- 
pended morals, are all found in the category 
of animal stories. Furthermore, sacred tales 
having the gods as characters in the mythology 
of one tribe, appear with the same plot and 
incidents as secular animal tales of one of 
the several types just mentioned in other 
tribes, or in the New World. Elements of 
the familiar racing motif are found in the 
South African myth of how death came to 
man, while the most popular story among the 
Ashanti is that which tells how the Spider 
Anansi by performing through trickery a 
series of seemingly impossible feats, "bought" 
from the Sky-god Nyame the right to have 
stories called Anansesem (Spider stories) 
rather than Nyankonsem (sky-god stories). 

There is no doubt in the mind of the na- 
tive, however, regarding the difference be- 
tween folk tales and myths, or between cer- 
tain types of folk tales and myths, or between 
certain kinds of folk tales themselves. Chate- 
lain gives the native classification of Angolan 
folklore as follows: i) all "traditional ficti- 
tious stories," including the "fables" wherein 
animals are personified, termed tm-soso; 2) 
stories reputed true, or "anecdotes," called 
maka; 3) "historical" narratives, the "chroni- 
cles of tribes and natives . . . considered 
state secrets," called malunda; 4) proverbs, 
ji-sabu', 5) poetry and music; and 6) riddles, 
ji-nongonongo. Lindblom classifies Kamba 
stories as i ) tales about animals; 2) tales about 



ogres, giants, etc. 3) episodes from the life of 
the natives; 4) myths and legends, few in 
number, but including explanatory tales; 5) 
imported tales. This is not unlike the categories 
given by Junod for the Thonga: i) animal 
tales; 2) stories which illustrate how "human 
beings, children, the miserable and the de- 
spised, triumph over their elders and those 
who hate them" what Junod calls "the wis- 
dom of the little ones"; 3) ogre tales; 4) moral 
tales; 5) stories that "seem based on actual 
facts"; 6) foreign tales. 

In the New World, comparable classifica- 
tions have been made by only a few col- 
lectors. Basilio de Magalhfies, analyzing the 
Brazilian tales gathered by Silva Campos, 
gives the following categories: i) animal cycle 
("cyclo da mythica zoologica"*), 2) tales of 
metamorphosis; 3) Afro-American myths; 4) 
facetious happenings; 5) ethical tales; 6) tales 
of marvels; 7) religious stories. M. and F. 
Herskovits divide tales from Dutch Guiana 
into classes dictated by their dramatis per- 
sonae those having animals, those containing 
animals and humans, and those with human 
characters. They note, however, that in this 
collection cycles comparable to the West Afri- 
can ones are discernible, not only as regards 
the tales concerning the Spider Anansi, but 
also those relating the adventures of the pre- 
cocious child (Enfant Terrible cycle). 

African concepts of what constitutes a myth, 
as differentiated from other types of narra- 
tives, follow quite closely the folklorist's defi- 
nition, though of course not phrased in the 
same manner. That is, any sacred tale that 
validates belief and ritual is a myth, to be 
clearly distinguished from the secular tale. 
Knowledge of the mythology of a given peo- 
ple in Africa varies with the ability of a 
student to probe their world-view and their 
conception of the forces in the universe that 
play upon them; with the extent to which 
tradition permits those that know such stories 
to tell them to foreigners, or to tribal mem- 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



bers who have not attained a requisite age or 
are not initiates; with the degree to which 
the native feels that a given story will cast 
discredit on his own belief when viewed 
through European eyes. 

Except for West Africa, narrative myth se- 
quences appear only rarely in the literature. 
There are those who hold, indeed, that in cer- 
tain parts of the continent, particularly East 
Africa, the Congo, and those portions in- 
habited by the Southeastern Bantu there 
is little or no mythology to be found. That 
a substantial body of mythology exists among 
peoples everywhere in Africa has been con- 
clusively demonstrated by Alice Werner, who 
gives for region after region origin tales and 
stories of the gods and the country they in- 
habit, myths that sanction the ancestral-cult, 
and accounts of natural phenomena, such as 
lightning or the rainbow, that are regarded as 
supernatural forces to be propitiated. Yet it 
is necessary to turn to the discussions of Afri- 
can religion, as Alice Werner did, rather than 
to studies of African folk literature, to obtain 
the desired concept of the universe. From the 
point of view of the student who approaches 
mythology as a literary phenomenon, what is 
lacking is the presentation of the narrative 
sequences, as told by natives, of events in the 
supernatural world that are believed to have 
brought about the situations described. It is 
difficult to understand, to take but one in- 
stance, why Junod did not record in this form 
the myths that, for the Thonga, explain and 
give meaning to the intricate world-view he 
describes in considering the tribal religion, 

Mythological systems vary with the beliefs 
of the people from tribe to tribe in Africa, 
in the New World in accordance with the de- 
gree of acculturation to European religious 
systems. The sacred tales concern all aspects 
of cosmology the creation of the world, the 
coming of the gods (who are generally con- 
ceived as nature-deities), their functions in the 
world, their relations to each other and to 



man, the nature of magic, its origin and how 
the forces controlling it exert their power, and 
the like. They explain rituals and account for 
divining practices. In addition, there exists a 
great body of "family" myths tales that, re- 
counting the earliest history of a given rela- 
tionship grouping, validate such totemic 
beliefs and rites as it may possess, and act to 
stabilize the social system. 

In the New World, myths of pure African 
type are rare. Only in Brazil, Haiti, Cuba, and 
Dutch Guiana, where groups conscious of 
their African heritage and proud to preserve 
it have retained full-blown African religious 
systems, are these in some measure found. In 
Catholic countries, the identification of Afri- 
can gods with the saints of the Church has 
afforded a measure of psychological protec- 
tion to the aboriginal African deities. But this 
does not mean that in Protestant countries, 
where such syncretisms were impossible, the 
sacred myths of the Bible have been taken 
over without change. One need only consult 
Stoney and Shelby's collection of Sea Island 
Negro versions of these stories (entitled Black 
Genesis} for a demonstration of how these 
tales can be reinterpreted after the African 
manner. 

"Historical" tales, political stories and 
anecdotes, form another major category of 
Negro folklore. Except for the fact that the 
motifs that go into such tales are often found 
in myths and animal stories, and that this 
type merges imperceptibly into the former as 
quasi-supernatural beings such as twins or 
gifted folk appear in them, little can be said 
of them as a body. Their functions vary to 
amuse, to instruct, to admonish, to recall. They 
are frequently told by the elders for recrea- 
tion, in the manner analogous to that in which 
the animal tales, in large measure, are told 
by the children. 

The animal-trickster tales are highly stable, 
and in a considerable number of instances 
stories recur over all the African continent 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



8 



and in the New World as well. Some of the 
better-known ones may be cited. One is the 
rope-pulling contest, which in essence re- 
counts how the small trickster wagers a much 
larger animal that he can match him in a 
tug-of-war, and wins by repeating the wager 
with another beast, the size of the first; where- 
upon the two, out of sight of each other, reach 
an impasse, each thinking he is pulling against 
the trickster. This tale has been collected in 
Senegal, the Ivory Coast, the Sudan, Togo- 
land, Dahomey, Nigeria, Calabar, Gaboon, 
the Cameroons, the Congo, and South and 
East Africa; in the New World, it has been 
reported from the United States, the Bahamas, 
Haiti, Trinidad, Dutch Guiana and Brazil. 

The Tar Baby story, so well known that it 
needs only its title to identify it, has a similar 
distribution among Negro peoples, with, how- 
ever, even more versions on record. Of almost 
equal fame, and of similar distribution, is the 
tale where the small trickster humiliates his 
larger, duller-witted foil by making of him a 
riding-horse; or that in which a slow-moving 
animal, usually Tortoise, bests another faster 
animal in a race by posting others of his kind 
at intervals along the course where each makes 
his appearance as the swiftly running op- 
ponent nears his place of concealment, the 
last of the series crossing the finish line the 
winner. 

Other widely distributed animal tales are less 
known. The story in which the animal trick- 
ster, posing as doctor or nurse or as a servant, 
undertakes to care for the children of the 
larger animal, eating a child each day and 
deceiving the parent until all are devoured, is 
one of this kind. It appears in Sierra Leone, 
in the Sudan, in Dahomey, Nigeria, Gaboon, 
the Congo, Angola, Uganda, Rhodesia, Portu- 
guese East Africa and South Africa; in the 
New World it has been recorded in Brazil, 
Dutch Guiana, Trinidad and Haiti, and in 
all likelihood is told elsewhere in the Carib- 
bean and perhaps in the United States. In 



another, trickster wins a loan from a series 
of animals which habitually prey on each 
other and arranges the time of repayment of 
each loan so that as one creditor comes to 
receive his money he is killed by the next, 
the last in the series being tricked into can- 
celling the indebtedness. Still another tells 
how trickster, finding an object that yields 
food when the proper formula is pronounced, 
hides it so others cannot benefit; but when 
they discover his secret, contrives to obtain 
a magic whip that punishes the thieves. Over 
twenty versions of this tale have been re- 
ported from West Africa alone, and it is 
found also in other portions of the continent 
and among many New World Negro groups. 

Whether in Africa or the New World, the 
trickster is a small animal of high intelligence 
and facile cunning, quite unscrupulous, with 
great cupidity and gross appetite. Though in 
any given cycle he victimizes a series of his 
fellow creatures, there is generally one animal 
or sometimes several that are his particular 
prey. They are inevitably larger and there- 
fore stronger than the trickster, dull of wit, 
often earnest and hard-working. Despite the 
many times he bests them their occasional 
reluctance to have dealings with him is an- 
other indication of how the individual stories 
are associated in the native's mind they 
eventually respond to his suave arguments 
and alluring promises, and afford him yet an- 
other triumph. 

The trickster is not always depicted as best- 
ing an intended victim. On occasion he not 
only loses in his enterprise, but in some stories 
he is shown as anything but clever. This is 
the case in the Tar Baby tale, where trickster 
is caught and made to pay for his wrongdoing 
when he becomes fastened to a figure made of 
a gummy substance set up for the purpose 
of trapping him. Another tale of this kind 
is the Gold Coast story that recounts how 
Spider, having put all the wisdom of the 
world in a calabash with the intention of 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



keeping it for himself, decides to hide the 
container atop a tree. He slings it about his 
neck to enable him to climb, but because 
the calabash is over his chest, he can make 
no progress until his child calls to him to 
change the position of the gourd; whereupon, 
in anger, he dashes the calabash to the ground, 
and wisdom becomes disseminated through- 
out the world. 

In the patterning of these animal talcs an 
element of psychological and sociological sig- 
nificance is found in the relative size of 
trickster and his opponents. Spider, rabbit, 
tortoise, chevrotain all must live by their wits 
when competing with lion, or elephant, or 
buffalo, or other large creatures. This element 
carries over when the animal tales have birds 
as their characters, the small bird of one 
widely told story winning a contest for the 
kingship by concealing himself on the back 
of Hawk or Eagle so that at the proper time 
he can continue the ascent and thus appear to 
fly highest. 

Trickster, who must employ his ingenuity 
to best his more powerful fellows, is to be re- 
garded as a reflection of African thinking in 
approaching the day-to-day situations a hu- 
man being must meet and resolve. Such tales, 
in their New World setting, have been spoken 
of as a technique developed by Negroes to 
compensate for their impotence as slaves. Yet 
the presence of these same tales in Africa 
itself forces us to regard this as at best only 
a partial explanation to conclude that we are 
faced with an adaptation and reinforcement of 
African ways of thought rather than something 
devised to fit the new situation in which these 
people found themselves. Rattray has dis- 
cussed the phenomenon among the Ashanti 
in quasi-psychoanalytic terms, though he also 
assigns political reasons to explain them: "The 
names of animals, and even that of the Sky- 
god himself, were substituted for the names 
of real individuals whom it would have been 
very impolitic to mention. Later, no doubt, 



such a mild expose in the guise of a story often 
came to be related qud story. The original 
practice is still resorted to, however, to expose 
someone whom the offended party fears to ac- 
cuse more openly . . ." (Akan-Ashanti Folk- 
Tales, p. xii). 

The observations of Lindblom concerning 
the reaction of the East African Kamba to 
the triumphs of the smaller animal over the 
larger may also be noted: "Presumably this 
is due to the inclination of the natives as a 
rule to let the weaker party finally win the 
victory; and setting the biggest animal they 
know of against small, harmless creatures and 
yet letting it be the loser affords them espe- 
cially great pleasure" (Kaviba Tales of Ani- 
mals, p. viii). Junod likewise speaks of "the 
root idea" of these tales as "the triumph of 
wisdom over mere brute force/' and asks, 
"Why does this theme of wisdom over strength 
reappear so frequently and under so many as- 
pects in this popular literature?" His answer 
is, "because the thought is natural and emi- 
nently satisfying to the mind of man," so that 
the story-teller, "consciously or unconsciously 
... is certainly doing work the philosophical 
bearing of which is undeniable" (Life of a 
South African Tribe, vol. ii, p. 223). The 
audience, fully identifying itself with the 
quick-witted little trickster hero, responds in 
no uncertain way in acclaiming his triumphs, 
and in wasting no sympathy on the lumbering 
beast who is victimized. 

Intimately related to the folk-tales are the 
other two literary forms, the proverbs and 
riddles. The moralizing aspect of the tales is 
expressed in the terse statements of proper be- 
havior appended to them, often as the cul- 
mination of the action, but sometimes only 
as an admonition that seems to have but little 
to do with the sequence of events leading up 
to it. Riddles, while not a part of the tales, 
form a prelude to story-telling sessions, where 
some of them are usually "pulled" before the 
telling of tales is begun. 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



10 



Numerous collections of proverbs, from all 
parts of the continent and the New World, 
indicate how important an clement in Negro 
folklore this form is. Stylistically, it is terse as 
all aphorisms are; one interesting considera- 
tion is the manner in which it often employs 
archaic terms, utilizing words no longer heard 
in current speech. Some proverbs are quite 
elaborate in form, and occasionally are ac- 
companied by song or are themselves sung. 
The great number possessed by a given people 
indicates their place in every-day life, and 
one hears them continuously quoted. This is 
true wherever African culture has become 
rooted; only in certain parts of the United 
States are Negro groups found whose use of 
the proverb is relatively slight, this being 
comparable to the desuetude in which this 
form has fallen in Europe and among Ameri- 
can whites. 

The matter of utilizing proverbs brings up 
the problem of understanding their meaning. 
This involves an interesting methodological 
point. For while it is not difficult to record a 
long series of these short, pithy statements, 
it is quite different when one attempts to 
discover their significance. This can be 
achieved only by employing a careful tech- 
nique of question and answer, wherein a 
hypothetical situation that seems to be in 
accord with the meaning of a given saying 
is presented to the informant, and then varied 
until it meets the requirements of an under- 
standing achieved. The problem is, of course, 
more difficult in Africa than in the New 
World, where the setting of Negro life and 
much of its sanction is that of the larger 
community of which it is a part, and much of 
the implication of a proverb is therefore patent 
to the student. How rewarding this approach 
can be, however, is evident in the studies in 
which it has been used; those of Travele for 
the Bambara, of Herskovits and Tagbwe for 
the Kru, of Herzog and Blooah for the Jabo. 

By the use of this method one sees, above 



all, the many occasions on which the proverb 
is employed. It plays an important role in the 
law-courts, where it is cited much as our 
lawyers cite precedents in building up a case. 
It is used with great effectiveness as an in- 
strument in achieving the paradox of plain 
speaking through indirection, that figures so 
importantly in Negro patterns of argument. 
It is used to warn, to admonish, to reprove, 
to guide, to praise, to encourage, its use marks 
erudition and elegance in speech. It reflects, 
even more clearly than other forms of folk- 
lore, the deepest-set values of a people, show- 
ing the drives that motivate behavior and the 
o 

controls that regularize the relations of an 
individual to his fellows. 

A few examples of Kru proverbs may illus- 
trate the points just made. "The lazy man 
eats little" is not, as might be thought, a pre- 
cept of general import; it is used only during a 
meal to shame one who is eating heartily but 
who has earlier refused to do a task assigned 
to him. "A missile quickly thrown misses its 
mark," on the other hand, is the equivalent 
of the English saying, "Haste makes waste." 
"To take out and put back never empties the 
container," both cautions against too liberal 
giving and is used to warn a man who is 
permitting others to take advantage of him. 
Striking is the case of the proverb, "The sound 
of the snapping of the trap that has caught me 
stays in my ears." This saying, which to a 
European might well be interpreted as mean- 
ing "Foresight is better than hindsight," is 
actually only used in polite conversation when 
one does not quite understand or hear a re- 
mark addressed to him that is, it is the equiv- 
alent of English "I beg your pardon"?" Such 
a saying as "Chicken says, The feet of the 
stranger are small,' " is a rebuke to an outsider 
who would interfere in the affairs of a group, 
since the idiom "small feet" signifies lack of 
power. Ascribing the saying to "chicken" is 
a stylistic device often encountered in African 
proverbs, to render the use of a saying the 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



more impersonal when employed as a rebuke. 
These proverbs enter every phase of life. 

Riddles are ordinarily couched in the form 
of a statement rather than as a question. Ex- 
amples from Africa and the New World 
show how wide-spread this form is. Stayt in- 
cludes some in his work on the South African 
Venda that may be cited: 

A chief presided and the people surrounded 
him. 

The moon and the stars. 
An old man whose gray hair is inside his 
belly. 

(The gray fibres inside) a pumpkin. 
That which does honor to a chief. 

A slippery place after a rainfall. It 
makes everyone balance and bow. 

The following instances, given by Parsons for 
the South Carolina Sea Islands show how 
the same stylistic device prevails: 

A little man was runnin' off all de time, an* 
big man was tryin' to ketch him an* 
couldn*. 

Wagon wheels. 
Something has one eye and one foot. 

Needle. 

Two sisters sit in an upstairs winder. Dey 
kyan't see each oder. 
Eyes. 

These conundrums are a kind of game a 
contest of wits that never fails to attract in- 
terested listeners. So common is this situation 
that it figures in the folk-tales themselves, 
especially in tales concerning human beings, 
where the point of various stories turns on 
the ability of a character to "pull" a riddle 
that has been set for him. In a given African 
tribe, or a given New World area, the stock 
of riddles told by the group is fairly stable, 
and the majority of those in circulation are 
known to many members of the group. The 



stability of these riddles under diffusion is 
striking such a one from Dutch Guiana as, 
"Red horse riding a black horse's back," with 
the answer, "A pot on the fire," is found in 
various other parts of the New World, and 
has been recorded several times in West 
Africa. Children are encouraged to learn rid- 
dles, since this is held to sharpen their wits, 
and riddling is a favorite children's pastime. 
Riddles often have a type of double entendre, 
the question being posed so that the unwary 
guesser seeks for an erotic rather than a 
commonplace answer: "My father took his 
spade and shot it into my mother's narrow 
opening. Key and lock." 

Every student that has collected tales among 
Negro peoples has commented on the dra- 
matic quality of their story-telling sessions. 
This is in part due to the fact that stories are 
told only at night. There are various reasons 
given for not telling them during the day- 
light hours, but the one most often en- 
countered assigns this feeling to an associa- 
tion of story-telling with rites for the dead. 
Wakes are the rule in Negro cultures, and 
folk-tales figure prominently among the devices 
used by the watchers to keep awake. Hence, 
if told by day, it is felt that the spirits of 
the dead will wreak vengeance on the teller. 

In the main, except for myths and certain 
"historical" tales, the stories are a primary 
form of recreation. In the telling, the acting 
is superb, and from all parts of the areas in- 
habited by Negroes descriptions have been 
given of how the antics of the trickster, for 
instance, are mimicked by alterations in the 
voice of the teller, accompanied by move- 
ments of hands and body. The stories, more- 
over, involve a degree of participation by the 
audience that is unheard of in European pat- 
terns. One reason for this is the interlarding 
of tale with song, in which the teller acts as 
soloist and audience as chorus. Often, too, 
the audience is questioned by the storyteller 
when a character must justify the behavior 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



he manifests; and interpolations of assent 
from the audience as the tale unfolds are 
regularly heard. 

The tales do much more than afford recrea- 
tion, however. Animal tales which offer ex- 
planations of natural phenomena, or account 
for accepted modes of behavior, or point 
morals, are regarded by natives themselves as 
important educational devices. This is why 
the native African can say to the European, 
"You have your books, but we teach our 
children through our stories." Though few re- 
ports have been made concerning the types of 
tales told by various age or status groups, it 
was apparent in Dahomey at least, that ani- 
mal tales are regarded as primarily for children, 
and older informants thought it a slight to 
their dignity to request such stories of them. 
For adults there were the "historical" tales, 
non-esoteric stories of the gods, love stories 
which, contrary to general belief, are found 
in the repertory of the African teller and 
risque" stories. 

The problem of the origin of African tales 
has occupied the attention of many students. 
It is rendered especially difficult by the simi- 
larities that are found between stories told in 
Africa and those recorded elsewhere in the 
Old World. It has not gone unnoticed that 
there are many resemblances between African 
animal-trickster tales, Aesop's fables, the 
Reynard the Fox cycle, the Panchatantra of 
India, the Jataka tales of China, and animal 
stories recorded from the Philippines and In- 
donesia. Many years ago Bleek, struck by this 
resemblance, 'entitled his collection of Hotten- 
tot tales Reynard the Fox in South Africa. 
The fact that these complex entities resemble 
each other so closely and, at the same time, 
are to be contrasted as a group with the animal 
tales told by the natives of North and South 
America, or with Polynesian folklore, gives 
validity to the assumption of historical con- 
nection between the areas where these tales 
are told. It leads, indeed, to the concept of 



the Old World as an area wherein a highly 
consistent body of folklore has been widely 
though irregularly diffused. 

This approach is reinforced by a considera- 
tion of the non-animal tales and motifs. 
Klipple, who has studied what she terms for- 
eign analogues in African tales, has noted 
many such correspondences in terms of the 
tale and motif-index system of Aarne and 
Thompson. Thus type No. 480, "Spinning- 
Woman by the Spring," the Frau Holle tale 
of the Grimm brothers' collection, and also 
known in Africa under the designation, "The 
Good Child and the Bad," is indicated by 
her as having been recorded among the Chaga 
and Rundi of East Africa, among the Tanga, 
Bulu, and Manbettu of the Congo, among the 
Yoruba and other tribes of Nigeria, among 
the Popo, in Liberia, and among the Wolof, 
Bambara, Mossi and Hausa of the sub-tropical 
belt of West Africa. Other examples of this 
diffusion of non-animal talcs over the Old 
World that can be cited at random are 
Thompson's type 300, "The Dragon-Slayer," 
or 403, "The Black and White Bride," for 
which extensive correspondences in Africa are 
noted by Klipple. 

Does this mean that tales were diffused 
from Europe into Africa, or in the other 
direction? The task of unraveling this par- 
ticular historical skein would seem to be a 
hopeless one. Those who feel that a tale such 
as Tar Baby must have originated in India, 
and have spread from there to Africa and, 
via Spain, to the New World, can offer but 
deductions based on present-day incidence 
to prove their point, rather than furnish the 
objective historical documentation rigid 
methodology demands. It would seem more 
fruitful to accept the underlying unity of 
Old World folklore as a working hypothesis, 
and to direct analysis toward an understand- 
ing of the manner in which, in their diffusion, 
the various elements of the tales have been 
rephrased, reoriented and reinterpreted, than 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



to attempt to reconstruct the historical ad- 
ventures of a given tale. The most likely con- 
clusion, in this regard, would seem to posit 
inventiveness in all the area inventiveness in 
terms of those conventions of the construc- 
tion of tales and the ends of telling that mark 
the region as a whole. 

This point of view is strengthened by an 
analysis of the provenience of New World 
Negro tales. It will be remembered how, some 
decades ago, argument was joined on the issue 
of whether or not the Uncle Remus tales were 
adaptations of Indian animal stones made by 
the Negroes after their arrival in the New 
World. It is today conceded that animal 
stories found in Negro communities of the 
United States, the Caribbean, and South 
America are a part of the heritage brought 
directly from Africa, some tales even without 
change of character, such as those which con- 
cern Anansi, the Spider. Discussion now turns 
rather on the stories about human beings, 
which are held to have been taken over by the 
Negroes as a result of their contact with 
whites. That this factor was operative cannot 
be denied, but it is disconcerting, from the 
point of view of exclusive European prove- 
nience, to find Cinderella tales, Frau Holle 
stories, Magic Flight sequences, Magic Whip, 
and other typically European motifs appear- 
ing in many collections of folklore from ab- 
original African tribes. The phenomenon of 
syncretism may be held operative here as in 
other aspects of New World Negro culture, 
the blending of two cultural streams, both de- 
rived from the Old World area, in a manner 
that has created among the Negroes of the 
western hemisphere a body of folklore that 
presents, to those that see its wide range, an 
harmonious unity. 

To analyze Negro folk-tales in terms of 
their stylistic qualities would require the de- 
tailed consideration of a number of specific 
stories. Such an analysis would demonstrate 
how competently Africans achieve adequacy 



of characterization, how the situations de- 
scribed attain verisimilitude, how action de- 
velops to its climax. Interest is sustained by 
the inner consistency in the building of a 
plot, suspense alternates with relief, and de- 
vices such as repetition of a phrase to denote 
intensity, or lengthened time, or distance, are 
skilfully employed. The dramatic quality of 
the tale is inevitably diluted when it is writ- 
ten, for the efficacy of the literary devices is 
heightened by the manner of telling. Yet the 
wealth of creative imagination that has gone 
into these tales is apparent in whatever form 
they may be experienced. This, together with 
the logic of plot and consistency of action 
that characterize them, mark them as artistic 
achievements of no inconsiderable order. 



M. J. Andrade, Folklore from the Dominican 
Republic, Mem. Am. F. L. Soc., vol. XXIII, 1930; 
M. Beckwith, Jamaica Anansi Stories, Mem. Am. 
P. L. Soc., vol. XVII, 1924; W. H. I. Bleek, Rey- 
nard the fox in South Africa (London), 1864; Rev. 
Canon Callaway, Nursery Tales, Traditions and His- 
tories of the Zulus (Natal), 1868; H. Chatelain, 
Folk Tales of Angola, Mem. Am. F. L. Soc., vol. I, 
1894; F. M. Cronise and H. W. Ward, Cunnie 
Rabbit, Mr. Spider and the Other Beef (London), 
1903; C. M. Doke, Lamba Folk-Lore, Mem. Am. F. 
L. Soc., vol. XX, 1927; F. V. Equilbecq, Essai sur la 
Litterature Merveilleuse des Noirs (Paris), 1913; A. 
Fortier, Louisiana Folk-Tales, Mem. Am. F. L. Soc., 
vol. II, 1895; L. Frobenius, Atlantis: Volksdichtung 
und Volksmarchen Afrikas. (Jena), 1921-1928; 
Bruno Gutman, Volksbuch der Wadschagga (Leip- 
zig), 1914; J. C. Harris, Uncle Remus, His Songs 
and Sayings (Boston), 1880; Nights with Uncle Re- 
mus (Boston), 1883; M. and F. Herskovits, Suriname 
Folklore (New York), 1936; M. J. Herskovits and S. 
Tagbwe, "Kru Proverbs," Jour. Am. F. L., vol. xliii 
(1930), pp. 225-293; G. Herzog and C. G. Blooah, 
Jabo Proverbs from Liberia (London), 1936; H. A. 
Junod, Chants et Contes des Ba-Ronga (Lausanne), 
1897; The Life of a South African Tribe (and ed., 
London), 1927; M. A. Klipple, African Folk Tales 
with Foreign Analogues, Unpublished doctoral thesis, 
Indiana University, 1938; W. Lederbogen, Kame- 
runer Marchen (Berlin), 1901; G. Lindblom, Kamba 
Tales of Animals, Arch. dtudes Orientates, vol. xx, 
pt. i. (Uppsala), 1926; B. de Magalhaes, O FoZfc- 
lore no Brasil (based on tales collected by J, da Silva- 
Campos; Rio de Janeiro), 1928; A. H. Nassau, 
Where Animals Talk (Boston), 1912; E. C. Parsons, 
Folk-tales of Andros Island, Bahamas, Mem. Am. F. 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



L. Soc., vol. XIII, 1918, Folklore of the Sea Islands, 
South Carolina, Mem. Am. F. L. Soc., Vol. XVI, 
1923; Folklore of the Antilles, French and English, 
Mem. Am. F. L. Soc., vol. XXV, pts. 1-3, 1933- 
1942; R. S. Rattray, Ashanti Proverbs (Oxford), 
1916; Akan- Ashanti Folk-Tales (Oxford), 1930; J. 
Schon, Magana Hausa (London), 1885; E. W. 
Smith and A. M. Dale, The lla-Speaking Peoples of 
Northern Rhodesia (2 vol., London), 1920; H. A. 
Stayt, The Bavenda (London), 1931; S. G. Stoney 
and G. M. Shelby, Black Genesis (New York), 
1930; B. Struck, "Die afrikanischen Marchen," Vol- 
kerkunde, Berlin, 1925, p. 35; S. Sylvain-Comhaire, 
"Creole Tales from Haiti," Jour. Am. F. L., vol. 1 



), pp. 207-295; vol. li (1938), pp. 219-346; 
L. Tauxier, Les Noirs du Yatenga (Paris), 1917; 
Negres Gouro et Gagou (Paris), 1924; Stith Thomp- 
son, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature, Indiana Univ. 
Studies, vol. XIX-XXHI (Bloommgton), 1932-1936; 
M. Travel, Proverbes et Contes Bambara (Paris), 
1923; A. J. Tremearne, Hausa Superstitions and 
Customs (London), 1913; John H. Weeks, Jungle 
Life and Jungle Stories (London), 1923; A. Werner, 
"African Mythology" in Mythology of All Races, vol. 
VII, pp. 10-375 (Boston), 1925; Myths and Legends 
of the Bantu (London), 1933. 



II 



AFRICANS IN FICTION. The use of native Afri- 
cans, as well as of other nonliterate tribesmen, 
as protagonists in works of fiction is compara- 
tively recent. It is a part of a wider develop- 
ment that, in all aspects of life, has made us 
conscious of cultures other than our own, and 
has given us the willingness to utilize ma- 
terials from these societies. From a purely 
literary point of view, it is an aspect of the 
tendency toward experimentation that has 
marked the work of writers for the past two 
generations, manifesting itself not only in 
literary works about natives, but in hospitality 
toward the writings of native authors. 

One of the earliest such works, concerned 
with Africa, was Ren6 Maran's novel 
Batouala. Himself a native African, the author 
sets its action in the Ubangi-Shari district of 
French Equatorial Africa. The story, which 
concerns the love of a chief's retainer for one 
of his jealous master's wives, has, however, 
been criticized by those that know the people 



of the area for its lack of verisimilitude, due 
to the ascription to Batouala and other char- 
acters of a psychology essentially European, 
and to the fact that the plot is based on a 
theme of such widespread incidence that the 
African setting is of but little significance to 
the work as a whole. Effective use is, however, 
made of a native song and folk-tale. 

Far more telling from this point of view, is 
R. S. Rattray's The Leonard Priestess. Its 
author, an Englishman with long experience 
in the Gold Coast, focuses the plot of his 
story on the native dread of the punishment 
exacted by the gods for incest here defined, 
in native terms, as the mating of members of 
the same clan who though perhaps cousins 
far removed, call each other and behave to- 
ward each other as "brother" and "sister." 
The story, moving from the initial incident 
which involves another taboo, against having 
sexual relations on the bare ground, since 
this is an affront to the Earth-Goddess moves 
steadily to its climax where, in a manner that 
suggests Greek tragedy, retribution is exacted 
of the culprits. The book as a whole shows 
how powerfully a tale rooted in the concepts 
of a foreign people can reach across cultural 
differences to poignant meaning. 

Unique in that the tribe, rather than any 
individual, is the center of the action, is the 
work by J. H. Driberg, The People of the 
Small Arrow. It is cast in the form of a series 
of episodes, each of which, almost an inde- 
pendent sketch, portrays a single aspect of 
life among the East African Didinga. Some of 
these sketches reach a dramatic pitch, as in 
the opening chapters describing the battle 
scenes, or telling how Alukileng, the Rain- 
maker, obtained and used his power. Sensitive 
use is made of native versification, and such 
a hymn of praise as The Bull-Song of Aura- 
nomoi illustrates the rich imagery of African 
ritual verse. Not dissimilar from the theme of 
Rattray's novel is the chapter wherein The 
Tragic Love of Lotingiro and Nachai is told. 



AFRICAN LITERATURE 



Here, too, the attraction of a girl for a man 
overrides the tribal incest taboo, and the 
penalty of death is paid. 

Two novels treat of the coming of the 
Europeans to African folk. One, Flesh of the 
Wild Ox, by C. S. Coon, portrays the life 
of the Riffians of Morocco, and their futile 
struggle to prevent the Spanish and French 
from obtaining control over their land. The 
daily round, the intrigue that accompanies 
political manoeuverings, and above all the 
situations that give meaning to life, all ap- 
pear in its pages. Mrs. I luxley's Red Strangers, 
a more skilful work of this genre, is set in 
Kenya, East Africa, and in its three parts 
portrays the native culture as it existed at 
the time of the coming of the "red strangers" 
the whites the period of strongest attack on 
native ways of life, at the time of the First 
World War, and finally, the demoralization of 
the natives under European control. The psy- 
chological havoc wreaked on natives by for- 
eign domination is movingly recounted, for the 
story is based on sound knowledge and sure 
insight, and on the author's remarkable abil- 
ity to portray the reactions of an alien people 
to the onslaught of her own culture. 

Native writers of fiction are few, and only 
two of their works call for mention. The first, 
Doguicimi, by Paul Hazoume, a native of 
Dahomey, French West Africa, focuses upon 
the life of the court of the Dahomean kings 
before its conquest by the French. It de- 
scribes a military campaign, which at first 
meets defeat but is carried to final victory. 
Here are detailed the complexities of the life 
of the upper classes in African societies, and 



the subordination of personal desire to po- 
litical expediency. 

The fictionized biography of Chaka, by 
Thomas Mofolo, a member of the Basuto 
people of south-eastern Africa, is, however, by 
far the outstanding literary work among all 
those mentioned in this discussion. Originally 
written in Sesuto, the language of its author, 
it treats of a dramatic character, "the black 
Napoleon," as he has been called, the founder 
of the modern Zulu nation, from a point of 
view that only a native African could present. 
The rise of Chaka, born illegitimate by Zulu 
standards, a weakling and an outcast, to high- 
est position among his people through his 
literally sacrificing those dearest to him the 
woman he loved, and finally, his mother is 
the theme of the book. His failure to attain 
psychic security, the role of the witch-doctor 
in bolstering his confidence at critical mo- 
ments, and his fall as a result of his unutter- 
able blood-thirstiness these strands, and 
others that show how rich a vein is to be 
tapped in material of this kind, are woven 
into a pattern which makes for sympathetic 
comprehension of what must be regarded as 
one of the world's most baffling personalities, 
and points how such literature may improve 
understanding of values and ways of life that 
differ from our own. 

Carleton S. Coon, Flesh of the Wild Ox (N. Y.), 
1932; J. H. Dnberg, People of the Small Arrow (N. 
Y.), 1930; Paul Hazoumd, Doguicimi (Paris), 1937; 
Elspcth Huxley, Red Strangers (London), 1939; 
Ren Maran, Batouala (N. Y.), 1922; Thomas Mo- 
folo, Chaka, an Historical Romance (London), 1931; 
R. S. Rattray, The Leopard Priestess (N. Y.), 1935. 

MELVILLE J. HERSKOVITS. 



AFRIKAANS-See South African. 
AKKADIAN-See Accadian. 



ALAMANNIC-See Swiss. 
ALASKAN-See North American Native. 



ALBANIAN LITERATURE 



16 



ALBANIAN 



THE ALBANIAN language, an independent 
member of the Indo-European family, is 
spoken by the one million population of in- 
dependent Albania and in a more corrupt 
and incorrect form by about 400,000 people 
living in scattered colonies on the eastern 
coast of Italy and in Sicily (the Italo-Alba- 
nians) and by several hundred thousand more 
scattered throughout the southern part of 
Yugoslavia and Greece. Yet even in the home- 
land, the people who speak Albanian are di- 
vided religiously. About four-sevenths of the 
population are Mohammedan, and of the re- 
mainder about two thirds are Orthodox Chris- 
tians, largely in the south, and about one 
third in the north in the neighborhood of 
Skutari, are Roman Catholic. In addition to 
this, the language falls into the two main 
dialects of Tosk in the south and Gheg in 
the north. It has therefore been a hard task 
to promote the work of unification, even after 
the sense of national unity had once been 
aroused. To make the problem still more dif- 
ficult, the Ottoman Empire, which governed 
most of the Albanians for more than four 
centuries, prohibited all publications in the 
Albanian language and thus forced the early 
writers, before the independence of the coun- 
try in 1912, to publish abroad. 

There is an abundance of folksongs in Al- 
banian. These deal with the same general 
themes and fall into the same general types 
as those that occur in the other Balkan coun- 
tries. They date from various periods and 
cover all aspects of the life of the villagers 
and of the liberty-loving mountain shepherds 
and herdsmen, and they speak of the clan 
feuds that have reigned for many years in the 
remote valleys and mountains. There are epic 
and narrative poems about the great Albanian 
lawgiver, Lek; but the most popular subject 
is the life of Skanderbeg, (George Castrioti, 



ca. 14101467), who during his short life 
succeeded in uniting most of the Albanian 
clans and in holding off the Turkish attacks 
for many years. He has become the ideal Al- 
banian national hero, furnishing inspiration 
to most of the modern authors as well as to 
the older, traditional folksongs. 

The oldest fragment of written Albanian 
is found in a writing of the Orthodox Bishop 
of Durre's, from 1462; soon after, we find 
Roman Catholic sources, whether from Al- 
bania or Italy, dating also from the i5th c. 
It was not, however, until the Franciscans 
began work in Albania that complete books 
were written in Albanian; for they secured 
permission from the sultans to print books, 
when all other Albanian writings were barred; 
but naturally most of theirs were of a religious 
character. In 1841, the Jesuits secured simi- 
lar permission and have had considerable 
influence on the development of Albanian 
thought. 

The first Albanian printed book was the 
Dizionario Latino-Epirota, by Francesco 
Blanco (1635); this was followed by an Al- 
banian Catechism published by Buda di 
Petrabianca in 1685. The first author of some 
independent ability was Giulio Variboba, an 
Italo- Albanian who prepared, about 1730, a 
Life of the Blessed Virgin. He died in Rome 
in 1762. Italo- Albanian work continued and 
Vincenzo Stratigo (1822-85) un ^ er Italian 
influence presented the newer Italian social 
thought in the Proletarian and the Bersagliere. 

It was not to be expected that the Romantic 
revival with its emphasis upon folksong and 
popular tradition would pass unnoticed among 
the Albanians. Girolama de Rada (1813- 
1903), who was born among the Italo- Al- 
banians, commenced to collect their ballads 
and folksongs and soon turned to the writing 
of original verse. Among his chief writings 



ALBANIAN LITERATURE 



are the Song of Seraphim Thopia, Princess 
of Zadrima (1845), a reworking in an Al- 
banian setting of the Lenore theme; the Song 
of Milosaon (1864), a tale of Skutari; and 
Shenderbeg (1873), a biography of the great 
hero. 

In much the same spirit Gjergj Fishta 
(1856-1941) began his work. He was of a 
humble Roman Catholic family from the 
Zadrima mountain of Skutari, but by becom- 
ing a Franciscan he was able to take advantage 
of the possibilities of publication in the print- 
ing press of the Order. He published folk- 
songs and poems based upon them, and edited 
a literary review, Hylli i Drites (Star of Light). 
His principal work was Lahuta e Malcis 
(Highland Strings, 1899-1909), in which he 
united the careers of the modern Albanians 
struggling for their liberty with the heroes 
of the popular ballads and showed how their 
striving for freedom and independence had 
been the dominant mood of the Albanian 
spirit throughout the ages. After the down- 
fall of independent Albania at the hands of 
the Fascist Italians in 1939, Fishta became 
silent and refused to cooperate with the Ital- 
ian conquerors in any way. Associated with 
him was Vine"nc Prenushi, best known for 
his collection of Albanian folk poems, Kange 
Popullore (Popular Songs, 1911). 

In the meantime, new currents were set in 
motion. The division of the Albanian lands 
at the Council of Berlin inspired the leaders 
of the Albanians to hope for ultimate inde- 
pendence and to organize and commence po- 
litical work in much the same way as the 
other Balkan peoples had done. This in- 
volved the reaching of a mutual understand- 
ing by the leaders of the three religious com- 
munities in the country; and all three groups 
combined in the development of an inde- 
pendent Albanian literature and culture. Most 
of these men were compelled to flee abroad; 
thus many of them found the opportunity 
for writing and having their work printed in 



Sofia, from which city it was smuggled back 
into the country. 

This was the experience of Besa (A Pledge 
of Honor) by Sami Bey Frashcrj, one of the 
leaders of this group. This play was first pub- 
lished in Turkish in Istanbul, then translated 
back into Albanian and published in Sofia. 
It is an effective drama, describing the old 
Albanian code of honor and contrasting the 
proud and independent mountain herdsmen 
with the corrupt representatives of the ruling 
class that were seeking for honors from the 
nation's conquerors. Nairn Frdsheri (1846- 
1901), Sami's brother, member of a promi- 
nent South Albanian family and also in exile, 
published the pastoral idyl Bageti e Bujquesija 
(Shepherds and Plowmen, 1886). He fol- 
lowed this with Fletore e Bektashinjet (The 
Book of the Bektashis, 1896) describing this 
Mohammedan sect, of which he was a mem- 
ber, and in 1898, Istoria e Skenderbeut (A 
Life of Skanderbeg). He died in poverty 
abroad, but in 1937 the Albanian govern- 
ment brought back his remains to Tirana and 
erected a monument in his memory. Along 
with these brothers was Pasko Vasa Pasha 
(Pseudonym, Wassa Effendi), a Roman Cath- 
olic of Skutari, who served in the Turkish 
service as governor of Lebanon, and was also 
the author of the Albanian hymn of libera- 
tion, Mo; Shqypni (My Albania, 1881). 

Other writers of this period were the scholar 
and poet Giuseppe Schir6 (1865-1927), who 
continued on Albanian soil the tradition of 
De Rada, with his Kenga e Mirdites (The 
Song of Mirdita). Here belong also two Or- 
thodox Albanians from Korcha in the south, 
Mihal Grameno with his patriotic tragedy 
Vdekja e Piros (The Death of Pyrrhus; 1906) 
for the Albanians counted Pyrrhus, the 
King of Epirus and the chivalrous opponent 
of ancient Rome, one of their own people; and 
Kristo Floqi, a lawyer, who treated in poetic 
drama the problem of religiously mixed mar- 
riages in his Fe e Kombesi (Faith and Pa- 



ALBANIAN LITERATURE 



18 



triotism) in 1912. His Anthollogjia Shqipetare 
(Anthology of Albanian Poetry, 1923) was ex- 
tensively used in the schools of free Albania. 

Among the prominent writers that defended 
the Albanian cause abroad were Faik Konitza 
(1875-1942), for many years Albanian Min- 
ister in Washington. He was an essayist, critic, 
and poet. He edited the review Albania in 
Brussels and London (1896-1909) and con- 
tributed to the newspaper Dielli (The Sun) 
which has been published in Boston, Mass, 
since 1909. Fan S. Noli (b. 1881), bishop of 
the Albanian Orthodox Church in America, 
has also had a prominent career. Born in 
Qyteza, Bishop Noli was educated in Turkey 
and Egypt, then was graduated from Harvard 
University and the New England Conserva- 
tory of Music. He served for a while as For- 
eign Minister and Prime Minister of Albania. 
Among his works are Istoria e Shenderbeut 
(A Life of Skanderbeg, 1921), a three act 
play, Israelite dhe Filistine (Israelites and 
Philistines, 1907) and Simfoni Bizantine 
(Byzantine Symphony, 1938). He has had 
still greater influence through his translations, 
for he has rendered into Albanian the lead- 
ing works of Shakespeare, Ibsen, Poe, Omar 
Khayyam, Ibanez, and many other writers, 
and has increased the vocabulary of the lan- 
guage and rendered it more able to serve as a 
vehicle of literary expression. 

Alexander S. Drenova (under the pen name 
of Asdren) marks a transition from this gen- 
eration. In his early work he wrote, as did 
his predecessors, to prepare the Albanian peo- 
ple for independence, but after the liberation 
of the country, he joined the next group, who 
were far more responsive to the currents of 
literary development sweeping over Europe. 
Thus he developed from his early collections, 
as Rzeze Dielli (Facing the Sun, 1904) and 
Endera e Lote (Dreams and Tears, 1912) to 
Psalme Murgu (Psalms of a Monk, 1930). 

Among the younger generation who are 
largely under the influence of symbolism and 



the later movements, but who are no less pa- 
triotic in their feelings, are Ali Asllani with 
his Hanko Holla (Aunt Jane), a collection of 
poems that express the homely local wit of 
Valona, Skende'r Bardhi (the pseudonym of 
Nelo Drizari), an American of Albanian par- 
entage who has introduced American ideals 
and literary traditions into Albanian litera- 
ture, and by his translation of Sami Bey 
Frasheri's Besa into English has made the 
first important translation from Albanian into 
English. Andon Zako (pseudonym, ajupi) 
has created an anthology of the Albanian 
highland ballads and songs, Baba Tomori, 
which, like Mount Tomori itself, emphasize 
the sturdy character of the Albanian people. 
Midhat Frdsheri, under the pseudonym of 
Lumo Ske'ndo, was the editor of the literary- 
educational review, Diturija (Education, 
1909-39), and until 1944 director of the 
Lumo Skendo Library in Tirana; he made a 
classic translation of Schiller's Wilhelm Tell 
which has been accepted as an expression of 
the national ideal of freedom and liberty. 
Other poets are Louis Gurakuqi; and Ramiz 
Harxhi, who used the southern dialect of 
Argyrocastra and Kurveleshi in his poems 
Deshirat e Zemres (Desires of the Heart). 

In prose, Foqion Postoli wrote the popular 
novels Per Mrojtjen e Atdheut (for the De- 
fence of the Fatherland, 1921) and Lulja e 
Kujtimit (The Flower of Reminiscences, 
1924), also the sentimental play Detyra e 
Meme's (A Mother's Duty, 1925). Milto Sotir 
Gurra of Opari shows the influence of O. 
Henry and of Maupassant in his Plaget e 
Kurbetit (Wounds of an Exile, 1938); this 
marks another stage in the introduction of 
Western influences into the literature. Ilo- 
Mitke Qafezezi is the foremost Albanian 
biographer. Up to 1939, the leading literary 
and philosophical review Perpjekja Shqiytare 
(The Albanian Endeavor) was edited in 
Tirana by the essayist Branko Merxhani. 

Lasgush Poradeci, in the 1930*5, appeared 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



as the most disputed talent of modern Al- 
bania. He represents the same fusion of ideas 
and moods as does Mihai Eminescu in Ro- 
mania, but there are still many who question 
his value. 

Albanian literature and Albanian life have 
suffered greatly from the cultural gap be- 
tween the educated classes of Tirana and the 
great masses of the people, especially the non- 
Bekiashi Mohammedans. The Bektashis take 
an interest in their traditional culture and the 



works that describe it; the Tiranese are 
European in the full sense of the word. This 
is of course a purely transitional phase; it is 
to be hoped that in a restored Albania there 
may develop a sound point of view that will 
blend in one national culture the influence 
of both Christianity and Islam and will thus 
offer to the world a new cultural synthesis. 

J. Bourcart, Le mouvement litter air e en Albanie 
(La Vie des Peuples, 1934). 

CLARENCE A. MANNING. 



ALEXANDRIAN-See Greek. 

ALGONQUIAN-See North American Na- 
tive. 

ALIBAMU-See North American Native. 
AMAZON See South American Indian. 

AMERICAN-See African; Brazilian; Ca- 
nadian; Christian Hymnody; Louisiana; 
Mexican; North American Native; South 
American Indian; Spanish American; 
United States. 

AMHARIC-See Ethiopic. 



ANATOLIAN-See Turkish. 
ANDES See South American Indian. 
ANGAKOK-See North American Native. 
ANGOLA-See African. 
ANTILLES-See African. 
APACHE-See North American Native. 

APAPOCUVA GUARANI-See South 

American Indian. 

APINAY-See South American Indian. 



ARABIC 



THE literature of the Arabs is largely the 
product of Islamic culture. It drew upon the 
gifts of many races in different lands, yet re- 
mained essentially Semitic in form, continu- 
ing to some degree the Hebrew, Aramaic, and 
kindred heritage. 

Not without significance is the disorderly, 
if not fictitious, genealogy of Arabia. It as- 
sumes an original, now defunct, stock, that of 
Qahtan, and a more recent one, 'Adnan. The 
children of the former grouping presumably 



inhabited the South. Theirs was the opulent 
ancient civilization of al-Yaman; Hadramawt, 
and the neighboring coast, that of the Saba- 
eans and Minaeans. The 'Adnanites of the 
North, according to tradition, are the offspring 
of Ishmael, and Abraham is the builder of the 
Ka'bah. To this northern wing belonged the 
Mudar, kinsmen of the Nizarite Quraysh, 
forbears of Muhammad. But by the time 
Arabic literature was making its appearance, 
a whole class of tribes, including Rabi'ah, 



ARABIC LITERATI/RE 



domiciled in northern and central Arabia, as 
well as the powerful Ghassanids of eastern 
Syria and the Lakhmids of Iraq, claimed a 
southern origin. The citizens of Medina who 
rose to the support of Muhammad were also 
of Yamanite descent. 

Epigraphical remains disclose a number of 
fossilized Arabic languages in which, by 
means of the southern alphabet, the speech 
of the north was reduced to writing. This so- 
called proto-Arabic group is represented by 
the Dedanite and Lihyanite inscriptions of 
al-'Ula in north Hijaz (7th to 3rd c. B.C.); 
the Thamudic writings of al-Hijr and Tayma' 
in the same region (5th c. B.C. to 4th A.D.); 
and the Safaitic inscriptions discovered in the 
volcanic Hawran district (ca. 100 A.D. or 
later), representing the northernmost advance 
of the South Arabic script. While all these uti- 
lized by-forms of the South Arabic alphabet, 
their idioms were definitely northern and 
therefore akin to the language of the Koran. 
Together with the Nabataean (down to ca. 
100 A.D.) and Palmyrene (ca. 100 A.D.-ca. 
300), they constitute a considerable layer of 
dead Arabic languages. 

Language and literature, as known to fame, 
were moulded in Arabia, allegedly by the 
Mudarites, in the dialect of the Quraysh, 
vehicle of cultured thought, religious ideas 
and literary expression, as the Moslem be- 
lieves. In reality, the ancient poetry, which 
had served Muhammad as a model, was a 
common development neither Qurayshite, 
nor Mudarite, nor South Arabian hammered 
out by the pre-Islamic poets themselves. When 
the literary remains of pre-Islamic antiquity 
were ferreted out, furthermore, an attempt 
may have been made to exaggerate the role 
of southerners, since not a few admirers of 
the pagan literary past were themselves men 
whose roots were in al-Yaman. The records, 
biased, and discriminating, thus give as south- 
ern pre-Islamic literary personages the notable 
Imru' al-Qays, 'Abid ibn-al-Abras, 'Alqamah, 



'Amr ibn-Qami'ah, al-Muhalhil, 'Amr ibn- 
Kulthum, al-Harith ibn-Hillizah, Tarafah 
ibn-al-'Abd, al-Mutalammis, al-Ash'ath, and 
the poetess Jalilah. Among the many stars of 
pagan verse are such northerners as Aws ibn- 
Hajar, Zuhayr ibn-abi-Sulma, al-Hutay'ah, 
Ka'b ibn-Zuhayr, and al-Nabighah. It is doubt- 
ful, however, whether either category of bards 
may be considered legitimate sons of any but 
the geographic zone of the Mudarites in the 
north and central regions of the Peninsula. 

Nor is it sufficiently clear what the concept 
of literature was in heathen and early Islamic 
times. Nallino suggested that the term adab 
for literature implies the sense of dab, steady 
work, continual striving. But the word really 
connotes what Goldziher earlier had desig- 
nated as "the noble and human tendency of 
the character and its manifestation in the con- 
duct of life and social intercourse." Equally 
arresting are those definitions that make artis- 
tic expression "equal to two-thirds of religion," 
or that esteem the knowledge of literature as 
a process leading to an intellectual culture of 
a higher degree and making possible a more 
refined social intercourse especially in the 
realm of philology, poetry, exegesis, and 
ancient history. Following the age of urban- 
ization (632-750) and the gradual increase 
of secular composition, under Persian and 
other stimuli, a more specialized application 
of the term literature gained acceptance. Ibn- 
Qutaybah (828-885) wrote a book entitled 
Adeb al-Katib (The Author's Technical 
Skill). While the religious sciences Koran, 
Tradition and Jurisprudence were referred to 
as "ilm (science), belles-lettres, skill in sports, 
and ingenious games were recognized as part 
of the province of the literary art (adab). As 
a fine art, literature gave birth to a brand of 
rhetoric, of which the celebrated free-thinker 
al-Jahiz (d. 869), author of the Book of Elo- 
quence and Exposition, passed for founder. 
Curricula of Arab schools today include 
courses on literary criticism and history, in 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



addition to the old subjects of grammar, callig- 
raphy, lexicology, poetics, rhetoric, theory of 
style, and logic. 

The Old Voices (A.D. 500-632). The 
sumptuous odes, comminatory utterances in 
rhymed prose, the legends and heroic songs, 
of pre-Islamic days reflect a long period of oral, 
and partly written, literary tradition in Arabia, 
culminating in the forms and techniques em- 
bodied in the Koran. There were also speci- 
mens of prose, proverbs and orations, over- 
shadowed by business transactions and sundry 
documents revealing Arabia's contacts with 
her neighbors, Jews, Christians, Persians. The 
old voices ring with echoes and memories of 
startling happenings of antiquity: reports of 
Arabian grandeur under the Syrian Ghas- 
sanides, the Iraqi Lakhmids, the Kindites of 
al-Yaman. Going farther back, legend kept 
fresh the ambitious career of Queen Zenobia 
of Palmyra, who was finally led captive by 
Aurelian in 274 A.D. The Nabataeans, who 
from their capital Petra (in modern Trans- 
jordan) had by the time of Christ carved a 
kingdom extending north as far as Damascus, 
were not entirely forgotten. Nor was this 
pagan literature silent on the subject of South 
Arabian splendor, dating back to the first 
millennium B.C. The Koran discloses the 
existence of a literate society in al-Hijaz, in 
no way isolated from the outer world. The 
opening verse of a chapter entitled The Chap- 
ter on the Greeks (.i.e., Byzantines) reads, 
"The Byzantines are overcome in the nighest 
parts of the land; but after being overcome 
they shall overcome in a few years. . . ." It is 
plain that interest in the outcome of the pro- 
tracted struggle between the Eastern Roman 
Empire of the Byzantines and the Sassanid 
Persians still ran high in the "Arabian circles 
to which Muhammad preached. 

The miscellany of writings in which the 
old voices are conveyed began to appear in the 
2d Moslem c. The first recorded attempt to 
compile ancient Arabic poetry was undertaken 



by Hammad al-Rawiyah (d. 772). Until then, 
successive schools of reciters had passed on 
the poetical heritage orally. It was garbled in 
its passage through the hands of Moslem nar- 
rators; but also it underwent a series of radical 
changes during the era antedating the coming 
of Muhammad (ca. 570632). On the basis of 
poetical vocabulary and standards we discern 
the existence of a number of dissimilar schools 
that tended, nevertheless, to be drawn closer 
to the common norm. The projection of a 
unified system was a matter of time. The 
poetry ascribed to 'Amribn-Qami'ah (ca. 
480 A.D.) may present a prototype of the first 
complete ode (qasiclah^); but research is un- 
certain, partly due to the falsification of forger- 
ers. Out of originally unrelated elements grew 
the poetical works ((fa-Ivans') of the principal 
bards, Imru' al-Qays, Tarafah, Zuhayr, al- 
Nabighah 'Alqamah, al-A'sha, Labid. Frag- 
mentary material is also ascribed to certain 
eminent poets, led by the two outlaws, 
Ta'abbata Sharra and al-Shanfara. The choic- 
est seven to ten odes of the masters, among 
whom, in addition to those already referred to 
as authors of diwans, are 'Amr ibn-Kulthum, 
al-Harith ibn-Hillizah, and 'Antarah, received 
singular honor as the noblest poetical com- 
positions of the pagan age. These were the 
mu'allaqat (suspended) that won the unani- 
mous admiration of audiences at the annual 
literary fair of 'Ukaz. Less celebrated were 
the odes compiled by al-Dabbi (d. ca. 785) in 
al-Mufaddallyat (The Preferred Odes); in al- 
Hamdsah (Heroical Poews), edited by abu- 
Tammam (ca. 850); and in al-Aghdni (Songs) 
of al-Isbahani* (967). 

There is little doubt, however, that the 
dawn of the standard ode of Arabia breaks in 
this early period. As a poetical form the ode 
(qastdah) preceded the rise of Islam, and 
has remained comparatively unchanged to the 
present day. Each verse is divided into two 
balanced parts; the rhymes at the end are the 
same throughout the poem. The ode invari 1 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



ably followed a pattern of conventional con- 
struction. Its overture had a characteristic 
movement in which the bard appears upon a 
camel, accompanied by fellow travelers. His 
destination is a familiar site, some tribal haunt 
or locality favored by nature. In these sur- 
roundings his fancy turns across the years to 
recall former joys and comradeship, gravitat- 
ing around the beloved. An amatory prelude 
(nasffc) in praise of her follows. Emerging 
therefrom, the ode describes the poet's jnount 
and the details of a hunting scene. Only at 
this point is it proper for the poet to break 
into the core of his theme. The subjects in- 
clude episodes of tribal life, scenes of revelry, 
thunder storms, feats of bravery under trial, 
exultant clannish pride, the munificence of a 
patron, the resounding clash of arms and war- 
cries in battle, a raid by night, a personal 
encounter with the foe. Embedded in some of 
the odes are elegies, songs of revenge and 
robbery, satires, taunts, diatribes, the laughter 
of the scornful. 

A thread of unbroken artistic continuity, 
moreover, vouchsafed by identity in vocabu- 
lary and imagery, runs through the old voices. 
Even more striking is the slow evolution of 
motifs, hardly recognizable in the earlier 
schools but elaborately enlarged by later 
craftsmanship. Parallels manifest themselves 
between the techniques of the rival southern 
poets, Imru' al-Qays and 'Abid ibn-al-Abras 
(both b. ca. 500 A.D.). Succeeding genera- 
tions of poets were imbued with the spirit and 
forms of 'Abid, whereas Imru' al-Qays scion 
of the princely House of Kindah attained 
disproportionate fame. At the same time cog- 
nizance must be taken of intrinsically differ- 
ent influences. The Jewish al-Samaw'al ibn- 
'Adiya, who inhabited a castle at Tayma', 
some distance north of Medina, was recog- 
nized for both loyalty and poetical talent. He 
is a reminder of the Jewish impact resulting 
from the presence of Judaized agricultural set- 
tlements within the confines of Peninsular 



Arabia. Known also are the names of numer- 
ous Arab bards of Christian background. 'Adi- 
ibn-Zayd (b. ca. 545), of utmost facility and 
elegance in Persian and Arabic, was an Iraqi 
Christian whose family had long been in the 
service of the Arab Lakhmids of al-Hirah. A 
man of international prestige, his career is 
linked with the reign of al-Nu* man III (580- 
602), last of the Arab kings of al-Hirah and 
by far the most celebrated in tradition. 

Abu-Du'ad al-Iyadi was also a member of a 
Christian Arab tribe in Iraq, whom Arab 
literary critics regard as an outsider. He 
brought into pre-Islamic poetry specific alien 
influences, popularizing a technique hitherto 
unknown in Arabia. His style sprang from the 
semi-nomadic, half-urbanized Arab environ- 
ment of al-Hirah. Of all poets down to the 
Prophet's day, he stands alone, for having 
used 12 of the 16 standard meters. The re- 
nowned Imru' al-Qays himself had used only 
ten. There arose in connection with Lakhmid 
court life at al-Hirah a number of well-differ- 
entiated poetical forms; there appeared the 
ramal (adorned with pearls), and perhaps the 
khaftf (brisk). The Hirah galaxy of bards 
could boast a third luminary, al-Mutaqqib al- 
'Abdi (ca. 550 A.D.), and a fourth, the famed 
al-A'sha (ca. 565 A.D.), who displays not only 
the advanced traditions of the northern Qays 
clan but also the unmistakable impress of 
Sassanid convivial poetry. The ramal meter 
may come from the Pahlavi octosyllabic verse, 
as the mutaqarib (approaching) meter may 
be an adaptation of the Pahlavi hendecasylla- 
bic verse. In the late yth c. narrative-didactic 
Arabic verse adopted the muzdawij (doublet) 
prosody, developed in Persia during the Sas- 
sanid period, but in due course abandoned in 
favor of the more indigenous rajaz (trembling 
of knees in camel-march). 

Zuhayr ibn-abi-Sulma of al-Hijaz lived on 
the eve of Islam. He is the mouthpiece of 
Bedouin ethics, voicing in his didactic poetry 
nearly the whole range of desert moral ideals. 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



Therefore his verse, outranking what went 
before, occupies a position halfway between 
the Koran and the rest of pre-Islamic litera- 
ture. The muallaqah ("suspended" ode) of 
al-Harith ibn-Hillizah (disregarding the prob- 
lem of its authenticity) reflects the feuds of 
north Arabia amid the life-and-death struggle 
between the Byzantine and the Persian em- 
pires. During the fifty years preceding Islam, 
the poet al-Nabighah of Dhubyan lived at the 
Syrian court of the Christian Ghassanids and 
was imbued with some of their polish. He also 
sojourned at the Persianized court of al-Hirah; 
his poetry smacks of the splendor of both 
thrones. The didactic earnestness of his verse, 
and that of his younger contemporary, al- 
A'sha, is witness to the permeation of Penin- 
sular thought with the loftier elements of 
Aramaic culture. 

Considered as a sacret text, the Koran (read- 
ing, or recital) marks the end of one era and 
the beginning of another. As a living literary 
voice it has much in common with the so- 
called pre-Islamic literature. Its description of 
Paradise resembles passages in which the 
heathen bards depicted earthly scenes of 
carousal and revelry. Whether Muhammad 
actually drew upon this source or not is open 
to debate. In the earlier suras (chapters) of 
the Koran one reads vivid and moving imagery 
forecasting the doom of the wicked and the 
terrors of the last judgment. Even though 
touches of Judaeo-Christian theology recur, 
the style employed was not basically strange 
to the ears of the Prophet's hearers. In point 
of literary technique the Koran indeed 
eschewed the highly developed metrical poetry 
of the pagan age in favor of the oracular 
rhymed prose (say") of professional magicians 
and wizards. Such was the parentage of the 
first book in Arabic prose. There was no other 
model suited to serve as a literary link between 
the old epoch and the new. Thus the Koran 
remains the foremost literary source on the 
"Age of Ignorance," i.e., the age when the 



Arabians could not match the scriptural writ- 
ings of Jewry and Christendom with a scrip- 
ture of their own. 

Judged as a literary masterpiece wherein 
are mirrored the psychological, social, and 
economic aspects of Arabian life, as well as 
the moral, religious, and spiritual, the Koran 
excels every prior production. It is tremblingly 
alive to the commercial relations binding the 
Quraysh traders with the Syrians, Greeks, 
Abyssinians, and Persians when it admonishes 
the north and south bound caravaneers (.sura 
1 06) to be of one accord whether their 
journey is in summer to Syria or in winter to 
al-Yaman: "In the name of the merciful and 
compassionate God. For the uniting of the 
Quraysh; uniting them for the caravan of 
winter and summer. So let them serve the 
Lord of this house who feeds them against 
hunger and makes them safe against fear." 
Almost every Koranic passage is enmeshed in 
Arabian life as lived in pagan days. Like the 
townsmen of Carthage, Athens, and Rome 
before, the Arabians of Mecca and Medina 
had become engrossed in the kind of com- 
mercial materialism that entails money- 
changing, usury, greed, dishonesty and selfish 
abuse of privilege. That whole picture is con- 
jured up by the specific regulations regarding 
financial transactions (2:282): "If ye engage 
to one another in a debt for a stated time, 
then write it down, and let a scribe write it 
down between you faithfully; nor let a scribe 
refuse to write as God taught him, but let him 
write, and let him who owes dictate; but let 
him fear God his Lord, and not diminish 
therefrom aught. . . ." By special provision, 
in the verses immediately preceding, the prac- 
tice of usury is prohibited: 'Those who de- 
vour usury shall not rise again, save as he 
riseth whom Satan hath paralyzed with a 
touch." Theologically, the Koran portrays the 
character and evils of the idolatry that was 
rampant in Arabia when and before the 
Prophet delivered his iconoclastic blow. Along 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



these and other lines it is possible to show 
the matchless value of the Koran as the lead- 
ing literary source on pagan Arabia. 

To the orthodox Moslem, the Koran is not 
a man-made book. It is not merely divinely 
inspired. In itself it is divine, uncreated, sub- 
sisting in the Essence of the Deity. Its ordi- 
nances, sanctions, and precepts are taken to be 
applicable not to the yth c. Arabia alone but 
to all men at all times. It is the text-book from 
which every Moslem learns to read. The lit- 
erary importance of the Koran may be visual- 
ized if one remembers that due to it alone the 
various dialects of the Arabic-speaking peoples 
have not fallen apart into distinct languages, 
as Latin, despite the Catholic church, pro- 
duced the Romance tongues. Arabic was su- 
preme in medieval times as a vehicle of 
enlightenment in the then civilized world. No 
other tongue could vie with it in scientific, 
philosophical, and religious output fiom the 
9th to the 1 2th c. Among the alphabets of 
mankind, only Latin exceeds Arabic in the 
number of tongues reduced to writing through 
its characters. Even today, when the great 
world literatures are enumerated, it will be 
found that only the English language sur- 
passes the Arabic in the aggregate number of 
books composed in it. 

The years 610-622 form the background of 
the earlier Meccan suras, about ninety. These 
are mostly short, dynamic sermons, exhorta- 
tions, and monotheistic manifestoes on the 
here and the hereafter, the resurrection, retri- 
bution, idolatry, punishment. One can almost 
see the impassioned preacher, hounded by 
enemies, lose control of himself as he speaks 
like an inspired man. Towards the close of 
this period of constant struggle, the Prophet's 
fortunes were somewhat improved by the 
vigilance and the calibre of converts banded 
around him. Gradually his thundering voice 
settled down into a stillness, interrupted but 
now and then by echoes of the former burs- 
ing flashes, which refused to burn with a 



steady flame. The atmosphere was about to 
change. In 622, the date of the hegira, or 
flight (year i of the Moslem calendar), Mu- 
hammad responded to the invitation of the 
Yathribites (Medinese) to compose their 
raging feuds. The decade from then to his 
death (632) forms the period of the new 
Medinese suras. At Yathrib Medina (city) 
of Muhammad the personal appeal and fiery 
zeal gave way to edicts and legislative mate- 
rial. The semi-lyrical, prophetic warning, and 
the diatribes ceased; they were replaced by 
the narrative forms, topical addresses, political 
theory. 

It is true that in due course the pagan ode 
came to wield the leading literary influence. 
But in its relation to the whole body of Arabic 
literature, the Koran deserves the role of 
honor. In it the unpracticed speaker, to whom 
the gift of words came slowly, retains home 
of the crudities of expression produced by the 
lack of adequate philosophic concepts. Never- 
theless, in the course of the book one sees the 
development of a prose style out of a poetic 
dialect. In the caliphate of 'Uthman (644-56), 
the Prophet's third orthodox successor, an 
official canon of the Koranic text was adopted, 
though the final text was not definitely fixed 
until 933. And yet the significance of the 
Book in no way derives merely from the fact 
that it was the first step towards a prose style 
in Arabic. Nor is it its originality that invests 
the work with so much power. The science of 
religion has shown that in its inner founda- 
tion and theory of revelation the Koran leans 
heavily upon the two other religions, Judaism 
and Christianity. Nonetheless, its primacy in 
Arabic literature, and the history of world 
thought, is beyond computation. It is inherent 
in itself, that is, in what it has meant to the 
Arab and Moslem, and in the nature of the 
revolution thai it set in motion. Arabic gram- 
mar, lexicography, history, tradition, exegesis, 
and theology owe their inception to the cen- 
tral interest in the Book of Allah. 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



The style of the Koran, then, reflected the 
pre-Islamic rhymed prose; its language was that 
of yth c. Mecca. But though it bore through- 
out the imprint of the same master mind, its 
later parts differed considerably from the 
earlier. In the first revelations were disclosed 
the Prophet's brilliant fancy, with touches, 
at certain intervals, of the seer's profound 
thought and flaming faith, tending to endow 
the work with an unusual accent. Any in- 
fractions of the rules of grammar or logic 
were here forgivable, for these shorter pieces, 
by which Muhammad inaugurated his pro- 
phetic career, were not originally intended as 
models in Arabic rhetoric. But the case is 
otherwise with the later suras. Not altogether 
free of dramatic flights of the imagination, 
such as the sudden departures to adore God 
for the manifold manifestations of His power 
in the realm of nature, the later suras, never- 
theless, represent an intellect that had finally 
attained stability and maturity. It is precisely 
for this that the dearly won placidity of the 
composer, the ever flowing stream of his 
verbose utterance, are now more open to the 
inroads of adverse critics, before whose eyes 
faulty diction and errors of judgment can no 
longer pass unnoticed. The lengthy narra- 
tives, abounding in religious meaning, are far 
more objectionable when they occur along- 
side a set of crude psychological inferences 
and gainless technical retreats from the beaten 
path. Yet these limitations and shortcomings 
are wiped out by the luminous prophetic per- 
sonality that shines through the honored pas- 
sages of the holy book, conceived in complete 
consecration to the will of God. Wiped out 
they are also, by the remarkable success of 
the Koran in nourishing the famished Arab 
soul, for the first time perhaps in Arabia's 
history, with a new and strange celestial food. 

Aside from the Judaeo-Christian torches 
that illumined Muhammad's vision, he drew 
upon the models of ancient Arabian sooth- 
sayers, to whom he owed his forms of blessing 



and denouncing. Thus the oldest suras are 
prefaced with oaths, invoking the most un- 
expected things, the fig and olive trees, Mt. 
Sinai, heaven, the signs of the zodiac, the 
dawn, the ten nights (the last nights of 
Dhu-al-Hijja, the month of Pilgrimage), the 
double and single (even and odd, symbolizing 
the rare, the unique; and, "double," that which 
can be matched). Among the techniques used 
is a kind of refrain which, however, never 
reaches the strophe measure. In addition to 
the frequent appearance of similes, the Koran 
effectively employs the amthal (maxims) to 
make simple comparisons, and at times to 
give the impression that God has established 
the phenomena of nature expressly for the 
moral instruction of mankind. Historical al- 
lusions are likewise drawn to prove the as- 
cendancy of God's purpose, and as a warning 
to men and nations. 

The power of the Koran to capture the 
hearts of men has been recognized from the 
beginning by Moslem scholars, both Arabs 
and non-Arabs. Foreign converts came to ap- 
preciate the imperative need to retain the in- 
tegrity of the Arabic language as a vehicle 
for the Koran and the sacred sciences that 
cluster around it. The study of Arabic litera- 
ture, grammar, and rhetoric became the ob- 
ject of the best brains. It was everywhere at- 
tested, until the recent defection of Turkey 
and to a certain extent of Persia, that Islam 
cannot survive without a sound understand- 
ing of the Koran in the original language of 
revelation, and to that end the leading the- 
ologians bent their energies for many cen- 
turies. The Book, therefore, came to play an 
unrivaled role in moulding the spiritual de- 
velopment of Islam and the daily life of 
Moslems. Basically, the People of the Mosque, 
the Nation of Allah, the so-called Moham- 
medans, are worshipers of Allah, but in a 
true sense they are, above all, Koranists. No 
one may speak about the spiritual realm save 
by its authority. No literary creation, in the 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



26 



Moslem and Arab view, can ever reach the 
peaks attained by the writings of those that 
follow the Koranic literary forms and patterns. 
[In his Heroes and Hero-Worship (1840), 
Carlyle introduced Muhammad as a prophet- 
hero of deep sincerity. This was a noteworthy 
reversal of the long accepted view of Western 
literature, that the Arabian prophet was but 
an impostor. The growth of Islamic studies, 
in Europe and America, since the middle of 
the 1 9th c. furthered a sounder evaluation of 
the Koran's place in world literature. Rod- 
well's translation of the Koran (1861) P re " 
sented the suras in chronological order. 
Palmer's (1880), following the traditional 
order of the suras, had a pleasing literary qual- 
ity. Translations by Moslem Indian scholars 
have since appeared, of which Muhammad 
'Ali's The Holy Koran (1920), reproducing 
the Arabic text alongside the English, is best 
known. The Meaning of the Glorious Koran 
C I 93o)> by Marmaduke Pickthall, was the 
first English translation by an English con- 
vert to Islam. Pickthall sought to give a literal 
translation, without attempting the hazardous 
task of reproducing the full effect of the 
Arabic. In reality, he was content to give a 
legitimate interpolation, making no pretense 
to exhaust the meaning of "that inimitable 
symphony, the very sounds of which move 
men to tears and ecstasy." Richard Bell of 
Edinburgh published a critical translation 
(1937-9) in which the material within each 
sura is rearranged, on the assumption that the 
passages of the holy book, first written on 
scraps of writing material, became confused 
in sequence when transcribed. Arthur Jeffrey's 
Materials for the History of the Text of the 
Koran (1937) is the most brilliant contribu- 
tion in the field since Theodor Noldeke's 
Geschichte des Qorans (1909-19)- On the 
interpretive side H. W. Stan ton's The Teach- 
ing of the Qur'an (1919) is useful. Samuel 
C. Chew's The Crescent and the Rose (1937) 
is limited to the Renaissance period, but it 



considers the influence of every aspect of 
Islamic culture on English literature. In 
masterly fashion, Byron Smith, largely through 
an intimate knowledge of the Arab-Islamic 
world, published Islam in English Literature 
(1939). Koranic studies have had a similar 
development in other Western literature, in- 
cluding German, French, Dutch, Italian, and 
Spanish.] 

Urbanization (A.D. 632-750). In a series 
of rapid forays the Arabs under the Prophet's 
successors swept into Syria and Iraq, and 
overpowered Heraclius, the Byzantine, and 
Sassanid Persia. Then they turned against 
Egypt, Eastern Persia, North Africa, and the 
Iberian Peninsula. Their incredible military 
victories delivered into their hands an empire 
extending from the Pyrenees in the west to the 
Pamirs in central Asia. In the course of these 
startling conquests, leadership passed from 
the power of the austere Orthodox Caliphs, 
who had set up their government in Medina, 
to the worldly-wise Umayyads, aristocratic 
kinsmen of the Prophet, who made Damascus 
their capital and gave Syria a century of im- 
perial splendor. 

The Arabian conquerors gradually as- 
similated large populations, possessing a higher 
grade of culture, to their own Islamic way 
of life; and they became urbanized, proficient 
in the arts of a settled society. The aggressive, 
youthful elements of central Arabia who had 
fought the spectacular battles of early Moslem 
expansion did not go home after victory. Most 
of them settled in Iraq, thence migrated 
farther eastward. Others moved along the 
new frontiers, finally taking up permanent 
residence somewhere between Egypt and 
Spain. 

The most pressing literary need during the 
early part of Islam's opening century was to 
preserve the text of the Koran. Automatically 
this led to the adoption of a more adequate 
script and the formulation of grammatical 
treatises based on the authoritative standards 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



in current usage. The study of the Koran, 
its exegesis and exposition, gave rise to the 
science of tradition, laying thereby the corner- 
stone of the coming structures of theology and 
jurisprudence. In the solution of knotty gram- 
matical and etymological problems, pre- 
Islamic poetry was a decisive factor. The col- 
lecting and memorizing of pagan literature 
grew into an activity consuming prodigious 
effort. Historical studies stemmed out of the 
oral genealogies and the desire to ascertain 
the origin and ancient doings of the Arabians. 
Source material was discovered in legend as 
well as in Judaeo-Chdstian literature. In con- 
nection with the Prophet's biography (straJi) 
and military expeditions (maghazi), some 
chronicles were made. Wahb ibn-Munabbih 
(d. 732) was an authority on the legendary 
, history of his native al-Yaman. His insights 
in the field of South Arabian antiquities the 
so-called "science of origins" coupled with 
his alleged Biblical erudition enabled him to 
make a contribution to early Islamic theology 
and jurisprudence. In this period flourished 
the learned divine al-Hasan al-Basri (d. 728), 
recognized by most religious movements in 
Islam rationalist, mystical, and orthodox 
as the ultimate interpreter in whose teaching 
their systems are rooted. His discourses, pre- 
served in many a recension, are couched in 
eloquent prose and bear witness to his piety 
and profound theological knowledge. The 
preponderant importance of oral instruction, 
however, kept the literary monuments of the 
period inferior. 

The school of rhapsodists, or reciters, 
(rawiyahs) was popular in this age. This 
school affected the authenticity and integrity 
of pre-Islamic poetry, as already noticed. A 
rhapsodist sometimes undertook to correct 
what verse he transmitted. Thus Ka*b ibn- 
Zuhayr, author of the famous panegyric on 
Muhammad, Banat Su'ad (Suad has de- 
parted), for which the Prophet gave him his 
own mantle. A much more grave practice of 



the rhapsodists was the insertion of their own 
verses into such earlier work. Hammad al- 
Rawiyah (ca. 713-72) made such additions. 
His personal incompetence in grammar and 
syntax was brushed aside on the ground that 
his primary concern was for the masses, in 
whose interest the use of popular speech was 
justifiable. Hammad altered and interpolated 
the diwan of al-Hutay'ah, one of the class 
of pagan poets called al-Mukhadramun (of 
mixed breed: uncircumcized), who were born 
in heathenism but died after the preaching 
of Islam. He is accused of forgery by al- 
Mufaddal al-Dabbi (d. ca. 786), who himself 
deserves the same reproach. Entire odes were 
fabricated by Khalaf al-Ahmar (d. ca. 800), a 
disciple of Hammad, who proceeded to in- 
corporate them in ancient collections. 

Sometimes a rhapsodist was also a poet of 
stature. Many a great poet began his career 
as an obscure rhapsodist in the service of a 
celebrated master. That was the relation be- 
tween al-Farazdaq and al-Hutay'ah, between 
the latter and Zuhayr, and between Zuhayr 
and the two poets, Aws ibn-Hujr and Tufayl 
al-Ghanawi. The social status of a rhapsodist 
seems generally to have been rather humble. 
Thus the rhapsodist of the poet al-Miskin is 
referred to as a slave (ghuldm). Tradition 
has it that whenever Jarir (d. ca. 729) wished 
to sit down and compose poetry he called upon 
his rhapsodist to bring in the inkwell and to 
add oil to the lamps. Abu-al-'Ala' al-Sindi, 
afflicted with a speech defect, used to delegate 
his freedman (mawla') to recite his verses by 
proxy. The rhapsodist of al-Akhtal appears as 
an Arab of inferior rank. 

But religious studies were now in the 
ascendancy. The absence of an adequate prose 
style prohibited an early expansion of such 
literature. The poets had been scorned by 
Muhammad and thereafter frowned upon by 
the early Moslem community. But a reversion 
to the older tradition of literary Arabic was 
not long in coming. The revival took place in 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



28 



Iraq, where the time-honored poetical spirit 
was not completely squandered, in a region 
relatively immune to the inroads of the new 
faith. When the theologians sought to check 
this restoration of pre-Islamic poetry, the 
bards flocked into Damascus and the other 
Umayyad courts, where they were accorded 
cordial reception; especially, al-Farazdaq, 
Jarir, and the Christian al-Akhtal* (d. ca. 
710). They brought back, on an even grander 
scale, memories of al-Hirah and Ghassanid 
courts, and emulated the pagan poets in style 
and technique. 

The impact of urbanization brought radi- 
cal changes in the structure (not the nature) 
of the ode. The old models continued to exist, 
even exist today, but in a considerably altered 
fashion. In the refined circles of Medina, un- 
der possibly Persian, perhaps Greek, influence, 
singers gathered in the service of the leisured 
aristocracy. The familiar nasib, which had 
formerly been part of the ode proper, grew 
into a new love lyric, especially in the hands 
of TJmar ibn-abi-Rabi'ah* (d. ca. 719). His 
poetry breathes a mellowness thitherto un- 
known, and thereafter unforgotten for its 
simplicity and gentleness on the ear. He sang 
his joyous refrains in all their captivating 
candor. Not long before him was the semi- 
mythical Majnun (the distracted one), an 
early messenger of the romantic school, whose 
love for Layla still lives on. He has been 
identified as Qays al-Mulawwah (d. ca. 699). 
The Umayyad caliph, al-Walid II, filled many 
an idle hour with these revel-songs, as a 
natural adjunct to his drinking sprees. His 
opprobrious reign was interrupted in 743 by 
a revolt which in due season precipitated the 
downfall of the Umayyads and ushered in a 
new literary age. 

The Ingathering Stage (A.D. 750-833). 
Literature under the early 'Abbasids, heirs 
and promoters of Islam's physical and intel- 
lectual conquests, experienced an initial period 
of ingathering. The 'Abbasids founded their 



capital, Baghdad (762), a world market to- 
wards which the wares of art, science, and 
literature converged, a splendid metropolis 
which set the cultural standards of the day. 
But into the composition of the rising Arabic 
literature there entered Hellenistic and Chris- 
tian ideas, Judaic and Persian thought, 
Aramaic, Indian, and pagan elements. Greece 
came to the Arabs largely through the Syrians, 
Eastern Christians, and Sabians. The Church 
of the Nestorians and that of the Monophy- 
sites, in their various monasteries, had carried 
on since the 5th c. the study of the earlier 
part of Aristotle's Organon, as well as his 
Categories, Hermeneutica, and Porphyry's 
Isagoge. The second 'Abbasid caliph, al- 
Mansur (d. 775), was the greatest patron 
of Nestorian physicians. He encouraged them 
to teach. He took special interest in the pur- 
veying of scientific thought through the trans- 
lation of Greek, Syriac, and Persian works. 
In this enterprise he was surpassed by the 
caliph al-Ma'mun (d. 833), under whom the 
apogee of Greek influence was reached. But 
in the aesthetic realm the otherwise receptive 
Arab mind shied away from the Greek legacy. 
The torch-bearers of Arabic letters turned 
rather to Persia. At a somewhat later date, 
India poured in her philosophy and science. 
Often syncretized with Mazdean and Mani- 
chaean elements, this contribution is obscured 
in the Ingathering Stage. Insofar as modern 
scholarship is able to ascertain, the first Mos- 
lem to acquire an accurate knowledge of In- 
dian philosophy was the Persian Shi'ite abu- 
al-Rayhan al-Biruni (d. 1048) whose long so- 
journ in the dark sub-continent enabled him 
to study its thought at close range. As a pro- 
found master of the physical and mathemati- 
cal sciences, he is without equal in Arabic 
literature. To his canny observation he 
brought a high degree of restraint and de- 
votion to scientific standards, as demonstrated 
in his two leading works, the Monuments and 
India, Contact with Buddhism in Bactria and 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



Sogdiana produced even greater influences on 
Islam and Arabic. In 772, an unknown Hindu 
astronomer came to Baghdad, bearing a treatise 
on mathematics and one on astronomy. The 
latter consisted of the earliest Hindu scientific 
works dealing with astronomy the so-called 
Siddhantas, better known to the Arabs as 
al-Sind-Hind in the translation of Ibrahim 
al-Fazari (d. ca. 777), the first Moslem to 
construct an astrolabe on the Greek model. 
This translation revolutionized the study of 
Arab astronomy. If it had no other significance 
than the introduction of Hindu numerals into 
Arabic, and thence through the works of al- 
Khwarizmi (d. ca. 850) as the Arabic 
numerals into the West, enough would have 
been accomplished to justify its inclusion 
among the epoch-making books of all coun- 
tries and of all time. 

The first bona fide institute of advanced 
learning in the Arab world was the Baghdad 
House of Wisdom Qyayt al-hikmali) initiated 
by al-Ma'mun in A.D. 830. The multifarious 
ingredients, assembled at the capital city, 
were quietly analyzed and clothed with 
caliphal sanction. In medicine, the vital assets 
and resources of the onetime Persian Sassanid 
studium at Jundishapur were held as models. 
In addition to its strategic function as a 
translation bureau, the Baghdad institute also 
became the envy of scholarship by reason 
of its academy, public library, and observa- 
tory. Here the caliph's astronomers not only 
made systematic observations, but also veri- 
fied with remarkably precise results all the 
fundamental elements of Almagest: the 
obliquity of the ecliptic, the precession of the 
equinoxes, the length of the solar year. To this 
observatory al-Ma'mun soon added another 
on Mt. Qasiyun outside of Damascus. The 
equipment in those days consisted of quadrant, 
astrolabe, dial, and globes. That affiliation in 
Baghdad of literary academy, translation bu- 
reau, and observatory is the most notable de- 
velopment in the domain of thought since 



the founding of the Alexandrian Museum in 
the early 3d c. B.C. 

At the hospitable 'Abbasid court, foreign 
personalities stole the show from the native- 
born Arabs who continued, nevertheless, to 
pursue their literary course. During this forma- 
tive epoch, the philologists and grammarians 
had the right of way. The complex metrical 
system of Arabic prosody was once for all 
fixed by al-Khalil ibn-Ahmad (d. 791); his 
disciple, the Persian Sibawayh (d. ca. 793) 
settled the principles of Arabic grammar. 
Theirs was the school of al-Basrah; at al- 
Kufah a less traditional rival school arose 
simultaneously, dedicated to a more liberal 
philology. In the halls of the former school, 
Ruzbih, a convert from Zoroastrianism, known 
as ibn-al-Muqaffa' (put to death as a Shi'ite 
heretic ca. 757) made a version of the Persian 
book of fables, originally the famous Indian 
fables of Bidpai, under the title of Kalilah 
wa-Dimnah (Fables of Bidpaty. A hero-saga, 
the work broke with the established traditions 
of prose by its loose texture and detailed in- 
tricacies. But the real humanists of the period 
were the grammarians, many of whom did 
not lack realism. The dreaded sarcastic humor 
of abu-TIbaydah (d. ca. 824) a Jewish 
Persian was supported by an encyclopedic 
knowledge. In his writings he championed the 
Shu'ubryah cause of the foreign-born, mostly 
Persians, against the Arab national party. His 
rival, al-Asma'i (d. ca. 830), a onetime courtier 
of Harun al-Rashid (786-809), as editor, 
commentator, and critic of Arabic poetry, left 
the basis of nearly all that has since been 
written in the literary field. 

It was clear, however, that some time had 
yet to elapse before the Generality of Koranic 
studies would be shaken. Under the spur of 
the eclectic school of Jundishapur and the 
Aristotelian logic on the one hand, and fol- 
lowing the example of still raging philosophi- 
cal-theological controversies in Christendom 
on the other, Neoplatonic influence in early 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



Islam appears in connection with the central 
problem of free-will (qadar^). A movement of 
broad proportions soon arose, whose adherents 
came to be known as the Mu'tazilah (seceders, 
i.e., neutrals) because they withdrew from 
the controversial arena, following an inde- 
pendent course of belief in free-will rational- 
ism. In retaliation, the orthodox group could 
do no less than anathematize all philosophy 
and philosophers. But the most signal devel- 
opment of the period was the emergence of 
a new poetry, distinguished by the employ- 
ment of new similes. Its founder was the 
blind Bashshar ibn-Burd (d. 784) whose Per- 
sian birth is perhaps responsible for the hereti- 
cal views that led to his execution at the 
command of the caliph al-Mahdi (77585) as 
well as for that lively elegance of diction, 
depth of tenderness and feeling by which his 
name is kept alive. 

To this age, seething with explosive ideas, 
belong two of the leading literary figures of 
the Arabic language, abu-Nuwas (d. 810) 
and abu-al-'Atahiyah (748^3. 828). Abu- 
Nuwas* is remembered as the court jester 
of Harun al-Rashid, and as the hero of count- 
less ludicrous adventures and facetious pranks 
in the Arabian Nights. In the opinion of 
competent critics, he ranks, nonetheless, above 
all other Arabic poets. A Persian by birth, he 
received his education at al-Basrah. Following 
a sojourn among the desert Arabs he settled 
in Baghdad where he soon eclipsed every 
court rival. His poetry included panegyric 
(twfldt/0, satire (foi;a'), songs of the chase 
Qardiyat), elegies (marathi) and religious 
poetry (zukdiyat). His wine-songs (khamri- 
yat) won him universal fame. He urged his 
hearers not to shrink from excesses, since 
Divine mercy is greater than the sin of man. 
The scenes of luxurious dissipation and re- 
fined debauchery in which he excelled prove 
that Persian culture was not always a blessing 
to the Arabs. 

Abu-al-'Atahiyah * shows the indignation of 



the humble folk at laxity in high places. Of 
Arab stock, he was bred at al-Kufah and 
earned his living by selling earthenware. 
Legend has it that despair in love drove him 
to asceticism. He was falsely charged with the 
adoption of a moralistic philosophy as a cloak 
for his rationalist views. For the first time in 
Arabic literature he demonstrated that a truly 
great poet could use the ordinary language 
of the people without foregoing his distinc- 
tion. He gave religion its legitimate place in 
the poetical firmament. 

Since the stream of religious poetry never 
dried up again, abu-al-'Atahiyah may be con- 
sidered a herald. That the expression of re- 
ligious ideas through poetical compositions 
was widespread before his time may be in- 
ferred from the ante-Islamic gibes of the 
Abyssinian buffoon, abu-Dulamah (d. ca. 
780) and the open heresy of men such as the 
Persian Bashshar ibn-Burd (d. 784). Abu-al- 
'Atahiyah *s verse is imbued with a profound 
theological interpretation of history. The will 
of God is incessantly discovered in everyday 
affairs, the door to prayer is thrown open, and 
religion is not only related to all earthly mat- 
ters but is expressly recognized as the decisive 
factor in contemporary events. 

Most prose works at this stage of the literary 
transformation derived their origin from the 
religio-philosophical incentive. The four ortho- 
dox juridical schools of Islamic law formu- 
lated, under the label of fiqh (wisdom), the 
juris prudentia of the Romans, a system of 
religio-juridical thought. The earliest and 
largest school (madhhab*) is the Hanafite, after 
abu-Hamfah (d. 767), who flourished in al- 
Kufah and Baghdad. His system is the most 
tolerant. A conservative school, the Malikite, 
was founded by Malik ibn-Anas (ca. 715-95) 
of Medina who expressed in a compilation of 
his own legal decisions, al-Muwatta (The 
Leveled Path), the dissatisfaction of the more 
orthodox Arab theologians with the foreign 
speculative schools of Iraq. A moderate school 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



was the ShafVite, whose founder was Muham- 
mad ibn-Idrls al-Shafi'i (d. 820 in Cairo). 
The fourth legal system is the Hanbalite, after 
Ahmad ibn-Hanbal (d. 855, in Baghdad); its 
extreme convervatism made it the bulwark of 
orthodoxy in Baghdad against rationalistic in- 
novations. To this period also belongs the 
establishment of the independent study of 
history. Ibn-Ishaq (d. 766) compiled a biog- 
raphy of Muhammad, preserved in the revised 
edition of ibn-Hisham (d. 834). The historian 
al-Waqidi (d. 823) composed al-Maghazi, an 
account of the Prophet's military expeditions. 

Under the Shadow of Empire (A.D. 833 
1517). Politically the Golden Age of the 
Arabs was already in the background. After 
al-Ma'mun (81333) the mighty empire be- 
gan to decay. The centrifugal forces are ex- 
emplified in the establishment of independent 
dynasties, as provinces cut themselves loose 
from the caliphate. The hitherto unchallenged 
splendor of Baghdad began to wane, as the 
political hegemony of the Arabs, once the 
hallmark of an imperial race, began to disin- 
tegrate. In distant parts of the Islamic world, 
in provincial courts and under semi-inde- 
pendent princes, the cause of letters prospered. 

In Spain, under the brilliant Umayyads of 
Cordova (756-1031), a splendid chapter was 
being composed. Ibn-'Abd-Rabbihi* (860- 
940) of Cordova, laureate of 'Abd-al-Rahman 
III, was the most distinguished author. Al- 
Qali (901-67), of Eastern birth, came to 
prominence at the University of Cordova in 
the reign of al-Hakam II (961-76). He wrote 
al-Amali (Dictations), an admirable miscel- 
lany on ancient Arabic literature. Ibn-Hazm 
(994-1064), the most original thinker of 
Moslem Spain, wrote al-Fasl ft al-Milal (Di- 
vision of Sects), a pioneer work in compara- 
tive religion. The rise of minor Moslem dy- 
nasties in Spain enabled Seville, Toledo, and 
Granada to eclipse Cordova. The Mozrabs 
communicated elements of Arab culture to 
the other kingdoms of the north and south. 



The Fables of Bidpai were translated into 
Spanish for Alphonso the Wise (1252-82) 
of Castile and Leon, and ultimately used as 
a source by La Fontaine. The rich fantasy of 
Spanish literature indicates Arabic models, as 
does the wit of Cervantes. Ibn-Hani (937 
73), the licentious poet of Seville, betrays 
Greek influence; but the picaresque novel 
bears the impress of the Maqamah (assem- 
bly), culminating stage of Semitic literature 
whose creation in Arabic is credited to the 
Persian al-Hamadhani (9691008), whose 
rhymed prose is a blend of philosophical and 
moral curiosity, usually based on the ad- 
ventures of a cavalier-hero. 

In the literary realm Moslem Spain pro- 
duced ibn-Zaydun (1003-71), an accom- 
plished poet and letter writer. The beautiful 
al-Walladah (d. 1087) was the Sappho- of 
Spain; and ibn-Quzman, the wandering min- 
strel of Cordova. Lyric poetry of the zajal 
(vulgar singing) and muwashshah (a double- 
rhymed poem, likened to a woman's gem- 
studded belt) forms attracted Christian in- 
terest, and developed into the Castilian popu- 
lar verse form of villancico, which was ex- 
tensively used for hymns and carols. From 
Arabic poetry, also, grew the definite literary 
scheme of platonic love in Spanish, as early 
as the 8th c. In southern France, the first 
Provencal poets appear toward the end of the 
1 1 th c. The troubadours may have been imi- 
tators of the zfl/fl/-singers. The Chanson de 
Roland springs from a military contact with 
Arab Spain. 

Following the translation period (ca. 750- 
ca. 900) came the flowering of scientific ac- 
tivity (ca. 9001100). The astrologer abu- 
Ma'shar (d. 886) taught Europe the laws of 
the tides. Four of his works were translated 
into Latin and his name, appearing as Al- 
bumasar, was accepted in the iconography as 
that of a prophet. The treasure-houses of 
Arab science began to disclose their contents. 
In Istanbul alone there are more than 80 



AJMBIC LITERATI/HE 



mosque libraries, containing tens of thousands 
of manuscripts. Other collections exist in 
Cairo, Damascus, Mosul, and Baghdad, as well 
as in Iran, India, and North Africa. (On this 
side of the Atlantic the most impressive col- 
lection of Arabic and Islamic manuscripts is 
at Princeton University.) The first full-dress 
academy in the Arab world was the Nizamiyah 
school, founded in Baghdad in 1065-7 by the 
enlightened Nizam-al-Mulk, the Persian vizier 
of the Saljuq Sultans Alp Arslan and 
Malikshah, and patron of 'Urnar al-Khayyam. 
In Cairo the Fatimid caliph al-Hakim estab- 
lished in 1005 a Hall of Science where astron- 
omy and medicine were taught. 'Ali ibn-Yunus 
(d. 1009) is the greatest astronomer of Egypt. 
Roger Bacon's Optics was based on the 
Thesaurus Opticae of ibn-al-Haytham (Al- 
hazen), the Arab physicist and opticist that 
graced al- Hakim's court. The astronomical 
ingenuity of the Arabs is engraved on the 
sky. It blossomed temporarily at Cordova and 
Toledo. From the latter city, the astronomical 
Toledo Tables, drawn by al-Zarqali (Ar- 
zachel, whom Chaucer calls Arsechieles) in 
1080, took their name. 

In the wake of the translation age also ap- 
peared the brilliant galaxy of Islamic philoso- 
phers. The most fertile and cultured minds 
engaged in the creation of a colossal syncre- 
tism, in which Plato and especially Aristotle 
prevail. The most eminent Arab thinkers rep- 
resenting the Aristotelian philosophy were al- 
Kindi (ca. 850), al-Farabi (d. 950), ibn-Sina 
(Avicenna,* 980-1037), ibn-Bajjah (Aven- 
pace, d. 1138), ibn-Tufayl (d. 1185), and 
ibn-Rushd (Averroes, 1126-1198). Beneath 
the surface of the works of these men was a 
reaction against Islam. Their thought-forms 
were never assimilated by Islam, nor did they 
succeed in winning the understanding of the 
common man. Like the billowy current-belts 
that traverse the ocean, always preserving 
their own coloration and direction without 
ever vanishing in the expansive waters that 



encompass them, these philosophers passed 
through Islam without wholly becoming part 
of it. 

Crowning the loth c. achievements is the 
work of Ikhwan al-Safa (brethren of sin- 
cerity), a school (ca. 970) of Basrah and 
Baghdad encyclopaedists. Their composite 52 
Epistles (rasa'iO cover almost the full gamut 
of contemporary knowledge and thought. 
Thereafter, encyclopaedic, biographical, and 
lexicographical productions continue to ap- 
pear for some five centuries. Two Egyptians, 
al-Nuwayri (d. 1332) and al-Qalqashandi 
(d. 1418), wrote their respective encyclo- 
paedias. The careers of illustrious physicians, 
whose medical knowledge and practice were 
incidental to their general scientific and 
philosophical interests, found a biographer in 
the Damascene ibn-abi-Usaybi'ah (1203-70), 
matched only by the Egyptian resident of 
Allepo, al-Qifti (d. 1248). Gigantic biographi- 
cal dictionaries also came from the pens of 
al-Safadi (d. 1363), in 26 volumes, and al- 
'Asqalani (d. 1449). Abu-Nasr al-Jawhari 
(d. ca. 1008), of Turkish origin, was author 
of a great lexicon, al-Sihah (The Genuine 
Owes) which served as a model for later lexi- 
cographers. The Lisan al-Arab (Tongue of 
the Arabs') of ibn-Mukarram (d. 1311) and 
the Qamus (Ocean, i.e., Dictionary) of al- 
Firuzabadi (d. 1414) are standard Arabic 
dictionaries. 

Political theory developed its own literature. 
The chief judge of Baghdad under Harun 
al-Rashid was the Hanafite jurisconsult abu- 
Yusuf (731-98), the first to receive the title 
of qadi al-qudah (Chief Judge). He wrote 
Kitab al-Kharaj (Book on Poll-Tax). Ibn-al- 
Tiqtaqah (b. ca. 1262), an unbiased Shfite, 
wrote Kitab al-Fakhri (Book of al-Fakhri), 
the first part of which is a political treatise, the 
second, a re"sum of the history of Moslem 
dynasties. In Spain, ibn-abi-Randaqah al- 
Turtushi (ca. 1059-1126) of Tortosa was an 
Arab authority on law and tradition. His 



33 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



Siraj al-Muluk (Lamp of Kings) is a treatise 
on politics and government, teeming with ref- 
erences to earlier Indo-Persian sources. The 
aforenamed Nizam-al-Mulk (ca. 1020-1092) 
was a Persian statesman and student of poli- 
tics. He wrote in Persian for Malikshah the 
Siyasat-Namah (Treatise On Government), 
probably the most important contribution of 
that age on the subject. The real theorist of 
power in Islam, however, is al-Mawardi (d. 
1058) who taught in Baghdad and al-Basrah. 
His main work, al-Ahkdm al-Sultaniyah 
(State Regulations') is the most authoritative 
exposition of political theory in Sunnite Islam. 
Almost four centuries later, the philosopher- 
historian ibn-Khaldun* (d. 1406) the most 
imposing figme perhaps in the annals of 
Arabic literature ascribed to political theory 
an importance evidenced by the extraordinary 
attention devoted to it in his Prolegomena. 

The science of tradition, Koranic studies, 
and exegesis were meantime proceeding apace, 
preparing the way for theology and the devel- 
oping field of religious thought. Al-Bukhari 
(d. 870) and Muslim (d. 875) were the lead- 
ing traditionists; their respective collections 
were entitled Sahih (Genuine), purporting to 
preserve an authentic record of sayings and 
acts ascribed to Muhammad and his compan- 
ions. Abu-al-Hasan al-Ash'ari (d. 935), a for- 
mer rationalist who had turned conservative, 
championed the orthodox cause. His many 
books are of a dogmatic and polemic nature. He 
originated and popularized a dialectic which 
was hurled against the heretics of the day. A 
contemporary of his, and like him a founder 
of a school of theology, was al-Maturidi (d. 
944). These two religious stalwarts formulated 
much of orthodox Sunnite theology. Two cen- 
turies later, the beliefs held by the new 
orthodoxy were given definitive form by 
'Umar al-Nasafi (d. 1142), a jurist and the- 
ologian. To the same period belonged al- 
Zamakhshari (d. 1143) whose commentary 
on the Koran ranks with that of the later al- 



Baydawi (d. 1286). A remarkable document 
in Arabic religio-philosophical thought is al- 
Milal w-al-Nihal (Religions and Sects) by al- 
Shahrastani (1076-1153), who reviewed the 
religious systems and philosophies of the 
world in the light of Islamic orthodoxy. 

The lifeblood of religious thought increas- 
ingly came to be Sufism, a mystical movement 
which in the i2th c. created the beginnings 
of a vast reorganization in Islamic life, cor- 
responding to the monastic orders of medieval 
Christendom. The works of al-Muhasibi (d. 
857), the first Sunnite mystic who was steeped 
in theology, combined a concern for philo- 
sophical definitions with a rigorous quest for 
moral purity. His Ri'ayah H-Huquq illah 
(Observance of God's Rights^) is a manual on 
the inner life. The last of the early Sufis 
was abu-Talib al-Makki (d. 996), whose Qut 
al-Qulub (Food of Hearts) is a mystical text- 
book in use to the present day. Preceding him 
are scores of zealots, such as Junayd of Bagh- 
dad (d. 90910) and the matryr al-Hallaj 
(d. 922). 'Abd-al-Qadir al-Jilani (1077-1166), 
a Persian who flourished in Baghdad, estab- 
lished the first Sufi fraternity the climax 
of five centuries of Sufism practiced privately 
or in small, now forgotten circles. The great- 
est monist and pantheistic mystic of Islam was 
ibn-'Arabi* (1165-1240) of Spain. He wrote, 
traveled, and taught, and finally emerged as 
the supreme speculative genius of his faith, 
who gave Sufism the framework of its specu- 
lative philosophy. Embedded in an enormous 
mass of writings, not yet critically edited, his 
influence is detectable in many studies that 
form part of the rich legacy of Islamic mysti- 
cism. Perhaps al-Futiihat al-Makkiyah (Mec- 
can Revelations^ is his masterpiece, for it 
dominates the extensive domain of his pro- 
ductions. 

Jalal-al-Dm al-Rumi (d. 1273), the Persian 
mystic and poet, founded the Mawlawite fra- 
ternity of Whirling Dervishes. Mysticism was 
generally more congenial to the Persians than 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



to the Arabs, and its influence on Arabic lit- 
erature is not to be compared with the extraor- 
dinary spell which it has cast over the Persian 
mind since the nth c. The Arabs have only 
one Sufi poet, ibn-al-Farid* (1181-1235), 
that ranks with the Persian masters. Ibn- 
Masarrah (887-931) of Cordova had founded 
the Ishraqi (illuministic) school. From Spain 
the ideas of this school were transmitted to 
the so-called Augustinian scholastics, such as 
Alexander Hales, Duns Scotus, Roger Bacon, 
and Raymond Lull. The essential element of 
illuministic teaching the metaphysical doc- 
trine of light reappears in The Divine Com- 
edy which reproduces, a century after ibn- 
'Arabi, most of the pictures he had used of 
the realm beyond the grave. A staunch ex- 
ponent of Sufi illumination is abu-al-Futuh 
al-Suhrawardi (d. 1191). His literary activity 
revived the interest of the hither East in the 
illuminative life. The Shadhili fraternity is 
the strongest Sufi force in North Africa, where 
Morocco and Tunis, the main fields of its 
expansion, harbor the various sub-orders. Its 
founder is the Tunisian abu-al-Hasan-al 
Shadhili (d. 1258). A more recent doctor of 
this fraternity is the Egyptian abu-al-Mawahib 
al-Shadhili (1407-1477-8). His Qawanm, 
composed towards the close of the Mamluk 
regime, reproduces within brief compass much 
of the essence of Sufism. 

The Mongol invasion of Western Asia 
brought desolation, culminating in the sack 
of Baghdad (1258). In spite of the subsequent 
impoverishment of the Arabs, the chief cen- 
ters of literary life in Syria and Egypt con- 
tinued, until the coming of the Ottomans in 
1517, to produce fitful signs of life. Detached 
from the heretical Fatimids of Egypt by the 
First Crusade, Syria was restored to com- 
munion with the orthodox East, though the 
unceasing struggle with the Franks left little 
leisure for literary pursuits. The most inter- 
esting work during the crusades is the auto- 
biography of Usamah (1095-1188) a tableau 



vivant of those stormy days. Saladin's career 
was made the subject of several biographies 
such as those by his secretary lmad-al-Dm of 
Isfahan (d. ca. 1201); his favorite Baha'-al- 
Din ibn-Shaddad; and the later Damascene 
scholar abu-Shamah (d. 1268). In Iraq and 
Persia, al-Ghazzali (d. nn) is the towering 
personality in the Islamic thought of the age. 
Al-Hariri's (1054-1122) name is made fa- 
mous by his Maqamdt (Assemblies*). From the 
mid 9th to the end of the nth c., Sicily was 
part of the Arab world and produced a num- 
ber of Arab poets, of whom the most celebrated 
is ibn-Hamdis (ca. 1055-1132). He fled the 
island at the Norman conquest and took 
refuge in Seville, then fled again to Morocco 
with his patron al-Mu'tamid (1040-95). But 
Arab genius in the island did not bear fruit 
until the Norman period. For a century Sicily 
furnishes the unique spectacle of a Christian 
court at which Arabs occupied high positions 
and Arabic literature was better appreciated 
than under Moslem rulers. Among the many 
ornaments of the Norman Sicilian court were 
ibn-Zafar (d. 1169) and al-Idrisi (d. 1166). 

The Mamluks (1250-1517), a military 
oligarchy of former white slaves, cleared their 
Syrian-Egyptian domain of the remaining 
crusaders and checked the Mongol advance 
led by Hulagu and Timur (Tamerlane). Al- 
Busiri (i2i2-ca. 1296), of Berber extraction, 
is the only poet of the Mamluk age that 
gained any enduring reputation. His fame 
rests upon his panegyric of the Prophet, called 
al-Burdah (The Manile). A compiler of his- 
torical works was al-Maqrizi* (1346-1442). 
Another, ibn-'Arabshah (1392-1450), Damas- 
cus-born, was removed as a child to Samar- 
qand by Timur, of whom he wrote a brilliant 
biography. The dominating literary person- 
ality of the century preceding the Ottoman 
conquest is Jalal-al-Dm al-Suyuti* (1445- 
1505), interpreter and epitomizer of the 
Islamic classical tradition. The Arabian 
Nights, based on the Persian Hezar Efsaneh 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



(Thousand Tales) by al-Jahshiyari (d. 942), 
received additions from numerous sources in 
different cultures but was not given its final 
shape until the i4th c. under the Mamluks. 

The relations established during the yth 
and 8th c. between Arabia and Persia, and 
even more distant Eastern lands, gave rise to 
an active importation of subject matter for 
fables and fairy tales, ultimately compiled in 
the Arabian Nights, which the Arabs call Alf 
Layla wa-Layla (Thousand and One Nights). 
It is no exaggeration to recognize this work as 
the greatest saga book of the East. The re- 
ceived text is of composite authorship and has 
a polyglot background. The story of the growth 
of this book forms a fascinating chapter in 
the development of Eastern culture and its 
impact on the West. Transmitted to Arabic 
perhaps in the 9th c., the foreign material 
underwent a series of changes, involving the 
addition of two strata: that of Baghdad; and 
that of Egypt. The Baghdad stratum, ordi- 
narily cast in solid, impressive style, features 
the court life of Caliph Harun al-Rashid 
(786809), together with the supporting per- 
sonages: the vizier and executioner; it abounds 
in cullings from the anecdotes and v foibles of 
the half-Persian poet of Baghdad, abu-Nuwas 
(d. 810) and the black bard and court jester 
abu-Dulamah (d. ca. 780). The Egyptian 
stratum relies upon the magic art, making use 
of jinnis and 'if fits (demons), producing a 
kind of picaresque novel with local Egyptian 
color. The faris (knight) motif throughout 
the Nights is moulded by the Egyptian Mam- 
luk conception thereof, and the mores and 
folklore of the whole work reflect the at- 
mosphere of the Nile Valley. There are, in 
addition to the foreign material and the two 
strata, a number of collections and cycles 
thrown in to make up the grand total of a 
thousand and one nights. 

The frame-work of the Nights is the tale 
of King Shahryar and his younger brother, 
Shahzaman, who, betrayed by their wives, 



roam the world until, cured by their experi- 
ence with a jinni, who was brutally double- 
crossed by his supposedly adoring spirit mis- 
tress, they decide never to trust a woman 
again. Returning to his throne, Shahryar de- 
nudes his realm of maidens by taking a girl to 
bed nightly and ordering her executed on the 
morrow. It remains for Shahrazad (Schehera- 
zade), with the able cooperation of her sister 
Dmazad, daughters of the grand vizier, vol- 
untarily to seek the cruel king's couch. She 
narrates a story on the first night, reaching a 
point of critical suspense toward dawn. The 
listening king spares her to complete her nar- 
rative, but the second night the story grows 
more fascinating and brings forth another 
near climax. Shahrazad is thus spared for a 
thousand and one nights, in the course of 
which she brings forth three sons, and at the 
close of which she comes out honored and 
surrounded with love. 

This practice of interlacing one story with 
another is specifically Indian. It is observed 
in the Mahahharata and Panchtantra, where 
it also forms the basic feature of the frame- 
work. The tales appearing first, such as the 
Merchant and the Jinni; the Fisherman and 
the Jinni; the Porter and the Ladies in Bagh- 
dad; the Hunchback, etc., are excellent ex- 
amples of the frame-work motif. Traceable to 
Indian-Persian origin are such tales as the 
Story of the Magic Horse; the Story of Hasan 
of Basrah; the Story of Sayf-al-Muluk; the 
Story of Qamar-al-Zaman and Prince Budur; 
the Story of Prince Badr and Princess Jawhar; 
and the Story of Ardashir and Hayat-al-Nufus. 
Interspersed through the great majority of 
the tales are shorter or longer quotations of 
verse. The Baghdad stratum attracts attention 
to itself by its frequent use of poetry. The 
usual practice is to resort to poetry where a 
sentimental role must be played, be it joy or 
sorrow. No action, however, is dependent 
upon the poetical section, it being abundantly 
clear that the function of verse in the Nights 



AEAB1C LITERATURE 



is purely as a decorative motif, if not altogether 
perfunctory. Identical verse quotations are re- 
peatedly used in similar circumstances. There 
are also instances of the clumsy use of poetry, 
owing to error of insertion. Only rarely is the 
name of the poet cited. Those referred to hy 
name are abu-Nuwas, ibn-al-Mu'tazz (d. 908) 
and Ishaq al-Mawsili (767-850). It is usual 
to preface a poetical quotation with the non- 
descript wa-qala al-shair (the poet said). In 
fact, the poetry reproduced is, in general, of 
a later variety and in no way represents the 
finest forms known in the classics. 

It is clear, moreover, that the N^ghts do 
not form part of formal Arahic literature. The 
dignified man of letters could not afford to 
concern himself with fairy tales and the de- 
bauched attitudes of life. The historian al- 
Mas'udi (d. 956) in his monumental history 
Mumj al-Dhahab (Meadows of Gold') refers 
to an old Persian book "the story of the king 
and his vizier, and of the vizier's daughter 
and her maiden: Shirazad and Dmazad" 
(sic.). Al-Nadim (d. 995) mentions the 
Nights at some length in his al-Fihrist (cata- 
log), writing in 988, and states that it is "a 
vulgar and foolish book." The only other man 
of letters to notice the work is a so-called al- 
Qurti, whose statements are preserved in a 
recension incorporated in the works of al- 
Maqrizi (1364-1142) and al-Maqqari (1591- 
1632). Al-Qurti is presumed to have com- 
posed a history of Egypt about the middle of 
the 1 2th c., in the course of which he com- 
pared the love adventures of the Fatimid 
Caliph al-Amir (1101-30) with the tales of 
the Nights. Among the scholars of Islam, the 
unpopularity of the work remains to the pres- 
ent day. It is generally felt among them that 
the position of woman as portrayed in the 
Nights is unfair, as indeed it is. Extensive 
concubinage, laxity in sex morality, and a 
gaudy form of culture with woman as the 
personification of cunning and intrigue, are 
held to be the very negation of great litera- 



ture. Yet the folk tales of the Nights may be 
heard in the streets and cafes of Beirut, Cairo, 
and Baghdad. They are privately read and are 
quietly whispered in the homes of the rich 
and poor, the pious and the worldly, all the 
way from Morocco to Central Asia. 

[In the West, however, the work is not only 
more popular reading than the Koran, it sur- 
passes any other Eastern masterpiece as a 
household classic. Thus the name of Harun- 
al-Rashid, contemporary and distant ally of 
Charlemagne, became known in Europe and 
America, not quite as the "good Haroun 
Alrashid" of Tennyson but rather as a 
despotic ruler with an impulsive amiability 
and real taste for music and letters. Dur- 
ing the period of the Crusades, European 
settlers in Syria must have heard stories from 
the Nights which they carried back. Chau- 
cer's Squieres Tale is an Arabian Nights' 
story. The French translation of Antoine Gal- 
land (1646-1715) provided Europe with its 
text of the Nights for over a century. A dis- 
cussion was thereafter to arise regarding the 
authenticity of the text. Hermann Zotenberg 
made, in 1835, an Egyptian recension from 
which most modern translations are made. 
Lane's translation, incomplete but enriched 
with a valuable commentary, began to ap- 
pear in 1839; Payne's in 1882-84; Richard 
Burton's in 1885-88 reproduces Payne but 
retains the Oriental flavor. Enno Littmann's 
German translation (6 vok, 1921-28) is 
highly commendable. Through these and 
other translations the Nights has assumed a 
unique position among the immortal master- 
pieces of world literature. Its stories of Aladdin 
and the Wonderful Lamp; of Ali Baba and 
the Forty Thieves (from which the catch- 
word "Open Sesame" has come into the 
English language); the exploits of Sindbad the 
Sailor and many more enchanting tales, are 
part of every literate child's heritage.] 

Early in the 1 3th c. the Muwahhid dynasty 
(1130-1269), or Almohades, which like its 



37 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



predecessor the Murabit (1056-1147), or 
Almoravides, had been founded by a Berber, 
was overthrown in Spain by the Christians, 
who recovered the Iberian Peninsula save for 
a narrow strip of land running from Gibraltar 
to Granada. Few monuments of the Arabic 
literature produced here escaped the destruc- 
tion ordered at the time of Ferdinand and 
Isabella's reconquest. Ibn-al-Khatib* (1313- 
74) stands out as a writer above all his con- 
temporaries for sheer mastery of the craft of 
letters. He is probably the last notable poet 
and writer of muwashshahs who died in 
Spain. Thereafter Hispano-Arab culture mi- 
grates to north-west Africa, with centers in 
Fez and Tlemcen. First Tunis, in the i3th c., 
then Fez, in the i4th, rose to prominence as 
citadels of culture. Tangier is the birthplace 
of Islam's foremost traveler, ibn-Battutah* 
(130477). The Moroccan historian 'Abd-al- 
Wahid, who sojourned in Spain, wrote in 
1224 the most valuable work on the Almo- 
hades. The Tunisian ibn-Khaldun (1332 
1406) carved his unforgettable name as the 
inventor of the new science of history. 

To this long-drawn-out period of literary 
effervescence, under changing conditions, be- 
longs the enrichment of the Arabic language 
by a group of first-class historians and 
geographers. The two leading historians of 
the Arab conquests were the Egyptian ibn- 
'Abd-al-Hakam (d. 870-71), whose Futuh 
Misr (Conquest of Egypt) is the earliest ex- 
tant document on the conquest of Egypt, 
North Africa, and Spain; and the Arabic- 
writing Persian al-Baladhuri (d. 892), whose 
main work, Futuh al-Buldan, gave the origin 
of the Islamic state. Arabic historical com- 
position reached its highest point in al- 
Tabari (838-923), and al-Masudi (d. 956), 
and after Miskawayh (d. 1030) started on a 
rapid decline. A chief judge of Syria, ibn- 
Khallikan (d. 1282), was the first Moslem to 
compose a dictionary of national biography. 
Before him, Yaqut (1179-1229), greatest of 



Eastern Moslem geographers, composed a dic- 
tionary of literati, Mu'jam al-Udaba, and ibn- 
'Asakir (d. 1177) sketched in 80 volumes the 
careers of notable Damascenes. Ibn-Qutaybah 
of Merv (d. 885) wrote, among odier books, 
al-Shi'r w-al-Shu'ara (Poetry and Poets), the 
first attack on pagan poetry, suggesting that 
merit rather than mere antiquity is the proper 
criterion of verse. His prose set the tone of 
the literary essay through many generations. 
In the loth c. literary criticism took the 
form of philological investigation of stylistic 
standards, with literary history in outstanding 
biographies such as al-Amidi's (d. 987) com- 
parative study of the poets abu-Tammam (d. 
ca. 846) and al-Buhturi (d. 897). This im- 
pulse led to the application of Greek rhetorical 
reasoning to Arabic literature, through the 
work of Qudamah ibn-Ja'far (d. 922). The 
unfortunate 'Abbasid prince, ibn-al-Mu'tazz 
(d. 908), whose one-day caliphate ended in 
his assassination, composed Kitab al-Bad? 
(Book on Rhetoric), the first important work 
on poetics, a pioneer experiment in building 
up rhetoric on purely Arabic lines of thought 
and observation. Abu-Hilal al-'Askari (d. 
1005) in Kitab al-Sinaatayn (Book on the 
Two Skills poetry and prose) moulded the 
various discoveries made in the field of rhetoric 
and literary theory into a system that in both 
organization and documentation shows the 
progress achieved within two or three genera- 
tions. As regards the miraculous rhetoric of 
the Koran (1'jdz al-Qur'an), he presented an 
exposition that induced the Ash'arite the- 
ologian al-Baqillani (d. 1012) to deal in his 
book with the problems of rhetoric and criti- 
cism. He pointed out the occurrence in the 
Koran of the rhetorical figures used by the 
poets; he gave an aesthetic critique of part 
of the mu'allaqah of Imru' al-Qays; and also 
of a representative ode by a contemporary 
poet, al-Buhturi. Aesthetic criticism is for the 
first time made the major concern of an im- 
portant volume. To the literary elite of the 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



i oth and nth c, belong the two leading fig- 
ures in medieval Arabic prosody, al-Mutan- 
abbi* (d. 965) and al-Ma'arri* (d. 1057). The 
first is commonly regarded as the foremost 
master of Arabic verse. Though less versatile 
as a prosodist, the second achieved greatness 
largely through his scintillating wisdom and 
skeptical approach to ultimate realities. 

Literary specialists began to look askance 
at the unwarranted generalizations of their 
predecessors, including al-Jahiz (d. 869). 
Abu-Mansur al-Tha'alibi (d. 1038) wrote an 
anthology of contemporary poets, Yatiwat al- 
Dahr (Solitaire of the Age), a clear manifesta- 
tion of scholarship and literary taste. A more 
rational treatment and critical analytics were 
evolved, paving the way for the literary giants 
of a latter day. Of these ibn-Rashiq (d. ca. 
1070) wrote al-Umdah, on the art of poetry, 
in which he expressed the view that moderns 
would receive greater recognition if they dis- 
carded the obsolete conventions. He bade the 
poets draw inspiration from nature and truth, 
instead of mimicking the old forms and tech- 
niques. 'Abd-al-Qadir al-Jurjani (d. 1078) and 
Diya'-al-Dm ibn-al-Athir (d. 1239), on the 
basis of a thorough rational training in the 
auxiliary sciences, were able to turn to the 
study of the more general aspects of literary 
expression. 

The Low Ebb (1517-1800 A.D.). The es- 
tablishment of the Ottoman Turks on the 
Bosphorus in 1453 and their destruction of 
Mamluk authority in 1517 brought Arab 
civilization to its lowest ebb. The Ottomans, 
who had supplanted their Saljuq kinsmen 
in Asia Minor, had set up early in the i^th c. 
a kingdom which in time had absorbed the 
empire of the Byzantines as well as the do- 
minions that had risen on the ruins of 
'Abbasid power. The hour had meanwhile 
struck for the westward disposition of world 
culture. The discovery of the new world 
(1492) took place in the same year that Spain 
under its Castilian sovereigns destroyed the 



last semblance of power of the Moslems. 
These events, together with the opening of 
the Cape of Good Hope route (1497), under 
Henry the Navigator (1394-1460) of Portu- 
gal and his successors, transferred world trade 
to new avenues, and made the Mediterranean 
a backwater until Napoleon rediscovered its 
significance. A general lethargy seemed to 
settle on the Arabic-speaking lands. In con- 
trast with the awakening mind of Europe, a 
dark shadow lay over the Arab world from the 
1 6th to the end of the i8th c. But authorship 
had not altogether vanished. The glorious 
Islamic record in Spain, always a stirring 
theme in the Arab memory, was compressed 
by the Algerian Ahmad ibn-Muhammad al- 
Maqqari* (d. 1632) in a historico-literary 
work which has survived as the chief source 
in the field. 

Political upheavals in the i3th and i4th c. 
had brought about the expansion of Islam in 
India and Malaya, the East Indies, China, 
Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Africa. 
The progress of Islam was normally accom- 
panied by the spread of Arabic literature. In 
Moslem India, where Persian was the official 
court language, literary works in Arabic ap- 
peared sporadically, including two historical 
accounts: Tuhfat al-Mujdhidm (Contribution 
of the Persevering) depicting the entry of 
Islam into Malabar and the conflict with the 
Portuguese; and a history of Gujarat. Minor 
theological treatises in Arabic were composed 
in distant Malaya. Perhaps the work that best 
represents the thought of the age was that of 
the Egyptian 'Abd-al-Wahhab al-Sha'rani (d. 
1565), the last great mystic of Islam. His 
autobiography, Lata'if al-Minan (The Kind- 
liest of Blessings) is a record of his spiritual 
gifts and virtues. His Lawaqih al-Anwar 
(Fecundating Lights), better known as al- 
Tabaqat al-Kubra (Comprehensive Record of 
Classes), is the leading biographical diction- 
ary of the Sufis. He regarded theology as the 
first step toward mysticism, and sought to 



39 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



harmonize the four great schools of juris- 
prudence. He contrasts the miserable lot of 
the Egyptian peasantry under the Ottomans 
with their comparative prosperity under the 
Mamluks. 

In Anatolia and Eastern Europe, the Turks 
at first showed more dependence on Persian 
than on Arabic models. During the 1 5th c. the 
only Arabic works written by Turks were on 
theological and scientific subjects. The in- 
corporation of the Arabic-speaking world into 
the Ottoman Empire led to a slightly more 
extended use of Arabic for general literary 
purposes. The most imposing Arabic literary 
monument by a Turk is an elaborate bibliog- 
raphy of Arabic, Persian, and Turkish works 
by Hajji Khalfah (d. 1658), a secretary of 
the Ottoman War Department in Constan- 
tinople. 

Into Central Africa Islam penetrated from 
east and west. For many centuries Arab trad- 
ing stations had been established along the 
east coast as far as Sofala. In the course of 
time, large Moslem colonies grew up in Zanzi- 
bar and on the continent. There is an im- 
portant narration of the struggle between 
Moslems and Christians in Abyssinia, written 
about 1540 by a Somali Arab, 'Arabfaqih. 
From Morocco, Islam had penetrated into the 
Niger territories in the nth c. There too an 
Arab historical literature came into being in 
the 1 6th c., the most interesting work being a 
political and enthnographical account of the 
Soghay kingdom entitled Tarikh al-Sudan 
(History of the Sudan") , by al-Sa'di, a native 
of Timbuktu. 

Toward the close of this period, a religio- 
political movement rose in Arabia. Fired by 
the example of ibn-Taymiyah (1263-1328) of 
Harran, Muhammad ibn-'Abd-al-Wahhab (b. 
ca. 1720) of Najd tried to purge the simple 
creed of Islam of corruption, and to restore 
the religion of Muhammad in its original 
purity. Those were the birth pangs of the 
Wahhabi reformation, which ran the gauntlet 



of Ottoman Turkey and in due course pre- 
vailed over Central Arabia. The versatile King 
ibn-Su'ud (b. 1880) of Arabia was the 
shrewdest leader of this movement. As cus- 
todian of the Ka'bah, overseer of the pilgrim- 
age, spokesman for the Arabs and the Mos- 
lems, ruler of an oil-rich dominion, he brought 
the importance of Wahhabism to the atten- 
tion of the world. Out of this Islamic funda- 
mentalism came the mysterious Sanusi 
brotherhood, founded by Muhammad ibn- 
'Ali-al-Sanusi (1791-1859) of Algiers who 
died at Jaghbub in the Libyan desert. Al- 
Sanusi's program sought to regulate Islam by 
establishing an independent theocratic state 
on the model of that of the Prophet and his 
successors in 7th c. Arabia; it met disaster in 
opposing Italy's expansion, until the victory 
of the Allies in World War II brought the 
Sanusis assurance from Great Britain (1944). 

Under the influence of a number of re- 
markable scholars, philological studies con- 
tinued during this grim and desolate age. In 
South Arabia al-Sayyid al-Murtada (1732 
91), last of the moderate Shfite, Zaydite, 
school of al-Yaman, kept the fires burning, 
with his valuable commentary, Taj al-'Arus 
(Crown of the BnJe), on one of the standard 
earlier lexicons. Of far greater significance was 
his edition of al-Ghazzali's Ihya, also with an 
exhaustive commentary. The effect of his 
work, in which he abandoned pedantic de- 
pendence on earlier writers and used the 
sources at first hand, was to arouse throughout 
the whole Moslem and Arab world a new zeal 
for learning and to enkindle a fresh conscious- 
ness, vitalized by the tenacious personal faith 
of al-Ghazzali. Out of the dreary low ebb a 
tidal wave was forming. 

Days of Restoration (1800-1914 A.D.). 
Throughout the ipth c. and until World 
War I, Ottoman Turkey retained her sway 
over most of the Arab world. Constantinople 
continued as capital of a colossal empire, re- 
ligious seat of a caliphate that wielded world- 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



40 



wide authority. In this epoch no Arabic speak- 
ing land, with the possible exception of Syria, 
approached Egypt in her stride toward a liter- 
ary restoration. On the valley of the Nile 
burst the dawn of modern Arab independ- 
ence. The day was hastened by the policy and 
ambition of Muhammad 'Ali (1769-1849), 
and his heirs, particularly Ibrahim (1789- 
1848), who coveted nothing more for Egypt 
than withdrawal from the Ottoman fold; a 
shrewd literary observer in this period, himself 
a participant in political life, was the Egyptian 
al-Jabarti* (d. 1825). The foundation stone 
was thus laid for a movement looking to Arab 
unification. Thereafter, Egypt pursued the 
course of revival, though for some time still 
her literature continued to reflect the Otto- 
man spirit, as in the prose and verse of Ab- 
dullah Fikri (1834-90), 'Ali al-Laythi (ca. 
1830-96), and 'Abdullah al-Nadim (1844- 
96). Despite waning prestige, the Sultan of 
Turkey continued to rank as the titular head 
of the world's Moslem community. Poets 
eulogized him as bearer of Islam's regal dia- 
dem. Thus Egypt's pro-Ottoman literary lean- 
ings persisted even through the world-shaking 
events of 1914-18. 

The two leading spirits of Islam in this age 
were Jamal-al-Dm al-Afghani* (d. 1897) and 
his illustrious disciple Muhammad 'Abdu* (d. 
1905). The former labored for the consolida- 
tion of Moslem peoples under the Ottoman 
Caliphate; the latter achieved lasting recogni- 
tion as the chief modern reformer of Islamic 
theology. The literary masters of the time also 
were in continuous touch with the Sublime 
Porte. That they were recipients of special 
honors and favors from the Sultan is shown 
in the careers of 'Ali abu-al-Nasr (d. 1880), 
Ibrahim al-Muwaylihi (d. 1906), and Mustafa 
Kamil (d. 1908). Quite the same is true of 
the next generation of poets: Ahmad Shawqi 
(1868-1932), Hafiz Ibrahim (1871-1932) 
and Ismail abri (1861-1923). Mustafa 
Kamil made no. secret of his belief that Egypt's 



vital interests bound her to the brotherhood 
of Islam, Another notable literary personage 
had set the stage for the rising tide of pro- 
Ottomanism: the Syrian Christian convert to 
Islam, Ahmad Paris al-Shidyaq (1804-87). 
Even in lands as remote from the center of 
Islam as Morocco, writers such as Shihab-al- 
Dm al-Salawi* (d. 1897) retained their pride 
in the Islamic and Arabic heritage. Yet the 
concern of literary men with the Ottoman 
future was primarily characteristic of native- 
born Egyptians. Foreign-born Egyptians, 
whether Syrian or Iraqi, stood on either side. 
The Syrian-born Salim Taqla (1849-92), 
founder in 1875 of the important Egyptian 
daily, al-Ahram (The Pyramids^), favored Ot- 
toman union, as docs the celebrated Egyptian- 
ized Syrian poet, Khalil Matran* (b. 1872). 
The opposite wing also boasted the allegiance 
of Syrian journalists and litterateurs, includ- 
ing Salim Sarkis (18691926), founder of 
al-Mnshlr, an organ of anti-Ottomanism. 

Under Khedive 'Abbas Hilmi II (1892- 
1914) Egypt's role as a haven for Arab na- 
tionalists and a refuge for Ottoman liberals 
became more pronounced. Among the mod- 
erates was Farah An tun (1874-1922), who in 
1897 instituted at Alexandria a journal, al- 
] ami' ah al-'Uthmamyah (Ottoman Union*), 
advocating a political organization of Near 
Eastern peoples against Western assaults. 
An tun, the Syrian Christian resident of 
Egypt, by his appraisal of the situation drew 
the praise of the orthodox Moslem thinker 
Rashld Rida (1865-1935), editor of al-Manar, 
organ of conservative Moslem theology in 
Egypt. An illustrious member of the moderate 
school was Jurji Zaydan* (18611914). 
Zaydan, with Adib Ishaq (1856-85), and 
others, felt that without the Ottoman bond 
the Arabs ran great risks. Their cry for re- 
form, therefore, was not an incitement to re- 
volt against the Sultan. In the same moderate 
center belongs the brilliant poet Wali-al-Dm 
Yakan (1873-1921), Constantinople-born yet 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



thoroughly Egyptianized. His poetry pulsates 
with an intensity of wrath against the corrupt 
Ottomans; also, with a tender affection for his 
original Turkish homeland. 

What has been said of Syrian immigrants 
in Egypt is somewhat true in other lands of 
their diaspora. The oversea Syrian in modern 
times has generally been a Lebanese, often- 
times a Christian, who abandoned his birth- 
place either fleeing autocracy and persecution 
or in quest of economic betterment. Under 
these circumstances, he might be expected to 
disdain the advantages of Ottoman citizen- 
ship. Nevertheless, many a former subject of 
the Sultan retained, while he sojourned in 
the Americas, a profound interest in Near 
Eastern affairs. The birth pangs of a new 
literary life in the homeland did not leave him 
indifferent. 

It is easy to see why in Syria, Lebanon, 
Iraq, Egypt, and elsewhere, the bulk of the 
emerging literature should be devoted to pane- 
gyric. The center of attraction was the Sultan- 
Caliph. Every literary technique was utilized, 
to glorify the Caliph and his henchmen. Many 
of the poets and writers, who vied with each 
other in this field, were men of personal talent 
and integrity. But dominating all the strains 
of praise is a sharp note giving the impression 
of abject humility in the presence of an un- 
bending high-handed dictator. This is patent 
in the anthologies of the early poets of this 
period, such as Butrus Karamah (1774-1857), 
the pioneer Syrian litterateur, 'Abd-al-Baqi 
al-'Umari (1790-1862), the poet of Iraq, and 
Nasif al-Yaziji* (1800-71), a Lebanese who 
revived the medieval style and literary spirit. 

The year 1908, amid turmoil and blood- 
shed, brought forth the long-awaited reforms, 
embodied in the new Ottoman constitution 
(dwstiir). This momentous event had been 
foreshadowed in the i9th c. by the efforts of 
enlightened statesmen and intellectuals, of 
whom the most distinguished was Midhat 
Pasha (1822-84). During his governorship of 



Syria, a vigorous literary movement arose, 
committed to revitalizing the national con- 
sciousness and opposing the arbitrary rule of 
Constantinople. Fiery odes protesting against 
tyranny were posted on the doors of mosques 
and churches. While the nightmare of Sultan 
'Abd-al-Hamid's reign (1876-1909) lasted, 
the new literary awakening either lived in 
exile or plunged into darkness. When the 
new constitution brought proof of the reality 
of Ottoman citizenship, free for all, a national 
pride, transcending classes, races, and geog- 
raphy, gripped the Near East. The power of 
that solidarity had manifested itself in the 
literature produced during the Russo-Turkish 
war (1878), the Greek war (1897), the 
Italo-Turkish war (1911) and the Balkan war 
(1913). The attitude of the Arab world, at 
the time of the Boer war (1899-1902), crystal- 
lized in a qasidah (ode) by Khalil Matran, 
in favor of the South Africans. Even more sig- 
nificant is the pro-Japanese literature evoked 
by the Russo-Japanese war (1904-05). Japan 
was then the close friend and ally of Great 
Britain, with whom Arabic literary opinion 
often found itself in open conflict. But Russia 
traditional foe of Turkey was now success- 
fully fought by Japan, and Arab applause 
swelled the writings. 

Thus in the early i9th c. had come a deter- 
mined attempt to revive the literary and 
philological heritage of the 'Abbasids and the 
Andalusians. But Western culture, especially 
with Napoleon's invasion of Egypt (1798- 
1801), brought also a desire for moderniza- 
tion. To this, the contribution of Christian 
missions, mainly in Syria and Lebanon, was 
prodigious, producing the cultural movement 
of which the monumental works of Butrus 
al-Bustani* (d. 1883) are a living symbol. The 
religious emphasis was now and then offset by 
writers trained in naturalist philosophy and 
the physical sciences, such as the rationalist 
Shibli Shumayyil* (d. 1916). In Egypt the 
new era was promoted by Muhammad 'All 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



42 



(1805-48) and his grandson Ismail (1863- 
82). Rifa'ah al-Tihtawi (1801-73), sent to 
Paris as a student by Muhammad 'Ali, was 
the first Egyptian poet to employ French forms 
and techniques. In 1894, Khalll Matran* 
launched the modern school of creative poetry, 
rooted in the classical tradition yet receiving 
its inspiration from the nominalist, existential 
Western philosophy. In 1 908 he consummated 
these ideals in the publication of his poetical 
collection: al-KhalU (The Friend). In time 
this new school reached a fuller development 
in Syria, as well as among Syro-American 
bards. By 1914 American poetical ideals and 
literary motifs had entered into the makings 
of the new Arabic literature. 

April 24, 1913, brought to focus these vari- 
ous currents. On that day, the National Egyp- 
tian University was host to Arabic literature, 
which it honored in the person of Khalll 
Matran. Participating were the leading liter- 
ary lights of the age, including Ahmad 
Shawqi, Hafiz Ibrahim, Isma'il Sabri, Jurji 
Zaydan, Shakib Arslan,* Amin Rihani,* 
Jibran Khalll Jibran,* Marie Ziyadah, 
Antun al-Jumayyil, Muhammad Lutfi Jum'ah, 
'Abbas Mahmud al-Aqqad, Muhammad Kurd 
'Ali. This was a landmark in the reawakening 
of Aabic literature, 

New Visions (1914 ). On the ruins of 

that hollow Ottoman citizenship and Near 
Eastern solidarity, shattered by World War I, 
there arose an Arabic literature suffused with 
the provincial spirit. The regional literary de- 
velopment owes its inception to two major 
events of the late i9th c.: (i) In 1860 civil 
war in Lebanon between the Druzes and 
the Maronites disturbed the status quo in Mos- 
lem-Christian relations. It led to the secession 
of Lebanon from the Ottoman Empire under 
an internationally guaranteed autonomy. The 
new consciousness of national dignity en- 
couraged Lebanese poets and writers to en- 
shrine the poetical productions of the age in 
new patterns of style. (2) In 1882, the British 



occupied Egypt. Thereafter Egyptian litera- 
ture took up the cudgels against foreign dom- 
ination, giving birth to a national literary 
technique and temper that swept through the 
other Arabic countries. Creative literary pro- 
duction, since 1914, proceeds in several di- 
rections. While preserving the local, regional 
color, it permeates the life of the Arab states, 
and particularly through the novel and the 
theater inspires a new revision of cultural 
unity and a profound sense of social com- 
munity. Of deep significance at this stage was 
the integrating influence of Ya'qub arruf* 
(d. 1927), whose pure Arabic prose cut across 
regional and religious frontiers and proved 
the efficacy of the language as a vehicle of 
scientific thought as well as elegant literary 
sentiment. 

The modern Arabic novel owes its origin to 
the fictional writings of Syrians at home and 
abroad. The Egyptian 'Uthman Jalal (1829- 
98), following the lead of Syrian pioneers, 
who based their works on French originals, 
published in 1892 an adaptation of Paul et 
Virginie. Ahmad Shawqi (1868-1932), "the 
poet of Egypt," wrote 'Adhra al-Hind (Maid 
of India), a fantastic but attractive novel, in 
the historical tradition set by Jurji Zaydan 
(1861-1914). Writers had in the meantime 
given thought to the possibility of condition- 
ing the medieval maqamah (assembly) to 
serve the purposes of the modern novel. Thus, 
Muhammad Ibrahim al-Muwaylihi (1846- 
1906) in Hadith (Story ofyisa ibn-Hishdm; 
Hafiz Ibrahim (1871-1932) in Layali (Nights 
o/) Satih; and Muhammad Lutfi Jum'ah in 
Layali al-Ruh al-Ha'ir (Nights of the Per- 
plexed Spirit; 1912). The first Egyptian novel 
to set the pace for other works is Zaynab 
(1914; filmed in 1929) by Husayn Haykal 
(b. 1888). Betraying the influence of the 
French psychological novel, it is nevertheless 
constructed out of definitely Egyptian in- 
gredients. Two other Egyptian authors, 'Abd- 
al-Qadir al-Mazini (b. 1890) and Muhammad 



43 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



'Abdullah 'Inan (b. 1896) have investigated 
the development of the Arabic novel. They 
urge enlightened support by the upper classes, 
recognition of woman's role in society, and a 
painstaking cultivation of the finer aesthetic 
imperative among the masses. Muhammad 
Taymur (18921921) made an attempt, in 
his collection of stories, al-Shaykh Jum'ah, to 
legitimatize the use of colloquial dialogue. 
But the imperturbable tenacity of classical 
Arabic is still strong; thus al-Mazini's Ibrahim 
al-Katib (Ibrahim the Writer; 1931) rejects 
the vulgar idiom, as lacking flexibility and 
prohibitive of literary polish. 

Arabic literature does not record the ex- 
istence of an active theater until the mid i9th 
c. While non-Arabs entering Islam brought 
with them, sometimes in order to prove their 
racial superiority, compositions such as 
Kalilah wa-Dimnah and much of the original 
Arabian Nights, there seem to have been no 
Arabicized Greeks who sought to leave such 
an impression. The staging of the Greek 
drama, moreover, involved the appearance of 
women comedians intolerable to Moslems 
and scenes in which actors addressed gods 
and goddesses, an unthinkable phenomenon 
in a civilization whose official religion waged 
ceaseless war against idolatry. The cultured 
Arab, furthermore, was conservative in taste, 
relishing no substitute for pre-Islamic poetry. 
The Koran does not proscribe pictorial art, nor 
drama; but later exegesis thus interpreted sura 
22:31: "And whosoever magnifies the sacred 
things of God it is better for him with the 
Lord . . . and avoid the abomination of idols, 
and avoid speaking falsely." Hence Islam 
flatly rebuked the production of figurative art, 
making no exception of the drama. The staff 
of scientists and artists accompanying Na- 
poleon Bonaparte into Egypt included a num- 
ber of dramatists who set up a theater in 
Egypt for army entertainment. It vanished 
with the evacuation; nevertheless, Egypt had 
seen a theater for the first time, even though 



she had nothing to play. Fifty years elapsed 
before the first Arabic play appeared, not in 
Egypt but in Lebanon. Qasim Amin (1865- 
1908), whose Tahrir al-Mar'ah (Emancipa- 
tion of Woman) and al-Mar'ah al-)adidah 
(The New Woman) had shaken Arab society 
to its foundation, together with his associates 
and successors prepared the public mind for 
the new theatrical development. 

Within the Christian Lebanese community, 
in his own home, Marvin Naqqash (1817- 
55), born in Sidon and domiciled in Beirut, 
sponsored the staging of al-Bakhil (The 
Miser'), a translation of Moliere's L'Avare. 
Two years later, his Harun al-Rashid was 
played. The influence of the Italian stage 
upon Naqqash's activity is apparent. The new 
movement gained momentum, encouraged by 
increasing interest among educational insti- 
tutions and private clubs. The plays of 
Najib Haddad (1867-97) translations of 
Corneille, Hugo, and Shakespeare as well 
as those of Najib Hubayqah (d. 1906), 
gained wide popularity, paving the way for 
more ambitious efforts. Another step was the 
development of poetical dramas, in which 
Khalil al-Yaziji (1856-89) and the noted 
lexicographer, 'Abdullah al-Bustani (1850- 
1930), exercised leadership. The real turning 
point in the history of Arabic theatricals came 
with Ahmad Shawqi* (1868-1932). With 
all their shortcomings, his Masra Kliyubatrah 
(Death of Cleopatra; 1929), Majnun Layla 
(1931), 'All Bey al-Kabtr (1932), 'Antarah 
(1932) and Amirat al-Andalus (Princess of 
Andalusia; 1932) provided the stage with 
effective material. Perhaps surpassing Shawqi 
is the aforementioned Khalil Matran "poet of 
the two lands": Egypt and Syria who in 1934 
was made president of the National Egyptian 
Society for the Promotion of the Dramatic 
Profession. His friendship with Egypt's great- 
est actor, George Abyad, dating from 1911 
when the latter had completed his studies at 
the Conservatoire of Paris and sought transla- 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



44 



tions of Shakespeare for his performances, 
stimulated Matran to render the great English 
dramatist into Arabic. His Othello, Merchant 
of Venice, and Hamlet were warmly received. 
Thus the drama was further encouraged. 

Shawqi's drama is nationalist in character. 
It was committed to defend the native heri- 
tage, going back to Pharaonic times; it spared 
no opportunity to stress the excellences of 
Arab culture, holding out the vision of pan- 
Arabism. His craftsmanship is evidence of the 
change experienced by Arabic literature as a 
whole. As an implement of erotic and heroic 
expression, as a medium for the description of 
scenic beauty and the conveyance of lyrical 
art, Arabic poetry now found numerous mas- 
ters. As a vehicle of wisdom and philosophical 
ideas, it does not fall short. Sulayman al- 
Bustani (1856-1925) proved, by his transla- 
tion of Homer's Iliad, the adequacy of the 
language for poetical narrative. Yet one looks 
in vain for an Arabic equivalent to the Spen- 
serian stanza or the Alexandrine meter. In- 
stead there is the phenomenal growth of 16 
different meters, buhur (singular bahr, sea), 
each designed to carry an especial form of 
thought or emotion. Shawqi in his theatrical 
compositions sought to reduce the network 
of rules and meters drawn about Arabic 
versification. His task was the enfranchise- 
ment of prosody, not by rebelling against rules 
but by broadening their scope in every direc- 
tion and asserting that primarily Arabic verse 
must be a living thing. With the exception 
of Khalil al-Yaziji (1856-89) and 'Abdullah 
al-Bustani (1850-1930), such playwrights 
among his predecessors as are known had 
not been first-rate poets, and even these 
two found it difficult to break the shackles 
of meter and rhyme. Shawqi used meter and 
rhyme as means to an end. He further per- 
fected the art of dialogue and introduced the 
use of the vocative and the rhetorical apos- 
trophe. As a prose writer he broke virgin 
soil in Atmrat al-Andalus. Here he abandoned 



the archaic pattern of exaggeration, tossed 
away pretentious verbiage and empty em- 
bellishment, taking the direct course of a 
modern writer. Between his earlier essays, al- 
Shawqiyat, born out of the old-fashioned 
spirit, and tlie prose compositions of his later 
maturity, he had traveled the whole road 
from literary medievalism to the vision of a 
fuller day. 

Among the bards of Syria, Egypt, and Iraq 
there awakened a broad world outlook with 
cosmopolitan, even cosmic, implications. The 
ideals of emancipated men, the perplexities of 
a changing life, the torch-bearing task of an 
exploring mind, the longings of the soul in 
its mystical endeavors, the materialistic goals 
disguised in the garb of piety and meekness: 
these, though not yet fully mature, are dis- 
cernible in contemporary Arabic verse. Con- 
temporary Arabic literature is breaking with 
its ancient moorings, and forging ahead to- 
wards the modern world. An outstanding, 
though somewhat bewildered, critic of Arab 
environment was the Egyptian Mustafa Lutfi 
al-Manfaluti* (d. 1924). He sounded grim 
warnings against a blind march towards the 
new world. His literary and moral admoni- 
tions may be said to stand alone in Arabic 
literature. 

Perhaps owing to its disproportionate stature 
in the political and economic arena, Iraq, 
though in no way occupying the center of the 
literary stage, is representative of the new 
vision. Jamil Sidqi al-Zahawi (b. 1863), in bis 
peculiar rhythm, contagious humor, prophetic 
tone and cynical style, blends the atheism of 
'Umar al-Khayyam with the skepticism of 
al-Ma'arri. His Thawrah ft al-]ahim (Revo/t 
in He//), in 430 couplets, is illustrative of his 
luminous mind. He knows, but does not 
follow, Dante and al-Ma'arri. The narrative 
opens when the angels Munkir and Nakir 
visit the poet as he rests buried in the grave. 
He parries their questions with the stock re- 
plies of a believing Moslem. Then he stalls; 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



"I believed, then denied 
Till they thought me a fickle man. 
In truth, I am without the means to say 
what my belief can be." 

The poet digresses to weigh woman's legiti- 
mate place in -society. Suddenly he soars 
heavenward. Of the existence of God he of- 
fers the classic Islamic evidence, then lapses 
again into rank agnosticism. Presently he 
emerges fearless with the announcement that 
"God is verily the ether/' perhaps an adapta- 
tion of the Buddhist nirvana: "From him has 
this world of being sprung. In all its forms, 
to him it shall return." The description of 
Heaven is Koranic. Paradise turns up a char- 
acteristically Lebanese summer resort, with 
its ravishing females and pleasure-seeking 
males, its sensate objects, delectable dishes, 
intoxicants, and the fragrant aroma of the 
mountain-top haunts. Al-Zahawi's closing pic- 
tures of Hell introduce the character of Layla, 
bride of his verse, and her beloved Samir. A 
galaxy of bards, including al-Farazdaq, al- 
Akhtal and Jarir, are also there. Scholars, 
scientists, philosophers, all that denied a here- 
after, people the region. One of these brilliant 
inmates invents a fire extinguisher, making 
possible the revolt against the custodians of 
Hell. The insurrectionists are subdued only 
through the intervention of the Divine 
Throne. 

Al-Rusafi (b. at Kirkuk; 1875-1945), an- 
other Iraqi bard of note, is of Kurdish descent, 
though bred in the Bedouin tradition. His 
Arabic has a desert twang, luring and capti- 
vating: "I prize my frankness in word and 
deed, loathing to brook hypocrisy. Ne'er did 
I cheat another soul, or give my word deceit- 
fully. Little think I that good accrues from 
holding truth in secrecy." 

Traveling throughout the Near East al- 
Rusafi saw many extremes of Turkish and 
Arabic life. He opposed the British mandate, 
devoting his literary talent to the service of 



the extreme nationalist cause. When Iraq 
achieved independence and joined the League 
of Nations (1932-), he rose to membership in 
the Chamber of Deputies. Al-Rusafi links 
poetical potency and manliness. Hence his 
invariable continence while writing an ode, 
on the assumption that his vitality goes into 
the creation of verse. In his opinion, the 
Prophet Muhammad himself was a master of 
verse, who composed his finest poems the 
early suras at a time of moderate sex life, 
that is, while his marriage to one wife only 
(Khadijah) lasted. Thereafter, his much- 
married career opens and his sura-odes decline 
in quality. In his study of the Koran, al- 
Rusafi employed a rationalism somewhat com- 
parable to "higher criticism" of the Bible, 
though he knew no western language. An un- 
published biography of the Prophet by him 
demonstrates a non-conformist spirit. Thus he 
substitutes for the Islamic confession: "There 
is no God save Allah" the formula, "There is 
no God save Being." There is, thus, a pan- 
theistic principle underlying both his and 
al-Zahawi's religious beliefs. 

Muhammad Rida al-Shabibi (b. 1890) of 
al-Najaf, the Shi'ite center of pilgrimage 
where 'Ali is interred, is another poet of Iraq, 
and since 1924 a minister of education in the 
Iraqi government. Through the changing cir- 
cumstances of his career, his dour religious 
allegiance remained unshaken in the Shi'ite 
Arab tradition of his forebears. His literary 
works bear the marks of religious distinction. 
His poetry is pietistic and devotional; he views 
the future with optimism and composure. 
Nonetheless, he opens his mind to certain 
scientific shibboleths, as "the survival of the 
fittest," and, in the same breath, assails the 
contemporary manifestations of idolatry. In 
the final analysis, he takes refuge in the 
mighty fortress of fatalism, rinding no ob- 
stacle therein to the progress of Arab youth. 
In an essay, The Alleged Superiority of the 
West, he writes, 'We are living in the age 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



of doubt, as some in the West say. Our doubt 
extends to the very roots of the culture which 
most Westerners desire the East to adopt. 
Deep at these roots one finds a contempt for 
the East and Easterners, a denunciation of the 
values for which the East stands. Small won- 
der, therefore, that the youth of the East 
should lose confidence in their own compe- 
tence and the heroism of their ancestors. In- 
deed that confidence has vanished completely 
from the souls of some Easterners, being re- 
placed by a sincere faith in the superiority of 
Westerners. . . . 

"One must concede that the members of 
the human race approximate one another in 
talent and ability. In this sense there is neither 
East nor West. There are only human beings 
who successively alternate in leadership and 
conquest, in accordance with the unalterable 
cosmic laws of society and civilization." 

The decade closing in 1940 was marked by 
a wave of literary ingenuity in Syria and 
Lebanon. Bisharah al-Khuri, editor of the 
Beirut paper al-Barq (Lightning), became a 
poet noted throughout the Arab world. Shibli 
al-Mallat, together with the late Amm Taqi- 
al-Dm and Ilyas Fayyad, drew public atten- 
tion by their timely odes. In the new orienta- 
tion of poetry, Lebanon's first trail blazer had 
been Salim 'Anhuri (b. 1855), author of a 
dtwdn known as al-Jawhar al-Fard (Unique 
Gem; 1904). Together with his successors: 
Iskandar al-'Azar, Felix Paris, Dawud Maja'is, 
he made a determined effort to abandon the 
beaten paths. In the meantime writers and 
poets in the Americas deepened the link with 
modern forms and modes. On the crest of this 
tidal wave appeared 'Umar Fakhuri's weekly, 
al-Marad (the Exhibit) in Beirut, and Shakir 
al-Karmi's al-2,aman (Time) in Damascus. To 
this decade also belongs a more serious con- 
cern with the history of literature, represented 
by the three treatises, entitled al-Marahil 
(Stages*) of Butrus al-Bustani, not to be con- 
fused with his more distinguished namesake 



and kinsman of the i9th c., and Jtbran by 
Mikhail Nalmah (b. ca. 1894), who has 
lifted modern Arabic biography to a high 
peak. In the more learned and critical domain 
stand out the contributions of Fuad Afram 
al-Bustani, author of al-Rawai* (Wonders), 
the orator and romanticist Niqula Fayyad, the 
distinguished man of letters and renowned 
professor of Arabic literature Ams al-Maqdisi 
of the American University of Beirut, and 
Tana Husayn* (b. 1889) of Egypt, long rec- 
ognized as zalm al-mujaddidm (leader of the 
modern school), who undoubtedly ranks as 
the foremost figure in the present nahdah 
(awakening). 

Oral Literature. There is an extensive, 
hitherto little known, oral literature, current 
among the Bedouins, tribesmen, fallahm and 
illiterate masses of Arab society. Nor are the 
more enlightened classes of society immune 
to its beauty and vigorous expression. Much 
of it has roots in the ancient mythology of the 
Near East, or in medieval folklore. Stories 
have always had an appeal in Arab countries, 
from those recounted in the Koran and the 
competing translations from Persian, to the 
modern hadduthah (story) told in the collo- 
quial tongue. The riwayah ("report") first 
appears as an oral recital of a narrative, or a 
poem, by a rawi (rhapsodist). Today this is 
the ordinary word for "story," the usual word 
also for a "play," comedy or tragedy. During 
the early centuries of Islam, hihayah (now, 
a tale) meant imitation and action by a 
hakiyah (professional rhapsodist). Narratives 
are akhbar, sometimes ahadith, and stories 
told for entertainment are asmar (night con- 
versations) or khurafat (humorous myths). 
Perusal of the well-known maqamat, from 
al-Hariri down, of the amthal (beast fables) 
in Kalllah wa-Dimnah and elsewhere, as well 
as of the hikayah strain in the Arabian Nights, 
shows the debt of all these to a strongly en- 
trenched oral literature. 

The codification of folklore began as early 



47 



ARABIC LITERATURE 



as al-Nadim (d. 995), compiler of al-Fihrist. 
Ibn-al-'Anbas was known both as astronomer 
and nadim (conversationalist, boon compan- 
ion) of al-Mutawakkil (847-61), and pur- 
veyor of sex (bah) literature. In time, how- 
ever, stories tended to become anonymous and 
to be associated with dubious subjects, such 
as the yarns of the battalun (worthless 
heroes) and of Jiha, the male villain and 
clown of many fairy tales. The conception of 
literary art as an "imitation" of life led to the 
employment of the "story" in the portrayal of 
contemporaneous events. This is the nearest 
point reached by Arabic literature to the life 
of the road, where one lived by one's own 
wits, which is the hallmark of the picturesque 
novel. Such an oral cycle grew around the 
name of 'Ali al-Zaybaq, the Hunchback of 
the Arabian Nights. 

In the contemporary folk songs of the 
Arabs one detects religious themes and his- 
torico-dogmatic traditions. The 'ataba (plain- 
tive complaint) oral verse of Syria-Palestine, 
the mawwal Bedouin songs of camel-drivers, 
the zalghutah and jalwah wedding songs of 
rural and semi-urban communities, preserve 
the time-honored mores of the Arabs in mod- 
ern garb. The popularity of this literature 
invades the most cosmopolitan areas. The 
Finnish scholar Aapeli Saarisalo (Songs of 
the Druzes, Helsinki, 1932) discovered at a 
group of Druze villages in northern Palestine 
a variety of folk songs revealing, in addition 
to Syrian characteristics, influence radiating 
from Egypt and Iraq. Specialized oral poetry 
includes the matlu' (plural matali^) overtures 
and the Umawih, lamentation and funerary 
songs, akin to festivity at an Irish wake. Other 
gradations of folk song are commonly recog- 
nized by singers as ghina (or ghunriiyah; 
plural aghdni, ghanam*), popular warbles. The 
mljana type may be illustrated by these sam- 
ple lines: 

O Mijana! O Mijana! O Mljana! 



The turtle-doves join my plaintive song! 
Reclining beauty, within the palace gates, 
May peace caress thy lovely face! 
Thy eyelids taste this hour's bliss, 
In leisure through the morning rest. 
To thee, thy lover soon will come, 
Imploring: "Why shuns us the beloved so?" 

Another characteristically rural carol opens 
with the couplets: 

'Ala Dal'ona, 'ala Dal'ona! 
Shdyib Zamanak, hawwil min honal 
Dearest Dal'ona, fondest of women, 
Luring me an old and wasted fellow. 
Thou knowest that I am old and ugly, 
Why callcst thou me then to be thy suitor"? 
Thy marriage paper sure I shall hand thee 
Followed by divorce, thou little ladyl 

A frequently heard refrain, bearing the 
desert gusto, begins in this vein: 

Nan, ya nan y nari'alayhim 

Talat al-ghurbi wishtaqna layhiml 

Fire, fire, fire! 

The fire of long-suppressed desire, 

Burning within for those far away. 

Long has thy forsaking lasted, 

Fire-like my craving rages! 

A fairly representative anthology of con- 
temporary folk songs heard at funerals, wed- 
dings and similar occasions was collected by 
Enno Littmann (Neuarabische Volkpoesie, 
Berlin, 1902) during his sojourn in Syria- 
Palestine. 

A more sober strain runs through the oral 
literature identified with the tdziydh (fu- 
nerary) passion play of 'Ashura', religiously 
observed through the Shi'ite Moslem world. 
The performance takes place in the first third 
of al-Muharram, first month of the Moslem 
year, climaxed in the grand finale of the 
tenth day, which is also a voluntary fast day 



ARAMAIC LITERATURE 



with the Orthodox Sunnites. The local tech- 
niques adopted in the execution of this reli- 
gious drama vary in India, Persia, and Iraq. 
To a great extent, however, the plays have a 
similar core, considerably elaborated in its 
oral features. The last stages, reached on the 
closing day, are marked by great mourning, 
celebrated along pilgrimage and processional 
routes to the sacred places, particularly Kar- 
bala in Iraq, shrine of the martyr al-Husayn, 
'All's son. The death of 'Ali's two sons, al- 
Hasan and al-Husayn, dominates the action, 
for which the term drama may be used only 
arbitrarily, with reference to the chain of 40 
to 50 independent presentations which are 
generally given. The scenes derive their con- 
tent from various sources and are mainly re- 
cited in the liazaj (trilling song) meter. Un- 
derlying the simple plot is a definite sotcri- 
ology, brought out in accordance with the 
historical events but expressed above all in 
the fits of frenzy to which the professional 
mourners work themselves, in their ad lib. 
denunciations of the murderers of 'Ali and his 
two sons, and their heart-rending asides. In its 
elaborate, oral form the sacred play has re- 
ceived Hindu, ancient mythological, and local 
additions. Beyond the ten-day celebration, 
there is a sequel lasting forty days, during 



which the faithful await the return of the 
martyr's head which has been carried away 
to Damascus. 

Both in folk literature and in the more 
complex forms of the written arts, there is 
every evidence that Arabic will continue its 
rich flourishing. 

Charles C. Adams, Islam and, Modernism in Egypt 
(London), 1933; N. A. Fans, ed., The Arab Herit- 
age (Princeton), 1944; Carl Brockelmann, Ge- 
schichte der Arab. Litt., 8 vol. (Weimar), 1898; vol. 
2 (Berlin), 1902; supplement, vols. 1-3 (Leiden), 
1 937-40; Encyclopaedia of Islam; H. A. R. Gibb, 
Arab. Lit. (London), 1926; "Studies in Contempo- 
rary Arab. Lit.," Bulletin School Oriental Studies, 
Vols. 2-7 (London), 1928-35; A. Gonzalez-Palencia, 
Hist, de la lit. ardbigo-espanola (Madrid), 1928; G. 
von Grunebaum, "The Early Development of Islamic 
Religious Poetry," /. Am. Oriental Society, Vol. 60, 
No. i, March, 1940; "Arab. Literary Criticism in the 
loth Century A.D.," op. cit., Vol. 61, No. i, March, 
1941, "Pre-Islamic Poetry," Moslem World, Vol. 32, 
No. 2, April, 1942; Philip K. Hitti, Hist, of the 
Arabs, 2nd ed. (London), 1940; Clement Huart, 
Litt. Arabe (Paris), 1902, Eng. tr. (New York), 
1903; Hist, des Arabes, 2 vols. (Paris), 1912-13; 
Reynold A. Nicholson, A Lit. Hist, of the Arabs, 
2nd ed. (Cambridge), 1930; O. Rescher, Abriss der 
Arab. Litt.-Geschichte (Stuttgart), 1925-33; George 
Sarton, Introd. to the Hist, of Science, Vol. i (Cam- 
bridge), 1927; Die Welt des Islams, ed. George 
Kampffmeyer, Vol. 5-16 (Berlin), 1918-32; ed. 
Kampffmeyer and G. Jaschke, Vols. 17-22 (Berlin), 
1935-40. 

EDWARD J. JURJI. 



ARAMAIC 



ARAMAIC is the common denominator for a 
group of very closely related North-West 
Semitic dialects. The name first appears in 
cuneiform texts around 1100 B.C., as an adjec- 
tive qualifying the Akhlame nomads. Instead 
of Aramaic the name of Chaldean was for- 
merly in common use for the designation of 
the linguistic group; this misnomer was de- 
rived from an erroneous interpretation of 



Daniel ch.2,v.4, where the Chaldeans are 
introduced as speaking Aramaic to king 
Nebuchadnezzar. 

Aramaic comprises the following major dia- 
lects: Old and Official Aramaic, Nabatean 
and Palmyrene (both of which are known to 
us only from inscriptions of comparatively 
little literary significance), Jewish Aramaic 
(in two dialectical forms as used in Palestine 



49 



ARAMAIC LITERATURE 



and Mesopotamia), Samaritan, Christian 
Syro-Palestinian Aramaic, Syriac, and Man- 
daic. Some modern Aramaic dialects are still 
being spoken by a dwindling number of per- 
sons. 

Historical circumstances have assigned to 
some of these dialects roles of great im- 
portance as linguistic and cultural media. 
Consequently, the significance of Aramaic for 
the preservation and transmission of the lit- 
erary heritage of the Near East cannot easily 
be overestimated. But it is difficult to form a 
definite judgment with regard to the original- 
ity of Aramaic literature. It would not be un- 
reasonable to say that throughout its history 
Aramaic literature has been greatly dependent 
on outside influences. Moreover, some of the 
most noteworthy products of the Aramaic 
literary genius are either, as the writings of 
early Christianity, not preserved in their orig- 
inal language or, as the books of Mani, the 
founder of Manichaeism, appear to be en- 
tirely lost. 

Old and Official Aramaic. In the 8th c. B.C. 
the rulers of various small Aramaic states in 
northern Syria had their deeds recorded in 
votive, memorial, and building inscriptions. 
These inscriptions are valuable as the Aramaic 
contribution to historiography and autobiog- 
raphy in their ancient oriental form. They do 
not represent the pure Accadian type, but 
show a distinct though as yet not clearly 
definable admixture of elements derived from 
the civilizations of the great powers of Asia 
Minor, like the Hittites and the Hurrians. 
Foremost among this group of inscriptions 
are those left behind by the two men named 
Panammu and by Barrakab, rulers over the 
principality of Ya'udi, which was situated 
half-way between Antioch and Mar'ash. An- 
other such document was carved in stone by 
Zakir, the ruler of Hamah and Lu'ush (?). 
He described the victory he gained with di- 
vine help over Damascus and her allies. 

By that time international treaty-making 



had evolved a highly developed literary form. 
The solemn invocations of various deities, 
and the description of the dire misfortunes 
that were to befall the party that might break 
the treaty, were largely formulary. But it was 
left to imagination and local usage to add a 
new touch here and there. A stone monument 
inscribed in Aramaic, which has been found 
near Aleppo, contains a treaty between Bar 
Ga'yah of Katikka (?) and Mati'el of Arpad. 
Formed after Accadian models, this treaty 
also appears to have undergone certain other 
influences, most probably Hittite. 

The small though continuous trickle of 
Aramaic material assumes considerably larger 
proportions with the end of the 6th c. B.C. 
By then the administration of the Achaemenid 
Empire had spread the use of the Aramaic 
language and script as its official literary 
medium from Egypt to India. Among the in- 
scriptions of the 5th c. the epitaph of an 
Egyptian woman called Taba, the daughter 
of Tahapi, appears to be the oldest specimen 
of Aramaic poetry. Its metre seems to disre- 
gard the quantity and number of syllables 
and to consist only in a fixed number of beats. 
This type of prosody, familiar to us from 
Hebrew literature, also occurs in the Aramaic 
portions of the Book of Daniel, as well as in 
Mandaic and, apparently, in some stray rem- 
nants of Aramaic poetry in other dialects. 
Syriac poetry, on the other hand, makes use 
of metres that count the number of syllables. 

The papyri and leather documents, mostly 
of the 5th c., which have been discovered in 
Egypt, deal to a large extent with legal and 
administrative matters. But, in the papyrus 
archive of the Jewish military colony on 
Elephantine, an island in the Nile opposite 
Assuan, a few literary documents have also 
come to light. High upon a rock near Be- 
histun, on the road from Susa to Hamadan, 
Darius I had recorded his res gestae in a 
factual and at the same time personal report. 
The original inscription, which was written 



ARAMAIC LITERATURE 



in three languages (Babylonian, Persian, and 
Elamite) was read by the Jews of Elephantine 
in an Aramaic translation. 

Here we also encounter the oldest known 
version of the Story of Ahiqar, the wise coun- 
cillor of Assyrian kings. Being childless, 
Ahiqar adopted Nadin, his nephew. He 
brought him up and instructed him with 
many wise sayings. When Ahiqar grew old, 
he recommended Nadin to the king as his 
successor. But once in power Nadin con- 
trived to destroy his benefactor. Ahiqar man- 
aged to save his life and, in the hour of na- 
tional need, he reappeared and rescued the 
king with his wisdom. Nadin was handed 
over to Ahiqar, and for his punishment had 
to listen to a new collection of wise sayings, 
a torture under which he died! Being a mas- 
terpiece of wisdom literature, the Ahiqar 
story has become the property of many na- 
tions. It is referred to in the Book of Tobit 
and has found entrance into Greek literature 
through the Life of Aesop. Through transla- 
tions it became known to the Syrians, Ar- 
menians, Arabs, Turks, Rumanians, and 
Slavs. The Aramaic version from Elephantine 
is in a way less elaborate than the later texts. 
But it lacks no essential traits, with the pos- 
sible exception of the fact that the first col- 
lection of educational sayings may have had 
no place in it. Ahiqar's wisdom was not an 
original creation of the Arameans. As far as 
the available evidence goes, it appears to have 
come to them from Accadian sources. 

Through the discovery of the Elephantine 
papyri, modern scholarship became acquainted 
with genuine legal and administrative docu- 
ments of the Achaemenid Empire. This fact 
has proved valuable beyond its intrinsic worth. 
For it served to confirm the disputed au- 
thenticity of the Aramaic passages in the 
biblical Book of Ezra, ch.4 v.j ch.6 v.i8 and 
ch./ v.i 2-26. It has thus become clear that 
we must recognize in those passages an early 
instance of the use of original documents in 



a language other than that of the context (and 
with apparently only minor adaptations) in 
historical literature. 

The Old Testament has preserved further 
remnants of Aramaic literature in the Book 
of Daniel. The folklore motifs, which appear 
in ch.2 v-4 to ch.6, seem to have been familiar 
to the inhabitants of Mesopotamia. Native 
story tellers might occasionally have given 
them a political slant. By the religious genius 
of Judaism they were shaped into a series of 
stirring short stories and as such incorporated 
in the Book of Daniel. Chapter 7 is also writ- 
ten in Aramaic, but it is of an entirely dif- 
ferent character. Together with the following 
(Hebrew) chapters of Daniel, it forms the 
second part of the book and treats of eschato- 
logical visions, the most powerful theme of 
the (Jewish) Aramaic literature in the fol- 
lowing centuries. 

Another ancient literary form, which had 
been assiduously cultivated by the peoples 
of Mesopotamia, made its appearance in 
Aramaic about 300 B.C. Incantations were 
widely used to prevent all kinds of demons 
from bringing disease and death, bad luck in 
love affairs, and many other misfortunes. One 
of the formulas which had been worked out in 
order to combat the bad consequences of 
anger and wrath has been preserved in an 
Aramaic text from Uruk (Erech). The text 
was written in cuneiform characters, prob- 
ably in order to increase its efficiency. The 
literary metier of fighting evil spirits lived 
on in Mesopotamia. In later centuries there 
appear, among other forms of incantations, a 
great number of bowls inscribed in their con- 
cave sides with incantation texts in Jewish- 
Aramaic, Syriac, Manichaean Aramaic, and 
Mandaic. 

Lost Aramaic originals of Jewish and early 
Christian literature. Aramaic was the vernacu- 
lar of an area extending from Palestine to 
Mesopotamia. It was used as such from the 
Persian period to the Arab conquest (539 B.C.- 



ARAMAIC LITERATURE 



641 A.D.). These facts have slowly found gen- 
eral recognition among scholars. On the basis 
of this knowledge, attempts have heen made 
to prove that many works, which have been 
preserved not in Aramaic, but in other lan- 
guages, especially Greek, are translations 
from Aramaic originals. Flavius Josephus 
stated himself that he had originally written 
his Jewish Wars in Aramaic. But if this was 
so, it is necessary to recognize that the Greek 
text, as we read it today, cannot be a literal 
translation, but must be an independent re- 
cension originally composed in Greek. Other 
works, however, have been shown through 
indirect methods to be translations from 
Aramaic. Among the writings, for which an 
Aramaic origin has been suggested, we find 
the Book of Tohit, the Greek translation of 
the Book of Esther (even for the Hebrew 
Scroll of Esther, as well as for Ecclesiastes, an 
Aramaic original has been claimed), the "Con- 
test of the Three Youths" in the Greek First 
Esdras (chapters 3-4), the letters prefixed to 
II Maccabees, the Book of Enoch, the Four 
Gospels, Acts, Revelation, the Fourth Esdras, 
etc. The aiguments for the probability of an 
Aramaic original are not equally convincing 
in all these cases. But the available evidence 
tends largely to support such probability for 
the majority. To judge from the preserved 
texts this literature, together with the Book of 
Daniel, must be considered as the finest 
artistic expression of religious feeling and crea- 
tive imagination in Aramaic. Broadness of 
vision and poetical sensitivity are combined 
here with much intellectual clarity and pur- 
posefulness. These qualities are hardly ever 
found together in later Aramaic literature. 
Jewish Aramaic has lost part of its old gran- 
deur and sweep, and Syriac Christian nearly 
all true poetical feeling, while Mandaic is 
devoid of intellectual discipline. 

Jewish Aramaic literature. When the He- 
brew language of the Bible was no longer un- 
derstood by the common people, the recital 



of the Hebrew text had to be accompanied 
by the recital of an Aramaic translation 
(tergww). A simple literal translation was not 
always sufficient. Certain passages required a 
short explanation. Others had to be re-inter- 
preted in the light of the theological concepts 
of the day. Occasionally a homiletic excursus 
was added to the translation. The preserved 
targums show the development from simple 
translation to theological commentary. As a 
rule, the more recent the texts are, the more 
additional mateiial they contain. The Targum 
Onkclos to the Pentateuch and the Targum 
Jonathan to the Prophets seem to have re- 
ceived their final form in Mesopotamia, in 
the first centuries of our era. The targums 
that were composed in the Palestinian dialect 
exist in different recensions. They are replete 
with interpretational and homiletic as well as 
poetical material, some of which may have 
been added at a comparatively recent date. 
The targums to the Hagiographa likewise 
received their present form at a recent date. 

In addition to the interpretational and 
homiletic fragments found in the targums, 
special collections of such material have been 
made. They are called midrash. Most of the 
preserved midrash works are written in He- 
brew, but some of them, which certainly 
antedate the Hebrew works, are Aramaic, as, 
for instance, the midrashic commentary on 
Genesis entitled Bereshith Rabbet. All stylistic 
patterns and forms of oratory which are known 
to the preacher, and many a perfect example 
of story-telling, have found their way into 
Targum and Midrash. 

The Jewish religious law as discussed in 
the Babylonian and Jerusalemian Talmuds is 
written down in Aramaic. But it so happens 
that Hebrew terminology frequently domi- 
nates the legal discussions to such an extent 
as to reduce the Aramaic element to a few 
connecting phrases. In addition to the legal 
discussions, both Talmuds contain narrative 
passages. Largely free from Hebrew admix- 



ARAMAIC LITERATURE 



52. 



tures, these relate in a simple language the 
stories of wisdom, superstition, and fancy, 
which in the course of centuries and under 
the impact of many civilizations had become 
the intellectual property of the Jews in Pal- 
estine and Mesopotamia. 

Through its use in Targum and Talmud, 
Aramaic became a sacred language to the 
Jews, second only to Hebrew. It was used for 
literary purposes long after it had ceased to 
be spoken, and in regions where it had never 
been a spoken language. The main work of 
the Qabbalah, the Zohar, which appears to 
have been composed in Spain shortly after 
1275, is written in such artificial Aramaic. 

Samaritan. Much of the literature of the 
Samaritans, who today count about two hun- 
dred persons, is written in Hebrew and 
Arabic. Their Aramaic literature consists of 
a translation of the Pentateuch, a small num- 
ber of liturgical hymns, and a very extensive 
poetical commentary on the Pentateuch, the 
Memar Marqa. Its author, Marqa (Marcus), 
appears to have flourished in the 4th c. A.D. In 
no way does his work differ from the Jewish 
midrash. But the Icngthiness of the Memar, 
even though it is not preserved in its entirety, 
accentuates the lack of variety in form and 
constructive ideas peculiar to it. 

Christian Syro-Palestinian Aramaic. From 
about 300 A.D. to the time of the Arab con- 
quest in the 7th c., Christian groups in Syria 
and Palestine used their own dialect in their 
writings. Large portions of their translation 
of the Old and New Testament have come 
down to us. A few liturgical pieces and stories 
about saints in this dialect likewise are no 
original compositions. 

A closely related Aramaic dialect is today 
still being spoken in Ma'lula and two neigh- 
boring villages of the Anti-Lebanon. But it 
has not developed a written literature of its 
own. Folk tales in this dialect have been col- 
lected by several scholars. They are told in 
the prolix, repetitious style of the little edu- 



cated and contain interesting examples of the 
preservation of ancient stories and folkloristic 
motifs. 

Mandaic. The Mandeans are a gnostic sect 
that presumably came into being in Mesopo- 
tamia no later than the 4th or 5th c. A.D. 
Mandean communities have survived until the 
present day, mainly in southern Iraq, where 
they have lived for many centuries. The most 
important of their holy writings is the Ginza 
Rabba (The Great Treasure, also referred to 
as The Book of Adam). The Ginza appears 
to have received its present form in the 8th 
or 9th c., but it contains many much older 
portions. In verse and prose the Ginza pre- 
sents the Mandean views on cosmology and 
history. It includes various accounts of the 
religious mythology of the sect, as well as the 
ethico-religious code that governs the life of 
its members. It tells of the fate of the human 
soul after death and of the struggle of the 
elements of light and darkness for domina- 
tion over mankind. Passages that are the prod- 
uct of an unrestrained and incoherent, though 
at times majestic and powerful, imagination 
alternate with others that are the simple, sin- 
cere expression of human feelings in the face 
of the divine. Thus the Ginza becomes the 
true mirror of a religion which combines an 
abstruse theory with a high ethical standard. 

The other writings of the Mandeans do 
not differ in character from the Ginza. As 
far as their contents and form are concerned, 
the Book of John and the various diwans (i.e., 
scrolls illustrated with crude drawings) could 
as well have been parts of the Ginza. The 
liturgical literature is represented in rituals 
like those for the ordination of priests, the 
consecration of the cult-hut, the departed 
soul, or in prayers for the dead. Here, too, 
the burning desire of the soul to free itself 
from the darkness and corruption of this 
world and to behold the world of light and 
life has found manifold expression, as, e.g., in 
one of the prayers spoken at daybreak: 



53 



ARAMAIC LITERATURE 



In the name of the Great Life 

let the supranatural light be exalted! 
From my sleep I arose early; 

splendor that was abundant I have 

seen. 
I have seen splendor that was abundant, 

and light that had no end, 
While I was clad in garments of splendor 
and light was placed upon my 

shoulders . . . 
Rise, O you who have been asleep! 

Rise, O you who have been brought 

to fall! 
Rise, worship and praise the Great Life, 

and praise the image, the image of life 
That is sparkling and glowing in supranatural 
light! 

An astrological work and a number of 
magic rolls are further literary products of the 
Mandean priests. 

Syriac. The Aramaic vernacular of the re- 
gion centering around Edessa (Orhai, ar- 
Ruha', Urfa) became the literary language 
of the Christian churches in the area. Since 
the beginning of the 3d c. Christianity is 
found there, firmly entrenched. After the 
christological schisms of the 5th c. Syriac was 
used by Nestorians and Jacobites, later also 
by Melkitcs and Maronites. A vast literature 
was written in Syriac, by far the most ex- 
tensive existing in any Aramaic dialect. The 
flourishing of Syriac lasted well into the pth c. 
Then it gradually gave way to Arabic, in a 
slow process that continued until modern 
times. The i2th and i3th c. saw another 
short period of an exceptionally active literary 
life among Syriac writers; but, by then, they 
were profoundly influenced by Arabic litera- 
ture. 

Few of the preserved Syriac works antedate 
the 4th c. There can be little doubt with re- 
gard to the great antiquity of the Letter of 
Mara Bar Serapion, in which he exhorts his 
son to shape his life after the tenets of popu- 



lar Stoic philosophy. A dialogue between 
Bardesanes (Bar Daysan) and a certain Awids 
appears to have as its author a pupil of thi; 
great heretic of the early 3d c. In Syriac thf 
title of the dialogue is The Book of the Law: 
of the Countries. This title is derived from i 
chapter which describes the differences in the 
customs prevailing among different nations 
in order to refute the contention of the as 
trologers that the stars determine all humai 
activity. The Greek translation of the dialogu< 
is known under a more exact title: On Pate 
For Bardesanes offered in the dialogue hi 
solution of the problem of predestination. Flu 
man life, according to him, is governed b] 
three factors: by natural laws, which are th< 
same for all beings, by fate, which affect 
each individual differently, and by the free 
dom of the human will. Another fragment b 1 
Bardesanes, expounding his cosmologica 
views, appears to have been preserved ii 
his own words. An old gnostic poem is foun< 
embedded in the Acts of Thomas, the leg 
cndary Apostle of the Indians. It describes ii 
allegorical form the descent of the soul unt 
earth and its return to heavenly splendor. Th 
vivid, realistic account of the flood catastrc 
phe, which befell Edessa in 201, seems t 
have been written by a contemporary of th 
event, although the Chronicle of Edessa, ii 
which it is contained, dates from the 6th t 
The oldest translation of the Bible also count 
among the earliest literary products in th 
dialect. 

Syriac literature is predominantly eccles 
astic in character. Scientific, scholarly, an< 
philosophical literature was cultivated to 
considerable extent, but comparatively littl 
of it has survived. We have translations c 
Pseudo-Isocrates, Plutarch, Lucian, an 
Thcmistius. Some philosophical treatises an 
collections of sayings, the Greek originals c 
which are not preserved, are known throug 
Syriac translations. Two Books by Home 
concerning llion are said to have been th 



ARAMAIC LITERATURE 



work of Theophilus of Edessa (d. 785). The 
book is lost, and it is uncertain what its con- 
tents might have been; but Homer, in Greek 
at least, was well known to Syrian scholars. 
The Physiologus and the Geoponica were 
translated into Syriac. Ptolemy, too, was no 
stranger to the Syrians. With Galen's works 
they became acquainted mainly through the 
efforts of Sergius of Resh'ayna (d. 536). He 
was a fertile translator, whose activity ex- 
tended into many fields of Greek scholarship. 
Aristotle and some of his Greek commenta- 
tors were translated and commented upon. 
Preserved commentaries, like those of the cul- 
tured Bishop of the Arabs, George (d. 724), 
are dry and technical. Yet, the Book of Treas- 
ures by Job of Edessa (d. after 832), one of 
the few extensive, genuinely Syriac works of 
science that have come down to us, is an ex- 
position ot physical philosophy, which does 
not fall short of the high standard of similar 
medieval works. Through Iranian intermedi- 
aries the popular philosophy of the fables of 
Kalila and Dimna and the legendary History 
of Alexander the Great found its way to the 
Syrians. The famous Grammar of Dionysius 
Thrax was translated. Syriac national gram- 
mar, in general, is much indebted to the 
Greeks. But, in the service of theology, it de- 
veloped into one of the most impoitant, orig- 
inal Syriac contributions to scholarship. 
Rhetoric, too, can boast of at least one original 
work, On the Science of Rhetoric by An- 
tonius of Taghrit (9th c.). Perhaps the most 
lasting effect of all these literary efforts is 
that which they had upon the formation of 
Arab civilization. Practically every branch of 
scholarship, each literary form, as it was culti- 
vated by the Arabs, derived one of its forma- 
tive elements from Greek sources. In the 
transmission of those sources, Syriac inter- 
mediaries played an important (though not 
exclusive) role. 

The ecclesiastic literature also draws upon 
translations from the writings of Greek 



churchmen, especially in the first centuries 
of Syriac literary life. But the original output 
is large and at times of equal, if not superior, 
quality. In prose and verse, in the form of 
books, tractates, sermons, epistles, dialogues, 
there was produced a long scries of exposi- 
tions of dogma and ritual. Polemical works, 
directed against the heretics and heterodox, 
exist in equally large numbers. Liturgies and 
hymns are as well represented as Bible com- 
mentaries and homilies. Church and world 
history is not neglected, the latter is thor- 
oughly imbued with the theological point of 
view of the respective authors. The biogra- 
phies of churchmen and saints occasionally 
contain some fine, life-like passages. Martyr- 
ologies, such as the Acts of the Persian Mar- 

O ' ' 

tyrs, or the Book of the Himyarites, which 
describes the persecution of the Christians in 
southwest Arabia, paint good and evil in stark 
colors and succeed in creating a peculiar ef- 
fect upon the reader. Mystical thinkers ap- 
pear from time to time. 

Aphrem (Ephraim Syrus) represents to the 
Syrians both the beginning and the culmina- 
tion of their national literature. Born in Nisi- 
bis shortly after 300, he died in Edessa in 373. 
His life work was enormous, but many of the 
writings ascribed to him are not genuine. The 
fact that his work was to a large extent trans- 
lated into Greek attests to his popularity. He 
wrote Bible commentaries, letters, polemics, 
homilies, but his fame rests on his achieve- 
ments as a poet. His readers greatly appre- 
ciated the emotional fervor of his often un- 
realistic imagery. Thus, in order to express 
Edessa's hope that her heretical children 
might return to the fold of orthodoxy, he says 
(Carmina Nisibena No. 26): 

O Physician prove 

your skill on my limbs; 

The torn-off parts of 
my body restore, 



ARAMAIC LITERATURE 



So that all might think 

they'd ne'er been torn off. 
Since the Fiend loves my 

faults and scorns my limbs, 
Make them more beauteous: 

The hideous one, grieved, 
My beauty he'll see 

and regret his ?eal. 
Let this knowledge of 

pain warn me 'gainst it! 
How sad, I am maimed 

and those are torn off! 
Let's beware, in last 

health, lest we be lost! 

The denunciation of worldly sins and of 
life's legitimate pleasures forms the dominant 
theme of his compositions. Within the limi- 
tations of this subject, the resourcefulness of 
his artistic craftsmanship is considerable. An 
older contemporary of Aphrem was Aphrahat, 
surnamcd the Persian Sage. His homilies deal 
with the ethical and dogmatic problems of 
the church of his days as well as the political 
events, which were of importance for the 
growing Christian community in Mesopo- 
tamia. They have earned him recognition as 
a writer of lucid and exemplary Syriac. 

Church poetry after Aphrem was further 
developed by men like Qurillona, Balai, 
Naises, and the elusive personality of Isaac 
of Antioch. It found another outstanding 
representative in Jacob of Serugh (d. 521). 
The broad flow of his homilies, which fill 
many volumes, leaves untouched few of the 
religious topics that were of interest to his 
readers. Among Jacob's letters, one addressed 
to Stephen Bar Sudhayle is significant for 
Syriac literary history. For Stephen is con- 
sidered the piobable author of a mystical 
work, which, in its unorthodox pantheism, 
has not its like in the whole Syriac literature. 
The work goes under the fictitious name of 
the Holy Hierotheos. In the Pseudo-Dionysian 
writings, which were composed around 



500 A,D. and which tried to reconcile Neopla- 
tonic philosophy with Christianity, this Hiero- 
theos figures as the principal teacher of 
Dionysius Areopagita. The Book of the Holy 
Hierotheos appears to be a genuine Syriac 
representative of the Pseudo-Dionysian litera- 
ture; other works were translated from the 
Greek, by Sergius of Resh'ayna. 

The type of churchman that combined 
theology with scholarship found its best ex- 
pression in the personality of Jacob of Edessa 
(d. 708). He excelled as a historian and 
grammarian. Essential literary problems did 
not escape his acute mind. Thus, he recog- 
nized that one of the greatest obstacles in 
the way of any reform of an inadequate script 
is the fact that such reform would consign 
the whole literature written in the old script 
to oblivion. Jacob of Edessa's age produced 
a remarkable mystical writer, Isaac of Nini- 
veh. As to his time, as well as his ideas and 
his terminology, he stands on the threshold 
of Muslim mysticism. He is, however, strictly 
orthodox in his thinking and far removed 
from that bold individualism for which cer- 
tain Muslim mystics are remarkable. 

Annalistic historiography had been culti- 
vated by Yohannan Bar Penkaye in the yth c. 
Among its well-known representatives we 
count Dionysius of Tell Mahre (d. 845), who 
found followers in men like Eliya Bar Shinaya 
(d. after 1049) and Michael I (d. 1199). 
Dionysius' world history is of course largely 
dependent on its sources; only the treatment 
of the last hundred years could reveal the 
author's own concept of historiography. 
Stories concerning the Christian community 
are given most of the available space. They 
are well told, but no real attempt is made 
to integrate them into the larger framework 
of contemporary history. 

In the 8th and 9th c. the influence of 
Aristotelian philosophy pervades the thinking 
of Syriac writers. This influence is obvious 
in the work of Timotheos I. (d. 823) and 



ARAMAIC LITERATURE 



Moshe Bar Kepha (d. 903). The latter espe- 
cially was a fertile writer, who wrote com- 
mentaries on the Bible and on Gregory Nazi- 
anzen, a church history, dogmatical treatises 
and polemics, and a book On the Sow/. In a 
sense he marks the end of the great period of 
Syriac literature. 

The writers of the Syrian "renaissance" of 
the 1 2th and 13111 c. include men like 
Dionysius Bar Salibi (d. 1171) and the afore- 
mentioned Michael I. (d. 1199). But the first 
place among them is reserved for Gregory 
Abul-Faraj, better known as Bar Hebraeus, 
because his father, a physician, is believed to 
have been of Jewish descent. Born in Melitene 
in 1225/6, he lived through the stormy years 
of the Mongol invasion. In 1264 he was 
chosen to be Maphreyan of the Orient, i.e., 
the spiritual head of the Jacobites of Mesopo- 
tamia and Persia. He died in 1286, leaving a 
literary heritage remarkable for its size and 
variety. He is the author of a Bible com- 
mentary, a work on canonic law, and church 
and world histories. His treatments of Syriac 
national grammar have remained standard 
works for the scholarly study of the dialect. 
Astronomy and medicine were cultivated by 
him. His philosophical books follow in the 
footsteps of Avicennian Aristotelianism, and 
his mystical and ethical writings are formed 
after those of al-Ghazzali. He did not disdain 
to write a volume of facetious stories and 
anecdotes. His poetical production, however, 
is of little significance. 



Various modern dialects related to Syriac 
have continued to be spoken by Jacobites and 
Nestorians ( "Assyrians") , and the members 
of the corresponding uniate churches, as well 
as by the Jews of Kurdistan. The use of those 
dialects can be traced back to the lyth c. 
Stories of folkloristic and literary character as 
well as worldly and religious poems have been 
written down in the Syriac alphabet at the 
instigation of western scholars. More material 
has been taken down phonetically. In 1829 
a gospel text in modern Syriac was printed in 
London. Soon after (1840), American mis- 
sionaries set up a printing press in Urmla- 
(Rezaych) and tried to establish the spoken 
dialect as a literary language, using the Syriac 
(Nestorian) script. Other missions followed 
their example. The works that have been 
printed are largely religious and educational. 
With World War I this activity ceased. Since 
then the Nestorian diaspora in various coun- 
tries appears to have carried on very little 
literary activity in the native dialect. 

G. A. Cooke, A Text-Book of North-Semitic In- 
scriptions (Oxford), 1903, A. (E.) Cowley, Aramaic 
Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford), 1923; 
C. C. Torrey, Our Translated Gospels (N. Y.-Lon- 
don), 1936; J. A. Montgomery, The Samaritans 
(Philadelphia), 1907; E. S. Drower, The Mandaeans 
of Iraq and Iran (Oxford), 1937; W. Wright, A 
Short History of Syriac Literature (London), 1894; 
A. Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur 
(Bonn), 1922. Bibliographic references for the whole 
field of Aramaic are found in F. Rosenthal, Die 
aramaistische Forschung (Leiden), 1939. 

FRANZ ROSENTHAL. 



ARANDA See Australian Aborigine. 



ARAWAK See South American Indian. 



ARAUCANIAN-See South American In- AREKUNA-See South American Indian. 
dian * ARGENTINIAN-See Spanish American. 



57 



ARMENIAN LITERATURE 



ARMENIAN 



THE cultural integrity of Armenia (Hayas- 
dan) has been preserved despite intermittent 
centuries of political domination by foreign 
powers. The highway from Europe to Asia, 
crossroads of civilization from its earliest days, 
Armenia has felt the passage of many peoples, 
whose tongues have left their mark upon its 
speech. Armenian is an Indo-European lan- 
guage, but early immixed with Semitic and 
Old Persian words. Although there was prob- 
ably a rich pre-Christian literature in Old 
Armenian (Hayqan or Haikan; also called 
Grabar), only a few traces of it have been 
preserved. Early histories now lost, however, 
as that of Marabas Catina, ca. 150 B.C., were 
used as source books of later, surviving, 
works. Grabar remained the literary language 
of Armenia until the mid ipth c., and is still 
used in the Armenian Church. 

The adoption of Christianity, early preached 
and dominant by the time of Tiridates (286- 
342) the Armenian is the oldest Christian 
National Church brought Armenia from Per- 
sian cultural domination into the realm of the 
Western World. About 404 A.D. the Armenian 
alphabet (of 36 letters; in a form still in use 
for capitals) was devised by Mcsrob Mash- 
dotz (Mesrop Masdoty); Catholic writings 
came rapidly thereafter. Hymns and prayers 
were most frequent. Agathanage, secretary of 
King Tiridates, wrote (in Greek, translated 
into Armenian) a life of the King, and a biog- 
raphy of St. Gregory the Illuminator (239- 
325), first Patriarch of Armenia. Mcsrob and 
Sahak (353-439) translated the Bible into 
Armenian. Few translations of the Bible have 
entered as fully into the lives of any people. 
Many of the Bible stories parallel the Arme- 
nian legends; many of its events occurred 
upon Armenian soil. Mt. Ararat is in Arme- 
nia; "Noah's vineyard" was swept off in an 
avalanche as late as 1840. 



While the Greek and Syriac Fathers were 
being translated into the language, Moses, 
Archbishop of Khorene (mid 5th c.) wrote a 
history of Armenia; in this are preserved the 
fragments of epics, the songs and legends, of 
earlier times. Among the legends is that of the 
Culture Hero, Hayq, a curly-haired archer 
who, vanquishing the eastern hero Bel us, 
established the kingdom of Hayasdan. The 
tale of Semiramis is told in colorful detail 1 
she sought the love of King Am the Beauti- 
ful, who remained faithful to his wife, re- 
pulsing these advances; thereupon Semiramis 
sent an army to capture Arn, and he died 
fighting. After his death, Semiramis remained 
in Armenia, founding the city of Van. An- 
other favorite among the legends is of David 
of Sussan, a sort of Armenian Hercules, whose 
lively pagan humor and boisterous exploits 
are colored by interpolation of pious Christian 
thoughts. In addition to legends and myths, 
Moses tells of tueliatz (chronicle) songs, that 
also deal with the deeds of early kings and 
heroes. Other references suggest that there 
may have been an early Armenian drama. 

Recounting the earlier stories of Armenia 
gave way in the later 5th c. to a veritable 
flood of translations, especially of the Church 
Fathers, from the Greek. During the admin- 
istration (374-383) as Catholicos of Nerses 
the Great, a contemporary records the estab- 
lishment of over 2,000 monasteries and other 
centers of learning, which in the ensuing years 
poured forth Armenian versions of Syriac and 
Greek originals. The Homilies of St. John 
Chrysostom, two essays of Philo on Provi- 
dence, the Chronicle of Eusebius, are among 
the works otherwise lost preserved to us in 
Armenian. 

Among the original works of the period are 
a vivacious account of current life and hap- 
penings (344-392) by Faustus of Byzantium 



ARMENIAN LITERATURE 



later continued to 485 by Lazar of Pharp 
(Lazarus Parbetzi); a History of Taron (the 
story of Gregory) by Zenobius of Glak; a 
history of Vartan Manikomian and the "First 
Religious War" (451), by Eliseus (Eghishe) 
Wardapet, still popular reading: Vartan fell 
in the battle of Avarair, where the Armenian 
Christians were overwhelmed by the Persians; 
he remains the national hero. Such figures, 
their devotion and their martyrdom, have held 
the Armenians as a spiritual unity despite 
their continual subjection. Over Avarair the 
nightingales still cry "Vartan, Vartan." 

Sahak was prominent among the early 
writers of Church songs (sharakans; literally, 
rows of gems), which were composed in 
greater or less number continuously until the 
1 3th c. Outstanding among later writers of 
sharakans was the 8th c. poetess Sahakadukt, 
in whose day rhyme (probably under Arabic 
influence) was added to Armenian verse. 

The next two centuries were troubled times. 
Save for the regulation of the calendar, little 
cultural development is recorded. Religious 
writing, while extensive, consisted almost en- 
tirely of retelling Bible stories. In the early 
8th c. there were numerous commentaries on 
religious works, notably those of Gregory 
Asheruni and John (Catholicos 717-728), 
and a history of the Caliphs by the priest 
Leoncius. Outstanding in the 9th c. was the 
Patriarch (Catholicos) Zachariah, whose elo- 
quent homilies hailed the Church festive 
days, and who wrote canticles and many 
vigorous letters. 

Lay as well as religious poetry helped make 
popular (St.) Grigor Narekatzi (951-1009), 
whose canticles are still sung in the Church; 
but whose odes and elegies, and especially his 
panegyrics, were widely known. He loved 
elaborations; in one poem he accompanies the 
word 'God' with 90 attributes. The flow of his 
rhetoric is most colorful in Narek (1001-2), 
a devotional work of 95 chapters of prose 
prayers that constantly soar into verse. It is a 



sincere and earnest outpouring, in rich and 
colorful diction and imagery, declaring that 
if all the world's trees were pens and the seas 
ink, they could not record his sins; but even 
greater is the lovingldndness of the Lord. 
Among his panegyrics outstanding arc those 
on The Holy Cross; The Virgins; The 
A-postles. 

Grigor Magistros (d. 1058) also wrote 
poetry, his main work being a retelling, in 
some thousand lines, of the Bible story from 
Creation to the Resurrection. Writing this (in 
three days, he states) for a Mohammedan 
who wished to know the Christian story, 
Grigor helped popularize the use of rhyme. 

Arisdagucss Lasdivcrdctzi wrote a History 
of Armenia covering the years 989-1071, em- 
phasizing particularly the destruction of Ani 
(1064) by Alp-Arslan. 

For a period of almost two centuries, Ar- 
menia was independent and comparatively 
undisturbed. Her authors flourished. Chief 
among the early writers of this period was 
Catholicos Nerses Glayetzi, called Shenorhali 
(the Graceful; 1100-73). Great-grandson of 
Grigor Magistros, Nerses became the most 
prolific poet of Armenia to his day. He wrote 
long poems. In his elegy on The Fall of Edessa 
(taken by the Turks, 1144), the city tells its 
own story. Though his hymns are in varied 
meters, he usually employed an 8 syllable 
line, with one rhyme throughout the entire 
poem. His Jesus the Son is in 4,000 such 
8 syllable lines, almost every one ending in 
-in. Nerses employs various artificial devices- 
acrostics; starting successive lines with con- 
secutive letters of the alphabet but deftly, 
unobtrusively. His most lyrical and his best 
poems, however, are his sharakans, mainly in 
short lined couplets. He also wrote synodal 
orations and many important letters. His nar- 
rative poem of Armenian history was con- 
tinued (1275) by Bishop Vahram Rabun. 

In the 1 3th c. there was a renewed interest 
in, if not a fresh flowering of, fable. Animal 



59 



ARMENIAN LITERATURE 



stories, some of folk origin, spread widely. 
Some were of known authorship, as in the 
Book of Fables, containing 150 tales by 
Mkhitar Kosh (d. 1213). The fables and 
folklore, while containing many of the ele- 
ments usually found in folk expressions, have 
perhaps a deeper strain of mystic intent, or at 
least of allegory. Amid their mountains the 
people learned the power of natural phenom- 
ena; Dew, e.g., appears in many of their leg- 
ends and tales as a mischievous and sometimes 
malevolent monster. The hero David of Sas- 
sun, in one of his adventures, slays forty 
Dews that have stolen "all the treasures of the 
world." The constant presence of ruling forces 
alien in race and religion gave to Armenian 
piety a more intense tone. Many pages of their 
histories read like martryologies; and among 
the folk, abstract ideas are personified, politi- 
cal or social impulsions slip into apparently 
innocent stories. Thus the fable of the owl 
and the eagle The owl asked the eagle's 
daughter in marriage: "You rule by day, and 
I by night; it is fitting that we should form an 
alliance." The eagle acquiesced; but, after the 
wedding, when the groom could not see by 
day, nor the bride by night, confusion inter- 
vened. The falcons twitted the unhappy pair, 
is directed against intermarriage of Christian 
Armenian and foreign pagan. 

Long years of resistance, and the difficulties 
of adjustment to alien sway, bred inner strife 
as well, reflected in the bitter proverb: If a 
brother were a good thing, God would have 
provided one for himself/ Other typical Ar- 
menian proverbs manifest the practical, if not 
cynical, spirit their history induced: 'He that 
falls into the water need have no fear of rain.' 
'A devil with experience is better than an 
angel without/ 'Before the fat grow lean, the 
lean are dead/ 

Vartan Aigektzi (the Great; d. 1271) wrote 
the Book of the Fox, containing 144 fables; he 
was even better known for his Universal His- 
tory, from the Creation to 1267; and was also 



author of numerous Biblical commentaries. 
The period produced many other fables. 

Among many historians, grammarians, and 
religious writers within this period, three 
poetic figures stand prominent. Constantine 
Erzingatzi (of Erzingan; b. ca. 1260) wrote of 
nature, of love and beauty (which he identi- 
fied). His is the first rich breath of spring in 
Armenian poetry; a quiet but deeply sensi- 
tive spirit speaks in simple terms of nature's 
bounty: 

"It was dark; every stone was ice-bound; 
there was not a green herb; but now the earth 
arrays itself anew . . . The birds sing 
sweetly; the swallow chants psalms; the lark 
comes, reciting the praise of the morning." 

Arabic and Persian influence appear in his 
work; the former, in many didactic poems; 
the latter, in the lengthy romantic narrative 
Farman and Aswan. Hovhannes (John) 
Erzingatzi (b. 1250) wrote a Key to Ar- 
menian Grammar; an astronomical treatise; a 
commentary on The Gospel of St. Matthew; 
panegyrics to St. Gregory; and many religious 
and moral verses but also some love and na- 
ture poetry. His work is particularly rich in 
colorful and fanciful figures. Like John 
Erzengatzi, the third of this group was a 
priest, Khachatur Kecharetzi (known as Frik; 
d. ca. 1330), of whose many poems, on love 
or religious themes, the most vivid is a long 
work addressed to God, complaining that evil 
thrives, and asking that the Armenians come 
within the blessing of the Lord. 

The next four centuries found Armenia 
again under foreign domination, passing from 
power to power with the shifts of victory in 
the Ottoman Empire and its successors. In- 
ternal disputations also stirred the religious 
writers. Various chronicles were written in 
the 1 4th and i5th c., notably the (quite in- 
accurate) History of Tamerlane, with a sup- 
plement of events to 1447, by Thomas Med- 



zopetzi. In 1565 the first book printed in 
Armenian was published, in Venice; and 
throughout this and the i7th c. the establish- 
ment of presses for works in Armenian con- 
tinued, not only within the country but at 
many other centers: Milan (1624); Livorno 
(1640); Amsterdam (1660); Marseilles 
(1673); Constantinople (1677); Leipzig 
(1680); Padua (1690). While these presses 
were turning out, for the most part, religious 
commentaries or translations of religious 
works, native poetry continued to flourish. 

Hovhannes Tulkourantzi (1450-1525) of 
Sis was another nature poet. Like all the other 
poets of Armenia, he wrote religious and ethi- 
cal veises; but his heart throbbed in his 
lyrics of love and death, which he placed in 
opposition: how can one that loves a beauti- 
ful woman grow old and die? Mkrtich Nagash 
wrote love songs, and sad songs of exile and 
wandering. Grigoris of Aghtamar (b. ca. 
1418) wrote the allegorical The Gardener and 
his Garden; The Rose and the Nightingale, 
and other mystic verse. Nahapet Kouchak 
(i7th c.) wrote charming lyrics of love. 
Arakel Sunetzi, in the Book of Adam, a 
lengthy narrative interspersed with lyrics 
e.g., The Rib, comparing a woman's curved 
face to the rib she is made fromtells how 
Adam chose damnation for love. 

Such non-religious songs, mainly anony- 
mous, are vibrant with love of the Armenian 
countryside. Despite the frequent sweep of 
alien forces over the land, these songs show 
little foreign influence; rather, they surge 
with patriotism, or mourn the lost freedom 
and glory. They may be grouped in four main 
divisions: (i) festive songs, gay and lively, 
rich in references to nature; (2) love and 
marriage songs, tender, often beautiful, re- 
flecting the stern morality of the pious Ar- 
menian, with its emphasis on closely bound 
family life; (3) emigrant songs, of the spirit 
or the adventures of those that, from the 
many invasions, sought refuge abroad; and 



(4) laments. Their meter is syllabic, varying 
from 4 to 13 syllables in the line. The most 
popular forms are the 7 syllable quatrain, in 
tiiplc rhyme, and the quatrain of alternating 
7 and 8 syllable lines with 3 accents each, 
called from the frequent subject an touni 
(emigre). 

These songs have long been popular 
throughout the Near East, being sung at festi- 
vals and friendly gatherings, by the ashongh 
(minstrel). A lew of the composers are known. 
Thus Sayat Nova (1712-95) both wrote and 
sang love songs. He later retired to a mon- 
asteiy; but came forth to sustain the reputa- 
tion of his native Tiflis when an ashough 
from another town became noted there. Tri- 
umphant, he went back into the monastery. 
When Agha Mohammed Khan stormed the 
monastery, Sayat refused to turn Mohamme- 
dan, and was slain, His story is a frequent 
tale for later minstrels. These ashough both 
chant the songs and tell prose tales, which 
also have stock patterns, repeated phrases and 
other conventional devices for which the 
listeners wait such as the signal that the 
telling has come to an end: "And three ap- 
ples fell from heaven: one for the story-teller; 
one for the hearer; and one (this recipient 
varies) for the whole world." 

Toward the close of the i8th c., the Rus- 
sians swept into Armenia. In 1701, the Cath- 
olic Petro Mekhithar (Mkhitar Sepastatzi; 
d. 1749) had founded a Brotherhood in Con- 
stantinople, later this moved to the island of 
St. Lazarus, Venice, where it became the 
center of Armenian scholarship and culture, 
flourishing to this day. Fiom its presses came 
a vivid and noble History of Armenia by 
Michael Tchamitch; a new version of the 
Eible; and a constant flow of patriotic and 
religious literature, as well as translations of 
great works, ancient and modern. Lord Byron 
studied Armenian at St. Lazarus, and helped 
in the publication of an Armenian-English 
dictionary. Byron said of the Armenians: 



6i 



ARMENIAN LITERATURE 



"Their virtues are those of peace; their vices, 
those of oppression." The oppression con- 
tinued; but in such centers as that of the 
Mekhitharian Brothers in Venice the Ar- 
menian spirit and culture were sustained. 
Throughout the i8th and i9th c. religious 
studies and translations continued to pour 
from Armenian presses all over Europe. 

After the mid ipth c., however, a new 
spirit entered Armenian literature. The vari- 
ous forms of the vernacular, especially as at 
Ararat and at Constantinople, had grown so 
different from the classical Grabar in which 
all writing had continued as to set a great 
gap between the literature and the people. 
This the new writers set about bridging, by 
the bold step of abandoning Grabar in non- 
religious works, and presenting their poems 
and stories, drawn from the lives of the Ar- 
menian people, in vigorous and direct Mod- 
ern Armenian. Begun by Khachatoor Abovian 
in Verk Hayastani (Wounds of Armenia; 
1858), this enriched vernacular found its first 
great use in the novels of Raffi (I lakop Melik 
Hakopian; 1837-88), who wrote over 30 
novels of wide popularity including the ro- 
mance, Khent, and the historical novel of the 
years 364-400, Samouel and won the field 
of lay writing for the contemporary tongue. 
In 1871, Grigor Ardzrounian founded the 
periodical Mschak, which championed the 
new directions of Armenian literature, and 
in which many of the new writers found their 
first welcome. 

The misfortunes of Armenia, crossroads of 
the continents, were unending. Massacres by 
the Kurds in 1876 and 1877, by the Turks 
in 1896, sent many of the Armenians into 
Russia; there they were closely watched. I lope 
of security brought many back about 1905, 
for the greater and more systematic massacres 
of 1915. For about two years (191820) 
Armenia was an independent country, with 
its own Parliament; then once more it was 
parceled between Turkey and Russia. It is 



thus inevitable that the literature of these 
years should ring with echoes of the strife, 
or in other ways reflect the disorders of the 
country. Many of the Armenians, having 
been forced to take residence abroad, wrote 
also in French, Italian, English, or Russian; 
some wrote only in Armenian though in other 
lands; all manifest a deep concern for the 
fate of their country. 

Avetik Isahakian (b. ca. 1860 in the Cau- 
casus) wrote a novel Master Karo, a well 
written satire on contemporary life; then in 
the epic poem Abu Lala Maliari he pictures 
a man that turns from his wife, his home, 
and all the troubles of the land, to live at 
peace in the desert. 

Earlier in the revival, first to give it power 
in strong and noble verse, was Kamar-Katiba 
(Raphael Batganian, 1830-92), who edited 
at Tiflis the short-lived weekly The North, 
to exalt his countrymen with ideals of lib- 
erty, and in the poem The Tears of the Aras 
presents the sacred river of Armenia lament- 
ing the foreign domination over the land. 
Still in the classical Grabar the Catholicos 
Mkrtich Khrimean (Hairik; 1820-1907) 
wrote the vivid poem The Meeting of the 
Kings (1900), in which each monarch around 
the world tells wherein he sees his security 
--cannon; large spread of land; national 
wealth until the King of Belgium rebukes 
them for not finding safety in God. Mikael 
Nalbantian (1830-66) was fervent in his 
preaching of humanitarian ideals; he helped 
the spread of socialism among the Armenians 
of the Caucasus; his Song of Liberty is a 
vibrant and vigorous appeal. 

More lyrical are the simple strains of 
Archbishop Khoren of Lusignan (called Nar- 
Bey, Prince Light; 1841-93), who translated 
Lamartine into Armenian, and in his own 
works reflected the tenderness and love of 
nature of Lamartine's spirit. Most mournful 
of all Armenian poets is Bedros Tourian 
(1852-72), whose short life was worn with 



ARMENIAN LITERATURE 



62 



poverty and wretched 1 strain. His brother 
Eghishe* Tourian (b. 1860) won to a greater 
calm; he became Patriarch of the Jerusalem 
Armenians. Few poets have had a greater 
command of the language, more power to 
win its words to musical rhythms, than 
Eghishe* manifests, as in The Pastoral Flute 
(1909). 

Sibylle (Mme Zabel Hrant-Asadour; b. 
1863) is the favorite Armenian woman poet. 
Her verses, collected in Reflections, show a 
delicacy of phrase, subtly colored turns of 
expression, and fine nuances of feeling. 
Hovanes Thoumanian (b. 1 869) tells a legend 
of Tamerlane in the narrative poem The 
Convent of the Dove turning that tale of 
the conqueror to contemporary application; 
there are vivid imagery and power in his 
With My Fatherland (1916). Yergat Tigran 
(1870-99) wrote moving verse, as in The 
Dying Poet, collected in the posthumous vol- 
ume A Few Hours. There is a more ardent 
imagination, with deep sensitivity and patri- 
otic ardor, in the volumes as The Flowers of 
Memory; The Oasis of Roupen Vorperian 
(b. 1875). 

Among the more recent poets the French 
influence is strong: the power of Baudelaire,* 
the comprehensive reach of symbolism. Love 
of country is, if possible, still more persistent 
a theme. Natalie Shahan (b. 1884) wrote 
Songs of Love and Hate (1915), which in- 
cludes the poignant The Agony of My Faith; 
and, after World War I, The Cos-pel of Re- 
venge. Astour Navarian (b. 1881) wrote the 
melancholy The Sultanates (1903) and the 
more tranquil Autumn Sun (1917), which is 
none the less fervent in devotion to the coun- 
try. Daniel Varoujan (Tchiboukiarian; 1884- 
1915; killed by the Turks) was a vigorous 
poet, in his early Shudders and in The Heart 
of the Race. There is a more delicate sensi- 
tivity in the three volumes of Vahan Derian 
(1885-1920); in his Tirilight Dreams the 
Autumn Song, though individual, is haunting 



with echoes of Verlaine. Roupen Sevag 
(1885-1915; killed by the Turks) in The 
Red Book (1910) wrote rousing verse about 
the massacres in Silicia; his poem The Last 
Lullaby has a deep and tender pathos. Bitter 
and concentrated are the Crucified Dreams 
(1912) of Hrant Nazariantz (b. 1884). 
Eghish6 Tcharentz (b. 1897) has written 
brilliant verse in free rhythms, revolutionary 
in form and thought. Among those that have 
written Armenian poems in other lands are 
Alexander Kludjian, with Poems (Boston, 
1938) and Khadjig Margosian, with Palpita- 
tions (N. Y., 1938). 

The work in prose started by Raffi was 
carried along by many hands. Archag Tcho- 
banian (b. 1872) not only popularized Ar- 
menian works abroad he translated Chirvan- 
zade, e.g., into French but wrote poems 
in prose, fantasies, and stories (Life and 
Dream) in effective, colorful Armenian. An- 
other leader in the use of a vivid vernacular 
prose was Roupen Zartarian (1874-1915; 
killed by the Turks). Forced to flee from 
Turkish Armenia, he edited Razmigue (The 
Warrior^) from 1905 to 1908; after the 1908 
Revolution his journal Azatamart (The Free 
Fight) was in the forefront of the intellectual 
movement in Armenia. His non-political 
writings have a quiet charm; they reveal a 
poetic spirit, sensitive to nature. The title of 
his Tsaygalouiss (.Night Light; 1909) sym- 
bolizes the flame of the Armenian spirit shin- 
ing through the dark hours of Turkish dom- 
ination. One of the legendary stories in that 
volume, The Bride of the Lake, tells of a 
woman in love with the waters; her suspicious 
husband strangles her on the shore; the 
waters of the lake rise and engulf the vil- 
lage. 

The Oriental Tales (1874) of Minas 
Tcheraz (b. 1852) were prefaced by a dis- 
cussion of grammar his innovations had be- 
gun as editor, in 1870, of Ergrakount (The 
Globe) in Constantinople which touched 



ARMENIAN LITERATURE 



off a series of polemics; continuing the attack 
on Grabar in National Education (1876), 
Tcheraz helped greatly in the establishment 
of Modern Armenian diction and style. His 
bold innovations in language and grammar 
produced striking turns of phrase, and lent 
a vigor to his political writings. When not 
urging the cause of his country against the 
Turks, ^Tcheraz worked a light and lively 
vein, as in the short vignette The Pasha with 
forty wives, revealing how the Pasha kept his 
harem always at peace. 

A pacifistic spirit marks the career, and 
gleams in the tales and stories, of Hambart- 
zoum Arakelian (pseudonym Chahriar; b. 
1855). At Tiflis in 1910 he founded the 
periodical Aror, to promote his aims for a 
peaceful world; in 1916 he was editor of 
Mschak. He had been earlier moved to write 
Djhoud-Douchan (The Slaughter of the 
Jews; 1902). In addition to his utterances on 
social themes, he wrote direct and pleasing 
narratives, the story Zeythoun (1896), and 
Twelve Tales (1908). 

Keen psychological observation, an objec- 
tive realistic spirit, animate the varied writ- 
ings of Chirvanzade (A. M. Movsissian, 
1858-1935). His early works include novels 
of the industrial world (Fire at the Naphtha 
Plant; 1883), of business (Memoirs of a 
Manager; 1883); psychological studies of love 
(Mme Lisa; 1884), and increasingly of the 
Armenian intellectual of the day (Owe of the 
Moderns, 1884; Vain Hopes, 1886; The 
Exile, 1890). His masterpiece is Chaos, its 
first draft banned by the Turks when it ap- 
peared in Arevelkh; published in book form in 
1895. Chaos on a wide canvas studies with 
objectivity and insight the clash of various 
types and races in Armenia, and the con- 
flicting ambitions and ideologies that tore the 
land. Chirvanzade has also contributed to the 
new art of the theatre in Armenia, with for 
that land of close family tiesa daring drama 
of a wife who leaves her husband for another 



man, Was She Eight? (1903), and a dramatic 
study of the Armenian business man, On the 
Ruins (1906). 

More closely involved in the political for- 
tunes of his country, but contributing largely 
as well to the cultural rebirth, was Avetis 
Aharonian (b. 1866). As a boy of ten he 
saw the horrors of the Kurd massacres; they 
give a melancholy tinge to his first volume, 
Horkine (1893). The massacres of 1896 
brought a series of sketches and stories pub- 
lished in Mschak A Drop of Milk; A Piece 
of Bread; Neighbors in which grief, horror, 
and indignation fuse with deeply sympathetic 
portraiture of his countrymen. More and 
more Aharonian's life and writings were dedi- 
cated to his nation's fight for justice and free- 
dom. He edited first Mourch (The Hammer), 
then Arach (forward). His infrequent but 
rousing poems are mainly on national themes. 
His short stories, collected in Toward free- 
dom (1906), vary from stark tragedy (Honor) 
to poetic pathos (The Mothers; The Abysm). 
With the same purpose, he wrote a novel, 
The Black Knight, with warm pictures of 
various Armenian types across a wide and be- 
loved landscape. He was also author of sev- 
eral plays. The Valley of Tears (1906), a 
symbolic drama against tyranny, was played 
with great success in Tiflis; it was forbidden 
in Russia. While in prison (1909) Aharonian 
wrote The Predestined, played to enthusiastic 
audiences in Tiflis and Bakou, showing the 
inevitable martyrdom they are predestined to 
glorious death of those that seek to serve 
humanity, justice, freedom. During the two 
years that Armenia won of precarious free- 
dom, Aharonian was elected (1918) Presi- 
dent of the first Armenian Parliament. 

In essay, short story, and novel, many other 
writers added to the national picture and the 
national protest. Berjouhi Barseghian whose 
husband was killed in the 1915 massacres, 
and who was a member of Parliament, 1919- 
20 wrote the realistic and sympathetic After 



ARMENIAN LITERATURE 



64 



The Storm and In Scorching Days. Hamas- 
degh (Hambartzoum Gclcnian; b. 1895 in 
Turkey, now in the U.S.A.) has written two 
volumes of short stories, Rain and The Vil- 
lage; a novel, The White Horseman; and an 
epic poem The Sacred Comedy. There is a 
kindly satire in his works, which picture in 
realistic vein the life and legends of the 
peasants. Grimmer studies of peasant life are 
in the masterly short stories of Steven Zonan 
(b. ca. 1880 in the Caucasus), who remained 
in the part of Armenia that became a Soviet 
Republic. Constant Zaiian (b. ca. 1885 in 
the Caucasus) has written in French, and 
considerably in Italian, as well as in Arme- 
nian. He is thus more European than native; 
but in his many novels he lashes out in violent 
criticism of the times. Mari Beylerian wrote 
a realistic novel, Upwards, published in 
Smyrna, 1914. Eli Agsar's novel of Armenian 
family life, The Will, was published in New 
York in 1923. Short stories and sketches of 
Peniamin Noorigian are collected in the vol- 
ume The Vintage (New Jersey, U.S.A., 

I937)- 

In addition to the Armenians that remained 
and wrote, in Turkish or (mainly) Soviet 
Armenia, many as we have observed left 
their country for refuge elsewhere. (There 
are some 2,500,000 in Soviet Armenia; some 
200,000 in the U. S. A.) A number of the 
refugees have continued writing in their na- 
tive tongue; perhaps more have become citi- 
zens and without losing their concern for the 
freedom and the valid growth of Armenia- 
have used the language of their new land. 
Thus Michael Arlen (Dikran Kouyoumdjian; 
b. 1895 in Bulgaria) became an English citi- 
zen and author of striking novels and plays, 
especially The Green Hat (1931). In the 
United States, William Saroyan (b. 1908) 
captured the public with the fresh fancy of 
his short stories, as in The Daring Voting 
Man on the Flying Trapeze (1934) and the 
imaginative lilt and warm human sympathy 



of his plays, as My Heart's in the Highlands 
C 1 939)5 The Beautiful People (1941). With 
Saroy aii's encouragement, the periodical 
Hairenik (.Fatherland) founded as a daily in 
Boston, 1900, its weekly supplement with lit- 
erary features edited since 1934 by Reuben 
Darbinian collected from its pages into a 
volume the writings of almost sixty Ameri- 
cans of Armenian ancestry. 

In Soviet Armenia not only has writing in 
the Armenian language continued shaping 
itself fully into the thought-patterns of Soviet 
life but there has been a steady interest in 
the language itself, culminating, under the 
editorship of Stepan Malhasyan, in the pub- 
lication of the first complete Armenian Dic- 
tionary (4 v., 1946). 

Armenian secular drama is entirely a prod- 
uct of the last one hundred years. There is a 
story that King Tigranes II (ist c. B.C.) in- 
vited Greek actors to Armenia, and that his 
son Artavazd wrote some plays. The next 
reference to the drama speaks of an Armenian 
tragedy, Ripsime, as having been presented in 
Poland in 1668. We know that in the early 
1 9th c. the Mekhitharist Brothcis in Venice 
began writing religious plays, over 100 being 
composed during the century. A theatre was 
opened in Trcbizond in 1815; in Smyrna in 
1836; these presented almost exclusively 
translations (into Turkish or Armenian) of 
French and Italian plays. In 1840 G. Chir- 
maghanian wrote a comedy satirizing corrup- 
tion among the Armenian clergy, which was 
produced in Moscow. The emphasis in the 
drama, for some time, continued to be more 
pious. In 1845 Father Minassian wrote a 
classical tragedy in prose, Khosrow the Great. 
In 1856 Mkrditch Bechiktachlian (1828-68) 
lent great impetus to the drama, beginning 
his many productions of plays by other drama- 
tists as well as his own. His own best plays 
are Gornak; the tragedies Vahan Vahe and 
Arsaces II; and the very popular The 
Brigands. 



ARMENIAN LITERATURE 



After the mid-century, theatres opened in 
other Armenian centers, as Orta-Keuz (1859.). 
In these, lay comedies came increasingly to 
the fore, such as those by Hcldnian satirizing 
the Armenians that were tending to abandon 
their own language and culture for those 
of their conquerors or of the land of their 
temporary refuge. Karekin H. Rechdouni 
(1840-79) as an actor was a favorite of the 
Constantinople stage. From monologues and 
one-act comedies The Trunk handed over 
to a distant heir is a rollicking farce of the 

o 

squabble over what proves to be a valueless 
inheritance he moved on to effectively comic 
presentation of the customs and foibles of 
the Turkish Armenians, in such plays as 
Niks-Niks; The 400 francs; The Lover with 
his collar in a box. Gabriel Soondookian 
(Sundukianz; 1825-1911) was successful 
with Eeho and The Ruined Family. 

Hagop II. Baronian (184091), though 
distinguished in the theatre, was even more 
widely popular. Beginning with The Oriental 
Dentist (1868), his satire was revenlcd as 
caustic if not savage. In the periodical Tha- 
dron (The Theatre"), which under his editor- 
ship was banned eight times in its four years, 
he attacked the current hypocrisy among his 
countrymen in a series of biting profiles, 24 
of which were collected as National Big Hais 
(1878). His realistic studies, his fierce satires, 
brought sharp attacks upon him; he went into 
business (1880) to finance the journal Khikar, 
but died in poverty. After his death he was 
acclaimed as a national genius, and his works 
were enthusiastically revived. Among his 



most successful comedies are Gentleman 
Beggars; The Dowry; Uncle Balthazar. 

About 1870 the Turks, sensing the power 
of the theatre in sustaining national ardor, 
began to exercise a closer censorship; soon 
thereafter, and for a period of over thirty 
years, plays in Armenian were forbidden. 
Among the more recent productions are 
Whom shall we follow after? (1912) by 
Hovhanncs Haroutuinian; The Calvary of 
My Race (1923) by Vahan Chrokasjian: 
Cluck, Cluck by Ervant Der Megerditchian 
(b. 1888; now in the U.S.A.). In Soviet 
Armenia, in addition to the already men- 
tioned Sundukianz, Chirvanzadc, and Aharon- 
ian, plays have been written by Mikael Pat- 
kanian, Hagop Garinian, A. leritsian, Ter- 
Krikorian, V. Papazian, L. Manvclian. There 
seems every likelihood that writings in Ar- 
menianthough with absorption into Soviet 
culture they may lose the national ardor and 
the tone of melancholy or protest that have 
long characterized them will continue to 
flourish as a valid artistic and cultural ex- 
pression. 

II. F. B. Lynch, Armenia, 2v., 1902; V. Langlois 
(from the French of), Hist, of the Armenian Mon- 
astery of St. Lazarus-Venice, with a compendium of 
the Hist, and Lit. of Armenia (Venice), 1899; Z. C. 
Boyajian, Armenian Legends and Poems, with essay 
by A. Raffi on Armenia, Us epics, folk songs and 
medieval poetry (London), 1916; C. F. Neumann, 
Geschichte der Armenischen Lit. (Leipzig), 1836; 
M. Banker, Armenian Romance (Grand Rapids, 
Mich.), 1941; Hairenik 1934-39 (Boston), 1939; 
F. Macler, cd. Petite Biljlioth&que armenienne 
(Paris), 1910-1919; A. Navarian, Anthologie des 
poetes armeniens (Paris), 1928. 

HAGOP E. MIKELIAN. 



ARMORICAN-S*? Breton. 
ASHANTI-See African. 
ASHKENAZI-See Yiddish. 
ASSAMESE-See Indian. 



ASSYRIAN-See Accadian; Canaanite. 
ASTIGIANO-See Italian. 

ATHEBASKAN-See North American Na- 
tive. 



ASSINIBOIN-See North American Native. ATTIC-See Greek. 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



66 



AUSTRALIAN 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE is a British theme 
with Australian national variations. Immedi- 
ately this generalization has been made, the 
question arises as to what emphasis should he 
placed upon the elements specified. To the 
uncompromising British Imperialist and the 
partisan of deracinated supranationalist liter- 
ature, allegedly founded in universal and 
eternal values, the Australian variations are 
trivial, embarrassing, or anathema. On the 
other hand, the nationalists, whether tepid or 
rampant, seize upon the variations with glee 
as proving the growing maturity of the liter- 
ature. A great deal of literary discussion in 
Australia oscillates between these extremes, 
falling either into the error of unduly prizing 
local color or into the opposite error of assum- 
ing that the absence of local color is one of the 
criteria of excellence. Only the best critics 
assume that the essence of their task is to sift 
out of the very considerable body of Austral- 
ian writing, much of which is difficult to come 
by even in Australia, those works that have 
strength, substance, literary merit. These 
books should eventually form a canon to 
which readers seeking a knowledge of the 
literature can turn with confidence. Such a 
canon does not exist today, except in the 
faintest and most debatable of outlines. The 
most profitable approach to literature in 
Australia, therefore, is along the lines of a 
study in cultural evolution. This allows one 
to designate certain works as of exceptional 
importance and value while at the same time 
including others which, though their intrinsic 
value as literature is slight, are nevertheless 
classics-by-default in that they admirably illus- 
trate or epitomize phases of the literary story. 
In a singularly complete sense the men and 
women who established the first Australian 
settlement had a new world to explore and 
report. Beginning in 1606 Carious Europeans 



had coasted along the shores of the continent, 
but none had closely circumnavigated it and 
none had gone ashore except for strictly tem- 
porary visits. Because Captain James Cook 
had, in 1770, the good luck to survey the 
hitherto unknown Pacific Ocean coast the 
British, a few years later, selected it as a place 
to plant a settlement. They wanted an isolated 
but humanly tolerable place for a penal estab- 
lishment. When in 1788 the first few hun- 
dred settlers convicts, their military guard, 
and civil officials planted the original settle- 
ment at Sydney, not only was the exact shape 
of the continent unknown but the character 
of the interior was a total mystery. When un- 
veiled, the country was found to be utterly 
different from the British Isles. The early 
pioneers found the land difficult to exploit 
and difficult to "understand." Even today, 
over fifteen decades later, complete mastery 
and understanding have yet to be won. 

Several pioneers of the First Fleet, all from 
the governing group, left books on their ex- 
periences. Only later on did convicts able to 
write, draw, and paint arrive. Native-born 
free men did not begin to express themselves 
until the 1 820*5. By 1840 the transportation 
of convicts began to be abolished; after 1868, 
no more were sent to any part of the con- 
tinent. Literature in Australia has been, in all 
but very minor early particulars, the creation 
of free men. The First Fleet narratives, how- 
ever, have yet to be assimilated to the literary 
record, perhaps for the reason that they were 
strictly utilitarian in purpose. However, the 
two books of Captain Watkin Tench (1759- 
1833) of the Marines, A Narrative of the 
Expedition to Botany Bay (1789) and A 
Complete Account of the Settlement at Port 
Jackson (1793), have an attractive and defi- 
nitely literary flavor. Such personal narratives 
have been remarkably plentiful in Australian 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



writing, but while the historians have found 
them immensely useful, their literary impor- 
tance is still to be determined. Especially 
valuable are the narratives of the pioneer 
pastoralists, of the period before 1850. 

The literary record is conventionally con- 
fined to works that were literary in intent, no 
matter how short of the mark they fell. From 
1788 to the great goldrushes of the 1850*5, 
which multiplied the population rapidly, the 
works of literary pretension that have sur- 
vived, even as curiosities, are few. Conspicuous 
among them are Barren Field's First Fruits of- 
Australian Poetry (1819), a book of short 
pieces that forms a most unpoetical introduc- 
tion to Australian poetry, and William Charles 
Wentworth's Australasia (1823), a patriotic 
ode that won for the author a second prize in 
competition for the Chancellor's medal at 
Cambridge University. Wentworth (1790- 
1872) was a native-born Australian who had 
already made a name for himself in explora- 
tion and later had a distinguished career in 
politics. Field (1786-1846) was a British legal 
officer temporarily serving in Australia. These 
two versifiers were succeeded by Charles 
Tompson (1806-83), who produced a volume 
entitled Wild Notes from the Lyre of a 
Native Minstrel (1826) and Charles Harpur 
(1817-68), also native-born, who published 
his first volume, Thoughts, in 1845. Harpur 
is definitely the superior of the two and has 
claims to being the pioneer of poetry, as dis- 
tinguished from verse. (See Selected Poems 
of Charles Harpur, edited by H. H. Gifford 
and D. F. Hall, Melbourne, 1944.) In prose 
fiction the pioneers were Charles Rowcroft 
(d. 1850), whose Tales of the Colonies 
(1843) is rather pale stuff in which fiction 
and the promotion of immigration go hand 
in hand; Henry Kingsley; and Catherine 
Helen Spence. The latter two have definite 
claim* to permanent remembrance. Catherine 
Helen Spence (1825-1910) had a long career 
in social reform and journalism, during which 



she wrote several thesis novels, of which the 
one most often recalled today is Clara Morri- 
son (1854). Henry Kingsley (18301876), 
brother of the more famous Charles, wrote 
The Recollections of Geoffry Hamlyn (1859) 
as the result of a lengthy visit to Australia. It 
established firmly two traditions: the tradition 
of novels of pastoral life and the tradition of 
an Anglo-Australian exchange of talent. Sev- 
eral Englishmen notably Anthony Trollope, 
Havelock Ellis, D. H. Lawrence have es- 
sayed Australian novels as the result of a 
visit or temporary residence, and many Aus- 
tralians have made literary careers in Eng- 
land, among them Haddon Chambers, the 
playwright, Helen Simpson and, above all, 
H. H. Richardson. Also in this early period 
there is that enigmatic figure Daniel H. 
Deniehy (1828-65), who did a good deal of 
literary and political journalism and wrote a 
political satire, How I Became Attorney- 
General of New Barataria (1860), which is 
still amusing. 

These writers did not succeed in naturaliz- 
ing literature in Australia, nor were they 
encouraged to do so. While those colonists 
who were literarily inclined and many of the 
pioneer pastoralists, as their books show, were 
highly educated imported books and other 
reading matter very freely from England, 
they gave little patronage to local productions. 
The way of the wnter was excessively hard, 
as Deniehy 's career illustrates; but the three 
decades from ca. 1860 to 1890 were years of 
definite progress. The task still remained one 
of plowing virgin soil, but the plowing had 
permanent results and if none of the writers 
of this time reached the first rank, they never- 
theless advanced the arduous task of subduing 
the new environment to man's imagination, 
made a permanent record of some memorable 
experiences, and even foreshadowed some 
permanent Australian values. The period is 
dominated in poetry by Henry Kendall and 
Adam Lindsay Gordon, in fiction by two men, 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



68 



Marcus Clarke and Rolf Boldrewood, and 
three women, Ada Cambridge, Mrs. Camp- 
bcll-Pracd, and "Tasma." Of these Clarke, 
Boldrewood and Kendall established perma- 
nent reputations. 

Henry Kendall (1839-82) had a slight 
but pure lyric gift, a charm of diction, and a 
genuine sensitivity to the Australian environ- 
ment, especially the coastal river valleys of 
New South Wales. The superficially contra- 
dictory strains of melancholy and utopianism, 
which are found rather frequently in Aus- 
tralian writers, appear clearly for the first 
time in Kendall. Although a minor poet on a 
world scale of values, he looms large in the 
Australian record, because he took a long 
step forward beyond Harpur and because no 
work unquestionably superior to his was writ- 
ten until after his death. 

Certainly Kendall was a far more signifi- 
cant poet than his contemporary Adam Lind- 
say Gordon (1833-70). Gordon, however, 
has enjoyed vastly more popularity. He has, 
indeed, been acclaimed time and again the 
greatest of Australian poets, in recent years 
especially by politicians and Englishmen 
seeking to say the "right thing" about Aus- 
tralian literature. The illusion is sustained by 
the fact that there is a bust of Gordon in 
Westminster Abbey, placed there in 1934 as 
a direct result of an intensive publicity cam- 
paign conducted by his English admirers, led 
by Douglas B. W. Sladen. Moreover, tags of 
Gordon's verse spring spontaneously to the 
lips of many Australians who otherwise are 
innocent of memories of poetry read or heard. 
But it is nevertheless the case that Gordon's 
poems will hardly bear the same weight of 
critical scrutiny as Kendall's. Professor Walter 
Murdoch said all that can be said for Gordon 
when he remarked in 1941, "I lis swinging 
ballads of action in the open air, with their 
simple philosophy of courage, endurance, and 
loyalty, appealed strongly to the Australia of 
his day; and some of them will, I believe, ap- 



peal to the Australia of tomorrow." This much 
would be freely admitted by Gordon's most 
persistent critics, were it not for the fact that 
the ludicrous over-valuation of his work 
stands obviously in the way of an under- 
standing of more mature and substantial 
Australian poets. 

Marcus Clarke* (1846-81) and Rolf Bol- 
drewood^ (1826-1915) both wrote far more 
than the two novels by which they are chiefly 
remembered. Clarke arrived in Australia as a 
boy of 1 8 and before he died at 35 dissipated 
his talent in a wide variety of journalistic 
undertakings. But when he was commissioned 
by a fiction journal to write a novel of convict 
life he produced a story that still stands as the 
best of its kind in Australian literature. For 
the Term of His Natural Life (1874) is per- 
haps not a truly great novel; it is a "classic by 
default" of anything better of its kind, but it 
is a vivid and memorable story, which sooner 
or later almost every Australian reads. Boldre- 
wood wrote a long string of novels after an 
adventurous career as pastoralist and police 
magistrate. Today it is a rare person that has 
read more than two or three of his books, 
most commonly Robbery Under Arms, serial- 
ized in 1882, published in book form six years 
later. This novel is a consistently interesting 
account of bushranging during the goldrush 
period. Boldrewood's observation of the Aus- 
tralian scene is conceded to be sound social 
historians will one day make good use of his 
books and he could manage a story, but 
there is no density in his work to make it true 
literature. Robbery Under Arms is, like 
Clarke's story of convict life, a classic-by- 
default. Although Australians have been con- 
sistently fascinated by bushranging, especially 
by the last of the bushrangers, Ned Kelly, no 
better novel on the subject than Boldrewood's 
has been produced. "Ned Kelly," writes Clive 
Turnbull, "is the best known Australian, our 
only folk hero." (See Ned Kelly, Melbourne, 
1942.) 



6 9 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



The novels of the three women of this 
period Ada Cambridge (1844-1926), Mrs. 
Campbcll-Pracd (1851-1935) and "Tasma" 
(1852-97) show definite signs of passing 
from popular memory into the exclusive keep- 
ing of the historians. In a brief preface to 
Longleat of Kooralbyn Mrs. Campbell-Praed 
remarked, "It is ... to all English readers 
that I, an Australian, address myself, with the 
hope that I may in some slight degree aid in 
bridging over the gulf which divides the old 
world from the young." This is a non-literary 
purpose, of course, but apparently it was pres- 
ent in the minds of most Australian writers 
of the time. Indeed then and for years after, 
the patronage of English readers was neces- 
sary if an Australian writer was to enjoy a 
vogue in Australia. Even a man so obviously 
catering to Australian interests as Rolf Boldre- 
wood had to wait upon success in England 
before he was really successful at home. In 
recent years, therefore, the inevitable process 
of sorting out the work of the past has led to 
the rejection of many writers that once were 
accepted as authentically Australian by Eng- 
lish reviewers and readers with little or no 
direct knowledge of the country. What may 
be called Anglo-Australian literature perhaps 
had to precede truly Australian literature, but 
once the ascendancy of the latter became 
established, the Anglo-Australians were sure 
to be "written down." The three women 
novelists of this period have thus far suc- 
cumbed even more completely to this kind of 
literary analysis than, say, the poet Adam 
Lindsay Gordon. Yet in each instance they 
produced one or two books that should be 
reprinted in any series attempting to present 
the history of the Australian novel; e.g., 
Longleat of Kooralbyn (1881) by Mrs. 
Campbell-Praed, Uncle Piper of Piper's Hill 
(1889) by "Tasma," and Not All in Vain 
(1892) by Ada Cambridge. 

Up to about 1890 the story of literature in 
Australia is, in an important sense, a prelude 



to Australian literature. With the 90*5 the 
Australians arrived. The 1890'$ were a time 
of crisis and reassessment. Between 1890 and 
1914 the period loosely called "the nineties" 
those Australian writers that today are most 
often cited as characteristically Australian 
produced their most considerable books. It 
was a crowded period in which a very great 
deal was written and published. Major figures 
of this time were Henry Lawson (1867- 
1922), Tom Collins (1843-1912), Bernard 
O'Dowd (b. 1866), and A. G. Stephens 
(1865-1933). Minor figures whose niches are 
defined include A. B. Paterson (1864-1941), 
Dowell O'Reilly (1865-1923), Barbara Bayn- 
ton (1862-1929), Louis Bccke (1855-1913), 
Louis Stone (1871-1934), C. J. Dennis 
(1876-1938), Randolph Bedford (1868- 
1940), Steele Rudd (1868-1935), Mrs. 
Aeneas Gunn (b. 1870), E. J. Banfield 
(1862-1923) and C. E. W. Bean (b. 1879). 
Debatable figures arc Victory Daley (1858- 
1905), Price Waning (1855-1911) and E. J. 
Brady (b. 1869). 

Henry Lawson* wrote a long list of vivid 
stories and sketches of life in the bush on 
the farms ("selections"") and stations, and 
along the bushtracks between as well as in 
the cities, and a considerable quantity of 
popular verse. His art is instinctive rather 
than self-conscious. He wrote of what he saw 
and heard, inventing little, imagining hardly 
at all. He was an articulate common man, 
but a common man of temperament. His 
stories are clearly etched their environmental 
circumstances are intensely real his charac- 
ters, while not profoundly explored, stand 
out vividly, the situations are almost invari- 
ably memorable, and his sentiments are un- 
questionably Australian. Even in his ambi- 
valence Lawson is Australian: if there is a 
streak of melancholy in him, there is also an 
hilarious humor (even farce); if he can tell 
stories of callous cruelty, he can also indulge 
in tedious sentimentality. Probably no writer 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



70 



ever got closer to the heart of Australia, a 
fact that accounts for his wide and continuing 
popularity. Somehow his stories, while hardly 
touching greater heights of sentiment and 
idea than his verses, are markedly superior. 
The verses enjoy a popularity equal to the 
fiction, hut they definitely have small claim 
as literature. His best stories, nevertheless, 
could with profit he collected in a single 
volume. They are chiefly to be found in 
While the Billy Boils (1896) and Joe Wilson 
and His Mates (1901). 

Tom Collins* poured the experiences of a 
lifetime into one book, Such Is Life (1903). 
He was over forty before he began to write 
professionally; he had been in turn a farm 
laborer, a farmer, a contractor for road build- 
ing, a contractor carrying supplies to and 
wool from outback sheep stations, and an em- 
ployee in the family's smalltown iron works. 
Yet he turned all this miscellaneous experi- 
ence to very good account. Moreover he had 
thought deeply of politics and literature. He 
poured everything he had gathered into one 
huge manuscript, using the diary form to 
divide it into manageable sections. His story 
has to do with the life of the bullock drivers 
and their associates, friends, enemies, and 
hangers-on, in the outback during the i88o's. 
It also includes discursive essays on every 
topic that would occur to a thoughtful man 
in Australia. It is thus a compendium of dis- 
tinctively Australian thoughts and conclusions 
about life, literature, and society. From no 
other single book can one learn so much 
about what constitutes the basic elements of 
the Australian leftwing outlook. Even though 
these have often been overlaid and distorted, 
they have a way of suddenly reappearing at 
crucial moments. It is for this reason that 
Such Is Life has waxed in reputation while 
books far more popular in their day have 
already waned. Even Collinss style, which 
has a Johnsonian ponderosity, has not been 
the handicap it might at first glance seem. 



The slow pace of the book forces all but the 
most careless readers to soak it up rather than 
hastily swallow it. The result is that, once 
really read, passages have a way of recurring 
in the mind long after. The book is written 
at a pace analogous to that of bullocks slow, 
deliberate, easy-going, conducive to rumina- 
tion. Such Is Life is an Australian classic, the 
most important single book yet written out of 
unmistakably Australian experiences. Collins's 
other book, Rigby's Romance (1921), is an 
anabranch of the main stream. It was sub- 
tracted from the original manuscript of Such 
Is Life to reduce its portentous bulk. 

A. G. Stephens* was the outstanding liter- 
ary critic of his generation; in fact, he is the 
only figure in Australian literature whose 
reputation rests on his criticism. From 1896 to 
1906 he was editor of the literary section of 
the Sydney Bulletin, a weekly paper founded 
in 1 88 1. The Bulletin had, while Stephens 
was literary editor, a more profound influence 
on the direction of Australian literary devel- 
opment than has ever before or since been 
exerted by a critical journal. Almost all the 
major figures, and most of the minor, felt the 
Bulletin influence. If only the weaker writers, 
whose work is now getting dusty, totally suc- 
cumbed to the limitations of the paper a 
weakness for local color and a passion for the 
laconic it nevertheless reached out to em- 
brace Tom Collins, Henry Lawson and all 
the other stars of the time. For Stephens had 
a passion for literature and an equal passion 
for Australia. He desperately wanted an Aus- 
tralian literature. After he parted with The 
Bulletin he continued to exercise a wide in- 
fluence through his own paper, The Book- 
fellow, and his occasional booklets. "Yet the 
effect of all these books is fragmentary:" 
writes Vance Palmer in his memoir of 
Stephens; "added together they do not equate 
the vital, integrated personality that was 
Stephens. They are, in truth, merely a by- 
product of his active working life. He was a 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



journalist-critic, pouring his power into the 
weekly column, scattering his wit, badinage, 
common sense with a free hand, seeming to 
take letters lightly, yet, through the manly 
directness of his approach, making them an 
important and exciting part of life for his 
readers." 

Bernard O'Dowd,* who stands in this com- 
pany as poet, believed in poetry with a pur- 
pose. In Poetry Militant (1909) he pleaded 
for a poetry that would speak to the people 
about the problems and thoughts nearest to 
them, most important to them, most likely 
to lead them to higher accomplishments. Yet 
somehow he managed to escape the reproach 
of being a merely "inspirational" versifier. 
There was a strength in him that made him 
a great poet. His lyric gift is slight; his poems 
are burdened with a heavy weight of literary 
learning; like Tom Collins, with whom he 
has a definite affinity as a thinker, he spoke 
from a leftwing point of view. O'Dowd had 
in full measure that recurring Australian 
interest in Utopia in the prospect of building 
in Australia a far better society than man 
had ever hitherto known. There is a density 
and a drive in O'Dowd's poems that cannot 
fail to appeal to all who look for more than 
a song in poetry. Rough-hewn as his work is, 
it stands as a great monument in the midst of 
a vast plain strewn with the works of versifiers 
who were trivial singers to beguile an empty 
hour. 

The minor figures of the time make a 
varied array. A. B. Paterson is remembered 
today for ballads though he wrote prose also 
The Man From Snowy River, Clancy of the 
Overflow and perhaps above all, Waltzing 
Matilda, which achieved worldwide fame 
during World War II. (See The Story of 
Waltzing Matilda, by Sydney May, Brisbane, 
1944.) Dowell O'Reilly wrote a handful of 
poignant and moving short stories. Barbara 
Baynton produced a small book of somber 
bush studies which won the praise of Have- 



lock Ellis. Louis Becke brought the South 
Sea islands into the Australian short story. 
Louis Stone left a novel that is a minor 
masterpiece, Jonah (1911), a study of slum 
life. Randolph Bedford dissipated his talent in 
a dozen directions, but his Explorations in 
Civilization (1916) is well worth reading. 
Steele Rudd wrote the funniest book in Aus- 
tralian literature, On Our Selection (1899) 
and created Dad and Dave, characters that 
have an active life quite outside the book. 
Mrs. Gunn wrote a classic of outback squat- 
ting life, We of the Never Never (1908) and 
a perennial favorite for children, The Little 
Black Princess (1905), a charming story of 
aboriginal life. E. J. Banfield carried nature 
writing, in which Australians have shown a 
persistent interest for several generations, to 
a high plane in such books as Confessions of 
a Beachcomber (1908). C. J. Dennis put the 
Australian "mug" into vernacular verse in 
The Sentimental Bloke (1915). C. E. W. 
Bean showed how journalism can become 
memorable writing in such books as On the 
Wool Track (1910) and Dreadnought of the 
Darling (1911). Victor Daley wrote a deli- 
cate lyric poetry that will always have fierce 
partisans; Price Warung left some tales of 
convict days that are in the genre comple- 
mentary to Clarke's novel; and E. J. Brady 
brought saltwater ballads into Australian lit- 
erature. It was an extraordinarily satisfactory 
period. 

In the years between the two great wars 
Australian writers continued very active, but 
the magnetic power of The Bulletin had de- 
clined and no single journal of equal signifi- 
cance took its place. Old problems of getting 
books published and making contact with the 
Australian reading public were not as yet 
completely solved. Writers worked in isolation 
from one another. But if no critic gained the 
authority of A. G. Stephens, a number of 
able critics, including Furnley Maurice,* 
Vance and Nettie Palmer, Frank Dalby Davi- 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



son, M. Barnard Eldershaw and T. Inglis 
Moore, were certain to seize upon each worth- 
while book as it appeared and celebrate its 
virtues. By printing their work in a variety of 
papers they wielded a wide influence and they 
raised standards markedly in the face of popu- 
lar indifference. As the period ended with the 
outbreak of World War II it was apparent 
that the most important figures of the time 
had been Henry Handel Richardson (b. 
1880?), Katherine Susannah Prichard (b. 
1884), Brent of Bin Bin (true identity un- 
known), Vance Palmer (b. 1885), Miles 
Franklin (b. 1883), Eleanor Dark (b. 1901), 
M. Barnard Eldershaw (a collaboration of 
Marjorie Barnard, b. 1897, and Flora Elder- 
shaw, b. 1897), Leonard Mann (b. 1895), 
Frank Dalby Davison (b. 1893), Christopher 
Brennan (1870-1932), Furnley Maurice 
(1881-1941), Hugh McCrae (b. 1876), 
William Baylebridge (1883-1942) and Shaw 
Neilson (1872-1942). Some of these com 
pleted careers begun much earlier, while 
others were definitely post-war figures. 

Henry Handel Richardson* is the greatest 
of the many Australian expatriates. Born in 
Australia and educated there, she for her 
real name is Henrietta Richardson has made 
her career in England. Yet she nevertheless 
thinks of herself as contributing to Australian 
literature, in the development of which she 
takes a keen interest. Certainly The Fortunes 
of Richard Mahony, a trilogy completed in 
1929, is one of the really great novels of 
Australian life. Yet the focus of Miss Richard- 
son's interest is not primarily the Australian 
scene at all, but the character of Mahony. 
She is, above all, one of the most brilliant 
and satisfying of contemporary literary psy- 
chologists, Miss Richardson completely over- 
shadows as a writer all other Australian ex- 
patriates of her time. The Australian books of 
Helen Simpson lack rewarding substance, as 
her other books lack durability; and after 
writing one memorable Australian novel, The 



Montforts (1928), Martin Mills took to writ- 
ing light comedies of manners, English in 
setting. H. H. Richardson, like Henry James 
in American literature, is an expatriate that 
rose to greatness. 

The strongest home-dwelling novelist of the 
period is Katherine Susannah Prichard/ In a 
series of novels of which Working Bullocks 
(1926) and Coonardoo (1929) are the best, 
she has made a major contribution to Aus- 
tralian fiction. Hardly less important are her 
short stories, some of which are collected in 
Kiss on the Lips (1932). A powerful com- 
petitor for first place in this period is Brent 
of Bin Bin, a mysterious figure whose pseudo- 
nym has never been penetrated, who has 
written a many-volumed novel of pastoral life 
of which three volumes have thus far been 
published: Up the Country (1928), Ten 
Creeks Run (1930) and Back to Bool Bool 
(1931). Brent's books carry the novel of pas- 
toral life, initiated by Henry Kingsley, to its 
highest expression thus far. Miles Franklin, 
after producing a remarkable study of fem- 
inine adolescence, My Brilliant Career 
(1902), was for many years resident in the 
United States and England, engaged in labor 
journalism and social work. After the first 
war she returned to Australia and fiction with 
All That Swagger (1936), a novel of pastoral 
life and (in collaboration with Dymphna 
Cusack) Pioneers on Parade (1939), a witty 
satire on the socialites of the time. Miss 
Franklin is today the most active survivor of 
the nineties. It is appropriate that she wrote 
the most elaborate account of Tom Collins 
and his career (1944). 

Vance Palmer's many novels are quiet and 
competent psychological studies. While lack- 
ing the robustness of Miss Prichard's, his 
books are, within their limits, distinctly meri- 
torious, especially The Passage (1930) and 
Legend for Sanderson (1937). M. Barnard 
Eldershaw is primarily interested in psycho- 
logical studies also, with a pronounced con- 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



cern for the stylistic graces as well. Her best 
novel is probably Green Memory (1931). As 
Vance Palmer has experimented with all litci- 
ary forms poetry, drama, short stories, novels, 
criticism so Eldershaw has branched out into 
history, biography, and literary criticism. Mr. 
Palmer has written some first-class memorial 
essays, e.g., on A. G. Stephens and Furnley 
Maurice, while Eldershaw has produced a 
fine study of the founding governor of Aus- 
tralia, Phillip of Australia (1938). Leonard 
Mann has specialized in the hard-boiled novel. 
Perhaps his best to date is The Go-Getter 
(1942). Frank Dalby Davison wrote a classic 
story of animal life, Red Heifer (1931) and 
has also produced a series of skilful short 
stories and short narratives on Australian and 
foreign subjects. He is profoundly interested 
in style, but not at the expense of substance. 
Eleanor Dark combines psychological insight 
with stylistic brilliance in novels, of which 
the most substantial thus far is The Timeless 
Land (1941). 

Standing by himself, but touching litera- 
ture and life at many points, is Professor 
Walter Murdoch (b. 1874), who made the 
familiar essay a popular form in Australia 
when it had practically disappeared overseas 
(see Collected Essays, Sydney, 1938). 

Among the contemporary poets pride of 
place must go to Christopher Brennan,* 
deeply influenced by the French symbolists; 
almost all of his work was done well before 
World War I, but his reputation was consoli- 
dated and extended in the inteiwar period. 
Brennan is a poet that should be known 
throughout the English-reading world; he has 
suffered obscurity from having lived and 
worked in Australia. William Baylebridge* is 
a deeply philosophical poet whose work de- 
mands "attention of perusal" but rewards the 
efforts spent upon it. In form and manner he 
is traditional. Furnley Maurice,* on the other 
hand, was an experimental poet who wrote in 
many styles, skilfully in all, and whose influ- 



ence will wax as the traditionalist strangle- 
hold on Australian verse wanes. Shaw Neilson 
wrote lyrics of supreme delicacy of charm. 
Hugh McCrae* represents a tradition in Aus- 
tralian poetry, initiated in some measure by 
his father and continued by Victor Daley, 
which combines lyricism with a passion for 
decoration for nymphs, fauns, and satyrs. 
Around these major figures was a standing 
army of versifiers, for in no country in the 
world do more people lisp in numbers than 
Australia. There is hardly a literate person on 
the continent who has not, at some time, 
written verse, and an astonishing number 
have published books of verse. Single poems 
of merit are remarkably common; Australia 
is a paradise for anthologists. 

As in poetry, so in fiction and other 
branches of literature. The number of minor 
writers (or writers still minor as this survey 
is concluded) creates a puzzle for any critic 
determined on justice for all. Mention may 
properly be made of Ion Idness (b. 1890), 
whose numerous books of adventure have en- 
joyed stupendous popularity and have con- 
tributed in their way to making the far 
reaches of the continent real to city-dwelling 
Australians; and of Frank Clune (b. 1894), 
who writes inimitable travelogues from the 
point of view of the "dmkum Aussie" (see 
Frank Clune, Author and Ethnological 
Anachronism, by Bartlett Adamson, Mel- 
bourne, 1944), full of local history and sar- 
donic evaluations. John Dalley (1878-1935), 
Norman Lindsay (b. 1879), Brian Penton (b. 
1904), Kylie Tennant (b. 1912), Xavier Her- 
bert (b. 1901), Henrietta Drake-Brockman (b. 
1901), Seaforth Mackenzie, and Patrick 
White have all written distinctive novels, 
many of which have been published overseas. 
In the United States, e.g., Herbert and Ten- 
nant have enjoyed outstanding successes with 
Capricornia (1938) and The Battlers (1941), 
and White has had a succes d'estime with 
Happy Valley (1940). The outstanding ex- 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATI/RE 



74 



patriate of this generation is Christina Stead, 
who has become an American citizen. Dal 
Stivens (b. 1912) and Gavin Casey have 
produced volumes of distinguished short 
stories. For the first time in the literary his- 
tory of the country numerous plays have 
found publication, but no major playwright 
has appeared. Kenneth Slessor (b. 1901) and 
Robert Fitzgerald (b. 1902) are poets that 
have gained substantial reputations in the 
last few years. 

The difficulties of writing and publishing 
during wartime have been enormous. But the 
energy is productive; the next period of Aus- 
tralian writing may be the most fruitful of all. 
A viable tradition is shaping up for writers 
to draw upon, for sustenance, for faith in the 
importance of their work. The younger writ- 
ers (and some of the older ones), of whom 
the poets are the most active, have gathered 
around such magazines as Angry Penguins, 
which is self-consciously avant garde, or 
Meanjin Papers, which is intelligently aware 
of modern currents of literary thought, or 
associated themselves with such emphatically 
nationalist groups as the Jindyworobak poets. 
From the ranks of the young men and women 



whose work is now appearing in the little 
magazines will come the major figures of 
tomorrow. 

E. Morris Miller, Australian Literature: front Its 
Beginnings to 1935: A Descriptive and Bibliograph- 
ical Survey, 2 vols. (Melbourne), 1940; H. M. 
Green, An Outline of Australian Literature (Syd- 
ney), 1930; T. Inglis Moore, Six Australian Poets: 
McCrae, Neilson, O'Dowd, Baylebridge, Brennan, 
Fitzgerald, Foreword by C. Hartley Grattan (Mel- 
bourne), 1942; M. Bernard Eldershaw, Essays in 
Australian fiction: Richardson, Prichard, Davison, 
Palmer, Mann, Mills, Stead, Dark (Melbourne), 
1938, Nettie Palmer, Modern Australian Literature, 
1900-1923 (Melbourne), 1924; A. J. Coombes, 
Some Australian Poets: Harpur, Kendall, Gordon, 
Lawwn, Paterson, McCrae (Sydney), 1938; P. R. 
Stephensen, The Foundations of Culture in Aus- 
tralia, (Sydney), 1936 (an expression of the ex- 
treme nationalist point of view); C. Hartley Grattan, 
Australian Literature (Seattle, Wash.), 1929 (Sup- 
plemented and elaborated in Chap. 9 of Introducing 
Australia (N. Y.), 1942); H. M. Green's essay, "The 
Development of Australian Literature," The Aus- 
tralian National Review, vol. 3, no. 14, Feb., 1938, 
and C. Hartley Grattan's essay, "On Australian 
Literature, 1788-1938," The Australian Quarterly, 
vol. x, no. 2, June, 1938, represent summaries of 
series of lectures delivered independently of one an- 
other under the auspices of the Workers' Educa- 
tional Association on the occasion of the xjoth 
anniversary of the founding of Australia. 

C. HARTLEY GRATTAN. 



AUSTRALIAN 
(Aborigine) 



WHEN AUSTRALIA was made known to Euro- 
peans it was found to be inhabited by several 
kinds of primitive, savage hunters. The most 
primitive of these hunting peoples were found 
on the island of Tasmania. They were dark- 
skinned, crisp-haired, short, negrito people, 
who used implements made from chipped 
stone flakes, unbarbed spears and small 
baskets. They were able to travel over the 



sea near land on crude rafts. They possessed 
no domestic dog. 

On the Australian continent itself were 
more advanced types of hunting peoples. 
Those of the northern part of the continent 
tended to be tall, spindly legged, dark-brown- 
skinned with relatively sparse body-hair. Their 
head hair was usually dark and low-waved. 
The outstanding items of their material cul- 



75 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



ture included ground-edged stone axes, bark 
canoes, stone and wood-barbed spears and a 
domestic dog. 

Australians of the southern half of the con- 
tinent tended to be shorter in stature, stouter 
of limb, a light tone of brown skin and their 
bodies were relatively thickly covered with 
body hair. Their head hair tended to be 
either low or deep waved with an occasional 
tendency to crispness. These "Southerners" 
were not as the "Northerners". Typically they 
did not know how to make their own cdgc- 
ground stone axes, and except in parts of 
Victoria either lacked them entirely or traded 
for them with peoples living to the north and 
north-cast. 

The Australians were divided into many 
hundreds of small tribes, each with a separate 
name, dialect, and tribal area. (Tindale 1940; 
has a map). Family groups of tribesmen wan- 
dered over their own territories whose bound- 
aries were usually rather rigidly fixed. 

Meagre as were their material cultures, all 
these people were well adapted to their en- 
vironments, indicating long sojourns in their 
present homes. Their social organizations, 
unlike their material cultures, were complex 
and their stores of mythological lore and tra- 
ditions were large. Their nature knowledge 
was often deep and of surprising accuracy, 
indicating strong powers of observation and 
deduction. 

In the earliest days of white occupation of 
Australia, few took any interest in their cul- 
ture. There were a few learned travelers who 
recorded their experiences objectively. The 
principal observers were missionary zealots, 
unfortunately eager to discover that the primi- 
tive beliefs were bestial, and they recorded 
them only as demonstrating how necessary 
it was to replace them by tenets of Old World 
faiths. 

The early contacts between white European 
and aboriginal Australians led inevitably to 
the decimation and engulfment or disappear- 



ance of the Aborigines. Today they survive 
only in small isolated or degraded communi- 
ties in settled districts, and, in a state of full 
cultural activity, only in the remotest confines 
of the Great Western Desert of Central Aus- 
tralia. 

The legends and mythological tales of the 
Australian are all orally transmitted. In most 
tribes the spoken record is amplified by illus- 
trative dance routines, ornaments, mnemonic 
rock paintings and carvings, and caived cere- 
monial objects of wood and stone. Stories of 
fixed form may occur over wide areas and 
may retain their principal elements, even when 
they are related in languages that are now 
distinct in structure and in word content. 
This seems to imply they are based on themes 
of considerable antiquity. 

Elements of a stratification are evident, prob- 
ably related to the historical sequences of 
events which follow the early occupation of 
Australia. 

The stories range from the simple hunting 
tales of the more primitive Southern people, 
typified by the Tanganekald, through the 
aetiological stories of the peoples of the 
Darling River Basin to the complex totem 
animal and totem plant myths of such people 
as the Kukatja and Aranda of Central Aus- 
tralia and of the people of the northern areas 
of the continent. 

The stratification of the forms of myths is 
not simple, and survivals of older forms may 
occur even in areas of the more advanced 
cultures. Traces of the clashes that arose from 
profound ethnic disturbances are seemingly 
preserved in the oral literature of the Aus- 
tralian Aborigines. They typify the endless 
frictions that must have accompanied the 
successive peoplings of the continent. The 
patterns for the stories must have been cut 
a very long time ago, but traces of the orig- 
inal form seem evident even in the stories of 
today. 

Negrito versus Australoid stones are perhaps 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



76 



best illustrated by tbe folk tales told in south- 
ern Australia. The Tanganekald for example, 
relate several stories of tbe Thaknni, tiny 
people that lived long ago among the coastal 
lagoons of the Robe district of South Aus- 
tralia. The Thakuni were feared for their 
staring eyes; one full glance from them could 
kill a man. It was proper to look at them only 
out of the corner of one's eye. They were 
able to make themselves invisible, living in 
mud huts hidden away on the remotest parts 
of the swamp lagoons. Ancestors of the 
Tanganekald combined to drive them away, 
and in one of the stories finally succeeded 
in pushing them into the sea where they be- 
came metamorphosed into jagged limestone 
boulders on the outer reef. In other stones 
they became transmuted into the fairy pen- 
guins (Eudyptuld) that nest in burrows on 
small islands off the coast. 

Similar stories, which may go back to days 
of ethnic clash between successive waves of 
Australoids, can be recognized in endless va- 
riety among the inhabitants of the southern 
and south central areas of Australia. The tale 
of the struggle between Eagle and Crow is the 
stock story of the "dual-moiety" peoples. As 
told among the Barkindji of the Darling River 
there is a clash of interests between an an- 
cestral Eagle being (Kilpara) and the Crow 
man Makwora. Kilpara was tall and fair 
haired, Makwora was short, stout and dark 
haired. ' 

Apart from the stories of possible cultural 
and ethnic clash, the oldest story elements, 
and also the simplest, seem to be represented 
by the tales of hunting and of food-gathering 
adventure. They seem to be most character- 
istic of the coastal peoples of South, South- 
west, and Southeast Australia, where they 
are not overlaid by any heavy overburden of 
more complex culture myth. The few Tas- 
manian tales that have survived fall into this 
class. The patterns of the tales are simple 
and are kept alive by their intimate associa- 



tions with the daily necessities of the food 
quest and the seasonal struggle for existence. 
These hunting stories reflect the narrow lives 
of their participants, chained as they are to 
the simple domestic activities that engross 
the greater part of the day of hunting and 
food-gathering peoples. To these simple ele- 
ments are added the dramatic touches of sur- 
prise of the individual storyteller, based on 
either some half remembered cataclysm of 
nature, or an eclipse, or a meteoric shower, 
or some special food event of the past, such 
as the gastionomic wealth provided by a 
stranded whale. These talcs are garnished 
with the petty mendacities that seem to be 
shared by hunters and fishermen the world 
over. The actors in these hunting and do- 
mestic dramas are almost always everyday 
human beings, or they behave like them. 
"The great hunt at Jurutung" is typical. It 
describes with a wealth of detail how kanga- 
roos were driven onto a peninsula of land in 
the Coorong lagoon in South Australia, pro- 
viding a slaughter and a feast that was an 
epicurean dream to a meat-loving and ever 
meat-hungry people. The "Story of Prupe" 
(Tindale 1938) is similar. It relates the can- 
nibalistic behavior of an old woman, as an 
unusual variant of everyday life, and intro- 
duces a further element of the unusual in her 
sudden and dramatic destruction. 

Overlying these stories and widespread in 
South Central Australia, the Darling Basin, 
and part of South Western Australia are the 
"man hero tales" merging into the "Eagle and 
Crow" type of story transitional to the com- 
plex animal and plant totemic stories of North 
Central Australia. 

The man hero beings of these tales are gen- 
erally conceived to be of gigantic size and to 
be capable of heroic feats impossible to pres- 
ent-day man. They were in no way considered 
god-like, nor were they the subject of any 
form of worship, although an earlier genera- 
tion of missionary scholars did seek to identify 



77 



AUSTRALIAN LITERATURE 



elements of a deity among them. The Wati 
Kutjara or the "Twin-men" of the Great 
Western Desert were able to "make moun- 
tains", to travel deep underground at will, to 
throw boomerangs with great effect, often 
cleaving mountain ranges and forming lakes 
and lake beds where their weapons fell to 
earth. Witness also the Jarildekald tribe's hero 
Ngurunderi, who by a single spear thrust cut 
the hundred mile long and 200 foot deep 
gorge of the lower Murray River, and who, 
when his truant wives were escaping across 
the sea towards Kangaroo Island (in a 
Ramindjeri story), transmuted them by a 
gesture of the hand into two rocky islands off 
Fleurieu Peninsula. Baiame, a heroic being 
of the Bigambul and Kamilaroi tribes of 
Northern New South Wales, was a man of 
similar capabilities. 

In one sense these heroic beings were the 
"first comers" or "explorers" who "discovered" 
the country, ventured into it, fought the 
previous inhabitants, or braved its terrors; as 
one Jarildekald narrator said of Ngurunderi, 
"he made the country, prepared it for us so 
we could live in it". Ngurunderi formed and 
shaped the country for the Ramindjeri; he 
placed a sand bar here suitable for seine net 
fishing, a cockle beach there to provide women 
with a food-gathering place, and a rock hole 
elsewhere to give water to those that were 
to follow him. Not all of these ancestral beings 
were noted for their beneficent actions. Thus 
Mulda flashed a great light across the sky, as 
though he were pointing a magic "bone". 
(This may have been an astronomical phe- 
nomenon such as a comet or meteor.) Mulda 
caused a pestilence like smallpox so that many 
people died of the "sickness of Mulda"; he 
beckoned to them with his "pointing bone" 
and "the people had to die". 

North of the areas dominated by the man- 
hero tales are to be found the animal-totem 
stories, typified by those of the Aranda of 
Central Australia. These stories extend north- 



ward almost to Cape York (McConnel, 1935- 
1936) and northwestward to the Kimberleys. 
In this great area human heroes are replaced 
by animals (and even plants) with the at- 
tributes of men. These animal beings are born, 
grow up, wander over their tribal country, 
fight, mate, live and die just like the present- 
day human folk, who are their descendants. 
In their full expression, these tales not only 
embody all that is remembered of past events 
but also serve as the vehicle by which newly 
initiated youths learn the names and charac- 
teristics of each place in their territory, to- 
gether with the routes by which it is possible 
to travel across the oft inhospitable plains 
and mountains that form the country in which 
they live. The stories recall by name each 
water hole where the ancestral animal-being 
drank, even the saline or bitter springs he 
encountered, as he journeyed across the tribal 
territory. The animal-being, in the course of 
his adventures, killed other animals in certain 
places; these places remain prolific in provid- 
ing the same kind of animal for the human 
descendants of the totem. Thus the rocky 
mountain pile where the ancestral Kangaroo- 
being with a heap of rocks formed an ambush 
for euros (the rock-dwelling species of Kanga- 
roo) will provide euros in the proper season 
for the modern hunter. The stories have a 
useful basis for the living and they provide 
the geographical nomenclature of the country. 
Thus Kulaia Kutjara, ("two emus") is the 
place where two rocks remain at the site of 
the ancestral killing of two emus. During the 
1931 Anthropological Expedition to Mount 
Liebig conducted by the University of Ade- 
laide, an initiate Ngalia youth recited a list 
of over 300 totemic places he had visited dur- 
ing the previous year as part of his education 
into the mysteries of his totemic story. 

In Central Australia these stories and their 
associated rites reach their most detailed ex- 
pression. Possession of a totemic myth is there 
essential to the life and wellbeing of every 



AUSTRIAN LITERATURE 



man, woman, and child. A woman never is 
told the secrets of her myth, possession of it 
is a prerogative of her male kinsfolk and her 
husband. The responsibility of narrating the 
stories, and the right to enact the "increase" 
dances associated with their dramatic high- 
lights, are the great motivating features of 
aboriginal culture and the mainspring of all 
native life, art, and music. 

In ceitain places such as near the tip of 
Cape York late cultuial elements seem to 
have entered Australia, and myths of possible 
Papuan origin make their appearance. The 
degree of this Papuanization is a matter of dis- 
pute. Still farther north in the Torres Straits 
Islands the people, due to infiltration from 
the Papuan littoral, bear but little physical 
resemblance to their Australoid ancestors and 
their mythology is foreign to that of the rest 
of Australia (Hadclon, 1912). 

E. H. Davics, 1932, Oceania, li, p. 454 ( Aborig- 
inal Songs of Central and Southern Australia), F. 



Fenner, 1941, Records of the South Australian 
Museum (Adelaide), v. 7, A. C. Hadclon, 1912, Re- 
port of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition 
to Torres Straits, v. pp. 9-120 (Folk-tales), J. 
Mathew, 1899, Eaglehawk and Crow (London); 
U. H. McConncl, 1935, Oceania, vi, pp. 66-93 
(Myths of the Wikmunkan); 1936, Oceania, vi, pp. 
452-477, vii, pp. 69-105 (Totemic Hero Cults in 
Cape York Peninsula, North Queensland); K. Lang- 
loh Parker, 1897, Australian Legendary Tales (Lon- 
don), W. Ramsay Smith, 1930, Myths and Legends 
of the Australian Aboriginals (London); C. Streh- 
low, 1907-1911, Die Aranda-und Loritja-Stamme in 
Zentral Australian, v. I (Frankfurt-am-Main); My- 
then, Sagen and Marchen des Aranda-Stammes in 
Zentral Australian), N. B. Tmdalc, 1935, RecorctTof 
the South Australian Museum, v, p. 261-274, (The 
Legend of Waijungari, and the Phonetic system Em- 
ployed in its Transcription); 1938, Trans. Royal 
Society of South Australia, Ixii (Story of Prupe and 
Koromarange); 1939, Records of the South Austral- 
ian Museum, vi, pp. 243-261 (Eagle and Crow 
Myths of the Maraura Tribe, Lower Darling River, 
New South Wales); 1940, Trans. Royal Society of 
South Australia, Ixiv (Map showing the distribution 
of the Aboriginal tribes of Australia). 

NORMAN B. TINDALE. 



AUSTRIAN 



AUSTRIAN literature has been regarded, in the 
main, as an integral part of German litera- 
ture. Still, although they are written in the 
same language, they differ as human, as cul- 
tural, as political expressions. Austrian litera- 
ture may be said, like that of Switzerland, to 
hold an intermediate position distinctly 
linked to, distinctly separate from, that of 
Germany. 

Austria was an ancient monarchy, once a 
part of the Holy Roman Empire, later ex- 
tending more and more to the east of Europe; 
during the iQth c. the only large supra- 
national state on the continent. Then, be- 
tween the two World Wars, a small republic 
of German nationality, a mere fragment of 



the old Austria. And then, a victim of 
Hitler's "Reich." 

Austria, though not in the political, is in 
the linguistic sense German. Its autonomy is 
not easily defined. Yet it exists. Identity of 
written and spoken language does not mean 
identity of inner language. 

This Austria starts with the counter- 
reformation, with the Barocpje period; its lit- 
erature started soon after the political separa- 
tion (1804) from the Holy Roman Empire. 
The characteristics of this literature, as com- 
pared with that of Germany, are: It is not 
nationalistic, but mirroring the old monarchy 
supranational, cosmopolitan, one of the 
cross sections of Europe. Not philosophical, 



79 



AUSTRIAN LITERATURE 



not Protestant, not abstractly ethical: Catholic 
in the sense not of a faith but of a cultural 
atmosphere, with Latin, Slavic, Jewish over- , 
tones; never excessively individualistic or 
collectivist. It is the expression of a society 
never separated from Europe. It might be 
called the Mediterranean form of German 
civilization. 

Vienna and Prague constituted centers of 
an autonomous Austrian literature. Both cities 
open more toward the east and south and 
west than to the north. Like Byzantium, or 
Rome, or Paris, they have the gift of assimi- 
lating and transforming. Their society is a 
hierarchy. Among its permanent institutions 
is a theatre. Its authors are not easygoing, but 
often of sad if not heavy mood. 

Since 1804, there have been two genera- 
tions distinguished in Austrian literature. The 
two most eminent representatives of the first 
took up the tradition of Goethe, which, dur- 
ing the solitary decades of his old age, had 
not been followed in Germany; while here, in 
Franz Grillparzer (1791-1872) and Adalbert 
Stifter (1805-68), it was alive. They shared 
Goethe's reverent concern for the conserva- 
tion of human values; his attitude (in a 
humanistic sense totalitarian) was theirs; 
Grillparzer's in the historical vistas of his later 
plays (Em Bruderzwist im Hause Habsburg, 
Family Feud in Hapsburg; Libussa); Stifter 's 
in the insights into the forming of the indi- 
vidual, in his novels and stories (Der Nach- 
sommer, Late Summer; Studien; Witiko). 
Grillparzer summed up two centuries of Euro- 
pean civilization: "From humanism through 
nationalism to bestiality." Contemporary with 
the work of these two men are the fairy and 
folk plays of Ferdinand Raimund (1790 
1836) and the brilliant, insolent farces of 
Johann Nestroy (1802-62), both rooted in 
the Viennese dialect. Contemporary, too, was 
an Austrian form of the European Welt- 
schmerz and melancholy, as in the lyric poetry 
of Nikolaus Lenau (1802-50). 



In the works of the generation born about 
1870, Austria became fully conscious of itself. 
Arthur Schnitzler (1862-1931), Richard 
Beer-Hofmann (1866-1945), Hugo von Hof- 
mannsthal (18741929), Leopold Andrian 
(b. 1875), were all bred in a rich cultural 
tradition. The plays and stories of Schnitzler 
present only a part of his personality. They 
are close to French literature, and show evi- 
dence of deep human insight. The dramatic 
poerrts of Bccr-Hofmann Qadkobs Traum, 
Jacob's Dream-, Der junge David, Young 
David^), fervent in their belief, are built on a 
grand scale. The work of Andrian 's youth, 
symptomatic of Europe at the century's end, 
is akin to that of Holmannsthars. The latter's 
poetry, while continuing the spirit of the 
great Romantic, Novalis, and in its later stages 
a renewal of the Baroque drama, is at the 
same time the expression of an authentic 
individuality (Gedichte, Poems; Der Tor und 
der Tod } Death and the Fool; Das kleine 
WeUtheater, Little Theatre of the World; 
Andreas, Der Turm, The Tower). The con- 
templative and descriptive prose of his essays 
is among the most significant since Goethe. 
Apart from and opposing these men was Karl 
Kraus (1874-1936), eminent as a satirist and 
probing critic of civilization, and in his use 
of language. To a younger generation belongs 
Georg Trakl, of Salzburg (1887-1914), a 
strange and solitary dreamer (Gedichte) . 

From Prague rose two figures widely signifi- 
cant. Rainer Maria Rilke (1875-1926), a 
lyrical poet of very high rank, unique and 
strange in the continuity of his evolution, is 
no less great in his prose than in his verse: 
New Poems I, II; Die Aufzeichnungen 
(Notebook) des Malte Laurids Brigge; Duin- 
eser Elegien; Later Poems; Brief e (Letters). 
The unfinished stories and novels of Franz 
Kafka (18831924), with their peculiar in- 
tensity of thought and vision, are eminent in 
the development of modern fiction: Das 
Schloss (The Castle); Der Prozess (The 



BASQUE LITERATURE 



80 



Trial). After Rilke and Kafka came Franz L- Andrian, Osterreich in Prisma der Idee (Graz), 

Werfel (1890-1945), writer of poems, novels, ^37; J. W. Nagl, J. Zeidler E. Castle, Deutsch- 

^ y ;^;i 1 > > tisterreichische Literaturgeschichte, Bd. 3, 4 (Wien), 

plays; passionate, humanitarian, hater or war I930j I937; G. Bianquis, La poesie autricUenne de 

and wrong. Hofmanmthal a Rilke (Paris), 1926. 

HERBERT STEINER. 



AZERBAYJAN-See Turkish. 
AZTEC-See Mexican. 
BABYLONIAN-See Accadian; Canaanite. 
BAKAKRI See South American Indian. 
BAMBARA-See African. 



BANKS ISLAND-See Polynesian. 
BANTU-See African. 
BARKINDJI-See Australian Aborigine. 
BAS BRETON-See Breton. 



BASQUE 



WE ARE considering here not Basque litera- 
ture in Spanish (Baroja, Salaberria, Una- 
muno, etc.) or in French (P. Lhande and 
others), but Basque literature in the Basque 
language. In spite of the antiquity of the 
Basque people, references to whom we find 
even in the old Roman writers, the oldest 
work we have is a scries of poems written by 
a priest (Bernard Dechepare) in 1545. Before 
that year we find only scattered material, like 
glosses or incidental paragraphs in Spanish or 
French books. After 1545 the production of 
Basque literature increases, especially in the 
hands of priests (Lei^arrague, Larramendi, 
Cardaberaz, etc.) who translated or wrote 
works of a religious character (the Bible, 
catechisms, etc.). There are, however, some 
profane works such as the proverbs of Ohie- 
nart (1657) and others, but not until the 
1 9th c. does Basque literature become inde- 
pendent of the religious. 

In 1802 we have the prose and poetry of 
Moguel, as well as his translations from the 
Roman classics; in 1826, the narration of 



dances and the history of Gipuzkoa by Iztueta, 
and the prose of the fantastic Chaho. In 1876 
Mantcrola created for the first time a new 
literary school in San Scbastidn, to be followed 
by others in the different capitals of the 
Basque country (Bayonne, Pamplona, Bilbao) 
each with its own periodicals. 

At the besinninp of the zoth c., thanks to 

o o 7 

the patriotic movement of Sabino Arana 
Goiri, all the literary tendencies centered in 
a patriotic literature which, together with a 
strong popular government, gave birth to 
Basque nationalism. After 1920 there has 
been a real renaissance of all forms of Basque 
literature (poetry: L. Jauregi, E. Urkiaga, 
J. M. Agirre; novel: Barbier; drama: T. 
Alzaga, A. Labayen; translators like J. Altuna 
of Oscar Wilde, Larracoechea of Grimm, Arr- 
gei of Heine) and above all patriotic litera- 
ture with several important publications. 

Outstanding material of folkloric value are 
the popular tales and legends collected by 
Azkue and Barbier. They show the vitality of 
traditional and oral literature among the 



8i 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



Basques and how they preserved it through- 
out the centuries. It is easy to trace in them 
the different influences (Celtic, Latin, Ro- 
mance, etc.) that the Basque people have 
undergone. After the destruction of Guernica 
and the fall of Bilbao into General Franco's 
hands (1937), the Basque Government, which 
was the aim of all of these literary and polit- 
ical movements, fled to France and afterwards 
to America. Thus Basque literature has sur- 
vived in periodicals published first in Paris 
and after the occupation of France by Ger- 
many, in Mexico, Venezuela, Chile, Argen- 
tina, and to some extent in the United States 
(Idaho). In the Basque country itself literary 
production has been discontinued, due to the 
Spanish government's proscription of all forms 
of Basque literature. Some writers in exile, 
however, have been able to produce works 



in the best Basque literary tradition, which 
show clearly the future tendencies of Basque 
literature. These are T. Monzon's poems 
Urrundik (From far away; Mexico, 1945) 
written in popular form and even using popu- 
lar Basque musical melodies; Yolanda, a novel 
by J. A. Irazusta (Buenos Aires, 1945) and 
the translation by I. Zaitegi of Longfellow's 
Evangeline (Guatemala, 1945). Reflecting 
the spirit of its staunch people, rich in local 
tradition and love of the land, Basque has a 
secure, if not a major, place among the litera- 
ture of the world. 

Del espintu de los Vascos (Bilbao), 1920; 
Pinceladcu* vascas (^Buenos Aires), 1942, A. Allende 
Sala/ar, EMiotcca del bascofilo (Madrid), 1887; 
H. S. Dodgson, Some Notes on Baskish Books, Notes 
and Queues ser. 9, v. 8, 1901. 

JUAN MANUEL BILBAO. 



BASUTO-See African. 



BEDOUIN-See Arabic. 



BELGIAN 



FROM THE Middle Ages on, Belgium, then 
part of the Lowlands, has had a bicephalous 
literature: it was Dutch in the northern 
provinces, French and to a certain extent 
also Walloon in the southern part of the 
country. When the French kings began to 
centralize their administration and to expand 
their possessions, the balance between the 
wealthy, thickly populated but poorly pro- 
tected Flemish cities and the dynamic French 
state was upset. French influence made itself 
felt also in the cultural field. At that time the 
long pageant of Flemish authors who express 
themselves in French begins. It leads from 
Chastellain to Maeterlinck. It complicates the 
picture of literature in Belgium, but it makes 



evident the particular role that literature has 
played as a cross-road of cultural influences 
and reconciler of Gallic and Germanic in- 
fluences, a melting pot of diverse tendencies. 
LIsually economic conditions determine, to a 
great extent, the progress or the regression of 
a language: in modern times nationalistic feel- 
ings have often succeeded even in defeating 
the pressure of economic and political factors. 
The story of Belgian literary expression, 
therefore, is as interesting from the social 
point of view as it is from the purely 
aesthetic. 

As the language of the He de France as- 
serted its supremacy over the many French 
dialects and finally became the French Ian 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



82 



guage, so the language spoken in West 
Flanders and in Ghent was in the Middle 
Ages the most elegant among the Dutch dia- 
lects. Through force of circumstances it lost 
that position in the 15111 c. to the Brabant- 
Antwerp dialect, but when after the wars of 
religion the southern Netherlands were sep- 
arated and isolated from world economy by 
the Dutch, the elegant tongue became the 
dialect of the Holland province, a prominence 
it thenceforth kept. But almost the entire 
Dutch literature of the Middle Ages was 
written in the Flemish provinces. It is inter- 
esting and abundant: besides a number of 
delightful ballads and love lyrics, many of 
which still survive, as well as the highly 
valued mystic writings of Jan van Ruusbroec, 
and the probably not so orthodox poems of 
Hadewych, there exist the usual variants of 
the talcs of the knights. A good many of the 
ancient writers, mostly poets, are highly didac- 
tic and encyclopedic in their compositions. 
The lyrical comments they made on con- 
temporary events or fashions still have 
stiength and value. 

Three works stand out among an enormous 
production: Reynard the Fox, Beatrijs and 
Elckerlyc. All three are written on interna- 
tional themes which have been treated in 
practically every European country. Beatrijs 
is a short poem on a theme that has been 
recounted about 300 times from 1222 to our 
days: the story of the vergeress who leaves 
her convent to follow the call of her blood, 
who fares ill with a fickle lover and who after 
a sinful life returns to the convent to find 
that the Virgin has hidden her shame by 
taking her place. The Flemish version is by 
far the purest, most human, and most beauti- 
ful of all, ancient or modern. Together with 
great literary beauty it gives a deep psycho- 
logical insight into the heart of man. (The 
Tale of Beatrice, New York, 1943), Reynard 
the Fox gives voice to the people, to the 
critical spirit. It glorifies the cunning of the 



fox who has to depend on his wits to defend 
himself against the powerful, the jealous, or 
the prejudiced. He is not exactly a moralist; 
in fact he is amoral, but he is faithful to his 
brood and fights for them. Theory does not 
embarrass him, functions do not impress him. 
He makes fun of the nobility and of the 
clergy alike, of the knights and of the stupid 
worker. It is a sarcastic epic, as depressing in 
its conclusions as the cynicisms of La Fon- 
taine, but it is penetrated by such gallant lust 
of life that the amorality of the hero is thereby 
nearly obliterated. The third outstanding 
work is the drama in verse Elchcrlyc or Every- 
man. It may or may not be the oldest version 
extant and therefore may precede the English 
counterpart, but as it stands, it constitutes an 
impressive presentation of the Christian ars 
moriendi, enlivened by symbolic figures of 
great presence and illustrative power. All 
three of these masterly and anonymous works 
of the i4th and i5th c. are still part of the 
active literature of Dutch-speaking countries 
today. 

Among the didactic poets Jacob van 
Maerlant (ca. 1235-?), Jan van Boendale 
(ca. 1280-1365), and Jan de Weert should 
be mentioned, the first being considered "the 
father of all Dutch poets altogether." Besides 
Elckerlyc, the plays of Lancelot and especially 
Marleke of Nymwege are of significance. 

Under the Burgundian dukes in the I5th c., 
literature, especially poetry, became mechan- 
ized through all too clear-cut classifications: 
poems had to be either pious, amorous, or 
gay; they were to be in the ballad form with 
envoi, etc. . . . Poetry spread out, but 
by spreading lost depth. The pious ballads 
were usually pedantic, the amorous often 
coarse and vulgar, the gay trivial and obscene. 

Every village, every township, had its 
poetry society; the butcher and the baker as 
well as the candlestick-maker were supposed 
to produce their yearly dozen of ballads or 
their drama or comedy in verse. Ever so 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



often the representatives of the townships met 
and competed for days in a kind of Sangerfest 
or poetical Olympic games. Very little of that 
writing had literary value. What exists still 
of the Seven Joys of Mary (the First and the 
Seventh) is good theatre: some of the comical 
pieces have verve and a Rabelaisian power. 
One of the poets who displays uncommon 
acumen in his vision of social conditions and 
who has some of Villon's macabre humor is 
the Bruges city architect Anthonis de Roovere 
0-1482). 

The Dukes of Burgundy were French by 
origin and language. They had taste and en- 
couraged art and letters: the luxury and bril- 
liance of their court attracted a number of 
writers who found a tradition of French- 
writing authors already in Belgium. In fact, 
some of the oldest French texts had their 
origin on Belgian territory: the famous 
Cantilene d'Eulalie shows signs of Walloon 
dialect and there is no doubt that Aucassin 
and Nicolette was written in Hainaut. Real 
writing of significance in French, however, 
begins with the chroniclers: Froissart, Corn- 
mines and Chastcllain, Colin de Hainaut 
and Jean d'Outremeuse. They are to an un- 
equal degree masters of French prose, al- 
though Chastellain, e.g., rightly apologizes 
for his sometimes inelegant French. The 
poetry produced by the Burgundian poets in 
French is not at all remarkable: it is weighed 
down with symbols and literary artifices whose 
subtle meanings escape us today. 

The 1 6th c. was one of profound drama 
in the spiritual and artistic life of the Low- 
lands. Literature became a weapon for or 
against the Church or for or against Reform. 
The Reform produced a great number of 
anonymous songs, glorifications of Protestant 
martyrs, satires of the Roman hierarchy and 
of Roman dogmas, some of great literary qual- 
ity. The champion of orthodoxy was Anna 
Bijns (1494-1575), a virile poetess who for 
many years attacked Lutheranism and the so- 



cial upheaval created by the Reformation in 
the most masculine and eloquent language. 
Seldom has a faith been defended with such 
vigor; she excused the weakness of the Cath- 
olic clergy as all too human, chaffed about 
the wordly troubles into which the nuns and 
monks who had left their orders fell, and 
stated the Catholic position with perfect 
orthodoxy. Her work contains also some 
charming love lyrics, besides a number of 
religious poems which are purely verbal 
acrobatics of doubtful taste. An ironist of de- 
lightful humor was her fellow citizen Cornelis 
Crul 0-1551). 

When the religious conflict had assumed a 
political aspect, the Refoimation found a 
bilingual defender in one of William the 
Silent's counselors and aids, Philip Marnix 
van Sinte Aldegonde. Marnix was a poet of 
distinction and a good linguist. Against Rome 
he wrote a voluminous and frankly venomous 
book: the Beehive of the Roman Faith. The 
attack is fierce, coarse, and trenchant. With 
a vigor at least equal to that used by Luther, 
Marnix denounces the Church. He uses a 
Rabelaisian vocabulary; his images are strik- 
ing; his wit, although not always of the best 
vintage, irresistible. In the literature of the 
Reformation scarcely any other book received 
more attention and had more convincing 
power. There was a Dutch as well as a French 
version of the book; translations appeared in 
English, in German, and in Latin. 

Among the French authors, Jehan Lemaire 
de Beiges (1473-?) was recognized as a fore- 
runner of the Renaissance; among the Flem- 
ish writers, Jan van der Noot (1539 or 1540- 
ca. 95) played the same role. Both had more 
talent than real genius. 

During the i7th and the i8th c., the Bel- 
gian provinces were economically cut off from 
Europe, unable to regain their former pros- 
perity. Intellectual life was nearly at a stand- 
still and that which did subsist was not very 
original. A fluent poet like Michiel de Swaen 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



(1654-1707) was an epigone of the Great 
Vondel. The revival of the Walloon dialect 
in the mid i7th c. produced charming poetry 
of but limited importance, as was also the 
work of the French writers of the Academic 
de Flemalle. Flanders was flooded with the 
picturesque writings of apologetic humorists 
like Adriaan Poirters (1605-74), of coarse 
descriptions of morals like the comedies of 
Willem Ogier (1618-89), who wrote a play 
on each of the cardinal sins. 

In the 1 8th c., Hainaut gave birth to a 
French writer of eminence, the Prince de 
Ligne (1735-1814), a man of the world, a 
soldier in many parts, a diplomat, and a 
mellow cynic. I le is sometimes more Voltairian 
than Voltaire, wrote exquisite French, and 
became wise through experience. His 
Memoirs are a prodigious panorama of Euro- 
pean society on the verge of collapse and after 
the catastrophe. On his deathbed, during the 
Congress of Vienna, he asked himself: "What 
could I offer them in the way of amusement 
that they haven't had? The funeral of a 
Marshal?" There is not much that denotes his 
origins in this author of cosmopolitan taste 
and swaying loyalties. His reputation, like 
his ambition, was at all times European. 

From the standpoint of literature, there is 
little to say about the publications in Belgium 
in the i8th c. and during the Napoleonic 
era: much scholarly work was done; foreign 
authors were gracefully imitated; here and 
there a minor talent blossomed, but there was 
in fact no literary life of any importance: 
somehow the soul of the country seemed in 
bondage. 

With the birth of Belgium as an inde- 
pendent nation in 1830, literature in the 
country had its first chance in two hundred 
years to express the national characteristics. 
It labored, however, under a handicap which 
is inherent in its particular situation: the 
authors who wrote French belonged morally 
and intellectually to the orbit of French let- 



ters, while the Flemish authors had to fight 
for recognition in the field of Dutch letters. 
For both groups provincialism was the main 
danger, the more so since social conditions in 
Belgium had not kept pace for two centuries 
with the progressive ideas of France nor with 
the -stolid bourgeois civilization of Holland. 
The first manifestations of a national Bel- 
gian literature produced a rather paradoxical 
spectacle: two French-writing poets expressed 
the current Weltschmerz as well as the patri- 
otic spirit. Both were of Dutch origin, Andre* 
van Hasselt (1806-74) and Theodore Weu- 
stenraad (1805-49). They were influenced 
by Lamartine and the other French romantics 
and wrote charming, melodious verse. The 
Flemings were luckier; they had from the 
beginning a novelist of talent to express their 
longing for greatness in a centralizing state 
that neglected their mother tongue. Hendrik 
Conscience (1812-83), an Antwerp school- 
teacher whose father was a French immigrant 
from the Napoleonic period, published an 
historical novel, The Lion of Flanders, which 
besides possessing definite literary qualities, 
especially in the picturization of mass move- 
ments and battle scenes, gave them a tre- 
mendous inspiration. It exalted in the Walter 
Scott tradition the great deeds of Flanders in 
the heroic past and it became the bible of 
the national renaissance of Flanders. Con- 
science was a born storyteller who published 
more than a hundred volumes, in which he 
wrote of country life in the idyllic manner, 
and with a kind of afflicted scepticism about 
existence in big towns. Although social prob- 
lems did not escape his attention, he never 
was either an accuser or a revolutionist. By 
nature he was essentially peaceful. He was 
never a stylist or even a purist, but the poor 
linguistic qualities of his writings are over- 
shadowed by the warmth and the sympathy 
with which he tells his always enchanting 
and simple tales. He was extremely popular 
both in Belgium and abroad. Translations of 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



practically all of his works exist in every 
European language, and in Flemish letters he 
may be considered as a Dickens devoid of 
humor. 

The brothers Renier (1812-80) and 
August Snieders (1825-1904) followed in 
his wake, as did Mrs. ]. D. Courtmans (181 i- 
90). They adopted his philosophy of life, 
which was one of optimistic realism. In the 
same vein, Anton Bergmann (1835-74) 
wrote a charming book of pleasant memoirs, 
Ernest Staas, which is still a Flemish classic. 
Among those who insisted on a more realistic, 
i.e., pessimistic view of life, were E. Zetter- 
nam (182655), whose brief career was de- 
voted to the portrayal of social miseries, and 
Virginie Lovcling (1836-1923), who in a 
great number of novels wrote movingly and 
accurately of provincial life without idyllic 
fringes. Poets like Julius dc Geyter (1830- 
1905) and Julius Vuijlsteke (1836-1903) de- 
veloped identical themes. Jan van Beers 
(1827-88) did so too, but with a distressing 
sentimentality. Karel Ledeganck (1805-47) 
was a purely romantic poet of the Lamartine 
school. 

Strangely enough, Flemish writing became 
world-conscious through the strongly nation- 
alistic poetry of Albrecht Rodenbach (1856- 
80), a cousin of the French author Georges 
Rodenbach. He applied to the historical 
themes of Flemish medieval history a com- 
bination of Schillerian pathos and Greek 
classicism that inspired the youth of the col- 
leges and that possesses real power of evoca- 
tion. His significance is political as well as 
literary, although in his very brief existence 
he never dealt with politics. His drama, 
Gudrun, has great lyrical qualities. 

The one poet of genius Flemish literature 
can point to in the i9th c. is Guido Gezelle 
(1830-99). He combined a miraculous gift 
for melody and music-in-words with a purely 
medieval mystic conception of life. Untouched 
by modern discontent with the world, he re- 



mained as purely Gothic as the Flemish primi- 
tive painters. The world to Gezelle is an 
harmonious whole, inhabited by millions of 
symbols which point to the Creator: he 
depicts and interprets the fauna and flora of 
Flanders, he exults on the occasion of the 
church feasts. He is deeply and simply re- 
ligious; life to him is seldom if ever a drama. 
He liberated Flemish prosody from pedantry 
and academicism by writing in a spontaneous, 
versatile, and always natural rhythm that put 
the classicists of his time to shame. An ex- 
cellent linguist, he translated Longfellow's 
Hiawatha with grace and fidelity. Recogni- 
tion of his great talent came rather late. 
Ideologically his poetry asserted few ideas; it 
implied, however, a thoroughly Christian 
conception of life in which submission to 
God's will was a sound antidote for aggres- 
siveness in the social domain. There exist 
good English translations of some of his best 
poems, although the substance and form of 
his poetry is usually so well interwoven that 
justice cannot be done to it in another lan- 
guage. 

In the latter part of the i9th c. Flemish 
authors reacted energetically against provin- 
cialism. Pol de Mont (1857-1931), a figure 
of transition, was the first to do so in several 
volumes of poetry, influenced by the French 
symbolists. I le introduced into Flemish let- 
ters a note of sensuous and erotic Epicurean- 
ism that was entirely new. He preceded the 
movement for the liberation of Flemish let- 
ters undertaken by the writers of the review, 
Van NU en Straks, (1893). 

About 1 88 1 the French authors of Belgium 
had been moved by the aims of Max Waller, 
and had rallied round a review called La Jeune 
Belgique; they reacted against the conserva- 
tism, the stuffiness, and the lack of universal- 
ity that were apparent in the fortunately for- 
gotten local lights that were then officially 
enthroned. Among the living they spared only 
Octave Pirmez (1832-83), a talented philoso- 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



86 



pher of great distinction and, to a certain de- 
gree, of originality. Another exception in 
their auto-da-f 6 was Charles de Coster ( 1 827- 
1879) who, although basing his great work, 
Ulenspiegl, (1867; American trans., Pantheon 
Books, N. Y., 1943) on purely local charac- 
teristics, on linguistic acrobatics and on his- 
tory and folklore, succeeded in writing a book 
that still has international significance. It 
pictures the fight of the Lowlands against the 
Spanish domination, Flanders being sym- 
bolized by a joyous knave, the traditional Tyl 
Owlglass. It is a ribald tale permeated by the 
spirit of liberty, the will to defeat bigotry 
in any form. It takes great liberties with his- 
tory, is fierce in its rather primitive anti- 
clericalism, but it has all the qualities of the 
wood engravings that illustrate the in- 
cunabula or the pamphlets of the i6th c. It 
stands alone in the rather drab literary scenery 
of French letters in Belgium between 1830 
and 1881. 

La Jeune Belgique, as well as the Van Nu 
en Straks movement, wanted the Belgian 
authors to write not with an eye on local 
success, which could always be easily achieved 
by insisting on the colorful folklore and syn- 
tactical peculiarities of their countrymen. 
They wanted also to free them from conven- 
tions that were, in conservative Belgium at 
least, as strong as those that greeted Baude- 
laire's frank poems. Both movements suc- 
ceeded very well, thanks to the fact that 
writers of real dimension understood the ne- 
cessity for such a reform and dared to impose 
it on their countrymen. The shock was 
slightly heavier in Flemish letters than in 
French letters in Belgium, because the at- 
mosphere in Flanders was even more behind 
the times. 

Camille Lemonnier (1844-1913) intro- 
duced the Belgians to naturalism, which in 
some of his novels leads even to a sensuous 
pantheism. He was a "populist" without 
knowing it, but his writing often suffers from 



a baroque style and a heavily loaded vocabu- 
lary. His passion for nature in its physical 
aspect, his tempestuous lust for life, were an 
inspiration and a guidance for many young 
writers. Another naturalist of less stylistic 
power, Georges Eekhoud (1854-1927), de- 
voted most of his work to a pessimistic pic- 
ture of the ravages that rapid industrialization 
had made in Flanders; his short stones and 
novels about the peasantry of the Kempen 
region constitute a rogues' gallery which, how- 
ever colorful, is not always convincing (L 
Nonvdle Carthage, 1893; Kees Doorik, 1883). 

Eugene Demolder (1862-1911) and 
Georges Rodenbach (1855-98) sought refuge, 
the first in charming evocations of a pink- 
tinted past, the second in a combination of 
neuiotics and medieval accessories which re- 
sulted in a well known novel, Bruges La 
Morte (1892). This is a remarkable attempt 
to represent the heroes of a tale as completely 
dominated by the atmosphere of a quaint, 
lovely 1 5th c. town, but it is purely arbitrary 
and smells of the literary workshop. 

The two writers of international signifi- 
cance who came to the fore at the end of the 
1 9th c. were French authors of Flemish 
origin: Maurice Maeterlinck (b. 1862) and 
Emile Verhaeren (1855-1916). Both had the 
advantages of intellectual freedom and frank- 
ness; both used abundantly the local motifs 
of the past and present, but in such a way as 
to decant their universal value. Maeterlinck 
undoubtedly brought new elements to mod- 
ern poetry: Serres Chaudes (1889) bypassed 
symbolism in a subtle and extremely personal 
way and introduced poetry into regions not 
yet trodden. His dramatic works, as well as 
his philosophical essays, have somewhat ob- 
scured his importance as a poet, which is con- 
siderable in itself and capital in the history 
of poetical sensibility. Fame definitely came 
to him, and deservedly, when he published 
La Princesse Maleine (1890), Pelleas et 
Melisande (1892), and L'Oiseau Bleu 



8 7 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



(1909). Fatality as harsh as the Greek Ate 
leads man to love or death. In the brooding 
atmosphere of old castles the essential 
happenings of life almost all take on an ill- 
boding significance: the actors and their ges- 
tures are unreal; reality is elsewhere and 
what we do and say is but sham and echo. 
Maeterlinck's influence on modern drama has 
been world-wide. The solemn melancholy of 
his characters is the expression of the poetical 
mysticism that pervades all his essays on nat- 
ural history, of which he always was an ardent 
student and a very eloquent interpreter. 

Verhaeren's function was entirely different. 
To French poetry he brought a truly Ger- 
manic excessiveness, violence, abruptness. He 
sang his country's past in what to the French 
reader sounded like savage rhythms. They 
were, however, perfectly suited to the things 
he had to say: the barbaric splendor, the 
hubris of the Burgundian dukes, the clash of 
arms or the thundering noises of the modern 
machines. For like Whitman, he had become 
the poet of modernity, the bard of the rail- 
roads and the dynamos, of the steel ovens 
and the coal mines. He felt the great city, not 
as a cultural or civic center, but sitting like 
an octopus on the land, grasping the country 
yokels and sucking them into the drabness of 
the steel and cotton mills. He was eloquent 
and brutal, sonorous and convincing. The 
unpleasant beauty of modern industrial so- 
ciety and its workers was splendidly, some- 
times inhumanly, sung by him. A drama in 
verse, Le Cloitre, deals with a psychological 
problem, and in the later part of his life he 
wrote quiet verse of married bliss which has 
a warm intimacy of tone. His fame, once 
universal, has somewhat faded, although it is 
solidly founded. 

Maeterlinck had had a precursor in Charles 
Van Lerberghe (18611907), who wrote a 
short play, Les Fkireurs (1889), which con- 
tains the themes of terror, agony, and destruc- 
tion familiar in Maeterlinck's plays. His real 



significance, however, lies in his long sym- 
bolic poem, Chanson d'Bve (1907), which 
tells of "that divine childhood of the first 
woman" in pastel tones and subtle rhythms. 
So harmonious is her soul with nature that 
the original "fall" becomes a mere slip or 
stumble. 

With these three important writers and 
some lesser figures like Gr6goire Le Roy, 
Georges Virres, Hubert Krains, and Edmond 
Glcsener, Belgian literature in French be- 
came entirely mature and independent of 
narrow moral censorship. It had proved its 
national character as well as its universal 
human value. 

The Flemish writers grouped around Van 
Nu en Straks relied for their artistic credo 
and for their philosophical basis on the guid- 
ance of August Vermeylcn (1872-1944). He 
was a truly European mind, bent on getting 
Flanders "out of the ruts of the heavy, 
homely clay." A severe and inspiring critic, 
his leadership was undisputed: he asserted 
himself not only through vigorously written 
essays, but especially through a philosophical 
novel, The Wandering Jew, in which he dis- 
played great stylistic gifts and a brave and 
noble thought. 

The group under his able leadership de- 
veloped along two parallel lines: a number of 
talented young writers portrayed the Flemish 
countryside and its inhabitants with no less 
enthusiasm than their predecessors, but with- 
out the complacent provincialism that had 
limited these men. They were strongly influ- 
enced by the impressionist school of painting 
and devoted much time and energy to the 
scenery and the climate. The inescapable in- 
fluence of the environment upon man was 
one of their favorite themes. On the other 
hand, another group renounced entirely the 
rural amenities and wanted to achieve uni- 
versality through the portrayal of city life and 
the study of the psychological motives of 
man's conduct. 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



88 



Stijn Streuvcls (Frank Lateur, b. 1871), a 
nephew of Guido Gezelle, was the outstand- 
ing talent in the first group. In his books 
nature absorbs man and reduces him to a 
minor role, as is the case with the small 
human figures in the first landscapes of the 
1 6th c. His psychology appears rather simple, 
but he writes with loving lyricism about na- 
ture in every detail. His great novel, De 
Vlawhaard (The Flax Field, 1907), is an 
impressive fresco of the Flemish earth and of 
the primitive passions of the peasant. Werk- 
wenschen (Working People, 1927) has truly 
epic qualities which make Streuvels akin to 
the great Russian and Scandinavian novelists. 
In his later works he broadened his mental 
horizon, studying human nature more care- 
fully and with success. 

Cyriel Buysse (1859-1932), with far less 
stylistic gifts, but a natural storyteller, gave a 
picture of Flemish peasant life that was accu- 
rate and not too enthusiastic. His novels are 
a chronicle of the rapid evolution in rural 
Flanders in the last fifty years. Maeterlinck 
used to count him "among the three or four 
great rural raconteurs of the last fifty years." 
He knows how to tell an anecdote, but he 
is devoid of the cosmic force that inspires 
Streuvels. His most typical book is Het 
Ezelken (The Donkey, 1914); his best, un- 
doubtedly Tantes (Annties, 1930). 

Those authors whom conservative public 
opinion for quite some time considered "city 
slickers" and "scoffers," pointed with pride to 
the most worldly talent in their midst the 
versatile, often precious, often irritating, but 
always provocative Herman Teirlinck (b. 
1879). His novel, Het Ivoren Aapje (The 
Ivory Monkey^), demonstrates his great talent 
for analysis and psychology, his elegant lyri- 
cism, his penetrating wit. It shows also his 
shallow sentimentality and triviality, but it 
is definitely metropolitan and worldly wise. 
He achieved real mastery in a novel of the 
1 8th c., Mijnheer Serjanszoon, the story of a 



wig-wearing connoisseur of gracious living, 
professing a philosophy of Epicurean grace. 
It is a perfectly written book that stands out 
in Dutch letters, and none of his other novels 
ever attained its perfection. Later 011 he turned 
to drama: his influence in that field was rev- 
olutionary and decisive. 

Another stylist of accomplishment was F. 
Toussaint van Boclaere (b. 1875), who writes 
as if from a distance on familiar rural topics, 
but who treats his subjects with a kind of 
intellectual detachment. Landelijk Minnespel 
is among his best short novels; Turren and 
Jeugd are other proofs of his talent. Maurits 
Sabbe (1873-1938) wrote gracefully of old 
Bruges in a philosophical, unpretentious way. 
Lode Baekelmans (b. 1879) devoted his nov- 
els to the melancholy atmosphere of the 
Antwerp harbor and to the shallow lives of 
the local petty bourgeoisie. 

The writers of the Van Nu en Straks group 
insisted constantly on the right to individual 
expression; they rebuked every kind of con 
formity; and individualism, frankness, artistic 
liberty were their slogans. No one among 
them illustrated their theories better than 
Karel van de Woestijnc (1878-1929). If he 
had used a universal language, he would 
have been recognized as the greatest lyric poet 
of his time. I le spoke only about himself, a 
tortured man constantly wavering between 
mind and matter. Extremely sensuous, he ex- 
pressed the age-old conflict in many volumes 
of poetry which constituted a dramatic auto- 
biography (llet Vaderlmis, 1903; De Gulden 
Schaduw, De Modderen Man, 1920; God aan 
Zee, 1926; llet Bergmeer, 1928, etc.). He had 
a Gothic heart in a Renaissance body; the 
pious simplicity of Gezelle was foreign to 
him; everything in the world and in himself 
tormented him and was a problem. Brilliantly 
intelligent, very well read and hypersensitive, 
no one ever felt the tellurian urge with more 
strength and at the same time with more 
objections. Many poets had spoken of woman 



8 9 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



in Flanders, either as the symbol of mother- 
hood or as the image of sweet loveliness. He 
spoke of the eternal feminine, of its mystery 
and its menace, but with such a directness 
and warmth that comparisons in modern liter- 
ature are difficult to make: if one could com- 
bine the burning heat of the mystics like St. 
Juan de la Cruz with the sensualism of Ver- 
laine, that would approach van de Woestijne's 
permanent atmosphere. In his later life his 
verse became increasingly religious and ended 
in a mixture of self-castigation and mysticism. 
Since the Middle Ages no greater poet has 
lived in Flanders, and his influence on Dutch 
letters has been considerable. An exponent of 
modern baroque poetry, he dominated for a 
long time the poets of the first pre-war period 
and he still continues to cast his spell. Poets 
like Firmin van Hecke (b. 1884) and August 
van Cauwelaert (1885-1945) followed in his 
wake, slowly developing a personal tone. Jan 
van Nijlen (b. 1884), who owes nothing to 
the great master, is as he was a perfect hu- 
manist, looking at the world with deep sym- 
pathy, a touch of melancholy, but so con- 
tained that he never gestures wildly or shouts. 
He is as harmonious in his verse as the French 
poets of the Pleiadc who candidly chanted 
the small but multiple pleasures of life. 

Rene de Clercq (1877-1932) was the first 
to use social elements in poetry. Later he be- 
came a political poet. His verse was dramatic 
and prosodically excellent. 

On the eve of the first World War Flemish 
letters were in full bloom: the traditional 
complacent depictors of life in the country 
as one sees it on the covers of seed catalogues 
and almanacs went on saying that every idio- 
syncrasy of every Flemish peasant was of 
world importance; a powerful group of inter- 
nationally minded authors, although using the 
same raw material, raised it to a higher level; 
a small group of modernists drew attention 
to the social and sentimental consequences of 
life in the city; and a few sophisticated writ- 



ers-Andre de Ridder (b. 1888), P. G. van 
Hecke (1887-1933), Gust van Roosbroeck 
(1888-1937) and others tried to introduce 
a conservative public to the intricacies of ex- 
istence in night clubs and among the demi- 
monde. These attempts remained rather 
clumsy. 

Under the shadow of Maeterlinck and 
Vcrhaeren a number of French-writing au- 
thors had come to the fore. The most signifi- 
cant of them were poets: Iwan Gilkin (1858- 
1925), who wrote in very different moods. 
He was influenced by Baudelaire. He sang 
coarsely of the city and her horrors and spleen 
and all of a sudden published a volume of 
poetical miniatures. Albert Giraud (1860- 
1929) is certainly the most French of the 
group, the purest Latin. His verse is nervous, 
sonorous, often magnificent. He is essentially 
and spontaneously an artist and his rejection 
of the bourgeois world is complete. His nat- 
ural abode is the ivory tower; his alibi, the 
Parnassian doctrines. Valere Gille (b. 1867) 
is the third ot the Parnassians, spiritually well 
balanced, evolving more and more toward a 
Hellenic quietism, which lends great charm 
to his fluent verse. 

The poetry of Albert Mockel (b. 1866) is 
essentially musical and symbolic. He applies 
with scholarly precision a formula which 
tends to transform poetry into music. Ihs 
prosody is extremely refined and studied, 
subtle and precise. His philosophical poem, 
La Flamme Immortelle, has great beauty and 
penetration: arid thought never hampers the 
aerial flight of fantasy and inspiration. 

Although Fcrnand Severin (1867-1931) 
belonged to the jenne Belgique group, he 
stayed aloof from the symbolists and from 
Baudelaire; his inspiration was derived from 
the early romantic French poets and from 
1 9th c. English poetry. He is a pastoral lyri- 
cist, very close to nature. From the panthe- 
istic exuberance that permeates the Chanson 
d'iLve, by van Lerberghe, whose lifelong inti- 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



90 



mate friend he was, to the spiritualism of his 
later years, it is a long way, but the evolution 
is logical. The landscape is always there but 
it becomes less and less real, more and more 
poetical, acquiring the fine quality of the 
typical Walloon scenery. His poems are trans- 
parent and fluid, classical in the best meaning 
of that word. 

A symbolist of peculiar character was Max 
Elskamp (1862-1931). In almost infantile 
rhymes he tells of the joys and sorrows of the 
small Antwerp people. His poems sound like 
the tinkling of the arias on a slightly dam- 
aged music box: indeed, grammar and vocab- 
ulary suffer from time to time. They arc 
unique and have a charm definitely their 
own, although their artistic value may be 
overestimated. He is a poet's poet, akin to 
Mallarmc. However, one often has the im-- 
pression that the cave of mysteries he suggests 
may, after all, be empty. To the generation of 
poets of the 1920-1930 era, he was the mas- 
ter. Most of his poems appeared in Louange. 
de la Vie (1898). Of his later works, only 
La Chanson de la Rue Sf. Paul (1922) added 
to his stature. 

The first World War created a spiritual up- 
heaval in Belgium which found its expression 
in literature even before liberation came. 
Morally, the youth were uprooted and per- 
turbed: they felt obscurely that victory was 
being lost and that their elders, who before 
the war had ensconced themselves in petty 
individualism and sensualism, should be dis- 
carded. They looked for guidance to writers 
like Romains, Holland, Vildrac, while the 
Flemish underwent the influence of German 
expressionism, of Werfel, of Rilke, and of the 
Frenchmen Claudel and Bloy. They revolted 
against every tradition, against classical pros- 
ody as well as the ideological heritage of the 
symbolists. The former generation had en- 
tirely neglected the social and political aspects 
of life: they would integrate them into poetry. 
The poet was no longer to contemplate his 



navel. His object was the universe, his task 
that not of an entertainer but of a judge, a 
moralist, a high priest of humanity. Verse 
became free to the point of anarchy; grammar 
and syntax were subjected to acrobatics often 
as painful to the eye as fo the mind of the 
reader. These experiments coincide with what 
happened in other countries. However exas- 
perating they might have been, some good 
finally resulted from them. 

The opposition against individualistic liter- 
ature was more marked in Flemish letters 
than among the French-writing authors. It 
had been heralded in 1916 by Paul van 
Ostayen (1896-1928) in a volume called 
Music Hall. This was influenced by the light 
verse of the young Viennese poets, but in Het 
Sienjaal (1918), the poet, adopting a free 
meter, proclaimed his interest in political and 
social problems and became a seer, a prophet 
of a new world. Anti-platonic to the extreme, 
he wanted the poet to be the spokesman of 
the community: the result was in fact far 
more political than poetical, and the poet 
barely escaped a jail sentence. In Bezette Stad 
(1921), he switched to dadaism with some 
picturesque effects, and finally reached the 
serene regions of pure poetry. In this last vein 
he achieved extremely refined musical con- 
struction (Het Eerste Boek van Schmoll, 
1929). His experiments, his wild renuncia- 
tions which drove his followers at a harrowing 
pace, were an amusing spectacle. To Flemish 
poetry he brought a refreshing impertinence 
and alertness, and whatever he wrote was a 
strong antidote against romanticism and pa- 
thos. His influence on Dutch letters, in Flan- 
ders as well as in Holland, was considerable 
and his peccadilloes of poor taste and hasty 
judgment were easily forgotten when his real 
merits were put in the balance. His fellow 
travelers were grouped around the monthly 
Ruimte: Achille Mussche (b. 1896), Wies 
Moens (b. 1898), Paul Verbruggen (b. 
1891), Victor J. Brunclair (1899-1944), 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



Marnix Gijsen (b. 1899). Moens' poems were 
a mixture of the Bible and Tagore, solemn, 
harmonious, noble, humanitarian. De Blood- 
schaf) and De Tocht had a political and social, 
as well as a poetical, appeal. Their popularity 
was at one time very great. Verbruggen on 
the contrary was a Mozartian dreamer, re- 
fined and delicate, in whose verse the social 
element played a minor role. Brunclair fol- 
lowed closely, and with consistent talent, van 
Ostayen's always changing credos. Mussche 
was a social revolutionist, clamoring his dis- 
gust, despair, and hopes in psalms of joy and 
wrath. Of Marnix Gijsen (J, A. Goris), the 
perspective of years lets me say that he started 
out as a gesticulating, baroque expressionist 
but that he quieted down and tried to create 
a modernistic classicism. Jan Greshoff, the 
Dutch poet, states that he "humanized the 
modernism of Ruimte and modernized the 
humanism of Het Fonteintje" Het Huis 
(1925) contains most of his poems. His criti- 
cal essays on poetry have been grouped in 
two volumes, Peripatetisch Onderricht. These 
young modernists were joined by a transfuge 
of the older generation, the baroque poet 
Karel van den Oever (1879-1926), who 
caught the spirit of the time and wrote im- 
pressive expressionist verse. 

The standpoint of classical form and bal- 
ance of mind was eloquently defended by the 
review, Het Fonteintje: the poets of this group 
were Maurice Roelants (b. 1895), Raymond 
Herreman (b, 1896), Karel Leroux (b. 1895), 
Richard Minne (b. 1891), with Urbain van 
de Voorde (b. 1893) in their wake. Their 
program was far less ambitious than that of 
their colleagues. They contended that poetry 
should have little to do with the ethico-social 
problems of the day and that it must be above 
all a confession. They were playful of mind 
and expressed themselves with an easy grace, 
achieving thus a goal that the neo-humani- 
tarian poets, their opponents, all too often 
missed or overshot. "They were far more 



genuine, warmer, and more purely human in 
fact." 

Roelants and Leroux wrote melancholy, in- 
trospective verse, intimate poetry of distinc- 
tion. Herreman, an abundant poet and critic, 
developed stoic serenity. Instead of being hu- 
manitarian, he was simply human, adding 
light ironical touches to his undertones of 
sadness and resignation. Richard Minne was 
the most personal of the group. Self-irony and 
bitterness mix with sweetness and sympathy. 
He is an altogether compelling personality, 
although one may regret at times that he 
willingly destroys the atmosphere of a poem 
in -order to upset the reader or to vent a 
cynicism that certainly conceals an unrest and 
an unspoken tenderness. Urbain van de 
Voorde writes philosophical sonnets about 
cosmic discontent in a noble, solemn language. 

The French authors were perhaps less vio- 
lent in their revolt against tradition: free 
verse was not new to them, and several of the 
"isms" that fired the Flemish poets they had 
already tried out. The poets that came back 
from the war brought new themes: Maurice 
Gauchez (b. 1884), Les Rafales; Lucien 
Christophe (b. 1891), Le Filler d'Airaln. 
Others sought to renew poetical inspiration 
through a change of setting, but they avoided 
the pitfall of bizarre exotism and consistently 
kept "human values in the foreground." The 
most brilliant was Marcel Thiry (b. 1897), 
an original mind obsessed by adventure. He 
interprets well the aspects of modern business 
and trade and the drama of man, lost and 
powerless among these anonymous forces in 
La Mer de la Tranquillite. Thiry harmonizes 
the elements of the conservative and the revo- 
lutionary school. 

In 1 93 1 the Journal des Poetes, led by P. L. 
Flouquet and P. Bourgeois, gave impulse to 
Belgian poetry. It became more diverse and 
vivid, the differences were spanned, and there 
was place for every manner of expression. 
Georges Linze, Constant Horion, Armand 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



92 



Bernier, Maurice Quoilin, Robert Vivier, 
Henri Dubois, Gaston Pulings, Robert 
Guiette, are all poets with personal character 
and distinct poetical features. Roger Bodart, 
Auguste Marin, Maurice Careme, and Jules 
Minne are among those that believe that 
poetry should address itself not only to the 
inner circle but to the masses. Jos6 Gers, Ren6 
Verboom, Paul Vanderborght and Leon 
Kochnitzky deserve not only mention but 
praise. 

The death of two gifted poets was a severe 
blow to Belgian poetry: Odilon-Jean Perier 
(1900-28) was a poet of exquisite grace and 
sensibility; his verse is fresh and wise with a 
Mozartian fluidity. Eric de Haulleville (1900- 
41) was a disconcerting but charming fan- 
tasist, playful and ironical, who died before he 
had fully expressed himself. 

When the oppositions between groups had 
subsided and no more anathemas rested on 
any style or artistic concept, attention was 
diverted from poetry to the novel. In Flan- 
ders, Felix Timmermans (b. 1886), an excel- 
lent storyteller, a moderately sensuous opti- 
mist, had acquired great popularity. It started 
when he published in 1917 a loosely com- 
posed book, Pallieter: a paean to life, describ- 
ing the idyllic existence of a literary idler in 
a paradisiac environment in Flanders. The 
hero of this book enjoys mystic poetry as well 
as fresh cranberries, the lyric poems of Gezelle 
as well as pigs' feet and early rain in his 
garden. By right he ought to be a pagan; he 
prefers to be a sensual Christian with occa- 
sional weaknesses. Pallieter was published at 
a time when the occupation was starving the 
Belgians. It sounded like a message from 
Eden. It reminded them so well of the cornu- 
copias of Jordaens and Rubens that they took 
the book to their hearts. Timmermans' further 
works were more or less decorative: he used 
and abused the elements of the Flemish 
primitives and of Breugel to garnish the 
meager plots of his novels. In details he has 



an extraordinary power of suggestion: the 
world exists for him and he wants to enjoy it. 
Among his most perfect and typical writings 
is ]uffrouw Symfor&za, a plain, touching, deli- 
cate tale. In 1937 he wrote a surprisingly good 
book, B&erenpsalm, that celebrates Flemish 
peasantry with the power of Breugel. He was 
the chief exponent of the school of compla- 
cency, at ease in its comfortable limitations 
and unaware of problems of any kind. Among 
authors who exploited the same vein with 
popular success were Ernest Claes (b. 1885), 
Anton Thiry (b. 1888), Jozef Simons (b. 
1888). 

Strong reaction against this kind of writing, 
which represented Flanders as a permanent 
carnival of sentimental half-wits and pictur- 
esque yokels, was voiced by one of the older 
novelists, Willem Elsschot (b. 1882), and by 
three younger men, Maurice Roelants, Gerard 
Walschap (b. 1898), and Lode Zielens (1901- 
44). They had discovered that man's real 
object of study is man himself. Elsschot is a 
novelist of merciless humor and great moral 
courage, believing only sarcasm can defend 
man against his fellow men, and above all 
against his own emotions. He writes about 
average people, about their dreams of great- 
ness, their frustrations and petty miseries. 
His hero is a protean Milquetoast, defenseless 
in a harsh world, constantly falling back upon 
the devotion of his family. The decor of life, 
the climate, has little or no importance; what 
counts is the sad and vulnerable heart of 
man. His best novels are Villa des Roses, 
Lijmen, Tsjip en de Leeuwentemmer. As a 
poet he wrote few but extremely powerful 
verses on the same themes, Verzen van 
Vroeger. 

The novels of Maurice Roelants go back to 
the great tradition of Benjamin Constant's 
Adolphe and of other keen analysts of the 
human soul. Little happens in them no dra- 
matic incidents; the drama goes on in the 
minds and in the hearts of his characters. His 



93 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



story as well as his style is perfectly simple 
and limpid. The atmosphere is transparent. 
As Greshoff puts it, "it is mystery in full day- 
light." Disdainful of picturesque and decora- 
tive descriptions, he centers his attention on 
the inner life of his personages and gives 
them an impressive stature. He is an excellent 
analyst who never loses the generous enthu- 
siasm of the raconteur. The ]azz Band Player 
(trans. Harvest of the Lowlands, 1945), Het 
Leven dat wij Droomden (Life as We Dreamt 
It), AZ/es komt terecht (Everything Settles 
Itself), and Gehed om een goed Einde (Prayer 
for a Good End) prove his excellent crafts- 
manship and a wisdom that has deepened 
since his first novel, Komen en Gaan (Coming 
and Going). 

The artistic credo of Walschap is more 
dynamic. To him a novel is above all a story, 
a tale often of violence and passion, but 
always full of events and conflicts. He reno- 
vated naturalism by means of a style that had 
no precedents- nature is non-existent, the 
decor disappears, furniture is mentioned only 
when thrown or demolished. He startled 
Roman Catholic readers by depicting the 
allegedly sane-living, devout Flemish villages 
like one of Dante's circles in Hell. They are, 
according to his penetrating analysis, sinful, 
morbid, and violent, victims of atavism and 
laboring under bigotries of every kind. Three 
generations of such folk are depicted in the 
trilogy, De Familie Roothooft, in which fate 
as unavoidable as in the Greek drama pursues 
its horrible course. In Celibaat, Trouwen, 
Een Man van goeden Wil, Sibylle, and many 
other novels, Walschap relentlessly continued 
his bas-relief of the Flemish notables in villages 
and small towns. His pessimism did not pre- 
vent him from celebrating the family and the 
life of the pioneer, who lived to the full re- 
gardless of any accepted morality. In his later 
works he voiced strong criticism against the 
Roman Church. Although the psychopatho- 
logical elements in his books are obvious, still 



his profound belief in the greatness and good- 
ness of life is no less evident. His style moves 
at a tornado pace. 

Lode Ziclens, who had fewer stylistic gifts 
and preoccupations, found his inspiration in 
his profound solidarity with the humblest 
people. He was a generous writer, deeply 
moved by his subject and often succeeding in 
moving his reader. Social misery does not 
incite him to declamation; he depicts it with- 
out false sentimentality. In his books the 
proletarians of the Antwerp docks and fac- 
tories are no longer pitiful and colorful nit- 
wits; they are real people, brave and weak, 
suffering or revolting. I Ic overflows with the 
milk of human kindness, and his socialist con- 
victions are expressed in his writings without 
any proselytism but as a natural background 
of his faith in mankind. Among his books, 
De Gele Roos, Het Dyistere Bloed, Moeder, 
waarom leven wij, are the most notable. 

Other writers joined this small, energetic 
group- a philosophical essayist, Raymond 
Brulcz (b. 1895), who used old tales as a 
pretext to prove his biting wit and to display 
his congenial epicurism (Sheherazade); Thco 
Bogacrts (b. 1893), whose uneven production 
contains at least one remarkable novel, Vasten- 
avond; Filip de Filled jn (b. 1891), who excels 
in suggesting poetical situations and who 
writes marvelous prose; F. de Backer (b. 
1891), a penetrating psychologist; Albert van 
Hoogenbemt (b. 1900), and Maurice Gilliams 
(b. 1900), both highly introspective. The 
novels of August van Cauwelaert have an inti- 
mate charm, and the psychological analysis in 
Harry is a model of craftsmanship. Lode 
Baekelmans (b. 1879) lovingly speaks of 
Antwerp harbor and its international bums 
and beachcombers. 

Among the younger generation, Ren 
Berghen, Marcel Matthijs, and N. E. Fon- 
teyne (d. 1938) are the most interesting. 
Among the authors that came to light during 
or since the war should be mentioned Louis- 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



94 



Paul Boon, a vigorous talent, Piet van Aeken, 
delicate and subtle, and Hubert Lampo, 
whose alliance of poetical feeling and intel- 
lectualism contains great promise. Johan 
Daisne (b. 1906), an abundant and versatile 
poet, wrote several lively novels. 

Poetry again altered its course in Flemish 
letters about 1930. The social and ethical 
motives were forgotten. Pietcr Buckinx (b. 
1903), Bert Decorte (b. 1915), Karel Jonck- 
heere (b. 1906), Albe (b. 1902), Rene" Ver- 
beeck (b. 1903), Jan Vercammen (b. 1906), 
reverted to pure poetry or to a mixture of 
styles. The most powerful, although at the 
outset strongly influenced, is Bert Decorte, a 
wonderful prosodist and a brilliant visionary. 

Parallel with the action of the Flemish 
authors to free themselves from the specific 
Belgian background, the French writers also 
tried to draw away from the lure of the 
Heimatkunst to attain a more universal plan. 
The pre-war novelists Georges Virres (b. 
1869), Maurice des Ombiaux (1868-1943), 
Georges Garnir (b. 1868), Georges Rency 
(b. 1875), had continued their work. Marie 
Gevers (b. 1883) had produced charming 
novels of country life- in Flanders. The 
younger generation broadened its scope. Al- 
ready Andre* Baillon (1875-1932), a typical 
Bohemian character, had written some mov- 
ing and raw confessions which impressed the 
French critics very highly; Jean Tousseul 
(1890-1944), in a long and powerful novel, 
Jean Clarainbaux (Eng. trans. Phila., 1939) 
had written the patient chronicle of a small 
Meuse village. It has the true aroma of the 
Walloon countryside: in this landscape, even 
suffering is harmonious. The book has the 
lovely sadness of Gliick's ballet of the Elysian 
fields. Utter simplicity gives the style a rare 
nobility; a deep love of the humble makes it 
moving and unforgettable. 

Franz Hellens (b. 1881), one of the most 
original present-day writers, moves on the 
border of reality and fantasy. He has been 



described as an explorer of uncharted realms 
of mystery, and indeed his heroes live in a 
world of their own where the borderlines are 
not very clear: it is evident that his sym- 
pathy lies with the hidden side of our psychic 
life. Hallucination and reality are intermin- 
gled and normality appears only as fraught 
with mystery and apprehensions of all kinds. 
He is no sociologist; his domain is the sub- 
conscious; involuntary reminiscences abound 
in his novels, reality itself to him is fantastic 
(Realties Fantastiques, 1923). 

The most successful of the younger Belgian 
authors who write in French is Charles 
Plisnier (b. 1896), a prolific and solid author 
who divides his attention equally between the 
psychological study of modern marital troubles 
and the atmosphere of latent revolution in 
Europe between the two world wars. Little 
in his work would permit him to be identified 
as a Belgian author; he is truly a European 
observer. His style is not exceptional, but his 
novels are well built and faultless in their 
logic and details. Power and intuition are 
evident in Manages and Faux-Passeports. In 
1938 the Goncourts for the first time aban- 
doned their traditions by awarding Plisnier 
their annual prize, although he was not a 
Frenchman. 

Among the women authors, Marguerite 
van de Wiele (b. 1859) belongs to the old 
school. France Adine (b. 1890), Julia Frezin 
(b. 1870), Madeleine Ley (b. 1901), Made- 
leine Bourdouxhe, express modern sensibility. 

Dramatic art has long been a stepchild in 
Belgium. Feeble echoes of foreign dramaturgy 
did not brighten the stage very much, either 
in Antwerp or in Brussels. The dialect plays 
of Walloon playwrights were known only 
locally: they had their merits, however, espe- 
cially a ribald farce by A. Delchef. During 
the 1 9th c. Flemish authors had produced 
some naturalistic plays Lodewijk Scheltjens 
(1861-1936), novelist Cyriel Buyssethat 
portrayed Flemish country life in dark shades. 



95 



BELGIAN LITERATURE 



The revolution provoked by Maeterlinck's 
plays, the provocative lyricism of'Verhaeren 
in Le Cloitre, Philippe II, and Helene de 
Sparta, resulted in a flowering of the French 
theatre in Belgium. Henry Kistemaeckers 
(1878-1935), after his first successes, was 
absorbed by the French scene, as was Francis 
de Croisset (1877-1937). Paul Demasy (b. 
1884) also left Belgium for France. One of 
the most successful plays was due to Paul 
Spaak (1870-1936): Kaatje, which had the 
longest run a play ever made in the country. 
Marguerite Duterme, Armand Thibaut (b. 
1881), and Gustave Vanzype (b. 1869) are 
excellent playwrights. Duterme is a full- 
fledged Ibsenian; Thibaut is an intellectualist 
of great directness; Vanzype, the most out- 
standing, is an exponent of theses and 
thought. He has a flawless technique and 
great mastery of dialogue. 

Max Deauville (b. 1881) has great versa- 
tility and humor. In H. Soumagne's Dieu and 
Madame Marie, metaphysical problems are 
discussed in an unusual setting. Among the 
younger playwrights, Fernand Crommelynck 
(b. 1885) is the most arresting personality. 
He is explosive and tormented. His drama 
gives his audience a feeling of uneasiness, but 
the power of his imagination, the force of 
his conviction, are entrancing. Le Cocu Mag- 
nifique (1921) made him famous. It deals 
with the jealousy of a lover. The dramatic 
atmosphere is of a terrible intensity. The 
author nowhere appears as the equal of the 
audience, or of his personages; he is definitely 
their superior. Crommelynck seems gifted 
with a psychological second sight that per- 
mits him to step in when the situation is 
tensest and to lift it to the heights of Shake- 
spearean drama. His art in Le Cocu Mag- 
nifique, in Une Femme Qua le Coeur trop 
Petit, is grandiose baroque which was imme- 
diately recognized as masterly. Herman Clos- 
son (b. 1901) is a debunker of historical 
figures. His Godefroid de Bouillon, his Shake- 



speare, are surprisingly human. Michel de 
Ghclderode (b. 1898) reverted to the style of 
the medieval farces and mystery plays, with 
a rich fancy and great technical ability. 

Paul Demasy, although absorbed by Paris, 
remained a Belgian author. His theatre, de- 
voted to the portrayal of fatality, is akin to the 
Elizabethan dramas. 

The Van Nu en Straks generation pro- 
duced one remarkable play in verse, Starkadd, 
by Alfred Hegenscheidt (b. 1866), a lyrical 
drama on the theme of the individual against 
society. It stood alone for a long time. Raf 
Verhulst (1866-1934) published many ele- 
gant plays in verse and a respectful, rational- 
istic drama, Jezus de Nazarener. The dramas 
of Cyricl Verschaeve (1874-1929) are lyrical 
declamations with occasional beauty, but de- 
void of scenic qualities. 

Renewal came only in 1919 when Herman 
Teirlinck produced his De Vertraagde Film 
and in rapid succession added a series of 
other plays. He was an admirer of Capek, 
Gordon Craig, and other revolutionary play- 
wrights. In his plays lights, sound, text, and 
all scenic devices had their importance. Above 
all, the audience had to take part in the play. 
The play was supposed to flow from the stage 
into the theatre. A real communion with the 
audience was sought, and often achieved. The 
plays of Teirlinck often sound trivial when 
one reads them; their effectiveness indeed de- 
pends on all the theatrical factors available. 
They defeated crude realism as a means of 
theatrical expression, and they certainly revo- 
lutionized the dormant Flemish theatre. Other 
playwrights followed his example: Willem 
Putman (b. 1900), Anton van de Velde (b. 
1895), Paul de Mont (b. 1895). 

Along traditional lines Ernest W. Schmidt 
(1886-1937), Gaston Martens (b. 1884), and 
Jos Janssens (b. 1888) achieved well deserved 
success. 

Belgian letters in French as well as in 
Dutch have a decided individuality. Only 



BRAZILIAN LITERATURE 



96 



those writers who conscientiously tried to lib- 
crate themselves from their national charac- 
teristics achieved some kind of denationaliza- 
tion, to be absorbed by France or by Holland. 
They are, however, very few; almost all 
Belgian writers interpret with loving care the 
country in which they were born and which 
isas said above a spiritual microcosm of 
Europe, a citadel of Western European 
thought and sensibility. 

G. Kalff, Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Letter- 
kunde, 6 v., 1906-1910, J. Bithell, Contemporary 
Belgian Lit., 1915, J. Persijn, A Glance at the Soul 
of the Low Countries, 1916; J. Bithell, Contemporary 



Flemish Poetry, 1917, G. L. van Roosbroeck, Guido 
Gezelle, the Myrtle Poet of Flanders, 1919; P. 
Hamelius, Introduction a la lit. franc,aise et flamande 
de Belgique, 1921, A. de Riddcr, La Lit. flamande 
contemporaine, 1923; A. Vermeylen, Van Gezelle tot 
Timmernians, 1923, Franz de Backer, Contemporary 
Flemish Lit., 1934; Marnix Gijsen, De Lit. in Zuid 
Nederland sedert 1830, 1940; Peripatetisch Onder- 
ncht, I and II, 1940 and 1944, Vlaamsche Lyriek, 
1944; Frank Bauer, Geschiedenis der Vlaamsche Lit., 
1938; P. Arents, Flemish Writers Translated, 1931; 
M. Wilmotte, La Culture fran^aise en Belgique, 
1912, G Charlier, Les Lettres beiges, in BeMier and 
Ha/ard's Hist, de la lit. fran^aise illustre, 1924; B. 
M. Woodbridge, Le Roman beige contemporain, 
1930, G. Doutrepont, Hist, illustree de la lit. fran- 
t^aise en Belgique, 1939. 

JAN-ALBERT GORIS. 



BELLA COOLA-See North American BISMARCK ARCHIPELAGO - See Poly- 
Native, nesian. 



BENGALI-See Indian. 
BERBER-See Arabic. 
BIGAMBUL See Australian Aborigine. 
BIHARI-See Indian. 



BLACKFOOT-See North American Native. 
EOHEMIAN-See Czech. 
BOLIVIAN-See Spanish American. 
BORORO-See South American Indian. 



BRAZILIAN 



BRAZIL'S first literary document was the letter 
written on May i, 1500, by Pero Vaz de 
Caminha, clerk of the discovery fleet, telling 
King Manuel of Portugal about the new land 
that Cabral had taken in the name of the 
king. Throughout the i6th c. other letters, 
log-books, and historical narratives were writ- 
ten by Europeans concerning Brazil, but the 
first writer to pen literature for Brazilians 
was the Jesuit teacher Jose" de Anchieta 
(1534-97), who went to Brazil in 1552 and 
for about fifty years dedicated himself to 
writing religious playlets, hymns, poems, 
grammars, and sermons for his various charges. 



At the end of the century Bento Teixeira 
(1545-1618?) wrote an epic poem, the 
Prosopopeia, which was published in Portugal 
in 1 60 1. Though this work is a far cry from 
Camoens' Os Lusiadas, which it tried to imi- 
tate, it is interesting for two reasons: it re- 
flected the colonial attempt to follow Portu- 
guese patterns in styles of writing; and, with 
its stanzas about Pernambuco's recife (coral 
reef), it initiated the appearance of Brazilian 
nature in Portuguese poetry. 
Portugal was under Spanish rule from 1 580 
to 1640; hence it is not surprising that Portu- 
guese poets fell under the sway of gongorismo 



97 



BRAZILIAN LITERATURE 



and conceptismo, the predominant movements 
in Spain during those years. One of the most 
famous Gongoristic poets of Portugal, Dom 
Francisco Manoel de Mclo (1611-66), was 
sentenced to exile in Brazil. Moreover, in the 
wealthy city of Baia, where the Governor- 
General held court, cultivated society was 
headed by men who prided themselves on 
reading and imitating Gongora, Lope de Vega, 
and Quevedo, as well as the poets of the 
Italian and Portuguese renaissance. Of this 
group Greg6rio de Matos Guerra (1633-92) 
became the outstanding satirical poet of his 
day, with his biting and caustic criticisms of 
Baia society and his fearless condemnation of 
Portuguese rule. Among the prose writers, the 
most famous was Friar Vicente do Salvador 
(1564-1636?), who in his Historia do Brasil 
voiced a sympathy for Brazil and extolled the 
abundance and variety of her natural products. 

Thus, Brazilian literature of the i7th c. 
was characterized by a growing spirit of na- 
tionalism, which found new strength in the 
colonists' struggle against the Dutch and 
French invaders. Even in the flowery, ornate 
sermons and letters of the renowned orator, 
Father Ant6nio Vieira (1608-97), who was 
always a loyal Portuguese though he spent 
fifty years of his life in Brazil, there was an 
echo of this new Brazilianism. This feeling 
of pride in native things is further seen in 
the descriptive poem A llha de Mare, whose 
author, Botclho de Olivcira (1636-1711), be- 
came the first Brazilian writer to send to 
press a volume of poetry. 

In the first half of the i8th c. Baia con- 
tinued to be a cultural center, and in that city, 
as well as in Rio de Janeiro, several academies 
were established in imitation of those of Lis- 
bon, Paris, and Rome. The sentiment of na- 
tivism continued to seek expression in such 
works as Histrfria da America Portugu&sa by 
Rocha Pita (1660-1738) and the sacred epic 
Eustdquidos by Manoel de Santa Maria 
Itaparica (1704-68?). The dominant note of 



the century, however, was sounded by a 
group of Arcadian poets from Minas Gerais, 
whose pastoral evocations and use of indige- 
nous materials were a reaction against de- 
cadent classicism, and show an effort to return 
to the simplicity of nature. This so-called 
Mineira school thus paved the way for the 
romanticists, and the six that attained greatest 
fame were Friar Jose de Santa Rita Durao, 
Jos6 Basilio da Gama, Claudio Manoel da 
Costa, Tomaz Antonio Gonzaga, Inacio Jose 
de Alvarenga Peixoto, and Manoel Inacio da 
Silva Alvarenga. The first two distinguished 
themselves as writers of epics, the Uraguai 
(1769) of Basilio da Gama (1740-95) being 
considered the best Brazilian poem written 
during the colonial period; while the Cara- 
muru (1781) of Santa Rita Durao (1722- 
84), with its desire to glorify events in Brazil 
from the discovery to the expulsion of the 
invaders, was described by a great Brazilian 
critic as "the most Brazilian poem we possess." 

The other poets of the Mineira group were 
primarily lyrists, and in keeping with their 
idealism were identified with the Inconfi- 
dencia Mineira, that premature attempt at 
rebellion against Portuguese oppression that 
brought death, imprisonment, or exile to its 
leaders. Of the lyrists, the two most famous 
were Claudio Manoel de Costa (172989), 
because of the technical perfection of his 
poetry and his influence upon contemporaries, 
and Tomaz Antonio Gonzaga (1744-1807), 
because of his authorship of Manlm de 
Dirceu. This "most esteemed book of love in 
the Portuguese language" described the poet's 
love for "Marilia" both when hope smiled 
benignly upon them and later when sadness 
and despair overwhelmed him, alone in a 
faraway African prison. Marilia de Dirceu, 
published in 1810, was the first belletristic 
work to be printed in Brazil. 

An occurrence of great importance to 
Brazil was the arrival of the Regent Prince, 
Dom Joao, and all the Portuguese royal fam- 



BRAZILIAN LITERATURE 



98 



ily in Rio de Janeiro in 1808. Immediately 
the ports of Brazil were opened to the trade 
of friendly nations; the twelve years of Dom 
Joao's sojourn witnessed the establishment of 
schools and tribunals, the founding of the 
Royal Press and the Academy of Science, and 
the publication of the first newspapers. In 
1815 Brazil was elevated to the rank of Joint 
Kingdom with Portugal and Algarve, and in 
1822 independence was proclaimed, with Dom 
Pedro I as the first emperor. The political 
growth and independence of Bra/il were 
naturally reflected in the works of the chief 
writers, and the i9th c. saw the emergence 
of a truly national literature. 

During the first quarter of the century, 
however, poetry continued to feel the influ- 
ence of the Arcadians. The outstanding poet 
was Antonio Pereira de Sousa Caldas (1762- 
1814), whose melancholic and pessimistic po- 
etry seemed inspired by the subjectivity of de 
Vigny and the religious sentiment of Lamar- 
tinc. The first romanticist of Brazil was the 
great patriot of Independence, Jose Bonifacio 
dc Andrada (1765-1838), who at the age of 
sixty became an exponent of the new move- 
ment while in exile in France and published 
in Bordeaux as early as 1825 a volume of 
poetry written in the new manner. The tri- 
umph of romanticism was manifested by the 
popularity of Goncalves de Magalhaes (181 1- 
82), who became the idol of Brazilian liter- 
ary circles when his volume Suspiros Pocticos 
e Saudades appeared in Paris in 1836. These 
poems, as the title implies, were eloquent 
with patriotic sentiment and reechoed both 
the nativism and the religious feeling that 
preceding writers had expressed. Nature, na- 
tive country, and religion, the main themes 
of Conceives de Magalhaes' poetry, became 
likewise the distinguishing characteristics of 
most of the literature of this period. 

In the 1 9th c., then, the literary pattern 
shifted from Portugal to France and England. 
Chateaubriand became the inspiration for the 



idealization of the Brazilian savage in the 
works of both the greatest romantic novelist 
of Bra/il, Jose de Alencar (1829-79), and of 
one of her greatest poets, Gonc,alves Dias 
(1823-64). It was the latter who, in Y-Juca- 
Pirama and in the unfinished Tymbiras, in- 
troduced into Brazilian literature the Indianist 
motif, but his treatment of the savage was 
merely another manifestation of his pantheis- 
tic attitude towards nature, another way of 
presenting the luxuriant tropical nature of 
Brazil. In his lyrics, and especially in his 
famous Cangao do Exflio, he became the 
interpreter of the Brazilians' love for their 
native land and exerted a powerful influence 
upon succeeding poets, especially upon Casi- 
miro dc Abreu (1839-60), who became the 
poet par excellence of the nostalgic emotion 
termed saudades. Following the example of 
Alfred de Musset, Shelley, Byron, Espron- 
ceda, and Leopardi, other romantic poets, 
among whom were Alvares de Azevedo, Lau- 
rindo Rabelo, Junqueira Freire and Fagundes 
Varcla, produced works redolent of morbid- 
ness, doubt, despair. Victor Hugo, however, 
in Les Chdtiments, was the model for Tobias 
Barreto (1839-89) and Castro Alves* (1847- 
71) in their impassioned and eloquent poems. 
Certain critics have considered Castro Alves 
the greatest Brazilian poet because of his 
strong sentiment of nationalism and his ap- 
peal to the universal ideals of liberty and 
justice. Certainly his works, more widely read 
than those of any other poet of Brazil, sounded 
a new social note and played a decisive part 
in the emancipation of slaves and in the estab- 
lishment of the republic. Among his most 
famous poems are As Vozes da Africa, O 
Navio Negreiro, Pedro Ivo, and A Cachoeira 
de Paulo Afonso. 

The novel became nationalized with the 
works of Manoel Macedo, Jose" de Alencar, 
Manoel de Almeida, Bernardo Guimaraes, 
Franklin T&vora, and Escragnolle Taunay. 
Though all of these novelists made significant 



99 



BRAZILIAN LITERATURE 



contributions, the figure that towers above all 
others is Jos6 de Alencar, author of thirty 
novels, the most famous of which, O Guarani, 
became the libretto for Carlos Gomes' opera 
II GuaranL Though Jos de Alencar imitated 
the Indianist and regional novels of Chateau- 
briand and James Fenimore Cooper, his imi- 
tation was not servile. In both O Guaram and 
Iracema, plot served mainly as a pretext for 
the picturesque and majestic nature descrip- 
tions that are still noteworthy for their power 
of emotion and elegance of style. In the re- 
gional novels of Jos de Alencar and Bernardo 
Guimaraes (1825-84), literature for the first 
time reflected the vast country reclaimed by 
the "bandeirantes" of the preceding century, 
an epic undertaking unsung in its day but 
destined to reverberate still further in Os 
Sertdes of Euclides da Cunha* C 1 866-1 909). 

The germs of realism evident in TaVora's 
regional novels and especially in Taunay's 
Inocencia (1872) heralded the philosophic 
realise that appeared in the novels of Joaquim 
Maria Machado de Assis* (1839-1908). Both 
as a novelist and as a poet, Machado de Assis 
stood apart from any school, and through the 
force of his unusual personality and original- 
ity of thought gave new direction to Brazilian 
literature. His subtle humor and kindly satire 
found delightful and faultless expression in 
his mature novels and in many of his poems. 
Of the latter, A Mosca Azul, O Sonto do 
Natal and Circulo Vicioso are especially fa- 
mous for their psychological intensity. Among 
his novels his masterpieces are Dom Gas- 
murro, Quincas Borba, and Bras Cufcas. 

In 1 88 1, with the publication of O Mulato 
by Aluizio Azevedo (1857-1913), the natural- 
istic influence of mile Zola and Eca de 
Queiroz made itself felt in Brazilian fiction. 
The movement was carried on by such novel- 
ists as Julio Ribeiro, Raul Pompe*ia and Ingles 
de Sousa; and by the end of the i9th c., real- 
ism was firmly entrenched. The regional 
character of Brazil's "emancipated literature" 



was strengthened still more by the appearance 
in 1902 of Euclides da Cunha's masterpiece, 
Os Sertdes, a semi-historical description of 
the northern hinterland of Brazil. This book, 
together with Canaan (1902), "the epic of 
Brazil's melting-pot", by Graca Aranha (1868- 
1931), set the pattern for the intense nation- 
alism found in the modern fiction of Brazil. 

In poetry Luis Guimaraes (1847-98) and 
Machado de Assis, with their exoticism, care- 
ful diction, and limpid style, were the pre- 
cursors of the Parnassian poets, Alberto de 
Oliveira, Olavo Bilac and Raimundo Corre'a. 
Of these the outstanding figure was Olavo 
Bilac (1865-1918), a brilliant, sensuous poet, 
who excelled in interpreting tropical moods 
and voluptuous passion. The reaction against 
the Parnassian school produced few followers 
of Verlaine and Mallarme'. Joao da Cruz e 
Sousa (1862-98) and Alphonsus de Guima- 
raens (Alfonso de Guimaraes; 1873-1921) 
were the most noteworthy Brazilian sym- 
bolists. 

"Modernism" in Brazil has a special mean- 
ing, referring to the change in literary trends 
after the First World War. This movement, 
which had its inception in 1922 in the famous 
"Semana de Arte Moderna" of Sao Paulo, 
gained momentum after Graca Aranha's 
speech of resignation from the Brazilian 
Academy in 1924, and was further strength- 
ened by the "Movimento antropofdgico" of 
1928. Thus, Gra^a Aranha, Mdrio de 
Andrade, and Oswald de Andrade became the 
exponents of the new attitude toward art and 
aesthetics. The revolutionists were especially 
concerned with reality, with Brazilian social, 
cultural, and racial problems; poets and novel- 
ists alike sought to create an art genuinely 
Brazilian, to express their ideas in a new form, 
and to make the style clearer and more direct 
and lucid. Grac.a Aranha likewise exerted his 
influence in directing the new current into 
the already existing channels of regionalism. 
In the social sciences the increasing activity 



BRAZILIAN LITERATURE 



of anthropologists, ethnologists, and sociolo- 
gists was also a powerful stimulus to writers 
of fiction. Outstanding in this respect were the 
works of Gilberto Freyre, Casa Grande e 
Senzala (1934), and Sobrados e Mucambos 
(1936). In the first of these dynamic books, 
The Master's Mansion and the Slaves' Quar- 
ters, Gilberto Freyre, by piecing together ac- 
counts from old documents, reconstructed life 
in colonial and imperial Brazil. In the second, 
City Residence and Detached Servants' 
Quarters, he made the same analysis of con- 
ditions in the early and middle iQth century. 
Such investigations of racial and economic 
questions were reflected in literature, and in- 
terest in the Negro was especially marked in 
both prose and poetry. 

In the contemporary period, the chief con- 
cern of Brazilian writers is thus Brazilian 
social problems. Some of the most important 
novelists of this movement are Jos Lins do 
Rego, Jorge Amado, Jos Am6rico de Almeida, 
Jorge de Lima, Erico Verissimo, Liicio Car- 
doso, Graciliano Ramos, Marques Rebelo, 
Raquel de Queiroz, Dind Silveira de Queiros. 
Of these, Jos6 Lins do Rego is generally con- 
sidered Brazil's foremost living novelist. Pie is 
best known for his 5 v. sugar-cane cycle, 
Menino de Engenho (1932), Doidinho 
(1933), Bangui (1934), O Moleque Ricardo 
(1935), and Usina (1936). In these chroni- 
cles, Lins do Rego evokes the life on the sugar 
plantations of northeastern Brazil and de- 
scribes customs and habits from the days of 
slavery to more modern times, picturing the 
contrast between the rural civilization and 
the new industrialized life of the cities. 

Following the examples of Machado de 
Assis and Artur Azevedo (brother of Aluizio 
de Azevedo), many recent writers have culti- 
vated the shortstory. Chief among these are 
Monteiro Lobato, Ant6nio de Alcantara 
Machado, Adeline Magalhaes, Joao Alphon- 
sus, Jos6 Geraldo Vieira, Marques Rebelo, 
Peregrine Junior, Osvaldo Orico. 



Another recent tendency has been to pro- 
duce critical and biographical studies of the 
principal Brazilian men of letters. Among 
such critics and investigators are Velho 
Sobrinho, Afranio Peixoto, Agripino Grieco, 
El6i Pontes, Almir de Andrade, Manuel Ban- 
deira, Ros&rio Fusco, Nelson Werneck, Vianna 
Moog, Prudente de Moraes Neto, Lucia 
Miguel Pereira. 

In poetry the outstanding writers from the 
Modernista movement to the present include 
the following: Mario de Andrade, Gra^a 
Aranha, Oswald de Andrade, Ronald de Car- 
valho, Tasso da Silveira, Augusto Frederico 
Schmidt, Andrade Muricy, Menotti del 
Picchia, Oleg&rio Mariano, Guilherme de 
Almeida, Ribeiro Couto, Manuel Bandeira, 
Gilka Machado, Cecilia Meirclcs, Augusto 
Mayer, Murilo Mendes, and Jorge de Lima. 
The last named is considered by many critics 
the greatest Brazilian poet of today; his most 
famous poems are Bangui and Essa negra 
Fulo. 

Viewed as a whole, Brazilian literature of 
today appears to be the product of a genera- 
tion that wishes to see Brazil as it is, and 
with realistic frankness and objective imparti- 
ality presents the conflicts and passions of hu- 
manity in scenes full of life and movement. 
It is a literature strongly national, yet funda- 
mentally concerned with man and his eternal 
struggle to solve the problems of life. 

Jose Candido de Andrade Muricy, A Nova LUera- 
tura Brasileira (Porto Alegre), 1936; Ronald de Car- 
valho, Pequena Historia da Literatura Brasileira (Rio 
de Janeiro), 1919, 1922; J. D. M. Ford, A Tentative 
Bibliography of Brazilian Belles-Lettres (In collabora- 
tion with Arthur F. Whittem and Maxwell I. Ra- 
phael; Cambridge, Mass.), 1931; Isaac Goldberg, 
Brazilian Literature (N. Y.), 1922; Lewis Hanke 
(ed.), Handbook of Latin American Studies (Cam- 
bridge, Mass.), 1935 , annually: section on Brazil- 
ian Literature by Samuel Putnam; Olivio Montenegro, 
O Romance Brasileiro (Rio de Janeiro), 1938; Afrd- 
nio Peixoto, Panorama da Literatura Brasileira (Sao 
Paulo), 1940; Pongetti, Anudrio Brasileiro de Litera- 
tura, Irmaos Pongetti (Rio de Janeiro), 1937 , an- 



BRETON LITERATURE 



nually; Silvio Romero, Historia da Literatura Brasi- 
leira (Rio de Janeiro), 1888, 2 vols., 1902; Compen- 
dia de Historia da Literatura Brasileira (In collabora- 
tion with Joao Ribeiro; Rio de Janeiro), 1909; Ar- 
turo Torres-Rioseco, The Epic of Latin American 



Literature (N. Y.)> 1942; Jose" Verissimo, Historia da 
Literatura Brasileira (Rio de Janeiro), 1916. See 
African; South American. 

EUNICE JOINER GATES. 



BRETON 



IT is THE common notion that Breton (also 
called Armoricaii Breton and Bas Breton, in 
Breton, Brezcwec), the Celtic language spoken 
in Brittany (in Breton, Breiz and Breiz-lzel), 
is the direct survivor of the language of the 
Gauls, but such is not the case. Breton be- 
longs to the triad of Brythonic Celtic lan- 
guages, is closely related to Welsh and Cor- 
nish, and was brought to Brittany in the 5th 
and 6th c. by the inhabitants of southwest 
Britain fleeing before the inroads of the 
Saxons. It became a distinct language about 
the beginning of the yth c. and broke into 
four main dialects: Leonard or Le"onais, 
spoken in Finistere, the most conservative and 
regarded as the literary dialect; Tre'corois or 
Tre"gorrois, spoken in the north of the penin- 
sula, and Cornouaillais, in the center of the 
language group. While these varieties differ 
only slightly from one another, the remaining 
dialect, Vannetais, spoken chiefly in Morbi- 
han, in the southeast, differs greatly from 
them, and, as regards pronunciation, is almost 
a strange language. 

There are three periods in the history of 
Breton, and three periods, corresponding to 
the language, in the history of the literature: 
Old Breton, ranging from the mid yth c. to 
the i ith c.; Middle Breton, from the i ith c. to 
the i yth, and Modern Breton. The honor of 
having definitely reformed and fixed the 
orthography belongs to J.-F. Le Gonidec, in 
1807, when his Grammaire Celto-Bretonne 
appeared. Many studies have been published 
on various phases of Breton grammar, pro- 



nunciation, syntax, and etymology but as 
yet there is no complete dictionary of the lan- 
guage and its dialects. Though in the course 
of time, owing to political and social condi- 
tions, Breton has continued to give ground 
to French, it is still spoken by nearly a mil- 
lion and a quarter persons, "Bretons breton- 
nants," of whom perhaps half a million are 
monoglots. 

By Breton literature is meant, in this brief 
account, literary productions in the Breton 
language. But there were many famous Breton 
authors who wrote in French instead: One 
needs to name only Chateaubriand, Lam- 
menais, Jules Simon, Renan, Le Sage, 
Sebillot, and Souvestre. Again, though there 
is no extant Breton literature prior to the 
1 5th c., all through the Middle Ages, the 
legends, traditions, and souvenirs of the Celtic 
homeland were kept alive in an oral form by 
Breton minstrels, who constituted a sort of 
bardic school and cultivated the old themes 
and meters. Their lais bretons are referred to, 
among others, by Marie de France, the 1 2th c. 
poetess, and by the i3th c. author of the 
Chanson des Saisnes "Song of the Saxons," 
who ranks the "matiere de Bretagne" along- 
side the literatures of Rome and France; and 
to them we are indebted for the cycle of The 
Round Table and Tristan. On these grounds 
Renan says of the Celts: "This little people 
... is in possession of a literature which, in 
the Middle Ages, exercised an immense in- 
fluence, changed the course of European 
imagination, and imposed its. poetic motives 



BRETON LITERATURE 



102 



on nearly the whole of Christendom. 1 ' Works 
in the Breton tongue were not so potent. 

Owing to the inferior position held by 
Breton French being the prevailing language 
of the upper classesliterature was much later 
in starting in Breton than in Irish and Welsh 
and has nothing to compare with these earlier 
flourishing literatures. To the earliest period 
(yth-iith c.) belong only glosses to some 
Latin words and some Latin names, and, some- 
what later (1464), the Catholicon, a Breton- 
Latin-French vocabulary, which are of value 
and interest only to the historian of the lan- 
guage. 

Breton literature really begins with the 
appearance (ca. 1475) of a Life of Saint 
Nonn, mother of Saint David, and for nearly 
two hundred years the literature is almost ex- 
clusively religious, of little originality and 
literary value, and translated or adapted from 
French or Latin originals. To the i6th and 
early I7th c. belong a large number of de- 
votional works, such as the Mirror of Death, 
the Mirror of Confession, the Doctrine of 
Christians, hymns, carols, noels, a Book of 
Hours, and, above all, more than a hundred 
mystery and miracle plays, chiefly on Old and 
New Testament subjects and lives of saints, 
of which two score or so have been published, 
the most important being Le Grand Mystere 
de Jdsus (1530) and Le Mystere de Sainte 
Barbe (1557), besides dramas based on the 
lives and deeds of such heroes as Huon de 
Bordeaux, Guillaume de Poitou, Robert le 
Diable, Louis Eunius, and episodes from the 
Carolingian saga and romances of chivalry. 
The plays commonly contain from 5,000 to 
9,000 lines of twelve syllables, varied by 
some of eight, and are richly garnished with 
French words. Though often the work of 
farmers, weavers, or shoemakers, and crude 
and grotesque, they enjoyed a tremendous 
popularity among the people during the latter 
half of the i8th and first half of the ipth c. 
They provided the best distraction and most 



serious instruction, appealed to religiousness 
and thirst for ideal adventure, and opened 
to the imagination other worlds and strange 
people. 

The dramatic tradition suffered a reverse 
when, because of abuses that had crept in, 
the theatre was condemned by the clergy 
about the middle of the i9th c.; but it was 
given a fresh impetus in August of 1898, 
when was founded, under the leadership of 
Anatole Le Braz, Charles Le Goffic, and 
Cloarek, at Ploujean, near Morlais, the Breton 
theatre of the people. The Life of Saint 
GuennoU was performed with great success 
and Ploujean was hailed as the cradle of the 
great popular theatre of the future. Four 
years later came the Theatre of Sainte-Anne 
d'Auray, which came to be known as the 
Breton Oberammergau. It owes its creation 
and success to the Abbe* Joseph Le Bayon 
("Job er Glean"), vicar of Bignan, bard, poet, 
and dramatic author, and to his collaborators 
and his troupe, the Pautred Sant Guigner 
(the lads of Saint Guigner, a commune in 
Morbihan). His first play, En Eutru Keriolet 
(1902,), a tragedy in three acts, was a tri- 
umph: the performance was completely 
Breton, author, actors, language, setting, 
music, and Keriolet himself, the hero of the 
drama. 

Le Bayon is the author of several other 
dramatic pieces, comedies as well as tragedies, 
and of poetry, both in Breton (Sonnenneu 
hur Bro-ni', Songs of our Land) and in French 
(Le Converti de Notre-Dawe), and has no 
equal in the Vannetais dialect. His language 
is colloquial, rich and racy, as suits the na- 
ture of his work, and his versification is 
marked by elegance united to simplicity. He 
was also coach and director, and all through 
the winter months he taught his troupe, indi- 
vidually and in groups, verse by verse, ges- 
ture by gesture, pose by pose. With the 
greatest care he selected his cast, and so com- 
pletely incarnated were they in the r61es they 



BRETON LITERATURE 



played that they became known, not by their 
real names, but by the names of the charac- 
ters they personated. 

The most famous figure in the history of 
Breton literature is the Viscount Theodore 
Claude-Henri Hersart de la Villemarque" 
(1815-95), whose family was related to that 
of the author of Atala and Rend. In 1838 ap- 
peared his Barzaz-Breiz: Chants Populates de 
la Bretagne originally spelled Barzas, but in 
all subsequent editions Barzaz, a word un- 
known to either Breton or French and prob- 
ably fashioned on an obsolete barz, "a bardic 
song." The work immediately attracted the 
attention of the world of letters. It was 
crowned by the French Academy, translated 
into most languages, and its influence was 
felt by poets, novelists, essayists, philologists, 
dramatists, and even historians. 

La Villemarqu was unquestionably a very 
great poet and a man of remarkable talent, 
'^before whose sublime songs," one enthusiast 
declared, "we are like dwarfs before giants," 
but he was not a scholar and had not the 
critical temperament. Consequently the 
Barzaz-Breiz, though a work of singular grace 
and perfection, is a work of art and not of 
history. It was written at the time when the 
French public were in the romantic mood and 
when it was supposed that a simple folktale 
had to be touched up to suit the taste of the 
day. Furthermore, at the time of the publica 
tion of his book, La Villemarque knew very 
little Breton and had to call on more compe- 
tent men to furnish the Breton material, es- 
tablish the text, smooth out the rough 
places and give the whole a flavor of antiquity. 
In this work of collaboration La Villemarque*'s 
principal assistants were his friends, two very 
expert Bretonists, the Abbe" Henry of Quim- 
perle" and the Abbe" Guguen of Nizon. They 
were the real authors of the Barzaz-Breir, 
without their help La Villemarque" could have 
done nothing. 

But one opinion is held to-day concerning 



the authenticity of the Barzaz-Breiz: part of 
it is pure invention; part of it consists of songs 
contributed by poets, some of whom, inten- 
tionally or not, passed over on La Villemarqu6 
their own spurious compositions as genuine 
monuments of the popular poetry, and the 
whole was then worked up by the professed 
author with the assistance of his editors. 
Then, there is the question, How far, if at 
all, was Villemarqu culpable? Admittedly he 
had ascribed to the poems an antiquity and 
an historical interest to which they had no 
right. However, there is every reason to be- 
lieve that, at the time of the preparation and 
publication of the work, this was his sincere 
belief and that he acted in the best of faith. 
At any rate he is not to be classed with the 
impostor of the pretended poems of Ossian. 
La Villemarqu6's overpowering enthusiasm 
was Brittany. He revealed her poetry and 
legends to the world and rendered a distinct 
service to the cause of Breton letters. His 
great fault (or weakness) was that, during the 
long-drawn out controversy that raged over 
the authenticity of his work, he knew the 
truth, and he remained silent. 

The polemics over the genuineness of the 
Barzaz-Breiz led directly to the scientific study 
and publication of Breton folk-songs. In this 
field Francois-Marie Luzel (1821-95) was 
preeminent. While La Villemarque" purposed 
the production of a literary masterpiece that 
would redound to the glory of Brittany, Luzel 
looked upon traditional tales and ballads as 
historical documents, to be treated and pub- 
lished exactly as they were handed down in 
writing or by word of mouth. He was also a 
poet, in French as well as in Breton, and his 
collection of Breton poems, Beared Bfeizad 
(Ton jours Breton), won the praise of Sainte- 
Beuve. He was known as "the Wandering 
Jew of Brittany." For two-score years, with 
tireless perseverance, he traversed the fields 
and farms and seaports, in search of the lore 
of his people. The harvest yielded nearly a 



BRETON LITERATURE 



104 



dozen volumes of Contes Bretons (1870), 
Veillees Bretonnes (1879), Ltgendes Chre- 
tiennes de la Basse-Bretagne (1881), and Con- 
tes Populaires (1887), which he published 
with all their charm and also their flaws and 
imperfections. 

These songs fall into two classes, gwerziou 
(sing, gwerz; Latin versus') and soniou (sing. 
sone; Latin sonus'), 

Et les noircs gwerziou, rudes comme Thistoire, 
Et les blanches soniou, douces comme I'amour. 

(A. Lc Braz) 

And the black gwerziou, rough as history, 
And the white soniou, smooth as love. 

The gwerziou are the older and more tragic. 
Their subjects are taken from actual happen- 
ings, village scenes, tales of violence of all 
sorts, and they provide many dramatic situa- 
tions. For example, the gwerz of lannik 
Coquart (Luzel, Gwerziou, pp. 2,53, 259) 
was used almost scene for scene by Henri 
Bataille as the plot of his play, Ton Sang, 
precede de La Lepreuse, (Your Blood, pre- 
ceeded l>y the Leperess) which was produced 
with conspicuous success at the Comedie 
Parisienne in 1898. The soniou, on the other 
hand, are the lyric poetry of the race, and are 
more tender, less tragic and original, than the 
gwerziou. It is of these songs, some of which 
had already been published, though in a dif- 
ferent setting, by La Villemarque", that George 
Sand declared: "There are certain Breton 
complaintes, made by beggars, that are worth 
all Goethe and all Byron, in three couplets, 
and that prove that the appreciation of the 
true and the beautiful was more spontaneous 
and more complete in these simple souls than 
in those of the most illustrious poets." 

The chief literary wealth of Brittany is her 
store of tales, legends, and ballads, which far 
surpasses that of the popular compositions 
collected in the other provinces of France. In 
a class by itself is the masterpiece of the 



Vannetais dialect, the Abbe Joachim Guil- 
lome's Georgic, Livr el Labourer, (The 
Farmer's Book; 1849), inspired by Virgil, of 
some 2,400 verses, remarkable for the beauty 
of its style and the interest of its subject. 

One recalls the celebrated phrase of Arthur 
de la Borderie, the national historian of Brit- 
tany: "La Bretagne est une Poesie, une 
Poesie dans le present et dans le passe." And 
George Sand says: "A single province of 
France is the equal, in poetry, of what the 
genius of the greatest poets and the most 
poetic nations have ever produced: we ven- 
ture to say that it surpasses them." The senti- 
ment of the village churchyard pervades this 
poetry. Its dominant notes are sincerity, ten- 
derness, idealism, a strong religious feeling, 
and a tone of sadness; its subjects are the hard 
toil of the farmer, the dangers of the fisher- 
man's life, the beauty of nature, especially 
of the sea, a veritable cult of the past, and a 
burning love of the native land personified 
as En Him Goz (The Old Woman), just as 
the Irish figured their island as An tsean- 
bhean bhocht. (The Poor Old Woman). 

It would be impossible in this space to men- 
tion all the shining lights in the history of 
Breton literature. The following, however, of 
the last hundred years in chronological order 
and with the titles of their representative 
works, may be added to the names already 
given: Auguste Brizeux (1803-), Kanaouen- 
nou (Songs), Telen Arvor (Harp of Ar- 
morica), Furnez Breiz (The Wisdom of 
Brittany^), best known for his poem in French, 
"Marie."; Prosper Proux (1812-), Bombard 
Kerne (The Hautboy of Cornouaille)', Nar- 
cisse Quellien (1848-), whose Annaik is 
regarded as one of the most perfect models of 
Breton love; Charles Gwennou (1851-), poet, 
playwright, author of Nozveziou Breiz 
(Breton Night Tales')-, Anatole Le Braz 
(1859-), scholar, poet, novelist, indefatigable 
collector of Breton legends; Yves Berthou 
(1861-), author of Dihun Breiz (.The 



BULGARIAN LITERATURE 



Awakening of Brittany'), leader in the Breton 
regionalist movement; Charles Le Goflic 
(1863-), poet in French and Breton, best 
known for his "Ame Bretonne"; Claude Le 
Prat (1875-), poet, author of comedies, tales, 
and legends; Loei'z Herrieu (1879-), poet 
and playwright; Francois Jaffrennou (1879-), 
author of An Delen Dir (The Harp of Steel'), 
poet, playwright, composer of Bro Goz ma 
Zadou (OW Land of my Fathers'), adopted 
as the national hymn of Armorican Brittany. 



H, Zimmer, "Die keltische Bewcgung in der Bre- 
tagnc," Preus. Jahrb., 99, 454 f.; L. C. Stern, Die 
Kultur der Gegenwart, I, xi, i, p. I32f.; J. Loth, 
Chrestomathie Bretonne (Paris), 1890; G. Dottin, 
Revue de Synthese Hhtonque, V11I, p. 93 f.; "Les 
Literatures Celtiques," p. 391. (Paris), 1924; A. Le 
Braz, La Plume, VI, ySf.; "Le Theatre Celtique" 
(Paris), 1904; Bleuniou Breiz, Poesies anciennes et 
modernes de la Basse-Bretagne (Paris and Quim- 
perle), 1862 and 1904; Le Mercier d'Erm, Les Bar- 
des et Poetes Nationaux de la Bretagne Armoricaine 
(Paris and Rennes), 1918. 

JOSEPH DUNN. 



BREZONEC-See Breton. 



BUDDHIST-See Indian. 



BULGARIAN 



THERE ARE NO literary remains of the ancient 
Turko-Bulgarian language, which seems to 
have been the tongue of the people when 
they first entered the Balkans in the 6th c. 
Before the Christianizing of the people, 
Greek was apparently the only written lan- 
guage, as is shown by the inscription of the 
Bulgarian king at Madara and on the column 
of Omortag in Tirnovo. It is poor Greek at 
that. 

There is still dispute as to the precise racial 
origin of Saints Cyril and Methodius in the 
9th c. They were undoubtedly born near 
Salonika and educated at Constantinople, al- 
though they did their chief missionary work 
in Moravia. It was apparently for this mission 
that they created a special alphabet, which is 
usually supposed to be the Glagolitic, based 
on the Greek minuscule of the day; and into 
this Old Church Slavonic (also called Old 
Bulgarian) they translated parts of The New 
Testament and the service books of the Byzan- 
tine rite. 

When Methodius died in 885, Boris, the 



first Christian ruler of Bulgaria, invited his 
two most prominent disciples, Saint Clement 
(d. 916) and Saint Naum (d. 910) to Bul- 
garia and aided them in opening schools for 
theological instruction. Saint Clement at 
Ohrid in the west prepared sermons for all 
the feasts of the year and Saint Naum in a 
similar school at Preslav and later at the 
monastery now called by his name on Lake 
Ohrid also worked to make theological ma- 
terial available for the Bulgarians in their own 
form of Church Slavonic. 

Tsar Simeon (893-927) zealously sup- 
ported the movement, but by the 1 1 th c. the 
Glagolitic alphabet was entirely displaced by 
the Cyrillic, based on the Greek uncial let- 
ters. Simeon's reign was one of marked lit- 
erary activity, but almost entirely in the 
theological field. Thus the Presbyter loan, the 
Bulgarian Exarch, prepared a Book of Heaven 
based upon the writings of St. John 
Damascene and also a Shestodnev, a collec- 
tion of writings based upon the Greek fathers. 
Bishop Konstantin in 906 prepared a transla- 



BULGARIAN LITERATURE 



106 



lion of four works of St. Athanasius against 
the Arians, Tsar Simeon arranged for the 
translation of many of the writings of St. 
John Chrysostom; translations of the New 
Testament and a considerable portion of the 
Old were made, and of all the books needed 
for the services of the church. At the same 
time on the Byzantine model there was made 
a translation of the Chronicle of John Malalas 
and in Byzantine style the monks began to 
prepare biographies of Bulgarian saints. Simi- 
larly we find traces of the translation of 
Byzantine hymns and sacred songs into the 
Church Slavonic. 

By the nth c. this active output of litera- 
ture had slackened and the higher clergy, 
who had been the bearers of enlightenment 
and of literary productivity, tended toward 
other fields or to a more rigid asceticism. Lit- 
erary production dropped even lower after the 
defeat and death of the Tsar Samuel at the 
hands of the Byzantine Emperor Basil Bul- 
garoktonos in 1018. 

At the same time the country was plagued 
by the growth of Bogomilism, a Manichean 
religion preached by the Monk Jeremiah or 
Bogomil. We are told by the opponent of this 
movement, the Monk Kosma, in the nth c., 
that the Bogomils had many books; but none 
have been preserved. They seem, however, 
to have influenced many of the apocryphal 
writings that have been preserved in Middle 
Bulgarian. Among other critics of the move- 
ment was Ilarion, bishop of Megla. 

With the foundation of the Second Bul- 
garian Empire at Tirnovo in 1 186, there came, 
under the Asen rulers, a new flowering of 
Bulgarian literature, which reached its height 
during the reign of Ivan Aleksander (1331- 
75). Of the writers of his day the Patriarch 
Evtymy, who died in prison after the Turkish 
conquest, was the outstanding author, with 
his biographies of the saints and his work in 
revising the Bulgarian Church books. 
- With the collapse of the Bulgarian Empire 



and its absorption into the Ottoman lands, 
the cultural level of Bulgaria, as of the other 
Balkan countries, fell rapidly. There was lit- 
tle or no opportunity for education. The in- 
fluence of Greek and of the Patriarch of Con- 
stantinople increased, so that it almost seemed 
in the i8th c. as if Greek would completely 
displace the other Balkan languages. During 
all this time the chief literary productions 
were collections, largely modifications of the 
writings known under the name of Damaskin 
the Studite; but they included all kinds of 
apocryphal legends, many of Bogomil origin, 
and also the chief legends of mediaeval 
Europe, stories based on Troy and Alexander 
the Great, together with memories of the past 
greatness of Bulgaria. 

At the same time there was a striking de- 
velopment of folksongs. In the western part 
of the country these were largely epic, con- 
nected with Marko of Prilep, the same theme 
that formed one of the Serb epic cycles. 
These songs did not receive as elaborate de- 
velopment as among the Serbs, but they re- 
tained greater connection with the historical 
events that they purport to recount. They 
are less poetical and in general more sober and 
realistic. In the east, lyric songs predominated. 

It was in such a condition, where traces 
of the popular language were slowly making 
their way into the written forms of Church 
Slavonic, that modern literature took its rise 
in the History of the Slavonic Bulgarians by 
Father Paisi Hilendarski, in 1762. Father 
Paisi was a Bulgarian monk who wrote to 
remind his people of their great past. The 
work is distinctly critical of both the Serbs 
and the Greeks; Paisi contrasts with their 
defects the virtues of his own people, thus in- 
spiriting a national resurgence. 

We know very little of the life of Father 
Paisi; there is even no record of his lay 
name; but he was apparently born ca. 1722, 
When he was about forty he was a monk in 
the monastery of Hilendar on Mount Athos. 



107 



BULGARIAN LITERATURE 



Sent on a trip to Karlovtsi, he had the op- 
portunity to see Russian translations of the 
History of the Slavs by Maurus Orbini, which 
served as one of his chief sources. He ap- 
parently traveled around Bulgaria, reading 
portions of his work and allowing it to be 
copied. 

Unlike the previous authors and historians, 
who had also all been monks, Father Paisi 
emphasized the lay character of history and 
placed more weight on national and patriotic 
motives than on religious miracles and motifs. 
I le demanded the use of the native language; 
he appealed to the national pride of his 
people, to resume that place which they had 
once had in history. 

The History of Paisi appeared at a critical 
time, when the Balkans were waking to the 
influence of Western Europe and of modern 
ideas. He was quickly followed by a long 
series of monks who worked seriously for the 
education of their fellows, as Sofrony 
Vrachanski (1739-1813?), Neofit Rilski 
(1793-1881), Neofit Bozveli (1780-1848). 
Soon the first of the laymen appears, in the 
person of Dr. Peter Bcron (1797-1871). 
These men wrote for the people; they gradu- 
ally shook off the Church Slavonic idiom and 
replaced it with the modern Bulgarian speech. 
Much that they did belongs in the field of 
education or of political writing, but they set 
the pace for the first half century and they 
were succeeded by more literary men: Georgi 
Sava Rakovski (1821-67), Lyuben Karavelov 
(183779), Vasil Drumev (1841-1901). Rus- 
sian thought influenced the period; almost 
all had some connection with the revolu- 
tionary committees in Bucharest or elsewhere 
outside the Ottoman Empire. 

To this group belongs Petko Rachev Slavey- 
kov (1827-95), the first outstanding poet of 
Bulgaria. Considerably influenced by Russian 
literature, Slaveykov worked unceasingly as a 
publicist and teacher for his people. Yet he 
had a real, if limited, lyric sense and he was 



the first of the Bulgarian authors to achieve 
a poetic individuality. 

The outstanding figure before the Bul- 
garian liberation was Khristo Botev* (1848- 
76). Fie lived a stormy life, wandering un- 
ceasingly in Bulgaria, Rumania, and Russia, 
and he became intimate with many of the 
Russian revolutionists before his ill-fated 
death. He left only 22 poems, but many of 
them rank among the Bulgarian masterpieces 
in their love of country and in their limitless 
passion for human and national freedom. 

Botev died on the very eve of Bulgarian 
liberation. Once the country was free, there 
began a new period in its literature. The 
authors felt themselves no longer bound to 
spend most of their time in the formation of 
revolutionary societies and in wandering from 
one country to another to find support for 
their suffering countrymen. A new wave of 
hope spread over the land and a higher form 
of literary culture came to prevail. 

The outstanding example of this new mood 
was Ivan Vazov* (1850-1921), the most 
versatile of all the Bulgarian authors. During 
his long and active career, he worked success- 
fully in prose, poetry,- comedy, tragedy, his- 
torical drama; and he trained an entire gen- 
eration of younger authors. Also interested in 
describing the village life and the character 
of the Bulgarian people were Konstantin 
Velichkov (1855-1907); Todor Genchov 
Vlaykov (b. 1865); Georgi P. Stamatov 
(b. 1869); Anton Strashimirov (b. 1872); 
the bitter satirist Stoyan Mikhailovski (1856- 
1927); Aleko Konstantinov (1863-97), w * tn 
his shrewd and humorous Bay-Ganyu, a clever 
and understanding picture of the Bulgarian 
peasant. 

The increasing optimism and cultural op- 
portunities of the new state led the next gen- 
eration to seek for closer literary contacts with 
the literature of western Europe, and the imi- 
tation of the newer poetry. The trend was 
started by Pencho Slaveykov (1866-1912), 



BULGARIAN LITERATURE 



1 08 



the son of the older author Petko Rachev 
Slavcykov. He spent nearly sixteen years in 
Germany, read Goethe, Heine, Nietzsche; but 
at the same time he wrote his best works on 
Bulgarian subjects as the Korvava Pern (The 
Song of Blood, 1911-13) in which he de- 
scribed the Bulgarian revolts of 1876. In the 
same general school were Peyo Kracholov 
Yavorov (1876-1914), an unhappy character 
who constantly aimed to present the con- 
flicts in the human soul, and the more literary 
Petko Yu. Todorov (1879-1916), who at 
times introduced foreign motifs not too con- 
sonant with the Bulgarian national character. 
In prose of this period, the outstanding author 
was Elin-Pelin (Dimitar Ivanov, b. 1876), 
whose stories of village life have won recogni- 
tion abroad. 

1912 marked a turning point in the modern 
Bulgarian temperament. It opened with high 
hopes, with the Balkan Alliance in the first 
Balkan War; but the Second Balkan War in 
1913 which cost Bulgaria Macedonia and the 
Dobrudja, and World War I, in which Bul- 
garia was allied with the Central Powers, 
were followed by further disturbances, which 
broke Bulgarian self-confidence and created 
a mood of depression. Many turned toward 
mysticism; others, to a renewed admiration of 
ancient Bulgarian history. Dimcho Debelya- 
nov (1887-1916) was the outstanding poet 
of this period. He left only about 30 poems, 
but in their deep analysis of the author's 
feelings, they brought him lasting fame. 
There was a literary revival of Bogomilism, 
as in the Bogomilski Legendi, in 1912, of 
Nikolay Raynov (b. 1888), a professor of the 
history of art. Ivan Grozev (b. 1872) reflects 
the same tendencies. Todor Trayanov 
(b. 1882) is the recognized leader of the 
Bulgarian symbolists, with his Bulgarski 
Baladi (1921; Bulgarian Ballads'). Nikolay 
Liliyev (b. 1885) has produced harmonious 
poetry. 

In prose Bulgarian literature both before 



and after the liberation has in its major works 
confined its attention to the village; these 
writings far excel in quality and truth those 
works that have to do with the cities of Sofia 
and Plovdiv. First place is taken by Jordan 
lovkov (1884-1938), with his stories of life 
in his native Dobrudja; also his Legends of 
the Staroplamna rank among the leading 
works of modern Bulgarian literature. Dobri 
Nemirov (b. 1882) also wrote an excellent 
novel Bratya (The Brothers, 1927) on the 
period just before the liberation of the coun- 
try, of his Bulgarian historical novels An- 
geloglasniyat (The Angel-voiced Singer, 
1938) gives an excellent description, with a 
strong patriotic tinge, of the Byzantine court 
of the time of the Komncni, with all their 
dignity and vice. The Prosti Dtishi (Simple 
Souls, 1938) of Konstantin Mutafov presents 
humorous and yet understanding pictures of 
the Bulgarian village under changing modern 
conditions. 

There is also a flourishing children's lit- 
erature, to which many of the better writers, 
as Angel Karaliychev, have turned in recent 
years. 

An exception to the gencial subjects of 
Bulgarian literature is seen in the Blenove kray 
Akropola (Visions on the Acropolis, 1938) 
of Dimitar Shishmanov (18891945), for 
a while Bulgarian Minister in Athens. It is a 
delightfully and irreverently reverent picture 
of the Athens of the Acropolis and also of 
the cafes and the alleys; but beneath glows 
a keen understanding of the permanent reali- 
ties of art and of civilization. It is one of 
the few works to rise above a narrow nation- 
alism and to comprehend in fictional form a 
culture other than that of Bulgaria. 

In poetry Elizavieta Bagryana, although 
not a prolific writer, is undoubtedly the lead- 
ing poetess of the day, but Dora Gabe and 
some of the other women writers are doing 
better work than most of the men. This is 
an interesting phenomenon, when we realize 



109 



BY2ANTINE LITERATURE 



that oriental customs still retain considerable 
force in Bulgarian social life. 

On the eve of World War II, in which 
Bulgaria, thirsting for revenge, again cast her 
lot with the Axis, there was an active school 
of literary criticism with several new reviews, 
as the hkustvo i kriiika (Art and Criticism) 
edited by Georgy Tsanov, which were rival- 
ling the old Zlatorog. The wisest critics, as 
lordan Badcv of the newspaper "Zora, deplored 
the attempt to judge literature only by its 
social message and not to seek in it for other 
and higher qualities. 

The destruction of much of central Sofia 
will undoubtedly have an important effect 
upon the writers concentrated in the area. 



Here were their coffee houses and their book- 
shops. It undoubtedly brought home to them 
the meaning of the war, in a manner that was 
not learned in 1918; but there is too little in- 
formation available to estimate the effect of 
this war upon Bulgarian thought and litera- 
ture. A curious historical chauvinism pre- 
vailed among the educated class after 1918; 
how this will hold, and how the attitude 
toward Russia-USSR that followed the last 
war will develop, no one can predict. 

D. Shishmanov, A Survey of Bulgarian Literature, 
1932; Boyan Penev, Istoriya na novata Bulgarska 
literature (History of Modern Bulgarian Literature^), 
1930-1936. See Yugoslav. 

CLARENCE A. MANNING. 



BULU-See African. 



BYZANTINE 



BYZANTINE LITERATURE has been the pre- 
server of the ancient Greek masterpieces to 
the modern world, mother of the Slavic, the 
Coptic, the Georgian, the Armenian, the 
Syriac literature, and, through the last, of 
Arabic science and philosophy, making 
through this again and through its own son, 
John Damascene, no mean contribution to the 
culture of medieval western Europe. As un- 
derstood in this article, it comprises that writ- 
ten in Greek from the edict of Milan (313) 
to the capture of Constantinople (1453). It 
begins with the acceptance of Christianity by 
the Roman Empire. Thenceforward, only 
Christian literature voiced the vital philoso- 
phy and hopes of the Mediterranean world. 
Inspired by the religion that had forced its 
way from cave and catacomb to the summit 
of power, Byzantine Literature opened in 



glory. The first period from Athanasius (295- 
373) to Photius (820-97) can challenge any; 
it attained supremacy in theology, pulpit ora- 
tory, and the hymn, produced a fine poet and 
a distinguished succession of historians. Most 
remarkable of all, it witnessed the spectacle 
of a whole populace capable of interesting 
itself keenly in the ultimate abstractions of 
metaphysics. This intellectual development, 
the heritage of antiquity, was kindled by 
ardor for the faith into resplendent theology 
and oratory. These two genres, together with 
the hymn, expressed perfectly the intimate 
heart and soul of the age; they succeeded in 
harmonizing the deep-seated conflict in its 
complex psychology. 

The new era sprang from a curious alliance. 
On the one hand, it culminated a growth be- 
gun deep in paganism. To the Renaissance 



BYZANTINE LITERATURE 



no 



of the ist c. it owed the elements indispensa 
ble to its life, the logical astuteness of the 
popular mentality, and the favor universally 
enjoyed by oratory. The impulse to the 
Renaissance ("Second Sophistic" is an anach- 
ronistic misnomer) had stirred in men 
whom the vision of the radiant beauty of the 
Periclean past made poignantly sensitive to 
the unworthiness of their present. They re- 
solved to restore Greek letters to splendor and 
to inspire all with an emulation of antiquity. 
They launched a crusade of education. The 
support of the government was enlisted and 
schools sprang up everywhere. The method 
of teaching was reformed. In the Hellenistic 
period, the compositions placed as models be- 
fore the pupil were administrative documents 
and the letters of high officials. These the 
masterpieces of the golden age superseded. 
Though no original research was undertaken, 
the sciences were gathered into handy com- 
pendia, philosophy and history, particularly, 
recast to appeal to the ordinary reader. Not 
content to stay within the four walls of a 
classroom, the apostles of the Renaissance car- 
ried their message to the public. They gave 
oratory its vogue; they, too, originated a genre 
that proved immensely popular, the dramatic 
display. In this, some instructive topic from 
either history or philosophy was made the 
subject of a debate by a single individual 
representing both sides. Thus, for instance, it 
was Athenian law that the panegyric over 
those slain in battle should be delivered by 
the father of the bravest victim. The speaker 
would impersonate in succession the parents 
of two heroes of Marathon pleading the cause 
of their sons. The applause awarded his per- 
formance depended on the skill and fidelity 
to life with which he portrayed the fictitious 
characters and acted out the parts, on the 
merits of his arguments, and on his elocution. 
By such adroit methods the whole tone of 
society was in the course of centuries elevated. 
The audience was receiving a liberal educa- 



tion in philosophy and history while being at 
the same time entertained; its wits were 
sharpened to follow and appraise a close train 
of reasoning; its sense of style, the classic 
feeling for harmony and design and delight in 
fine, musical prose were reawakened. Above 
all, the image of the matchless past was 
held steadily before its eyes, and became the 
accepted standard for writer and reader alike. 
As a necessary preliminary to the program, 
the literary language, until then the Attic 
Koine, was reformed. This was not, as is com- 
monly imagined, the speech of the people, but 
a conventional diction (as is every book 
idiom) legislated by the Hellenistic mon- 
archies. It had already in the 3d c. B.C. begun 
to diverge notably from the vernacular. Its 
syntax was now modernized and its vo- 
cabulary purged of foreign words. This 
whole movement, due primarily to the acci- 
dent that it did not penetrate deeply until 
after 100 A.D., had at first no effect whatever 
on Christian literature. The New Testament, 
completed too early to feel its impact, simply 
developed in the stylistic tradition of the pre- 
vious epoch. To this the Apostolic Fathers and 
the Apologists clung tenaciously, although the 
progress of the classical revival rendered it 
definitely antiquated in the 2d c. Their con- 
servatism appears in their preservation of the 
Koine, in their preference for genres with no 
inner design, and in their recourse to Philo 
and Josephus for models of polemic and for 
philosophy. The inspired writings represent 
the natural and spontaneous evolution of the 
Jewish Hellenistic age; the later works, its 
reactionary prolongation. 

Byzantine Literature always showed the 
traces of this dual origin. It is of capital im- 
portance for its entire history that it derived 
from two completely independent, widely dis- 
parate, and long established trends, the re- 
vived classic and the Jewish Hellenistic. The 
Patristic age achieved greatness precisely be- 
cause it succeeded in combining adroitly the 



BYZANTINE LITERATURE 



best elements of both tendencies. The isola- 
tionism of Christian literature was brought to a 
stop by Clement of Alexandria* and Origen,* 
who in the 3d c. pressed Platonism into the 
service of the faith. Their work led directly to 
the brilliant development of theology and ex- 
egesis that inaugurated Byzantine Literature. 
The theology concerned itself at first with the 
fundamental mysteries of the Trinity and 
Incarnation. By a happy application to the 
teachings of the Gospel of the philosophical 
concepts inherited from paganism, it unfolds 
the dogmatic content of the primitive revela- 
tion. The outstanding personalities were, in 
the 4th c., Athanasius,* patriarch of Alexan- 
dria, the champion of orthodoxy through fifty 
years of hardship and persecution, and the 
three Cappadocians, Basil of Caesarea,* his 
younger brother Gregory of Nyssa,* and his 
close friend Gregory Nazianzen,* the most in- 
fluential in aftertime; in the 5th, Cyril,* patri- 
arch of Alexandria, in the 6th, Leontius* of 
Byzantium, who introduced Aristotelianism; 
in the yth, Maximus,* called "Confessor" 
for his sufferings in behalf of the truth; in 
the 8th, John Damascene,* who summed up 
the whole development in the first system- 
atization of theology, Wellspring of Wisdom. 
After 450, interest turned to mysticism with 
two writers of note, the pseudo-Dionysius* the 
Areopagite (6th c.), and Maximus Confessor, 
the real founder of the science. As thinkers, 
all these men subscribed to the alliance of 
pagan philosophy with Christian dogma. But 
as writers, the Alexandrians, Athanasius and 
Cyril, adhered to the Hellenestic style of ran- 
dom discourse, going whither emotion or the 
association of ideas led, Cyril particularly 
never saying in one word what he can say in 
fifty. The Cappadocians, with their disci- 
plined arrangement and classic unity, present 
a striking contrast. In biblical exegesis the 
school of Alexandria evinces the same con- 
servatism; walking in the footsteps of the 
early Church and Philo, it espoused the alle- 



gorical interpretation (Cyril's bulky works 
give us a specimen of the method). The 
school of Antioch, however, in keeping with 
the system of expounding the classical texts 
then in vogue, took the scientific, the histori- 
cal and lexicographical, approach. It produced 
the ranking figure in exegesis, Theodoret* of 
Cyrus (393-460), and had another remark- 
able representative in John Chrysostom.* 

These accomplishments, however, lay pri- 
marily in the domain of thought rather than 
of belles lettres; it was the orator and the 
hymn writer that united the two basic trends 
into an artistic creation. Oratory, continuing 
its lofty role as educator of the public, brought 
to the masses the theology and exegesis of the 
masters. To follow the subtleties of these sub- 
jects exacted an amazing degree of intellectual 
preparation, and the keen audience was the 
Renaissance's best gift to the 4th c. Amid the 
host of preachers (we have a sheaf of sermons 
from almost every name) Gregory Nazianzen 
and John Chrysostom excelled, each in a dis- 
tinctive type. Chrysostom, active first at Anti- 
och and later patriarch of Constantinople, 
generally accounted one of the world's great 
orators, won his pre-eminence in the homily. 
This was part of the exclusively Christian 
heritage, a composition of the loose, impro- 
vised sort with neither introduction nor con- 
clusion, a running commentary on a section 
of scripture accompanied by a moral exhorta- 
tion. He delivered this with fiery sincerity, yet 
with all the art and artifices accumulated in 
the experience of pagan antiquity. Gregory, 
on the other hand, took the highly organized 
encomium or advocate's plea and turned it to 
the panegyric of a saint or the defense of 
religion. Romanus (490-560), peerless as a 
composer of hymns, achieved a strikingly dif- 
ferent reconciliation of the pagan and the 
Christian element. From the liturgy, for 
which, of course, his masterpieces were in- 
tended, he received the principle of his verse, 
stress and not length of syllable; his language, 



BYZANTINE LITERATURE 



the biblical Koine; and his subjects. But the 
purity of his diction, the regularity of his 
meters, his sense of structure, the perfection 
of unity in his tone, atmosphere, and plot, his 
skill in rhetorical figures and sound effects- 
all this is unalloyed classicism. But above and 
beyond any technical excellence, Romanus is 
a poet. He etches the sublime scenes of Holy 
Writ in vivid drama, with delicate tenderness, 
with intense love and devotion, with a direct- 
ness and nobility reminiscent of Homer. He, 
as no other, makes one feel the God before 
ages in the lowly homes of men. 

Such a free transfer of style from one genre 
to another went contrary to the classical rule 
that the type had to be maintained true to its 
origin, that, for instance, the choral ode in 
an Attic drama must be in the Doric dialect. 
This canon, however, had been disregarded 
from the inception of the Renaissance. Never 
theless, it had by no means been forgotten; 
the heroic verse of the 6th c. A.D. is still in the 
language and manner, if not the genius, of 
Homer. It is not too surprising, then, to find 
many of the traditional categories cultivated 
without the slightest effort to modify them. 
On the one hand, the romance and the 
mythological epic, even from the pen of Chris- 
tians, remained as gross and idolatrous as 
ever, while secular history gave no more at- 
tention to religion than Thucydides to his 
gods. (Cf. Greek Literature.) On the other 
hand, the chronicle, ecclesiastical history, and 
hagiography persevered in the literary conven- 
tions of the early Church in which they had 
originated. The chronicle is the acme of struc- 
tureless composition, a world history in al- 
manac form, itemizing unconnected events 
year by year; it may enter under the same 
head a signal victory, a disastrous earthquake, 
and the tour of an uncannily trained dog 
around the Empire. Its language retains the 
syntax of the old-fashioned Koine, and, to 
emphasize the contrast with the classicist lit- 
erature, its vocabulary has an unduly large 



foreign element, particularly Latinisms. It 
gives religious as well as secular history. The 
prominent chroniclers were Eusebius; John 
Malalas, most likely identical with John 
Scholasticus, the patriarch of Constantinople 
(d. 577); and Thcophanes Confessor, who 
died in 817 a martyr in the Iconoclastic con- 
troversy. These were all well-educated men, 
and the style of their work is every whit as 
much a convention as the most polished ora- 
tion of Gregory Nazianzen. 

While the chronicle resisted the classicist 
tendency to the end, church history and 
hagiography both succumbed to it. The Ec- 
clesiastical History of Eusebius* (263-339), 
"Father of Church History," bears the evident 
stamp of its origin from the chronicle. An in- 
valuable collection of documents, it scarcely 
attempts a coherent narrative; thoroughly 
Christian in spirit, it is in diction and method 
a throwback to the Hellenistic age. With the 
addition of material from secular history and 
hagiography it was continued by Socrates 
(380-439), who was rewritten by his con- 
temporary Sozornen with a view to better 
organization the first essay at classicizing the 
genre. Taking up the story where they left 
off, Evagrius Scholasticus (536-612) goes 
down to 593, while he tries to keep the best 
features of his predecessors, documentation, 
attention to secular history, and hagiography, 
he writes an orderly developed account in the 
classicist fashion. 

Hagiography followed a similar path. For 
the medieval Byzantine, the saint was the 
hero, the ideal, the celebrity, and hagiography 
in its various manifestations running the 
gamut from almost pure history to undis- 
guised fiction was his epic, his spiritual read- 
ing, his romance, his sensational novel. Val- 
uable a source as it often is, particularly for 
its glimpses of the social life of the time, it 
could never be cold fact even in the other- 
wise sober pages of a Socrates or a Sozomen; 
it had to have the marvelous and astounding. 



BYZANTINE LITERATURE 



Successor to the early apocryphal acts of the 
apostles and to the even earlier pagan Hel- 
lenistic tale of the wonder-worker, its first 
monument is the life of Anthony, the Egyp- 
tian hermit, by Athanasius. This is substan- 
tially historical but its aim is not biography 
but edification; it depicts the ideal monk. 
Numerous collections of saints' lives were 
made, the most notable being Palladius' 
Lamiac History (ca. 420) and John Moschus' 
(d. 619) Meadow, a variegated and delight- 
ful scries of anecdotes connected with maxims 
and biographical sketches. Hagiography rose to 
a new height during and after the Iconoclas- 
tic persecution. These lives provide us with 
excellent information about the controversy. 
Their style is purely classicist. 

Ultimately, too, all Byzantine poetry, 
liturgical and nonliturgical, became classicist. 
Only one great hymn appeared after Ro- 
manus, the anonymous Acathistus (i.e., 'not 
seated/ because the congregation stands dur- 
ing its rendition), a sort of Te Demn in honor 
of the Virgin Mother. Previous to John 
Damascene liturgical poetry was based on 
stress but he introduced quantity for some of 
his hymns. As for secular verse, the only sort 
ever cultivated by the Byzantines with any 
success was the epigram, in which Theodore 
Studites* (759-826), to mention one among 
many, displayed high originality, genuine 
sentiment, and a fine power of observation. 
George* of Pisidia (fl. 610-41), acknowl- 
edged the finest of medieval Greek poets, also 
a clever epigrammatist, has bequeathed a 
fair volume of verse, of which his didactic 
Creation and his Lines on Human Life have 
been most admired. The sole writer with the 
courage and independence to attempt the in- 
troduction of the popular stress meters into 
literature was Gregory Nazianzen. From him 
we have excellent versified autobiography, 
supposed by some to have suggested St. 
Augustine's Confessions. 

Unfortunately, however, for this all-con- 



quering classicism, the close sympathetic 
union between author and audience, without 
which the period's greatness could never have 
been, broke off after the 5th c. Literature 
retired to the Court and the cloister. Symp- 
tomatic of the change was the shift of the- 
ology from the fundamental truths, in which 
all were interested, to mysticism, with which 
only the monk was concerned. Likewise, 
from the reign of Justinian (527-65), history 
was no longer written for the general reader 
but for the emperor, the grandee, and the 
pedant. After Heraclius (610-41) court 
patronage ceased for what reason no one 
knows. For two hundred years all activity 
was confined to monasteries, and the vast 
productivity of the previous centuries dwin- 
dled to the chronicle, the life of the saint, 
the hymn, and theology. Becoming esoteric, 
literature simultaneously became heavy with 
learning and extremely artificial. It developed 
an extraordinary flare for technique, a trait 
already prominent in the Justinian epoch. 
The last secular historian, Theophylactus 
Simocatta (d. 632,), in his account of the 
emperor Maurice (582-602) must have fig- 
ures of speech everywhere. Each sentence is 
practically a conundrum. Some of John 
Damascene's hymns have a complicated inter- 
locking of stress and quantity; the stanza 
makes an acrostic neither tour de force con- 
tributing to ease or intelligibility. Despite 
these tortured excesses, this substitution of 
ingenuity for genius, of scholarship for in- 
spiration, a decay inevitably associated with 
a closet literature, the old spirit of classicism 
still had sufficient vitality to confer immense 
benefits. Judged merely as historian, Evagrius 
improves considerably on Eusebius. Theophy- 
lactus' sober, coherent, reliable narrative, for 
all its fantastic manner, so far excels that of 
the Arab Tabari or the Armenian Sebeos or 
the uncouth western chronicles as to be in a 
class by itself. Byzantine literature has suf- 
fered immeasurably from comparison with the 



BYZANTINE LITERATURE 



114 



classic; but it does have the distinction of 
being the only medieval literature that even 
suggests the comparison. 

Towards the middle of the 9th c., imperial 
patronage was renewed by Caesar Bardas, the 
towering figure of Photius emerged at the 
propitious moment, and the later period of 
Byzantine Literature began (850-1453). This 
second Renaissance differed from the first in 
essence, in spirit and aim. It had no interest 
whatever in the public and no missionary 
zeal for raising the general level of culture. 
It was for prince and scholar only, predomi- 
nantly the latter. This erudite character was 
impressed upon it by the peculiar genius of 
its inspirer, Photius* (82.0-97), eminent man 
of affairs, of immense learning, whose per- 
sonality and outlook forever after dominated 
Byzantine Literature. He is himself the phe- 
nomenon most distinctive of the later period 
and unparalleled in the previous epoch, the 
universalist, the master of every field of 
human knowledge, essayist in theology, 
exegesis, natural science, medicine, grammar, 
history, law. He had several successors, some 
perhaps of even more extraordinary attain- 
ments, among them Michael Psellus; Eusta- 
thius,* archbishop of Thessalonica (d. 1192), 
famous for his commentaries on Homer and 
Pindar; Maximus Planudes* (i3th c.) author 
of one of the two extant anthologies of an- 
cient poetry; Theodore Metochites, polyhistor 
and poet, councillor to Andronicus II Palae- 
ologus (1282-1328); and Nicephoras Gre- 
goras* (1295-1359), pupil of Theodore and 
another universal-knowledge man. 

Photius thus led his contemporaries back to 
antiquity in an antiquarian spirit and for an- 
tiquity's sake. He began with a busy collect- 
ing and copying of manuscripts to preserve 
what survived. To his impulse we owe most 
of what we have of the classics at the present 
day. To further the same end, he initiated a 
series of compendia, contributing himself a 
Dictionary and the Library, a comprehensive 



handbook of literature with biographies of 
authors, an often acute estimate of their value, 
and summaries of their works, about three 
hundred chapters in all. Constantine VII 
Porphyrogenitus,* Emperor (912-59), con- 
tinued with an encyclopedia of history and 
political science in the form of excerpts from 
previous writers arranged under various head- 
ings, e.g., embassies, virtues and vices, etc.; 
he also completed and revised the Basilica, a 
codification of law already started under his 
grandfather. From the same century we have 
the Palatine Anthology (cf. Greek Literature) 
of Constantine Ccphalas, the encyclopedia of 
hagiography of Symeon Metaphrastes, and 
the Dictionary of Suidas, actually a sort of 
abridged encyclopedia with brief alphabeti- 
cally arranged articles on philosophy, science, 
grammar, geography, etc., of inestimable 
worth for its literary items. 

Most of the energy of this time went into 
the task of conservation, though personal com- 
position, especially of history and chronicle, 
was not lacking. But the huge volume of in- 
dependent production that astounds us under 
the Comneni and the Palaeologi began only 
at the end of the i ith c. with that remarkable 
personage, Michael Psellus* (1018-78), poly- 
histor and prime minister, second only to 
Photius in his influence on Byzantine Litera- 
ture. He gave to the Empire its dying radi- 
ance, its last burst of glory before sinking 
beneath the horizon of history a brave pro- 
test against fate, pathetic in that it achieved 
only brilliance, never greatness. It could not 
shake off the fetters of Photius' scholarship, 
and a new factor had arisen that made such 
a move imperative the spoken tongue had 
changed to a form close to modern Greek, 
making the written as obsolete as Chaucer's 
English. But the idiom of prose was not af- 
fecteda result perfectly natural in view of 
the age-old convention of keeping the genre 
true to type. What had motivated the lin- 
guistic reforms of the First-Century Renais- 



BYZANTINE LITERATURE 



sance had been its ardor for popularization, 
but Michael Psellus, aristocrat, courtier, and 
timeserver, of consuming vanity and intense 
egotism, certainly never conceived any al- 
truistic interest in the multitude. Yet, he had 
undeniable originality and extraordinary in- 
tellectual powers; he has been compared with 
Albertus Magnus and Roger Bacon. He 
turned toward ancient Greece not merely for 
its own sake but to draw inspiration and a 
fresh viewpoint. He attained entire inde- 
pendence of the medieval tradition. lie for- 
sook the turgid style in vogue since Justinian, 
for an elegant, lucid diction. Breaking with 
the Eastern Church's Aristotelianism, he re- 
vived Plato and successfully defended him- 
self against the charge of heresy. He brought 
Byzantine Literature for the rest of its career 
into closer contact with pagan antiquity than 
it had ever before been. He was in a sense 
the first Humanist. 

The period of the Comneni and Palaeologi 
thus contrasted vividly with the earlier; its 
atmosphere was more classical, and conse- 
quently more modern, and it lacked the domi- 
nant religious accent. Theology, though not 
neglected, confined itself mainly to polemic, 
over universals (an interesting parallel to the 
West) and Psellus' Platonism, over reunion 
with Rome, and over Hesychasm, an odd sys- 
tem of contemplation practiced by the monks 
of Mt. Athos to catch a glimpse of the un- 
created light from the Transfiguration on Mt. 
Tabor. Real advance was made in mysticism, 
the Life in Christ of Nicholas Kavasilas 
(d. 1371) being one of the most remarkable 
essays in the subject. But there was little 
original pulpit oratory, exegesis, or hagiogra- 
phy, and but one insignificant church history. 
In the nonreligious field, on the other hand, 
no genre was slighted, and numerous types 
were revived that had slept for centuries, e.g., 
satire and romance. Lucian was a great 
favorite. Apart from the essayists and poly- 
histors previously mentioned, the most dis- 



tinguished work was in history. We have an 
almost continuous narrative from 813 to 1476, 
paralleled and supplemented by good chroni- 
cles (still, for the most part, in the biblical 
Koine) that fill the slight gaps. Many of the 
writers were members of the imperial family, 
e.g., Princess Anna Comnena, daughter of 
Alexius Comnenus, whose Alexiad recounts 
her father's reign (1081-1118); her husband 
Nicephoras Bryennius' family chronicle of the 
rise of the Comneni; and the self-complacent 
story of his own achievements by one of the 
Palaeologi, John VI Cantacuzcnus (1341- 
55). All the other historians were men of high 
political office who took an intimate part in 
the events they relate. As might be supposed, 
these narratives lack the cold detachment of 
the writers of the early centuries. They have, 
however, the advantage of colorful, if not al- 
ways attractive, personality. 

It was in its intense cultivation of verse, 
however, that the second period contrasted 
notably with the first. This interest naturally 
owed much to the example of antiquity, but 
it was due also in no small measure to the 
rise of a vernacular literature. Practically 
everything written in the popular speech was 
poetry. Its earliest monument, the folk saga 
Digenis Acritas, sings of the loves and ad- 
ventures of a warrior defending his faith and 
his country against the infidel, a popular 
crystallization of the unceasing struggles with 
the Saracen. The action takes place in the 
middle of the loth c. on the extreme south- 
eastern boundaries of the Empire. The reader 
who came to this epic in the expectation of 
another Iliad would have a sore disappoint- 
ment in store, but it has, for all that, some 
fine qualities, an idyllic enjoyment of patriar- 
chal life and sincere patriotism. In the 
Rhodian Love Songs of the i4th and i5th c. 
is found the finest creation of the vernacular, 
an authentic lyric note and a pastoral sim- 
plicity comparable to Theocritus. We have a 
not inconsiderable volume, mostly from the 



BYZANTINE LITERATURE 



116 



1 3th and later c., of didactic and historical 
verse, animal stories, romance, and a fairy 
tale of enchanted castle and distressed beauty 
and golden magic apple and all live happily 
ever after even the wicked king, who re- 
pents! 

Almost without exception, this vernacular 
literature observes the ancient convention of 
keeping the genre true to its origin. From the 
nth c. onward, a lively effort was made to 
promote a literature in the vulgar tongue. 
Even authors of the aristocratic circles pub- 
lished in it: the Spaneas (1142) of Alexius, 
son of the emperor John Comnenus, a thor- 
oughly Byzantine Polonius to his Laertes; the 
petition (1159) of Michael Glycas to be re- 
leased from prison; and Theodore Prodromus' 
three begging effusions, a new and unpleasant 
species, an abject appeal for succor. Such com- 
positions readily lent themselves to the every- 
day speech, because it was what the poor 
countryman actually employed in his suit to 
his lord and what everybody used in the 
familiar intercourse of the home. Michael 
Glycas* (who was blinded, his petition hav- 
ing the unhappy effect of reminding Manuel 
Comnenus of his existence) represented a 
type not uncommon throughout the period, 
the educated man with an interest not only in 
antiquity but also in the folk and life about 
him. It is to people of his stamp, well read 
and schooled but not scholars, that we owe 
all the vernacular literature; they made up 
both its writers and its public. Their work, 
however, witnesses to the difficulty inherent 
in the creation of a dignified literary medium 
out of the materials of ordinary conversation; 
they had continually to supplement the 
poverty of the current vocabulary from the 
literary stock. Except in the hands of a genius, 
such a curious admixture, if transferred to the 
inherited classic types," would have issued 
only in bathos. It was tried once. John II, 
Despot of Epirus (1323-35), commissioned 
an otherwise unknown Hermoniacus to do 



Homer into the idiom of the day. The project 
was bold and well-intentioned, evincing an 
admirable interest in the spread of education, 
but the result, one is forced to admit, an 
atrocity. The rest realized their limitations 
and kept the vulgar tongue strictly within 
the limits of the age-old convention. This is 
why all the vernacular poetry is so naive in 
tone and unsophisticated in subject. 

In accordance with the same convention, 
the learned verse kept to its own sphere, but 
subject to large influence from the vulgar. 
This appears not only in its borrowing of the 
only new type, the begging poem, and in its 
parallel revival of the Hellenistic romance, 
but especially in its meters. It employs freely 
the popular "political verse" based on stress, 
not quantity. Of the vast output, the epigram 
leads in quality, John the Geometrician* 
(loth c.) and Christopher of Mitylene 
(nth c.) being especially successful. The 
reader can get a good idea of the extent and 
variety of the other material from an enumera- 
tion of the stuff turned out by the prolific 
Theodore Prodromus (i2th c.): a romance; a 
dramatic parody entitled War of the Cats and 
the Mice; Friendship Banished, a dialogue 
dealing with the advantages of friendship; 
Lament over the Neglect of Learning (mostly 
his own, by an inappreciative world); an 
astrological poem; To a Picture of Life; Verses 
on the Twelve Months, a sort of Shepherd's 
Calendar; innumerable occasional poems, 
mostly begging, on the successful military ex- 
peditions or marriages or births or deaths in 
the royal household; religious compositions on 
the feast of the Epiphany, all the saints in the 
calendar, the Fathers of the Church, Trinity, 
etc.; in addition to all this, epigrams and rid- 
dles. He has some witty satire, a bit 
Rabelaisian: To Machaon, an old man who 
married a very young woman; The Lewd Old 
Woman; The Bearded Oldster. 

A very characteristic manifestation of 
Byzantine genius common to both the earlier 



CANAANITE LITERATURE 



and the later period is epistolography, always 
in prose. The private correspondence of nearly 
all the authors mentioned above and of hun- 
dreds of others was collected and published 
after their death, was, in fact, written with 
just such an eventuality in view. It is of 
fascinating interest not only for the person- 
alities involved but for its vivid picture of 
the society and manners of the day. Thus, 
to choose an instance at random, we have the 
missives of Nicholas, a tenth-century patriarch 
of Constantinople, to the Arab Emir of 
Crete, to Symeon, Prince of Bulgaria, to the 
Pope, to Emperor Romanus I, to an Armenian 
baron, besides, of course, those to his friends, 
subordinates, etc. Again, the letter was the 
normal form for the political pamphlet, the 
scientific article, and for all legal enactments, 
which were usually couched as communica- 
tions addressed to an official. It could, more- 
over, be employed for a wide variety of com- 
positions, as by Athanasius, for example, for 
his biography of Anthony, his History of the 



Arians, and for many of his theological tracts. 
Epistolography is generally regarded as having 
reached its apogee in the fourth century. 
However, it remained a favorite literary type 
at all times and kept a high level. 

Over this whole brilliant civilization the 
Turkish conquest passed like the night. Its 
scholars wandered aliens in western Europe, 
its promising vernacular literature glowed 
faintly for a brief space and died. 

Otto Stahlin, Christliche Schriftsteller in Wilhelm 
von Christs Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur 
von Wilhelm Schmid u. Otto Stahlin, II, 2, (6cd. 
Munich 1924: Handbuch der Altertums-wissenschaft, 
VII); Karl Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzan- 
tinischen Litteratur (2 ed. with collaboration of A. 
Ehrhard and H. Gelzer, Munich, 1897: Handbuch 
der klassischen Altertums-wissenschaft, IX); Berthold 
Altaiier, Patrologie (Freiburg im Br., 1938); A. A. 
Vasilicv, History of the Byzantine Empire (Mad- 
ison), 192,9 (new and revised French ed., Paris, 
1932); J. M. Campbell, The Greek fathers (New 
York, 1929: Our Debt to Greece and Rome, 34). 
See Arabic. 

MARTIN J. HIGGINS. 



CADDO See North American Native. 
CADUVEO-See South American Indian. 
CAINGANG-See South American Indian. 
CALABAR-See African. 



CALIFORNIA INDIAN-See North Ameri- 
can Native. 

CAMEROONS-See African. 
CAMPECHE-See Mexican. 



CANAANITE 



IMMEDIATELY prior to a series of calamities 
that overtook it between the years 1250 and 
1000 B.C., the sphere of Canaanite culture 
comprised, if enclaves and exclaves are dis- 
regarded, the entire Syro-Palestinian coast to 
an average depth of about forty miles. The 
disasters of the last 250 years of the second 



millennium B.C. reduced it essentially to 
Phoenicia and some exclaves. During the first 
millennium B.C., the Phoenicians extended it 
again by founding numerous colonies over- 
seas; the most famous of these is Carthage. 
But the creative period of Canaanite literature 
lies before 1000 B.C. This is certainly true of 



CANAANITE LITERATURE 



118 



the Canaanite literature that has actually 
been recovered, and is probable for the best 
of the other Canaanite literature that there 
are good reasons for believing to have existed, 
some of which may yet be found. 

i. Extant Canaanite Literature. 

All the Canaanite belles-lettres of which a 
direct knowledge is possible were brought to 
light during the years 19291933 by the 
excavators of Ras esh-Shamra, the site of 
ancient Ugarit, on the Syrian coast opposite 
the northernmost point of Cyprus. Composed 
in a previously unknown dialect of Canaanite 
which we call Llgaritic, they are recorded in a 
previously unknown script, which we call the 
Ugaritic alphabet, upon clay tablets that the 
excavators found in and about the ruins of 
a sort of writing school and library. Some of 
these tablets are dated by colophons in the 
reign of a certain King Niqmadd; a state doc- 
ument proves that this Niqmadd was a 
vassal of the famous Hittite monarch Sup- 
piluliuma, who is known to have reigned 
from ca. 1380 to ca. 1340 B.C. and to have 
brought northern Syria under his sway 
ca. 1360 B.C. However, the literary works 
found in Niqmadd's library, or at least earlier 
recensions of them, may have been composed 
considerably earlier; cf. the more famous 
library of the Assyrian king Asshurbanapal. 
The literary treasures recovered from the 
library of Niqmadd are exclusively poetic. 
The three most important items are three 
epics, all of them in very fragmentary condi- 
tion, which are designated upon the tablets 
themselves as respectively (i) Baal, (2) 
Aqhat, and (3) Keret. 

Baal pertains entirely to the realm of 
mythology. It relates how the rain-god Baal, 
who is 'lord of the earth,' rose from a rela- 
tively lowly estate among the gods by succes- 
sively vanquishing several formidable antag- 
onists, mostly of a marine character. Such 
episodes were no doubt suggested by the often 



violent beating of the sea against the land in an 
apparent effort to engulf it. In the course of 
his adventures, Baal even loses his life where- 
upon, of course, the earth is visited by drought 
but by and by he revives again. This motif 
is obviously suggested by the annual alter- 
nation of rainy, verdant winter and rainless, 
parched summer in Syria. In many a difficult 
situation, Baal receives invaluable aid from 
his friend, the cunning inventor-and-crafts- 
man-god Kothar, and particularly from his 
sister, the ferocious but potent warrior-goddess 
Anath. 

The Baal epic may have served liturgical 
purposes in the same way as the Babylonian 
epic of creation; which, because it relates how 
Marduk was made king of the gods for van- 
quishing the sea-dragon Tiainat and her 
cohorts, served as the 'lesson' for the annual 
festival of Marduk's enthronement, the 
Babylonian New Year's Day. The other two 
epics, on the other hand, especially Keret, 
may well have been recited primarily for the 
purpose of affording pleasure and instruction. 

Aqhat comes under the heading of legend 
rather than of myth. The titular hero, Aqhat, 
is the son of Daniel, a man noted for reverent 
worship of the gods and conscientious admin- 
istration of justice among men, probably a 
king but withal a man. In legends, however, 
the relation between gods and men can be 
very close. Aqhat hunts with a bow which 
his father obtained for him from Kothar. Its 
beauty and/or efficiency inevitably arouse the 
cupidity of the martial Anath. Inasmuch as 
Aqhat refuses to exchange his bow for any 
gift she offers, she commissions a henchman 
of hers to dispatch him. Aqhat's death, like 
Baal's, results (though indirectly) in a blight 
upon the fields; and, again as in the Baal 
epic, it is the victim's sister in this case 
Paghat who sets out to wreak vengeance 
upon Anath's henchman. Unfortunately, the 
continuation is missing. Perhaps Daniel's 
piety induces the gods to find some means of 



CAHAANIT E LITERATURE 



releasing Aqhat from the netherworld. In any 
case, the pieserved parts of Aqhat are quite 
charming. 

Keret too is legend rather than myth. The 
titular hero, King Kcret, is of divine descent. 
But he is the king of a human community; 
and his wife, Lady Ilurriya (his courtship 
of whom was rather unusual and romantic) 
is doubtless a mortal, though ravishingly 
beautiful, woman. It seems that not all the 
children she bore him arc equally worthy. 
This fact is brought out by a severe illness 
of Kcret's. During the crisis, at least one son 
and daughter of his behave in an exemplary 
fashion; but while Keret is recuperating, his 
eldest son Yassib hypocritically suggests that 
his father, who has so long neglected the 
king's duty of administering justice, ought 
to vacate the throne for his benefit. For this 
Keret roundly curses him. Unfortunately, the 
conclusion is again wanting. 

Canaanite poetry is of the utmost impor- 
tance for the study of Hebrew poetry. The 
two are closely akin not only in language but 
also in technique. Both Canaanite and bibli- 
cal poetry employ parallelism of clauses and 
phrases with the same, sometimes monot- 
onous, regularity and with the same charac- 
teristic variations. Both employ stock pairs of 
synonyms in parallel: to a considerable ex- 
tent, the same pairs and in the same sequence. 
They also share many stock similes and 
metaphors. The meter is primarily accentual, 
the quantities of all syllables being no more 
important than in English verse and their 
number rather less so. Biblical poetry even 
alludes to Jehovah by an epithet, 'the Cloud- 
rider/ by which Canaanite poetry designates 
Baal, and to some of the exploits of Baal as 
exploits of Jehovah. In fact, it sometimes 
adapts whole passages of Canaanite verse. Of 
course, Canaanite literature was itself, like 
almost every other, indebted to foreign in- 
fluences, notably Sumero-Accadian, Hurrian, 
and Egyptian. 



2. The Lost Canaanite Literature. (a) Cos- 
mogony and History: 

The genuine Phoenician mythology that 
underlies the euhemeristic account presented 
by Philo of Byblus (zd c. A.D.) in Greek was 
unmistakably akin to that which we find in 
Ugaritic literature, but at the same time di- 
verged from it considerably. It was a Byblian 
crystallization of the common Phoenician tra- 
dition, for which Philo doubtless drew not 
only upon oral sources but upon a written 
Phoenician source or sources: most likely, as 
he himself claims, on the work of one Sanchu- 
niathon of Berytus (the Berytians being also of 
Byblian 'nationality'). According to Philo, 
this Sanchuniathon lived before the Trojan 
War, but that date is probably too high. 
Still a third, Sidonian, crystallization of the 
same tradition was embodied in the Phoeni- 
cian writmg(s) that served as source(s) to 
Eudemus (late 4th c. B.C.) and Mochus 
(probably later). 

There certainly existed in Phoenician a 
chronicle of Tyre, covering at least the period 
from the middle of the loth c. to 532 B.C., 
which was translated into Greek by Menan- 
der. The Jewish historian Josephus (ist c. 
A.D.) has preserved some reliable data from 
Menander's translation. 

(b) Lyrical and Didactic Poetry: 

That the Canaanites possessed psalms 
might have been assumed on general princi- 
ples. Now one Canaanite hymn and what 
may be a series of 'first lines' of others have 
actually been recovered at Ugarit. We can 
gain some idea about still others from the 
fact that Psalm 29 of the Bible is demon- 
strably adapted from a Canaanite hymn. 
Again, it is well known that the 104^ Psalm 
is modeled ultimately upon the Hymn of 
Akhenaten (1377-1360 B.C.) to the Sun; 
but the direct borrowers of this hymn are far 
more likely to have been Akhenaten's, or one 
of his successors', Canaanite subjects than 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



120 



the Israelites at any period of their history. 
For it is very suggestive that in the reign im- 
mediately following that of Akhenaten, 
Abimilki, the Tyrian vassal of Egypt, had his 
letters to the Egyptian court written by an 
Egyptian scribe, and that though the latter 
wrote them in Accadian, which was the lan- 
guage of diplomacy, he embodied in them 
translations of Egyptian hymns. As a matter 
of fact, the Canaanite world was under 
Egyptian cultural influence from about 
3000 B.C. on, and from about 2600 B.C. to 
1150 B.C. it was under more or less effective 
Egyptian rule most of the time. Accordingly, 
the Egyptian songs of thanksgiving of around 
1 200 B.C., which have such striking echoes 
in the Psalter, were no doubt also mediated 
to Israel by the Canaanites. (In general, this 
also applies to the Sumero-Accadian factor in 
Hebrew psalmody.) So, too, the framework 
of the Song of Songs (Canticles) has been 
shown to be borrowed from the Egyptians, 
while the contents embody some Sumero-Ac- 
cadian elements. (Cf. Canticles 3:7-8 with 
Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and 
Babylonia II, p. 239, ^[625. There can be no 



question but it is the latter document 
[yth c. B.C.] that preserves the more original 
form of the idea; which is doubtless older 
than either, and is in any case typically 
Mesopotamian not least of all in the choice 
of the number 60.) Here again we are his- 
torically limited to an hypothesis of Canaanite 
mediation, so that this genre too must have 
been cultivated by the Canaanites. In the 
case of the very strong Egyptian element in 
Hebrew wisdom literature, the hypothesis of 
Canaanite mediation derives additional sup- 
port from the strong Phoenician coloring of 
the language of the older Hebrew wisdom 
literature, notably of the Book of Proverbs 
(e.g., 'wisdom* is occasionally called hokmot, 
a purely Phoenician form corresponding to 
the Hebrew hokmah.^). 

W. F. Albright, Studies in the History of Culture 
(1942), p. 11-50; Archaeology and the Religion of 
Israel (1942), p. 182 n. 35; The Catholic Biblical 
Quarterly, January 1945, p. 5-31; H. L. Ginsberg, 
The Biblical Archaeologist, VIII, 2 (May 1945), p. 
41-58; Louis Ginzberg Jubilee Volume (1946); Eng- 
lish Section p. i66-8[8-io]. See Egyptian; Hebrew. 

H. L. GINSBERG. 



CANADIAN 



I. English 



ENGLISH Canadian literature cannot be de- 
scribed as flourishing before the federation of 
the provinces in 1867. The reasons for this 
slow growth are many. Canada was, and still 
is, a thinly populated country. As late as 
1840, in a territory larger than that of the 
United States, fewer than a million people 
could speak English and many of these were 
illiterate. Cities did not exist. Saw mills and 
grist mills, breweries and distilleries, pros- 
pered, but there were few bookshops and no 



publishing houses. The people were scattered 
on lonely farms far from any large commu- 
nity, so that the social conditions which en- 
courage the writing of novels, plays, or essays 
were completely lacking. Verse was written in 
quantity, but when it is not so derivative as 
to amount to an exercise, it is uninspired 
doggerel. Moreover most of the settlers were 
pioneers, almost exclusively concerned with 
surviving. Literature, if it existed for them, 
was the literature of England. Even today 
Canada has no national library; and, in spite 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



of the fact that the population is overwhelm- 
ingly of non-English origin and tradition, 
some of its universities, particularly those 
staffed hy recent immigrants from British 
universities, have no courses in either Cana- 
dian or American literature. 

Though Canadian literature cannot be said 
to have flourished until after 1867, an his- 
torical sketch must give some account of its 
early growth. The first literary journals 
in British North America were published 
in Nova Scotia. Here, there also appeared, 
in the early years of the ipth c., the 
prose of Joseph Howe and Thomas Chand- 
ler Haliburton and the poetry of Oliver 
Goldsmith, grandncphew of the English au- 
thor. Goldsmith, like Joseph Howe and many 
others of his contemporaries, wrote with an 
English accent. His Rising Village of 1825 
describes the Canadian rural scene in heroic 
couplets and in phrases culled from his i8th c. 
masters. The settler is a "peasant" or a 
"swain" who has crossed "stormy seas" to turn 
the "gloomy shades" into "verdant meads" 
bathed in "silvery dew" and end his days 
among "the grass-clad hillocks of the sacred 
dead." 

In 1828 Joseph Howe bought The Novasco- 
tian and made it a medium for his essays 
and those of the members of a club which he 
formed. Howe's best papers, reminiscent now 
of Addison, now of Burke, are on the freedom 
of the press, a freedom that he won for his 
native province. 

But the most important figure whose work 
appeared in The Novascotian was Thomas 
Chandler Haliburton.* Born near Windsor, 
Nova Scotia, he grew up in a literary environ- 
ment. After becoming a member of Howe's 
club, he began to contribute satirical sketches 
written in dialect and built around the char- 
acter of a shrewd Yankee pedlar, Sam Slick. 
Sam comments on everything from vegetar- 
ianism and teetotalism (both of which he de- 
plored) to the problems of slavery and repre- 



sentative government. Of the logical develop- 
ment of democracy he says: "I do believe, 
arter all ... this universal suffrage will make 
tools of us all; it ain't one man in a thousand 
knows how to choose a horse, much less a 
member . . ." In 1837 these sketches were 
added to and published as The Clock-maker. 
Containing new material and written in a 
new style, this is the first specimen of prose 
in Canada that can be described as native, as 
distinctively North American. The Clock- 
maker established Haliburton's fame as a 
humorist, and his other books, like The 
Attache and The Old, Judge, were widely 
read on both sides of the Atlantic. 

In Upper Canada (Ontario) a native liter- 
ature was much slower in appearing than in 
Nova Scotia. The historical novels of Major 
John Richardson, Wacousta (1832) and The 
Canadian Brothers (1840) have been over- 
rated. They arc even cruder in plot, character- 
ization, and dialogue than their model, Feni- 
more Cooper's The Last of the Mohicans. 
"Uttering a savage laugh, the monster spurned 
her from him with his foot, when quick as 
thought, a pistol was discharged within a few 
inches of his face; but with a rapidity equal 
to that of his assailant, he bent aside his head 
and the ball passed harmlessly on." Quite as 
unaccountable is the critical judgment that 
has preserved the poetry of Charles Heavy- 
sege. His reputation rests on the publication, 
in 1857, of a tedious dramatic version, in 
prosaic blank verse, of the life of Saul. Typi- 
cal is the hero's speech as he sends David to 
bring him a hundred foreskins of the Philis- 
tines: 

Sad is the fate that does compell me! 
Sad, sad that he must be pushed on to 

slaughter; 
As sad to sacrifice my favorite daughter. 

Charles Sangster (1822-93) and Charles 
Mair (1838-1927) are the first Canadian 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



122 



poets whose work is still readable. In general 
their styles are derivative: phrases, images, 
and rhythms of Spenser, Keats, Pope, and 
Byron keep recurring, but occasionally Can- 
ada is seen and felt directly as in some of the 
Spenserian stanzas that comprise Sangster's 
The St. Lawrence and the Saguenay, or in 
Mair's August: 

When every field grows yellow, and a 

plague 
Of thirst dries up its herbage to the 

root . . . 

When every morn is fiery as the noon, 
And every eve is fiery as the morn, 
And every night a prison hot and dark . . . 

More vigorous and direct and more highly 
colored is the verse of Isabella Valiancy 
Crawford (1850-87). Some of her images are 
striking: 

The slaughtered deer . . . 

His eyes like dead stars cold and drear. 

From his far wigwam sprang the strong 

North Wind 
That rushed with war cry down the 

steep ravines 
And wrestled with the giants of the 

woods; 
And with his ice club beat the swelling 

crests 
Of the deep water courses into death. 

In her Malcolm's Katie (1884), a melodra- 
matic love story in verse, are vivid descrip- 
tions of the life of the pioneer and of the 
hungry hordes that followed him: 

The settler finds 
His solitary footsteps beaten out 
With the quick rush of panting human 
waves 



Upheaved by throbs of angry poverty . . . 

So shanties grew 

Other than his amid the blackened 

stumps; 
And children ran with little twigs and 

leaves 
And flung them, shouting, on the forest 

pyres 
Where burned the forest kings . . . 

Coincident with the federation of the 
provinces appeared for the first time a group 
that were to produce an important body of 
literature which was both Canadian and 
North American. Between the years 1860 and 
1862 were born Archibald Lampman,* Dun- 
can Campbell Scott, Bliss Carman, Charles 
G. D. Roberts, and William Wilfred Camp- 
bell. In a sense Roberts may be regarded as 
the founder of this group. Ilis Orion of 1880 
was the first Canadian work to receive gen- 
eral critical approval in both England and the 
United States. On reading Orion, Lampman 
was encouraged to continue writing his verse, 
and when he began to publish, Roberts was 
one of the first to appreciate his work. Finally 
it was to this "dean of Canadian literature" 
that Carman turned for guidance in his early 
days as a poet. 

Today Roberts is read more for his animal 
stories than for his verse. In his finest lyrics, 
he achieves coherence and clarity of expres- 



When the hay lies loose on the wide bam 

floor, 
And a sharp smell puffs from the stable 

door, 
When the pitchfork handle stings in the 

hand, 
And the stanchioned cows for the milking 

stand, 

Oh, merrily shines the morning sun 
In the barn yard's southerly corner. 



123 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



But many of his poems suffer from faulty 
imitation of his English masters, from un- 
happy rhymes, awkward inversions, cloudy 
imagery. It was with his tales of nature that 
Roberts made his great contribution. He an- 
ticipated his fellow-Canadian, Ernest Thomp- 
son Seton (Wild Animals 1 Have Known, 
Two Little Savages, and other books on sim- 
ilar themes) in his introduction of the short 
story of the animal, which he saw as an indi- 
vidual with lively senses and intelligence. In 
books like Earth's Enigmas (1896) and The 
Kindred of the Wild (1902), written with 
an accurate eye and a deftness of touch, he 
presents the animal not as a means of convey- 
ing an obvious moral lesson as in Kipling's 
Jungle Book, but as a creature in its own 
right with an individuality that arouses a 
sympathetic understanding and holds the 
imagination of the reader. 

The verse of Roberts's cousin, Bliss Car- 
man, has failed the test of time. Writing with 
more verve than any member of the group, 
he is most original in Low Tide on Grand 
Pre (1893). But even here his diffuseness, 
his fondness for the cliche*, his sentimentality, 
and his echoes from Tennyson and Swin- 
burne are more obvious to this generation 
than they were to his. 

While Roberts and Carman wrote of the 
Maritimes, Campbell, Scott, and Lampman 
were seeing Ontario for the first time. Wil- 
liam Wilfred Campbell, consistently under- 
rated, has written one of the most powerful 
literary ballads in Canadian Literature The 
Mother (1893) and some of the finest 
poems descriptive of nature Lake Lyrics 
(1889). In contrast with the optimism which 
colors the verse of Roberts and Carman, 
Campbell's mood is sombre. He is most effec- 
tive in describing lonely, desolate, wintry 
scenes: 

That night I felt the winter in my veins, 
A joyous tremor of the icy glow; 



And woke to hear the north's wild vi- 
brant strains, 

While far and wide, by withered woods 
and plains, 

Fast fell the driving snow. 

Duncan Campbell Scott is the most elegiac 
and the most intellectual of these poets of the 
"Golden Age." "Life's failure and its bitter- 
ness" are to be endured with stoic fortitude. 
But beauty and consolation are to be found 
in nature, in memory, and in "Gathering the 
tears and terrors of this life," and "distilling 
them to a medicine for the soul." Not so vivid 
a painter of the Canadian scene as Campbell 
or Lampman, nor as lyrical, he has seen 
people more clearly and sympathetically. Be- 
side the Indians of his The Forsaken and 
Watkwenies, those of Cooper and Richardson 
are wooden and lifeless. 

The greatest of the group, Archibald 
Lampman,* suffers from the same limitations 
as the others. The range of his best poems 
is narrow a romantic delight in the beauties 
of nature so repetitious in theme and mood 
and yet so skilfully expressed that they have 
led to his being called the leader of the 
"maple tree" school. As with Wordsworth, 
nature is to Lampman a refuge. Hating the 
city with its growing industrialism, he longs 
for the silence, the quiet, the peace of the 
countryside. Unlike Wordsworth, he is almost 
exclusively a descriptive poet concerned with 
sensation. His finest lyrics in Among the 
Millet (1888) and Lyrics of Earth (1893) 
are sensitive impressions of scenes in the 
Ottawa valley at various seasons of the year. 
None of his contemporaries has observed so 
accurately or written with so sure a touch: 

From plains that reel to southward, dim, 
The road runs by me white and bare; 
Up the steep hill it seems to swim 
Beyond, and melt into the glare. 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



1*4 



Upward half-way, or it may be 
Nearer the summit, slowly steals 
A hay-cart, moving dustily 
With idly clacking wheels. 

Although the members of this group were 
the first to rise above the imitative and the 
mediocre, they all worked a slender romantic 
vein. With the exception of Duncan Camp- 
bell Scott, they were unsuccessful in the 
handling of ideas. But their achievement was 
brilliant in comparison with that of the nov- 
elists of their time. In 1887 William Kirby 
published The Golden Dog, a story of love 
and adventure in Quebec just before the 
conquest. Loose in construction of plot, prolix 
in style, it is yet an improvement on Richard- 
son's Wacousta, for Kirby carefully studied 
the period and was able to create an illusion 
of historical truth. A much more selective 
work is Sir Gilbert Parker's Seats of the 
Mighty (1896). His plot is more closely knit, 
and his characters, although talking like those 
in The Golden Dog with a fluency rarely 
heard outside the Senate, are more human. 
But stiffness, breaches of good taste in spite 
of an obviously moral intention, and an 
almost total lack of those little apercus which 
are to be found in great novels all more 
apparent today than in his own time have 
weakened his reputation. 

Modern Canadian prose really came of age 
just before the first World War, when 
Stephen Leacock* published his Literary 
Lapses (1910). Here for the first time was a 
style that was mature, idiomatic, and grace- 
fully clear and simple, and an attitude that 
was adult. Uniting traditions from both Eng- 
land and the United States and adding some- 
thing of his own, he published books almost 
annually from 1912 to the year of his death in 
1944, books of entertaining nonsense and of 
lively, perceptive criticisms of life and letters 
on this continent and in England. His sub- 
jects range from the small Ontario barber 



shop to the British House of Lords, from a 
moving appreciation of O. Henry to a witty 
defense of Charles II, from the absurdities of 
a federal election to the antics of the schol- 
arly faker. Canadians read him not from a 
sense of patriotic duty but for sheer delight. 
Others find a similar enjoyment. 

As contemporaries of Leacock appeared 
some competent essayists and short story writ- 
ers. Peter McArthur with his In Pastures 
Green (1915) and The Red Cow and her 
Friends (1919) records with gentle humor 
life on a small Ontario farm. W. H. Blake, 
besides translating the greatest novel written 
about Canadian life, Louis Hernon's Maria 
Chapdelaine (1921), expresses his admiration 
for the French Canadian and his love of 
rural Canada in a series of charming essays, 
Brown Waters (1915). Good short stories had 
appeared as early as 1896, when Duncan 
Campbell Scott published In The Village of 
Viger, and Charles G. D. Roberts began to 
use this form in his stories about animals. But 
after World War I appeared writers like 
Harvey O'Higgins, Merrill Denison, and 
Morley Callaghan, whose work compares fa- 
vorably with the best produced on this con- 
tinent. Callaghan has not only contributed 
to the development of the short story, but in 
novels like They Shall Inherit the Earth 
O935) has written some of the most mature 
fiction to be published by a native Canadian. 
Writing in a stylistic tradition that had its 
beginnings with Ernest Hemingway, he is 
concerned chiefly with people who are in- 
volved in the age-old predicaments of human 
emotions or are struggling to adapt themselves 
to a chaotic social environment. He has a 
sensitive ear for idiom, for common speech 
rhythms, and a profound understanding of 
the feelings of ordinary people. His interests 
and methods show his kinship with the Amer- 
ican naturalists from Stephen Crane to J. T. 
Farrell. Hugh MacLennan's Two Solitudes 
(1945), stylistically is not so competent as 



125 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



Callaghan, nor does it show so clear an un- 
derstanding of human emotions; but in the 
handling of his plot, in the development of 
his characters, in his obiter dicta on the con- 
temporary scene, and especially in the signifi- 
cance of his subjectEnglish and French re- 
lations in Canada MacLennan is greater than 
Callaghan. Moreover, unlike the novels of 
Callaghan, which are North American, Mac- 
Lennan 's Two Solitudes is something rare in 
full-length fiction: it is neither American nor 
English but Canadian. 

Canada has had its "best sellers" in the 
novels of Ralph Connor, Mazo de La Roche, 
and Lloyd C. Douglas. Of these three Mazo 
de La Roche is the most skilful in manufac- 
turing readable stories. With echoes now of 
Hardy, now of Galsworthy, and now of Sheila 
Kaye-Smith her works, from Jalna (1927) to 
Whiteoak Heritage (1940), reveal an un- 
usual ability to create character, scene, and 
mood. Whether her novels are literature is 
difficult to say. They are not, however, Cana- 
dian in the sense that Mac Lennan's stories are 
Canadian. Nor are they American. In none 
of these stories does the native reader find a 
recognizable setting or character. Perhaps her 
books may be most accurately described as 
mid-Atlantic, so that their ultimate fate will 
be either the greatness of universality or the 
oblivion of the void. 

Although Canadian prose has developed 
rapidly within recent years, it has never 
formed so significant a part of the literature 
as Canadian poetry. Owing to the sparsely 
settled country and a people preoccupied with 
earning a living, writers of essays, fiction, and 
drama have no national outlet for their talents. 
Only a few journals The Toronto Saturday 
Night, a weekly; The Canadian Forum, a 
monthly; and the quarterly reviews of the 
Universities of Dalhousie, Queen's, and To- 
ronto encourage fiction and the essay. No 
theatrical centers exist, and except for the 
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, a dra- 



matist has no outlet for his art. The public 
for verse has been even smaller than that for 
other forms of literature, but because verse 
does not depend so much on an urban society 
as the essay and the drama, it has continued 
to pour forth in a relatively large volume. 
Before and during World War I, Marjorie 
Pickthall maintained the romantic tradition of 
her predecessors but with a difference. In 
The Drift of Pinions (1913), The Lamp of 
Poor Souls (1917), and The Woodcarver's 
Wife (1922), she responds in delicate, dreamy 
lyrics, sometimes reminiscent of the poets of 
the Irish Renaissance, to the beauty of the 
native scene. But she has done more. Poems 
like "Resurgam" and "Quiet" are moving ex- 
pressions of a mysticism faintly pre-Raphaelite, 
and her "Perc Lalement" is the finest lyric on 
a religious theme in the literature: 

My hour of rest is done; 

On the smooth ripple lifts the long canoe; 

The hemlocks murmur sadly as the sun 

Slants his dim arrows through. 

Whither I go I know not, nor the way, 

Dark with strange passions, vexed with 
heathen charms, 

Holding I know not what of life or death; 

Only be Thou beside me day by day, 

Thy rod my guide and comfort, under- 
neath 

Thy everlasting arms. 

With the publication of E. J. Pratt's* "The 
Cachalot" in The Canadian Forum in 1925 
occurred a minor revolution in the nation's 
verse. Breaking with a tradition that was 
narrowly romantic in form and content, he 
extended the pattern and scope of poetry in 
theme, imagery, and diction. Whether it is a 
whale or a man, he depicts his subject with a 
boundless energy and on a heroic scale, and 
more than that, with a realism in detail 
hitherto unknown in Canadian letters. His 
"Cachalot" is 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



126 



Unmatched on either sea or land 
A sperm whale in the pitch of prime . . . 
The bellows of his lungs might sail 
A herring skiff such was the gale 
Along the windpipe; and so large 
The lymph flow of his active liver 
One might believe a fair sized barge 
Could navigate along the river . . . 

But both the old and the new are to be found 
in his verse. His rhythms are, for the most 
part, conventional, and his ultimate intentions 
are liberal and humanitarian. When he is at 
his best, he uses material that is contemporary 
and human to write sweeping narratives of 
sustained energy. As narrative poems his 
Roosevelt and the Antinoe (1930) and The 
Titanic (1935) have not been equalled in 
contemporary literature. Not so good as his 
stories in verse but still competent are his 
satires "The Great Feud" and "The Fable of 
the Goats." Never obscure or difficult, always 
rich and varied, he has achieved a greater 
popularity than any other Canadian poet. 

Contemporary verse has developed along 
two main lines. There is the verse of social 
consciousness in which the poet is trying to 
make some adjustment to difficult political 
and economic conditions. To this group be- 
long Dorothy Livcsay, A. M. Kline, and 
Anne Marriott. The latter in The Wind. Our 
Enemy (1939) gave to a disaster in the life 
of the American West the drought the most 
moving expression to appear in print: 

Wind 

piling the dry mouth with hitter dust 

whipping the shoulders worry-bowed too 

soon, 
soiling the water pail f and in grim 

prophecy 
greying the hair. 

Then there is the verse that seems to derive 
its inspiration partly from the ryth c. meta- 
physicals and partly from Pound, Eliot, and 



the later Yeats. Generally speaking, this verse 
is cryptic and difficult in its rebellion against 
the subject matter and form of the immediate 
past. But it has variety, with its subjects 
drawn not only from the contemporary social 
world but also from the mental and emotional 
life of the individual. One of the most intelli- 
gent and competent writers of this verse is 
A. J. M. Smith, whose News of the Phoenix 
(1943) is an epitome of the highly conscious, 
highly concentrated art that characterizes the 
group. 

From this brief survey many authors whose 
names fill the pages of histories of Canadian 
literature have been omitted because their 
work does not meet standards that transcend 
the community or because their work, while 
brilliant, has been slim and unsustained. For 
the latter reason, poets like John MacRae 
with his elegiac variation of the rondeau In 
Flanders Fields and Tom Maclnnes with his 
quaintly noisy lyric, Zalinha can be only 
noticed in passing. On the whole the litera- 
ture of Canada, conforming to alien conven- 
tions, is imitative of the literature of England, 
or of the United States, or of both. Much of 
the material used is new, but it is communi- 
cated in patterns that are not native, so that 
the result occasionally seems artificial. Per- 
haps this development is inevitable; perhaps 
it is further evidence of the gradual amalgama- 
tion that seems to be taking place in the 
language and literature of English speaking 
peoples. Regional literatures have appeared 
and they may lead to the distinctly Canadian 
expression that some have hoped for. But 
anything like the creation of a national litera- 
ture for Canada seems, at present, extremely 
unlikely. 

Archibald MacMechen, Headwaters of Canadian 
Literature (1924); W. E. Collin, The White Savan- 
nahs (1936); E. K. Brown, On Canadian Poetry 
Ci943); A. J. M. Smith, ed. The Book of Canadian 
Poetry (1943)- 

C. J. VINCENT. 



127 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



II. French 

THE historian Garneau (1809-66) is the real 
founder of French-Canadian literature, since 
it was by his labor and his artistic skill 
(Histcnre du Canada, 1845-48) that his com- 
patriots knew the complete story of their 
heroic past, the daring enterprise that had 
opened up the hinterland of the continent, 
and had at the same time spread the seed of 
the faith watered by martyrs' blood. It is a 
remarkable fact that Garneau was a self- 
educated layman, independent in his views, 
when what culture existed in French-Canada 
was almost exclusively in the hands of the 
church, the one directive force and center 
that had survived the ancien regime. L'Abbe" 
Ferland, in fact, in his Cours d'histoire du 
Canada (1861-65) sought to emphasize more 
clearly the debt which le Canadien owed to 
the Church, but L'Abbe* Casgrain, continuing 
the work of Garneau, launched a vigorous 
appeal for the creation of a French-Canadian 
literature. 

All these pioneers of the Canadian mind 
used to meet in the bookstore of the brothers 
Cre'mazie in Quebec, and one of these 
brothers, Octavie (182779), with his access 
to the rich harvest of French romanticism, 
was the first poet of the French-Canadian 
renaissance. His "Drapeau De Carillon" sings 
of 

Tout ce monde de gloire ou vivaient nos 

ai'eux, 
Leurs grands jours de combats, leurs im- 

mortels faits-d'armes, 
Leurs efforts surhumains, leurs malheurs 

et leurs larmes . . . 

That glorious age when our sires were 

alive, 
Their great days of battle, their immortal 

exploits, 
Their superhuman toil, their sorrows, 

their tears . . . 



Here the poet strikes the eternal note of 
French-Canadian literature. Here is the un- 
sung "Works and Days," left to his followers 
to tell. 

The first novel, the first 'tales of a grand- 
father' of Canadian stock, came from the pen 
of an old seigneur, Philippe de Gaspe* (1786- 
1871), whose Les Anciens Canadiens (1863) 
may be called the Waverley of Canadian 
literature. A young highlander, Arche*, and 
a young Canadien, Jules, are school friends 
at a Jesuit college at Quebec. Later they fight 
on opposite sides in the campaigns of Wolfe 
and Montcalm. The Scot is assigned the task 
of burning the home of his friend but, the 
war ended, they become reconciled. Arche* 
loves Blanche, the sister of Jules, who refuses 
him. "There is," she says, "a stream of blood 
between us." They live side by side in an 
ever closer friendship under the healing touch 
of time. The story, rich in historical incidents 
and typical descriptions of the period, sets the 
pattern of an oft-told tale. Marmette (1844- 
95) tells stories of typical figures of the 
ancien regime. Laure Conant (1844-1924) 
writes idylls of old colonial days. Napol&m 
Bourassa in Jacques et Marie tells the sad 
story of Evangeline's land, Acadie. He and 
De Gasp soften down the racial bitterness 
to a mutual respect. French-Canadian novel- 
ists since Confederation have been less gen- 
erous. 

A younger member of the Cre'mazie cenacle 
was Louis Frechette (1839-1908), lawyer, 
journalist, legislator, and the first Canadian 
poet to win laurels in France. A romantic, he 
is strongly influenced by Hugo. Les Flews 
Boreales (Northern Flowers) and Les Oiseaux 
de Neige (Snow Birds') are his Feuilles 
d'Automne (Autumn Leaves). He too seeks 
to bend the epic bow in his Legende d'un 
Peuple, but does not rise above the level of a 
chaplet of episodes. La Salle's heroic journey- 
ing, the great exploits of D'Iberville and Dol- 
lard, are ample themes, and Garneau has left 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



128 



their record; but Frechette's talent is rather 
lyric. It is fair to judge Frechette by his line, 
by his imagery. America is the land of great 
rivers: its highways, its manifest and chief est 
source of beauty, and its pride. Hence his 
image of the Mississippi 

Comme un reptile immense au soleil en- 

gourdi . . . 

ficharpe de Titan sur le globe enroule"e, 
Le grand fleuve epanchait sa nappe im- 



Des regions de 1'Ourse aux plages d'Orion, 
Baignant le steppe aride et les bosquets 

d'orange, 

Et mariant ainsi dans un hymen etrange 
L'equateur au septentrion. 

Like some huge reptile dozing in the sunlight 
Or Titan's scarf wrapped round a continent, 
Sprawl the calm reaches of the mighty stream 
From where the Great Bear dips to where 

Orion rises 
Tempering the snow-clad plain, cooling the 

orange groves, 
Joining together in mysterious union 

The Northland and the South. 

Americans are well aware that they are part 
of the spectacle de I'univers, and the idea here 
is universal astronomical even. But the de- 
velopment of the theme is sketchy. Through 
his glass the poet sees only a silhouetted vision 
of La Salle, Marquette, Joliet, followed by 

Doux f&ntomes flottant dans le vague des 
nuits 

Sweet phantoms drifting in the deep of night 

who are Atala, Chactas, and then Evangeline! 
Mark Twain close up has seen the real epic of 
the Mississippi, and that closer vision we find 
occasionally even in a minor poet like Benja- 
min Suite: 



La hache au dos, causant, marchant, 
La fatigue amene le chant. 
Frappez d'estoc! Frappez de taille! 
Les troncs aux flancs retentissants! 
("Les Bucherons"). 

Walking, Talking, Axe on Shoulder! 
When weary we begin to sing, 

"Strike with the axe, with biting blade, 
Until the trunks resound again." 

This more intimate, this closer approach, is 
found in poets such as Suite and Beauchemin, 
whose best medium is not the alexandrine, 
but the older measures of B6ranger, even of 
LaFontaine. ("La Cloche de Louisbourg": 
Beauchemin; "Les Canadiens des vieux pays": 
R. Tremblay; "La Fille des bois": Desaulniers; 
all in Fournier: Anthologie des poetes Ca- 
nadiens). Of the poets of this era we may 
say that they rose up at the call of Garneau 
and Casgrain, pointing a clear way to the 
recent growth. 

The turning point from ancient to modern 
is found perhaps in Charles Gill (1871- 
1918). Eastern Canada is a land of such 
striking splendor that rarely can the poet 
escape its thrall, and this Canada is the land 
of the great river, which ends in a mysterious 
rift, a canyon full to the brim, making a 
broad highway to the sea. The sailing ships 
that first tacked the length of the great 
reaches of this channel, the small craft that 
slipped from port to- port, knew these shores 
as the modern liners do not, and the new- 
comer following the northern shore when 
he reached the Saguenay saw a mysterious 
stream girt in by two great buttresses rivaling 
the pillars of Hercules. To these were given 
the names of Cap Trinite* and Cap Eternite". 
The sublimity of this prospect and situation, 
which can be but lamely told in prose, is set 
forth in Cap Trinite by Charles Gill, whose 
artistic vision sees all its significance. He was 
both painter and poet. A product of the vir- 



I2 9 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



ginal Canadian soil, he was trained in the 
ateliers of Paris, where he learnt the discipline 
that the art of the painter requires, and which 
he applies also to the composing of his poetry. 
The poem Cap Trinite must be savoured 
slowly and knowingly. No quotation can do 
justice to these verses which reveal the mes- 
sage- 

Quand le roi des rochers et le roi des e*toiles 
Nous parlent a midi dans le style de Dieu. 

When the Lord of the Rocks and the Lord of 

the Stars 
Speaks at noontide with the voice of God. 

The study of the poem reveals a noble form, 
an aesthetic which for a poet-painter is nat- 
ural and sincere, since for him language is 
only the symbol of what he feels and ex- 
presses in the more plastic genre. 

As we approach the end of the century the 
poets become more numerous, their art and 
execution, richer. The names that stand out 
are Lozeau, Nelligan, Morin, Chopin, 
Blanche Lamontagne; but more throng close 
on their heels. There is a suggestion of I' art 
pour I'art', the product often seems an exer- 
cise in virtuosity rather than the more naive 
talent of the past. 

Nelligan (1882-1900) "he is lost at the 
ford, the beautiful youth," is the most haunt- 
ing memory. 

Je sens voler en moi les oiseaux du ge*nie, 
Mais j'ai tendu si mal mon piege qu'ils ont 

pris 
Dans 1'azur crbral leurs vols blancs, bruns 

et gris, 
Et que mon coeur brise* rale son agonie. 

I feel the birds of genius that hover over me, 
But I've set my snare so ill that they've taken 

flight to the blue, 
White wings or brown or grey, 
And left my broken heart to wail its agony. 



A few petals from his blooms- 
Ma mere! que je 1'aime en ce portrait ancien, 
Peint aux jours glorieux qu'elle e*tait jeune 

fille. . . . 

Ma mere que voici n'est plus du tout la mmc; 
Les rides ont creuse le beau marbre frontal . . . 

My mother! How I love her in this old-world 

portrait 
Painted in the glorious days when she was a 

maid; 

My mother that's here is no longer the same, 
For wrinkles have furrowed her marble brow. 

Ah! comme la neige a neige'! 
Ma vitre est un jardin de givre. 
Ah! comme la neige a neige"! 
Qu'est-ce que le spasme de vivre 
A la douleur que j'ai, que j'ai! 

Ah how the snow has fallen! 
See its flowers on my window pane! 
Ah how the snow has fallen! 
What is this brief throb of life 
To the pain that weighs me down! 

at once make clear that here is poetry, the 
magic note, music, yet natural too. 

Lozeau, paralytic for life, looked out on that 
life with a serenity that drove $lark care away: 
"A man, who from his sick bed, gazed through 
the window at the sky, the trees, the falling 
rain, and swirling snow; and gave to each a 
voice and a song." Here is a resignation which 
arouses all our sympathy: 

O Je"sus prends mon coeur entre tes mains 

divines. 
Vois! il est tout mon or, ma myrrhe et mon 

encens. 

Je te 1'ofFre charge* de chagrins fre*missants, 
Car dans sa chair les jours ont plant leurs 

Opines. 



CANADIAN LITERATURE 



130 



Dear Jesus take my heart within thy holy 
hands, 

Lo! it is all my gold, my myrrh, my frankin- 
cense. 

My offering! the load of all my racking pain, 

For in my flesh life too has thrust its thorns. 

His "Intimite*" is our most delicate expression 
of a love real and intense, but essentially 
spiritual. 

Contemporary with Lozeau are Tremblay 
(b. 1878; Les Canayens y zont ca d'hon) 
and Beauregard (b. 1881) whose Les Vieux 
Canons recalls Les Forts of Hugo and whose 
Patinage is an admirable tour de force. Ren6 
Chopin (b. 1885) has poetic vision and fan- 
tasy in his Feu Printanier, the picture of a 
fire of twigs and dead branches burning on 
the hearth; and in his Paysages Polaires he 
envisages the grim Far North which, as the 
stars and the night sky and la bise (north 
wind) remind us, is our everlasting back- 
ground. Les Grenouilks and Venue du 
Printemps are two brilliant sonatas on The 
Frogs and The Coming of Spring. Paul Morin 
(b. 1889) is French in matter and manner 
alike. His Mississippi seems to echo a song of 
Frechette: if academic work does not inter- 
fere, one should hear much more from this 
author of The Enamel Peacock (1911) and 
Poems of Ashes and Gold (1922). Blanche 
Lamontagne (bl 1889) is the poet of the 
regional idyll, whether in verse or prose: 
When the Lamps Are Lit, The Spinner at the 
Window, Ancestors' Laughter, all echo her 
feeling for her beloved Gaspe'sie. A wish for 
her might be that 

Et maintenant assise en la clarte* du ciel 
Dans les rayonnements du matin e*ternel, 
Elle file le lin d'une divine toile 
Sur un rouet que Dieu fit avec une e*toile. 

And now seated in the brightness of heaven 
In radiance of the eternal day 



She spins divine a fabric 
On a wheel that God has fashioned from a 
star. 

Of more recent date are the finely gifted 
artists, Paul Gouin and W. Choquette. Critics 
accuse the latter of still profusely sowing 
wild oats in which the blooms are lost, but 
Gouin has perhaps marked his high water 
level in his Medailles Anciennes (Old 
Medals), the title of which indicates both 
the style and the theme. A. Desrochers dis- 
plays the power and the insouciance of the 
2oth c. poet that ranges near and far, who 
has sung even of the slaughter of the pig 
pourquoi past (The poor animal is introduced 
as 1'Yorkshire!) and his sufferings and squeals 
are not spared us. In a sequence of sonnets 
(La Naissance de La Chanson; The Birth of 
Song') Desrochers describes from first-hand 
knowledge the heroic task of the lumberman 
in the Quebec forests. It is as if in these 
bucolics he wished to give permanent poetic 
form to a national task, treated more often 
with sentiment or melodrama than with 
artistic truth. The sacred groves of Canada 
in their season are alive with song. In their 
good time the nightingales will come. 

Prose fiction made a tardy arrival in French 
Canada, apart from the popular romantic 
stories, already mentioned, of Gerin Lajoie, 
Napoleon Bourassa, Laure Conant, and Mar- 
mette. The appearance of He'mon's Maria- 
Chapdelaine (1916) worked a revolution, for 
publishers that had not considered Adjutor 
Rivard's Chez Nous (1919) as in any way an 
event, after the Paris