PAPERS
OF THE
PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY
AND ETHNOLOGY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY
VOL. XLI, NO. 3
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
A STUDY OF SOCIAL AND ESTHETIC VALUES
AS SEEN IN NAVAHO MUSIC
BY
DAVID P. McALLESTER
REPORTS OF THE RIMROCK PROJECT
VALUES SERIES NO. 3
O (2.7 * CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A.
UX^Q0 PUBLISHED BY THE MUSEUM
no. 5
I
UNIVERSITY
OF FL
LIBR
VOLUME I complete, w;
$8.80.
No. 1. Standard or Heai
1888. 52 pages and 3 co
torical essay on a relic
tures only.
No. 2. The Karankawa 1
of Texas. By Albert S
and map. $1.00. Note;
Alice W. Oliver, and a
Alice W. Oliver. Sign:
No. 3. The Atlatl or Sp
cient Mexicans. By Z<
and 3 plates. 55 cents.
No. 4. Report upon Pile
Creek, near Claymoni
T. Cresson. 1892. 24 p:
text. 25 cents. Signatui
No. 5. A Study of Omahj
Transcriptions of 92 !
By Alice C. Fletcher, ai
1893. 152 pages. $2.25. '
tural peculiarities of th
Fillmore.
No. 6. Prehistoric Burial I
Willoughby. 1898. 52 [
txations in the text. 75 cents.
No. 7. A Penitential Rite of the Ancient Mexicans.
By Zelia Nuttall. 1904. 26 pages, 5 plates, and 8
illustrations in the text. 50 -cents.
VOLUME II, $5.50; bound in cloth, $7.50.
The Fundamental Principles of Old and New World
Civilization. By Zelia Nuttall. 1901. 602 pages,
7 plates, and 73 illustrations in the text, and In-
dex. Signatures only.
VOLUME III complete, with Contents and Index,
$4.70; bound in cloth, $7.20.
No. 1. The Cahokia and Surrounding Mound Groups.
By D. I. Bushnell, Jr. 1904. 20 pages, 5 plates, map,
and 7 illustrations in the text. 50 cents.
No. 2. Exploration of Mounds, Coahoma County,
Mississippi. By Charles Peabody. 1904. 44 pages
and 17 plates. $1.00.
No. 3. Inheritance of Digital Malformation in Man.
By W. C. Farabee. 1905. 13 pages and 5 plates.
35 cents.
No. 4. The Mandans: A Study of Their Culture,
Archaeology, and Language. By G. F. Will and
H. J. Spinden. 1906. 141 pages, 4 maps, 15 plates,
and 16 illustrations in the text. $2.35.
No. 5. Discovery of a Fragment of the Printed Copy
of the Work on the Millcayac Language [of
Chile] by Luis De Valdivia. By Rudolph R.
Schuller. 191 3. 37 pages. 50 cents. Photographic
reproduction of 4 pages of die work, with Biblio-
graphic Notice.
VOLUME IV complete, with Contents, $4.50; bound
in cloth, $7.00.
No. 1. Representations of Deities of the Maya Man-
uscripts. By Paul Schellhas. 1904, 47 pages, 1
plate, and 65 illustrations in the text. 50 cents. A
translation.
ORIDA
ARIES
: Maya Manuscript in the
»f Dresden. By Ernst
pages, 1 plate, and 10 illus-
;. (A few copies have been
xanslation.
1 in the Maya Codices. By
A. Allen. 1910. 100 pages,
tions in the text. $1.75.
in cloth, $8.25.
Delaware Valley. By
pages, 2 maps, 125 plates,
te text.
ith Contents, $5.40; bound
he Maya-Tzental Codex
Gates. 191 0. 64 pages, 2
n the text. 6$ cents.
of the Number Series on
resden Codex. By Carl E.
and 1 plate. 50 cents.
on the Maya Codices. By
24. 46 pages, 9 plates, and
t. 75 cents.
[ayan Dates. By Herbert
r jges, 4 plates, and 62 illus-
trations in the text. $3.50.
VOLUME VII, $2.40; bound in cloth, $4.90.
History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of
the Itzas. By Philip Ainsworth Means. 1917.
206 pages, 5 plates, and map.
VOLUME VIII complete, with Contents, $8.25; bound
in cloth, $10.75.
No. 1. Indian Village Site and Cemetery near Madi-
sonville, Ohio. By E. A. Hooton. 1920. 137 pages,
30 plates, and 5 illustrations in the text. $2.25.
Notes on the artifacts by C. C. Willoughby.
No. 2. Basket-Maker Caves of Northeastern Ari-
zona. By S. J. Guernsey and A. V. Kidder. 1921.
121 pages, 44 plates, and 16 illustrations in the text.
$3-75-
No. 3. The Turner Group of Earthworks, Hamilton
County, Ohio. By C. C. Willoughby. 1922. 132
pages, 27 plates, and 47 illustrations in the text.
$2.25. Notes on the skeletal remains by E. A.
Hooton.
VOLUME IX, $3.25; bound in cloth, $5.75.
A Grammar of the Maya Language Including a
Bibliography, with an Appraisal of the Various
Works. By A. M. Tozzer. 1921. 301 pages.
VOLUME X, $3.20; bound in cloth, $5.45.
Indian Tribes of Eastern Peru. By William C.
Farabee. 1922. 194 pages, 28 plates, and 20 illus-
trations in the text. Introduction by Louis J. de
Milhau.
VOLUME XI complete, $4.70; bound in cloth, J7.20.
No. 1. Indian Burial Place at Winthrop, Massachu-
setts. By C. C. Willoughby. 1924. 37 pages, 4
plates, and 20 illustrations in the text. 75 cents.
Notes on the skeletal remains by E. A. Hooton.
{Continued on last jour pages and inside and outside back cover)
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
A STUDY OF SOCIAL AND ESTHETIC VALUES
AS SEEN IN NAVAHO MUSIC
PAPERS OF THE PEABODY MUSEH
VOLUME I complete, with Index, bound in cloth,
$8.80.
No. 1. Standard or Head-Dress? By Zelia Nuttall.
1888. 52 pages and 3 colored plates. $1.00. An his-
torical essay on a relic of Ancient Mexico. Signa-
tures only.
No. 1. The Karankawa Indians, the Coast People
of Texas. By Albert S. Gatschet. 1891. 104 pages
and map. $1.00. Notes by C. A. Hammond and
Alice W Oliver, and a vocabulary obtained from
Alice W. Oliver. Signatures only.
No. 3. The Atlatl or Spear-Thrower of the An-
cient Mexicans. By Zelia Nuttall. 1891. 36 pages
and 3 plates. 55 cents. Signatures only.
No. 4. Report upon Pile-Structures in Naaman's
Creek, near Claymont, Delaware. By Hilborne
T. Cresson. 1892. 24 pages and illustrations in the
text. 25 cents. Signatures only.
No. 5. A Study of Omaha Indian Music; including
Transcriptions of 92 Songs, Words and Music.
By Alice C. Fletcher, aided by Francis La Flesche.
1893. 152 pages. 82.25. With a report on the struc-
tural peculiarities of the music by John Comfort
Fillmore.
No. 6. Prehistoric Burial Places in Maine. By C. C.
Willoughby. 1898. 52 pages, 4 plates, and 50 illus-
trations in the text. 75 cents.
No. 7. A Penitential Rite of the Ancient Mexicans.
By Zelia Nuttall. 1904. 26 pages, 5 plates, and 8
illustrations in die text. 50 -cents.
VOLUME II, $5.50; bound in cloth, $7.50.
The Fundamental Principles of Old and New World
Civilization. By Zelia Nuttall. 1901. 602 pages,
7 plates, and 73 illustrations in the text, and In-
dex. Signatures only.
VOLUME III complete, with Contents and Index,
$4.70; bound in cloth, $7.20.
No. 1. The Cahokia and Surrounding Mound Groups.
By D. I. Bushnell, Jr. 1904. 20 pages, 5 plates, map,
and 7 illustrations in the text. 50 cents.
No. 2. Exploration of Mounds, Coahoma County,
Mississippi. By Charles Peabody. 1904. 44 pages
and 17 plates. $1.00.
No. 3. Inheritance of Digital Malformation in Man.
By W. C. Farabee. 190$. 13 pages and 5 plates.
35 cents.
No. 4. The Mandans: A Study of Their Culture,
Archaeology, and Language. By G. F. Will and
H. J. Spinden. 1906. 141 pages, 4 maps, 15 plates,
and 16 illustrations in the text. $2.35.
No. 5. Discovery of a Fragment of the Printed Copy
of the Work on the Millcayac Language [of
Chile] by Luis De Valdivia. By Rudolph R.
Schuller. 1913. 37 pages. 50 cents. Photographic
reproduction of 4 pages of die work, with Biblio-
graphic Nodce.
VOLUME IV complete, with Contents, $4.50; bound
in cloth, $7.00.
No. 1. Representations of Deities of the Maya Man-
uscripts. By Paul Schellhas. 1904. 47 pages, 1
plate, and 65 illustrations in the text. 50 cents. A
translation.
No. 2. Commentary on the Maya Manuscript in the
Royal Public Library of Dresden. By Ernst
Forstemann. 1906. 221 pages, 1 plate, and 10 illus-
trations in the text. $2.25. (A few copies have been
interleaved, $3.35.) A translation.
No. 3. The Animal Figures in the Maya Codices. By
A. M. Tozzer and G. M. Allen. 1910. 100 pages,
39 plates, and 24 illustrations in the text. $1.75.
VOLUME V, $5.75; bound in cloth, $8.25.
The Archaeology of the Delaware Valley. By
Ernest Volk. 191 1. 258 pages, 2 maps, 125 plates,
and 26 illustrations in the text.
VOLUME VI complete, with Contents, $5.40; bound
in cloth, $7.90.
No. 1. Commentary on the Maya-Tzental Codex
Perez. By William E. Gates. 1910. 64 pages, 2
plates, and illustrations in the text. 65 cents.
No. 2. A Possible Solution of the Number Series on
Pages 51 to 58 of the Dresden Codex. By Carl E.
Guthe. 1921. 31 pages and 1 plate. 50 cents.
No. 3. Astronomical Notes on the Maya Codices. By
Robert W. Willson. 1924. 46 pages, 9 plates, and
6 illustrations in the text. 75 cents.
No. 4. The Reduction of Mayan Dates. By Herbert
J. Spinden. 1924. 286 pages, 4 plates, and 62 illus-
trations in the text. $3-50.
VOLUME VII, $2.40; bound in cloth, $4.90.
History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of
the Itzas. By Philip Ainsworth Means. 1917.
206 pages, 5 plates, and map.
VOLUME VIII complete, with Contents, $8.25; bound
in cloth, $10.75.
No. 1. Indian Village Site and Cemetery near Madi-
sonville, Ohio. By E. A. Hooton. 1920. 137 pages,
30 plates, and 5 illustrations in the text. $2.25.
Notes on the artifacts by C. C. Willoughby.
No. 2. Basket-Maker Caves of Northeastern Ari-
zona. By S. J. Guernsey and A. V. Kidder. 192 1.
121 pages, 44 plates, and 16 illustrations in the text.
$3-75-
No. 3. The Turner Group of Earthworks, Hamilton
County, Ohio. By C. C. Willoughby. 1922. 132
pages, 27 plates, and 47 illustrations in the text.
$2.25. Notes on the skeletal remains by E. A.
Hooton.
VOLUME IX, $3.25; bound in cloth, $5.75.
A Grammar of the Maya Language Including a
Bibliography, with an Appraisal of the Various
Works. By A. M. Tozzer. 1921. 301 pages.
VOLUME X, $3.20; bound in cloth, $5.45.
Indian TrD3ES of Eastern Peru. By William C.
Farabee. 1922. 194 pages, 28 plates, and 20 illus-
trations in the text. Introduction by Louis J. de
Milhau.
VOLUME XI complete, $4.70; bound in cloth, $7.20.
No. 1. Indian Burial Place at Winthrop, Massachu-
setts. By C. C. Willoughby. 1924. 37 pages, 4
plates, and 20 illustrations in the text. 75 cents.
Notes on the skeletal remains by E. A. Hooton.
(Continued on last four pages and inside and outside back cover)
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
A STUDY OF SOCIAL AND ESTHETIC VALUES
AS SEEN IN NAVAHO MUSIC
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2011 with funding from
LYRASIS Members and Sloan Foundation
http://www.archive.org/details/enemywaymusicstuOOmcal
PAPERS
OF THE
PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY
AND ETHNOLOGY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY
VOL. XLI, NO. 3
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
A STUDY OF SOCIAL AND ESTHETIC VALUES
AS SEEN IN NAVAHO MUSIC
BY
DAVID P. McALLESTER
REPORTS OF THE RIMROCK PROJECT
VALUES SERIES NO. 3
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A.
PUBLISHED BY THE MUSEUM
1954
51?L,31
K3^o
v, 41
no,!)
PRINTED BY THE HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRINTING OFFICE
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A.
FOREWORD
NEVER, to my knowledge, have ethnog-
raphy and musicology been brought so
closely together as in this monograph. Indeed
they are separable here only bv arbitrary and
conventional abstraction. Dr. McAllester has
treated music for what it is: an aspect of cul-
ture which can be fully understood only if its
manifold and often subtle overflows into other
aspects of culture are grasped. The music of a
culture, in its turn, as David McAllester so
brilliantly shows, reveals many hitherto hid-
den or half-hidden facets of the rest of the
culture and gives excellent clues to the under-
lying premises that give cultures their system-
atic quality. This leads immediately into the
realm of values which is the focus of the sec-
ond half of the monograph.
There has long been a rather general and
very vague recognition that there were com-
mon elements in many conceptions of "value"
used by economists, philosophers, social scien-
tists, and estheticians. This is, I think, the first
empirical and detailed exploration of the inter-
connections between esthetic values and the
more pervasive standards and value-orienta-
Cambridge, Massachusetts
September, 1953
tions of a particular culture. There are like-
wise some fragmentary but penetrating com-
parisons with two other cultures in the same
ecological area. In each case it seems clear that
conceptions of "good" and "bad" as regards
music are related to conceptions of "good"
and "bad" in other areas of behavior.
This, then, is a pioneering study in esthetic
values and their relations to the total value
system of a culture. It is likewise a major con-
tribution to musicology and to Navaho eth-
nography. There is much excellent new
ethnographic information, particularly in the
values area. Dr. McAllester has skillfully
linked esthetics, ethnography, linguistics and
literary style in the matrix of values analysis.
His work greatly strengthens the hypothesis
that values give the key to cultural structure
and that values of all types must be investi-
gated — not just those ordinarily designated
as "moral" and "religious."
With this monograph musicology appears
for the first time as a highly significant social
science.
Clyde Kluckhohn
AUTHOR'S ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
IN EVERY phase of the work leading to
this monograph I have received help for
which I would like to express my deep appre-
ciation. I wish particularly to state my in-
debtedness to the Navahos whose interest,
patience, and good will made this study pos-
sible. Their anonymity is preserved in the
pseudonyms used in the following pages, but
in a very real sense they are the true authors
of this study.
My thanks are due to the Comparative
Study of Values in Five Cultures, Laboratory
of Social Relations of Harvard University,
which provided funds from a Rockefeller
Foundation grant for travel, field work, and
the principal burden of publication costs. Dis-
cussions with members of the Values Study,
access to its voluminous files, and the entree
to the Rimrock area are important benefits,
all generously given. I wish to mention, espe-
cially, the careful and wise editorial help of
Mr. Irving Telling, Miss June Nettleship and
Miss Anne Parsons and the valuable theoreti-
cal and organizational suggestions of Mr. Otto
von Mering, Jr. I wish also to express my
thanks to Dr. J. O. Brew, Director, and other
members of the staff of the Peabody Museum
of Archaeology and Ethnology of Harvard
University for their help in the preparation of
this paper. The Museum of Navajo Cere-
monial Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico provided
funds for a very helpful investigation of cere-
monial music at which time I was also able to
record my only examples of "trotting" skip-
dance songs. The generous assistance of my
father, Dr. Ralph W. McAllester, did much to
facilitate this research.
I am deeply grateful to Wesleyan Univer-
sity for a leave of absence during the Fall
Term of 1950-195 1, and to the Wesleyan
University Research Committee which pro-
vided a grant-in-aid to assist with publication
expenses.
Many students of Navaho culture gave me
the benefit of their knowledge and experience.
I wish particularly to express my obligations
to Father Berard Haile, Gladys A. Reichard,
Robert Rapoport, David C. McClelland, Evon
Z. Vogt, and Mary C. Wheelwright. I owe
much to the interest and help of John M.
Roberts, Co-ordinator of the Values Study,
freelv given from the moment I first began to
plan this research.
My debt to Dr. Clyde Kluckhohn is very
great indeed. His interest in, and criticism of
my research design and his careful reading
and painstaking evaluation of this monograph
have been of invaluable aid. His discussion of
the theory of values, both in print and in per-
sonal interviews, provided the impetus for the
present study.
Wherever I turned for advice or hospitality
in the Rimrock area, I was received most gen-
erously. To traders, missionaries, and local
residents alike, I owe warm thanks for valuable
contacts, much local Navaho lore, and facili-
ties for interviewing and making recordings.
While it gives me much pleasure to express
my gratitude to all of the above, I wish to
take full responsibility for any errors of fact
or interpretation in this paper.
vi
CONTENTS
PART I: ETHNOGRAPHIC AND MUSI-
COLOGICAL BACKGROUND
INTRODUCTION .•
Music and the study of values
Existential values
Normative values
DESCRIPTION OF THE ENEMY WAY
Purpose of the ceremony
Procedure
The decision
The stick receiver
Preparation of the drum
Journev to stick receiver's camp
First night of public singing
Gift singing
Return of the patient's party
Stick receiver's party moves camp
Second night of public singing
The move to the patient's camp
The return gift singing
The Enemy Way rites
Third night of public singing
The Circle Dance
The Walking Songs
The regular singing and dancing
Conclusion
THE SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY i
List of songs in the Enemy Way i
Bear and Snake Songs i
Songs used in preparation of the drum ... i
Songs used in preparation of the rattle
stick 17
The Coyote Songs 18
The Sway Songs 18
The Dance Songs 19
The Gift Songs 20
The Emetic Songs 20
Unraveling Songs 21
The Medicine Songs 21
Blackening Songs 21
The Circle Dance Songs 22
Walking Song 22
Songs to the patient 22
Concluding songs of the Enemy Way .... 23
Songs for depositing the rattle stick 23
An elaboration of the ordinary Enemy Way
ceremony 23
The songs of the Tail Dancers 23
The songs of the Black Dancers 24
Song at the Meal of No-Cedar Mush 24
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY
WAY 25
General remarks 25
Section one — the Sway Songs 26
Comments with the Sway Songs 27
Texts 29
Meaningful texts 29
Texts in vocables 30
Fixed phrases 30
Introduction and coda 30
The secondary coda 30
The pre-coda 30
The "sway development" 30
The main text in vocables 30
Melodic analysis 3
Meter 3
Tempo 3
Pitch 3
Melodic line 3
Over-all range 32
Range in individual phrases 32
Melodic phrasing 32
Fixed phrases 32
Paired phrases 33
Over-all patterns 33
Number of phrases 34
Finals 34
Tonality 35
Scales in melodic music 35
Types of "scales" in the Sway Songs 35
Chromatic 36
Scale on the interval of a fourth 36
Pentatonic scales 36
Diatonic scales 36
Open triad 36
The modes 37
Dorian mode 37
Mixolydian mode 37
Notes on the Sway Songs 37
The Sway Songs following 38
Section two — the Dance Songs 39
Comments with the Dance Songs 39
Texts 41
Meaningful texts 41
Texts in vocables 41
Fixed phrases 41
Introduction and coda 41
"Z" coda 41
The main texts in vocables 42
Four "Skipping Songs" 42
Melodic analysis 42
Meter 42
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
Tempo 42
Pitch 42
Melodic line 42
Over-all range 42
Range in individual phrases 42
Melodic phrasing 43
Fixed phrases 43
Paired phrases 43
Over-all patterns 43
Number of phrases 43
Finals 43
Tonality 43
Types of "scales" in the Dance Songs .... 43
Chromatic scales 43
Scales on the interval of a fourth 43
Pentatonic scales 44
Pentatonic on the tonic 44
Pentatonic without the second 44
Pentatonic scales on the fourth 44
Diatonic scales 44
Open triad 44
The modes 44
Four scales of very short span 44
Notes on the Dance Songs 45
The Dance Songs following 46
Section three — the Gift Songs 47
Comments with the Gift Songs 47
Texts 48
Meaningful texts 48
Texts in vocables 48
Fixed phrases 48
Sway Song introduction and coda 48
Gift Song introduction and coda 48
A Circle Dance coda 48
The main texts in vocables 48
Melodic analysis 48
Meter 48
Tempo 48
Pitch 49
Melodic line 49
Over-all range 49
Range in individual phrases 49
Melodic phrasing 49
Fixed phrases 49
Paired phrases 49
Over-all patterns 49
Number of phrases 49
Finals 49
Tonality 50
Types of "scales" in the Gift Songs 50
Chromatic scales 50
Scale on the interval of a fourth 50
Pentatonic scales 50
Diatonic scales 50
Open triad 50
The modes 50
Notes on the Gift Songs 50
The Gift Songs following 50
Section four — the Circle Dance Songs 51
Comments with the Circle Dance Songs 51
Texts 51
Meaningful texts 51
Texts in vocables 52
Fixed phrases 52
Circle Dance introduction and coda .... 52
The main texts in vocables 52
Melodic analysis 52
Meter 52
Tempo 52
Pitch 52
Melodic line 52
Over-all range 52
Range in individual phrases 53
Melodic phrasing 53
Fixed phrases 53
Paired phrases 53
Over-all patterns 53
Number of phrases 53
Finals 53
Tonality 53
Types of "scales" in the Circle Dance Songs 53
Chromatic scales 53
Scales on the interval of a fourth 53
Pentatonic scales 53
Diatonic scales 53
Major 53
Minor 53
Open triad 54
The modes 54
Notes on the Circle Dance Songs 54
The Circle Dance Songs following 54
Section five — summary 55
Vocal style 55
Function 55
Attitude 55
Meaningful texts 55
Texts in vocables 55
Sway Songs 55
Dance Songs 55
Gift Songs 56
Circle Dance Songs 56
Meter 56
Tempo 56
Pitch 56
Melodic line 56
Over-all range 56
Range in individual phrases 57
Melodic phrasing 57
Fixed phrases 57
Paired phrases 57
Over-all patterns 57
Number of phrases 58
Finals 58
Scales 58
Note relationships in general 59
CONTENTS
PART II: VALUES IN THE STUDY OF
MUSIC AS SOCIAL BEHAVIOR 63
THE NATURE OF TABOO 63
Danger through misuse: various forms of pro-
tection 64
RELIGIONS FROM OUTSIDE 68
The Peyote Cult 68
The Galilean mission 69
ESTHETIC VALUES 71
A construct of Navaho musical esthetics 73
Tonality 73
Voice production 74
Group singing 74
Rhythm 74
Tempo 74
Melodic line 75
SOME OTHER CULTURAL VALUES 76
Competition 76
Self-expression 77
Navaho quiet 78
Musical knowledge brings prestige 79
Humor 80
Women in religion 81
Individualism 82
Provincialism 82
Formalism 83
Music as an aid to rapport in field work 84
A SUMMARY IN TERMS OF EXISTEN-
TIAL AND NORMATIVE VALUES 86
What music is 86
The esthetic 86
Navaho quiet 86
Navaho humor 87
Individualism 87
Provincialism 87
Formalism 88
Discussion 88
APPENDIX A 91
Questionnaire 91
First level of specificity 91
Second level of specificity 91
Third level of specificity 92
REFERENCES 95
PART I
ETHNOGRAPHIC AND MUSICOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
'
INTRODUCTION
MUSIC AND THE STUDY OF VALUES
MUSIC has not been given a fair hearing
in the social sciences, and this is almost
as true of the other arts as well. Perhaps the
immediate intrinsic interest of the arts can be
blamed for the fact that they have usually
been treated per se rather than in their rela-
tionship to culture as a whole. A drawing, a
dance step, or a melody is intercultural in the
sense that it is immediately recognized as a
mode of expression by any observer. He
knows that this is art, the dance, or music and
reflects that here is a "universal language."
How far the arts really constitute a universal
language is a problem which, as yet, has
scarcely received serious attention from the
students of social relations.
Of all the arts, perhaps music has seemed the
hardest to study as social behavior. Aside from
the accompanying poetry in the song texts, the
actual substance of music appears forbiddingly
abstract. Melodic line and phrasing, meter,
pitch, and scale have been reserved for highly
trained musicologists, few of whom have been
interested in cultural applications. The unfor-
tunate result of this specialization and the feel-
ing that one must have "talent" to study music
has been a general abdication from this field
by social scientists, even to the extent that the
most elementary questions about attitudes
toward music have often remained unasked.1
In the realm of cultural values this rich source
of insight still awaits systematic exploration.
The research described on the following
pages is an attempt to explore cultural values
through an analysis of attitudes toward music
and through an analysis of the music itself.
The Navahos in the Rimrock area seemed
particularly suitable for a study of this sort
because they have been thoroughly investi-
gated from many other points of view and be-
cause it is a matter of general knowledge that
music ordinarily plays a vital role in the
everyday life of Navahos. The study was con-
ceived on a comparative basis. Some mention
1 Exceptions in the area of Navaho studies may be
noted in Reichard, 1950, vol. I, pp. 279-300; Kluckhohn
and Leighton, 1946, pp. 141-44, 151-53; and Kluck-
hohn and Wyman, 1940, pp. 64-67.
of the Mormon and Salcedaa material collected
is made in the following pages, but a cross-
cultural comparison as such will be made in
another paper.
My primary technique was the field inter-
view with any and all possible informants, but
I also interviewed a selected sample of the
Rimrock Navaho population, using a prepared
questionnaire (see Appendix A). The ques-
tionnaire provided a common core of investi-
gation in the interviews but was not used in
the same way with all informants in the
sample. Whenever feasible, recordings of songs
were made, and the recording situation pro-
vided some of the most fruitful stimuli for the
discussion of music. I attended whatever cere-
monies I could during my four and one-
half months' stay, including a Night Way
twenty miles north near Pine Valley, and a
meeting of the Native American Church not
far from Window Rock. I was present at the
public aspect of the Enemy Way on five
occasions:
1. September 9, 1950, at Pine Valley. Second Night.
Sway singing, announcements,
dancing, sway singing con-
tinued. About three hours.
2. September 10, 1950, at Willow Fence. Third Night
of same Enemy Way. Ob-
served: circle dance, walking
songs, serenade of patient,
sway singing, dancing, sway
singing continued, announce-
ments, concluding ceremony.
About twelve hours.
3. September 20, 1950, at Willow Fence. Third Night
of Enemy Way for woman
who fainted at the September
9 dance. Particip. in circle
dance and some of sway sing-
ing. Observed: walking songs,
serenade, sway singing, danc-
ing, sway singing continued,
u "Salceda" is a fictitious name for a Southwestern
Indian community having a pueblo-type culture.
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
announcements, concluding
ceremony. About thirteen
hours.
September 22, 1950, at Pine Valley. Visited an
Enemy Way home-camp on
interpreter's business four
days before the ceremony was
to begin. Was advised to
stay in the car. Observed: a
limited amount of the activity
of preparation.
4. September 27, 1950, at Pine Valley, two miles from
home-camp. Second Night.
Learned First Night had been
down near Railtown. Ob-
served: sway singing, an-
nouncements, dancing. Slept,
got up for last half hour of
singing at dawn. About four
hours.
5. September 28, 1950, at Pine Valley, home-camp.
Third Night of above. Ob-
served: circle dance, walking
songs, serenade, sway singing.
Went to bed about 11:30 be-
fore dancing began. Heard
next morning there had been
very little dancing. Observed:
last hour of sway singing and
concluding ceremony. Heard
Salcedanos make speech about
rowdy character of perform-
ance (see p. 13). About seven
hours.
I tried to observe as many different social situa-
tions as possible where music might play a
part. I camped for short periods with two
Navaho families, attended meetings of the
Mormon Church and the Galilean Mission,
worked for a week with Navaho migrant
laborers in the carrot fields near Carrot Flats,
New Mexico, spending the nights in the slab-
shanty village provided by the employers, and
made several extended trips with groups of
Navahos in my car. In all of these situations,
I made observations and asked questions with
the aim of discovering what the musical dimen-
sion of social behavior could contribute to the
study of values and value theory.
2Kluckhohn, in Parsons and Shils, 195 1, p. 395.
The participants in the Comparative Study
of Values in Five Cultures Project have arrived
at a useful working definition of the term
value:
A value is a conception, explicit or implicit, distinctive
of an individual or characteristic of a group, of the
desirable which influences the selection from avail-
able modes, means, and ends of action.2
Vogt sums up values and value-orientations
as involving three fundamental types of ex-
perience:
What is or is believed to be (existential).
What one wants (desire).
What one ought to want (the desirable).*
In a comparative study of values through
an analysis of music and attitudes towards
music, these areas suggest many interesting
avenues of investigation.
Existential Values
Perhaps the most basic question, and one of
the hardest to approach, is what music is con-
ceived to be. A striking example of my own
cultural bias in this respect became apparent
when I had the first section of my question-
naire translated into Navaho: there was no
general word for "musical instrument" or even
for "music." A fact-finding question such as,
"What kinds of musical instruments do you
use?" (really intended to start the informant
thinking and talking about music) had to be
phrased, "Some people beat a drum when
they sing; what other things are used like
that?" A "fact" in the Navaho universe is that
music is not a general category of activity but
has to be divided into specific aspects or kinds
of music. I learned, moreover, that beating a
drum to accompany oneself in song was not a
matter of esthetic choice but a rigid require-
ment for a particular ceremony, and a discus-
sion of musical instruments was not an esthetic
discussion for the Navahos but was, by defini-
tion, a discussion of ceremonial esoterica.
Similarly, the question, "How do you feel
when you hear a drum?" was intended to
evoke an esthetic response. But the Navaho
"fact" is that a drum accompaniment is rarely
heard except with the public songs of the
"Vogt, 1951, p. 7.
INTRODUCTION
Enemy Way, and if you feel queer, especially
dizzy, at the ceremonial, it is a clear indication
that you, too, need to be a patient at this
particular kind of "sing." What I took to be
a somewhat general esthetic question was, for
the Navahos, a most specific ceremonial ques-
tion and was interpreted by the average in-
formant as an inquiry into his state of health.
At the beginning of my work I intended to
limit my investigation to secular music, re-
serving any considerable study in the tre-
mendous field of Navaho religious music for
a later time. I soon discovered the Navaho
"fact" that all music is religious and that the
most nearly secular songs in melody, in textual
content, and in the attitudes of the performers
were derived from the Enemy Way chant
mentioned above, a religious ceremony de-
signed to protect the Navahos from the in-
fluence of the ghosts of slain outsiders. The
dancing which accompanies certain parts of
this rite is widely known as the Navaho Squaw
Dance, and it is the singing which accompanies
this dance, together with certain other kinds
of public songs of the Enemy Way, to which
I refer.
It was possible, eventually, to construct a
hierarchy of different kinds of music accord-
ing to the degree of secular emphasis. In the
value-orientations of the Navahos I could
find no music that was believed to be purely
secular, but the public Enemy Way songs and
certain songs of the Blessing Way 4 were secu-
lar as ivell as religious and could be used in
secular contexts.
It was necessary, of course, to try to ascer-
tain, for music, the Navaho definition of "reli-
gious." Questioning revealed little or no native
preoccupation with a differentiation between
that which is religious and that which is secu-
lar. The Navaho has not compartmentalized
his life in this respect. However, as will be
seen below in the discussion of taboo, a useful
1 1 am indebted to Dr. Kluckhohn for information
on the secular use of Blessing Way songs. He has
found that both children and male adults may sing
songs from the latter part of this ceremony, especially
Dawn Songs, on social occasions. Women do not
sing these, however, and the fact that such songs
bring good luck or "good hope" whenever they are
sung suggests that religious connotations are present
more generally than is the case with the public songs
of the Enemy Way. See also Wyman and Kluck-
definition of the religious in Navaho music
could be arrived at behaviorally, even though
it is foreign to Navaho modes of thought.5
Normative Values
Any extended investigation of existential
values leads to the normative. Part of the defi-
nition of music, or of religious or secular
music, must include the substance of what is
wanted or expected in a culture from its
music.
The esthetic, as one of the important "con-
tent categories" of values,6 merits the serious
attention of the social scientist. As in the case
of the religious and the secular, the organic
quality of Navaho value-orientations does not
permit any neat separation of esthetics and reli-
gion. A discussion of the Navaho musical
esthetic and the emergence of a new value in
this area will be found in Part Two, below. As
is shown in detail, what is desired in music is
an effect, primarily magical, whether the song
is for dancing, gambling, corn grinding, or
healing. When a traditional Navaho is asked
how he likes a song, he does not consider the
question, "How does it sound?" but "What is
it for?" Esthetic desiderata in our sense of
specifications of melodic form, tone, vocal
style, and so on, can be derived only from a
musicological examination of these aspects of
the music; they are not discussed as such by
Navaho singers.
The social aspect of Navaho singing is an-
other important phase of the desired. Here
too, a change from traditional values is taking
place, and a conflict between younger and
older generations may be seen. The question,
"What do we want?" is in a state of flux,
and the question "What ought we to want?"
has come very much to the fore. Sex roles and
age roles emerge as important factors in Na-
vaho normative values as regards music. Here
too, significant changes are taking place due
hohn, 1938, pp. 35-36.
6 A particularly promising approach in ascertaining
religious and esthetic values in music is suggested by
Roberts' "strength, direction, and prepotency." In an
area where articulate discussion is at a minimum these
behaviorally observable indications of value content
should be extremely useful. See Roberts, 1952, pp.
12-14.
8 Kluckhohn, in Parsons and Shils, 1951, pp. 412-13.
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
to the encroachment of white American cul-
ture and new religious ideas.
The "secular" songs of the Enemy Way
are in a central position in the whole problem
of Navaho values as seen through music. They
are the only songs that may be sung in extem-
pore variations or composed de novo by a
talented individual 7 and are thus a focal point
of the new esthetic. They are used specifically
in a social context even in the religious cere-
mony of which they are a part, and they may
also be used apart from the ceremony as purely
recreational music. They are thus of basic im-
portance in the consideration of religious
and/or secular values in Navaho culture. To
my knowledge, they are the only Navaho
songs that may have texts bearing on contem-
porary mores and other topical subjects, pro-
viding direct material on social values. In
musical structure they are much freer than is
the highly formalized chant-like music of the
sacred healing ceremonies,8 and yet they show
distinct formal conventions which may be re-
lated to certain aspects of the Navaho's con-
ception of his relations with his external en-
vironment. It is not surprising, then, that they
are the most widely known and most often
sung melodies among the Navahos today.
I have oriented the following discussion
around a consideration of these public songs
of Enemy Way. As background for the dis-
cussion of values in Part Two of this paper,
an outline of the Enemy Way ceremonial, its
place in Navaho culture, and a discussion and
analysis of its music with particular emphasis
on the public songs will be given in the fol-
lowing three chapters.
7 Almost all Navaho music is traditional with a
strong emphasis on exact learning and repetition. A
few "silly" or humorous songs are made up, usually
on an Enemy Way model, but as far as I know the
only other songs which are not carefully handed
down are "Yeibichai songs," the dance songs used in
the public part of the Night Way ceremonial. These
songs are made up as part of the efforts of the com-
peting dance teams rather than as individual composi-
tions. According to Dr. Kluckhohn (personal com-
munication), some of these have been sung outside
the ceremony, in social contexts, in the last ten years.
8 In the non-public parts of the Enemy Way cere-
mony, the music has the same chant-like quality as
the other healing ceremonies.
DESCRIPTION OF THE ENEMY WAY
EXCEPT for the music, the descriptions
already published of this ceremony leave
little to be added. For the reader's convenience
a resume of the purpose and performance of
the Enemy Way will be given in this chapter.
Unless otherwise indicated the data should be
understood to refer to practices in the Rim-
rock-Willow Fence-Pine Valley area.
PURPOSE OF THE CEREMONY
The formal intention of the Enemy Way is
to lay the ghost of an outsider: that of a white
man or of some other non-Navaho such as a
European, an Asiatic, or a member of some
other Indian tribe. Most of the Enemy Ways
performed in the last few years for young
men have been directed against the ghosts
of enemies slain in World War II.1 But numer-
ous situations in everyday life may expose one
to the attentions of an "enemy" ghost: being
too near the scene of a fatal automobile acci-
dent was cited by one informant. Intimate
contact with a non-Navaho who may have
died subsequently is another possibility.
Women as well as men may be pursued by
these ghosts and require the performance of
the Enemy Way.
At the present time a lot of this sickness among the
women is due to the fact that when the girls go off to
school they come in contact with white men's clothes.
If they wash a white man's clothes and inhale the
steam from the water this brings on the old war sick-
ness. That explains why it is mostly the women who
get the war sickness today.2
The ways by which one can tell when the
ceremony is needed range from the general,
such as a vague feeling that it would be a
good thing, to the highly specific, such as a
dream that recalled an encounter with the
body of a dead outsider. It is frequently used
as a last resort when other ceremonies have
failed. To ascertain whether it is the proper
ceremony for a particular sickness a small
portion of the ritual, the blackening, is some-
times tried first. If the patient shows improve-
ment, the whole ceremony is then performed.
1 Adair and Vogt, 1949.
2 Hill, W. W., 1936, pp. 17-18.
One sure symptom is a feeling of faintness or
dizziness when one attends an Enemy Way
which is being held for someone else. That
this is by no means a rare occurrence may be
shown by the fact that at least eight infor-
mants mentioned it. Three informants testified
that they had felt a little queer when listening
to Enemy Way music and thus knew the time
was coming when this trouble might get seri-
ous and require the ceremony. At the Enemy
Way which I attended on September 9, 1950,
a woman fainted, and she was the patient at
the next Enemy Way given in that region,
September 18-20. Reasons given for putting
off the performance of the ceremony when
the symptoms were not serious were that the
weather was too cold, there was not enough
money in the family just then, and that the
sheep had been doing poorly.
Besides the formal purpose of the ceremony,
one should not overlook such socially derived
motives as the urge to keep up with the neigh-
bors in the matter of giving ceremonials and
the feeling of poorer families that wealthy
families should provide more than the average
number of these entertainments.3 An impor-
tant function of the social part of the ceremony
is the "bringing out" of young girls who have
reached marriageable age. The interest of the
young men is clearly centered in the social
singing and drinking and in looking over the
available girls. The Enemy Way is felt to be
a particularly enjoyable ceremony for the
spectators. Any man may join in a good deal
of the singing, and women have been known
to do so, too. This is one of the rare occa-
sions in Navaho life on which young men
may dance with girls, and it is one of the few
3Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, p. 161.
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
ceremonies to which a composer may bring
his songs for a public hearing. These circum-
stances may well have an effect on the fre-
quency with which the Enemy Way is given,
particularly in the summer months when the
nights are short and pleasant.
PROCEDURE
It is well to bear in mind that the ceremony
is, in many of its steps, a re-enactment of a
war party and that much of the behavior and
paraphernalia relate to the two great wars in
Navaho mythology — the slaying of the mon-
sters by the Hero Twins and the war on Taos.
Two separate camps are involved, and in many
ways they represent the two warring factions.
In outline the steps of the ceremony are as
follows:
Preparation i. The feeling grows among the
patient's relatives that the cere-
mony is needed. Tentative ex-
plorations sound out the clansmen
who will be expected to share
in the expense. If family support
is forthcoming, the decision is
finally reached, and overtures to
a practitioner of the ceremony
and to a "stick receiver" are de-
cided upon.
Preparation 2. The head of the family (male) at
another camp is asked to be stick
receiver, and, if he consents, he
sets the date for the beginning of
the ceremony.
Preparation 3.
The practitioner arrives, and un-
der his guidance a drum is pre-
pared at the patient's camp with
considerable ceremony. Some or
all of the night is spent in sing-
ing with a few hours of dancing
sometimes added.
First Day 4. The "rattle" stick is decorated
and carried by the patient and a
large following to the camp of
the stick receiver.
First Night 5. First night of public singing and
a few hours of dancing take place
at the camp of the stick receiver.
Second Day 6. Party from patient's camp sings
outside stick receiver's hogan and
receives presents.
Second Day
Second Day 8.
Party from patient's camp returns
home.
The stick receiver's camp is
moved to within a few miles of
the patient's camp.
Second Night 9. Second night of public singing
and a few hours of dancing take
place at the new camp of the
stick receiver's party.
Third Day 10. Stick receiver's party moves to
the patient's camp, and a sham
battle takes place, after which
the stick receiver's camp is set
up next to the patient's camp.
Third Day n. Party from stick receiver's camp
sings outside patient's hogan and
receives presents.
Third Day 12.
Third Night
Third Night 14.
Blackening of patient, perform-
ance of Enemy Way rites, and
shooting of scalp take place.
Circle dance, walking songs, sere-
nade, and third night of public
singing with a few hours of
dancing take place.
At dawn a brief ceremony con-
cludes the Enemy Way. This
may include the singing of Bless-
ing Way songs.
These steps are considered below in somewhat
greater detail.
The Decision
When it is decided after very complex nego-
tiations that the Enemy Way is needed, much
activity ensues at the patient's camp. A special
hogan must be built, and a new cooking arbor
is erected to the south of it. A practitioner
who knows the songs and procedure is sought.
Friends and relatives go in search of such herbs
DESCRIPTION OF THE ENEMY WAY
as the practitioner requires 4 and the yarn that
must decorate the "rattle" and be presented
to the family of the stick receiver. An agent
is sent to procure an enemy trophy such as a
scalp or a bit of bone. It must be from a dead
outsider and one of the same tribe or race
as that of the ghost which is causing the
patient's sickness. There are individuals who
keep scalps or bones buried somewhere for
such emergencies. When a white man's ghost
is bothering a Navaho in the Rimrock area,
the trophy is provided by the bones of a cer-
tain sheepherder who was murdered by a
Mexican and received a shallow burial in an
unprotected place some years ago.
The Stick Receiver
It is preferable that the stick receiver be a
person of some esoteric knowledge concerning
the Enemy Wav. He should know the four
sacred songs (Coyote Songs) which precede
the public singing. A favorite stick receiver in
the Rimrock-Willow Fence area was Mr.
Moustache, himself a singer of the Blessing
Way.
When a stick receiver is found he chooses
a time most convenient for all concerned
within three, five, seven, etc., days. The in-
terval of days is always an odd number "be-
cause in this manner things were done in the
beginning of time." 5 If the patient is seri-
ously ill, the time will be as short as possible,
often only one day.
Preparation of the Drum
The night before the party is to go to the
stick receiver's camp, the drum is prepared.
The drum is a small native earthen pot with
a buckskin cover. Water is poured into the
pot ceremonially, and sacred songs are sung
by the practitioner as several men pull a mois-
tened buckskin taut over the mouth of the pot.
Someone wraps a buckskin thong around the
neck of the pot, and the drumhead is thus se-
cured. Three holes representing eyes and a
mouth are punched in the drumhead with a
steel awl, and additional water may be put
into the pot through these holes. Special songs
are sung during the preparation of the drum
'Wyman and Harris, 1941, p. 74; Franciscan
Fathers, 1910, pp. 368-69.
(see pp. 15-17) which is then taken outside.
Four special songs are now sung by the medi-
cine man and anyone who knows them well
enough to join in and assist. These are the
"First" or "Coyote" songs. After this, sway
singing begins and may continue until mid-
night or even all night. The patient is sup-
posed to participate, and there may be a little
dancing.6
Journey to Stick Receiver's Camp
The stick is called "rattle" in Navaho and
is probably derived from the handle of a rattle.
It is a branch of juniper three or four feet
long which is cut, trimmed, and decorated
with much punctilio, prayer, and the singing
of special songs. Certain herbs, feathers, parts
of animals, colored yarn, etc., are fastened to
it. The bark is incised with a design repre-
senting the bow of Enemy Slayer and another
representing the hair-knot of Changing
Woman, his mother.
Preparations are now made for the journey
to the stick receiver's camp. The departure
must be timed so that the party will arrive at
about sundown. It is preferred that they
travel on horseback, and the stick receiver's
camp should be some distance away. At the
Enemy Way at Pine Valley, September 26-
28, 1950, the stick receiver was to have been a
man living near Willow Fence, but the death
of an old lady related to the family there occa-
sioned a last-minute change to a man living
a few miles south of Railtown.
Eddie Cochise was told by his grandfather
that during the captivity at Fort Sumner these
long distances were not possible; the camps
had to be within a few yards of each other.
The Navahos had no horses at that time and
so they decorated long sticks to represent
horses of different colors, "rode" these to the
stick receiver's camp, and "tethered" them
there. "They did this so that when they were
set free, their children would have all kinds of
horses again."
If the patient is well enough to ride, his
face is painted with a band of black from
ear to ear along the jaw-bone and a band of
red across the bridge of the nose from cheek-
0 Haile, 1938, p. 22 1 ; Dyk, 1938, pp. 59, 202-03.
0 Haile, 1938, p. 223.
IO
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
bone to cheekbone. White spots are painted
over the red on the cheekbones, and specular
iron ore is added to this. He then carries the
stick on the journey and presents it to the
stick receiver when he arrives at the latter's
camp. A girl, who should be a virgin and of a
different clan from that of the patient, is
chosen by the stick receiver to be the "stick
girl." She will be in charge of the stick until
near the end of the ceremony on the last
night; she must see that it is kept in a safe
place, and she carries it during the dancing.
In addition to the yarn on the stick, several
pounds of the same red yarn are carried,
looped around somebody's neck or on a saddle
horn, and presented to the wife of the stick
receiver. If the patient's party travels by au-
tomobile, the yarn will be looped around the
base of the aerial or in some other conspicuous
place. This yarn may be incorporated into
blankets that the women in the stick receiver's
household weave; a favorite use is for the
bright tassels on the corners of saddle blankets.
First Night of Public Singing
This night is called the First Night by the
Navahos, and I have kept this usage. After
dark, various fires by the wagons or trucks
of the spectators light the dance circle. People
may have a few bites to eat, and there is usu-
ally a good deal of waiting around. The sing-
ing begins with the four sacred songs of the
night before, led by the stick receiver if
he knows them. Men group around the drum-
mer, and general singing follows, continuing
for some time. The singers very soon divide
into two factions facing each other. These
two sides take turns in the singing, and a
strong element of competition begins to ap-
pear. After an hour or so of this, there is
often a break for announcements, and various
tribal leaders may announce tribal elections to
be held, or day-labor jobs to be had, in Idaho
or on the railroad. The crowd is often ex-
horted to keep in mind the sacred nature of
the ceremony and the "old Navaho way" of
doing things. Drinking and promiscuity are
condemned. I have heard announcements that
were very brief and one so long that the
drummer beat impatiently on his drum, people
'Haile, 1938, p. 49.
shouted for the singing to continue, and some-
what drunken youths began mocking the ris-
ing and falling cadences of the speaker's voice.
This manifestation of impatience was ex-
traordinary in my experience with the Na-
vaho (see "Navaho Quiet," pp. 78, 86.)
When the announcements are over, the sing-
ing continues for a while as before, and then
a bonfire is lit in the center of the dance circle.
The singing now changes from sway songs to
dance songs, and girls make their appearance
seeking partners. The stick girl begins the
dancing by seizing a youth and dragging him
out into the circle. She holds him firmly by
the belt or jacket and wheels with him in one
spot. Other girls follow suit and at intervals
they stop, collect payments from the boys, and
find new partners. The payments, usually from
a dime to a quarter, traditionally represent
booty brought back from Taos and given to
the Corn People Maidens,7 but none of my in-
formants knew of this. Few older men or
women dance.
In the Willow Fence region, the custom has
come down from the Navaho Reservation in
recent years of going from the wheeling of
individual couples into a round dance in
which couples dance along side by side in a
procession which circles around the dance
ground. They may be holding hands or have
their arms around each other, and I have seen
occasional couples dancing this way draped
in the same blanket. For the most part, the
couples simply walk or trot along, but occa-
sionally someone may be seen skipping in a
very subdued double bounce, first on one foot
and then on the other. Jim Chamiso said that
on the reservation these two styles of dancing
go with distinct types of songs. (See "trotting
songs," nos. 43-46, and "skipping songs," nos.
47-5°-) _
The singers signal the end of the dancing
(see song no. 1), and the rest of the night is
spent in singing sway songs. Interest in this
part of the proceedings is heightened by the
competition between the two groups of sing-
ers and often by competition between the
younger and older generations in the demon-
stration of endurance (see p. 76.) At dawn
the singing comes to an end, and, again, an-
nouncements may be made.
DESCRIPTION OF THE ENEMY WAY
1 1
Sometimes, during this first night of singing
and dancing at the stick receiver's camp, a
separate dance goes on at the patient's camp.
This is especially likely to occur if people feel
that they will have a better time there; in this
case, they will not go over to the stick re-
ceiver's camp with the patient's party but
will drift into the patient's camp around dusk.
Gift Singing
Early in the morning of the second day, the
patient's party assembles before the stick re-
ceiver's hogan, and special songs, the gift
songs, are sung. The stick receiver's party
throws small gifts to the singers through the
smoke hole of the hogan, and then larger gifts
are brought out and handed to persons who
can be trusted to reciprocate with gifts of
equal or greater value later in the ceremony.
These gifts also represent booty taken in the
war on Taos.
Return of the Patient's Party
The patient's party then returns home, being
careful to retrace exactly the route by which
they came. The young men in the party may
take this opportunity to try out their horses
in a race. In an Enemy Way in the summer
of 1947, John Nez and Eddie Mario, who were
the two patients, raced their horses on the
way from Pine Valley to Rimrock. Some-
times, members of the patient's party wait and
move with the stick receiver's camp and stay
with them for the singing and dancing of the
second night.8
Stick Receiver's Party Moves Camp
Later in the day, the stick receiver's party
moves camp. Household utensils are gathered
together and packed in wagons and trucks.
The stick is carried by the stick girl, and the
drum that was made at the stick receiver's
camp is carried by a man who is designated
drummer. These two individuals lead the pro-
cession, and the party embarks in the direction
of the patient's camp. It is usual for one mem-
6Vogt, i95i,p. 25.
' Navahos sometimes called this second night of the
Enemy Way "the camp night" because it is held out
ber of the patient's party to remain behind to
act as guide and show the way officially. He
is supposed to direct the stick receiver's party
to a suitable camp site where there is water
and plenty of firewood.
The party stops and builds a temporary
camp a few miles short of the patient's camp.
A brush hogan is erected, and here the stick
receiver's family may stay and the stick be
kept in safety when it is not in use. The
move is timed so that camp will be made near
sundown. There is an obligation on the part
of the patient's family to provide for this new
camp as shown by the guide mentioned above.
On one occasion, I was asked to carry word to
the patient's camp that the stick receiver's
party was in need of water.
Second Night of Public Singing
The second night of the Enemy Way is
spent in singing, with a few hours of dancing,
at the new camp of the stick receiver's party.9
The procedure is the same as that already de-
scribed for the first night. Members of the
patient's camp go over to join in the singing
and dancing, and the patient himself will do
so if he is a young man and is not disabled
by his illness.
The Move to the Patient's Camp
Soon after dawn the stick receiver's party
moves again. This time they proceed directly
to the camp of the patient, and at their arrival
a sham battle takes place. Members of the
patient's party ride out to meet them, and there
is much shouting and firing of guns. Then the
invading party gallops into camp and circles
around the hogan of the patient with con-
tinued yelling and gunfire. They withdraw
forty or fifty yards to where the women and
children are already setting up camp and
then charge again. They attack and circle
the hogan in this fashion four times and then
withdraw and remain in their new camp.
Women from the patient's camp come over
with food for the newcomers, and there is an
interval for breakfast.
in the open between the stick receiver's hogan and
the patient's home hogan. (E. Z. Vogt, personal com-
munication, 1952.)
12
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
The Return Gift Singing
After breakfast the stick receiver's party
gathers in front of the patient's hogan and
sings the gift songs. It is now their turn to
receive presents. Small gifts are thrown out
through the smoke hole, and return gifts are
brought out by those who received them the
day before at the stick receiver's home camp.
The singing continues as long as there are
gifts to be distributed.
The Enemy Way Rites
Now begins the treatment of the patient —
the performance of the more specific healing
rites. He is blackened with the charcoal of
certain herbs. His face is painted as on the
morning of the first day. He is decorated
with necklaces and wristlets of mountain lion
claws, and yucca leaves are knotted and un-
knotted in ceremonially prescribed ways. All
of these performances accompany ritual sing-
ing which is quite unlike the public singing in
form and function. The complete series of
songs is known only by the medicine man,
though other men present may assist in the
singing, as at most ceremonials, by following
along with the melody and what words they
know or can pick up. The songs, which are
long and chantlike with full and detailed texts,
suggest by the progression of words what
ceremonial act shall be done at what time.
If the patient is married, his wife is black-
ened at this time since she too is considered a
patient. If the ghost is driven away from the
patient but remains with his wife, all the
exorcism of the ceremony may have been in
vain.
After the rites over the patient, an old man
goes out to the place, one hundred yards or so
from the hogan, where the enemy trophy has
been laid on the ground and the location
marked by an upright stick. The old man
shoots at the trophy and strews ashes on it,
and the enemy ghost is thus killed. If the ghost
in question is that of a white man, the trophy
will be placed north of the hogan in the direc-
tion of Railtown. Similarly, the trophy is
placed in the direction of Salceda, the Apache,
etc., for ghosts of those tribes.
10 This may include men from the patient's camp.
(Vogt, personal communication, 1952.)
A second killing of the ghost is enacted by
the patient, or by a male proxy for the patient
if the latter is a woman. The patient ap-
proaches the trophy and thrusts a symbolic
"crow's bill" towards it. He also strews ashes
and repeats some phrase such as "it is dead,
it is dead!"
Third Night of Public Singing
The Circle Dance. At dusk, a group of
men in the stick receiver's camp 10 join hands
and form a circle. There are two drummers
inside the circle, one from each camp, and to
their accompaniment the singing of circle
dance songs begins. The circle moves around
in one direction for one song and then in the
opposite direction for the next. It is divided
into two teams, roughly half-and-half, which
take turns in the singing in the same competi-
tive manner as in the regular sway singing.
The men who are singing move around with
a double bounce on each step while the men
in the other half of the circle simply walk
around without dancing.
The circle dance may continue for an hour
or more. At some time during its progress,
women who wish to do so may enter the
circle and walk around in the same direction as
the dancers without singing. According to
two informants, the stick girl is always sup-
posed to be one of this group and carry the
stick at this time. I noted, however, that in
the third circle dance I saw (September 28,
1950, at Pine Valley), no stick was being car-
ried by any of the girls inside the circle. When
the women decide to leave, the dancers raise
their arms and let them pass under. One in-
formant stated that by entering the dance
women help to drive away the ghost. There
were three women in the circle dance at Wil-
low Fence on September 10, and six at Pine
Valley on September 28. After the circle
dance there is a pause during which announce-
ments are often made.
The Walking Songs. A group of men,
usually older men, and the stick receiver
carrying the stick start a ceremonial progress
from the stick receiver's camp to the patient's
hogan. Four times on the way over they stop
DESCRIPTION OF THE ENEMY WAY
13
and shout the name of the enemy's tribe or
race:
'ana hastiin, ye-ye-ye, 'ana 'asdza, 'ana 'alchini 'ana
nasht'ezhi!
(Enemy man, hey! enemy woman, enemy children,
enemy Zufii! )
On one occasion I witnessed the firing of
pistols into the air at this pause. When I men-
tioned this to Son of Bead Chant Singer, a
man of much esoteric knowledge from Car-
risozo in the Navaho Reservation, he was sur-
prised and interested, saying that he had never
heard of this practice before.
When the walking group reaches the pa-
tient's hogan, they stand before the door. A
ceremonial basket is thrust out under the door
curtain, and the leader of the walking group
sits on the ground with the basket upside down
before him. Using the basket as a drum, he
sings the four sacred Coyote songs that begin
the night's public singing. He sings the first
song next to the door, moves back a few steps
for the second, and so on until he is almost
under the cooking arbor for the fourth. After
this song there is a period of serenading during
which the walking group sings sway songs
around the patient's hogan. Then the group
disbands and returns to the stick receiver's
camp. There is no procession back.
The Regular Singing and Dancing.
After another pause, sway singing begins
again in the stick receiver's camp. The fire is
lit eventually, and the dancing begins as before.
On this night, however, the stick receiver may
take the stick when the dancing is over and
hold it while he joins the singing group.
Conclusion
At dawn the singing is concluded with the
four "First songs" or "Coyote songs." If the
patient requests it, a Blessing Way song may
be sung after these. The patient and his family
come out and face the east on the edge of the
stick receiver's camp circle. Prayers are said,
and pollen is distributed ceremonially. The
ceremony is then over.
When the ceremony had been concluded on
the second and third nights of the Pine Valley
Enemy Way, September 27 and 28, there
were long announcements made by very drunk
Navahos. The burden was similar to those
of the other announcements mentioned but
also included reproaches for the diminished
energy of the singing group as the night wore
on and for the drinking that had taken place.
The announcements after the third night in-
cluded an interesting contribution by a group
of Salcedanos. Using English as a lingua
franca, they asked the announcer to tell the
assembly that they were upset by the drink-
ing and the Navahos' failure to cope with it.
They said that they used to enjoy coming to
the Squaw Dances for the social occasion, the
refreshments, and the girls, and they used to
feel that it helped to bring rain. Now, they
said, they did not enjoy it and they did not
feel that the occasion had been holy. They
added that their governors (one of whom
was present) did not get drunk, and they were
sorry to see the Navaho leaders setting such a
bad example for their young men. The an-
nouncer translated this, and the Navahos
seemed to take the reproof seriously.
For information regarding the symbolism
in the Enemy Way, the five-day version of the
ceremony, and the extra rites of the Black
Dancers and the Tail Songs, the reader is re-
ferred to Father Berard Haile's excellent ac-
count. My informants did not provide ma-
terial on these matters and knew little about
the more elaborate versions of the ceremony
when they were asked directly. Although I
did not have the opportunity to discuss the
Enemy Way Music with a practitioner who
knew the rite, it is my guess that the five-day
version is rarely given south of Railtown.
The only information I received concerning
the origin of the ceremony was from Henry
Stanton, a middle-aged man who lived most
of his life as a Navaho, though his father was
a Mormon. At the second night of the Pine
Valley Enemy Way, he asked me if I knew
"where all this started" and told me the fol-
lowing:
There were these twins, and the folks kept them
hidden under a big rock. There were lots of giants
around then, and they wanted to keep the kids away
from them. The giants came around and saw all the
tracks in the dust, little footprints. They said, "Where
are those kids?" They wanted to eat them up, see?
But the folks told them they just made those tracks
14 ENEMY WAY MUSIC
in the dust with their hands. They didn't have any while and we'll tell you." Well, one day the kids
kids and they got lonesome, so, they said, they made were gone. They'd gone to look for their father,
their hand like this (he doubled up his fingers and They found him, and he told them how to kill all
showed me) and then made little marks for the toes. the giants. They did that, and then they got bothered
Well, those kids grew up and they wanted to know by it. So the first one of these dances was held to
where their father was. They kept asking "Where cure them of it. That's how it started,
is our father?" But the folks told them, "Wait a little
THE SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
LIST OF SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
THE reader has seen that singing occurs
at nearly every major point in the per-
formance of the Enemy Way. In the present
chapter, the various kinds of songs will be dis-
cussed. They are presented in chronological
order as far as possible. Except for the secular
songs in the rite, I am indebted to Father
Berard's detailed and painstaking work in
"Origin Legend of the Navaho Enemy Way"
for my information on songs and ritual alike.
Full discussion of the secular songs is re-
served for the following chapter, in which
analyses and musical transcriptions are also
given.
Starred titles refer to the secular songs.
Bear and Snake Songs
Songs used in preparation of the drum
Songs used in preparation of the rattle stick
The Covote Songs
The Sway Songs *
The Dance Songs *
Trotting
Skipping
Signal for end of dancing
The Gift Songs *
Emetic Songs
Unraveling Songs
Medicine Songs
For medicine in gourd
For application of pollen
Blackening Songs
Those which refer to the enemy's country
Those which refer to the Navaho country
Circle Dance Songs *
Walking Songs
Songs to the Patient
Concluding songs of the ceremonial
Blessing Way song to patient
Coyote Songs
Songs for depositing the rattle stick
Rattle Stick Song
An alternative: The Twelve-word Blessing Way
Song
1 Haile, 1938, p. 219.
Additional songs used in the longer version of
the ceremony:
Songs of the Tail Dancers
Tail Songs facing the enemy
Tail Songs facing the hogan
Songs naming the warriors (Tail Songs)
Blessing Way song which may be sung on re-
quest (Tail Songs)
Songs sung while facing the scalp (not a Tail
Song)
Songs of the Black Dancers
Black Feces Songs
Songs of the Hard Flint Boys
An alternative set of songs of the Hard Flint
Boys
Songs at the meal of the no-cedar mush
Bear and Snake Songs
The first songs to be used in the Enemy Way
are the protective songs mentioned by Father
Berard.1 Either my informants did not know
about, or did not want to talk about them.
According to Slim Curly, Father Berard's
informant, they could be used by the agent
who goes after the enemy trophy. If he knows
the songs, they are effective protection against
the danger in the trophy. Whether they are
the same or similar to Bear and Snake songs
that occur in other chants is not clear.
These songs, which were formerly used in
war, refer to Bear Man and Big Snake Man,
two apparently feeble old men who accom-
panied the war party of Enemy Slayer against
Taos. These men were powerful warriors in
reality. In spite of their appearance of frailty,
they managed to obtain the scalps Enemy
Slayer was seeking and marry the two Corn
People Maidens.2
Songs used in Preparation of the Drum
Slim Curly mentions two songs sung by the
practitioner during the preparation of the ma-
2 Haile, 1938, pp. 171-75, 219.
'5
i6
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
terials for the drum and the looped drum-
stick.3
In addition, when the drumhead is tied
down, the practitioner sings five songs. With
the first four he beats the drum near the rim
on the north, east, south, and west sides, re-
spectively. For the fifth song he beats the
drum in the center. These songs are identical
except that there is a different burden 4 for
each:
Song number i. Now it sounded.
Song number 2. Now the sound traveled.
Song number 3. Now the sound ceased.
Song number 4. Now it is pleasant everywhere.
Song number 5. Come, my little one, come!
This similarity, except for the burden, of
the songs in any song-group is almost univer-
sal in Navaho ceremonial music. After a brief
introduction of vocables, usually something
like " 'eneya," a song begins with a phrase re-
peated a number of times in what may be called
a chorus. Then the body of the song begins,
but at the end of each line in the body the
last few bars of the chorus are added as a sort
of burden. The complete, or nearly complete,
chorus is repeated between the halves of a
two-part song and again at the end of the
song. Usually only the chorus and burden
change from one song to the next within any
song-group. The change in text usually ex-
presses a progression or development of ideas.
There are nine other songs used in the
preparation of the drum, and it is my guess
that they are sung soon after the five just
mentioned, though this is not clear from Slim
Curly's account. These may be sung on the
same melody as the group of five, but there
would be variations in each of the burdens
which are given below: 5
1 . A nice one is preparing it for me.
2. A nice one has prepared it for me.
3. A nice one now gave its sound.
4. The sound of a nice one has now gone forth.
3 Haile, 1938, p. 223.
* Since there are two kinds of chorus in most
Navaho ceremonial music, a differentiation in termi-
nology must be made: "chorus" refers to the material
repeated at the beginning, middle and end of the song;
5. The sound of a nice one has now ceased.
6. From a nice one beauty now extends.
7. From a nice one beauty is now spread out.
8. Come, my child, come!
9. Come, my child, come!
Father Berard gives the complete text of
song number three in this set 8 and I repro-
duce it here for an example of the way the
chorus and burden are used. The parentheses
and the arrangement of the text are mine.
Asterisks in the first line of each half of the
song indicate where the burden begins.
(Introduction) 'e ne ya a
(Chorus) A nice one, a nice one, a nice one
now gave a sound, a nice, a nice, a
nice one now gave a sound, so it
did.
(Body
first
part)
(Chorus)
(Body
second
part)
Now I am Changing Woman's child
when * a nice one gave its sound,
so it did,
In the center of the turquoise home
a nice one gave its sound, so it did,
On the very top of a soft goods floor
a nice one gave its sound, so it did,
It's the nice child of a dark water
pot that just gave its sound, so it did.
Its lid is a dark cloud when the nice
one gave its sound, so it is,
Sunray encircles it when the nice one
gave its sound, so it does,
Water's child is sprayed upon it
when the nice one gave its sound,
so it is,
At its front it is pleasant when the
nice one gave its sound, so it is,
At its rear it is pleasant when the nice
one gave its sound, so it is,
It's the nice child of long life and
happiness that just gave its sound,
so it is,
A nice, a nice one, a nice one now
now gave its sound, so it did.
Now I am the grandchild of Chang-
ing Woman when a nice one gave
its sound, so it did,
"burden" refers to an abbreviated version of this
chorus which is repeated at the end of each line in
the body of the song. (See above.)
B Haile, 1938, p. 263.
"Haile, 1938, pp. 264-65.
THE SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
'7
(Chorus)
In the center of the white bead home
a nice one gave its sound, so it did,
On the very top of a jewelled floor
a nice one gave its sound, so it did,
It's the nice child of the blue water
pot that just gave its sound, so it is,
Blue cloud is its lid when a nice one
gave its sound, so it is,
Rainbow encircles it when a nice one
gave its sound, so it does,
Water's child is sprayed upon it when
a nice one gave its sound, so it is,
In its rear it is pleasant when a nice
one gave its sound, so it is,
At its front it is pleasant when a nice
one gave its sound, so it is,
It's the nice child of long life and
happiness that just gave its sound,
so it is,
A nice one, a nice one, a nice one just
gave it's sound, that's all!
Following these songs a prayer is said during
which male patients hold their hands over the
drum, and female patients hold their hands
beneath it. As in the ceremonial music, the
body of the prayer is the same each time, but
a different beginning, somewhat analogous to
the chorus of a song, is made for each prayer.
It is at this point that the holes are punched
in the drumhead, and the drum is carried out
to the brush shelter near the patient's hogan.
Singers gather around, and the medicine man
leads in singing the four special songs, the
Coyote Songs, which always start a night's
singing. After this the group begins sway
singing and may continue all night. There
may also be some dancing at this time, or they
may stop singing and return the drum to the
hogan at any time. The Coyote Songs are dis-
cussed in more detail on page 18 in con-
nection with the first night, when they are
again used to start the singing.
Songs used in Preparation of the
Rattle Stick
The decoration of the stick takes place on
the morning of the first day. There are ten
songs which accompany this ritual; the first
six describe the actual decoration of the stick:
He is making it for me . . .
Monster Slayer is making his staff for me . . .
Gazer on Enemy is making his staff for me . . .
The staff of the wide queue he is making for
me . . .
He has made it for me . . .
Monster Slayer, . . .
He has brought it here for me . . .
Monster Slayer, . . .
He placed it in my
Monster Slayer, etc .
hand
5. He tallowed it for me . . .
Monster Slayer is making, etc . . .
6. He has reddened it for me . . .
Monster Slayer, etc . . .
Songs 7-10 are concerned with the people:
elders, men, women, children, and chiefs sur-
rounding the stick in the act of decorating it:
7. He is decorating it for me . . .
Monster Slayer's staff, he is decorating it for
me . . .
The staff of the extended bowstring, he is
decorating . . .
Surrounded by the emergence elders, he is
decorating . . .
Surrounded by the emergence women, . . .
8. He has decorated it for me . . .
Monster Slayer's, . . .
9. Now he carries it away . . .
Monster Slayer's staff, . . .
10. Pleasant again it has come to be . . .
Monster Slayer's staff, . . .'
At the end of the decoration ritual five Blessing
Way songs ('anaa'aji bohozhppdji, "Enemy
Way Blessing Part") are optional.
1. Here it stands, by its power motion began, . . .
Now in the center of the home of Changing
Woman it stands, . . .
A turquoise stands upright, . . .
Now it stands in the center of the home of
Changing Woman, . . .
A white bead stands upright, . . .
'Haile, 1938, pp. 259-60.
i8
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
2. Here it stands upright whereby he (patient) is
in motion . . .
3. Here it stands whereby he (patient) arose . . .
4. Here is (the power) by which he stands . . .
5. Here is the upright whereby he begins to
walk . . .*
The Coyote Songs
The patient's party arrives at the camp of
the stick receiver at about sunset. He inspects
the stick, and, if it is made properly, he accepts
it, and his group prepares a drum. This is done
without the Drum Songs or any other par-
ticular ceremony. He then goes outside and
leads the " 'e-ya e-ya he-he ya-ha" songs or
first songs of coyote, the owl, and burrowing
owl.9 These are the four songs which must
inaugurate each night of public singing and
are referred to by the Navahos as 'ana'dji
'atsale (Enemy Way First Songs) or md'i
biyiin (Coyote Songs).
The male spectators may join in these songs,
following the practitioner, but these are not
songs that a person would sing by himself or
on any other occasion. As Bill Begay put it,
"We are afraid of those, we leave them to the
medicine man." The texts, taken from Father
Berard, follow (arrangement and simplification
mine). The syllables are meaningless except
that they imitate the bark of coyotes and the
hooting of owls. My informants said these
songs were about coyote, owl, burrowing owl,
and something else, they did not know what.10
1. he-ya hey a heya he-ya 'eyehe 'ayeyehe ya'eeyeya,
heya he-ya 'eyehe ya'ehe-ya
'e-he-yeya,
he-ya -a 'ehe'o-o-he-ya 'e-he'eya,
he-ya -a 'eha'o-o -he-ya 'e-he'eya,
he-ya 'eyahe-ya he-ya he-yaheya
he-ya 'ehe'o- o-heya 'e'eha-ya- he-ya
he-ya:
"Haile, 1938, pp. 261-63.
"Haile, 1938, p. 223.
10 Coolidge's informant said there were five songs
". . . the same songs that are sung today — songs so
old that they have no words. They were the Coyote
2. he-ya he-ya-he-ya' ee-ya'e-ye-na he-ya
'ee-na he-ya 'ee-ne,
ya-ahe-yaa'ee-ya' eye-na he-ya 'ee-na
he-ya 'ee-ne,
ne-yahe-o 'eyooho,
ya-a ne-ya 'e-nehe'o 'e-yooho,
ya-a he-yaa he-eya 'eye-na he-ya 'e-e-na
he-ya 'ee-ne
ya-7ana he-ya he-ya:
3. he-ya he-ya he-ya-a heeya 'eye-ya'eya 'eneya
'ehee- ho-wena
he-ya-a heeya 'eye-ya'eya 'eneya
'ehee- ho-wena
he-yaya 'eya 'eye-ya'eya 'eneya
'ehee- ho-wena
he-yaya 'eya 'eye-ya'eya 'eneya
'ehe'e- ho-wena
he-yaya -'eya 'eye-ya'eya 'eneya
'ehe'e -ho-wena
he-yaya heeya 'eye • ya'eneya'eneya'-
'ehe'e- ho-wena
he-ya he-ya
4. heya heya heya -a yo-ho- yo-ho- yaha hahe-ya-an
ha-yahe- ha-wena
yo-ho- yo-ho- yaha hahe-ya-an
ha-yahe- ha-wena
he-yo- wena hahe-yahan
ha-yahe- ha-wena
he-yo- wena hahe-yahan
he he he he-yo
he-yo- wena hahe-yahan
he he he he-yo
he-yo- howo- heyo
wana heya heyau
The Sway Songs
After the four "First Songs," the careful
order and specificity of the music is relaxed.
Within the limitations of a certain type of
song, the sway song, any song that comes
to mind will be performed. The only "order"
in the singing comes from similarity: one song
will suggest another which sounds a good deal
like it. I did discover, however, that there
was at least one song which was supposed to be
followed by another specific melody since
both were about airplanes (see songs no. 4
and 5).
Song, the Owl Song, the Talking God Song, the
Water-Sprinkler Song, and the song to Estsan Adlehi."
Coolidge and Coolidge, 1930, p. 170.
"Haile, 1938, p. 265.
THE SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
'9
Though the singing that now takes place is
confined to the sway songs, the repertory
within this limitation is enormous. There is no
telling how many hundreds of these songs are
known, sung, and passed around on the reserva-
tion and among off-reservation Navahos. New
ones are invented and have a period of popu-
larity which may carry them from end to end
of the Navaho country. Old ones may be
revived and have a vogue lasting months or
years. Singers frequently know who made a
particular song and how long ago.
Sway songs, together with the dance songs,
the gift songs, and the circle dance songs, are
the songs which the public ordinarily hears at
a Squaw Dance and any of these four types
of song may appear labeled "Squaw Dance
Song" on the commercial records of Navaho
music now available.12 The sway songs are
markedly different from the ceremonial songs
described so far. They are not constructed on
the chorus-verse-burden pattern of the chanted
music but are much simpler, shorter, and more
lively melodically. They do not have the
constant repetition of chorus and burden in
the text and melody so characteristic of the
chants. There may be no meaningful text at
all (this is said to be characteristic of the older
songs) or there may be short phrases such as
"This is beautiful," repeated a number of
times and rounded out with vocables. Addi-
tional texts and a technical discussion of the
music of these songs will be found below,
pp. 25-37.
The Dance Songs
When it is time for the dancing to begin, a
large bonfire is lit in the middle of the dancing
ground, and the music changes from sway
songs to songs with a different musical and
textual content, the ahizhdi dhai ("two come
together") songs. These dance songs have
the same regular rhythm as the sway songs
but are much longer, being sung with many
repeats so that the dancing to a particular
"Boulton, 1941, record 91a, songs number 1, 3, 4,
6 are songs number 64, 65, 74, and 75 in this paper,
all gift songs. Rhodes, 1949, record 1422A (1), "Rid-
ing Song" is song number 1 in this paper, known
widely among the Navahos as the signal song to end
song may go on as long as ten minutes or so.
These are repetitions of the whole song, how-
ever, not of burdens or magical formulae.
As in the case of the sway songs, there may
be dance songs composed entirely of vocables
with no meaningful text. Where there are
texts, they usually refer, humorously, to the
way the dancing is going, the behavior of girls,
or the relations of the sexes.
Dancing in the Rimrock-Willow Fence re-
gion usually begins with the wheeling dance
mentioned above. In Stm of Old Man Hat this
dance is called "those-who-turn," but my in-
formants had no distinguishing term for it
beyond ahizhdi dhai, used for all social dancing
in the Enemy Way.13 The round dance
which comes next is said by Rimrock Navahos
to be derived from an Apache social dance
which was copied for a number of years by
the Navahos. In the Apache form, the couples
face the same way and dance forwards and
backwards together in a long double line. Ac-
cording to both Navaho and Mormon in-
formants, this type of dance was practiced in
Rimrock simply as a social dance without cere-
monial implications and was also used in the
Enemy Way. The Coolidges, writing before
1930, speak of the wheeling dance and an
Apache Dance:
... a backwards and forwards dance, very graceful
to behold called the Foot-Together Dance . . .
sometimes called the Apache Dance."
It seems possible to reconstruct a recent
stage of the history of social dancing in the
Enemy Way. The Apache Dance has evolved
into a round dance in which the men and girls
move around the dance ground in a large
circle, double file, instead of going backwards
and forwards. This development seems to
have taken place on the reservation and has
diffused back to the off-reservation Navahos
south of Railtown who claim to have trans-
mitted the Apache Dance from the Mescalero
to the reservation in the first place.
the dancing and resume sway singing.
11 See Dyk, 1938, p. 209, and all of Chapter 11 for
Navaho viewpoints on the Enemy Way.
"Coolidge and Coolidge, 1930, pp. 177-78; see also
p. 167.
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
On the reservation there are two kinds of
steps used in the round dance, skipping and
"loping" or trotting. Reservation Navahos
told me that there were specific kinds of songs
for these two different dance steps, but in the
Rimrock-Willow Fence area one may see both
skipping and loping going on at the same time.
Various informants have told me that this is
because the Navahos of this region do not
know any better and cannot tell the differ-
ence between these two types of songs.
In the painting of an Enemy Way round
dance by Harrison Begay, the girls are all to
the right of their partners.15 There was no
such uniformity in any of the dances I saw.
I mention this here as possible further evi-
dence for "provincialism" south of Railtown,
but I have not seen round dancing on the
reservation myself, and I recognize the possi-
bility of artistic license or formalization.
Like our "Good Night Ladies" or "Home
Sweet Home," the Navahos have a special
song {see song no. i ) which constitutes a sig-
nal for the dancing to stop. This is one of the
older style sway songs. At the dances I saw,
most of the dancers had stopped anyway be-
fore the signal song was sung, but several
informants said that often when the word is
given by some of the older men present for
this signal, there may be objections from young
people who want to continue the dancing. I
was told that there have been times when they
have tried to shout down the singers, and
where a stay of sentence has been given. The
dancing may be terminated at any time if the
evening begins to get too rowdy.
After the dancing, the sway singing is re-
sumed and continues for the rest of the night.
The Gift Songs
In the morning after breakfast, the members
of the patient's party gather outside the stick
receiver's hogan and sing the four starting
(Coyote) songs. These are followed by gift
15 Tanner, 1950, pp. 18-19 (reproduction of paint-
ing).
"Haile, 1938, p. 227.
"Haile, 1938, p. 229.
"* Herzog, 1935, p. 413, suggests a Northern Ute
origin for ". . . dancing songs, mostly exoteric, as-
sociated with the Enemy Chant or 'War Dance' . . ."
songs which continue as long as gifts are
thrown out of the hogan to the singers. Slim
Curly says of these songs: "These serenaders
again sing the first four songs for him (the
stick receiver), after which they begin their
sway singing, with no particular regard for
songs to be sung." 16 Of the ten gift songs
recorded by me, however, three (54-56) are
quite unlike the sway songs structurally.
These were sung by an old informant, Mr.
Moustache, who said that they came from the
Utes. He sang others which his grandson iden-
tified as very old sway songs used nowadays
just as gift songs. Comments by both Mr.
Moustache and John Nez indicated that the
Ute-style songs are preferable, but are now
being forgotten.16"
When the gift singing is over, there is no
further singing until the evening when an-
other night of sway singing and dance singing
takes place at the half-way camp of the stick
receiver's party. As noted above and in Slim
Curly's account,17 there may be dancing at
both camps on the first night.
The Emetic Songs
The last three sections have mentioned
songs of a public and "secular" nature. At
dawn on the third day attention is focused on
the patient. The preparation and use of an
emetic is the first step in a series of rituals cen-
tering around him. Two songs are sung while
the emetic is boiling, and a third song is sung
when the patient drinks. These are sacred
songs in the chant form discussed already in
connection with the songs used in the prepara-
tion of the drum and the rattle.
The burden in the first song is "We are pre-
paring food for you." The second song is like
the first with the burden changed to "For
yourself, you have now prepared food." An
abbreviated text of the second song follows:
'eneya With a thrill, my grandchild, you have pre-
pared a food for yourself, with a thrill, . . .
on the basis of a high incidence of paired phrases.
Herzog's musical example is clearly a sway song. In
the present study, pairing is found to be high only in
the sway songs and not in the "Ute-style" songs. This
is a highly significant clue to a possible Ute origin for
the sway songs as well as the gift songs.
THE SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
21
And so, because I am the child of Changing
Woman,
you have now prepared food for yourself,
halayai,
Below the sunrise you have now prepared . . .
In a turquoise basket, you have now prepared . . .
Of the dew of dark cloud you have now pre-
pared . . .
At its front it is pleasant when you have . . .
At its rear it is pleasant when you have . . .
Now long life and happiness, my grandchild, you
have now prepared food with a thrill, my
grandchild . . .
And so, because I am the grandchild of Changing
Woman,
you have now prepared a food for yourself,
Below the sun . . .
In a white bead basket . . .
Of the dew of dark mist . . .
In its rear it is pleasant . . .
At its front it is pleasant . . .
Now long life and happiness, my child, . . .
With a thrill, my grandchild, you have now pre-
pared a food,
With a thrill, my grandchild, you have now pre-
pared a food,
With a thrill, my grandchild, you have just pre-
pared yourself a food, that's all.18
The song used during the drinking of the
emetic speaks of Monster Slayer shaking a
dark cloud and then the male rain from vari-
ous parts of his body.
The next event on the third day is the sham
battle between the stick receiver's camp and
the patient's camp. A breakfast is provided
by the latter, and then a return gift singing
takes place outside the patient's hogan. The
songs are the same as in the first gift singing.
Unraveling Songs
At the conclusion of the gift singing, at-
tention is again centered on the patient while
the rite of unraveling is performed over him.
This rite is found in many ceremonies and
consists of untying or cutting knots, usually
slipknots made in yucca leaves, which are held
or tied at appropriate parts of the patient's
body.
The theory of the practice is that pain and evil in-
fluences are tied within or upon the patient's body
"Haile, 1938, pp. 266-67.
19 Kluckhohn and Wyman, 1940, p. 79.
and this ceremony unties and releases them, trans-
ferring them to the herbs which are later disposed
(of). The little hoops also carry the evil away with
them as they are rolled away. In difficult labor the
baby may be tied in by evil influences and unraveling
releases it.19
Before the unraveling begins in the Enemy
Way, a song known as "the song with which
thev usually returned" is sung. It is borrowed
from Monster Way and is said to be "the song
heard by Changing Woman on the return of
her boys from the slaughter of the big ye-i." 20
The song, which precedes the prayers to the
shoulder band and wristlets, is built on the
burden "He is putting it in shape." This phrase
apparently refers to the yucca knots.
The songs which accompany the unraveling
itself are seven in number, identical except for
the progression of ideas in the burden:
1. With my grandchild he extracts them . . .
2. With my grandchild he has extracted them . . .
3. He unravels it with you, my grandchild . . .
4. He has unraveled it with you, my grand-
child ...
5. My grandchild, it has returned far from you . . .
6. My grandchild, it has returned upon him . . .
7. My grandchild, it has returned far away . . .
The text in the body of the song refers to
Changing Woman and Black God and speaks
of a dark cord, an extended bowstring, and a
blue cord being unraveled.21
The Medicine Songs
When the unraveled slipknots have been
disposed of, medicine which has been prepared
in a gourd container is presented to the patient,
and then pollen is applied. There is a song
which accompanies each of these acts.
The first, the medicine song, refers to Huer-
fano Mountain, Changing Woman, A4onster
Slayer, Spruce Mountain, Enemy Gazer, and
has for a burden "Come, my child, come."
The pollen song is the same except that the
call of the corn beetle ('elool) is heard in the
burden.
20 Haile, 1938, p. 220.
21 Haile, 1938, pp. 270-71.
22
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
Blackening Songs
The blackening of the patient now takes
place, and it is during this ritual that the Black
Dancers and the Tail Song singers perform
outside. The blackening songs are also in
chant form with full texts and can be divided
into those which refer to the enemy's country
and those which refer to the Navaho country.
The enemy-country songs are distinctly
warlike in character and speak of the death of
the enemy, the weeping in the enemy country,
and the rejoicing in the Navaho country.
Monster Slayer and Gazer on Enemy are men-
tioned, and their terrifying warlike aspects are
stressed. There are sixteen of these songs.
The next series of songs refers to the Navaho
country and to ritual acts in the process of
blackening the patient.
Six songs refer again to Monster Slayer and
Gazer on Enemy as the first slayers of ene-
mies. The seventh song accompanies the
singer's application of peppermint and penny-
royal to his hands, which he then presses over
the patient's heart four times. The patient is
identified as the child of the Milky Way, the
rainbow, Monster Slayer, and Gazer on
Enemy, and the song refers repeatedly to long
life.
Sacred tallow, charcoal, red ocher, and
specular iron ore are mentioned in the next
four songs, and these ingredients are rubbed
on the patient as the songs are sung. After this,
the enemy scalp is strewn with ashes by an old
man specially designated for the office. Dur-
ing this rite, a song is sung in which the enemy
men, women, children, and leaders are spoken
of as gray with ashes, "a pitiful sight." 22
The next song describes the scavengers who
feed on the corpse of the slain enemy in the
origin legend of the Enemy Way 23 and refers
to the dust shaken from the paws of a gopher
into the moccasins of the patient. (The gopher,
by digging an underground approach, gave
the Twins access to the Horned Monster in
the Enemy Way origin legend).24 It is fol-
lowed by a song to prepare the patient to at-
tack the scalp.
Yucca wristlets, yucca shoulder bands, and
a feather for the forelock are applied to the
"Haile, 1938, p. 281.
^Haile, 1938, p. 197.
patient, and a song is sung for each of these
acts. In the songs, the wristlets are referred to
as "Monster Slayer's bands . . . the bands of
long life," the shoulder bands are "Monster
Slayer's bowstring, . . . the bowstring of long
life," and the feather is associated with the
Monster Eagles in the Monster Way, the red-
shouldered hawk, and the wolf.
One more song concludes the blackening
ceremonies. The patient is accoutered in Mon-
ster Slayer's apparel and is ready to go out to
the scalp and strike it with the crow's bill. He
is identified with Monster Slayer and Gazer on
Enemy in the song.
According to Slim Curly,25 the next songs
in the ceremony are those with which the
stick receiver's group goes over to the patient's
hogan, which I have designated as the "Walk-
ing Songs." In my observation, however, an-
other ceremony, the Circle Dance, takes place
first, and singers from both camps participate.
The Circle Dance Songs
As the evening of the third day approaches,
the Circle Dance takes place. For about an
hour the men, holding hands, circle first in
one direction and then in the other. The songs
are one of the four types of "secular" music
in the Enemy Way. The dance is described
in more detail on page 12 and the music is
discussed on pages 51-54.
Walking Song
When the Circle Dance is over, there is a
lengthy pause, and then the stick receiver's
party starts its ceremonial walk over to the
patient's hogan. They sing on the way and
make four stops during which the name of
the patient and the name of the enemy's tribe
or race are shouted out. This song is secret.
I could not find any informants who would
admit that they knew it, though several of
them said they could sing it when a singer was
leading them. The Walking Song is concluded
when the party is standing in front of the
hogan. The stick receiver then sings four songs
to the patient.
=4Haile, 1938, pp. 1 13—17.
^Haile, 1938, pp. 284-85.
THE SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
23
Songs to the Patient
Father Berard, who recorded the four songs
which come next, was told bv Slim Curly that
this is a Ghost Way song (with four different
burdens) which has been adapted to naming
the patient and the enemy in the Enemy Way.
The patient kills the enemy, in the song, and
the tears of the enemy survivors are mentioned.
The slaying of the ghost is mentioned also.
The stick receiver now sings the Coyote
Songs, and a serenade of sway singing by the
group follows. When they stop, the group
breaks up and returns to the dance circle with-
out ceremony. After a pause, during which
announcements may be made, the sway singing
starts up again. Again the bonfire is lit, the
stick girl appears to start the dancing, the
singing shifts to dance songs, and the third
night of singing and dancing takes place.
Concluding Songs of the Enemy Way
At dawn the singer awakens the patient (or
patients) and leads the way outside. He sings
a Blessing Way song as the group makes its
way to the south. There is a set of six Blessing
Way songs, any one of which may be used.
The sway singing is concluded with the four
Coyote Songs. The medicine man may lead
the first of these and the stick receiver the
other three. Then the medicine man and the
patients proceed to the south edge of the cere-
monial grounds where they make pollen offer-
ings and inhale the dawn four times.26
Songs for Depositing the Rattle Stick
While it is still early dawn, the stick re-
ceiver's party begins to leave for home. When
the party arrives, the rattle stick is deposited
in some safe out-of-the-way place with a
prayer. A song is sung in which the stick is
referred to as "Monster Slayer's staff," and
its placement is described.
In the little ceremony of depositing the
stick, another song, widely known as the
Twelve-word Song of Blessing Way, may be
preferred. This song has the function of cor-
recting omissions of songs or prayers in cere-
MHaile, 1938, pp. 245, 286.
"Haile, 1938, pp. 288-91.
monials. It mentions Talking God, Hogan
God, "the boy," "the girl," the first white
corn boy, the first yellow corn girl, pollen
boy, corn beetle girl, and stresses in the bur-
den "happiness assuring good conditions." 27
An Elaboration of the Ordinary Enemy
Way Ceremony
If the patient requests Tail Songs in addi-
tion to the regular Enemy Way ceremony,
two special singers are hired, one to lead
the Tail Songs and one to lead the Black
Dancers. Various additional dances and rites
are prepared, and numerous additional songs
are used. The Tail Songs are so called be-
cause of the ending "his tail, his tail, his
tail." This commemorates their being sung by
Coyote and his followers at the original Enemy
Way, at which time they switched their tails
vigorously. These songs are rendered by the
Tail Song group outside the patient's hogan
at the same time as the Blackening Songs are
being sung inside. Half the Tail Songs are
sung facing the enemy, and the others are sung
facing the hogan.
The Songs of the Tail Dancers
The first of the songs of the Tail Dancers
are the Songs Facing the Enemy. The scalp is
placed in the midst of the dancers who form
a semi-circle around it, open in the direction
of the enemy. Two very old men, who have
seen the enemy, take the end positions. There
are sixteen songs in the series which consti-
tutes the Enemy side. They refer, insultingly
and obscenely, to the death of the enemy,
the desecration of the bodies, and the sorrow
of the enemy survivors. In the sixteenth song,
the patient is referred to by name, as a war-
rior.
Here the Enemy Way side ends. Directly the
circle (of dancers) is turned sunwise, as usual, and
now stands with the opening facing the hogan. You
see, when the Pueblos were wiped out at Taos, some
still had remained in the vicinity and, banding to-
gether with the Mexicans, these inhabited the vicinity
of Santa Fe. Therefore now that country is men-
tioned.3
^Haile, 1938, p. 201.
24
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
The next seven songs, Songs Facing the
Hogan, mention the impotent relatives of the
enemy at Santa Fe, the young men of Luka-
chukai who killed the enemy, the rejoicing
of the girls at Chinlee, the grief of the enemy
below Dolores, below White Mountain.
Eight songs are now sung in which any war-
rior may pay for the privilege of having his
name mentioned. The songs mention Dolores
and Lukachukai and refer to the spattered
blood and hair of the enemy, the distribution
of booty, and the feminine admiration of
valor.
By special request, the Blessing Part of
Enemy Way Song may be added to the eight
songs mentioned above. No warrior's name
is mentioned; the song ridicules the sexual
organs of the enemy woman and the enemy
man.
The Song Facing the Scalp is not a Tail
Song but is sung by the Tail Dancers while
they are facing in the direction of the scalp.
It refers to the weeping of the enemy at
Dolores and White Mountain.
The Songs of the Black Dancers
The two Black Feces songs are sung after
the conclusion of the blackening songs in the
hogan. They have no meaning, but there is
some indication that they may be in ceremo-
nially altered speech. They are sung by the
Black Dancers.
The leader then daubs them with mud and
sings one or all of the Flint Boy Songs. There
are two sets of these songs from which he may
choose. The longer set mentions the Hard
Flint Boys and their weapons and protective
garments of flint; also Flint Man and the Blue
Flint Man, Flint Woman and the Yellow Flint
Woman, the Flint Girls and the Barbed Flint
Girls, and the Flint Children and the Varie-
gated Flint Children. The shorter set mentions
only the Flint Boys.
The Black Dancers then leap out of the
hogan by means of the smoke hole and daub
the patient and any co-patients who have
been blackened with him. At this time any
person in the audience who has been bothered
with Enemy Way troubles (i.e., feels faint
when he hears Enemy Way music) may ask
to be treated also.29
Song at the Meal of No-Cedar Mush
After the Black Dancers have daubed all who
wish it, they return to the patient's hogan
where a basket of no-cedar mush awaits
them.30 While they are eating, the leader sings
two songs. The words are almost identical in
both songs. They refer to eating, and the
patient is identified with the dawn.31
'Haile, 1938, p. 241.
'Haile, 1938, p. 241.
1 Haile, 1938, p. 313.
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
GENERAL REMARKS
THIS chapter is a discussion and analysis
of the sway songs, the dance songs, the
gift songs, and the circle dance songs of the
Enemy Way. Of the many kinds of music
included in this ceremonial, these are the only
ones that are also sung casually for entertain-
ment in a secular context. They are the songs
least freighted with overtones of magic, and it
is therefore not surprising to find them differ-
ent in form from the sacred songs. They are
not chants but complex melodies. Perhaps the
only other large body of music among the
Navahos where free composition and competi-
tion of singers may be observed is the Yeibichai
songs.
In the course of recording eighty-six of
these public songs of the Enemy Way
(seventy-five different songs and eleven dupli-
cations), I was struck by differences in melodic
structure in the songs of different categories.
A discussion of these differences follows. (The
reader who is not interested in technical de-
tail will find these differences summarized on
PP- 55-59-
The recording was done on a "Soundmir-
ror" magnetic tape machine which required a
no-volt electric current.1 In consequence, I
had to drive informants to a trading post or
mission where electricity was available. Most
of the songs below were recorded at the Long
Timbers trading post. A large unused room
was available here, and the recording sessions
were undisturbed. The records made by John
Hawk were done in my station wagon parked
outside the Blue Springs trading post. About
a dozen young men gathered around the car
TNote to students who make recordings in the
field: this machine, while perfectly adequate for
recording melodies for musicological study, does
not make recordings that will satisfy professional
standards. The comments in a personal communica-
tion from Edward Tatnall Canby, critic of the
Saturday Review of Literature, are well worth quot-
ing: "... I would guess that the songs were re-
corded at y'A, perhaps on one of the smaller types
during the recording and John played up to
this audience throughout the session. Mr.
Moustache, Johnny Blanco, Joseph Pablo, and
John Nez made their records in my bedroom
at a boarding house in Rimrock, New Mexico.
Here again the sessions were undisturbed ex-
cept, perhaps, by the informants' unfamiliarity
with the room.
A4y principal informants were:
Bill Begay, a man in his fifties from Willow
Fence. He is a composer of note and very well
versed in ceremonial matters. Other informants
invariably asked to hear the records Bill had
made for me. It is interesting to note that al-
though this informant has been an instructor
and assistant to anthropologists for many years
he still advised Eddie Cochise not to record
certain old songs for me, the sanction being
the danger of illness or death, and he himself
recorded only sway songs. He was said by
certain other informants to be a witch, and
his knowledge of deer songs (to be used in
hunting) was cited as evidence of this.
Grant Johns, a man in his late fifties from
Willow Fence. This informant felt free to
record Yeibichai and Blessing Way songs as
well as the sway songs included in this paper.
Mrs. Grant Johns, a woman in her early
fifties from Willow Fence. This informant
sang dance songs and circle dance songs. She
was so timid at the beginning of the recording
that she had scarcely enough breath to sing.
She showed unfamiliarity with many of the
songs she sang and was too shy to sing some
of the risque texts.
Paula Henry, a girl of about eight, Mrs.
of machines. If not that, then something went wrong
in the processing, since the higher tones, the sibilants,
and vowel colors are not clear. ... I might as well
point out that entirely too much work is now being
done in the field with the cheaper home-tvpe tape ma-
chines. . . . Professional work, after all, should be
done with better equipment, and those sponsoring
such work should be made to understand that one
does not use toys for scientific work. . . ."
25
26
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
Johns' niece, from Willow Fence. She sang
three dance songs.
John Hawk, a man in his sixties from Wil-
low Fence, known as a great fun-lover and
something of a clown. He sang sway songs,
gift songs, and circle dance songs and, in addi-
tion, sang my only example of a song created
extempore. This song was in great demand
thereafter, being considered extremely funny
by all who heard it.
Johnny Blanco, a man in his early thirties
from Rimrock . This informant sang sway
songs, dance songs, gift songs, and circle dance
songs. Twice when he rode from Rimrock to
Enemy Ways at Willow Fence and Pinyon
with me, he sang these songs continuously for
over an hour with very few repeats that I
could detect.
John Nez, a man in his early thirties from
Rimrock. This informant knew very few
songs. He sang one with Johnny Blanco and
proved to be uncertain of the melody, and on
another occasion he mixed up three separate
songs in trying to make a record. I have a gift
song, sung with Johnny Blanco, and a variant
of a circle dance song, rendered by him
shortly after he heard Mr. Moustache sing it.
Mr. Moustache, a man of eighty-four from
Rimrock. This informant sang sway songs,
gift songs, and circle dance songs. He refused
to sing dance songs. He is a ceremonial practi-
tioner and was by all odds my most well-in-
formed recorder. He was formerly much in
demand as a stick receiver, and so very likely
knew the four starting songs and the Walking
Song. John Nez, his grandson, said that he
did but that it would be better not to inquire
about these.
Joseph Pablo, a man in his late forties from
Rimrock. This informant has friends at Mes-
calero and has attended many dances there.
A number of the dance songs he recorded
were strongly Apache in form, according to
Jim Chamiso. He also recorded some sway
songs.
Son of Bead Chant Singer, a man in his
fifties from Carrisozo, Arizona. This in-
formant, a former ceremonial practitioner,
was converted to Christianity soon after I met
him. He recorded moccasin game songs,
Blessing Way songs, personal Blessing songs
such as sweathouse songs, and creation songs
from several of the major chants. He sang
four "loping" songs and four skipping songs
to show me the difference between them as
they are sung on the reservation.
Jim Chamiso, a man in his late thirties, from
Rimrock. This informant has lived on the
reservation as well as at Rimrock. He studied
to be a ceremonial practitioner and then went
into missionary training at the Rimrock Gali-
lean Mission. He is very well informed, natu-
rally, in Navaho ceremonialism and its music
but would not make records of Navaho songs,
partly because of his religious convictions, and
partly because he knew people would talk if
he did. He was an invaluable interpreter and
critic of nearly all the music I collected.
The informants listed above did not, of
course, confine their services to the making of
records. The recording situation was almost
always a stimulus to discussions of various as-
pects of music in Navaho life, and these in
turn led to talk in many other fields, particu-
larly that of religion. In addition to my in-
debtedness to these people for their interest
and very great help, I should by rights mention
nearly every Navaho I met and many of those
whom I observed since all of them contributed
to my understanding of Navaho music as
social behavior.
The reader will find references in this paper
to a number of individuals besides the eleven
described above. As stated in the Acknowl-
edgments, all of these names are pseudonyms.
SECTION ONE — THE SWAY SONGS
Even Southwesterners who have spent their
lives as neighbors of the Navahos have rarely
heard any kind of Navaho music other than
"Squaw Dance" and Yeibichai songs. Indeed,
I have often heard the two terms used inter-
changeably. Even in the anthropological
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
27
literature, the term "sway singing" or "nda
singing" may be used to cover all of the music
used during the three nights of public sing-
ing in the Enemy Way. In an attempt to
eliminate this confusion, I have reserved the
term "sway song" for songs of a particular
type which are used during the long hours
of singing after the dancing has stopped. Often
the dancing continues for only a few hours,
and so these "non-dance" songs make up the
largest proportion of the songs actually ren-
dered. Some of these same songs are also heard
before the dancing begins.
Often, though not always, the men singing
the sway songs stand in a densely packed
group and sway together from side to side in
time with the music. When the group is made
up of two competing halves, the side that is
singing sways while the other side stands
still. According to the Franciscans, the word
nda, used by the Navahos nowadays to refer
to the whole public part of the ceremony,
comes from ajinda — "they all sing moving."
It is also true, however, that the men sway
when they are singing the dance songs. But
the Navaho term for the dance music, ahizhdi
ahai sin "two come together song," refers to
the dancing and not to the movement of the
singers.
There seems to be good evidence that the
dancing was originally done to the music of
the sway songs. In the origin legend the sing-
ing began under the leadership of Coyote,
and the Corn People Maidens circled about the
returning warriors in a kind of Virginia Reel
figure.2 When the girls had finished this first
"Squaw Dance," the same kind of singing con-
tinued into the night. Old people vigorously
express a preference for the sway songs, and
some of my older, more conservative inform-
ants sang no other kind. In recent years, how-
ever, a type of music designed specifically for
the dancing has come into vogue (see Part
Two below), and there seems to be a tendency
for this music to supercede the sway songs
altogether during this part of the night. Dur-
ing the hours of steady singing between the
end of the dancing and the dawn, only the
sway songs are used.
It is my impression that this separation of
function is becoming increasingly marked.
As the secularization of the public part of the
Enemy Way takes its course, I predict that
the new songs will take over entirely during
the dancing, and that they will eventually
move into the non-dancing part of the evening
as well.
The sway songs, then, the oldest public
songs of the Enemy Way, are presented in
this section.
COMMENTS WITH THE SWAY SONGS
SONG NUMBER
i. This song is pretty old, it came from the
reservation. A man living down there had
this song. About fifteen, eighteen years ago
I changed it up higher like this. (Bill Begay)
ia. This is the same song the old way. The People
had this back in Fort Sumner. People liked
it the new way, but they still sing it both ways.
The old people sing down low. It's the young
boys that sing up high. We older people
change it back and start low again. (Bill
Begay)
lb. This one is a signal to change back to the
regular songs. Everyone knows it means the
end of the dancing, and if the people want to
go on, they holler to them to stop singing
that song. I think this is the only song that
never changes. They use it everywhere; it's
important. If the older men think the dance
* Haile, 1938, p. 169.
is going on all right they let it go on. If
there are too many people drunk they bring
that song out now. (Johnny Blanco)
2. No, this one has no words to it. It's very old,
about thirty-five years old from up on the
reservation. I learned it from a man who is
dead now. He used to be a policeman up at
Fort Defiance. He died six or seven years ago.
I heard it all three nights and by the third
night I knew it. (Bill Begay)
3. I learned this from my father. He was pretty
old. My father used to say about this song
he had a brother who was taken over to Fort
Sumner. He learned it over there. He learned
it while they kept him there. He brought it
back to Fort Defiance and when they started
back on their way this song spread out all
over. (Bill Begay)
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
3a. He (John Hawk) sang the chorus in the wrong
place in this one. (Jim Chamiso)
4. It's about twelve years old from Houck, a
place over to the west of here. I learned it
about eight years ago hearing the boys sing
it every summer. A man at Houck made it up.
He died at the Fort Defiance hospital. Mun-
roe, his name was. He was a good singer. He
had a good voice; he was a good singer of
Squaw Dance songs. I went to school with
him in Albuquerque. We used to sing to-
gether at Squaw Dances. (Question) Yes,
I've made up a few. There was a man named
yilaadi who could sing right through the
three nights. The others couldn't stand it.
Friends get together on the two sides; the
people from different parts of the country
are lined up against each other. You sing on
the side of your relatives, and if there aren't
any of your folks there you go with your
friends. (Bill Begay)
5. This goes with that airplane song. I learned
this at the same dance where Bill Begay
learned that airplane song around twelve years
ago. You come right back with this one if
the other side sings the airplane song. (Ques-
tion) They use it pretty often; lots of people
know it. (Grant Johns) He rushes this along
too much. (Jim Chamiso)
6. This is one of my own. I made it up when
I went over to Chaco Canyon the first time.
One day I was not doing anything so I went
to a friend's. There's a Navaho I visit when
I go over there; he's the same clan as I am.
There was a man about sixty years old there,
and some young boys and I talked with the
old man quite a while and with the boys too.
They said they heard there was a Squaw
Dance the next day, and the two boys asked
me if I had some songs they could learn.
They wanted some songs from the Rimrock
Country. I told them, "The Rimrock people
don't have any good songs, they don't have
the Squaw Dance very much there." I told
them I would come back Sunday afternoon
and would make up one for them. They said,
"All right." I went back where those two
boys were and said, "Let's go away behind the
corral and sing over there." We sang other
songs first and then came to this (Lonesome
as I am). It's when you're far away from
home and you get up and are lonesome in the
daytime. That song's for when you're lone-
some; it makes you feel better then. I told
them that, and they said, "That sure is a
pretty one," and that they'd keep that as long
as their lifetime. I still hear that song around
Crown Point. That was eight years ago and
now it's spread all over. Here too. (Bill
Begay)
7. Pretty near everybody knows this one.
(Why?) Because it's pretty, that's why
everybody knows it. I made this one right
after that other (6). It was seven years ago.
I went down here this side of Tohatchi. I
was singing all night. The next morning I
went to the sweat bath to get in good voice.
When I was finished, I figured that song out.
Those boys down there were singing Good
Hope Way songs. I said, "Let's make up a
song." I had one in mind already. I said,
"Let's make them hear a new song tonight."
They said, "All right, let's have a good one
so we can be on top of those fellas." We sang
that, and by daylight the other side was sing-
ing it.
The young boys get tired by morning.
They're supposed to be such good singers,
but it's just at the beginning when they do a
lot of yelling. That's a happy song to wake
up the people because the song is pretty. It
makes you think, "I'm going far away and
someone might meet me over there where
there is that dance bringing that pleasure."
(Bill Begay)
8. I learned this way down north of Railtown
about five years ago. I just picked it up when
I heard it. I heard it for two nights and then
I picked it up. (Question) No, it has no
words, it's just a pretty song. (Bill Begay)
9. I added this to the other one (8) three years
ago over at Rimrock. I just got it figured out.
They had a Squaw Dance there, and I just
studied this out, figured it out. There are a
lot that start this way. I just compared it with
those others. I made it one beside the other
like that. They said it was a pretty one.
They wanted to know where it came from.
It goes with the one I just sang. (Question)
Either can be first. It's not usual to have a
pair like that, usually they just pick the next
song up from anywhere. One song makes
you think of another one just like it. (Bill
Begay)
10. No, there are no words to this. I learned it
from Joe Lee about six years ago at a dance.
(John Hawk)
He's all mixed up on this one. It should be
,eyaweya,eya. That "heya" mixed it up. At
the singing, we are always criticizing each
other. We tell the other side it wasn't right
and do it over to show them. That might lead
to a fight. It did once on the reservation. He
(John Hawk) didn't finish the chorus in this.
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
29
And he started at the beginning too soon.
(Jim Chamiso) (Possibly a version of num-
ber 1)
11. This means, "That's the song." It means you
did all right to come back with that song.
It's well liked, they sing this at every Squaw
Dance. You have to know the right song to
come back with. Those drunken boys just
jump at any song. They do it wrong. (How
do you know the right one?) Just thinking
about it right in your head. (Grant Johns)
This is supposed to be ,elajnil6. "Oh, is that
you?" (Jim Chamiso)
12. This is a funy song from the Squaw Dance.
It's about a mirror. You sing it to a girl to
ask her to come over because you have a mir-
ror. (Johnny Blanco)
It's kind of old. When I was a kid I used
to do that. The younger kids and the girls
used to herd the sheep. They'd flash a mirror
to each other for a signal. I used to do that
too when I was a kid. You have to be secret
talking to a girl, but it's getting easier all the
time. (Question) It's a regular Squaw Dance
song that could be used any time, anywhere.
But you don't hear it any more. It's kind of
old. It's funny how shy our girls are; it's a
kind of funny culture. (John Nez) (!)
13. This is a regular common song. The kids can
sing this or anyone can, it's just a common
Squaw Dance song. (Jim Chamiso)
14. (No comment)
15. These are the old main special songs. Nowa-
days they make up songs that have lots of
words. (Evelyn Pablo)
16. (What are your favorite kinds of songs?) I
like all of them. There is nothing bad about
any of them. (Can you sing any others for
me besides Moccasin Game songs?) I'm not
a real singer, I only know Blessing Way. It
is not right to sing other people's songs. (How
about Enemy Way songs?) It's all right to
sing those. (Mr. Moustache)
17. (No comment)
18. (No comment)
1 8a. (No comment)
18b. (No comment)
19. There used to be more than twenty or thirty
of these that I knew but now I have forgot-
ten. (Signal songs?) There are two. (Mr.
Moustache)
19a. (No comment)
20. He sings it "/je'o," the old way. Straight.
Nowadays they've changed that to dez'a
"Rock Point" and the old man don't like that.
(John Nez)
zi. This is just a regular Squaw Dance. (How
can you tell?) Just by the way they swing it.
By the rhythm. (John Nez)
21a. (No comment)
22. (No comment)
23. These are the old songs. The people over at
Red Cliffs sing just a little different songs over
there. They've got more pep to it. They can
sing real loud too, if they want to. May-
be sometimes it's not so much pep, either,
they sing sad almost. (Slower?) I think
they do. Yes, a little slower. (John Nez)
24. (Meaning of text?) This is all different from
the Moccasin Game songs. They make sense.
This don't tell. You can tell something about
it if it has a dozen words or more. (John
Nez)
It means "Turn your head, leave it that
straight way." (Mr. Moustache)
TEXTS
Meaningful Texts
Of the twenty-four sway songs collected,
eight have meaningful texts. These typically
contain only a few words or a short phrase
which may be repeated several times. The
light, sometimes topical, subject matter is in
sharp contrast to Navaho sacred music which
contains magical phrases and long, full, repeti-
tive lists of Holy People, sacred places, and
parts of the body or of plants. In the sway
songs, no mention is made of sacred things or
of the enemy.
3 See pp. 36-37. (Notes on the Sway Songs for
the Navaho words.
SONG NUMBER
3. This is beautiful, beautiful, beautiful, etc.*
3a. This is beautiful, saying it over, in the night.
4. Look up, car (motor) sound saying!
(Look up, there is the sound of (an airplane)
motor! )
5. Where are you going?
Where are you going?
Good-bye! (Companion song to number 4.)
6. Lonesome as I am.
n. That's the one!
(That's the song! )
3°
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
12. Would you come over?
I have a mirror with me.
(refers to the mir-
ror used by young
sheepherders to sig-
nal each other)
23. That's it! The (small) money is sticking out.
24. Turn your head, turn your head,
Leave it straight.
(Don't look around.)
Texts in Vocables
The meaningless texts are by no means a
haphazard arrangement of nonsense-syllables.
Certain of the vocables are used in patterns as
rigid as those of the melody itself and, indeed,
cannot be separated from it.
Fixed Phrases : Introduction and coda. In
the sway songs the introductory vocables are
always heyeyeyeya or heyeyeyeyaija. The
same vocables are also used in the coda which
concludes every sway song, and this coda may
also be found at important stopping points in
the course of the melodic development. This
pattern is sung on repeated quarter notes on
the tonic. I have labeled this melodic and
textual phrase "X," a customary symbol for
introductory material. An example of its use
in introductory and codential functions may
be shown in the phrase pattern of song number
2, a classic example of sway song form:
X ABY ABy CBX SBY SBy CBX
The Secondary Coda. There is frequently a
phrase shorter than "X" which also consists
of repeated notes on the tonic and which con-
cludes shorter melodic material. It is sung
with the vocables he, or heya, or heyena,
haye?iaija, depending on the number of notes
to be rendered. I have labeled this phrase "Y"
in its full form of four beats and "y" in its
shorter form of two beats. Its use may be seen
in the example given above. Note the order
of the full and partial form in a repeated phrase
complex such as ABY ABy.
The Pre-coda. The dissyllabic wena, or
hyane, or yane, is frequently used just before
the "X" or the "Y" ("y") codas. It is too
brief to count as a phrase in its own right and
so is not indicated by any special symbol, but
it frequently comprises the last two beats of a
"B" phrase or any other phrase which comes
before a coda. Alelodically the pre-coda is
sung on the interval of a major or minor third,
descending to the tonic.
The "Sway Development." Another vocable
phrase which is characteristic of many of the
sway songs, and appears in no other songs of
the Enemy Way, is found in association with
a melodic development which occurs toward
the end of the song. I have labeled this "S,"
and an excellent example of its use may be seen
in the phrase patterning of song number 2
given above. The vocables used with "S" are
always he'ya hane hyo, or some close varia-
tion, and the melodic material which accom-
panies these syllables is the furthest develop-
ment of new material before the song ends.
The conclusion is then almost always a repeti-
tion of earlier melodic material (a repetition
of CBX in the example above). The "S" unit
itself usually includes some earlier melodic ma-
terial and a coda, and this whole complex is
sung twice before the concluding material
begins.
The Main Text in Vocables
The vocable phrases described so far have
been inseparable from certain melodic phrases,
and both are fixed or rigid to a considerable
extent. The vocables that constitute the main
body of the song show great variety. Usually
a phrase such as ''eyo yowe will be repeated on
each musical phrase in much the same way as
are the meaningful texts. In spite of the vari-
ety, only certain vocables are "right" for a
particular song; such specificity is at least as
rigid as in the case of meaningful texts. Some
of the vocables most frequently used are 'eya,
yarja, 'ene, yana, and yowe. I have observed
a number of times that when a singer gets lost
in a song and is fumbling with the text, trying
to get sorted out again, he is likely to use the
vocables he ne ne ne, etc., the introductory
"X" formula. This occurs in other kinds of
songs as well as sway songs.
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
MELODIC ANALYSIS
3'
Meter
The rhythm of the sway songs is prevail-
ingly even and in a double meter. Though
one phrase may have six beats and another
four, the subdivisions or measures are nearly
always two beats in length. The most common
phrase is a 2, 2, 2 figure rhythmically. Excep-
tions may be found, however. It is not uncom-
mon to find a measure of three beats 4 as in
the "A" and "B" phrases of song number 3,
and it is not unusual to find the last measure
of a codential phrase with three beats instead
of two or four (song no. 16).
Tempo
The tempi are all within the range of
andante and allegro with the weight more in
the slower category. A simple table shows the
distribution:
SPEED NUMBER OF SONGS
andante J = MM 1 30-9 6
140-9 8
allegro J = MM 1 50-9 6
160-9 3
176 1
One would not expect the pitches of the songs
I recorded to be representative due to the
"unnatural" conditions, i.e., indoors and solo,
but they are similar to the pitches in the Boul-
ton and Rhodes recordings, which were made
by groups. Once when I asked an informant
why he was not singing "naturally" (loud and
high), he replied that he was afraid my record-
ing machine could not stand it.
The songs are sung on the same pitch for
some time, until the singers get warmed up
and the feeling of competition begins to find
expression. A slight rise in pitch can be heard
in the succession of songs recorded by Joseph
Pablo, but I have nothing on records analo-
gous to a nightlong series during an Enemy
Way. My informants always demanded to
hear the records that had already been made
before they themselves started to record, and
so the previous singer usually determined the
pitch on which they began. It is not surpris-
ing, then, that very few keys 5 are represented
in the present collection. Ten songs were
sung in C, three in C-sharp, one in D-sharp,
and nine in F. These tablatures are all to be
understood as in the "small octave" — the oc-
tave below middle C.
Pitch
Pitch or key in the sway songs may be said
to be as high as possible. The competitive
raising of the pitch has been described earlier.
Group I
Melodic Line
Below are simplified graphic representations
of some of the most characteristic sway song
melodic line patterns:
No. 7.
No. 9.
* McAUester, 1951, p. 35. The "interrupted
double" beat.
'By "key" I do not mean to imply all the note
relationships understood in our musical tradition. I
A B X B X
simply wish to indicate the "tonic" or base note of
the melody as a means of identifying the relative
pitch of the songs discussed (see p. 34 ff.)
32
Group II
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
No. 10. X AABY ByX SBYX SBYX AAB.YX
^/l , ^ -A V\
_ A7\_/-.
y\
No. 13. X ABBX ABBX y CGY ABBX CG ABBX GO ABBX
No. 17. X ABY ABY ByBX SBY SBX ABjf ABX
The songs in Group I reach the tonic in
the first phrase after the introduction whereas
in Group II this affirmation of tonality is de-
layed until the "B" phrase. The examples will
suffice to show that sway songs generally are
strongly downward in movement with phrases
progressively more restricted in compass in
a "collapsing" figure. There is a strong at-
traction to the tonic, and this attraction is off-
set by a fresh upward movement in the "sway
development." The reader will find many
variations on this theme in the melodies and a
few, such as song number 19, expand instead
of "collapsing."
Over-all Range. Five of the sway songs are a
fifth in range, four are a sixth in range, and
fifteen are an octave in range. In a sense, how-
ever, these figures are misleading for many of
the octaves are functionally very weak, being
barely touched once or twice in the course of
the song. When active range is considered,
there are two songs a fourth in range, nine
songs a fifth in range, six songs a sixth in
range, and only seven songs an octave in range.
Range in Individual Phrases. Within the
individual phrases, a compass of an octave is
rare. A certain number of "A" phrases do
cover the full octave. Compasses of a fifth, a
third, and a fourth predominate. The coden-
tial phrases are, of course, quite flat, being
sung entirely on the tonic.
Melodic Phrasing
Fixed Phrases. As the reader has seen, cer-
tain phrases appear in identical or closely re-
lated forms throughout the sway songs. I
have used letters from near the end of the
alphabet to indicate these "fixed" phrases
whenever they appear and have reserved con-
secutive lettering for the material original or
unique to a particular song. I have explained
the positions and function of the fixed phrases
in the section on texts in vocables and so have
merely to indicate the melodic content here.
J J jiJ J J J J J J
Introduction and coda ( "X") lie ye ye ye ya, or he ye ye ye yana
The "YH coda ("Y" or "y") ha, or hani, or hayena, etc.
>
The away development ("S" etc.) *Y.*J j J J S
he ya hane hyo
THE SECULAR SONGS
Some examples of the complete phrase pat-
terns of representative sway songs will illus-
trate the melodic function of the fixed phrases:
SONG NUMBER
2. X ABY ABy CBX SBY SBy CBX
3. X AY Ay By BX SAY SAy By BX
6. X ABY ABy Cy CX SBY SBy Cy CX
Note a°;ain how the full form of the Y coda
is used with the first repetition of double
phrases, and the reduced form is used when
the melody "jumps off" to new material. The
sway development is found in some variation
in thirteen of the twenty-four sway songs,
always with the fixed melodic and textual pat-
tern "S". In nine more of the songs, there is
a similar development without the fixed "S"
but employing the same sort of expansion,
combining new with old material before the
song ends with a recapitulation of an early
phrase complex, or of more than one of these,
for a song ending:
SONG NUMBER
4. X AyBX AyBX BY By AyBX
12. X ABY ABy CBy CBX DBX ABY ABy CBX
Paired Phrases. The doubling of the first
phrase in the sway songs is frequent enough
to impress even the casual listener. This device
is very useful in the group singing, since it
allows the man who introduces the song to
establish its identity, and then gives the group
a chance to come in on the repeat before the
song goes on to new development. The group
often recognizes the proposed song after the
first few notes, but all who know the song
have joined in by the beginning of the second
"A". In ten cases this doubling is of a group
of phrases or a "phrase complex" as ABCX
ABCX, etc., rather than a pairing of smaller
units as X AYAy BYBy, etc., or X AA BB,
etc.
There is enough pairing of shorter melodic
units to be called more than a casual showing.
Pairing can be counted in two ways; the total
number of paired phrases in the song, or the
number of different phrases that are paired.
Thus a phrase pattern X AA BB CDE BB
"McAllester, 1949, pp. 73-74; Herzog, 1935, pp.
407-15.
IN THE ENEMY WAY 33
could be counted as three pairs by the first
method or only two by the second, since the
last BB is a repetition of a pair that has already
been counted. A table will show the pairing
in the sway songs counted both ways:
NO. OF
PHRASES NO. OF
PAIRED SONGS
a b
i 6 4
2 10 4
3 8 3
4 9
5 1
6 1
7
8 2
a) is the count of different pairs, and b) is the count
of total pairs.
In seven of the cases the pairing was full;
that is, the entire song was made up of paired
phrases.6
Over-all Patterns. The notation of every
small phrase and coda, while valuable in out-
lining the structure of the song, is unneces-
sarily complex when the over-all phrase pat-
terns of a number of songs are to be compared.
By calling every series that ends in a coda
one phrase, the picture is simplified. Number
6, for example, in detail is:
X ABY ABy CyCX SBY SBv OCX
In simplified form it is X A A BB CC BB. Re-
duced to this larger phrasing, the sway songs
fall into three categories of form:
Songs in which later material is repeated,
no. 7 no. 8
AAB AABB
AB AABB
Songs in which initial material is repeated.
no. 3 no. 4 no. 5 no. 10
AABBCC ABABBB AAB ABCC
BB AB A A
AABB
nos. 11,18,20 no. 12 no. 13
AABB AABBC AAB
A AAB AB
AB
A
34
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
no.
17
no. 21
no. 23
AABBCC
AABCC
AAABB
AA
B
AAB
A
Songs in which
middle material
is repeated.
no. i
no. 2
nos. 6 & 9
AABB
AABCC
AABBCC
ABB
B
BB
A
AABBCC
BB
no. 14
no. 15
no. 16
AABB
AABB
AABBCC
a
ABB
BB
ABB
ABB
a
ABB
A
no. 19
no. 22
no. 24
AABCC
ABCC
AABBCC
BCC
B
ABB
B
It is clear from the above that sway song
style calls for incomplete repeats and that the
repeated material may come from the begin-
ning or the middle of the song and hardly
ever from the end.
Number of Phrases. In counting the number
of phrases, which is one measure of the length
of a song, one may also reckon by a simple
total, or by a total of different phrases. The
difference in totals that results from these two
methods of counting is very great since there
are many repeats in the sway songs.
NO. OF DIF-
FERENT PHRASES:
3
4
5
6
TOTAL NO.
OF PHRASES:
10-20
2I-3O
3I-4O
41
NO. OF
SONGS
NO. OF
SONGS
7
'3
3
1
From the first set of figures one learns that
the majority of the songs contains between five
and six different phrases. Thus the songs are
not outstandingly complex, particularly since
the introductory and codential phrases have
been included in the count. If these are omit-
ted in a larger phrasing, such as that used
above, none of the songs contains more than
three phrases. This picture is representative
of the "active" melodic material in the songs.
"Lively but brief," would be a reasonable
characterization of the melodic flight of a
typical sway song.
The simple total, including all repetitions,
shows that a sway song is usually some twenty-
odd phrases in length.
Finals. A helpful device in analyzing the in-
ternal structure of a song is the plotting of
"finals." This is the examination of the last
note in each phrase according to its relation-
ship to the tonic. A figure: 3,3,1,1,1 would
mean that the song contained five phrases, the
first two ending on the third note above the
tonic, and the other three on the tonic itself.
Such a scheme has the value of indicating the
valence of the tonic in relation to the song as
a whole. A figure such as 1,1,1,1,1, would sug-
gest a musical tradition in which the tonic has
very much greater melodic weight than in most
Western European music.
The sway songs are like most American
Indian music in their strong movement toward
the tonic. If the larger phrasing is used,
every phrase in every sway song comes to
rest on the tonic. This is due to the fact
that the level codential phrases discussed on
page 30 are used to conclude each of these
larger melodic flights. Thus song no. 1 has
a "large pattern" XAABBABBA based
on the more detailed description:
X AABX AABX SCY SCy AABX SCY SCy
AABX
Note that every phrase complex in the latter
scheme ends in either a y-coda or an x-coda.
The pattern of finals in the detailed scheme is:
X AABX AABX SCY SCy AABX SCY
1 5,1,1,1 5,1,1,1 3,3,1 3,3,1 5,1,1,1 3,3,1
SCy AABX
3,3'! 5'M'1
The pattern of finals here reveals a descend-
ing type of melody in which nearly all phrase
endings are low and a majority are on the
tonic.
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
35
In seven of the sway songs, every phrase,
even in the detailed scheme of phrasing, ends
on the tonic (nos. 4,7,8,9,12,18,23). Seven
others reach the tonic in every phrase but one,
usually the initial phrase (nos. 5,13,16,17,19,
20,22). Song number 5, for example has the
pattern:
X AABX AABX BB AABX
1 5,1,1,1 5,1,1,
5,1,1,
Six songs reach the tonic in all but two phrases
(nos. 2,6,14,15,21,24) and only four songs
fail to reach the tonic on the final note of three
or more phrases (nos. 1,3,10,11). There is
little doubt that the tonic has great weight in
these melodies; the pattern of finals provides
a manner of stating this fact, and a basis for
stylistic and other comparisons.
Tonality
Scales in Melodic Music. Von Hornbostel
has argued cogently that the term "scale" in
our sense of a fixed "store of notes or intervals
from which he (the singer) selects and com-
bines those which may please his ear," is in-
applicable to music outside the harmonic tra-
dition.7 It is certainly true that no Navaho
could, on demand, sing or otherwise define
the scale or scales to which Navaho music
conforms.
Scholes' definition affords a wider concept
of the term:
By "Scales" we mean stepwise, ordered arrange-
ments, ... of all the chief notes found in particu-
lar compositions or passages or in the music of a
period or people.
The number of different scales that mankind has
used and is using is enormous, and can, indeed, never
be completely known, whilst the processes by which
'Von Hornbostel, 1928, pp. 34-35.
8 Scholes, 1947, pp. 833-34.
""Melody is the aspect to which injustice is most
easily done in studying Primitive Music. Because
harmonies are used constantly in our music, they
have permeated our musical consciousness to such
an extent that the Western listener by necessity ex-
periences music as harmonic — whether harmonies
are actually present, are merely implied (as in the
folksongs of Western Europe from the last few cen-
turies), or are missing entirely, as in most Primitive
Music. Only by prolonged training and familiarity
is the investigator able to acquire the ability to
they have come to be adopted are various also, in-
cluding intuition, scientific reasoning, and chance.
Apparently any combination of notes whatever
may be adopted as the material from which a
peasantry, or a composer, or a group of composers
may make their tunes, and there exists not even one
interval common to all the scales of the world."
Herzop-, von Hornbostel, and others have
pointed out that the relative melodic impor-
tance of the notes making up a scale is more
significant for its understanding than the
mere definition of which notes occur within
its compass.9 Von Hornstobel's example will
illustrate this point: 10
$
3
gas
a)
J*3 "i
b)
Both scales show the same inventory of notes,
but the relative importance of these notes (in-
dicated here by the relative time-values) varies
to such an extent that the two scales are differ-
ent modes altogether. In song (a), the notes
G and D were the important notes in the
melody (tonic and dominant, respectively).
The notes A and E were leading notes to the
tonic and dominant, and B and C were passing
notes of little importance. In song (b), the
notes A and E were the tonic and dominant
of the melody, B merely led to A, C and D
were passing notes. This is a melodic defini-
tion: the relationships of the notes were
judged by their function in a melody rather
than by their positions on a "scale." n
Types of "Scales" in the Sway Songs.
In discussing the relationships of notes in these
songs, I have categorized the material under
headings denoting various types of scales. In
order to avoid the impression that I am re-
ferring to a "fixed store of notes" as in the
experience 'monolinear' music as such. Harmonic
habits condition not only our mode of experiencing
music, but also the nature of our musical concepts.
Thus, in analyzing primitive songs an effort must be
made to lean only lightly on our concepts of scale,
interval, and harmonic relations, and to describe
tonality as it is manifested, empirically, in the songs
themselves. In doing so, terms known in our musical
terminology — tone, interval, scale, tonic, dominant,
leading tone, and others — may be used but in a
modified sense." Herzog, 1936, p. 286.
10 Von Hornbostel, 1928, p. 36.
uVon Hornbostel, 1928, p. 36.
36
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
harmonic tradition of music, the "scales" or
modes are shown in notation at the end of
each group of songs. Their relative impor-
tance is indicated by the time values, as in the
examples above, and their functional relation-
ships are indicated by brackets.
Chromatic. The dominant notes in song
number 22 are the three notes of our major
triad, but the passing notes used in descending
"runs" in the melody move by half steps so
that within the compass of a fifth there is a
series of chromatic steps complete except for
one half step. The chromatic scale that can
be derived from this song is rare both in
Navaho music and in American Indian music
as a whole.
Scale on the Interval of a Fourth. The in-
terval of the fourth is one of the basic inter-
vals in music all over the world.12 It has been
thought since the time of Pythagoras that the
accoustical affinity between the fourth and the
tonic (the fourth is the third overtone or
"upper partial" of the tonic) must explain the
prevalence of this interval.13
In the sway songs two of the melodies are
constructed on the interval 1-4. The domi-
nant notes in song number 2 are 1 3 b 4 and in
song number 17 they are 1 2 4. Both songs
have, in addition, a fifth which seems to be
merely the fourth raised by a strong accent at
the start of a phrase.
Pentatonic Scales. The influence of the in-
terval of a fourth in producing pentatonic
scales is discussed in von Hornstobel.
The prevalence of the fourth as a frame for melodic
phrases together with the necessity of dividing it in
order to obtain melodic steps produces, all over the
world, melodic forms which are generally classed
under the common heading of 'pentatonic music'.
The use of this term shows the readiness of musical
theorists to take scale instead of melodic structure
for the primary element in music. When two fourths,
each of them divided by an intermediate note, are
linked with one another, and supplemented by the
octave of the starting note — which often enough
does not actually occur in the melody — the result
is indeed a pentatonic scale: GXDYA(G)."
The pentatonic scale as ordinarily conceived,
12 Scholes, 1947, p. 834.
13 McKinney and Anderson, 1940, pp. 88-89.
"Von Hornbostel, 1928, pp. 36-37.
however, is the progression 1 2 3 5 6 8, in
which the notes 1 3 5 predominate, suggesting
that 2 and 6 are merely leading tones. These
predominating notes are called by Scholes
"the natural series," for accoustical reasons.
Since the absence of 4 and 7 avoids the neces-
sity for semitones, some theorists have sug-
gested that the scale represents human tonal
discrimination at an early evolutionary stage
when the ear was "incapable of grasping semi-
tones." 15
Full pentatonic scales occur in songs num-
ber 9, 14, and 15. Song number 5 has the full
scale without the octave, songs number 1 and
6 show the pentatonic scale without the
second, and number 4 shows the pentatonic
scale minus the sixth.
Diatonic Scales. Our major and minor dia-
tonic scales (the Aeolian and Ionian modes)
may be found in the melodies of several of the
sway songs, though never in complete form.
Major: Song number 13 is the closest, lacking only
the seventh.
Song number 18 lacks the sixth and seventh.
Songs number 7 and 10 lack the second and
seventh.
Song number 19 lacks the second, seventh, and
eighth.
Minor: Songs number 23 and 24 might be con-
sidered as containing our minor scale, but
lacking many of the notes, might equally well
be considered to be in the Dorian mode.
Open Triad. Songs containing a scale of the
open or "broken" triad (135) are very rare
in American Indian music. There are several
cases in Salish music and, closer to the Navahos,
in Northern Ute material. None of the many
groups studied by Densmore, other than the
Utes, have more than a very slight showing of
this feature.16
Of the sway songs, numbers 8, 12, and 21
are constructed essentially on these three notes.
Number 8 repeats the third an octave higher;
it is the only song in the collection to go above
the octave. Number 12 repeats the fifth in a
dip below the tonic, also very rare in the sway
15 Scholes, 1947, pp. 836-37.
18 McAUester, 1949, p. 71.
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
37
songs. Numbers 16 and 2 1 are also constructed
essentially on these three notes but contain
the seventh in addition; they are the only songs
in this group to contain the seventh at all.
The Modes. Dorian Mode: three of the
sway songs could be construed to be in the
Dorian mode (1 2 3b 4 5 6 7b 8). Number 11
lacks the second, sixth, and eighth. The low-
ered seventh appears below the tonic. As men-
tioned above, numbers 23 and 24 could also
be considered to be in this mode, but the sec-
ond, sixth, seventh, and eighth are lacking in
number 23; and the second, seventh, and
eighth are lacking in number 24.
A4ixolydian Mode: The major third and the
lowered seventh could be said to put number
3 in the Mixolydian mode (1 2 3 4 5 6 7b 8),
but many notes are missing. It lacks the sec-
ond, sixth, and eighth, and the seventh flat ap-
pears only below the tonic.
NOTES ON THE SWAY SONGS
The number after the singer's name refers to
the field recording number. For comparative
purposes all songs have been notated in the key
of C. Where key signatures are given in the
notes, they indicate the key in which the song
was sung.
1. Bill Begay; no. FN-I 8. This song is widely
known as a signal song, used to indicate that
the dancing should stop and the regular all-
night sway singing begin.
Text: no meaningful text.
2. Bill Begay; no. FN-I 1.
Text: no meaningful text.
3. Bill Begay; no. FN-I 2.
dii nizhpto ha
this beautiful is
4. Bill Begay; FN-I 3. Song no. 5 is considered a
companion piece to this one.
Text: dego dini'jj chidi nat'ai la'aniina
look up motor sound saying
5. Grant Johns; FN-I 16; key of D. The in-
formant said this song should go with no. 4.
Text: haagoshi gubai (English)
where are you going? goodbye
6. Bill Begay; no. FN-I 4; key of C-sharp.
Text: in the song: chi nawi yei
in prose: chi nako yei na'ah
lonesome as I am
7. Bill Begay; no. FN-I 5; key of D-sharp.
Text: no meaningful text.
8. Bill Begay; no. FN-I 6.
Text: no meaningful text.
9. Bill Begay; no. FN-I 7.
Text: no meaningful text.
10. John Hawk; no. FN-I 10. Seems to be a version
of no. 1. Jim Chamiso's comment was that this
song was "all mixed up."
Text: no meaningful text.
11. Grant Johns; no. FN-I 17; key of D-sharp.
Text: according to the singer the meaning is
"That's the one!" (Navaho not given.)
Jim Chamiso said the text should be:
'elaanilo
Oh, is that you?
12. Johnny Blanco; no. FN-IV 5; key of D-sharp.
Text: shadi natdats'ee
Would you come over?
bidest'j nash'a
Mirror, I have it with me.
13. Joseph Pablo; no. FN-IV 10.
Text: no meaningful text.
14. Joseph Pablo; no. FN-IV n.
Text: no meaningful text.
15. Joseph Pablo; no. FN-IV 12.
Text: no meaningful text.
16. Mr. Moustache; no. FN-V 8; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text.
17. Mr. Moustache; no. FN-V 9; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text.
18. Mr. Moustache; no. FN-V 10; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text.
19. Mr. Moustache; no. FN-V 12; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text.
20. Mr. Moustache; no. FN-V 13; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text. The meaningless he'o
has been changed by other singers in
recent years to dez'a "Rock Point."
zi. Mr. Moustache; no. FN-V 17; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text.
22. Mr. Moustache; no. FN-V 18; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text.
23. Mr. Moustache; no. FN-V 21; key of F.
Text: in song: 'andoo yalha
in prose: 'iindaa yat
that's it, small money
ha'ah
sticking out
24. Mr. Moustache; no. FN-V 22; key of F.
Text: khodjila khodjj' koensht'e
that way here leave it straight
(Freely: Turn your head back (that
way) look straight ahead.)
SIGNS USED IN THE TRANSCRIPTIONS
Above a note: approximately a quarter -tone higher
than noted
Above a note: approximately a quarter-tone lower
than noted
) Pitch uncertain
P; J| Pitch quite indefinite; in the neighborhood of where
the stem ends
cJ>
i
NV
Tone of unmusical quality; call, yell
Grace note
Dynamically weak tones
q J Pulsations on a longer tone, without actually breaking
the tone
especially strong tie, glide (glissando)
Portamento
Above a note: slightly shorter than noted
^ Above a note: slightly longer than noted
T~ "; Subdivision
A, B, etc. Large sections of a song, phrases
a, b, etc. Small phrases or subsections of phrases
A, A', etc. Closely related phrases
A, A3, A5, etc. Same phrase transposed a third, fifth, etc. lower
SCALES OF THE SWAY SONGS
Chromatic:
No. 22
J I'gf'f'^
i
Interval of a fourth:
No. 2 , , No. 17 r--c-
7 fcg*
| j" J
Pentatonic
No. 9^
1
;»-
"» No. 14
fe
No. 15 j
S
No . 5 '
jOO
No.l'
H
No. 6
&
No. 4
t 1 «~
it
zo:
ID!
Diatonic (major)
No.lj ^ ~ ""'
No. 18 -
No. 7 '■»- ^.' r
| nirpp.^,, | "Ef|W
fcu
zo:
No. 10
P
1 "1
No. 16
I i_
r--
PrrVa
No. 19 f"'
e=*
J£
in:
H
ICC
i l: , l
Open triad:
>l-l~ 'i " „„ ■>„ r
No. 8
m
^^
No. 12
S3:
No. 21 '■(*■.
ej:
p^~
?e
IE
1 — . I — I
No . 20 r i i - •
7 Fdrn?
Dorian mode:
No. 11 r
No. 23 r
n No . 24 r - r
W*F
I FTP"
F^Sff
XX
r, i » b
^^
i i — j
i' i
Mlxolydlan:
No,T
!): F
*—rr
Z3^I
j __j
J =
THE SWAY SONGS
Song No. 1 Signal Song
= 132
£3
T >
r rj| f r r^Miiaga
*v
N- • *»«^~p
# # * *
a
he yeyeyeya hi yo'e hya hi yo'e hyg-- 'o hlyo hi yo'e hyaqa heyeyeye yaoa hi
T . >
yt^i-.iiUf^,^
©:
£s
5
i
* * T -p »
^^
yo'e hyaoa hi yo'e hyg — wo hiyo hi yo'e hyaoa he yaoa ' e' ya haqe
y f g J|j jj.,i[;.jji-if Jf I J^gif
#•• f
1
t
hyo heyo'e hyagena 'e' ya haoe hyo heyo'e hya' hi yo'e hya hi yo'e hyg-
^'LfM*]j^jiiiiifljij.fMi
■ »
'o hiyo hlyo'e hyaoa heyeyeye yaoa^'e1 ya haoe hyo heyo'e hya Qe na
S ^ 1 C — ft- * y. . A ■» „ A ♦ _ rvH B
£^1 1 1 1 1 r- It J iyi in. fit
#--*
tei^i
he' ya haoe hyo heyo'e hyana hi yo'e hya hi yo'e hyg — 'o hiyo hi
3
y g j i J'
s
yo'e hyaQa he- yeyeyeya'
Song No. 2
J S 144
3
*
A>
{*j.fij Mi [J i,)(Tr Jfj.
■ * * g
fe
ha yeyeye ya 'eyo yo we1 he yo yo we- ne ha ne na ' eyo yo we'
» >, . >-
>* .ffi
5f . >
yjJf?ii|!il^J^.ii^Jhj
x>
i 1 i p
=ts
^33
he yo yo we- ne ha 'eyo yo we — ya 'eyo yo we- na he yeyeye ya
a I
y{jjjfJ.l}JJnj|Tju...fijjj ji'j^^
he'ya ha ne hyo 'eyo yo we- na ha1 e na' he'ya ha ne hyo 'eyo yo we
y" ' ■- •» ' . w
* # =g
ha- ' eyo yo we — na ' e yo yo we- na he yeyeyeya
J S 144
x 3
Song No. 3
B£
» # i g
» 1 I o
4JJ]IW'NI^
ha yeyeye ya d{- ni zhgto haye na d$$- ni zhg-to ha nl zhgto nizhgto hani
■rn^Jiiiii^ji^^
JB^
*~ • * -*
^
zhg-to nlzhg-to he ya he'-ya hane hyo- ni-zhg-to hanena he'-ya ha ne
5
%M
y, g
f4^Hn
eJe3
y b
'&U
?» - x
3
^Q
<r~y
^^
hyo- ni-zhg-to ha ni-zhg-to ni-zhg-to ha ni-zhg-to ni-zhg-to he yeyeye ya
B >.
^^liijiJiiHwnjiijrp^j^fa
*
ni-zhg-to haye~ha d
>- - X *-
zhg-to ha ni-zhg-to ni-zhg-to ha ni
ft'lVVlKll
• * • •
zhg-to ni-zhg-to he- yeyeye yah
J.
Song No. 4
142
7 0.jiUi,i^triiiLiiji;n,,nj|jJ^
2Z3
■ ■ * «g
he yeyeyeya dego dini {| V na ohidi na t'al la' a ni- na he yeyeyeya
? njiff Ning
> B
g jin u
«5a
» # .#
*~*
*=*
^' —
chldl na t'al la' a nl- na ha ne na' ohidi na t'ai la1 a nl- ne ha na
2
a
D
i
gSgg
±tfm
■*—*
****-&
* ,, >^is> — —
dego dlni \\- -X- na chldl na t'al la' a ni- na he yeyeye ya
7- fl jifWig
i i i e
fljiNNm
chldl na t'al la' a nl- na ha ne na' chldl na t'al la' a ni- ne ha
na
^^
tiiUjjr.n'fjjijj^
=C^
+ i • " » i
*=*
dego dlni {|- -^^ na chldl na t'ai la' a ni- na he yeyeye yah
J • 150
Song No. 5
*•* 0 * g
^De y
JJ.WC1
^P
^Li
JlfUflVy]
*J»
* *i**lc*
ne- yeyeye ya haa- go- shl haa- go- ahl- wo- wo gu-bal '1 hya na heyeyeyeya
^ >_
^rLT^iirirftfiil^Ms
x>>
XZ
m m m *-*
haa- go- ahl haa- go- ahl- wo- wo gu- bai '1 hya na he yeyeye ya
ft ^g
jei^,h]i\)JmSfli-li-mii^7h
ya gu-bal — '1 hya' e na gu- bai.-- '1 hya haa- go- shi naa- go- snl
yiJjiu
■ ■
■ZMZJ
£
4f
wo gu-bal — '1 hya na he yeyeye ya
«T~* 1^8
Song No. 8
o^.jjjj. tttr rcFm.?uiTJ'jj.TitT r fe^>
he yeyeye ya chl nawi yeye chl nawl ye- ne ha-1 na ohl nawi yeye cnlnawlye-ne
?
G
f " f
0 5)>
S=f=p?
JO
izzjz
*-*
# * I * * I *
t^±^2
ha ohl nawi yena'a- ne ha na ohl nawl ne- 'a- oa he ye ye ye ya
S 5
S
I
i
^ B > >
f , f f If f
fLjjr.pr.irr^
It*
obbc
e
he' -a haoe hyaqa chl nawi ye- ne haoe naoa he '-a haoe hyana ohl nawl ye- ne
7)^L X
0; i i' D I LT tJ
fi£
> _ *
fel
^iij/
g ■
«
=£
4 I rr
nana cnl nawl yena'a- ne haOa chl nawl ne- 'a- he ya chl
Variations:
2)
JJ_
I
6) 7L
0 9 0
haneqa ye na
yana he' a haoe hya chl
' a-na heyeyeyeyah
J =
136
x %
*
3
A i*=v «»
££
#— »
»~*
Song No. 7
JW+ *
S
X >
^^
£tet2
»~*
*— *
fci
y~y
he- ye ya wiya wiya wlya Da hi yana'o wo-'o 'e hyaQa he- yaoa
> ^
s
i£
> **.
#— #■
f I f
fr
i
xn
§
rw
&
»
wiya wiya wiya oa hi yana'o wo-'o 'e hya he- ya hi
B' 2) >!
f #
^^
*?3
i 6g
2=8
i
I
u . &•
yana'o wo-'o 'e hyaoe Da hi yana'o wo-'o 'e hya
s
i#
*#^
*^=*
e* v\w u*\ a
5
'-'p *
£
weyo weyo weyo wo hi yana'o wo-'o 'e hyaoa he ya hi
□ II ^
.' 11
*—*
■ 1 * g
-t?
wu WW''
yana'o wo-'o 'e hyaqa he yeyeye ya
Variations:
3E
-a
JS'J3J^
he yeyeye ya hi yana'o wb-'o
8£
Song No. 8
^^
he - - ya hyo - -o ' owo yo' ho we- na he ya hi yo'o'o 'o-'o- wo
gg J 1 J»
*fi:
*M*'ft>lJJJJ«°ltH
^
p ■ i
*~~*
fat
yo'ho we- ne hai nana yow- ' o- we yo ' ho we"- hane nana ybw ' o wo- we
B
5
fcfcfi
r»*
ra
H*JflJlfeJfl
5
HZZtf
r?
* g ■
£
, i" ivy
x;
yo'ho we
he ya hyo'o'o 'o-o- o
yo'ho we- ne hane nana
3c3*
hyo ' o ' o ' o-o**'ow' yo'ho we- ha hi yow'o-^ haqa hi
s
yo o- o yo ho we- n<
s
yo'ho we- na he yeyeye yah
5
J s 132
Song No. 9
.Jljjj,i(!!1tflft?c,)ij|Tj^irrriTii.lJi^{
he- yeyeye ya 'ai- ne- ya ho-o hyana haoe na ' al- ne- ya ho-o hyane ha
^^f?ir3jiT,)rt»frr-^J'ijj.ii'r;^
- h^a
5
hane ya ho- hya- ne ha hane ya ho- hya he yeyeye ya rel ya ha ne
> >,_
Jf ■ s fa __ 6U _ ,v
3B1
S
iH
i£
«zi
ya ho-o hya ne ha oe na he' ya ha ne ya ho-o hya ne ' ha o
^jjffnj i ■u^^rT'^l^
i
■ ■ g
ha ne ya ho- hya- ne ha ha ne ya ho- hya he yeyeye ya
Variations:
frffjTf?nfl.iJji?,inrnrTi
h^a
m * m *
-W-=
1 al na ha'o- hya haoa he ya he'- h;
he- yeyeye yah
J =
134
Song No. 10
A
jjiuiirrrr;s^;irrrr;gJJ
« — *-^
5fefe
m ' g
a
=&
5
he yeyeye yaoa ' ene hyowo'o hyana ' ene hyowo'o hyaoa ' eyo weya he ye'e
B K y . X . S
nff J J-g|Tj ji'j jjjjj^JIjj^-JAi
EZC
nyaoe hyaoa 'eyo weya he ye'e hyaoao hwe yeyeye yaoa he- ya haoe haoa
" ■-■ I r\_.V'- X . . . S
y'lltjiJlfrjJ
s
J5BJ5g
# # ~r^ * #
±
'eyo weya he ye 'e haoa haoe naoa he- ya ha ne- haoa
?pnuJj-gi:i]i']jjjMrrTr;fJJC|TTrffEJ&
'eyo weya he ye ' e haoa hane nana 'ene hyowo'o hyaoa 'ene hyowo'o hyaoa
X *
a
Et
^P=¥=
E*e£
* •
s
*~*
'eyo weya he ye ' e haoa hwe yeyeye ya'
1
Song No. 11
JS
176
m
JTfrfl^JJH^J
53
X >
fJ Jiiivn
3
it
gJEjnet
* i * * *
±2.
ts
'eye yeyeye ya ' e- la le la lelu- wa/'ela lela lala^u weya he yeyeye ya'
m ini*iHfi"*ru..
^^
1 e- la le la le lu- wa ' e la le la la la'u we ya he ye ye ye
P >riB.2> i X? > d, » , X^_
§»
^
S2SE±3E*i£iE3E^
(ye)
gj=*=g
&
•— #
«
«
4*0
ya ha- le lu- we ya
> B "
yeyeye la le lu- we ya he ye ye Cye)
a v i i i i b' . i x_ . . >_
M "Wmumi ^.uifi^gfe
' e- la le lu le lu- wa ' e la le la la la'u we ya he ye ye ye yah
J a 156
X >,
Song No. 12
^
B
3E±
3
^S
i d Jr
SEisE^
*=£
£
I I W 'W
' e oe haoe nana sha di na! da
V^"
he- yeyeye yaqa sha dl nai da ts'ee
£ B
7Ujifl\ii I JVJi i
±
^a
«=*
**
ts'ee- 'e ne ha oa bl destl na sho - 'e (ne)
B >, ■ X D B_
ha na bi destl na
X
J 1. fcj J 1 J J J J i J 1 **i 1 J J 1 tlj J J I J J i=£?
^
gho - ' e na he ye ye ye yaqa he ' a ha ne hyo - ' e na he ye ye ye ya
S
J^M*II Ji
zi}h
h J J
\J g B * 1 ••whJ
* * —*—*
£^
sha dl nai da ts'ee- 'e oe hane na sha dl nai da ts'ee- 'e ne
B >A
j Jj j T j a
9E
*~*
._ » » « # » #^g
I .w'U 1 >
1 — w.^ 1 ww , i
ha Qa bl destl na sho- ' e na he ye ye ye ya
Song No. 13
J *168
v 9>
h=t
j MJjnj.'ILT f ft
B
Wl j. J
B IK &
3
he- yeyeye yana he ' eya 'e ye he ' eya 'e ye he ' eya 'e ye- na he
B f. » .S . X A
s
i.
f
*
Wfctt
±
a
' eya ' e ye ' 1 ya na he ye ye ye ya na heya he ye he' eya 'e ye he
B m « . B mm ■ », & , X __y_
Jf J3 JJ-Jjji j^
£
# — #—#
5*
g— r
'eya 'e ye- na he 'eya 'e ye 'i ya na he ye ye ye ya Da ya na a
y.nvi Kill J jfJlri pill alYJ J i J J
'eya 'e ya'e ya ne na na'a eya'e ya'e ya na he 'e ye ya na 'a
f Li r k Ei r c
fes
jib^j;-J
^s.
* *i d
'eya 'eye a 'eya ' e ya 'a 'eya ' e ye - na he 'eya 'e ye- '1 ya
m
l!Ji°fl»J JJjj Jj^nyjjj
■ ■ *
■ *
t?r^
he ye ye ye yana 'a
f
_A1
f #
'eya 'e ya'e ya ne na na 'eya 'e ya'e ya na
B ^ , — B
fttnr^r^ ni.i\Bnit J^
eya 'eye a 'eya 'e ye 'a 'eya ' e ye - na he 'eya 'e ye- '1 ya
fj j j j Jim ,jf J>jjjji i*j\ntij J
■» *
^s^*
he ye ye ye ya
JL_ .
Wl
na 'eya'e ya'e ya ne na he 'eya 'e ya 'e ya na
B . B
JHsJJ m JJ^i
*=S
eya 'e ye he 'eya 'e ye he 'eya 'e ye- ya na 'eya 'e ye'i ya na
J J i J 1
3=*
he ye ye ye ya
Song No. 14
J S 160
X
7*J an
lyifeggiEiigi
■ a
whe yeyeye yana hyo -- 'o-
he- ya
z w^ t_-_ _ z__ _z __ z zj "j : _- "u
yo — ' o- he- ya5
yo — 'o he ya he ye ye ye yana hyo — 'o- he- yY- yo — 'o- he- ya--
i a X y p ••• is i __, Y_
#^3
£c=i
i
■ # zc a a
IS
yo — 'o he ya na he yeyeye ya yana yow'ow hi yow ' a he ya ne na
,_■ C
| rip J?^jJ|Tjjr4,J3,JJjjf4,^^^t
V^=
yow'ow hi yow
— ' a he ya na yo -- 'o he ya na yo — 'o he ya na
yjjjjiAfttv??^jMA^fiiiJ3
r^F
f
he ye ye ye yana hyo — ' o- he- y3T yo — 'o he- ya na
, a . . x p — K i . Y
S4
toff J-B ii.riJ|rJJ 1 J
±
1 1 1
C=K
* tf
Xt
yo — 'o he ya na he ye ye ye yana yow'ow hi yow 'a he ya ne na na
D - H i -v 0 i m . G
m J-B^JJlTJif^i
.f'^ * J i'y
s
^a
*?=?
X2:
yow 'ow hi yow ' a he ya na yo — 'o he ya na yo — 'o he ya na
2
S
* *
he ye ye ye ya
Js 168
Song No. 15
f^P?
* r r Tr " B- "■
Irr^ju jjj
» • T>
s
Mi
• m d *-*
* * *
ye ye ye yana we ya we- ya we- ya 'e yahe ya ' e na we ya we- ya
•/oi mm
m jjjvj jj;ite^
* ■ #
5
we- ya e ya he ye'e na na we- ya 'e yaha ya ' e na we- ya 'e yahe
ya na 'eya 'eya we- ya 'e ya he ya na he ye ye ye ya
5=5=
frflj JPJ|Tjjj,fJ3i J^i^rrj
f-r-»
— ^-i
we- ya ' e ya he ya'e na we- ya ' e ya he ya 13a we ya we- ya
v. X
£
oj j;j
J J JJSal J3 J iJ^I J J
-*—*
we- ya 'e ya he ya iDa he ye ye ye~ya we- ya 'e ya he ya 'e na
yflj Jj*r.u ii'rr trfi^f J3 1 m
mznt
we- ya ' e ya he ya oa we ya we- ya we- ya 'e ya he ya oa
J ■ ■ ■ » ■ "^
he ye ye ye ya
J S 144
X
Song No. 16
£
• »
* #
^^ y 1
i
£
X=K
B
he- ye ya na ' eya hanl ya cho wo- cho ' o - ' e roe ha ue oi
^. > y s
m m r 1 r
^
^- ,-'
1 e ya ha nl ya cho wo cho - - ' e oe ha ' e ya ha nl ya yo -
J Hi-1
£=S
»~y
1 a ne ha ' e ya ha nl ya yo no ' e na he ye ye ye y
:: i , w
S rC^ft..
3
g-.:s> r^ .g-ea
§
tW
£
4 Bg
■ *
» » 0
1 e hyo
9L
£?
~^
J* ■ * *
yo - - 'e ne ha ' e na ' e hyo - o"- o hyo- o - o ' e ha
Hhj £gg
n
' e ya ha nl ya yo - - ' e ne ha ' e na ha nl ya ' e ya - - 'e na
m
he ye ye ye ya
J
Song No. 17
S 144
m
ii
Jk
9 **T'* * !\ F
» Y A "
• • g
U I 1/ f
we- ye ye ye ya 'eya hanl yo'o ' o — ' ene ha e na 'eya ha ni
i ■ . r*"» v. IS B >. r\ y - - "* ^
yc^ciirj-J
;u,
Jr; b t
£
# g j
B » B * *
yo'o 'o -- 'e ne ha he yo'o 'o 'o 'e ha he yo'o 'o 'o 'e ne
y iJJJ.^gjJ«ilB
*n
g * * a
he ye ye ye ya he- ya ha ne yo'o ' o ' o ' e ne ha he he- ya ha ne
A -• />"bV . ^ g . . A "
mm
fi rJJc
iru i mm a
s^s
yo he ne ne ' eya hani
X
yo'o 'o — ' e ne ha e na 'eya ha ni
g CJJ'C
yo'o o o 'e na he ye ye y<^ya
J S 144
Song No. 18
f
£
JJJ B i J.i 5
X >
J JJJJ*
y— a
^"=5
he- ye ya we ya he ye ho whe ya 'e 'e 'e 'e yo wo we ya he yeyeye ya
gjgjj:
fe^E
»~y
S
we- ya he ye ho whe ya ' e ' e ' e ' e yo wo wVya he ye ye y
e ya
jrii j jjfrij^
i j j a j
u"" "i e
he- na ha ne yo wo- we ya he ye ye ye ya he- na ha ne yo wo we ya
he ye ya we ya he ye ho whe ya ' e 'e 'e 'e yowo- we ya he yeyeye ya
Song No. 19
J * 144
■f QjJii^jjjjfJiJiJJj
1
» — ■ *
he- ye ye ye ya he- ya ya na hi yana ' o- wo hi ya ne ha e na hi
>- > >
y n JIjj j j j itj.?jibji rjrt nnn^
yana 'o- wo hi ya ya ne ha hi yana ' o — he ya to — 'o hi ya na 'o
m^m^mmm
■Z 9 «~#7
'o wea na he ye ye ye ya he- a hya ne hyo-o he ya- na he e na
> . >
5
y^jiinvfriMiurjrrJiJi' nj
SS
he- a hya ne hyo-o ya- ne ha hi yana ' d=- he ya to — 'o hi ya na 'o
m
J JT ,r f
SI
a= ■>*#*#
he ya- na he ye ye ye ye ya
Variational 1)
2
j^j^i IP -Fijiinn jj j j j
hyo hi ya- ne 'o- ohe ya- na he ye ye ye ya
J.
Song No. 20
148
rniiiiiii\nr±nmf\i^Mm
w
W 5 H5
' o- wo ho ^ni
yeyeye yeye yana heye 'o- wo wo 'o haye 'o - wo wo he'o- wo ho^ena
hff^ye ' o- wo wo he o- wo wo e-**na
he yeyeye ya
X >
he 'o- wo wo wo
^•JJiiJ,f fljilf^iJjJIJiJ^
he yeyeye ya he- ya ha ne yo- wo ho ' e ne ha e na
Y . A * ^*l*B
he- ya ha ne
frO j jjTj-I^ flf'Mn Ci
yo-
he ne ha he * o- wo wo ' o he^y'e ' o - wo wo
. »^ , 1 u.
he ' o - wo 'e na he ye ye ye ya
J = 156
^ /%
$
Song No. 21
r/MH-i'tn
n
His
i»ig
9 0 4
±
'e ye ye ye ya 'e do — 'e - na ' e - ne ya 'e na ' e da lu -
i a _ no ' o _ ,r-> i= ^^ m,-, ™~ ~ T?_ i J??;„ .,„ TTT7T- wTTXi ^T ~ ^
a - na e - ya
e do wo wo o o- 'eya na eya hanl ya - na
D>
x p y ~\f^ , ^ , Y . _ D * n , y^ ■ v
he yeyey^ya ho ! e- na ' e- ne ha e (na) ho1 e- na ' e^ ne ne ha
2
1 e do wo wo o o-
'eya na '
£##i
Fya na 'eya hanl ya - na he ye ye ye ya
#^
• 00
' e do ' e- na ' e - ne ya ' e na ' e do ' e- na ' e- ne y
g y
/~.
S
'firl fi^l71 LT l1^ I" J JJ -i j
' e do wo wo o o-
'eya na ' e ya ha ni yo - na he ye ye ye^^ya
J a 156
Song No. 22
S=
oa
>«. >
'jj^V^fJ-jfJiJPj^^^
Wo
' e- yeyeye ya 'eya hanl yo wo wo wo- 'eya hanl yo-o o-o Vo 'eya hanl
y^ JUij.j'i^oij/i;iy:j
:t^ — „ — rr — ■ i~z ~z Lrr! — 1 'i V — —
1L>
1=t=t*
^B
■ ■
3
yo- wo- wo ' a ""e^ na- ya na ' a ' e- na he yeyeye ya ' a- ne
^riJ^iJii i jiiJ -^ niiiJiiJi^rjf'Ji f?
n^;
ya- na ' a ' e- ne
>.
ha e na ' e- ne- ya
a e
x >
ha 'eya hanl
y^a mil M ^ jjj|J1j|x>jj ji; y
" 1 -* »* -• >* _- mm mm _. ^
yo -o wo-o wo' a e- ya na ' a e- ne
■*• — " — — — "l^»
he ye ye ye*"ya
J = 156
^S
a _ sa
Song No. 23
^■1^1^ J^JJvlJyJ^i
# » O C
he - yeyeye ye ya an do- 'an do- wa 'an do he- ne ya yai ha 'an do
X a' > >*■* i * l B . >-
we ya he yeyeye ya rar
^t
J J i M I 1B i ^
m^*
s
£
6^
we ya he yeyeye ya ' an do ho- 'an do ho- wo ' an do he-
ne ya
Y
^^|JJ-|JJ*1j'jjjj ;f | m JlJ^lJlijSg
yai ha an do we ya he yeyeye ya he- ya ha ne ya ho he- ne ha e na
g
J Jifr I iT|J' f'p'Oi i JJ.Nf£*3d
£
1
#~w
s
i
he- ya ha ne ya ho ho ' e- ne ha ' an do ho- ' an do ho- wo ' an do ho
Q'U J»|JlyJV|JJ-|J_ JS|J Ji i jg
^ : ' l^i»
ne ya yai ha an do we ya he ye ye ye ya
Variation; 1)
m
fe
5^5
he- ye ye ye ya
Js 156
X
Song No. 24
> >
i /j i j j i{| g ^ jsfri i j.,i j A| j Hf n
he- yeyeye ya khodjl la- ha he dl- ya he na khodjl la- ha he dl - ya
m
ihti
khodjl do- khodjl koendjl ghTe ne ha khodj 1 do- khodj 1 khoeudji shte na
he yeyeye ya he- ya ha ne hyo he di ya ' ena he- ya he ne hyo he ne
*
ya khodj i la- ha he dl- ya khodjl do- khodjl koen ahte- ne ha
*ng\n m mimm
9 9 0
khodjl do- khodjl khoendjl shte- he ye ye yfya
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
39
SECTION TWO — THE DANCE SONGS
The dance songs differ from the sway songs
in function and in form. As stated above they
are sung only during that part of the night
when the girls come forward and choose part-
ners for the wheeling dance or the round
dance. The dancing stops, and the girls must
be given presents when there is a break in the
singing. Since this break often comes after
the rendition of one song (in contrast to the
long successions of sway songs), the dance
songs must be long enough to provide a satis-
factory interval for dancing.
There are some musical formalities. Song
number 25 is supposed to be the first song when
the dancing begins, and a sway song, number
1, is sung as a signal when the consensus is that
the dancing has continued long enough. The
older people, particularly the principals in the
arrangements for the Enemy Way, may decide
that the hour is too late or that too many young
men are intoxicated. On one occasion, how-
ever, I saw the dancing stop simply because
there were too few girls. They seemed to lose
the courage to seize partners, and so the dance
singing went on, and the bonfire blazed
brightly, but there was no more dancing. The
comments of some of the young men expressed
disappointment, but the signal song was sung,
and the rest of the night spent in sway singing.
COMMENTS WITH THE DANCE SONGS
I don't like these. (Why?) They are just made
up and don't amount to anything. They are just
recent. Now thev are put in with the Squaw Dance
songs, but they didn't have these long ago. (Mr.
Moustache)
SONG NUMBER
25. She sings this kind of short. In the early days
the women used to sing during the Squaw
Dance but now they don't. (Grant Johns)
She didn't get it right. They always start the
skip dancing with this one. She just repeats
part of the chorus. (Jim Chamiso)
25a. This song could be used for a lullaby. It has
no words. You hold the baby and rock back
and forth while you sing so she'll go to
sleep. (Question) A man or a woman could
sing it. (Does your wife?) No. (Does she
sing at all?) No. I just know that song.
(Question) I learned it from some of the old
kinfolks. I used to hear it when I was just a
kid. (Johnny Blanco)
It's a Squaw Dance song, used in the turning
dance. (Jim Chamiso)
26. It's a skip dance. "Yoshinai" means "come
dance." (Grant Johns) No, it can't mean
that. It may come from yoshi — "a girl
partner" but that's a word very few people
know. (Jim Chamiso)
27. It's a Squaw Dance song for when the girls
are dancing. They like to go to Railtown and
stand over there by some house and think
about the old tramps. (Grant Johns)
It's a recent Skip Dance song. You can put
28.
29.
29a.
30.
}'■
3*.
different things in there like "movies"
(fftt'eie') or "tramp" ("pack on back"
na'aldjidi) or "to drink" Cadesbdiil). She
meant to say "tramp" but she really said
"watch (na'aikid). (Jim Chamiso)
This means you're not really dancing, just
walking around. Wo na ruV — "you're walking
around.") (Grant Johns)
That song should be o ya ye all the way
through. She made it a little fast at the end.
(Jim Chamiso)
There are other words in this she was too
bashful to sing. I don't know the songs they
sing when they start dancing. I don't pay any
attention. I know the night songs, that's all.
(Grant Johns)
She gets lost. She got mixed up with two
other songs. (Jim Chamiso)
(No comment)
That's a mattress song. It's another one for
the dancing time. It's one of the old ones.
(Grant Johns)
She changed the words a little because she
must have been bashful. She changed it from
"lie closer" to "sit by me," and she changed
"you bring your sheepskin" to "he is bring-
ing a sheepskin." (Jim Chamiso)
This has no words. It is one of the main old
special ones. Today they have lots of words.
(Evelyn Pablo)
He started this more or less like a chant. Then
he sings it over and over. They sing these
as often as they feel like it. If it's real good
they sing it many times over. (Jim Chamiso)
L
4°
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
33. (No comment)
34. This means you will be holding the drum all
night. (Evelyn Pablo) This came from
Fort. This song really came from the Mes-
calero. It's an old one. There should be
more words to it but I can't think of it.
There are two kinds of dancing: there's a
regular skip and then they sometimes just
trot along. When you hear heyeyeyeyana
that's really 'ahizdfdhai (skip dance). The
other kind of dancing is more recent and the
songs have more words to them. They're more
fancy. Often this dance is brought in by the
smart youngsters. The new songs go "he ye
yana." The tune is in small bits and the older
kind is longer parts. (Jim Chamiso)
35. This is my favorite song. Joseph used to
sing this at the time we were first married.
(Evelvn Pablo) This is Mescalero too. It
was made at the same time as the other. It
is one of the first skip dance songs. They
would laugh if they heard this one on the
reservation. They wouldn't know it up there,
they have changed it so much from the
original Mescalero. The Fort people go over
to Mescalero in July to a four days' feast,
and that's when they got those songs. They
still sing them in the old fashioned way
here. The trotting dance came from there
too. This new kind is also known as 'ahizdP-
ahai only up at Carrisozo they know there are
two kinds. They are way ahead of us up
there. Around here they might sing both
kinds and never know the difference. Around
Carrisozo there are two groups of singers,
one on either side of the circle of dancers.
Up there on the reservation they don't wheel
to this song. (Jim Chamiso)
36. This is another favorite of mine. (Evelyn
Pablo) This song is Mescalero too but
that is a Ute wording, not Navaho. In Navaho
it means nothing as it stands. It would have
to be cVenahoye diid'ash. I think there was
a small batch of Utes — maybe they learned
Mescalero down there at Mescalero. (Jim
Chamiso)
37. This is the same kind of song too, from
Mescalero too. It could only be a Mescalero
tune. They start at Mescalero and get to be
more Navaho sounding at Fort where
there are three hundred Navahos with lots
of Apaches mixed in. Those songs sound less
and less Apache as you hear them closer to
the reservation. (Jim Chamiso)
38. This was our song when we first got
together. Now I'll sing it for her. (Joseph
Pablo) This is the song we used to sing when
when we were first married. (Evelyn Pablo)
[When we played this recording back,
Joseph jumped up and danced (wheeling
dance) with me. D. McA.]
This is another Mescalero song. It's teasing
a boy and girl when they are dancing about
what else could they do besides dancing
together. (Jim Chamiso)
39. He made a little mistake in there. He almost
put another song in there (laughs). (Evelyn
Pablo)
Another Mescalero tune, he ye' yana is not
Navaho. Navahos sing hene yana or heya
heya. (Jim Chamiso)
40. That 'e'eya do'o'be is typical Apache singing.
He uses Apache words here, almost like
Navaho. (Jim Chamiso)
41. 'aneo 'aneo is typical Apache too. In Navaho
that would be anigo (he is snorting or crow-
ing or hollering — the noise for some animal).
(Jim Chamiso)
42. Cousins would tease each other with this one.
The song is supposed to embarrass a man or
a girl who might be dancing with a cousin.
They do that nowadays but the old people
especially tease cousins. People who are
modern don't do that. (Just about sex?)
No, they do it about cooking or anything. He
might come in and say "I expect you have
food already for me." Or if he sees a bracelet
or anything nice he'll say "I expect you are
going to give me those." (Jim Chamiso)
43. These are skipping songs in the Carrisozo
style. (Jim Chamiso)
44. (No comment)
45. (No comment)
46. Some of these have words but he didn't use
them. (Jim Chamiso)
47. These are trotting songs the way they sing
them on the reservation. (Jim Chamiso)
48. (No comment)
49. (No comment)
50. (No comment)
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
41
TEXTS
Meaningful Texts
My impression is that the dance songs are
much more likely to have meaningful texts
than the sway songs. This is borne out in the
fifteen examples below. These center closely
around the boy and girl theme in subject mat-
ter. The informants who recorded them were
clearly enjoying the ribaldry, though Mrs.
Johns was bashful and changed number 30 to
a more decorous version than is usually heard.
The texts differ from the few sway song texts
recorded in their tendency to be somewhat
longer and more discursive as well as in the
different emphasis of the subject matter.
SONG NUMBER
25. They were dancing together.
26. My partner (female), my partner, etc.
27. Railtown, you (girls) want.
All the time saying "Watch,"17 you're saying
all the time.
Against the house you're like a statue.
28. Walking around.
29a. Hello! hello! hello!, etc.
29b. Hello! hello! hello!, etc.
I may kiss you.
Sit by me. He is bringing a sheepskin.
(Modest variant of "lie closer to me, bring
your sheepskin.")
My partner (female), my partner, etc.
(a longer and more complicated song
than 26 with different vocables filling out
the meaningful word)
Holding the drum, all night.
It bothers us,
We are going along together.
Going along together,
I'll be getting on top of something.
38. What else are you going to do?
That's your son!
(teasing a girl dancing with too close a
kinsman; suggests that they may do
something worse together)
39. Your daughter
Walking around in the night,
Tomorrow, when she comes back,
(She will have) lots of money.
The Apache woman of Fort,
Her husband she had,
He doesn't bother (sleep with) her any more.
30.
33-
34'
36.
37-
40.
41. His pig, his horse, there snorting
His pig, riding,
His pig, leading.
42. Are we walking along together?
Well, my cousin
To the hiding place there
(Let's) you and I walk that way.
(teasing a cross-cousin)
Texts in Vocables
Like the sway songs, the dance songs have
certain characteristic melodic and vocable pat-
terns which occur in identical, or closely
similar form, in a majority of songs. They are
distinctly different from the fixed phrases in
the sway songs.
Fixed Phrases: Introduction and coda. The
dance song introduction (which is also used
as a coda) is basically a four-beat figure,
though it may extend to six beats, especially
in its codential function. In its simplest form
it is a:
X'J^VJJ
he ne'
ya na
Unlike the flowing heyeyeyeyaija of the
sway song "X" this introduction is charac-
teristically choppy and slower. The short,
emphatic second note followed by a rest ap-
pears in nearly all variants, both introductory
and codential. This style of introduction and
coda is "not Navaho" but is spotted at once
by informants as being characteristic of Mes-
calero Apache dance songs. I have labeled this
figure "X"' to distinguish it from the "X"
introduction and coda of the sway songs.
"Z" Coda. However, another concluding
formula which is used in only two of the
dance songs (no. 30 and no. 25, version 2)
consists of the figure just described plus a
syncopated pattern:
z «r j j> j j j
ya ha he ya na he
17 Other verses substitute "movies," "tramp," "to
drink."
4*
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
The Main Texts in Vocables
As in the sway songs, the vocables that con-
stitute the main body of the songs show great
variety but must be used in specific ways for
specific songs. Except for a more broken or
choppy delivery, they do not differ markedly
from the vocables in the sway songs.
Four "Skipping Songs." Robert Chamiso
and Son of Bead Chant Singer said that the
Apache-style songs are "trotting" songs, and
I can verify this in the case of the songs
recorded by Joseph Pablo. During the play-
back of one of his records, he suddenly jumped
up and began dancing with me, dancing a trot,
not a skip. Son of Bead Chant Singer recorded
four songs to illustrate the "skipping songs"
used on the reservation (songs number 43-46).
The introductions and codas of these songs
were the straight sway song "X", both mu-
sically and in the vocables: he yeyeyeya.
MELODIC ANALYSIS
Meter
As in the sway songs, the rhythm of the
dance songs is prevailingly even and in a double
meter. There are occasional measures of three
beats.
Tempo
The dance songs are distinctly slower than
the sway songs. Most of them fall within the
speed range of adagio.
SPEED NUMBER OF SONGS
J = MM 100-9 3
110-19 3
120-29 '3
130-39 3
'40-49 '
'50-59 2
'70-79 1
Pitch
The same reservations aply to pitch in the
dance songs recorded as in the case of the sway
songs. Under the recording conditions as de-
fined, Paula Henry and Mrs. Johns, a child
and a woman, pitched their songs between
B-flat and G on the "one-lined octave." Only
two men recorded dance songs. Joseph
Pablo's twelve songs are grouped between
E and G, and Son of Bead Chant Singer's eight
songs are all squarely on G, in the "small
octave."
Melodic Line
There are two distinct kinds of melody in
the dance songs collected. These might be
characterized as "narrow" and "wide" styles.
The melodies in the first group are narrow
in compass, usually reaching no higher than
the fifth of the scale, and sometimes only the
third. The melodic direction is downward,
but there is no room in which a strong descend-
ing impetus may be expressed, as it is in the
sway songs. An unusual amount of dipping
below the tonic may also be a result of this
very restricted range. The songs of Joseph
Pablo are typically of this kind (numbers 31-
42). Of the other dance songs collected, only
one by Mrs. Grant Johns and one by Son of
Bead Chant Singer, numbers 30 and 50, are
in the wide style. His songs and those of Paula
Henry and Airs. Grant Johns are typically of
the narrow range {see numbers 25-29, and
43-49)-
The wide-style songs have the octave range
and powerful downward trend of the sway
songs, but even so, many start low and have a
strong upward movement before the melodic
line starts down. Most of these songs get their
descending impetus in the second or "B"
phrase. Except for Mrs. Grant Johns' number
30 and Son of Bead Chant Singer's number 50,
all of the songs in this category were the
"Apache" songs recorded by Joseph Pablo
(numbers 31-42).
Over-all Range. In spite of the "narrow"
style songs in this group, the over-all ranges
are somewhat greater than those of the sway
songs. The Apache songs of Joseph Pablo
emphasize this difference; his songs are typi-
cally an octave in compass and often include a
dip below the tonic, which increases the total
range to an octave plus the interval of a fourth.
Range in Individual Phrases. The ranges
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY 43
within the phrases show essentially the same the dance songs than in the sway songs the
preferences as those in the sway songs. The unique feature of the former is the enormously
flat codential phrases, and phrases with a range greater number of total phrases. The differ-
of a third, a fourth, and a fifth predominate. ences in function in the two kinds of song ex-
In both types of dance song, the codas are plain this: a particular dance song may be re-
fewer: there is less of a feeling of coming to peated over and over for the length of a dance,
rest on the tonic, and the whole motion seems My informants had a tendency to cut the
more actively up and down. dance songs short during the recording, but
still, over half of them were thirty phrases or
Melodic Phrasing more in length and one was ninety-six.
Fixed Phrases. The X' introduction and coda N0 OF DIF" Na 0F
j , »7 ,, , 11 j -LJ- FERENT PHRASES SONGS
and the L coda have already been described in
connection with the vocable patterns involved. ' 8
Paired Phrases. There is much less paired 5 „
phrasing in the dance songs than in the sway 0 4
songs. Any one of phrases A, B, or C may be 7 i
doubled, but such doublings do not occur 8 2
often. There is no full doubling all the way total no. no. of
through a song, nor is there any analogue to 0f phrases songs
the S pattern with its invariable doubling. 9-29 13
Over-all Patterns. The typical dance song is 30-49 9
constructed in a full repeat pattern of phras- 5°-96 4
ing. Number 25 is a good example. A varia- Finals> The finals in fhe dance do nQt
tion with a partial beginning and a more ex- show as an attraction t0 the tonic as in
tended phrasing which is then repeated fully the s The sma„er number of coden.
can be seen in number 33. Nineteen of the dal hras£s ajj. mentioned is one of the
twenty-six dance songs are of this type. The reasQns for ^ difference. 0nly Uvo son S)
remaining seven show partial repeat patterns numbers 39 and 6> show the full M>I)I etc.
in which initial material is repeated as in the m In e- ht cases ^ hrases e one
second category of the sway songs. (usually the first or «A„ phrase) come tQ rest
Examples: Full Repeat: (Nos. 25, 26, 28, 30-38, 41, on the tonic and in another eight instances all
42, 45, 46, 48-50). but two of the phrases end on the tonic. This
No. 25 X' ABB'X' leaves a third group of eight songs in which
X' ABB'X' three or more phrases end above the tonic.
X ABB'X' This showing, contrasted with the same fea-
No. 33 X ABDX ture in the sway songs, indicates a good deal
less of the codential "drag", and, incidentally,
ABCDX' EX'EX' a furtner removal from the chant style of
ABCDX' EX'EX' Navaho music where the melodic attraction of
the tonic is very great.
Partial Repeat: (Nos. 27, 29, 39, 40, 43,
xt ** 47 a or Tonality
No. 27 ABC
BCDE Types of "Scales" in the Dance Songs:
D Chromatic scales. Chromatic scales are not
No. 44 X ABCDX ^ found in these songs.
ABCDX EEB'X Scales on the interval of a fourth. Song
ABCDX FF'B'X
ARrnv " number 44 is constructed on the intervals
1 3 4. It is different from the two scales on the
Number of Phrases. Though there is a some- interval of a fourth in the sway songs in that
what greater number of different phrases in it does not avoid the semitone.
44
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
Pentatonic scales. There are three types of
pentatonic scales in the dance songs:
i ) Pentatonic on the tonic. This is the "usu-
al" pentatonic scale, the full pattern of which
is i 2 3 5 6 8. Songs number 31 and 34 show
the full pentatonic scale. Number 35 lacks the
fifth. Number 28 lacks the sixth and the eighth.
These songs have, in addition, a weak fourth.
And number 25 lacks the fourth altogether, as
well as the sixth and eighth.
2) Pentatonic without the second. The sec-
ond and the sixth are really "passing tones" in
the pentatonic scale, but a curious effect results
when the second is missing. The whole scale
gives a "seventh chord" effect as though it
were actually the first inversion of the seventh
chord on the sixth note of the scale, (6 1 3 5).
The rich "harmonic" feeling which this sug-
gests to the Western listener is certainly
present in two songs, numbers 39 and 40. The
sixth is strong enough, particularly in number
40, to add a great deal to the bare triad, 135.
It should be stressed, however, that the
harmonic interpretation given above is strictly
within the framework of European musical
convention. It is doubtful that the native singer
in a melodic tradition hears the intervals as a
chord. As yet we know almost nothing as to
the way the individual in this tradition hears
music.
3) Pe?itatonic scales on the fourth. Songs
lacking a third are extremely rare in the En-
emy Way music examined so far. (See the two
sway songs built on the interval of a fourth.)
Four of them appear in the present group, and
all seem actually to show pentatonic scales.
These scales are suggested on the basis of two
adjoining intervals of a fourth, as in von
Hornbostel's examples: 1 24568. The gaps
in these fourths have been filled at the lower
end (the second and the sixth), so that we
have two scales of three notes each formed on
identical interval patterns, and still the semi-
tone is absent, as in the conventional penta-
tonic scale.
Another way to consider these scales would
be as inversions of the conventional penta-
tonic scale, counting the fourth as the tonic
and reading on up in the usual way. But the
weight given to the various notes in the melo-
dies makes this reading less logical musically
than the one suggested above. Songs number
33 and 38 show this pattern with all the notes
present. Number 43 has the sixth and eighth
missing, but the sixth is given an octave lower
when the melody takes a dip below the tonic.
Number 48 has the sixth and eighth missing.
Diatonic scales. Again it is striking to the
Western ear how few of the songs examined
are in even a partial diatonic scale. Seven out
of twenty-six is a small enough representa-
tion to indicate that we are clearly in a differ-
ent musical tradition from our own. None of
these is complete. Number 42 lacks only the
seventh. Number 29 lacks the sixth, seventh
and eighth, but the sixth appears below the
tonic. In number 32, the sixth receives some
slight use but the seventh and eighth are lack-
ing. Number 30 lacks the fifth and seventh.
Number 50 lacks the fourth and eighth. Two
and six in this scale are weak, but the seventh,
usually missing in Enemy Way songs, is
strong. Numbers 47 and 49 show diatonic
scales as far as they go, but this is only within
the compass of a fifth.
Two songs that might be considered dia-
tonic minor in scale are considered below un-
der Modes.
Open triad. Only one song, number 41,
seems to fall into this category, but numbers
39 and 40, considered under pentatonic scales,
might well be listed here instead.
The modes. Two of the songs are built
upon scales that might be in the Dorian mode
(1 2 3b 4 5 6 7b 8) or the ascending melodic
minor of our own diatonic scale.
These scales are:
Number 36 5
Number 37
3>
3»»
8 10b
The interval of a minor third is present and de-
fines the songs as "minor" to the ear trained
in Western music, but the seventh is missing
in both cases.
Four scales of very short span. Four songs
remain in which the melodic line goes no higher
than the third note on the scale. These scales
are:
Number 26 6 (7) 1 2 3
Number 27 6 123
Number 45 5 123
Number 46 123
The sixth and fifth below the tonic function
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
45
strongly in these melodies. If these low notes
were transposed an octave higher so that we
called the scales 1235 and 1236, we could
consider them as pentatonic or diatonic scales.
However, it seems better to describe them
separately, since they are unusual both for the
emphasis below the tonic and for the very
short span of range above the tonic.
NOTES ON THE DANCE SONGS
25. Mrs. Grant Johns; FN-I 24; key of B-flat.
Text: in the song: hede eyo
prose form: hede' ahi
they are dancing together
26. Paula Henry; FN-I 20; key of E. Singer was very
shy and lost her breath at the end of the second "c"
phrase.
Text:
yoshi
partner (female)
27. Paula Henry; FN-I 21;
Text: na' inizhozh iko'
key of D-sharp.
t'eh dinji'goh na'alkidit'
Railtown you want, all the time saying
"watch"
'e dinjigoh kjbah nena' ah
all the time saying, house against, as if lifeless
Jim Chamiso said that the singer must have been
confused to use "watch" here. It is usually na'
aldjidi, "pack on back" (tramp), or i'i'lk'ede', "movies,"
or 'adeshdljl "to drink."
28. Paula Henrv; FN-I 22; key of B. Heavy aspira-
tion at end of each "c" phrase, almost a laugh.
Text: in the song: t'o la la
prose form: t'o na na'
walking around
29. Mrs. Grant Johns; FN-I 31a; key of G.
Text: ha lo 'o (English)
hello!
30. Mrs. Grant Johns; FN-I 32; key of G.
Text: in the song: hana gwana daago
prose form: hana gwan ndago
sit by me
ya y eld jo yelne
yatle yoyelgo
he is bringing a sheepskin
According to Jim Chamiso, Mrs. Johns was shy and
did not sing the standard, more ribald, words:
hanagwan tyehgo yatyetdjoyelgo
lie closer bring your sheepskin
31. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 13; key of E.
Text: no meaningful text.
32. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 14; key of F; one cannot
avoid an impression of "extemporizing" here. Jim
Chamiso commented that the introduction starts "like
a chant" and the phrase pattern is haphazard com-
pared to the usual dance song.
Text: no meaningful text.
33. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 15; key of F; it appears
as though phrase "a"" is the version the singer is
aiming at and that the earlier "a" phrases represent
an effort to gain altitude. In the pairs of "e" phrases,
a markedly "covered" tone-quality is used for the
second in each pair.
Text: yoshi
partner (female)
34. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 16; key of F; the singer
tapped on the back of a guitar for a "drum" accom-
paniment. The beat alternates a 1 1 j- r with a
Text: dahi'ahlo nilka
holding something (drum) all night
35. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 17; key of F; same kind of
"drum" as above. The beat is a to the *, after
which it is a steady J^ J^ etc.
Text: no meaningful text.
36. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 18; key of F; this is an
interesting melody in that the weight of the fourth
is almost equal to that of the tonic. Furthermore,
the third and fifth above this fourth are strong
enough to create the feeling of a separate melodic
development based on the F and independent of the C.
Text: chinako yela doodash
it bothers us we are going along together
37. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 19; key of F; absence of a
G in this melody creates a melodic bimodality similar
to that in song no. 36.
Text: ahiya
going along together,
hasiya'
getting on top of something
38. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 20; key of G; melodic
bimodality is very marked in this song. The fourth
develops a strong "tonic" feeling in spite of the
heavy codential weight on the tonic.
Text: dasha' na4'nt'i'e
what else are you going to do?
'eni yazh at'e
that's your son!
39. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 21; key of G-flat; singer
laughed after "d' " phrase and explained later that
this was part of another song. A "hollow" tone was
used on the final "X' " phrase.
Text: nich'e'e k'te'naya
your daughter, walking around in the night,
iskago
tomorrow
nadzaago beso la^do
when she returns, money, much
40. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 22; key of F.
Text: t'is tsohni zanach'indi
Fort (Apache woman's name)
46
hak^ hozljgo
her husband she had
doshana chitj'da
he doesn't bother her any more
41. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 23; key of F.
Text: bisoti half ladjj 'aneo hoy el
his pig, his horse, there snorting, riding,
dzolos
leading
Jim Chamiso: " 'aneo is Apache, in Navaho it would
be 'anjgo."
42. Joseph Pablo; FN-IV 24; key of G; the "musical
logic" of this long and apparently rambling song can
be seen when the whole pattern is laid out:
X' A BCX'
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
Text:
A BCX'
EFEF' X'
A BCX'
A CX'
EFEF'X'
A BCX'
A'B
EFEF'X' G
EF'X' G
EF'X' G'
EF'X'
A BCX'
A'B'CX
A BCX'
GG' EFEF'X'
A BCX'
GG EFEF'X'
djo'ashila enio 'awa siz£dila
walking together, are we? well, my cousin,
ni' oohaz'an djj
to the hiding place, there
dodashi
walk (a certain way)
43. Son of Bead Chant Singer; FN-VIII 1; key of G.
Text: no meaningful text.
44. Son of Bead Chant Singer; FN-VIII 2; key of G.
Text: no meaningful text.
45. Son of Bead Chant Singer; FN-VIII 3; key of G.
Text: no meaningful text.
46. Son of Bead Chant Singer; FN-VIII 4; Key of G.
Text: no meaningful text.
47. Son of Bead Chant Singer; MCW-III 8; key of G.
Text: no meaningful text.
48. Son of Bead Chant Singer; MCW-III 9; key of G.
Text: no meaningful text.
49. Son of Bead Chant Singer; MCW-III 10; key of
G.
Text: no meaningful text.
50. Son of Bead Chant Singer; MCW-III n; key of
G.
Text: no meaningful text.
SCALES USED IN THE DANCE SONGS
On Interval of a 4th:
Jo. 44 ' i .1
%r t^
n:
11 ■ ■-
Pentatonlc ,a)
No.35^. I 1 No. 28 1 1
No.31*. i , No. 345^ > No05* I 1 No.2bi 1
No. 25
g .'"■J-Jw.f
Pentatonlc, b)
No. 39
1 No. 40 t
sT
X5I
Pentatonlc, c)
No. 33-0-^ *~ """^0.38
B0O)». ' 'WQ.Jti-e. ' . ' No. 43 i i No. 4»
a fri>j„ | frpr:J..,j, I Prj,./j. I rr
-~ i ill i ^5; l ■ n * *>i i i
* ' 1
Diatonic major:
No . 42 ^
No . 29 r
>/ i ■ ' ■ I i ! i
-I No. 32
I r
&
33:
zo:
j—1 1
Open triad:
No. 41 f
1 B J i i
Dorian mode:
No. 36
«
jg
1 No . 37
-Q-tT
SS
~P~
±
Scales of short compass:
No.26,-^ , No. 27
No. 45
g I — — — ■•! I I » I » I
I I
No .46
33
£
~n
J =
105
^^
5
S
> > *
THE DANCE SONGS
Song No. 25
rirrTinari|jj4n.J'?iiiJ«j
■ ■ — KZM
he ne ya da ' a he ' e ye ye- he de eyo we na ha na hede e yo wena hana
X' , y, >a mm Z. 2. £ B — £3 ff t— i. i k R' — *W* —
he ye- ya na- yede ' e ye ya- yedl ' eyo wena hana hede eyo we na ha na-
X' , — A
3^5
B=f5
ririiri ^-r^a
SShSzi:
H-
he ye- ya na 'e he 'e ye ye-a he de e yo we na ha na
I ji ji a^^
X'
> > * >
-*—m
W^
he de e yo we na ha na he ye^' ya na
Song No. 26
S 138
7
^yjinjijijuj^jjjiij^j^ij^
yoahl nal yoshl nal yoahi nal yoen^na' 'e ye- ha na 'a we ya- he 'a
»
^^
Jl|,|]fli|J] J |g
*
\jr\*
we ya he ye- ha na 'a we ya- he yoshl nal yoshl nal yoshl nal
3!
Mi i igJ JI
1
t»
yoshl nal 'e ye- ha na 'a we ya- he ye- ha na 'a we ya- he
Song No. 27
J.
108
foj J J JJ-| J J JJ J,|JJ J J fJJ fj
^^
na' nl zhozh 1- ko' t'eh dl n^ - goh na1 ai ki dlt'
'e dl n\\~ goh
>
$ m ^m jjijfu NJrn^
k^bah ne na hao- - ha1 o we ya ha na 'a we ya ha- o ha' o
1) 1 2)
m j Jya
i
we ya ha ha na
J a 132
A >
Song No. 28
fefi
rffli j
i
3
g "^
±
'o la la -
A >
vr-w
l'o la la la 'e ya he ' ai ' al ' al ya he
It
J J Jl J
^£*
^
'o la la — t'o la la la 'e ya he ' al ' ai * al ya
A > >*\-iB ,...>■ C i ic
he
ffff*=3
i
?
3t
=t
'° la la -- t'o la la la 'e ya he ' al ' al ' al ya he
J =
112
Song No. 29
I.I
feg
X'
I
I
:fc
he ye' ya na nay*o na he e' is nayo na he ye- ya na
yr-jn^JMnjrJJ^iW^^Q
i
^
■j 1 — >_ ' ' 9 1 = — <— ' ' m
nayo na he e' e nayo na he ye- ya na ha lo - 'o - 'o
B m <**s , y C — ^n . »^ gg , X'
*|J3J!1J||J1
^
• * A
1—.3-*.
t
ha lo * ' o - 'o ' ai- ' ai- ne ya he ya a he ya he ye- ya n
m h\n
53
B v >
S
HHl
nayo na he e' e nayo na he ye- ya na ha lo - 'o -
B ^ J-N ft , c . » _. f*8 > X1 >
p
ha lo - ' o - ro~
^rinfl I
he ya na 'a he ya
he ye- ya na
I
nayo na he e' e nayo ya he ye- ya na
Is 176
> **
Song No. 30
yrrrTrritfritf^^S
1 e y a ha ' e ya ' e' ya ' e1 ya fei ya er ya e2
All
■ ■ »
na rja
_ D , , , <^ I X' , , , , . Z . . ., , , A
■* 1 ■ ' . * 1 * \ - ■■ I — ■ ■- T
+-P-+
' e ya ha ~? e- ya
^IS
' e ne ya he ya he ' e ya
^^
'a ya ' e ya ha
D'
£j^
' e ya re1 ya ie' ya 'e' ya ' e*^ ya 'J* na Qa 'e ya ha ' e- ya
feggj f Ji^S
-V , K
Jinin i\nn
-2).
£
S<
1 , I , VI. * I —1 1 h — k — 1 1 m w
e na ya he ya he'e^ya e hana gwana da- go hana gwana da- go
D'
3S
l
M MP
g5?
g
tz±±
W~¥
W\W
ri*h
ya yeldjo yel ne- ' a ne ya ha ya he ' e i ya ya ha he ya na ha
Variations: 1)
21
m
<la- go "a ne ya he~
Song No. 31
J - 104
X'
y i i. a |
y^T
TJijj fil^fe
»
ttt*
» »
he ya, 'a 'a 'a na he 'e 'a ya ya - how ya - how ya na he ye ya
rmiP ^ ^ etc. y >
B
'M
ya 'a na he ' a ' a ya ya - how ya - how we ya ha ya
- D — r%
°'i
j jSp I B J J.yli JylliiU J»| J^g
>' I*** I , I -■• / I ••• /I ••• I •'\,' I — 1— _
re re ya how ya how ya ha he ye^ya ya ya na1 he
ya ya na'he hya na
(x) A.
he - ' e '"e^ ya ya - how ya - how yana he ye"ya
Mmmm
&
5
— ^
u.
ya ' a na he ' e ' a ya ya - how ya - how ya na hat
>^
5
he
^E
i
ya ya na' he ya ya na' he hya yana
'e 'e ya
jfl.ty*lti
g*t
« ^
ya - how ya - how na 'a he ye^
1 a na he ' e ' e y a
yfr.jypri.jyTn
D'
T Pi
"fl "fc
^^
ya - how ya - now ya na he
A".- ... b _ C
ya ya na he ya ya na'he hya
A" ■•• ...
1
y=~*
p- p a
he e e ya ya- how ya na he- ya na he ' e ' e ya
j » J J
^w r^f g
m.
p p
g=gl
i
ya - how ya - how ya 'a he ne - ya 'a na he' a 'a ya
7Jl.Jy|Jl^lJj
aa' he ya ya na ' h
ya - how ya - now ya na he ya ya na' he ya ya na ' he hya
A"-
j j r JiiuiJij.
3
1
he e 'e ya ya - how ya - how ya'a he ye ya
is 114
X
Song No. 32
j'uaunu^ii^ffhr^i^ll^
' e ye yaoa 'e yana 'eye yTTi yai- yo - o- ha nai- yo- o nya nai- hyo
Drum: an n fl r\ nfi ji n m ^f i*<< m ^1 p f 1 1 r$ n
in^iCn r-^g^
» •• ^
^^
we ya hi na ya hya nai- yo - o hya nai
P " >" fl etc,
hyo - o hya nai- hyo- o hya
P1
nai - hyo-
lal - hyo- weya hi ne
ya hya nai- yo - o hya nai - hyo - o hya
Vfl-onrfiniJifriiiiJiirLg
nai- hyo- o hya nai - hyo- weya hi na yahi hyo- we ya hi n
?Nflifl.M|'rlrt-|£irj ■
^^g
^^
nal - hyo- weya hi ne ya hi la e yo- o hi la e yo- o hi nai- yo
y >
s
weya m ne~ya ya hi nai- hyo- o hya nai- hyo- we ya he ne"ya
yjjijvijjinfn fifa^ ^ifr^
yahehgya ya heye yeye ya hya nal- hyo- o hya nai- hyo - o hy
B
2
AOnlnninj,jfnTfi-inin.jE
. i 7 J
nai- hyo- o hya nai- hyo- we ya hi na ya hi nal- hyo- we ya hi na
?|n TVim trfrr *M ^--nn j ft- j
ya hya nal- hyo- o hya nal- hyo - o hya nal- hyo- o hya nai - hyo -
gg|g|ggg§jg|g
nriin
i)
d=*z*
• • • • 3 ~1'
we ya hi na nal - hyo - we ya hi na nal - hyo - we ya hi na
5=3^
nal- yo- o hya nal- hyo- o hya nal- yo - we ya hi ne ya we ya
Variation: 1)
Dm
m: N H 1 I*
s
na ya
is 116
X1
VjJNil.ll.JJlf1
Song No. '33
3F
•-#
r r -n.ir r ift n
he ye ya oe ya na na yoahi na - he ye yoahi na - he ye' yoshl na -
Drum: N 1 1 fl h H JW l> <> n f <f n f«f etc.
X'y . A ^ 3>^ B G
S
,ul 3T_ l — i_ j I^P
?g ' v
5^
1
he ye ya oa yoahi na - he ye yoahi na - he ye' yoahi na - he ye'
_D ^«*1 _ X'* . . E 9 > X'
f9=B
0—0—0
r p j* i jfriJ
#— = — #
j-^f
h
w*-
yoahi na - he ye ya Oa 'e he ya he ye hya e ye 'a oa
.s >
A'
y m it c
* ■
' e he ya " he ye hya
-^1 — X'>
ne*
*
f . 0
&=^
m
-0—0-
#^a
wE&
a ne** ya Qa yoshl na - he ye yoshi na - he ye1
s y > . x1 e y
0-0—0
£
•— •■
»— *
»~*
E32
/-?
— ^
yoahl na - he ye ya oa e he ya he ye hya ' e ne ya oa ' e he ya
> X- A" + V^ *
f i R
Qa yoshi na - he ye yoshl na - he
1
en
»—*
he ye hya ' a ye' ya Qa yoshi na - he ye yoshl na - he ye1
c D ^ ^ X'» - . E » -y
^S
»-»
^B
i JyliJ^^
yoshl na - he ye1 yoshi na - he ye ya Qa 'e he ya he ye hya
X'> E y* *" X' » A" «♦■ "f-^ «#»
T-l J^ii J.
£
#=PV
£
yoshl na - he ye
0—0-0
S
H
he ye' ya Qa 'e he ya he ye hya he ye1 ya Qa yoshi na
B" _ „ T^_i 0 D ^ — x' y
a
feg
;yafl
■ *
S
yoshi na - he ye1 yoshl na - he ye yoshl na
3
E>
X' *
» » » i f » r>
1* W» 1
he ye1 ya Qa
X'
B M
•-•■
B B ! 1/ ■
B2
e he ya he ye hya he ye1 ya Qa 'e he ya he ye hya
1 e ye
S
yV^D
ya^Qe ya Qa
1 S 120
Song No. 34
^^
s
l£4rr
-0-
ffiiftrtj i
i fcg
he - ne - hya~i5?' ya Qa da hi' ahio dahi' ahio nliicaQa da hi' ahio
Drum:^> ^
°1' L-l [J
S*
a)
U*«¥
i^¥g
rtrfwi
5)
&
da hi' ahio niikaoa de he ya ne he ya yo ' o ' e le yo' o ' ena ha
F^
y ?•
X' 2&3
g j * j> a j j»i a
•— •
fcu
^
' • W' ' ' ' • — »%_^" — I ^-* ^-s —
e he ya'a ne 'e ya ha Qa 'e he ya'a ne ' e ya ha Qa ' e le' ya Qa
X1 4
Repeat three time a
' e^e ya Qa ya qa
Variations: 1) +•+ 2)
5
3)
i
jti
*(drum: )
Jt— il
It*
FRH5
he 'e ne 'e ya hlfq
ya 'a Alternates ^ J* J'Twlth J7J*7
Song No. 35
3
J a 120
X'*|
^
3
S
§
j^^ft
i
j^^
SB
he- na ya oa yo 'o yo'o 'o - yo 'o 'o - ya qa ya qo
^m ma Xj A j g ▼ *j *. &
vb 7n ' n ' n hn va Via wo wo no rTr. <~^ i^ ' ^ ^i _ ™^ l"Z TZ "
yo 'o 'o -
ya^jro^o^ he_ ya ya qa yo 'o yo'o ro - yo 'o 'o
?PJ>7 ?P ft J»PJ> f etc
B N N iM ff» P-f _X"
ya qa ya qo
■>fff Jinfljflrs
i 7 i i
B
JJAij,J'J
dw
yo 'o 'o - ya yo'o 'o he yaRa he ye ya qa ya qo yo'o 'o - hya yo 'o
X'
g nn( j j^^
rest of aong repeat a phraaea aDoiie-u
'ohe ya qa hVye yVqa A B X" B X" B X' A B X" B X
Song No. 36
120
56 — - — ^ — ' ^ ■ if i ^ i r i i ^y- I ^ _
he-Tie ya qa ya ne ya le - ya qa ya le - ya le - ySTqa ya le- ya le-
Drum^l N lit * etc
p:" j c c yi mm Jh i i ^^ i Lr r g 1 1 b
M
ya he ya we- yanaWie ' e ya qa - ne ya tia ~- ya qa ne he ya ha
m^e
#— *
±
^
S
r 1 nv
* m * * 3=3i
le - ya qa ya le - ya qe ya he ya he - yanaTirye ya qa cni
i*Tie™^ye
jCnthTi-t I
B ♦ « + f
11 ^IWj
feS
» >*
^^
■==*
naito ye la doo- dash ohl- na ko ye la doo' da^qa chl- naico yela doo
^Mfa
■ ■ B3
■»• o
twfnttiLH t
^.~ I W ' ' * ' 1 — ^"
dashl yo we- ya na ha ya ya 13a cnl- nako ye la doo- dash chl-
mmmm mm^mm
na ko yeladoD^ daoa ohl- na(Ko) ye la doo- daahl yo we-
i
A'
m
#
-@
u
t tin j j
^
£
ya na he ye ya na ( )
C > •■ . D
y ir r p/i b c b ^
ne ya le - ya na ne he ya ha le - ysoaya
foni) nako ye la doo-daoa
W~TT
*~~*
£
1 e - ya ne ya he ya we- yana he"ne yaM)a Vohl) nako ye la doo-daoa ohl
^tr.tti.,r|l,ii>rTrrif1^f^-J=g
3
na ko ye la doo' da oa cnl na ko ye- la doo- daahl yo we-
■ ■ * *
ya na
hw^e ya^ia ( ) ne ya le - ya na ne he ya ha le - ya^Da ya
le - ya ne ya he ya we - ya na he^re nS^ye
ya na he^ye ne^ye ya^oa
a"oa
i« 120
Song No. 37
*^~.
h^-^na* h'yiTna he- ne ya na 'a
£££§
n_
^
h^-Mia* h'ya-*Qa he-Kie ya na 'a hi yo
Drum: P 7* ^f I*T^1 ? 7" J*T JW?etc- - *
o - -' ' a hi yo-
¥=i
o 'o -
g J' 5 73 T j jsi^N
fcjjl
•-T
a hi- ya**ha
sKa he~~n(
P^f
he ya na ra hi yo
B
ahlyo-^ o ro
»' ■
m
±
. S * • — ■ ' ^-^' ' «»
a hi- ya na he^ne ya ns
fc=£
a hi yo-' o ' 0 - ' a h
0 fc — — ir
aHi
ya'Tia
iS^n
ne ya na 'a hi yo-' o ' o -
' a hT- - ya**ha he"*ne ya na ya na
(Note: there are four repeats and an extra measure after
the last X'. In the next, "ahiyo" becomes "haslyo"
and "haslyana" In the last ABC.)
is 122
fg^£
£
Song No. 38
wimmMmm
a^h S<Va ne ys
5
^^y^ jra Qa na na ^ he yo we ya he ye hoi- na' ' eyo we ya
D £
e ya—n^ra ne ya na na Da he yo we
Drum: pr IW > f t>»?>» tw>f r if J if etc. _
Smm
•— •
m^mm i
» *■ *
- hoT-
na
yo we ya ' e - ne hoi- ya na 'o he ya na
3
r u- IT ifrtfl * A NN3
* : »
X'
1
hi yi ya na 'e yo we ya 'e - ne hoi- ya na 'o he ya'na
f 1: tfj TTi rr>
irntnTriin,
£&§
y~ y
h^yl ya na he yo we ya he ye hoi- na' ' e yo we ya ' e
• * i * «i*. ■ ■---■--—-■-
m •• ■
- nol- na
g f g ZZ^
a g i° r.ff . ji
i
3
ma
■=■
SZK
S=g
^^at == — i — a— e i_i 1 p — ^ =^ 1 l - 1 ■
e yo we ya ' e - ne hoi- ya na 'o he ysrna hryi ya na (repeat six time a)
Variation; 1) , - | K „
^\. ■ H wu:~ n eg '' "2 ^lll In the second and fourth repeats of A and B,
J * f'f 7" " V7 * " ^ti ^h« text: dasha' nllt'i'eye hoi ya na ' enl
hi ^S" vanwW' vn na yazh at'e hoi na, is substituted. In the re-
Is 126
ii§
petitions, the variation appears the last time
X1 is sung.
Song No. 39
9 > >
| f|t/' *1]JJ=£
*=B
+=£*
i
he - nFfi^ysTQe yafba ya la 'e - ' le
Drum: J1 7 P >? £r P 7 etc.^. ^.
' \^'
ya do1 e ya ' a na he
ya la ' e - ' le - ya do' e 'ygfae 'a^na he ya**Qa he- ne - he
ya do' e ya oe 'a Qa he ya qa he - ne - he ya do' he ya Qa
D
nnin j>ij g
«
^
' e na ya Qa da ' n la na tae te ya !§i po ko*"~ £e ya na ya 1
» »
> >
1 e - ' le - ya do 'e ya ' a Qa ya la ' a - ' le - ya do he ya na
' a*fia ha vana he ne- va do ' e va
fe
^S
^
' a*fia ha yana he ne
> > >
ya do ' e ya 'he^y~e ya**rja nch1 e la
ytj-^.lJJJliJ.lJJ^iniflJTJfe^
k is- na- ya do' e ya oa ha oa i- ska- go be - so Iaado 'e ya oa
E f^ I ri ■ B iK.> . , A
ha na na- dzaa go be - so iaado 'e ya ne ' a na ya la ' e - le -
ha oa na- dzaa go be - so iaado 'e ya ne 'a oa ya la 'e
y a do ' e ya oa ' aoa ya la ' e - le - ya do ' e ya^oa V^ahe"
^^lfrA»JT^J|i>lift»^l[f^
ya"ba he - ne - he ya do 'e ya oa ' a^5a he ya oa he - ne - he
^•jiJij^uvii^tr Titi-flijiJiiMi^j
ya do he ya Oa he ye ya oa nch' e la k'le-na ya do he ya oe 'a oa he
> — \_
ATT . tm- .HR. N I ^ ■ i—* S' * * Fl , B
nch'e la k'le-na ya do he ya aM]a n eoh'e k'le- na ya do he
nch'e la k'le-na ya do he ya aM]a n eoh'e k'le- na ya do he
M*
1^ »_B
^
te*
a=&
2
^
#-#
£k=
#~~»
-^— v,- i y i «h 1 1 1 w- i y i w *-
y3-"na ha na n ech' e k'le-na ya do he yao 'a oa la- ka - go na
^7.QQ-(jn Via — ar> > a rl r\ Via \t a ' q n q Via I ,^r~, « i r n T a
i
^z*
dzaa-go be - so la do he ya ' a Oa he ' a oa ya la 'e - ' le
ya do he ya 'a oa he ya la ' e -
' le - ya do he ya ' a^a he
X'
ya oa he - ne - he ya do he ya^"na he ye ya oe ya oa
Song No. 40-
•Is 128
X' >n
ar ^yv-
Drum: ^> «»
s
yane ya-foa ya 'a ne- ya ta ne ya 'a ne- ya"~"*ha
J»r I1 r Jr^r etc. >_
f ■ f
?
fc=ft
flvlJjjJll'i J
B U
* 1! »
I » 7 -*-* ■ # . a 1 r
nV- ya do 'o 'o- hew'n'
a rfe"- ya ta 'a na ' a ne yanete ya
31
Sa^E
3
L^
SE
g niniVhfrfeg
# *m #' •■ eza
ya na ta' ya "na tsohni zanaoh' Indl ye (ha)ka- go hoz- 1J. go""wo
5^P-^U
nG:JJ a J ^
— *»^ w w —
do aha - nachl tl da a ya (Repeat A B C D E X') ' e 'e ya do 'o 'o
he""ne ya Qa ' e 'e va do 'a 'o >,= „.
■=*
e ya na e ' e ya do 'o 'o he ne ya na (Repeat F F F1 )
A'
#-#
b» »r>
fcufr^'r friers
-f-y
£=$
^^
1 a ne ya ta
3
fas
ft=*
' a ne ya ne ha
X'
£
-^=
a ne - ya ta hya ' a ne ya ne te
A ♦ V>
s
» a
^-^Y
ya ne - ya do ' o ' o
9
he ne ya Da (Repeat a X' S X1) ha 'a- ne
1
•— p-
ya ta ne ya 'a ne - ya na ha ' a
xi > poco rit. ^
ya ta hya 'a ne ya^"fia te
yrfl^jjjiUJH
*
5
y~g
5
ya n"S"- ya do 'o ' o^^ he" n*§ '- ylFfte ya"f]
J.
Song No. 41
128
X' >,
f1 A f*^ O ^ B ?p\
he- na^ ya ne ya na na a ne- yo - o - a ne - na na a
he- n^-' ya ne ya na na 'a ne- yo - o - 'a ne - na na 'a
Drum: bjl b *» bffeto./^
Wg
J J ffl_ Jj|JJJ^
ne - yo - o - 'a ne - na na bl ao tl ha- i^'o che 'a ne o ha
yj? Hi^H
9*S X'
:*==*:
i)*
5
bi so tl ha- 11 'o che 'a neo he""ye ya na "a (Repeat ten times)
Note: text of "C" becoaes blsotl hoy at lad.U'anoo on repeat
nos. 3,6,7,9, and 10; It becomes blaotl dzolos' oche' aneo
on repeat nos. 4 and 8.
1
Variation: the final X' i)
J Pil JiJS
he ye ya oe ya na
Js 126
X'
Song No. 42
i
i
| m .f f ■ j|
5
P
f^-#
■ E ft
9 9 fit 33
«
^i|yi ^< — i — i 1 ^ 1 — = 1 5— ■-= 1
he na h ya oe ya na djo' asha la ' e - na djo- 'asha la 'e
Drum: hP ^ >-( M fl *f
C ^ .*»■ gV y . > . Xi
na
djTT- ' asna la ■ e ni yo - 'e rie"* yrta (Repeat ABC) 'eHe ya na "a
E ^s
MgJlft lift?
la djo - 'asha la ' sifta 'a
E, '"N /^.
■ r
^»
5
*— * — ^
*5
wa si ze dl
a wa si ze dl la djo -'asha la
TTv
m
_f ff
CO
g~w
mfyoa (Re
peat ABC X') ('a)wa si ze dl la djo - 'ashl la
3-0 JVUftMn^
• e nl 'Ha 'a wa si ze dl la (Repeat F E F X' A B C X1 )
mm Q g , # X'
UlS
#J=-T
5
W»" 1^* r ^i^ 1 j * 1 ^J?
('a) wasl ze dl la 'e - na (Repeat B E F E F ) he ne ya ne ya 0a
*.,
i j a ti i ft^%
i^N S-\
5
y~r
B
no 'ooha- za nl djr- djo 'ashl na ' a na ( ' a) wa si ze dl la
^0-JU/
ij^Strifl^ii^^
LJTr- asha la 'e nB yerha ne 'ooha- za nl dji - djo 'ashl na' Vna
1
JiL
z^m
B"
♦— #
T~y
U ML"
fa
1 ^ 1_^| 1 ■ 1 ytm i | ^ 1
(Repeat E F X1 A B 0 X1 ) ni' oonaz 'a nl dJJ - na 'e ' aahi la 'e- na do
c tm ^ x'
V I 7 1 "Sag
m
3
v-
'e ne yaTia ( A B 0 X1 G'G' EFEFX1 ABGX1
' ashl la ' e nl yo
JL
^f^
9
5
*2:=*
IJo' - ' ashl 1
a he ne ya na ya na
G1 G' E F E ) d
is 138
X
m
Song No. 43
TTT?
gg
i
<r-*
*=*^
B3?
±
he ye ye ye ya hya'e hya'e
1
s %>
JrijJkuUf j i jjjj»
e hya'e - hya he ye ye ye ya ya
y x
3
*=:*=*
te
1 i ■ — ^^-i ' — i ^ — i — ^ — ^ — ■ 1 — i — ». . —
1 a ne 'e a - ne ye 'a ne ye 'a ne - - ya - 'e ya he ye ye ye yff"na
3
JVuftiiliN-J iJJJfin
*x
y~r
B g V
£^r
#-^
' a ne 'e a - ne ye ' a ne ye 'a ne - - ya - ' e ya he ye ye ye ya
S
3!
B
1LJL21
& — w-
ya he ya
Js 144
X
Song No. 44
i .. _ i _ i _ ; ; ^
g= ■ ■
he ye ye ya na yo'o'o we y a ha ha yo 'o 'o we ya 'a hafja
s
bii\n j ij^a
i
*a=a=
yo ' o -o we ya ha ha na we ya ha he ye ye ye ya na yo 'o 'o
"5 BL
tt^t
nravo ' o Via no
J feteg J
3=
ftgc
2
we ya ha ha yo 'o 'o we ya 'a ha na yo 'o -o we ya ha
d — . X E.> >
E&S
ha na
£f p gif p?i J ii i
we ya ha he ye ye ye yan he yo ro ha yo he ya na na
E!>
^s
B'
■ ■ I ■
itit
EB
Nl j>j>Jiin
±
i
he yo 'o he yo'o he ya na yo 'o 'o - we ya a he ye ye ye
- i), K I. ZL y
ya na ya he ya (In repeat: A'B C d X E E B'X
A'B G d X )
Js 152
X
Song No. 45
0 1 ■
3
T
4:
*— *
w^ - -* ■ y>iw ^ y • ^^ — ■ ivy w-%
he ye ye yaqa ' e^e ya he - ya oa - -***o ' e ne ya he - ya oa - -*6
g JJH flit
V III \/' •■ A ' I W~
-r~w
s
la ya
'e ne yao he - ol- yao 'ol - yan he ye ye ye ya oa ya he ya
J 8 152
X
Song No. 46
A ^— . >^ 1) > Q X
iJjflffijJlffe
mufij
* * •
# a a *
he ye ye ye ya na he yo - - hi yo -
J I . • I ■ ~
- 'o we ya he ye ye ye ya qa he
3E
yo - - hi yo - - 'o we ya he ye'ye ye ya*Qa fo 'o ho ^wo
5
raiJ^jiWf
Al
BB3
K=a
5
_ _ *
' e he he he" ye 'e lo'o ho - le o ho ro he ya he ye ye ye ya na
3
*fe
3=g
*=f=*
+--#
'o 'o ho - wo ' e he he he ye ' e lo ' o ho - le o ho 'o he ya
X . . . . M
S3ET
I
he ye ye ye ya Da he (Rflpeat twl(je)
Var.: 1
/ar.: 1 ^ >,
21
u
^ii
Jtl
53 , , 6)
m
sa i a
5£
* 7^ > «Z ■ »
■3
1 ' *—r ' ' \i\S *>
yo - 'o we ya ya Da ' o ho ho we ya"^ye ya Qa - wo ya he y$
Song No. 47
Js 122
X'»
y 4_M4 M J JJtU Jl 1 r? T r 1 Lr p g g 1
he ye ya oa 'e ye ye ya oa oa hi ni 'e ye ye ye hlni ' e - ye na
he ye ya oa 'e ye ye ya oa oa hi ni 'e ye ye ye hlni ' e - ye na
»- - x' TT
^^
mm mm. , . f»1 X' 1) = 2J ,_
w* i fe-
hao ' a ( ' a) hi ni ' e - ye na hao 'a - he ye ya Oa oa he ye ye
■ * *
.aoa
ya Oa oa yo - h£~nl 'a - ya oa haoa
-■ — > B' »i
yo - hi ni ' e - ya oa haoa1 a
ynvr\u u
JVifinii g
Tfe^-1?
hlni 'e - ye ye ye hi ni ' e - ye na hao 'a - 'e - ye na hao 'a -
•a _ na »
_ x, U . ■ LIT
1
3
<=g-J
w • ' — w^
he ye ya oa oa he ye ye yao eye ya oa
J S 122
X'
Song No. 48
Tj.ni.ir
nijPLrin n
5
■Z3EJ ■ ■ *
T^ ^
he ye ye ya oa he ye ye ya oa oa he yo ne yo ne yo ne yo
y- n^\ii\\n'ir\n ma^
o ho ne' ya oa he yo ne yo ne yo ne yo 'o ho ne' ya Oa
yn n
s
-, x' . mm. ~T) — .
a
■ * ■ * ■ ■
.w:
ne yo ne yo ne yo ne yo 'o ho ne1
S^ W '
ya ne ye ya oa oa ya oa
(Repeat three times)
Js
Song No. 49
122
Q'jnijn
li U U j J1
3
1
1 e ne ye ya oa oa he ye ya oa oa ' e he ye na ha oa
2 j-a gS . , mm A.
S=1e
g u a n
f M -
# ■
> * *
£ 1 ^ j ' *— ~n^^B ^ 1 \j. —*-. — I *^- *
'e he ye na hsrna na 'VTie ye na ha - na 'e he ya na ha oa qa
| j j i n r i j j j j j_m j j^^
1 e tie ye na 'a ha na na - he ya ' e ya hr"he ya na na ' e-ya ' eya
5
m'ffi Jim
I JiiMJiiiiji
* * 9
heye1 ya oa oa ' e- ya ' e ya he^ye1 ya oa oa he ne ya ya oefye yaba
J* 120
Song No. 50
y >
0; JJ1
JIUJIIJILII^
w~y
W— £ 1 ^-= 1 ^-= 1 M = 1 = 1 ^«fi
he yff-^e ya oa he ye ye ya oa oa ye he 'e la ho we la ho we la
> >
yri^l'ii CJiTLriru
<\ g_^ *■*»
p ■ : i ■
^^
£
ha oa ya ha 'e la ho we la ho we la ha oa yo - 'o ha we la
B
fir fa niJisfj^rn j;j
"■■ — . — LJ™' : — . *■> ' ' : — ' : —
■Z3EZP
ha oa oa yo - ' o - ha we la he ye ya oa ha we ya ya oa ha
■— ■ B _^ 0*_
yri j ^,|Q^s5
o
we ya ha oa - yo - 'o - na we la ha oa oa yo - 'o - ha we la he ye
1
_ Y' i) ■— '° , ■■
7 j ra;j a^
3
ya oa ha ya oeye ya oa
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
SECTION THREE — THE GIFT SONGS
47
The gift songs are used twice in the Enemy
Way. They are sung first by the patient's
group when they receive gifts in the stick
receiver's camp on the morning of the second
day. They are sung again by the stick re-
ceiver's group when they receive return gifts
in the patient's camp on the morning of the
third day. I did not see this part of the Enemy
Way, but two of my informants sang gift
songs in recording sessions.
In general, it seems that these songs are
merely very old sway songs. One of the sway
songs sung as such by Mr. Moustache (no. 17)
was recorded earlier as a gift song by Johnny
Blanco (no. 53). As will be seen in the analysis,
there is a close kinship to sway song style
throughout. It does seem, however, that there
was a special class of song beside this, inno-
vated by a man who was called Horns after a
headdress he wore. He was apparently a
Navaho who lived with the Utes "over be-
yond Ship Rock" for some time and brought
this song style (as well as the headdress) back
with him. He is still remembered by old
people such as Mr. Moustache for the songs
he made up and passed on. He was apparently
a particularly active singer in the Enemy Way.
COMMENTS WITH THE GIFT SONGS
5*-
SONG NUMBER
51. I learned this a long time ago right around here
from my father. (John Hawk)
This is one of the songs they sing when gifts
are being thrown out through the smoke hole
of the hogan on the second morning. It's joking
about having enough clothes. This can be used
then or a regular sway song can be used.
(Question) There are four songs that come
first, and these have to be led by the medicine
man. No one else is allowed to lead these. It
has to be perfect. (Johnny Blanco)
This is sung at the Squaw Dance when they are
giving out gifts. (Question) No, they don't
sing this at any other time. This is the same kind
of tune only different words. (Johnny Blanco)
That's an old one, the way it should be. I
wish I knew this. The younger fellows don't
know this. Sometimes at the nda they just
stand around. They don't know how to sing.
(John Nez)
There are no words. (John Nez)
(No comment)
This is one of the old regular songs. We've
forgotten the real gift songs, and now we have
to use these. We don't use these any more in
the regular part of the ceremony. (John Nez)
58. One of the old regular songs. At school at
Wingate we'd get off in the woods and boil
coffee and sing Squaw Dance songs. It would
be the Ship Rock boys against the Chinlee boys.
53-
54-
55-
56.
57-
The superintendent chased us all home one
night. We'd do it on a Saturday night, and
we'd keep on singing until we got tired, and
then gradually more and more fellas would go
home. We'd take out a blanket and fix up a
horse tail to look like a hair knot. It looked
real. That was lots of fun. (Question) That
was in 1939. (John Nez)
59. This is another old regular song. These have
funny endings. Mr. Moustache used to wear a
hair knot. (John Nez)
60. This is an old regular song too. (John Nez)
There used to be more of these. We got these
from another tribe, the node? a (Ute) in Colo-
rado somewhere way over beyond Ship Rock.
A Navaho went over there for some years, and
he sang those songs when he came back. He
was wearing some kind of hat made of buck-
skin. Right in the center were two horns of
braided buckskin. He was called dedasilahi
("horns "). In his days he carried the
drum to Squaw Dances everywhere. He did
singing everywhere and made up all kinds of
songs. (Mr. Moustache) I heard a little about
that. Peyote songs are mostly Ute. A few come
from Oklahoma: Comanche and Cheyenne.
(How about the gift songs? ) I heard from some
of the old people about that a few times. Yes,
and the Ute Way came to us from the Utes
too. (John Nez)
48
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
TEXTS
Meaningful Texts
There were only two meaningful texts in
the ten gift songs collected, and these were
both sung by Johnny Blanco, the younger in-
formant. Mr. Moustache, the older informant,
a man who has been a stick receiver many
times, sang only vocables.
Both of these texts are joking, number 52
in almost a dance song spirit. But both refer
obliquely to gifts. It is entirely possible that
these are "gift" texts substituted for the
original words or vocables of two old sway
songs.
No. 52 How many skirts (do you have on?)
I'm going to the store,
I'm going to Los Nores.
No. 53 I came for a goat.
Texts in Vocables
Fixed Phrases: Sway song introduction and
coda. Certain fixed phrases in the sway song
style are found in many of the gift songs. The
"X" heyeyeyeyaya on the tonic occurs in six
of the songs in both introductory and codential
positions. The smaller codas, "Y" and "y"
appear in three songs in the usual sway style
abundance and once in a fourth. (See nos. 51,
52, 53, and 57.)
Gift song introduction and coda. There are
some fixed phrases that seem specific to the old,
possibly Ute style, gift songs. The vocable
phrase hey a hey a sung on the following rhyth-
mic pattern on the tonic
J 13 J>T
he ya he ya
is used by Air. Moustache both as introduction
and coda in the first two gift songs he sings
and as a coda in the third. In the latter song,
number 56, this phrase "U" is used after the
second full repeat of phrases A B C D E F,
and he then ends the song with the A B C D U
of number 55!
In the four remaining gift songs by Mr.
Moustache, a figure reminiscent of "U" is
used with the "X" of the sway songs. "X" is
used both as introduction and coda, but before
the coda the vocables yahe yahe are sung,
also on the tonic:
JJ>J J> JJ J J J>T
ya he ya he he he ye ye ya
The whole thing is sung through twice to con-
stitute the final coda of the song. If this new
figure is called "V," the concluding pattern
is then: VXVX.
A circle dance coda. In song number 56
one circle dance coda (labeled "O" here) ap-
pears instead of the "U" figure in the first
rendition of the song.
The Main Texts in Vocables
A full scale study of the vocable texts can
hardlv be undertaken until more material has
been collected. It might be mentioned here,
however, that the main texts of the gift songs
seem more full and "discursive" than those of
the regular sway songs or the dance songs.
Though the syllables used seem about the
same, heya, yowo, hyaija iveya and so on,
their arrangement into "lines" seems more
complex and extended than in the types of
song considered in parts one and two of this
chapter.
MELODIC ANALYSIS
Meter
The meter of the gift songs is prevailingly
double with about the same slight amount of
interruption by an occasional three-beat
figure as encountered in the sway and dance
songs.
Tempo
The tempi run the gamut from a fairly slow
adagio, through andante, to a fairly slow
allegro. There is a long gap between the three
songs at J = MM 104 and any of the others.
It is interesting to note that these are the first
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY 49
songs Mr. Moustache sang, with the "Ute" range of only a fifth. Two of the songs (nos.
introduction and ending. 53 and 54) are unequivocally limited to a
range of a fifth.
speed number of songs Range in Individual Phrases. The picture
J = MM 104 3 here is essentially the same as in the regular
'44 2 sway songs.
>5* *
l{ Melodic Phrasing
160 2
Fixed Phrases. The use of sway song
p phrases, the "U" introduction and coda, which
may be specifically associated with a particular
The two informants kept pretty well to gift song style, and the "V" phrase have been
their respective pitches. Johnny Blanco's two discussed above in connection with the use of
songs were in D and D-flat. All seven of Mr. vocables.
Moustache's were in F. The Navaho conven- Paired Phrases. The gift songs which
tion of singing consecutive songs in the same, are dosest t0 the sway song style tend t0 show
or nearly the same, key has been discussed the greatest amount 0f phrase pairing. Thus,
above- of the three songs recorded by Johnny Blanco,
two (nos. 51, 53) are fully paired, and one
Melodic Line (52) contains paired phrases in the "sway
It seems characteristic of all three types of deIf1IoP^^nt;," JJL ., ,,
songs considered so far that the later phrases The Ute songs recorded by Mr. Mous-
are simpler in movement than the earlier ones, tache show no Pamng whatever (nos. 54, 55,
and that the whole melody flattens pro- 5<*), and the four others have occasional pair-
gressively toward the tonic in a strong down- mg-
ward movement. Over-all Patterns. The over-all phrase pat-
A peculiarity in the gift songs is that phrase terns show a straight development with full
"B" can extend higher than any part of repeats for the "Ute" gift songs. In Mr.
phrase "A" (nos. 55, 56, 59) and that it is Moustache's four other songs, there is a coda
often considerably more complex. It may be "VXVX" in addition to the full repeat. The
worth mentioning that seven of the ten gift sway song development appears in two of
songs collected have this feature while it oc- Johnny Blanco's gift songs. One gets the im-
curs in a decided minority of the "regular" pression that his songs are straight sway songs
sway songs and the dance songs. use(j for gjft singing. Mr. Moustache's first
In most respects the line patterns resemble three s are mher different) perhaps
those of the sway songs. There is none of the adapted from Ute music for gift song pur-
frequent dipping below the tonic as in the and his four subsequent son ar° {
dance songs (no. 55 is the only example), somewhat altered and assimilated to
and the phrases are structured like regular ., ■ • , . ,
r _, . . a , . , 5 . . this special style,
sway songs. I here is less flat codential material .T r , /_, ^~, , , ..„
ji t. j £ j. ^u l 1 Number of Phrases. The number of differ-
in the body of the song than in the regular . , . , .. . ",
sway songs. In all this general resemblance f? Phrauses usedLin the &lft sonSs 1S somewhat
to sway style, it is striking that there is not a hlSher than in the reSular sway songs' but the
single case of "sway development" — upward simPle total runs in about the same proportion,
movement on an "S" phrase. Finals. The strong attraction of the tonic
Over-all Range. Most of the songs (7) is clear here but is not so marked in the gift
cover an octave in range, though one of these, songs collected as in the regular sway songs,
number 59, is really built on an active compass There are no songs in which every phrase
of only a sixth. A similar song, number 55, ends on the tonic, but in four of the songs
has a total range of a ninth but an active there is only one phrase which does not.
50
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
Tonality
Types of "Scales" in the Gift Songs:
Chromatic scales. Chromatic scales are not
found in these songs.
Scale on the interval of a fourth. There are
no scales in these songs built on the interval of
a fourth.
Pent atonic scales. The only pentatonic
scale in the gift songs is of the unusual variety,
mentioned on page 44, in which the third
is missing. Song number 58 has a scale 1456
8. The values of the notes in the melody
suggest that here again we have a scale com-
posed of two conjoined tetrachords:
14568
Diatonic scales. Two of the gift songs show
the major diatonic scale. In number 52 the
seventh is missing, and in number 55 both the
seventh and the octave are missing.
Open triad. Three of the gift songs, num-
bers 51, 53, and 54, are based on the open triad.
The seventh in number 51 is almost certainly
the result of an effort to reach the high note
in the repeat of phrase A. This type of scale is
discussed in the section on the scales of the
sway songs.
The Modes. There are four "minor" songs
in the gift song group:
No. 56
No. 57
No. 59
No. 60
1 3b 4 5 7b 8
1 3b 4 5 6 7b 8
1 2 3b 4 5 6 8
1 (2) 4 5 6 7b 8
The first two are clearly in the Dorian mode,
the others can be construed in various ways
due to the missing notes. Number 59 could be
either Dorian or the ascending melodic minor;
number 60 could be either Dorian or Mixo-
lydian since the third, which would decide
the matter, is missing.
NOTES ON THE GIFT SONGS
51. John Hawk; FN-I 14; key of C-sharp.
Text: no meaningful text.
52. Johnny Blanco; FN-IV 7; key of D.
Text: (ni) 'ee ladokwii' kjgo diva
skirt how many? store I'm going,
nolyago diya
Los Nores I'm going
53. Johnny Blanco and John Nez; FN-IV 8; key of
C-sharp.
Text: tl'izi haniya
goat I came (for)
54. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 24; key of F-sharp.
Text: no meaningful text.
55. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 25; key of F-sharp.
Text: no meaningful text.
56. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 26; key of F; ends with
ABCDU of no. 55!
Text: no meaningful text.
57. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 28; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text.
58. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 29; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text.
59. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 30; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text.
60. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 31; key of F; phrase "D"
is the same as phrase "E" of no. 59.
Text: no meaningful text.
SCALES USED IN THE GIFT SONGS
Pentatonlc ( tetrachords) :
No . 58 rZ I
■» 1 1 — i— —
35:
!.>,< I
d"
Diatonlo major:
No . 52 -m _
rCri? rJ
J .'TP
-l No. 55
FIT" 1
:o:
Open triad:
No. 51 '-!»(>) !
1
££^3
No. 53 _ r
P=i
No. 54 i , i
EH
:□:
:o:
~o~
Dorian mode:
egg =f=cg
gtyrrpT^
No . 57 J
:o:
No. 59
I 1
X2I
fr-r-p^ J
s
No*60 '.*.. Z 1
n
is 152
Y A »»
1
*wf
«= f I f . T V
THE GIFT SONGS
Song No. 51
# i r *
r,rirrfJJ|i»V£fg
g a
he ya. a o - we he - ' o wo - we he ' a qa ha 'a aa - we he
_B i y , , . B_ _ _ _ yJJay I C
1 r u i r I
m § 1 r r P J a I r 1 J I
*zz«
5
o wo - we he - ' a qa ha ' a qa - ' e he "a qaha 'e he ' a Qa -
v i t , ». . .. X-, . n_ _^ _^n
iri
«
*~»
• g
Joz
y-y
1 e qe ya ' e ya ha ' e ya
ha qa he yo 'u 'u he yo 'u 'u
■=■:
iS
£
B^=E
#~ ■
■ e
we he ' a Da ha
B Y
£
he yo 'u 'u he yo 'u 'u
C . » Y
we he ' a qa ha
V
jrij\rr\MMu\wUii\*nmm
'o wo - we he ' a Da ha ' e he ' a qa - ' e qe ya 'e ya ha 'e ya
na na
Js 156
Song No. 52
Vniuj|iiiTU^^
V. i .3
>__ >
fcgsS
s
he - ye ye ye ya qa 'eela do kwii- yi -
* A + + + > >
m
-v^\U!h
na k| go di ya - 'e - hya qa
miJ? j?
y~r
* *
he ye ye ye ya ' eela do kwii- yl - - na qa k^ g6 dl ya - 'e - hya qa
1)> B .2), a %^, r^ v
YJilJl 'JJjMJl^g
B
njijijjjj;^
I=X3=I
he ye ye ye ya kj go di ya - 'e - hya qe na qa 4 go di ya - 'e - ya 'e
yrt/i[fri^JiJiTNJ|n^iTjjiJiii=3f?Ti=
'eela do kwii- yl - - na qa kjgo dl ya - 'e - hya qa he ye ye ye ya
5
Variations: 1) 2) B
aj t j t n r]
-y.
3^ J i !
ya no lya go di ya - 'e - hya 'e na hya na
Is 160
Song No. 53
B
T'ftiiJJUHiLiLrroiJ
>e - ye ye ye ya na tl'lzl ha nl yo - 'o 'o 'e ne ha ne na ti'izl ha nl
^njJ>iiJliJ>TJiri|jj]iJTnM
r~w
yo - 'o 'o 'e ne ha hi yo - 'o 'o 'e ne ha he yo - 'o 'o 'e na
m
1)
3
1
+—*
m m
he ye ye ye ya na ya
J:
104
5^N3
Song No. 54
*¥-
SS
#>
i g I a i
he ya he ya he ya yo wl ' e - na na yo wl na ' e - hi na ' e - nana
.ftp ■ :
Jin gf3.niJ]M-n.ri|]jJ
E ' "-^ ' ^ ' 1-?: —
yo wl 'e - na Da yo - wl na ' e - na yo - wrna '
e ya he
i
A'>
— w
£^
sg
A'
V=-*L
^^ rrLTib-M^ni
ae
3
<=£
yo - wl 'a - na he
P=E
yo - wl * e - na oa yo wl na ' e - hi ' e - na Da
U
n n i J3 j;i fi n^a
JtZM
yo wl ' e - na ija yo - wl na ' e - na yo - wl na 'e ya he ya
Js 104
u
Song No. 55
y
,. U , mam, {\ y — 7 ' B ^. ■' ^ ^ m ,
# #•»
he ya he ya he ya he ya hu wg he ya hu ya he- ya hu wohe ya-ha
H ,D
~ 2)
1
* •* ■ *
* ■
ya- he ya ' a hu - W9 he ya he ye 'a - he ya he ya he ya he ya he
TTIP
r>u*V
J* J'WiTyj J i ESaa
ya hVya he ye he^ya hVya
J S 104
Song No. 56
1 ' LT ttlt-T>lLT HULe
^
^
^fe
P
he- ne ya'a hya na ya oa hi ya ca ho - yo wo ' e - na ya na - ha
b p _ J^ h. FT"? f M e. , Sa> 3 — — — *
he ya ha1 a ho - wo wo - 'o we na - ya he - ya !
i
g i j g I
^
■ ■
ho 'o wcjhe ya
B
1W~W
i
* *
he ye ya - he ya he ye ya ha
I f t g °, - - f\
9*^%
y~y
fe
he - ne ya 'e hya na ya na hi
D
«=■
H^g
ya Qa ho
±MmJt
yo wo ' e - na ya Qa - ha -
^
he ya ha 'a no - wo wo
"— U
ft*
m
rv
# » ■
^ — "-^ — S) 1 Ss^ — «— « ^c? — \^* — I — •• *^ • ' ^->
we nsr- ya he - ya ' a no 'o wo.he ya he ye ya - he ya he ye ya he ya
J. k*^\
BE P '
g r niJD^ifjj nr am.
:qE=fipfc
!=ft
5
* ■
-^-
§
to
hu wg he ya hu ya he - ya hu wohe ya- ha ya he ya 'a hu - wo. he ya
£*
I
S
ft:
■— a
*~r
ha ye ' a - he ya he ye he ya he ys
ABCDU taken from Song no. 55-
160
Song No. 57
. - y
&
U'itr/|t;r
T
+
■ • I i
s
5
«=~g~r
^
^B
he - ye ye ye ya we ya he ya we ya he ya he ya yo wo he ya
B-2.
#-#•
D >
# •
lmu r t cur r
F«=*
S
S-
S
he ye ye ye ya we ya - he ya we ya - he ya - he ya - yo
$m
jl"W
H
&3
SSB
#— #
ULrp'ltM'f
vheya ' o -o -o yo - we ya
s
*— *
we ya - he ya - he ya - yo - whey a ' o -o -o yo - we ya he ye
» y.
m
w~m
a=e
^ fe
S*\ K
ffi
^gl
*~~ a
we ya - yo
as
ye ye ya ya - 'e -' yo ho -
9 *.
=&=e
^ K
nr-"! — V-r
we yo we ha
L> >
I
♦— #
t=m
• » "*~*
FSF
■» ■-"—
he ye ye ya ya - 'e -' yo ho - we ya - yo - we yo we ha
£
p; b
i
»T P=FP
£
E >
5
ss
» f 9
55=
S
he ye ye ye ya we ya 'e he ya we ya he - ya we ya ha yo -
> * *
we ya - he ya - he ya
5S_ H ""^ K
yo - wheya ' o -o -o yo - we ya he ye ye ya
-FhB
Mi\r\*\}}\*i.]ii\ii\i*
m
9-0-
S^ V>
¥
ya - e -' yo no - we ya - yo - we yo we ha he ye ye ye ya
. > . ^ X . , . . . ^ V . >n , ., ,x
m
s
g^
-^
ya he ya ha he ya he ye ye ya ya he ya ha he ye ye ye ya
is 144
in
Song No. 58
^
> *. r\
f f I f F 9=9
9~ = l
£
CI 13
he - ye ye ye ya ha
yftriytru
e - ya hyo
g . fid J
- ho he yo djo no - ha
»
g j be Tl t1
ya-qe hyo we yo wo hyo wo - n- wi} -o we yo he yo a we ya
> . X *
7 iiUiNfM Lr pfi'ir
• — •
*:3
5
fe I M 1/
hai ye ye ye ya hi
'e ya ho' 'e yo he ' e ya 'o -o we ya he ye
&=g
• ' 0
9 9
5
* ■ *
E 1 U V
1- ■' < mm ^ ! i e i «■ m • ^ _ * I 1 \^fi —
ye yrya 'e ya ho' 'e yo he 'e ya 'o -o we""ya he ye ye ye ya
0
m, m
i
f
5
ia yo hyo hya ha yo hyo ha ya ya he - yo yo wo - wo yo
3- e r 1 1- m
*
i
E'* ^-s»
3=5^=
m i ■
^^
£
we yo he yo - we ya he ye ye ye ya ha we ya ho' 'e yo ha
F' v X^ __ E'> ^ ^ F'l
^g
f . Ji J| J J
§ Lr&^lrPS
££
3
we yo 'o -o we ya he ye ye ye ya we ya ho1 ' e yo ha
we va o -o
mm
F==F
£
> p- IP
'e va
mm
* 1 *• U I 3?
^
af
we he - ye ya ha he ya hyo ha ha ' e ya hyo a - - ya he
i
^ffi
# — »
£
If
w=
■ ■ ~*~g
hya a yo-o hyo yo wo - wo yo ho we yo we ya he ye ye ye ya
^#33
&
5
ya - whe ya 'a we ya he ye ye ye ya ya whe ya 'a he ye ye ye ya
J* 144
Song No. 59
T*fliijurfl»inccifl]j
X »
1
»— ff
aS
he - ye ye ya ya 'a - he ye ye - he ye ye - ne ya ha ye ye ye y£
Its ,
M If
m
sfeg
g I rl» ».mg:
>*L* VI D ^1 ^=g=F^
'e - he ye ye he ye ' ye" - nlTya ha ye ye ye ye we ya he ya we ya
geg^
Lfhi&rirri&rEgffff
#=--*
as
^jLf
*
he ya he ya ha - we ya he ya
we ya hya - we ya ha - ya - we ya
i» E Ck J 1; Eii * ■ JHi» iN ^
5
e - he ye ye - he ye ye - ne*"ya he - ye ye y^ys
he ye ye ye ya 'e - he ye ye" - he ye y
vT^ _ iT^ ^ ^n v.- m m _^*L. _ JTT ~ ~ _.^*L_
he - he ye ye he ye ye -
G >
g^lli nr*ff
ne ya he ye ye ye ya we ya he ya we y«
D > >
W--P-
*--*
*3==P
wst r 'LT
■=■
he ya he ya hyo - we ya he ya we ya hya - we ya ha - ya - we ya
gjgjg h 1 e * r I Pp^r j h jj r 1 1 J- 1 J »
he ye ye""ya ya' e hyo we ya hyo - we hyo we ya he ye ye ya
m j -pj j
ya we ya 'a we ya he ye ye ye ya
Js 152
.ski
Song No. 60
r\
^ni|ji|jhjrfirD|fi|Trirt}ir>^
jb
he - ye ye ye ya he ye yo ho -o ya he ye yo ho-o ya ya ya ho
m
- c
m
z *\
p—f-
0—9-
=*=
■=*
s
o
ya 'o -o ya ya 'a ya ya -a yo -
we. ya he - ye ye ye ya
x . . _a!
££
s
?E
«=*
*=«
ya e hyo we ya hyo - we hyo we ya he ye ye ye ya he de ya he-
yr»ffnr[iir»ir'&fir
m #■ "i P
g
§
ya he de ya he - ya ya ya ho ya 'o -o ya ya 'a ya ya -a
$Wr$-
9 a »l »
1
£
*=z
k
5
yo - we. ya he ye ye ye ya ya1 e hyo we ya hyo - we hyo we ya
j?X D ^s * ^k _ . X
fp^nr ^ic*r i^
»^-»
5
wz-rt
he ye ye ye ya ya' e hyo we ya hyo - we hyo we ya he ye ye ya
4 flJiJ
iJSlJI'JJlil^
W=.ZJt.
# » *
ya - he ya a we ya he ye ye ye ya ya he ya'a we ya he- ye ye ye ya
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
SECTION FOUR — THE CIRCLE DANCE SONGS
5'
As described earlier, at about sunset on the
third day of the Enemy Way, the men in the
stick receiver's camp join hands to form a
circle and dance for an hour or more in a
circle dance.18
Fifteen songs were recorded from this part
of the ceremony by six different informants;
John Hawk, Grant Johns, Mrs. Grant Johns,
Johnny Blanco, Mr. Moustache, and John
Nez. These informants are described on pp.
25-26.
COMMENTS WITH THE CIRCLE DANCE SONGS
SONG NUMBER
61. This is a kind of a signal song. After the dance
songs, they sing some circle dance songs and
then go into the regular night songs. They
don't circle then, they just sing the songs, and
this is the one that come first. (Johnny Blanco)
62. He got this all wrong at the start. (Jim
Chamiso) We used to tease one of the men,
one of my cousins, with that song. When we
were kids we used to sing it to tease with. It
sounded funny to us so we teased him with it.
It sounded like a made-up song. (Did you sing
it when you saw him?) No, we didn't sing it
to him, we'd say the words when we were by
ourselves, making fun of him. (Jim Chamiso)
63. This is not the same thing as a Skip Dance.
That song has been known since a long, long
time ago. (Grant Johns)
64. This is a circle dance song, an old song. (Grant
Johns) She started right in the middle of the
song. (He sings it over and this time does it
with an introduction.) It's not quite right.
This is one of the old circle dance songs.
There are few of these still known. (Jim
Chamiso)
6$. This goes with the one she just sang. It's
another old song. These two go together.
They are almost alike. (Grant Johns)
She lost the tone. That's an old circle dance
song. (Jim Chamiso)
66. This is another ring song. (Grant Johns)
These words aren't right, the song is not known
by this "White Rocks." It should be "Fort
Defiance." It's about a girl over in Fort
Defiance trying to plan out for me, trying to
make up the boy's mind to marry her. It's an
old song. (Jim Chamiso)
67. This means it's hard for her to be away from
home and her kinfolks too. This is an old time
Squaw Dance in which the men and girls
lined up side by side and then danced forwards
and backwards in a straight line. They would
stand side by side but facing in opposite
directions. (John Nez)
68. I think this may be a circle dance but wait
until we hear the next one. (John Nez)
69. This rhvthm isn't right for a gift song. I
don't know — he leaves something out all the
time. (John Nez)
70. This is a circle dance. I never heard this before.
It must be old. (John Nez) The circle dance
is almost like the regular songs. They're not
much different. (Mr. Moustache)
71. (No comment)
72. (No comment)
73. They still sing this nowadays. (John Nez)
74. I was expecting a certain one here. Not this
one. (John Nez) In my young days I could
sing all kinds of songs, but now my voice is
not so good. I'll be ninety in another year.
(Mr. Moustache)
75. This is the one that comes after the last one
(74). (John Nez)
TEXTS
Meaningful Texts
In the two instances where circle dance
songs had meaningful texts, the subject matter
suggests the ordinary dance song: both are
about girls.
u I use the term "circle dance" to distinguish it
from the "round dance" in the social dancing later
No. 66 Hello, hello! Hello, hello!
A White Rock girl
Is planning (something) for me.
No. 67 Woman of Bare Ridge (Star Lake)
Woman of Bare Ridge,
in the evening in which couples move side by side in
a circle.
52
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
Even though it is very far from your
home country,
Even though it is very hard,
Let's go to the Place of Wild Onions,
we two.
yo 'edo 'edo- 'o 'e do 'o 'o lo 'edo iveya
hineya
Woman of Bare Ridge,
Woman of Bare Ridge,
Even though it is very hard,
Even though it is very hard,
Let's go to the Place of Wild Onions.
Texts in Vocables
Fixed Phrases. A few of the fixed phrases
found in other kinds of public Enemy Way
songs are present in the circle dance songs
as well. The sway introduction, "X," is used
in two of the songs, number 64 and number 66,
but in no case is it used as a coda. The
"Mescalero" "X"' is used codentially in
number 63. The "Ute" phrase "V," ordinarily
found in gift songs, is used at the end of
number 72.
Circle Dance introduction and coda. A
special triple-beat figure, "O," using the
vocables he neya or henaya, or henaiya, begins
and ends most of the circle dance songs and
frequently functions as a coda elsewhere in the
songs as well. The figure is always J_ J 1
he ne ya
or some slight variation on it as:
he - nai ya
Of the fifteen songs collected, ten begin with
this figure, fourteen end with it (the fifteenth
is the "V" phrase mentioned above), and
fourteen use it in the body of the song in a
codential function.
The Main Texts in Vocables
The syllables used in the main vocable texts
are about the same as in the other kinds of
public Enemy Way songs. Like the gift songs,
the circle dance vocable texts seem to be fuller
and more discursive than those of the sway
songs and the dance songs.
MELODIC ANALYSIS
Meter
The circle dance songs are the only ones of
the four kinds of public Enemy Way songs
discussed here in which triple meter is frequent.
Six of the songs — numbers 61, 62, 66, 67, 68
and 69 — are in triples throughout. The circle
dance phrase, "O," is nearly always in triple
meter even in songs which are otherwise pre-
vailing duple: numbers 63, 70, 71, 72.
Tempo
Counting the triple-metered songs as J . =
MM, the distribution of tempi is as follows:
SPEED NUMBER OF SONGS
adagio 98-123 12
andante 124-153 1
allegro 1 54-1 81 o
presto 182-208 2
The circle dance songs are essentially the same
as the dance songs in speed. Both the sway
songs and the gift songs are distinctly faster.
Pitch
These songs are pitched within the same
range as the sway songs and gift songs. Most
of the pitches range from C to F-sharp in the
"small octave" with the greatest number
clustering at E and F. The two songs by Mrs.
Grant Johns were pitched at B and B-flat on
the "one-lined octave."
Melodic Line
The direction in the melodic line is pre-
vailing downward with strong attraction to
the tonic as in the other three groups of public
Enemy Way songs under discussion. In the
manner of downward progression the circle
dance songs are somewhat idiosyncratic in
that only two reach the tonic in the first
phrase. In only two cases does the melodic
line dip below the tonic.
Over-all Range. There is greater uniformity
of range in the circle dance songs than in the
other three groups. Eight of the fifteen col-
lected have a compass of an octave. Two of
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
53
the eight, 75 and 62, also have a dip to the fifth
below the tonic.
Range in Individual Phrases. As one
might predict from the narrow compass of the
"A" phrases already mentioned, the ranges in
individual phrases in the circle dance songs
are generally restricted. The flat introductions
and codas predominate, and phrases with a
range of a fourth are the next most frequent.
Ranges of a fifth come next, then sixths, then
thirds.
Melodic Phrasing
Fixed Phrases. The slight representation
of fixed phrases from the other groups and
the very diagnostic and characteristic "O"
phrase, specific to the circle dance songs, have
already been described.
Paired Phrases. Paired phrases are not a
feature of the circle dance songs. No song in
this group is fully paired, and more than a
single doubling is rare; (but see: 63, 67, 73).
In five of the fifteen, there is no doubling of
the smaller phrases whatever.
Over-all Patterns. Two thirds of the circle
dance songs are phrased in the sway song
pattern. Number 66, for example, is phrased
in classic sway song style: an initial melodic
statement, a repeat of this statement, an exten-
sion of new material (the sway development),
and a repeat of the initial statement. The five
songs that do not fit this pattern — numbers
65, 69, 71, 74, 75 — -show full repeat, straight
development in the first three, and a repeat
of later material in the last two.
Number of Phrases. The circle dance
songs are high in the number of different
phrases used — more like the dance songs than
any other group — but they are low in the
absolute total. The majority contain a total of
twenty or less phrases. This count merely
indicates that the songs are short but varied.
Finals. Only one song ends every phrase
on the tonic. Three do so in all but the "A"
phrase, and six more in all but two phrases,
usually the "A" and "B." The general picture
is clearly of melodies strongly oriented
toward the base note of the scale.
Tonality
Types of "Scales" in the Circle Dance
Songs : Chromatic Scales. None of the circle
dance songs is constructed on a real chromatic
scale where every step is separated from its
neighbors by the interval of a semitone.
Number 65 does contain an unusual half step,
5 6*° 6, which gives it a somewhat chromatic
flavor.
Scales on the Interval of a Fourth. Number
61 is built on the interval of a fourth. The
third is lowered a half-tone, and a semitone
between it and the fourth is thus avoided. If
an identical arrangement of notes were joined
to either end of this scale, the result would be
the Dorian mode.
Pentatonic Scales. There is no true penta-
tonic scale in this group. Number 73, which
is built on the open triad, could be extended
to a pentatonic scale. The single occurrence
of a sixth, even though it is extremely slight
in value and quite possibly accidental, gives
some weight to this suggestion. The relation-
ship between the pentatonic scale and the
scale of the open triad has been discussed
above, in the Sway Song section, page 35.
Diatonic Scales. Major. Five of the melo-
dies show scales which qualify as our diatonic
"major" scale (the Ionian mode). They all
lack the seventh. Number 62 has no sixth and
a weak fifth; the latter, however, is strength-
ened by a repetition below the tonic. Number
65, mentioned before for its chromatic content,
shows essentially a diatonic major scale: 1 2 3
4 5 6b 6. Numbers 67 and 68 lack the second
as well as the seventh; number 69 lacks the
sixth and seventh, but the tonic at the end of
the J phrase is so low that it might well be
called the seventh.
Minor. In four of the circle dance songs,
suggestions of the descending melodic form of
our minor scale, 1 2 3b 4 5 6b 7b 8, the
Aeolian mode, may be found.
Number 66 . . .
1 3b 4 6b
75 . . .
5 1 3b 4 6b 8
69 . . .
1 3b 4 5 6b 7 8
74 • ■ ■
1 3b 4 6b 7 8
It is interesting that in these songs the fifth is
missing or unimportant. The fourth seems to
be next to the tonic in value and has such
weight in number 75 as to raise doubts con-
cerning the tonality of the song. A case could
be made for a "base note" on F instead of C —
54
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
an equivocal situation extremely rare in these
Enemy Way songs and in Navaho music in
general.
It should be noted that these four songs are
the only ones in the entire collection which
are in a modern Western European minor
mode.
Open Triad. Number 73 is constructed on
the open major triad, 1 3 5. See section en-
titled "Pentatonic Scales" for other remarks
on this song.
The Modes. I have classified the remaining
five songs in the Dorian mode. Number 64
contains the necessary notes to constitute an
unequivocal Dorian mode even though 2, 5, 7,
and 8 are missing. Number 71 could be in
the Phrygian mode if the missing 2 and 5
were present and each lowered a semitone.
Numbers 70 and 72 could be in the Aeolian
mode if the missing sixths were present,
lowered a semitone. Number 63 could be in
the Aeolian mode if the missing sixth and
seventh were present and lowered a semitone.
The proportion of scales which sound minor
in mode to the Western ear is very high in this
group:
GIFT DANCE SWAY CIRCLE DANCE
4/1O 2/26 5/24 10/15
NOTES ON THE CIRCLE DANCE SONGS
61. Johnny Blanco; FN-IV 9; key of C-sharp.
Text: no meaningful text.
62. John Hawk; FN-I 12; key of C-sharp.
Text: no meaningful text.
63. Grant Johns; FN-I 18; key of F.
Text: no meaningful text.
64. Mrs. Grant Johns; FN-I 25; key of B-flat.
Text: no meaningful text.
65. Mrs. Grant Johns; FN-I 26; key of B.
Text: no meaningful text.
66. Grant Johns; FN-I 34; key of E-flat.
Text:
he lu, he lu tsehagani
hello, hello. White Rock (girl)
shanaha'ah
plan for me
67. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 15; key of F.
Text:
hotkit
Bare Ridge
nkeya
your home
nazani ch'iin
woman of
nizad ndf
far even though
nach'ina hoyee ndi
your very hard even though,
th}' tl'ohchini *
let's go Wild Onions
neet'ashto
two will go.
* Mr. Moustache actually sang "Bare Ridge"
again, instead of "Wild Onions" the place Jim
Chamiso insisted should be mentioned here.
68. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 16; key of F. Covered
tone on the two codential "O" phrases.
Text: no meaningful text.
69. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 27; key of F-sharp.
Text: no meaningful text.
70. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 34; key of E.
Text: no meaningful text.
71. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 35; key of E.
Text: no meaningful text.
72. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 36; key of E; ends with
gift song coda.
Text: no meaningful text.
73. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 37; key of E.
Text: no meaningful text.
74. Mr. Moustache; FN-V 38; key of E. Covered
tone on last "O" phrase.
Text: no meaningful text.
75. John Nez; FN-V 39; key of F. The lack of a
fifth and the heavy melodic weight on the
fourth gives this song the bimodal quality
noted for nos. 36-38 in Notes on the Dance
Songs. Informant stated that this song should
follow no. 74.
Text: no meaningful text.
SCALES USED
IN THE CIRCLE DANCE SONGS
On Interval of a 4th:
jo. 61 r
Diatonic major:
No. 62 -». I r
1 No. 65
NQ.62 ♦_' 'i . ' flO-05 trtifm)_ ' >
s
TNo.67 I
JSI
n:
X3I
h* 1
No. 68
n »
1
T No. 69 H
gr-f^»J
:k O
-t
j— j--j
Diatonic minor:
No. 6b ;
S
' No. 75
•| 1
r-.-i 1
Pl""»i„ Weaa
P-»t4
Z3:
33:
i I
1 1-
Opon triad
No. 73 S
Mo is a:
No .64 ' ^_J No.7l'^t)p> ' No.70'-fb- ^ 'tNd.72 ^dp' ' j '
No.6j
^
J-S108
0
THE CIRCLE DANCE SONGS
Song No. 61
fi^F
:£JM^
±e£
HI
P5
S
* ■' *
"I* i'H* g
he - nai ya he yo ' e na ho ' o ' e na ha na he yo ' e na ho 'o
5
i J i 3
S£
s
i
£
* g *
* * * I &
1 e na ha na ya 'a he yo ' o 'o we na hi ' a he ya ' e ya -'e he
yo
O^jJ'j jf TTjjj Jij'i i. j
'o 'o we na hi 'a he ya 'e hi na ya
JV
Song No. 62
142
1
mn.-J.-J
#~r
he - ne ya 'a la hai he he he ya na 'ahala hai he ya he1 na ha
yrjl)jjj| j^
pfN JJ
^=S
*=$
=5^
**F=*
he' a ha oe ya ho 'o ho ha
he' a ha Qe ya ho' o ho ha
g m I m Jin jtj
'aha la hai he he ya oa 'aha la he he ya na he na ya
Js 116
Song No. 63
gfefeg
r f m
u=#
he - ne ya he ye ne ya he ya ne ya - he - ya he ya ne yo'
&&
«
m
irWtrWrJm
*=<
£
o we ya he
m
'e ya he yene yahe yane ya- he- ya he
x' . xt, a \. » x'
ffiEHSSSB^
»
£fc
♦=-*
»• g
SE
ya ne yo o he ya he e ya he ya ne yo o we ya hf
m d- 1
*,•• j
*~y
ya he 'e ya he
ut i»n
i
w^~>
ie ya ne ya -
s
5
g g g
*?
ya ne yo' o we ya he 'a ya ne ye ne ya he ya ne ya
ryfffr P pf- f f ; f r 1 ft J I ft J J I » rf j
Via _ iro Via un no 17A ' /•* ma ' .-» Ha ir *» Via ri a unV
he - ya he ya ne yo' o we ' o he ya he ne yah
Js 184
X
Song No. 64
3
tfcS
» _ »
» *>
dr
S
#--£
£gf^
F.^PV
sr-#
he ye ye ye yao yo - - 'o
ai,, ^ - - ^-v Br
tt±*
yLnlL/L/lPlMLrip
'o - ha Oa yo - - 'o - 'o - ha a a
Q >
iMh/l f PI P P I JW
$
yo - - 'o - 'o - ha oa yo
0 > Z>
'o - ha oa ha ' e ya ha qe yo' o
P P l:
P~B>
•— »
£
CO*
we ya he ns^-'ya ha ' e ya ha oe yo1 "o we ya he na"^ya
1
,Afc Q
^=rf¥*=Ftf lpif
i B, # ^
LfrlRf bm.ij J 1^
§
yo - - 'o - 'o - ha oa yo - - ' o - ' o - ha na ha 'e ya ha Oe
0
oom
yo' o we ya he na ya
is 192
0
Song No. 65
£
6
k&
B
k
*
B'
£
fs
#-•
■ZIH
he ya he ya 'e ne yo -o 'e ne ya he ya
1 e ne yo -o ' e ne
S^
i
#-#
s
6
*
*=*
♦-♦
ya he ya a' 'e ya ha ne yo 'o - we ya he na ya 'e ne yo -o
B - - > A \Z Ul 3' ^ ^ - .0 >
g rrirr ir
¥=*
»— #
^g
■=*
VP
' e ne ya he ya 'e ne yo -o 'e ne ya he ya ha 'e ya ha ne
?^5
M=m$mm
r * \*
2
bp |t|p
■z J g:»
^
yo 'o - we ya he na ya
e ne yo -o
5*
£££
£eS
' e ne ya he ya 'e ne yo -o
0
1 e ne ya he ya ha 'e ya ha ne yo 'o
he na ya
J.=
Song No. 66
108
pS
III i r t T lit i §
sas
*==*
l/l a
he - ya ye ye ya ' e ye ye *e ye he lu - 'e ye ye 'e - lie lu ho
J*.
— — — •» / ' * ■ ■»
UlUilWi
9-9-+
we yo o - ho we ya hi nai ya 'e yeye 'e ye he lu' u 'e ye ye
C D ^T^
^frC,|J*j>|jU|Jl^
Jyi-i-ltTfTcT^
1 e - he lu ho we yo ' o -ho we ya hi1 nai ya tae ha ga ni
> _ > - „ *~5\ >
aha na go
■yfcjnfj^iJjjrEwBat
9-9-9
m
1 o - - ha tae-ha ga nl aha na go 'o - - ha ' e ye ye 'e ye he lu hu
> > . B >
TFf^iJjr.rrf^^i^li^fiJ
wl yu 'u - 'u
wl yu ' u - - wi ya he nai ya
J. S120
k
Song No. 6.7
^\U\^\U\Ui\lr\U\Di
>-y
> ^ p
><*M^\
■ I ■
Lf>lf>l IL-T
a lu - 'e do
' a do - ' a -o 'e yo 'a -o ya lo - ' e 'o
- - 'o
G^
"I « 1*1- ZTx _ .^ » _ i . . TT TI I
»-*
' o - - lo - ' e lo - we ya hi ne ya yo ' e lu ' e do - 'a
o: i r i u *i j-^i g i i In i ^ i t-^i^ gag
1 e do ' a -o ya lo - ' e do - ' o 'o - lo - 'e lo - we ya hi ne ya
1 e do ' a -o ya lo
7 Er&lr DIErp
'o 'o - lo - 'e lo - we ya hi ne ya
ioi - kit na- za - nl oh'lln ne ni ke
* *
h<5i - kit na- za - ni ch1 ffn ne hoi
vfl ti^ir gifting fffl*if
ya - ni zad n- di nach1 1 na - ho yee' n-di t h(' { ye - 'a ye
y'i-iJ.r.itfJiJi.iJ-ir.Ji.n^j.j.j^^
iTN
h6l kit 'o wo - -o wo - nee't'aahto 'e ya hi ne ya yo - ' e do
>
JB_£
S
^
>-i_a
ffir.piJ^'jpJI
BE I * H LT H g
2
5
'e do - 'o - ya lo - ' e do - - ' o ' o - - lo - ' a do - we ya
iol - kit na za - ni clrfln ne hoi - kit na- za - ni ch'ffn na
«rz*
HI ne ya hoi - kit na za
■ I ■
feSi
^ft^
h!
1£
■=*
ni ke ya - ni zad n- dl naoh'i na - ho yee' n-dl
h" i__ is *P$ *j- I « — °
t h$' J ye - 'e ye -
is£
il/ILT E
^m
rifefj
*' »» *
hoi - kit 'o wo - o wo- neet'aahto ' 6 ya hi ne ya ya - 'e do
ytifiEru-iJ^BJ HStfJiJiMrcJi^
' e do - ' o - ya lo - ' e do - - - ' o
- lo - ' e lo - we ya
J 11J>
hi ne ya
J-=112
3
ilfei
Song No. 68
^ilMrtit.frr^
^=g
he - ne ya ' e hi hi yu - ' e - hi yo - - ■
'e hi yo
'a - hi
yo - ha e hi yo - - wo - di du - ha 'e^ yo - - wo - dl du
'e hi yo
feftF
i
wo - dl du -
-§-
£
*
#• *
*=£
IS
he ne ya yo - ' o he ne ya - he yo -— - ha ha 'yo - 'o he ne
^
^
*:
J|[bi"nJi^iii#i
>
ya - he yo - ha
n ea_a > . o
e hi yo
wo - dl du - ha ' e - hi yo -
wo -
dl du - hi n^y
5
J-= 104
0 A
I
f I •
Song No. 69
B > 1S*1\ C
nW^JV
#
#• ■
LT I/ I g
gg
h« ya ', ya dj - 'a ', „ da's' ho - wo hi na*"ya '« ya
f jA f Jf
^
E
»' *» *
da - 'e 'a ya da'e1 ho - wo hi ya ya ya 'e ya hin
_E ■ 5 ^ fr , H >.!>-■ J
'a j^T- 'e
feU
a
a
p
• — *
a - 'aya hin - 'a yao 'e ' a ya ho ne ya we 'e ya 'a ya
— vt; — m«v„.
hi ne ya
J =
104
r^ Ji | LT
*■ %~>
Song No. 70
ft _><^- . m I G>_ ^-
f—9-
^^
* he ya whaya he ya ho - hya wheya he - ya ho - ya we- ya ha
ysfg
1 g
.^npifin
J*
we- ya ha we - ya ha we
ya ha we - ya ha - ha
> E1 V,
we ya
»
hi ne ya ha 'a - ya - 'e ya 'aya' e~- y§ ha 'e - ya - 'e ya 'e
*£-
Affff
' e - ya 'e - ye ye 'e - ya - 'e-1 yo'o he ya^^hl ye ya we ya he ye
£l
Wf^triF-r.Ti^ilTUfNfJJ
si
#-g— 9
§*£3
ho - hya we ya he ye ho - ya oa we- ya ha we ya ha we ha we ya ha
1
4
.^rflniiiJ]
nal ya
we - ya ha - ha - we ya hi nal ya
(* heginnlng lost on record)
Js 108
Song No. 71
.-> ».
c*
* >
^ih\y-U)uu\rimf-\^M
^. . * 1 1 ' m. 1 — m- = 1 ■** ^ ■ <j
he - nar ya ya ' e ya 'e ya'a 'a i)a ha ya ya'e ya'e ya ' a ya ho - ya
... i j rz £j t _ 177. i77 i - T. _ il« ITT 777. __ _ i _ _. _"~i .. I i^<
ya'i
a hi ya'a yo ho 'e ya hi ne ya ya 'a ya'u a ya ho - na qa
ya 'u ay a ho - na oa ya ' 1 - ' a hi ya'a yo ho 'e ya hi
5
ne ya ya 'e ya 'u a ya ho
na na
ya ' 1 ya 'u 'a ya ho - na Da
■yVftrifl*!" gjJUl
ya'i - 'a hi ya 'a yo ho 'e ya hi ne ya
Is 108
feo
Song No. 72
> '^
s
tlllTifHPl^yr^M
# » ■
hi ne ya he yazho dl ' 1 - - yi - ye ya na ne - ye hi 'o -^wo ho
1
b-
i£
3
mm
5* »
a
s
mm*
'o he 'o - wo 'e ya ha ylf^ya ha yazha ni yi - yi - yi - he
3^ feya.
C . - >-
J[> f f -f
rwi&rw^
ya na ni - ye hi ' o - wo ho ' o he ' o - wo ' e""ya he yetfa
bk" » >_
> >
^^^
> B
£
mm
2
B !EB
g^qz
is
' e yo - ' e he yu wu - wu
he ya na hi - ye hi 'o - wo ho
> D'
tt
>»i^Ji|jj3,Tjj|j>3t^¥Tf3j|i5teg
P
o he 'o - wo 'e ya he ye ya ya- he ya he - ye ya ya- he ya
5
A" " >
» ^
> B> >">^.
£
* ■ *
he ye ya ' e yo - ' e he yu wu - wu - wu - he ya na ni - ye hi
1
wtirt^ii
* ■ ■
fl j i~ii jj_^3
^
' o - wo ho 'o he ' o - wo ' e^ya he ye ye ya he y^F1
Song No. 73
is 102 *^.
o — — * f"
J * J=Ji
inHl
m
m m
he ya oa 'e ye ya 'e ya 'e hyo- 'e ye yo ' e ya hi ne^y
3
y'tiiliuuuiAnMiPl
p=p:
S
eye ya 'eya 'e hyo- 'eye yo ' eyaTil ne ya 'e hyo hyo- hyo - 'eye yo
s
> 1]
'eya hi ne ya 'e ne ya ' e - ne ya 'e ya 'e
>_ ^ x B ,L - > > > "^\ 0
1 e ne ya ' e
T
* ■ m
* »
ya 'e ya ' e hyo hyo- hyo - 'e ye yo 'eya hi ne^"ya
J= 102
_feo>
Song No. 74
i_« — a.
fe j jCfiLf Cf ii? ritj rii^iir i
he - ne ya 'u - u - u - he ne ya he ne ya - 'u - u ' e ne ya
ffiff OlPSiQQirrnrtifijm«
e ne yu yu
u - u -
0>
u -
u - ' e ne ya 'o o ' ene ya 'a 'a 'u
f&**nft
> A > >
0-B-9
m-m-
e ne - ya 'a he ya*"ni nal ya 'u - u - u -
£h
> >
.^ » ^ sVs Vs Vs
he ya 'e ne ya
^rrtf^rrrrriPt/tfri^Jff^J^
ye 'u - u 'a ne ya yu - 'u - u - u - 'e ne ya 'u -u 'ene ya 'a'a
^r'crnijji
m m
^S
'u -u 'e ne - ya 'a he ya hi ne ya
Jsi08
Song No. 75
^■^^
f> A g) f> /^
o^JJffirrLf cjtI tf f c CrlLrLr Lr
ha - ne ya 'a
PUT* I US
4-
e ne ya ene ya
>^ Ci
■rtrit/lr^rtiJS
e ne ya
s
* »
r^g--
' e ne ya ' ene ya ya- 'a - a - ' ena ya-a 'a 'e ne- ya'a ive a hi ne
O £>
wffitf Lr if r it; runr Ir i g Lr uag
ya a
A
1 e ne ya 'e ne ya ' e ne ya ya
' a - 'a - ' ena ya' a ' a
y*>$ n si) ja j j f n Jl i m g H gj i i a
-^ j ■ — ; *—- ' — 1~* — • • — W» * ^.
ne- ya a we a hi ne ya ne ya he ya ho"^wb he ya he ya ho *" wo
Vto n. 1 1 j j j
♦ ♦ „=•+ + ^
s
E3
#-t
he he ya ha ye - - yo ho yo ho he ya hi ne ya
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
SECTION FIVE — SUMMARY
55
Vocal Style
The style of voice production is the first
feature that strikes the ear in these songs. It
is the same in all four types — nasal, high,
with a wide vibrato and an ornamental use of
the falsetto. This is the typical "American
Indian" vocal style first noted by von Horn-
bostel, yet it is not as tense, as throat-splitting,
as Sioux singing. This feature is less apparent
on my recordings than it is in the group sing-
ing during an actual performance of the En-
emy Way. In the sacred chanting and in indi-
vidual renditions given in private, this vocal
style is much subdued.
Function
The function of the four kinds of songs is
quite different in each case. The sway songs
are used primarily for the all-night singing
after the dancing is over. The dance songs are
used for the actual social dancing which, in
my experience, continues only for a few hours
each night. The gift songs are used only for
the two occasions when gifts are made and
returned. The circle dance songs are used
during a circling dance performed by the men
towards sundown on the third day.
Attitude
Since this will be the subject matter of Part
II of this paper, I shall make only a few sum-
mary remarks here. These songs have a
"recreational" connotation for the Navahos.
A typical reaction is: "They make me feel
happy because I know a lot of young people
are getting together to have a good time when
I hear them." Younger people are more in-
terested in the dance songs; older people prefer
the sway songs and the gift and circle dance
songs and tend to speak scornfully of the
dance songs as "new" and "worthless." The
functional valuation of the older people is
being replaced by an esthetic valuation which
seems to be a concomitant of the seculariza-
tion especially apparent among the younger
Navahos.
Meaningful Texts
The more recent sway songs have texts on
such themes as the sound of the singing,
loneliness, airplanes, and signalling to girls.
Most of the dance song texts refer to the
dancing or to humorous and ribald situations
between the sexes.
The gift songs are usually without texts. The
two texts collected refer to gifts.
The circle dance songs are also usually
without texts. The two texts collected are
like those of the regular dance songs, referring
to girls in a jocular vein.
Texts in Vocables
The vocable texts are by no means haphazard
collections of meaningless syllables. The
vocables are as well known as are meaningful
words: only certain specific vocables are
"right" for a particular song. There are, more-
over, diagnostic vocable patterns for each kind
of song used in special introductory and
codential figures. These patterns are as specific
to the different kinds of Enemy Way song as
"Amen" is to Christian hymnody, or "he ne
yo we" is to songs of the Peyote Cult.
Sway Songs. The characteristic introduc-
tion and coda in sway songs is "he ye ye ye
yaija" sung on the tonic. A briefer coda,
"heya" or "haye natja" is also much used.
There is also a characteristic dissyllable,
"wena," which precedes both the longer and
the shorter types of coda.
Another typical feature of sway songs is
the "sway development," which often includes
the phrase "heya hane hyo" on a rising melodic
line as a kind of penultimate melodic extension.
The main texts in vocables are, like the
meaningful texts, brief phrases repeated over
and over.
Dance Songs. The dance songs, too, have
their own characteristic type of introduction
and coda on "he ne1 ya ya" or some variation
of it. This seems to be a Mescalero Apache
phrase and is most typical of the "trotting"
dance songs. Some of the "skipping" dance
songs use the sway song introduction and
coda.
5°
The main texts in vocables are similar to
those of the sway songs except that they are
often set in a somewhat more choppy melody.
Gift Songs. The gift songs have a char-
acteristic "heya heya" introduction and coda
which seem to be derived from the Utes.
Few of these old "Ute style" gift songs are
known now, however, and very old sway
songs, somewhat changed, but with character-
istic sway song vocables, are used instead.
The main texts in vocables are often more
full and discursive than in dance songs or
typical sway songs.
Circle Dance Songs. This group, too, has
its characteristic introduction and coda. It is
a three-beat figure usually on "he ne ya" or
"he nai ya" and sung on the tonic.
As in the gift songs, the main texts in voca-
bles are fuller and more varied than those of
the sway or dance songs.
Meter
The sway songs, dance songs, and gift songs
all have regular, double meter though oc-
casional extra beats are introduced and add
rhythmic variety and interest. The circle
dance songs are typically in regular triple
meter.
Tempo
The fastest songs are the sway songs. The
fastest songs in the circle dance group are of
the sway type. The comparison can be shown
most easily in a simple table:
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
adagio
andante
allegro
presto
J
= MM:
98-
123
124-
'53
154-
181
182-
208
'4
DANCE GIFT CIRCLE
16
Pitch
The pitches of the various songs are actually
pretty much the same:
Sway
C-F
Dance
E -G (females: E' -G')
Gift
Qf-F
Circle
CJ-F (females: Bb' -B')
Recording conditions may have constrained
the singers and thus affected pitch, but the
circle dance songs recorded by Boulton were
all pitched at G-flat even though they were
sung by a group and so under more "natural"
conditions.19
Melodic Line
All of the songs studied are strongly down-
ward in movement with a marked attraction
to the tonic.
The sway songs can be divided into two
groups according to whether the melody
reaches the tonic in the first phrase or the
second.
The dance songs are of two types: one is
like those sway songs that reach the tonic on
the second phrase, the other is very narrow in
range, hence restricted in movement and not
so clearly downward in movement as the
other Enemy Way songs. Both types show a
good deal of dipping below the tonic.
The gift songs are largely like the sway
songs in melodic line. A minor difference
may be that the "B," or second, phrases tend
to be more complex than in the sway songs
and sometimes even higher than the "A"
phrases. The result is a certain amount of
upward movement at the start of the song.
The circle dance songs are also similar to the
sway songs in melodic line. A scarcity of
songs in which the "A" phrase reaches the
tonic might be remarked for this group.
Over-all Range
The comparison can be shown best here by
a table. Figures in parentheses represent active
range, or range which is expressed consistently
throughout the song. A weak jump to the
octave or one unemphatic dip to the fifth
below the tonic is recorded in the left-hand
columns but ignored in the figures in paren-
theses.
"Boulton, 1 94 1.
INTERS
L SWAY
DANCE
GIFT
CIRCLE
TOTAL
3
( 4)
(4)
4
(2)
i ( i)
I ( I)
2 ( 4)
5
5 <9)
6 ( 7)
2 (3>
I ( I)
14 (20)
6
4 (6)
3 ( i)
(i)
3 ( 3)
10 (11)
7
3 ( i)
3 ( 0
8
■5 (7)
4 (ii)
7 (6)
10 (10)
36 (34)
9
i
1
10
5 ( 0
5 ( 1)
ii
4
4
75 75
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
Range in Individual Phrases
57
The sway songs seem weak on the upper
part of the scale. Only seven of them show a
reallv strong expression of the octave.
The dance songs are weak in the lower
part of the scale. Few of the dips below the
tonic found a strong expression in these songs.
The circle dance songs show the greatest
uniformity in range. The octaves are all
actively expressed.
Ranges of zero (the flat introductory and
codential phrases usually sung on one note),
a fifth, a third, and a fourth predominate in
that order in the sway songs and the dance
songs. The important ranges in the individual
phrases of the gift songs are zero and a fifth.
In the circle songs, ranges of zero and a fourth
predominate, and ranges of a fifth and a third
are expressed, but much less importantly.
Melodic Phrasing
Fixed Phrases. Most of the fixed phrases
are sung on one note and may therefore be
better distinguished rhythmically than melodi-
cally.
Sv/ay soring:
XJ J J j Jj Y jjjj
.... ,JJ s^^
he ye ye ye yana heye yana yeye he ya hane hyo
Dance songs:
x' J J* r J J
he ne' yana
Gift songs:
u J JT3w1rr
he ya he ya
Circle songs:
0 J. J. J.
he ne ya
Paired Phrases. Sway songs show a con-
siderable amount of phrase pairing. Seven of
the songs are fully paired: AA BB CC, etc.
The first phrase after the introduction is nearly
always paired, and the fixed phrase, "S," is
always paired.
Pairing is not a feature of the dance songs.
Not one is fully paired, and other pairings
are infrequent.
The "Ute type" of gift song shows no
(Mescalero Apache)
("Ute") Also have the X and Y
of the sway songs.
pairing, but it is a feature of the sway type
gift songs.
The circle dance songs show very little
pairing. Not one is fully paired, and more
than one doubling is rare.
This feature in melodic phrasing seems to
separate the sway songs from the other public
songs of the Enemy Way with a rather neat
stylistic definitiveness.
Over-all Patterns. The sway songs typically
5«
show a partial repeat of material from early in
the song or from the middle of the song. These
kinds of patterning can be shown:
ABC and ABC
AB B
The dance songs typically show a full repeat
of phrases: ABBC
ABBC
The gift songs in sway style show the
partial repeat. Those in "Ute style" have a
full repeat.
Most of the circle dance songs show the
partial repeat phrase patterns of the sway
songs.
Number of Phrases. None of the songs
has fewer than three different phrases and
most have more than three. Four and five
phrases seems to be the average number. As
the accompanying figure shows, the gift and
circle dance songs show the greatest com-
plexity in this respect:
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
NUMBER OF PHRASES
3
4
5
6
1
8
9
14
SWAY
2
3
8
DANCE
2
8
9
4
1
2
CIRCLE
I
2
4
3
1
2
The total number of phrases, counting all
repeats, runs from about ten to nearly one
hundred. Most songs have a total of between
ten and thirty phrases. The dance songs are
characteristically sung through many more
times than the others and so, naturally, run up
the largest total.
Finals. A method which is sometimes use-
ful in analyzing the internal structure of a
song is to plot the location of the final note
in each phrase. A figure such as "1, 1, 1, 1"
would indicate that in a song of four phrases,
every phrase ended on the tonic, and the song
as a whole is securely anchored to this note,
even dominated by it.
All phrases end on tonic
All but one " " "
All but two " " "
All but three or more "
SWAY DANCE GIFT CIRCLE
72OI
7 8 3 3
6836
4845
The strong attraction of the tonic shown by
these figures is one of the characteristics of
most American Indian music. There were
very few cases in which more than three
phrases failed to end on the tonic.
Scales
Though the notion of a scale as a fixed
series of notes which may be drawn upon for
the construction of a song is foreign to the
Navahos and, indeed, may be presumed to be
foreign to any musical tradition that is melodic
rather than harmonic, it is nevertheless pos-
sible for the musicologist to derive scales
from the melodies he examines. A table is
the simplest way of presenting the scales that
can be heard in the four types of Enemy Way
songs discussed here:
SCALES
Chromatic
Major diatonic
Minor diatonic
Dorian mode
Mixolydian
mode
On interval
of a fourth
Open triad
Pentatonic
On interval
of a third
SWAY DANCE GIFT CIRCLE
3
8
o
24
■ 4
26
. o
• 3
. I
. o
10
. o
• 4
• 4
. 1
. 1
. o
. o
■5
75
A few comments will draw attention to
some of the more interesting features of these
"scales."
Contrary to popular conceptions of primi-
tive music as mostly minor, "weird," and
"mournful," we find a fair representation of
songs that are in our own major diatonic
scale. Only twenty of the seventy-five songs
are "minor" in some sense. Fourteen of these
seem to be in the "Dorian mode," that is, the
seventh as well as the third is a semitone lower
than in the major diatonic scale.
Another theory about primitive music is
that it represents an archaic stage in the de-
velopment of human aural perception. Sup-
posedly, at this level, the ear cannot dis-
tinguish semitones, and so they are avoided.
Thus minor modalities would not occur since
a semitone from the second to the lowered
THE SECULAR SONGS IN THE ENEMY WAY
59
third would be involved. The major mode
would be equally uncongenial, since it in-
volves a semitone from the third to the fourth.
Apparently the Navahos do not have an
archaic ear since we have noted an abundant
use of semitones. But they do have melodies
which do not employ semitones, as, for
example, twenty melodies that show penta-
tonic scales. Moreover, the seventh or "leading
tone," a semitone below the tonic or octave,
is present in only four of the seventy-five
songs under discussion (nos. 16, 21, 50, and
50-
Note Relationships in General. The most
important note in these songs is almost always
the lowest note. This base note, which may
be called a "tonic" since it establishes the to-
nality of the song, is the chief note and often
the only note in all introductory and codential
material, and it is the "resting point" towards
which the melody moves. The dominance of
this note over the rest of the melody is so
pronounced that it resembles a magnetic
attraction pulling irresistibly at the melodic
line. This strength of the tonic is felt to a
degree unknown in Western European music.
As I have mentioned elsewhere, Navaho
ceremonial music may be pitched in nearly the
same key throughout an entire night of sing-
ing. A crude experiment suggested that the
Navaho sense of tonality may be much more
rigid than our own. On various occasions I
sang a simple melody (My Country, '77s of
Thee) to Navaho informants and to Mormon
informants. In order to see what the reaction
would be I changed key every two or three
notes. Though I kept the rhythm and general
melodic direction of the piece, no informant
recognized it. Without exception, the Nava-
hos began to laugh after the second or third
shift in tonality and said the song was "no
good," or that I was "just making it up." The
Mormons, on the other hand, said the song
was "mysterious," or sounded "foreign, like a
German song, maybe." Only one Mormon
said that it "didn't sound right." It would be
interesting to check for this feature of a very
strong tonic and a very strong sense of tonality
in other groups where the melodic tradition
prevails.
A note of secondary importance is almost
always present in the songs under discussion
here. This note is most apt to be the third,
fourth, or fifth above the tonic. The brackets
in the "scale" scheme for song number 1 (see
Scale Schemes following transcription of song
number 24) indicate that the most significant
melodic activity occurs in the intervals be-
tween the octave and the fifth and between
the fifth and the tonic. The two active com-
passes "interlock" on the fifth, which gives
this note strong weight as a secondary anchor
point in the movement of the melody. Com-
pare with number 15 where the active com-
passes are between the octave and the fifth,
and the tonic and the third. The significant
tonal sections are adjacent rather than inter-
locking and the values of the third and fifth
are no greater than those of several other
notes in the song.
The reader is referred to pp. 35—37 for a
more detailed discussion of "scales" in music
in the melodic tradition, and to the scale
analyses following the song notations.
The descriptive material given above is
intended to serve as a background for a study
of values as seen in music as social behavior.
As was mentioned in the Introduction, the
"secular" songs of the Enemy Way are central
to the whole problem of Navaho values, as
approached through the music of the culture.
They are the most widely known and most
often sung melodies among the general Navaho
population. Part II, which follows, is a dis-
cussion of religious, esthetic, and other values
as they bear upon, and are reflected in,
Navaho music. The sway songs, dance songs,
circle songs, and gift songs of the Enemy
Way, taken as a unit, serve as a point of
departure in the discussion below.
THE NATURE OF TABOO
THE etymology of our word, "religion"
(hold back, restrain, taboo) affords an
appropriate starting point for a discussion of
Navaho values with respect to religious music.
On my first day of recording Navaho songs,
I learned that some may be sung by anybody
and discussed freely, but that others may be
sung only with circumspection; with the
right preparation, at the right time, and by
the right people. Indeed, some of these latter
songs may not be beard except by those who
have been properly protected by initiation.
In the words of my first informant on Navaho
musical behavior, "We'd rather leave those
to the medicine men; we are afraid of those."
This is an attitude that I heard expressed many
times subsequently and in many connections.
Danger in Navaho music is not conceived
of as automatic and absolute. It may be
mitigated by various kinds of protections
and precautions.1 The degree to which these
are necessary provides the observer with a
rough scale of da?iger on which the various
types of music may be plotted. Those songs
which are most hedged about by fears and
restrictions are at the upper end of the scale
and, in the sense of being most secret and
dangerous, embody the most intense religious
affect. At the lower end of the scale one
finds those songs which are most nearly
secular in feeling.
It is hard to discuss with a Navaho what
music is "holy" and what music is not. The
first reaction of nearly all of my informants
was that all of their songs were sacred. Nor
did they respond with categories to such ques-
tions as "Are some songs more holy than
others?" No such hierarchies seem to exist
ready-made in the Navaho scheme of values.
But when asked directly, nearly every Navaho
feels that songs from the great ceremonial
1 See Kluckhohn, 1949, pp. 371-72, for concept of
babadzid ("for it there is fear").
2 1 am indebted to Clyde Kluckhohn for the in-
formation that songs are believed to be used in
witchcraft. Deer hunting songs were thought by my
informant to be used by witches; they are part of
the obsolescent Game Way. See Wyman and
chants are more sacred than gambling songs
such as those sun? with the Moccasin Game.
The parts of the Night Chant and the Enemy
Way Chant which are chanted by the cere-
monial practitioner are recognized by every-
one as being more sacred than the Yeibichai
songs of the masked dancers in the former and
the Squaw Dance songs publicly performed
in the latter.
The following list is an attempt to plot
various types of Navaho music according to
their relative positions on a "scale of danger."
This is not, of course, a Navaho systematiza-
tion, but my own. The songs are placed in the
order of decreasing power or danger.
1. Prayer ceremonials.
2. Songs used in witchcraft, and deer hunting
songs.2
3. Songs from non-Navaho ceremonials. I know
that Peyote songs are considered highly dangerous
and believe this may be true for some of the other
ceremonials performed bv other Indian groups.
4. The longer chants: Night Way, Shooting Way,
etc. The Evil Way chants are considered more
dangerous than the Holy Way chants.3
5. Chanted parts of the Enemy Way: the four
starting songs, the walking songs, the blackening
songs, etc., are all very secret.
6. Moccasin Game and, perhaps, Stick Dice songs,
which must be used only in the right season of the
year.
7. Work songs such as weaving, spinning, and
corn grinding songs. Much more needs to be known
about these songs. They do not seem to be par-
ticularly taboo but they have, nevertheless, become
very rare.'
8. Circle dance songs from the Enemy Way.
9. Yeibichai songs from Night Way, should onlv
be sung in the winter.
10. Dawn songs and other songs from the latter
part of the Blessing Way mav be used in some social
contexts, but still with religious overtones of bring-
ing good luck.5
Kluckhohn, 1938, p. 7, p. 35.
3 Clyde Kluckhohn, personal communication. See
Wyman and Kluckhohn, 1938, pp. 5-7, for classifica-
tion.
'Rhodes, 1949, records 1422 B (1, 2, 3): These
songs and The Silversmith's Song, 1423 A (2) seem
(Continued on p. 64)
63
64
ii. Sway songs, gift songs, and dance songs from
the Enemy Way can be sung at any time.
The danger inherent in the songs at the
upper end of the list is very nearly of the
automatic kind found in magic everywhere.
There is no feeling that the singing of these
songs by the wrong persons or at inappropriate
times is displeasing to any supernatural persons
or forces, but rather that the songs them-
selves are dangerous. After Eddie Cochise
had arranged to record some personal songs
given him by his grandmother, he checked
with Bill Begay and was persuaded that it
would not be safe. The songs were too danger-
ous to be handled in an unconventional way
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
and in an inappropriate setting. He said, "If
I sing those, I might get sick. I might die
pretty soon."
Children who have heard sacred chants are
warned, by threats of illness or death, not to
sing them. Washington Adatthews, and, more
recently, Maud Oakes, were warned of the
danger involved in learning sacred things.
According to the Navahos, Dr. Matthews'
paralysis was the direct result of his researches
in Navaho religion without adequate protec-
tion.6 Maud Oakes was given protective pollen
when Jeff King told her the story and gave
her the dry-paintings of Where the Two Came
to Their Father.1
DANGER THROUGH MISUSE: VARIOUS FORMS OF PROTECTION
In all of these instances, the danger is in-
curred through misuse. It is like the danger
in an electrical power line: one must know
how to handle it. There are various safety
techniques or precautions. The dominant
theme in Navaho taboo is dont do it unless
you know how. The ways of dealing with
this potent danger are many.
One form of protection is initiation. In
the Enemy Way, for example, the blackening
songs and the songs that accompany the
assembling of the drum and rattle stick are
highly dangerous; only those who have been
patients in the ceremony may be present when
these songs are sung. Another safety method
is the prophylactic use of pollen mentioned
above. There are also prophylactic songs
such as the Bear and Snake songs that protect
the agent who brings in the enemy trophy
in the Enemy Way.
Proper timing is also a protective measure.
According to Matthews, the songs of all the
nine-day ceremonies may be sung "only
during the frosty weather, in the late autumn
and the winter months, . . ." 8 He implies
that the danger here is snakes: the proper
time for performance is when the snakes are
(Continued fro?ri p. 63)
all to be constructed on Squaw Dance models.
6 "I asked if L. could sing some of the Blessing
Way songs for me but he refused saying that al-
though he knew some it wasn't right to sing them
then although it was O.K. to just sing squaw dance
hibernating. Another danger, present in the
summer months, is lightning.
Careful preparation and training are im-
portant in Navaho music in that they insure
against error. Thus, a ceremonial must be
learned in the course of a long apprenticeship,
during which the novice can assist at many
performances until he has memorized the
songs and other ritual components perfectly.
In certain important ceremonies, as on the
last night of the Night Chant, other cere-
monial practitioners may attend to audit the
songs and check any mistakes. They are
present not so much to test the ability of the
singer who is in charge of the ceremony as
to serve as insurance against the possibility of
any error going unnoticed.9
Jim Chamiso, when listening to recordings
of Navaho songs, was very insistent on what
was "right" and what was "wrong." A small
deviation in melody or use of vocables would
make him smile and shake his head. His cor-
rections may be seen in the Comments. The
Reverend Banks of the Galilean Mission has
provided me with an interesting example of
Navaho meticulousness in musical perform-
ance. A blind Navaho, 29 or 30 years old,
songs because you're happy." Robert Rapoport, field
notes, July 3, 1950.
"Reichard, 1950, p. 82.
7 Oakes, 1943, p. 47.
'Matthews, 1902, p. 4.
9 Matthews, 1902, pp. 145-46.
THE NATURE OF TABOO
named Lowell Woods, spent a good deal of
time around the Galilean Mission near Rail-
town. He had learned to play the accordion
and accompanied the hymn singing at the
Mission. When asked to play solos, he was
very particular about whether he was playing
"in English or in Navaho," and even about
which verse he was playing.
Beside general preparation and training,
there is a strong Navaho emphasis on training
for a particular singing event. This includes
running hard, fasting, and purification by
vomiting. Eddie Cochise told me that for a
price he would teach me the plant used as an
emetic and the sacred song that went with its
preparation and use. Jim Chamiso said that
the young men nowadays do not want to
prepare for a "sing" in this way, and con-
sequently the singing is no longer as good as
it used to be. Several informants remarked
that the reason older men outlast the young
men in the all-night singing of the Enemy
Way is that the young men wear themselves
out by fancy singing and that they no longer
know how to prepare for it.
Tschopik has shown that the art of pottery
making among the Navahos owes its obso-
lescence in considerable part to the taboo
surrounding it.10 The restriction of music, by
and large, to adult males may be attributed to
the same cause. Many old-timers in the South-
west say they have never heard a woman or a
child sing, and many Navaho women inter-
viewed by me stated that they rarely did any
singing.11 Dezba Cochise insisted that in her
lifetime she had never sung any kind of song.
The danger of misuse is certainly a strong
factor in this situation. Boys are not supposed
to sing anything but Squaw Dance songs until
they are old enough to learn other kinds of
music accurately. A menstruating woman
cannot participate in a ceremony and must
not sing ceremonial songs. The few women
who are singers and actually give ceremonials
are all past the menopause.12 As mentioned
earlier, at the shooting of the trophy in the
"Tschopik, 1941, pp. 47-50.
11 Matthews, 1897, pp. 26-27.
12 Bill Begay in Kluckhohn's field notes, May 24,
194°-
13 Kluckhohn's experience differs from mine: he
has heard and participated in considerably more
65
Enemy Way, a woman must be represented by
a male relative.
Casual singing is not a feature of Navaho
life. When I was camping with Navaho
families, I heard only a few snatches of song,
and this was always Squaw Dance music.
Though my presence may have affected the
situation, the Navahos themselves substan-
tiated my impression when asked directly.13
None of my informants knew of anyone who
sang lullabies to infants. Work songs such as
weaving, spinning, and corn grinding songs
are now unknown in the Rimrock-Willow
Fence area, though several informants said
such songs used to be sung.14
From October second to October sixth,
1950, I worked with several hundred Navahos
at Carrot Flats, New Mexico, and spent the
nights in the slab shantytown provided by
the owners. In part, my reason for being
there was to observe musical behavior, and
I found that neither in the fields nor back
at camp in the evening was there any sus-
tained effort to sing recreationally. Occa-
sionally a boy in his early teens would sing or
whistle a few bars of Squaw Dance music, and
once for a short while I heard somebody in a
slab shanty playing a short American piece on
a mouth organ. Here again the Indians were
among strangers, but I was told by Jim
Chamiso, who acted as my interpreter on this
trip, that there would have been no singing
even if the people had all been well acquainted.
As he put it, "We are afraid to sing because
somebody might notice we make mistakes."
This does not mean that Navahos sing only
in ceremonies. John Nez, when he was at
school, used to sneak out with the other boys
at night and sing Squaw Dance songs by a big
fire. They would wear horsehair imitations
of the clubbed hair of back-country Navahos
and sing as long as they could stay awake.
Dr. Kluckhohn spent an evening at the home
of Gregorio (in Rimrock) in the fall of 1950
which ended with the men in the group sing-
ing the Dawn Songs of the Blessing Way.
casual recreational singing than would seem to take
place according to my statement.
" Salcedanos, however, learned corn grinding
songs from the Navahos and still sing them, in the
Navaho language, during the corn grinding before
the mid-winter festival.
66
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
One may see a man riding somewhere and
singing at the top of his voice. Young men
riding to a Squaw Dance, on horseback or in
a car, are likely to practice the songs they
plan to use during the dance and the all-night
singing. Still, very little Navaho singing is
social or recreational, in our sense. It is tied
to special occasions, usually ceremonial.
The restrictions on performance seem to be
contributing to the disappearance of the great
ceremonial chants. I have heard young men
say that the many songs contained in the
chants are "too hard" to learn. Though cer-
tain ceremonies, such as the Enemy Way,
seem to be outstandingly viable today, it is
true that a great many more have vanished or
are now known by only a few older singers,
some of whom have no pupils. In the world of
music a high level of technical skill is required.
A valuable or potent song is one that is re-
membered letter-perfect; a song that is "just
made up" has no value in traditional Navaho
religion. One of the most common complaints
heard in the Rimrock region was that cere-
monies are now being imperfectly performed.
Annie Mucho, whose husband, father, and
brother were all ceremonial practitioners, ex-
pressed considerable mistrust of the present-
dav performances of certain ceremonies. She
said that her husband had learned imperfectly
from her father: he often improvised where
he should have remembered exactly.
Though two- and three-year-olds are often
encouraged to sing, it is not unusual for chil-
dren to practice singing in secret because they
are afraid of ridicule and disapproval. I could
find no example of adult Navahos whose
parents had urged them to sing (as Old Man
Hat did his son),15 though I did meet several
people who wanted their children to sing and
had encouraged them to learn Mormon hymns
or Squaw Dance songs. Alice Mario learned
to play the harmonica with her sister in secret.
Mrs. Grant Johns was very proud of her nine-
year-old niece who knew three skip dance
songs.
The lack of casual singing cannot be dissoci-
ated from a general shyness and indrawn qual-
ity of Navaho behavior. One could almost
say there is a lack of casual talking as well.
There is certainly very little loud talking. At
"Dyk, 1938, p. 257.
any large gathering, an observer who is ac-
customed to the crowd behavior of white
people is immediately struck by the general
quietness which prevails. There are no loud
noises and nobody makes himself conspicu-
ous. Occasionally a tribal leader will make an
announcement in which no obvious shyness
is apparent, though I did see one speaker who
stood with his back to the audience and flung
brief remarks over his shoulder.
The chief exceptions to the peculiarly (from
our point of view) muted quality of Navaho
public gatherings are when formally organ-
ized singing takes place, as at Yeibichai Dances,
Squaw Dances, or when there has been a good
deal of drinking. In the latter instance, when
fights begin to break out there may be some
shouting, but even this is very different from
drunken brawling in white-American culture.
Much of the kicking and punching is done
with silent intensity. The shouting is not pro-
longed or repetitive, but consists of a few
short cries that seem to be forced out. Even
in this extreme situation, there is very little
sustained noise, nor do the onlookers shout
censure or encouragement.
I will return to this matter of "Navaho
quiet" in a later section.
A final remark in connection with taboo
concerns the question of personal ownership
in music. A man who has learned a chant has
"bought" it not only by his effort and mastery
but also by actual payment. This feeling of
transfer for value received is important in all
Navaho ceremony. The patient must pay for
the ceremony in order for it to be effective.
Similarly, the neophyte must have the cere-
mony performed over him for pay as part of
his training. When Eddie Cochise offered to
teach me a song, it was phrased in terms of
apprenticeship and purchase. And when A'Ir.
Moustache recorded for me, he would only
sing Squaw Dance and Moccasin Game songs.
He said of songs higher on the "scale of dan-
ger":
I'm not a real singer, I only know the Blessing Way.
It is not right to sing other people's songs.
The fear of misuse in Navaho music is
closely related to its function as a practical
technique in obtaining certain results in a way
THE NATURE OF TABOO
that is essentially magical. If one asks what a
particular song is for, or what music in gen-
eral is for, the most frequent response will be,
"to bring happiness and long life." In addition,
there are specific functions of particular
chants, such as the curing of a particular dis-
ease, which contribute to this s;oaL There
are also special functions of songs within cer-
tain chants. The "Traveling Song" from the
Blessing Way will give good luck in traveling
and will also favorably affect conditions for
the increase of cattle, horses, and other live-
stock. The protective function of the Bear
and Snake songs in the Enemy Way has al-
ready been mentioned.
A good illustration of the functional empha-
sis in Navaho music may be obtained from
comments on "foreign" music. A very com-
mon reaction to American or Spanish songs
was, "I suppose it's all right, but I can't under-
stand the words." Mr. Moustache, in making
such a statement, went on to ask what the
67
song was for. Unless the function was clear,
informants did not know how to react.
The homeopathic, imitative, and contagious
qualities of magic are observable in Navaho
music. Though I was able to collect no lulla-
bies, Mr. Moustache said to his grandson, John
Nez, after singing a Moccasin Game song
about the pygmy owl, "Why don't you sing
that to your baby to make him sleep?" This
owl has the reputation among the Navahos
of sleeping both day and night. A song about
the owl brings it into "contact" with the baby,
and a like effect may be produced. Pollen
which has come into contact with this bird
is considered very potent sleeping medicine
and may even cause the baby to sleep too
much.
There is sometimes imitation such as the cry
of a god or the buzzing of the corn beetle in
a song which seeks to transmit power from
these sources to the patient. In the Enemy
Way, the four starting songs may be cited as
an example of this.
RELIGIONS FROM OUTSIDE
THE PEYOTE CULT
MY EXPERIENCE with the Peyote cult
among the Navahos consisted of two trips
to visit Peyotist families and attendance at
one Peyote meeting near Window Rock. I
understood that the Navahos had learned about
Peyote from the Utes,1 and I was much inter-
ested to find out what I could about musical
behavior in this new religion. As far as I could
tell, the Ute music has been taken over in toto.
A number of the men did not sing at all. One
told me he had not been able to learn the
songs though he was very eager to do so. I
heard no Navaho words but only Peyote
vocables and the special phrase, heyoivicbiayo.
The singing was not done in the usual nasal,
sharply emphatic Navaho style 2 but was in the
standard "Peyote style" which is more even,
almost in the Western European manner of
voice production.3 The Navahos I heard
faithfully borrowed nearly every detail of the
"foreign" music. This is not necessarily a re-
quirement of the Peyote religion. Four
special songs — the starting song, the mid-
night song, the morning water song, and the
quitting song — do seem to have a fixed form
in inter-tribal use,4 but some tribes have, in ad-
dition, contributed songs with more or less
extensive texts in their own languages to the
general body of Peyote literature.
This somewhat rigid borrowing suggests a
Navaho theme already discussed, the fear of
misuse. This powerful music must be repro-
duced exactly. It reminds one of the formalis-
tic attitude of the Navahos towards religion
in general, and the fear of misuse seems to be
at least a partial explanation. In addition, it
should be remembered that the general Navaho
reaction towards "the outside" is one of mis-
trust.5 The Enemy Way, specific protection
against the ghosts of dead outsiders, is only
one illustration. Certainly the reaction of many
Navahos and the majority of the Navaho
1 Astrov, Margot, personal communication; Kluck-
hohn and Leighton, 1946, p. 167.
2 Roberts, 1936, p. 33; McAllester, 1951, p. 36.
Tribal Council towards the Peyote cult itself
is of this kind. The cult is seen as a very great
threat. In the Rimrock region, there were
stories current about individuals who had taken
peyote, become very sick, and eventually died.
There seems to be no doubt that the ceremonial
practitioners warn people in these terms and
are among the most bitter opponents of the
new religion. John Nez wanted to be sure that
his grandfather, who knows the Blessing Way,
never knew I had sung Peyote songs to him
or that he was planning to accompany me to a
Peyote meeting. And though he was very
curious to attend a meeting, he wanted it un-
derstood that he would not, under any cir-
cumstances, eat the drug.
A further note on the potency of the Peyote
cult in Navaho thinking came from Rever-
end Banks. He cited instances of a Peyotist
coming into the Galilean Mission at Railtown
and interrupting the missionary in order to
preach the Peyote Gospel. Mr. Banks also
said the Indians at the Mission believed that
if they shook hands with a Peyotist, they
would have to become members of the cult or
die. This "contagion" was even supposed to
be effective at third hand. Mr. Banks shook
hands with a well-known Peyotist to show
that he was not afraid of contamination and
then found that he was avoided by his own
parishioners.
Special words of sacred power were used
in the Peyote meeting which I attended. As
in regular Navaho prayer and chanting, the
words bik'e hojon and sahanayei occurred fre-
quently. In addition, I heard in every long
prayer the English phrases, "Lord God our
Heavenly Father" and "Jesus Christ our
Savior." In the singing, however, there is the
somewhat unusual situation of songs high up
on the danger scale without meaningful words.
The affect here apparently derives not from
3 McAllester, 1949, pp. 80-82.
'McAllester, 1952, p. 685.
6Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, p. 225.
68
RELIGIONS FROM OUTSIDE
sacred phrases or words of explicit magical
power but from sacred vocables and the care-
ful rendition of songs from an outside religion.
During the wait before the Peyote breakfast
and later while we lay around conversing in
a general glow of good feeling after the break-
fast there were many stories told of the good-
ness and power of Peyote. Johnnv Odell, the
vice president of the New Mexico Chapter of
the Native American Church, was appointed
69
by the leader to be my interpreter during
the meeting. During the conversation after
breakfast, he was the chief informant. His
stories at this time included an account of how
he was sent to the Pacific with the Marines
by the anti-Peyotists, but Peyote brought him
through safely, and how a former governor
of Oklahoma went to a meeting and left after
awhile, but got up out of bed and returned to
it because ". . . that drum was calling me."
THE GALILEAN MISSION
A marked preponderance of women in the
congregation was characteristic of all the serv-
ices I attended at the Rimrock Galilean Mis-
sion. The service began at ten o'clock and was
well attended throughout the day by the
women and their children, but the men's side
of the church was rather conspicuously empty
except toward lunchtime. A good many
younger men and bovs began to arrive in
time for the last hymns and crackers and soft
drinks. They drifted out again soon after the
service recommenced. Only one of the men
was a customary testifier, while a number of
the women could be counted on to contribute
long, and often tearful, testimony on how they
had been lost in sin and superstition and were
grateful that they were now able to see the
light and carry it to their friends and families.
Particularly in the afternoon, the service
consisted of a good many calls by Mr. and
Mrs. Banks for solos, duets, or singing by small
groups of Navahos. There was little difficulty
in getting volunteers from among the women
and even the children, but here again the men
lagged behind conspicuously. They had to be
urged much more before performing, and they
seemed to have had less success in learning- the
hymns. Jani Miguel, the most willing of the
men, was utterly unable to keep on the melody,
even with Mrs. Banks helping on the har-
monium. The same was true of Jim Chamiso,
the interpreter and assistant to Mr. Banks, al-
though I know from my own observation
that he had no trouble at all keeping in tune
when singing Navaho songs. He was, in fact,
known as a very good singer during the years
8 Rapoport, 1954.
when he was training to be a ceremonial prac-
titioner. He was greatly troubled by his diffi-
culty with the hymns and spent many hours
of concentrated effort with me learning about
scales and reading musical notation.
Another aspect of the female leadership in
music was that a number of women told me
that they were teaching their children to sing
hymns. They were doing this, in part at least,
at the urging of Mr. and Mrs. Banks, and there
were frequent opportunities during the serv-
ices to show the progress their children had
made.
In her testimonials, Mrs. Jim Chamiso fre-
quently referred to her thankfulness that the
new religion had given her the courage to sing
right out in front of everybody. Indications
that traditional ceremonialism has not been
fulfilling the needs of Navaho women may be
found in Rapoport's study.
And Audrey said: 'I have that hymn book right
here in my hand, and I'm learning some of that. I
didn't learn some of your songs, but I can learn some
of the missionary's songs. Many years I just can't
learn your songs. So I can join the Galilean church
and learn these hvmns.'
And Mr. Moustache said: 'I don't think that's
necessary for you to do that. If you want to hear
some stories, I have the stories. I know the story about
the time when man came out of the ground. Why
don't you ask me about that instead of asking the
missionary?' 6
The female expenditure of effort and even
leadership described above is, of course, a re-
versal in the usual sex role among the Navahos
as regards religious behavior. In Navaho cere-
7°
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
monials the singers are almost always male.
The few female practitioners are exceptions
of note. Even the roles of the female gods in
the Yeibichai dancing are usually enacted by
men. Women do not join the ceremonial prac-
titioners in the chanting as men often do but
sit as a passive audience throughout, only
taking part in the general purifications and
other observances which include everyone in
the hogan. It is the men who teach boys
sacred music in the usual course of events.
Like traditional Navaho religion, the Peyote
cult is dominated by the men. In the meeting
I attended, women partook of the drug,
smoked the ritual cigarettes with which the
ceremony begins, and one woman did pray
and testify. But at no time did the women
present participate in the singing, accompany
any singer with the drum, or use one of tnt
ritual fans.
The Peyote cult, like Christianity, intro-
duces an ethical code backed by religion, but
it is clear that it does not constitute so great
a break with Navaho tradition as does Chris-
tianity. The emphasis in the latter on an after-
life, on an all-important Saviour returned from
the dead, and the equality of the sexes in per-
forming roles in the ritual are all radical de-
partures. They are so radical as to suggest that
in spite of the respectability and powerful
financial and political backing of the missions
and the almost opposite position of Peyote on
these counts, Peyote may well prove to be
the stronger and more successful contender of
the two for Navaho adherents.
ESTHETIC VALUES
IN NAVAHO, nizhoni (it is good, beauti-
ful) may be applied to an object of beauty
such as a piece of jewelry, to a good-looking
person, and, in the opinion of all but one of
my informants, to music. As Nat Nez said,
"You can tell if a thing is pretty with your
ear as well as by eye."
As applied to music, however, the "good"
and the "beautiful" in nizhoni do not seem to
be separable. This fact leads us at once into the
heart of Navaho musical esthetics. Music is so
much a part of religion, a religion that seeks
results through incantation, that it can hardly
be conceived of apart from its function. The
first question a Navaho asks about a song is
not "How does it sound?" but, "What is it
for?" Thus, when asked for reactions to
Spanish and "American" songs, the usual re-
sponse was:
I guess they're all right, but I don't know what they
mean.
I don't know much about them because I don't know
the words.1
It was almost impossible to get any inform-
ant started on a discussion of the esthetic
desiderata in music (what is a good tone, what
is my favorite instrument, etc.). The main
reason seemed to be that in the organic Navaho
world-view these qualities are not perceived
as independent of total function.2
The linguistic barrier, of course, is most
frustrating when it comes to subtle nuances of
meaning. It was fortunate that my interpreter,
Jim Chamiso, had an interest in language which
was, as he said, "scientific." He delighted in
long discussions of minute shades of meaning.
We worked for many hours over the phrasing
of the questionnaire on music, and he was
careful to ask a given question the same way
with all informants. This was a valuable aid to
1 Another root which conveys both moral and
esthetic meaning is hozhg-: hdzhggni — "beauty"
(actually untranslatable). "It includes all that man de-
sires; well-being, success, good health, good luck,
happiness, peace, goodness, prosperity, wealth, safety,
normality. This short word embraces also the idea
that these things have been brought about by super-
my understanding of what was being said, and
since I had the questions by me in English and
in Navaho, it was a check on the tendency of
even the best interpreters to suggest answers
when asking the questions.
The key question on esthetic judgment was:
hafeegilah sin beeh ni zhonldh
where abouts song make pretty?
i.e., "What is it about a song that makes it
sound pretty?" A classic reply expressing the
conservative Navaho view as to what consti-
tutes beauty in music was given by Paul Mario.
It's songs like the Lightning Way and some of the
songs in the Blessing Way that are most beautiful.
It's good for the patient and makes him well. If it's
worthwhile it's beautiful. You could never say skip
dance songs are beautiful.
Other similar responses were:
Some songs in the Blessing Way are about the only
ones that have a beauty. They help you to receive
goods; they raise up the hope for things in some-
body's mind. (Johnny Blanco)
That song's a good one as long as it's not a song
with no meaning. (Helen Chamiso)
I like Army songs because they saved the country.
(Alice Mario)
A mixture of the functional with the esthetic,
in the sense of Fart pour Tart, was also not un-
common. Johnny Blanco's response was:
Yes, I like the ones that have a nice tune. When
you hear a nice tune that makes you happy. The
songs I don't like are ones that are just short and
don't mean anything.
A reply in a similar vein by Annie Mucho
was:
I just feel someway. It sound pretty. I just wish
I could sing that song. ... A pretty sound is one
that makes you happy.
natural control .... represents all the good attain-
able by man with every means at his disposal, natural
as well as supernatural." (Reichard, 1944, pp. 32-33;
see also Kluckhohn, 1949, pp. 368-69.)
2 For a definitive statement on the functional
nature of Navaho religion, see Kluckhohn, 1942, pp.
68 ff.
71
72
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
There can be little doubt, then, of the im-
portance of the functional in the esthetic judg-
ments of many of my informants. The value
here seems to be "Beauty is that which does
something," and there is a corollary which
may relate to the fear of misuse discussed
above: "The good (beautiful) is the correctly
performed."
But this picture is not the whole truth con-
cerning Navaho musical esthetics as I found
them. There was an unmistakable difference
between the attitudes of older informants
(and conservative Navahos in general) and
those of certain younger men. This differ-
ence was clear in discussion, and it showed
itself in musical behavior as well. Some of these
younger men made statements about what con-
stitutes beauty in music in which considerations
of use or purpose did not appear.
A nice tune is when it's not too rough. (Nat Nez)
Some songs are prettier than others according to
the voice of the fellow, and he's singing it right.
(Louis Gordo)
Skip dance songs seemed to be at the center of
the difference in attitude. These informants
expressed a preference for skip dance songs
where conservative Navahos condemned these
songs.
Yes, there is one kind of song that makes me angry
when I hear it: skip dance songs. (Why?) They are
not really Navaho. They come from another tribe,
and they are sung with the tone of those people. Our
young men have picked it up and tried to make it
good but all the time it is worse. (Asdza Mucho)
(Do you really think Squaw Dance songs are
pretty?) Yes, the really important ones are. You can
sing those anywhere; some other kinds you can't
sing until the cold weather comes. ... In the old
times, they just sang the real sacred songs. Now, a
few years back, they started making up new ones.
. . . Nowadays they change the words a lot and
spoil the whole thing. Now they don't do it right.
. . . The dance songs3 are going out now. They
want more skip dance songs now. We used to sing
dance songs a lot for children in those days. These
were sacred songs during the time at Fort Sumner
and the Squaw Dance was sacred. They only gave
special songs. Now they do it any old way. That's
why Americans think we just holler any old way.
. . . The songs today are mostly made-up songs;
3 Eddie Cochise refers to the sway songs that used
to go with trotting dance steps as distinguished from
they used to be special. Now there are lots of new
ones. (Eddie Cochise)
There are indications that the Navahos are
moving at present toward the development of
a new set of values in music. It is my opinion
that the process of secularization is beginning
to move up the scale of danger. As this hap-
pens, more and more of the music loses the
heavy emotional charge it once carried. Sway
songs are no longer considered sacred in the
way Eddie Cochise described them. Many ob-
servers note that the Squaw Dance is now prin-
cipally a social occasion. This is confirmed by
Paul Mario's statement:
I don't do much singing; I like to listen. Some-
times I sing at Squaw Dances. I went to Willow
Fence and tried to sing but the drunks were spoiling
the singing. I liked our own songs for a long time but
it's kind of hard now. It looks like everything is going
wrong now with those things.
Kluckhohn and Leighton note this change in
emphasis,4 and the speech of the Salceda dele-
gation cited on page 13 highly relevant to
this point. A new demand is being made on
music. To command interest it must be pleas-
ing in a more "sensate" way than before. That
element of the "purely" esthetic (in our sense)
which was present, perhaps, but subordinated
in the functional phase of Navaho music is
now coming to the foreground.
When I could not start esthetic discussion
by more or less indirect questioning, I sug-
gested differences in the way certain types of
song sound. By singing a few bars of chant
music and then a few bars of Squaw Dance or
Yeibichai music and indicating verbally, and
with gestures, the difference between the
slightly varied melodic line of the former and
the highly varied rise and fall of the latter, I
was able, of course, to make clear one of the
distinctions of sound that I had in mind. I then
asked my informants if they had a preference
for one or the other type of melodic line as
such. Nearly everybody preferred high to low
pitch, but there was a division again between
some of the young men and the others on the
question of variability in the melodic line.
Two quotations will illustrate the functional
the skip dance songs.
4 Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, pp. 162-63.
ESTHETIC VALUES
73
conservative and the esthetic "modern" view-
points:
I like it better when it goes along level; then I
know it's a holy song. (Helen Chamiso)
Yes, they sing more fancy now. If you use only
one tone it sounds kind of plain. (Nat Nez)
The difference between the old and the new
in Navaho musical esthetics is not merely one
of a choice in types of songs. There is also a
difference in the theory and practice of vocal
technique. For the traditional Navaho, sing-
ing is a sacred act that must be done correctly.
The emphasis is on preparation and training.
Endurance is important since the singing goes
on all night and must be sustained if the cere-
mony is to be a success.
The older folks told girls and also boys to get up
earlv before dawn. Then their voices would be good.
If you are single you have a good voice: when you
get married the voice changes. Now we don't talk
that way to our children. . . . (He sings some Moc-
casin Game songs.) Those are rare songs. I'll teach
you those for a dollar an hour. It takes a whole day
to learn one of those, or we should get together in
the night, that's the way you should learn a song. . . .
(How do you get a good voice?) The way I
learned, when you start to be a medicine man they
do something to you so that your voice never changes
(never gets tired). They have a little ceremonial.
You swallow some turquoise and then your voice
will never change, it will always be good. ... If you
expect to have a good high voice you have to do some-
thing about it. If you hear of a dance, a Yeibichai or
Squaw Dance, there's a plant you should get. You
boil it and drink it and then go in the sweat house
and take a steam bath. You put certain weeds on the
hot rocks. You should vomit and that makes you
lively and gives you a good voice. Those are the
people who have a good voice at the sings.
(Can you give me the names of those plants?) That
plant, I'm not supposed to tell. It will cost you a lot;
you have to pay for it. It would cost about fifty
dollars. It gives you a good physic and you throw
up. It cleans you all out. (Eddie Cochise)
The new style of singing seems designed to
attract attention to the singer rather than to
last through a night of ritual obligation. The
voice is forced up incredibly high and is em-
bellished with a pronounced nasality and an
elaborate vibrato. It is a style designed for
show rather than endurance. My observation
was that these features were most pronounced
in the singing of the younger men, and that
it was the middle-aged men who carried the
burden of the singing in the small hours of
the morning. A number of informants cor-
roborated this:
It's the young boys that sing up high. We older
people change it back and start low again. . . . The
young boys get tired by morning. They're supposed
to be such good singers but it's just at the beginning
when they do a lot of yelling. (Bill Begay)
[Have you heard that (nasal) kind of singing?]
Yes, thev started that a few years ago, and all took
it up. (Why?) They do it to make the songs sound
funny. . . . It's the young people showing off in a
crazy way. (Helen Chamiso)
When you sing high it's hard work. Some of them
give out. Not all of them use that (nasal tone).
Some use just high tones. Some use the voice with
the nose but it's not so good. Too much nose is bad.
They didn't do that so much in the old days. Now
the young men do the singing and then don't do it
right. They don't give the older folks a chance so
they just quit. In the sway singing they are grabbing
the song. Maybe three start at once. Some go all
the way to the end. (Paul Mario)
Some young fellows raise it up that way. Then
they get tired and they have to come down lower
and rest. (Johnny Blanco)
Some people just sing like that. . . . We want to
sing high all the time and then we run out of voice.
(Louis Gordo)
A CONSTRUCT OF NAVAHO MUSICAL ESTHETICS
Though it would be difficult, if not impos-
sible, to find a Navaho who could outline a set
of esthetic standards as regards music, there
are, nevertheless, distinctive Navaho ways of
singing. There are definite standards in
practice. The following "principles" of Nava-
ho music are derived from the material simply
by observing consistencies in musical style.
Tonality
Tonality should be consistent. A particular
song should not change key while it is being
sung, and a group of songs should be in the
same key. However, unintentional off key
singing is not ridiculed.
74
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
Voice Production
A good voice is somewhat nasal, the vibrato
is rather wide; the voice should be as high as
possible, it should be capable of sharp empha-
ses, and there should be an easy and powerful
falsetto. As mentioned above, all of these fea-
tures are more pronounced in younger singers.
They are also more pronounced in public than
in private singing. In the former situation
where there is the factor of display and, in
some cases, active competition as well as the
support of the group in which the singing
takes place, many Navahos throw off the shy,
retiring appearance which is so characteristic
in everyday behavior. Outside this clearly de-
fined singing situation, the Navaho style of
vocal technique is much more subdued. Only
a few unusually "extrovert" individuals could
be persuaded to sing out with full gusto when
making records.
An interesting side note on voice production
is a mannerism Navahos share with a good
many American professional singers I have
observed in rehearsal. It is possible, if one
places a hand over the ear when singing, to
hear very clearly the inner workings of the
resonances within one's own head. In my ex-
perience at Navaho singing functions, I saw
a number of singers who habitually covered
one ear while singing. In some cases, these
seemed to be leaders in the group, men who
knew many songs, and, in the case of Enemy
Way singing, were the men who most often
led off with the new songs. In every Enemy
Way I attended, I saw one or two men who
used this technique.
The boy, my younger brother, sang all the time,
all kinds of songs. He used to tell me how the singers
sang. He'd sit down, fix up something for a rattle,
and say, "This is the way the singer starts." He'd
straighten himself up, put one hand below his ears
and start to shake the rattle. Then he'd sing, he'd
commence with, Hey, Yey! "This is the way the
singer starts his songs," he'd say.5
Group Singing
A striking contrast may be drawn between
the discipline of Salceda group singing and the
wild freedom that characterizes group singing
among the Navahos. The latter perform a
song with a kind of extempore group artistry.
Not all the singers seem to know the song
equally well, nor do they all seem to be sing-
ing exactly the same version of the song. The
strongest voices determine the song to be sung
next and the version to be used, but there is
always a trailing edge of "error" (perhaps
"variation" is a better word since nobody
seems to be distressed by this). The impres-
sion is of a group of individualists who tune
their differences to each other at the moment
of singing in a dynamically creative way which
is very hard to describe.
The Salcedanos, even in the Comanche
Dance music, which is somewhat analogous to
the social music of the Enemy Way, or in the
social dance music which they call "Squaw
Dance," show an impressive uniformity as a
singing group. As a result of intensive re-
hearsal in the kivas, every man knows the song
very well indeed, and all know it in a stand-
ard version. The phrasing and periods of all
singers coincide in a manner reminiscent of a
trained choir in the Western European tradi-
tion. Even the Yeibichai songs, which the
Navahos do compose and rehearse for the oc-
casion, show no such uniformity as the "Yei-
bichai" singing (and dancing) which the
Salcedanos do in imitation of the Navahos on
the morning after their mid-winter festival.
Rhythm
Navaho rhythms are characteristically fluid.
The syncopations, the interrupted double beat,
and the intricate variations in beat from one
measure to the next evoke a gratified rhythmic
motor response from native listeners. It seems
that the rhythm is not a steady background
for the melody, as in the case of most Western
European music, but is as keenly perceived as
melody for its combinations and permutations.
In the chant music where the melody may be
limited to two or three notes, the rhythm may
be even more complex.
Tempo
All the Navaho music I have heard has been
fast. There seems to be no largo in the scheme
3Dyk, 1938, pp. 99-100.
ESTHETIC VALUES
75
of the Navaho esthetic. Moreover, the note
values are strikingly limited. If the most fre-
quent value is indicated as a quarter note, one
finds that quarters and eighths predominate
overwhelmingly. Occassionally one hears a
figure such as a dotted quarter followed by a
sixteenth or the eighth divided into two six-
teenths, but this is virtually all. This situation
for the entire musical literature of a culture is
extraordinary. It is not unusual to find restric-
tions in note values for a particular kind of
music, as the music of a specific ceremony,6
but for all kinds of music within the culture to
be so similar in this respect is so odd as to start
one guessing for the reason.
It is tempting to think of this speed and re-
striction of note values as an expression of the
Navaho value on action and motion.1 Another
e McAllester, 1949, pp. 78-79.
'Astrov, 1950.
thought is that Navaho music in general may
be dominated by the chants, and that prosodic
rhythms and speeds have carried over into the
vocables of music where extended texts are
lacking.
Melodic Line
Except in chant singing, the melodic line in
Navaho music tends to start high and move
down, often over the course of an octave.
Von Hornbostel has explained this direction
of movement as the natural result of losing
air in the lungs. As one breathes out in sing-
ing, it becomes increasingly difficult to sustain
high notes, and so the result of any prolonged
vocalization is likely to be a downward trend
in melody.8
8 Von Hornbostel, 1928, p. 34.
SOME OTHER CULTURAL VALUES
COMPETITION
OPEN competition is not often expressed
as a value in Navaho culture. One rarely
sees one individual obviously pushing ahead of
another or boasting of surpassing a competi-
tor. The fear of retaliation by witchcraft or
of being accused of witchcraft as a result of
a too conspicuous success seems to be one ex-
planation.1 In personal interactions under
normal conditions, Navahos stress easy going
friendly relations. There is little drive to
"keep up with the Joneses," so little that
neighboring white Americans often speak of
Navahos as typically "lazy" or "not ambi-
tious." In certain areas of Navaho musical be-
havior, however, there are two kinds of ex-
plicit competition: competition between age
groups and competition between localities.2
Competition between age groups centers
around singing techniques, endurance, and
repertoire. Older people remark that young
men think they can sing better than their elders
and point to the "fancy" techniques the young
men employ such as extremes in falsetto and
nasality. The older people are admittedly
less able to employ a virtuosic vocal technique,
but they go on to say that this is merely a
matter of display. They point out that the
steady endurance necessary for the night-long
performance of sway singing in the Enemy
Way is incompatible with such strenuous
vocalization.
We're still singing when these young fellows go to
sleep somewhere. (Bill Begay)
In sway singing as one song suggests an-
other, there is also competition in the matter of
repertoire. As described in Part I of this paper,
there are two groups facing each other. The
two sides take turns singing. That side which
can muster the greatest number of different
songs and get through the night with the few-
est repetitions, of their own or the other side's
songs, feels a significant edge of accomplish-
'Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, pp. 177-79.
ment. Another kind of competition where
repertoire is concerned is like the game of
"capping" quotations. Certain songs are sup-
posed to be followed by specific companion
pieces (song no. 4 by song no. 5, for example),
and it is up to the opposite side to recognize
and meet the challenge when the first in one
of these pairs is sung. In this kind of competi-
tion, the younger singers may have an advan-
tage in being au c our ant with the newer songs,
but it is more than outweighed by the advan-
tage of the older singers' larger repertoire,
and the fact that older songs command greater
prestige.
1 have seen the singers clearly divided into
younger and older groups, but this was unu-
sual. The competition may still be there in an-
other form when younger and older men are
singing together on the same side. A good
deal of assertion is required to launch each
song as the initiative alternates from side to
side. A singer who wishes to "call" the next
song must be ready to break in with a loud
voice on the last few bars of the song that is
just finishing and be able to carry his group
along with him. Not infrequently, two or
more songs are thus started simultaneously, and
somebody has to yield before hopeless con-
fusion ensues. A person with a loud voice is
undoubtedly in a better position in this sort of
competition.
Informants agree that competition in song-
calling fades as the night progresses, and this
has been my observation as well. I saw two
bad nights of singing where only a few voices
were left by dawn, and it seemed as though
the reservoir of fresh songs was entirely ex-
hausted. On one of these nights, an announcer
urged more men to come out and join the
singing and stressed the importance of keeping
it up undiminished all night.
Competition between localities is recog-
nized by the Navahos as being one of the fea-
2 Guernsey, 1920, p. 304.
76
SOME OTHER CULTURAL VALUES
77
tures that adds zest to the sway singing. Often
the stick receiver's camp will make up one
side of the singing group, and the patient's
camp will make up the other. The texts of the
songs are sometimes altered impromptu to an-
noy the singers on the opposing side. Thus
I was told that a team made up largely of men
from Big Reeds sang a song about Blue
Springs people liking girls with "bushy hair"
(waved, or permanent hair-do) when there
were several Blue Springs men on the other
side. The result was "almost a fight." An-
other instance was an Enemy Way at the
camp of Eddie Cochise near Rimrock in 1950.
One of the songs was reworded to contain an
uncomplimentary reference to the women of
Shallow Water. The locality of the dance was
mentioned, and since the reference could only
have been to Eddie Cochise's wives, he broke
up the singing until an apology had been made.
Competition between teams of singers is
more formally expressed in Yeibichai singing.
There the different groups of performers in
the masked dancing are almost always young
men from a particular locality who have met
and rehearsed for the occasion and who hope
to win a prize (sometimes a sheep) for the
best singing, dancing, costumes, and clowning.
I was present at the sixth night of a Night Way
at Pine Valley and was able to learn which
group (Crown Point, Big Reeds, etc.), was
singing at any given time and, at the end,
which group was considered to have done
best.
Open expressions of hostility are a common-
place at Navaho gatherings if any considerable
amount of drinking has gone on. Toward
dawn on the seventh night of the Night Way
just mentioned, a relative of the patient, an
elderly man of officious deportment, made the
rounds criticizing the whole program of
masked dancing and saying that there had not
been enough to make it a good ceremony. He
proclaimed this opinion in a loud "an-
nouncer's" voice and was roundly criticized
in turn by many of the onlookers. Several
shouted back abusively and said that it was up
to the family of the patient to provide plenty
of dancers. On this occasion the usual Navaho
circumspection was lacking. Charges and
countercharges were freely shouted back and
forth.
The only open hostility shown me by any
Navaho occurred on this same night. A tall
young man, very drunk, came up with a men-
acing air and, standing very close, began to
ask in a loud voice, "Where are you from, my
friend?" He kept this up in an increasingly
unfriendly manner until he was pushed away
by some other Navahos. The whole incident
was phrased in terms of locality.
SELF-EXPRESSION
One of the most characteristic features in
Navaho behavior is a guarded quietness and
reticence, one might say a lack of boisterous
self-expression. Even in speech, the Navaho
scarcely opens his mouth: the jaws are barely
parted, the lips hardly move, and the tone is
pitched very low. The quiet key of Navaho
behavior is so general that one quickly ad-
justs to it and is hardly aware of it unless he
hears white Americans' laughter sounding out
strangely loud at a ceremony, or hears an oc-
casional startlingly loudmouthed Navaho.
In mv observation the only general excep-
tions to this quietness are when Navahos have
been drinking or when they are singing. The
social songs in Navaho life seem to provide,
for the men at least, a noisy release from the
prevailing subdued mode. There was a good
deal of drinking at the Enemy Ways and the
Night Way I attended, and it was my feeling
that this was particularly the case among the
singers. I had the impression that liquor was
an aid in removing the inhibitions that might
hamper singing out good and loud.
Almost the only noise was singing. Several
times during the Night Way I heard rowdy
parties of young men around the edges of the
dance ground and the circle of wagons and
trucks. They did not yell, however, but raised
their voices in a burlesque of the introductory
"hi hi hi hi, hu hu hu hu!" of the Yeibichai
songs.
Free composition is another kind of self-ex-
pression provided for in Navaho social music.
As far as I know, it is only in Yeibichai and
Squaw Dance music that free composition may
7»
take place. All other music is traditional and
must be carefully learned; moreover, it must
be accurately learned. In view of the Navaho
taboo system, it is not surprising to find that
free composition may take place only at the
bottom of the scale of danger, but this fact
places the "social" music of the Enemy Way
and the Night Way in a highly significant con-
text for Navaho values. This is the only music
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
around which feelings of creativity and social
prestige on the basis of creativity may be
ranged. These feelings are secular as far as
the Navahos are concerned. Evidence has al-
ready been presented which indicates that this
area in Navaho musical and psychological life
is assuming increasing importance in the whole
framework of Navaho cultural values.
NAVAHO QUIET
I should like to emphasize in this section the
habitually quiet behavior mentioned above in
contrast with the loudness and exuberance of
Navaho singing. I have been impressed at all
public occasions where I have seen large num-
bers of Navahos assembled, by the quiet and
order that prevailed. There were no catcalls,
no shouts, and not even any raised voices, ex-
cept for public announcements. The differ-
ence in pace between Navaho and white Amer-
ican gatherings of this sort is impressive. A
two-hour wait for the next event at a ceremony
or at a horserace aroused no public comment
in the former case, and very little in the latter.
People just waited quietly. The quietness was
equally striking in the fields at Carrot Flats
where several hundred Navahos worked in a
withdrawn hush, in marked contrast to the
noisy behavior of a group of Mexican laborers
working near by. A characterization reported
to me by M. S. Edmonson is apropos here. A
Salcedano informant told him he could always
tell Navaho girls from Salcedano girls even at
school where they were dressed the same. The
clue was "that wild shy look" of the former.
Two recent studies provide interesting dis-
cussions of "Navaho quiet." One is an account
of an effort to unionize a group of Navahos
and the failure of that effort, partly because
the organizer made a good deal of effort to get
Navahos to boo and to shout "Don't go to
work!"
Had Harding been better informed or more sensi-
tive to Navaho ways, he would have realized that
Navahos never shout or behave in a noisy manner,
except when intoxicated.3
The other study is of a Navaho who, because
3 Streib, 1952, p. 28.
of his passive withdrawal in a difficult situa-
tion, was diagnosed as a catatonic schizo-
phrenic. The suggestion is made that there may
be a cultural reason for the fact that an im-
pressive majority of Navaho mental cases are
diagnosed as various forms of withdrawn
schizophrenia.4
The behavior of Navaho children is instruc-
tive in this connection. Even in families I had
known for some time, the children were so shy
that they were not only not heard; they were
seldom seen. One of the words I heard most in
traveling with Navaho groups including chil-
dren, and in such Navaho family life as I ob-
served, was "sshsjaj" Addressed especially to
children and dogs, the word has a strong em-
phasis and a marked fricative effect in the
back of the throat on the "-a_aj" The expres-
sion seems to be somewhat the equivalent of
our "shush!" but contains more affect. In the
case of the children it was usually timed so as to
forestall any noise or exhibitionism and seemed
to be a very effective control.
The word is also used among adult Navahos
to attract attention. Here it has something of
the same force as our "hey!" but there is an
interesting difference. It is used when the per-
son being addressed has not noticed other ef-
forts to attract his attention and is beginning
to move out of range. It is thus nearly always
an "emergency" expression where our "hey!"
can be used in a greater variety of situations.
I was interested to hear "ssha^!" used by a
Spanish-American woman selling hamburgers
at the fair in the Indian town of Laguna, New
Mexico. Some Navahos she knew walked past
her booth without seeing her, and she recalled
them with this exclamation. I rarely heard
'Jewell, 1952, pp. 32-36.
SOME OTHER CULTURAL VALUES
79
Navahos yell. "SshaaJ," one of their most
urgent attention-getters is acoustically more of
a hiss than an outright yell in our sense of the
word.
It is my feeling that the effectiveness of
this expression in adult life is associated inti-
mately with its constant use on children and on
its congruence with a dominant theme in
Navaho childhood training and adult attitudes.
As phrased by Kluckhohn and Leighton, a
basic proposition in Navaho life is: "Be wary
of non-relatives." B Another is: "When in a
new and dangerous situation, do nothing." 6
A Navaho in a strange place or in a crisis may
seek safety by withdrawal into inaction and
silence.
Perhaps one of the basic reasons for this con-
stant repression of children is that until they
have "learned how," they are great potential
sources of error in a dangerous world that must
be handled properly to be safe.
MUSICAL KNOWLEDGE BRINGS PRESTIGE
Skill in all the ceremonial arts — singing, dancing,
making dry-paintings, telling stories — is highly
valued by The People. Experts are richly rewarded
in prestige as well as money, and not without reason.
Prodigious memory is demanded of the ceremonialist.
The Singer who knows one nine-night chant must
learn at least as much as a man who sets out to
memorize the whole of a Wagnerian opera: orchestral
score, every vocal part, all the details of the settings,
stage business, and each requirement of costume.
Some Singers know three or more long chants, as
well as various minor rites.7
There is prestige as well as safety in knowl-
edge. Most of my informants when asked
said they wanted their children to learn songs,
and the most common reason given was
". . . so they will know something. So they
will amount to something." Most of these in-
formants meant sacred songs when they said
this.
A frequent note in the narrative of Left
Handed underlines this impression of the im-
portance of music:
Then, when you learn about all these things, there's
a song for each one. Even though you know only
one song for each of them everything of yours will
be strong. Even if you have only one song for the
sheep you'll raise them, nothing will bother them,
nothing will happen to them, vou'll have them a long
time, the rest of your life. . . .
When you haven't a song for the sheep you may
raise them for two or three years, mavbe longer than
that, and you may have a lot, but those sheep will
not be strong. . . . Sickness will bother them, and
5 Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, p. 225.
8 Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, p. 226.
'Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, p. 163.
8Dyk, 1938, pp. 76-77.
they'll be dying off. Soon you'll have no more sheep.
. . . That is, when you haven't a song for them.8
I told you that I had a handful of things and that
you'd be that way sometime, but you'll have to have
a hard time first. You won't get this way just as soon
as you learn all the songs about them. You have to
work for all these things. . . . After you get all this
stuff you children will have everything."
And don't talk roughly, because you've learned
many songs and prayers. If you know the songs and
prayers you don't want to talk roughly. If you do you
won't get these things, because all the stocks and
properties will know that you'll be rough with them.
They'll be afraid and won't come to you. If you
think kindly and talk in the kindest manner then
they'll know you're a kind man, and then everything
will go to you.10
The day after my brother arrived we started herd-
ing together, and from there on we both went out
with the sheep every day. He surprised me. Even
though he was a small boy he knew a lot of songs.
I didn't know any kind of song. While I was out
herding with him he started singing, he was singing
Nda songs, and I wished that I knew some songs
also,
My boy, I'm getting worse and worse. I think I
won't live much longer, so you must learn some
songs and prayers about the horses and sheep, and
about the jewelry and the farms. If you learn some
songs and prayers about these things you'll be all
right later on when you get to be a man. . . . And
you'll live a long time and get old, if you learn some
of the songs to make one live long.12
"Dyk, 1938, p. 80.
10Dyk, 1938, p. 81.
11 Dyk, 1938, p. 99.
12 Dyk, 1938, p. 256.
8o
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
HUMOR
Willard W. Hill in his general study of
Navaho humor found that the social songs of
the Enemy Way were the chief source of song
humor. He notes that the humor ranged "from
the mildly ridiculous to out and out obscenity."
Dr. Hill's texts are similar to those in the dance
songs in the present collection.13
Many of the texts of the moccasin game
songs are humorous in much the same way. A
favorite song apparently known to all Navahos
is the following:
Wildcat is walking,
He runs down,
He gets his feet in the water,
He breaks wind,
"Wao, wao!" he says.
When Son of Bead Chant Singer recorded
this for me he was so amused he had difficulty
finishing the song, and his daughter laughed so
hard she had to sit down on the ground. The
first line of this song is enough to set the audi-
ence laughing in anticipation of what is to
come. There seem to be several versions of
this song current. Several other humorous
moccasin game texts are given below:
Chipmunk, can't drag it along,
He can't drag it along,
He holds back his ears.
The chipmunk was standing,
Jerking his feet.
He has stripes.
He is very short.
The mole heats his unvarnished bow staff;
I ram it up your rectum:
It shakes your diaphragm.
The turkey is dancing near the rocks,
His pelvis is spread out.
It makes you want to laugh.
The pinon jay has small feces (is childish)
He is empty (silly), he is empty.
Big rabbit, goes out to see his girl,
His urine, he urinates all around himself.
A few Navahos are skillful at composing
"Hill, 1943, p. 26.
"Hoijer (recorder), Creation Chant ms. songs
ridiculous or silly songs. Joseph used to do this
for his children, but I was never able to find
him in the right mood for recording some of
these songs. I did record a nonsense song that
was extemporized on the spot by John Hawk
who has a reputation as a humorous character
around Blue Springs.
My aunt,
Good looking man, my son-in-law,
Another will be, and will be,
He will hunt deer, deer he will kill,
He will bring meat,
We'll eat meat,
My aunt, my aunt,
Will you, please}
Will it happen? — they say.
The Indians who gathered around during this
performance were highly amused. I had many
requests then and later to play this record over,
and its fame grew with each playing. When
informants were asked what was so funny
about it, the usual response was "Oh, he just
made it up."
I did not discover any songs in which pun-
ning was deliberately used for comic effect,
but I recorded two instances in which Son of
Bead Chant Singer perceived puns in the texts
of sacred chants when he was recording them
and going over the translations. In the chant
listing the armament of the Twins he was
amused by the resemblance of the word "jag-
ged lightning" {hddhaditgo sung tsinahidilgi)
to "wagon" (tsmayei- — a version of tsinabqs).
The second instance was in the Wind Song
in the same series where the phrase "my foot-
steps," (binehddzid sung k'abinehodsidi)
sounded like "fear of lard," ('ak'a binehod-
zid.Y*
Beside being of a fun-loving temperament,
Son of Bead Chant Singer is a former cere-
monial practitioner who at the time of the
recording had recently embraced Christianity.
These factors might have led to his being some-
what more prone than the average Navaho to
see humorous connections in chant texts. The
practice in chant singing of altering words
59a and 64.
SOME OTHER CULTURAL VALUES
81
from their prose forms leads to versions of
words which the layman often cannot recog-
nize. In a language already well adapted to
punning, this alteration, which often includes
the addition of an extra syllable at the begin-
ning of the prose form of a word, would make
for an ideal punning situation.
Members of white American culture have re-
marked on the "innocent childlike" quality of
Navaho social behavior. Navahos laugh easily
for what often seems to a trader or an an-
thropologist slight cause. A principle source
of amusement seems to be any excursion into
the unusual. A word used in an unusual con-
text, a gesture in the wrong place, a song that
someone has "just made up," are all occasions
for much laughter. Perhaps the chief explana-
tion for this is that Navaho culture is specific:
departures from its norms are therefore keenly
felt. This can be demonstrated in musical be-
havior. There are many feelings of restriction
about what may or may not be sung and when.
The well-worn patterns handed down by the
elders are important. Departure from tradi-
tion is more heavily loaded with affect than it
is with white Americans; hence the laughter of
Navahos over matters that seem only slightly
amusing to us.
It is my feeling that Navaho humor has a
defensive quality. My interpreters were very
shy about speaking to strange Navahos. Jim
Chamiso, for instance, was my guide in a sur-
vey of the fields at Carrot Flats. It was our pur-
pose to interview some Navaho workers at
each of the carrot fields we visited. Jim would
typically walk long distances looking for some-
one he knew before asking questions, and we
sometimes drove through a slab shantytown
and out again with our questions unasked, be-
cause there were no acquaintances in sight.
When he did speak to strangers, or people he
had not seen in a long time, he often covered
his shyness with a comic air, speaking in a high
voice. Bill Begay used a falsetto giggle quite
unlike his natural laugh in similar situations.
This aspect of Navaho humor has a direct
bearing on the Navaho mistrust of strangers
and, indeed, seems to me to be an expression of
it. In a dangerous situation among strangers it
is safer to appear funny and harmless and,
above all, good-natured and amiable, than to
take chances of stepping on someone's toes.
By the same token, the humor must be directed
against oneself. Laughter should not be at the
expense of others, particularly strangers, but
with others at oneself.
In their humorous songs the Navahos do
make quips about others, but these are usually
phrased rather generally, as "you girls," or
"people from Fort Defiance." So far as I
know they are almost never personal. Dr. Hill,
in the reference cited above, is of the same
opinion. It is interesting that the moccasin
game songs which contain laughable remarks
about various animals and birds are sung only
after the first killing frost when it is safe. There
is a minimum of danger from retaliatory
lightning, snake bite, or damage to the crops
after this time of year.
WOMEN IN RELIGION
A cultural fact which is particularly striking
to the musicologist is the almost complete ex-
clusion of women from music. The most prob-
able explanation is that all Navaho music is
connected with religion, an area in which the
participation of women is limited. For exam-
ple, menstrual blood, which is very dangerous
in any context, is considered particularly dam-
aging to religious power.
As mentioned earlier, some women do not
sing at all, and most women know no music
beyond a few Squaw Dance songs. I have
seen only one woman singing at an Enemy
Way. She was so intoxicated that she had
difficulty in standing up, and it was apparent
that she did not know the songs at all well. The
men seemed to think it was funny but em-
barrassing having her among the sway singers.
This exclusion of women is said to be gradu-
ally breaking down. In recent years girls have
been known to stand near the sway singers
and join in the dance songs.
They stand near the boy they are interested in.
82
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
Sometimes they stand right in back of him and join
in the singing. The older people don't like this, but
that's the way it is now, since the war. (John Nez)
Nevertheless, the Navaho attitude may still be
stated: "Women have their own power, and
it is dangerous to holy power."
INDIVIDUALISM
In discussing Navaho song style I compared
their "individualistic" group singing with the
more strictly schooled singing of the Salce-
danos. The struggle that sometimes occurs be-
tween two or more men for ascendancy in
starting off new songs during the sway singing
is part of the same picture. There is no recog-
nized leader or authority in control. In the
same way there is no absolute dictum on what
may be done with music. One medicine man
may feel free to sing his songs to an anthropol-
ogist and another may not. "That's up to him,"
was the usual response when I asked a third
person for an opinion as to whether an in-
formant would be willing to discuss or record
certain kinds of songs. The point is that the
ceremony belongs to the individual who has
purchased and learned it.
The reaction of John Nez to Salceda disci-
pline when he was brought to trial there for
drunkenness at the 1950 mid-winter festival is
to the point:
Is this a free country? Well, down at that place
they seem to have a king or an emperor or some-
thing! They had me in court there, and that gov-
ernor there said I'd been drunk, and the fine was
twenty-five dollars. That's a lot of money. That's
how they support themselves over there: they get
people drunk and then they fine them like that! I
started to say something, and one of those Salceda
police stopped me. "Don't speak to the governor un-
less he gives you permission to," he said. Well, that
made me sore. I was going to speak anywav, and that
police said to me, "If you speak he will double the
fine."
PROVINCIALISM
The Navahos were very curious to hear
"foreign" music. They were most interested
in hearing songs from other Indian tribes, but
Navahos in the Rimrock area were also much
interested in hearing A-lexican songs, and the
young men who had been soldiers in Italy,
France, and Germany asked repeatedly for
songs from those countries. But except for
some of the more devout Christians who knew
a number of hymns translated into Navaho
and who taught some of these to their children,
I found few who could sing anything but
Navaho music. Even the young people who
had been to school and had learned such
songs as "Jingle Bells," or "The Caissons Are
Rolling Along," did not sing them when they
got home. All but the names were soon for-
gotten. Two exceptions were Jim Chamiso
who worked very hard to learn European
scales in his interest to become a good hymn
singer, and John Nez who worked for over
a month, without much success, trying; to
learn a French song so that, as he put it:
I'll be one Navaho that knows how to sing a French
song. Boy, that will surprise those other anthropolo-
gists when I just start to sing that, one day.
The one exception to this seems to be in the
dance songs of the Enemy Way where Eng-
lish and Apache words and Apache musical
forms may be borrowed.
In contrast to the general Navaho "pro-
vincialism," Salcedanos sing a great deal of
music learned in school and from other tribes.
Comanche and other Plains songs are incor-
porated into parts of their ritual as are songs
from Acoma, Laguna, Santo Domingo, and
the Hopi villages, to name merely a few. Many
of these contain words or entire texts in the
original languages. Though I met no Navahos
who could sing Salcedano music, the Salce-
danos sing Navaho corn grinding songs in the
Navaho language in the mid-winter festival,
and they do a Yeibichai dance in full Navaho
costume as mentioned above. One gets a
strong; feeling; of the Salcedano delight in the
SOME OTHER CULTURAL VALUES
esoteric in music: I traveled with a group of
Salcedanos who quickly picked up by ear all
the sway songs I knew. The favorite song of
one of my Salcedano informants was "Clem-
entine," which he asked me to record for him
to keep, and his father's favorite songs were
Winnebago love songs, sung partly in Winne-
bago and partly in English.
The only non-native musical instrument I
encountered among the Navahos I visited was
an occasional harmonica. (There was also one
radio.) I also heard of a Mission Navaho near
Railtown who played the accordion. This sit-
uation may be contrasted with the Salcedanos
who for some years have had a highly organ-
ized Salceda Band, a full band with a conduc-
tor, which performs professionally at the Rail-
town Ceremonials and at similar occasions all
over the Southwest. Some of the players were
good enough by white American standards to
have key positions on the Railtown civic or-
chestra durincr its brief career.
Perhaps the peak of musical heterodoxy
among the Salcedanos was reached by Helen
James, a Cherokee who met a Salcedano at an
Indian show, married him, and has lived at Sal-
ceda Pueblo between shows for many years.
She composed a "Salceda Lullaby" that might
have come from the pen of Charles Wakefield
Cadman. In her extensive travels in Indian
shows she learned what whites expect Indian
music to be like, and she composed the song to
fit this pattern. With Salcedano and English
83
words it is almost completely un-Indian, mu-
sically and textually. It is a well-nigh perfect
imitation of a white imitation of an Indian
song:
Ya'elu itona
Eya 'elu yo henia, henia, henia,
Weya'a hena.
Go to sleep my wee flower,
Go to sleep my sweet,
Close your eyes and sleep, dear,
Mother watches you till the morning dawns.11
The operation of selection in the process of
diffusion has an important bearing on the
study of cultural values. The fact that the
Salcedanos draw so freely from other cultures
in their music and that the Navahos do not,
points out significant differences in the religi-
ous feeling of the two cultures. The Salcedanos
are cosmopolitan and are stimulated by their
religious music on a conscious esthetic level.
Though Salcedano ceremonialism also operates
on very much of a magico-functional plane,
the "pure" esthetic aspect is much more highly
developed than it is with the Navahos. The
Navahos, by contrast, are unsophisticated
traditionalists. The chant music is almost en-
tirely handed down, and there is a strong
feeling that it should be preserved with
painstaking exactness. Words and melody
alike are magic, heavily loaded with power;
they must not be tampered with.
FORMALISM
A theme which has been mentioned so often
in this paper as to merit a special place here
is Navaho formalism. The meticulous punc-
tilio which is so much a part of Navaho ritual
carries over not only into the use of music
but into its form as well.
An outstanding feature of the music in this
culture is the large number of conventions
employed. The sacred chants use special kinds
of introductions, codas and endings, special
kinds of distortions of words, and special pat-
a I cannot resist the temptation to compare this
with a more typical Salcedano lullaby:
My boy,
Little cottontail,
terns of repetition in text and melody.16 In
the social songs of the Enemy Way we also
find introductions, internal codas, and closing
formulae rather rigidly prescribed by the kind
of song being used. (See, for example, page
57-)
In the chants, the songs follow one another
in a prescribed order. They serve as a re-
minder of the myth that is the ultimate source
of the ceremony, and they indicate the mo-
ment in the ceremony when fixed ritual acts
Little jackrabbit,
Little rat.
"McAllester in Wheelwright, 1951
pp. 33-38.
84
should be performed. In the social part of the
Enemy Way, this kind of formalism is also
present. Certain songs are used as signals for
the beginning of the singing, the circle danc-
ing, the social dancing, the return to sway
singing, and the end of the singing at dawn.
The formality in the structure of Navaho
music and the formality in its use provide us
with an insight to certain important cultural
values. The fear of misuse of dangerous power
was discussed on pages 64-67 and was related
to the Navaho emphasis on preparation, train-
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
ing, and correct procedure in religious be-
havior. What the analysis of the social music
in the Enemy Way adds to this is the sug-
gestion that a "defensive" formalism extends
into certain aspects of non-religious life as
well. Although it is impossible to say that
any music in Navaho life is completely non-
religious, we still find at the most nearly secular
level a love song, a teasing song, or a jesting
song, freely composed without restrictions of
performance, but nevertheless limited by a
stylism equal to that of chant forms.
MUSIC AS AN AID TO RAPPORT -IN FIELD WORK
An ever-present problem for the field
worker is establishing good relations with his
informants. I have found the exchange of
songs, the discussion of their meaning, and
the appreciation of music in general to be an
excellent avenue of approach to this problem
in several cultures; it was no less true among
the Navahos.
In the first place, the role of the field worker
is defined in terms that nearly every culture
can understand. There seems to be something
more acceptable about a stranger who wants
to learn songs than about one who wants to
know how long babies are nursed. Among the
Navahos, I was accused, jokingly, of wanting
to become a ceremonial practitioner, the usual
goal of someone learning songs. It seemed to
work in my favor that I was there to learn,
that I respected an aspect of Navaho life usu-
ally ignored or laughed at, and was willing
to teach songs in return.
I transcribed some Squaw Dance songs
within a few days of making my first records
and was thus able to learn them accurately,
though I was never able to achieve more than
a poor imitation of Navaho vocal style.
Nevertheless, the effect of my effort was more
than I had hoped. I was apparently the first
non-Indian in this region to be able to sing
more than a few bars of Navaho music; exag-
gerated accounts of my virtuosity conflicted
with a strong disbelief that any outsider could
sing like a Navaho. My informants were much
interested in songs from other Indian tribes,
and more than once, after singing some of
these, I was asked if I was really a white
man, though I have a light complexion and
blue eyes.
I found music very helpful when I made
contact, without sponsor or interpreter of any
sort, with a group of Navahos near Window
Rock where I hoped to be able to attend a
Peyote meeting. For several hours before the
meeting began there was no English-speaking
Navaho present, and the only communication
I had was in the form of exchanging Peyote
songs. When the meeting began, the leader
was not very eager to have me there, and it
was only by statements of sincere interest on
my part and the fact that I already seemed to
know a good deal about Peyote and could
sing Peyote songs that I was allowed to re-
main.
From a discussion of music one can move by
easy stages into almost any other area of cul-
tural investigation. Almost any line of human
behavior is crossed at some point by music.
With the Navahos, such seemingly remote
subjects as attitudes toward property, propa-
gation of live stock, and the nature of taboo
came to the fore in connection with music;
sometimes I found informants who were so
reserved that it seemed as though no inter-
view at all were going to take place, but who
became interested and accessible when the
topic was music.
SOME OTHER CULTURAL VALUES 85
Music has been made unnecessarily a spe- ethnologist even if he is not a musician; even
cialist's field in ethnology. A few songs from very imperfect renderings of native music
almost any culture can easily be learned by the can do much in establishing rapport.
A SUMMARY IN TERMS OF EXISTENTIAL AND
NORMATIVE VALUES
PART II of this paper has been a study of
Navaho values as revealed in attitudes and
practices related to music. A summary fol-
lows in the form of statements of "facts" as
the Navahos see them ("is" statements —
existential values), and corollaries to these
"facts," ("should" statements — normative
values). (See pp. 4-6.) The normative state-
ments are statements of the accepted, the de-
sirable. Certain statements of the desired, in
opposition to accepted norms and thus indica-
tive of changing values, appear at the end of
each section but the last.
WHAT MUSIC IS
Our value-orientations with respect to music
are primarily ranged about the area of the
esthetic. Those of the Navahos are largely
functional. In this area, what is allowed and
what is not allowed becomes of crucial im-
portance; the study of this aspect of music
reveals an interesting gradation of taboo in
Navaho culture. (See pp. 63-64.)
1. Music is primarily a means of protection and con-
trol, related to the supernatural; therefore (most)
music is powerful and may be dangerous if mis-
used.
a) A man should know many songs.
b) One should sing the right music, the right way,
at the right time.
c) One should prepare oneself before singing; one
should use certain songs only if the privilege
has been earned.
d) Women should not deal with music. In general
only the Squaw Dance songs are safe for them.
But: Women ought to have more to do with re-
ligion and the music of religion.
THE ESTHETIC
Uart pour I'art, the separation of the beauti-
ful from the moral, the proper, is an attitude
just beginning to emerge in Navaho values. A
conflict is discernible between the values of
some of the more acculturated young people
and the conservative members of the group.
2. The beautiful is the good: morals and esthetics are
not separable,
a) A pretty song should do something for you.
b) Young people should not make so much of those
worthless (skip dance) songs.
c) "Sings" should be kept holy. ". . . the drunks
were spoiling the singing."
But: "Some songs are prettier than others accord-
ing to the voice of the fellow."
"A nice tune is when it's not too rough."
"A construct of Navaho musical esthetics."
(See pp. 73-75 above.)
NAVAHO QUIET
The atmosphere at Navaho public gather-
ings and in Navaho private life is one of re-
straint, caution, and reserve. Self-expression
and self-display are played down; but one gets
the feeling that the social occasion of the
Enemy Way is a time when inhibitions may
be released. Frequently there is drinking and
fighting at other ceremonials as well, but the
Enemy Way, in its public singing, offers
socially approved avenues for self-expression,
teasing, competition, and even aggression.
86
A SUMMARY IN TERMS OF EXISTENTIAL AND NORMATIVE VALUES
others, especially strangers.
87
. A proper man is quiet, does not push ahead of
others, but in Squaw Dance singing it is different.
a) One should be patient.
b) One should be quiet.
c) One should be careful not to upset or annoy
Bat: You can cut loose in Squaw Dance singing.
You should be good at endurance, invention,
and learning; your outfit should be able to
out-sing the men from another locality.
NAVAHO HUMOR
The "simple, childlike" quality of much
Navaho humor may be a result, at least in
part, of the formality of this culture. Where
much behavior is carefully prescribed, simple
deviations become highly amusing. Such devi-
ations may take the form of a pun, an unusual
grammatical usage, or misusage, a comical
"made up" song (usually patterned on sway
song style), a ridiculous situation, somebody's
embarrassment, or the suggestion or descrip-
tion of improper behavior (ribaldry or ob-
scenity). I was also impressed by a defensive
quality in Navaho humor in which one took
the onus of the joke on oneself rather than
taking the risk of offending others, especially
strangers.
4. The unusual, the awkward, the improper, are
funny.
a) One ought to talk, sing, walk, ride, etc., cor-
rectly.
b) One ought not to take chances by poking fun
at others.
But: It is fun to be foolish sometimes, and it is good
to laugh.
INDIVIDUALISM
The Navahos have never been a highly or-
ganized group. An informal "What will the
neighbors think?" has been one of the strong-
est social sanctions. Authority has traditionally
rested in the family or extended family group,
a situation which usually gives the individual
a maximum of personal autonomy. In owner-
ship of property, which includes possession of
songs or ceremonial knowledge, and even in
manner of singing, Navaho individualism is
clearly expressed.
5. What one does with one's property, knowledge,
songs, is one's own affair.
But: No man should act "as though he had no
family." *
PROVINCIALISM
Kluckhohn and Leighton have commented
on how the bulk of Navaho material culture
today shows European derivation or influ-
ence while their way of life and religion are
much less altered.2 Music is certainly an area
of profound conservatism. While the Pueblo
groups all around the Navahos borrow music
freely from each other, from the whites, and
from the Navahos, the latter do not follow suit.
The fact that the music is largely religious
may account for this difference, but if so, the
attitude in religion itself is different. The
Pueblos borrow largely in secular music such
as love songs and social dance songs, but a
great deal of sacred music is borrowed as well.
6. Foreign music is dangerous (see 1, d above) and
not for Navahos.
But: a) The Peyote cult and its music may be the
real Indian religion. (Not the feeling in
the Rimrock-Willow Fence area.)
b) Young people are beginning to like songs
that "sound different."
'Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, p. 220.
'■ Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, p. 28.
88
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
FORMALISM
The protective formalism with which the
Navaho surrounds himself is clearly expressed
in his music. From the most sacred chants to
the most nearly secular level of humorous and
teasing songs there is an all-pervading stylism.
7. There is a right way to sing every kind of song.
a) Chant songs should be sung with an introduc-
tion, an introductory chorus, a series of burdens,
etc.
b) Sway songs, dance songs, circle dance songs,
and gift songs all have their characteristic struc-
tural features.
DISCUSSION
In a musicologically oriented study of
values, not every culture would yield as rich
a harvest as does that of the Navahos. The
complex ceremonialism which is ever-present
in Navaho thinking is closely associated with
music throughout, both in attitude and in
performance. But the limitations on per-
formance, and on the kinds of music used,
are equally significant from the point of view
of values. The virtual exclusion of women and
children from all but Squaw Dance singing3
is a case in point. Even lullabies seem to be
very rare. Though song number 25 (a skip
dance song) and presumably many other
Squaw Dance songs as well, could be used for
lullabies, the fact is that all female informants
when asked said they did not know any them-
selves nor did they know of any other women
who did.
My feeling is that music, for the Navahos,
is so closely identified with ceremonialism
that many non-ceremonial uses for music have
been sharply limited. There is evidence for
the obsolescence of work songs. Rhodes
speaks of weaving, spinning, and corn-grind-
ing songs as rare on the reservation: they are
no longer used at all in the Rimrock-Willow
Fence area, though the Salcedanos still sing
3 Some male children may know Blessing Way
songs and sing these in a social context, and a few
women past the menopause have become ceremonial
Navaho corn-grinding songs learned in this
region two generations ago.
Another type of music not in evidence
among hte Navahos is children's songs (game
songs, mocking songs, etc.). Again the reason,
in large part, may be the influence of a highly
formalized ceremonialism. The danger both to
oneself and to others of misuse is strongly felt.
This may help account for limitations in the
amount of singing and the kinds of singing
done by children.
The structural analysis of the songs was re-
warding in that it revealed a formalism, even
in the most informal songs, highly consistent
with the Navaho approach to life. Kluck-
hohn's formula: "Maintain orderliness in those
sectors of life which are little subject to human
control" 4 seems to extend beyond ritual be-
havior, poetry, and ceremonial music, to in-
clude even Squaw Dance songs.
The over-all picture in Navaho music is of
a tradition where many of the usual functions
of music, such as self-expression, recreation,
courtship, child care, and work are subor-
dinated to an all-important function of super-
natural control. With a few exceptions other
functions must all find their expression within
the area of one type of song, the Squaw
Dance, or public songs of the Enemy Way.
practitioners. (See p. 65.)
^Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, p. 224.
APPENDIX A
APPENDIX A
IN PLANNING the research described
above, it seemed desirable to have some sort
of control over the interviewing situation. A
questionnaire was devised so that the same
questions, in the same order, could be asked
of all informants. Because of the high degree
of suggestion involved in most questions, an
attempt was made to divide the interview into
different levels of specificity, starting with the
most general, "non-directive," stimuli, and
moving on to more particular questions only
when the informant seemed to reach the end
of his more spontaneous responses. I con-
sidered answers given by an informant with
little or no stimulus to have greater "saliency"
than responses that had to be elicited by
minute questioning. Other considerations,
however, such as degree of rapport, shyness,
caution in discussing sacred matters, and even
cultural differences in the meaning of some of
the questions (see pp. 4-5) somewhat reduced
this "measure" of saliency.
The questionnaire itself broke down as far
as any strict control over the interviews went.
Often several of the questions yet to come
were answered in response to an earlier ques-
tion. I felt that my relations with the subject
would suffer from a strict adherence to the
principle of keeping all stimuli as nearly the
same as possible. In some of the interviews it
was clear that certain of the questions had
better remain unasked because of the in-
formants' personalities. Another difficulty was
a tendency for onlookers to volunteer answers.
I was not in a position to demand privacy and
often felt that the information obtained was
worth more than an attempt at control might
have been.
My original list of informants consisted of
a random sample of the adult Rimrock-Venado
Navaho population. It often happened, how-
ever, that instead of interviewing the person
on the list, I had, perforce, to interview several
members of his family as well. Several per-
sons on the list were out of the area working
as migrant laborers. Some of these could be
found and were, but others were not. The list
did not include any ceremonial practitioner,
and so I added some individuals who were
known to have considerable esoteric knowl-
edge. This was necessary, I felt, to an investi-
gation of music, but my sample, due to this
and other circumstances just described, was
no longer strictly random.
I feel that some value remained in both the
?uestionnaire and the sample. Though the
ormer was used loosely it was still the core
of all extended interviews. It was useful to me
as a guide, being comprehensive enough to
prevent large omissions, and it gave all inter-
views a similar direction thus providing a
basis for estimating the special interests of the
various informants. The levels of specificity
also proved to be useful in judging the extent
of informants' knowledge and interest.
Since the sample of informants was modified
but not abandoned entirely, it did prevent a
choice too much on the basis of musical in-
terest or mere availability.
The questionnaire was as follows.
QUESTIONNAIRE
First Level of Specificity
1. Do you like to sing? Why?
2. Some people beat a drum when they sing; what
other things are used like that?
3. What body parts are used in singing?
Second Level of Specificity
1. When and where is a drum (rattle, etc.) what-
ever the informant has listed) used?
2. In what ways may a drum (rattle, etc.) be beaten
(sounded)?
3. How do you feel when you hear a drum (rattle,
etc.)?
4. How old are children when they learn to use a
drum (rattle, etc.)?
5. Is the drum (rattle, etc.) beaten the same way
now as in the old days?
6. What makes you feel like singing? At what
times?
9'
9*
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
'3-
14.
'5-
16.
'7-
18.
19.
20.
21.
*3'
24.
25-
Is there any time when you are not supposed to
sing? (When you do not feel like singing?)
How many different kinds of songs are there?
Do these kinds sound different from each other?
How do the different kinds of songs make you
feel when you hear them?
Are some kinds of songs hard to learn and others
easy?
How old were you when you learned to sing?
(How old were you when you could sing well?)
What did people say when you learned to sing?
Do you know some old songs that most people
have forgotten?
Are there new kinds of songs being sung today?
(What do you think of them? )
Are songs changing now? (Why? )
What do you think of American (Mexican)
songs? (Why? )
Do you know any of either? (Do you wish you
did?)
Are there other Navahos who do? (Are there
any who did not go to school who do?)
Why do you think they (nobody) learned them?
Are there different ways of making the voice
sound when we sing?
When do you use these different ways? (If any
were described.)
Do people make their voices sound in new ways
nowadays? (What?)
What do you think of the way American voices
sound?
Are there any Navahos who make their voices
sound that way when they sing?
Third Level of Specificity
Is there a kind of singing besides ceremonial
singing? (What is it?) Suggest: lullabies, gam-
bling songs, work songs, etc.
Is there a difference between the way ceremonial
songs and other songs sound?
Are there ceremonial songs that can be used out-
side the ceremony?
Would you hear the show-off way the young
men sing in a ceremonial?
Do you have a different feeling when you hear
ceremonial songs and when you hear songs that
are not ceremonial?
Do you feel differently about it when you hear a
song in a ceremony and the same song outside
the ceremony?
Are there special songs for working?
Are there special songs for riding along?
Are there special songs that go with games?
Are there songs people sing just to be funny?
Are there dirty songs the Navahos sing? (What
[2.
13-
14.
15-
16.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23-
24.
25-
26.
*7-
28.
29.
30.
31'
3*>
33^
34'
35-
36.
37-
38.
39>
do you think of them?)
Are there special songs for good luck?
Are there songs to make people stop what they
are doing and behave better? (Songs for teasing
people?)
Are there songs that make you feel happy?
Are there songs that make you feel sad?
Are there songs that make you feel angry?
Did you ever make up a song? (Was it a happy
song? sad? angry?)
(Here an experiment in mood and music was
introduced. I sang, without words, and with as
nearly identical facial and vocal expression as
possible, two songs, "The Happy Farmer," and
"Pore Judd is Daid." Of course, the former is
fast in tempo and the latter is slow. Informants
were asked to identify which was supposed to be
the happy song and which the sad one. They
were then asked to give their reasons.)
Do you know any songs about love?
What do you think of American songs about
this?
Are there songs that are especially pretty?
What is it about a song that makes it sound
pretty?
Are there songs you think sound ugly? (Why?)
Can you say a song is pretty the way you say a
girl or a good rug or a bracelet is pretty?
What kind of singing do you like better: (illus-
trate with narrow and wide vibrato, plain and
nasal tone).
What kind of melody do you like better: (illus-
trate with a chant-like melody and a more varied
melody).
Are there songs you like just because of the
melody? (What is it about the melody that you
like?)
Are there songs you like just because of the
words? (What is it about the words that you
like?)
Are there songs for children only?
Are there songs for men only?
Are there songs for women only?
Are there songs for old people only?
Is it a good thing for you to know songs?
(Why?)
Do you teach songs to your children?
How do you teach them?
Do you give them something for learning songs?
Do you scold them if they do not learn songs?
Did your parents act like that with you?
How old are children when they learn to sing?
Why do you want children to learn to sing?
Do the children around here sing? (What do
they sing?)
REFERENCES
REFERENCES
Adair, J., and Vogt, E. Z.
1949. Navaho and Zuni veterans: A study of con-
trasting modes of cultural change. American
Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 51, no. 4, pt. 1,
pp. 547-61.
Astrov, Marcot
1950. The concept of motion as the psychological
leitmotif of Navaho life and literature.
Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. 63, no.
247. PP- 45-56-
Boulton, Laura (Recorder)
1941. Indian music of the Southwest, vol. no. 1.
Victor Records, P-49, (90-95).
Coolidce, Dane, and Coolidge, Mary Roberts
1930. The Navajo Indians. Boston and New York.
Dyk, Walter
1938. Son of Old Man Hat; a Navaho autobio-
graphy. New York.
Guernsey, S.J.
1920. Notes on a Navaho war dance. American
Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 22, no. 3, pp. 304-
07.
Franciscan Fathers
1910. An ethnologic dictionary of the Navaho lan-
guage. St. Michaels, Arizona.
Haile, Father Berard
1938. Origin legend of the Navaho Enemy Way.
Yale University Publications in Anthropology,
no. 17.
Herzog, George
1934. Speech-melody and primitive music. Musical
Quarterly, vol. 20, no. 4, pp. 452-66.
1935. Plains ghost dance and Great Basin music.
American Anthropologist, vol. 37, no. 3, pt. 1,
pp. 403-19.
1936. A comparison of Pueblo and Pima musical
styles. Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol.
49, no. 194, pp. 283-417.
Hill, W. W.
1936. Navaho warfare. Yale University Publica-
tions in Anthropology, no. 5, pp. 3-19.
1943. Navaho humor. General Series in Anthro-
pology, no. 9.
Hoijer, Harry
1929. Creation chant. Ms. on deposit at Peabody
Museum, Harvard University.
Hornbostel, E. M. von
1928. African Negro music. Africa, vol. 1, no. 1,
pp. 30-62.
Jewell, Donald P.
1952. A case of a "psychotic" Navaho Indian male.
Human Organization, vol. II, no. 1, pp. 32-
36.
Kluckhohn, Clyde
1942. Myths and rituals: a general theory. Harvard
Theological Review, vol. 35, no. 1, pp. 45-
79-
1949. The philosophy of the Navaho Indians.
Ideological Differences and World Order,
(Ed., F. S. C. Northrup), pp. 356-84. New
Haven.
Kluckhohn, Clyde, and Leighton, Dorothea
1946. The Navaho. Cambridge.
Kluckhohn, Clyde, and Wyman, Leland C.
1940. An introduction to Navaho chant practice,
with an account of the behaviors observed
in four chants. American Anthropological
Association, Memoirs, no. 53.
McAllester, David P.
1949. Peyote music. Viking Fund Publications in
Anthropology, no. 13.
1952. Menomini Peyote music. Appendix V in
Slotkin, J. S., Menomini Peyotism, Transac-
tions of the American Philosophical Society,
n.s., vol. 42, pt. 4, pp. 681-700.
McKinney, Howard D., and Anderson, W. R.
1940. Music in history. New York.
Matthews, Washington
1897. Navaho legends. American Folk-Lore Soci-
ety, Memoirs, vol. 5.
1902. The Night Chant, a Navaho ceremony.
American Museum of Natural History,
Memoirs, vol. 6.
Oakes, Maud
1943. Where the two came to their father. New
York.
Parsons, Talcott, and Shils, Edward A., (eds.)
1 95 1. Toward a general theory of action. Cam-
bridge.
Rapoport, Robert
1954. Changing Navaho religious values, a study
of Christian missions to the Rimrock Nava-
hos. Peabody Museum of Harvard University,
Papers, vol. 41, no. 2.
Reichard, Gladys A.
1944. Prayer; the compulsive word. American
Ethnological Society, Monograph no. 7.
95
96
ENEMY WAY MUSIC
1950. Navaho religion; a study of symbolism.
New York.
Rhodes, Willard (Recorder)
1949. Sioux and Navajo folk music. (Album of
records.) Ethnic Folkways Library, no. 1401.
New York.
Roberts, Helen H.
1936. Musical areas in aboriginal North America.
Yale University Publications in Anthropology,
Roberts, John M.
n. d. Four Southwestern men: A study in culture,
cultural control, and values. Ms. in prepara-
tion.
Scholes, Percy A.
1947. The Oxford companion to music. New York.
Streib, Gordon F.
1952. An attempt to unionize a semi-literate
Navaho group. Human Organization, vol.
II, no. 1, pp. 23-31.
Tanner, Clara Lee
1950. Contemporary Indian art. Arizona High-
ways, vol. 26, no. 2, pp. 12-29.
Tschopik, Harry, Jr.
1941. Navaho pottery making. Peabody Museum
of Harvard University, Papers, vol. 17, no. 1.
Vogt, Evon Z.
1 95 1. Navaho veterans; a study of changing values.
Peabody Museu?n of Harvard University,
Papers, vol. 41, no. 1.
Wheelwright, Mary C.
1 95 1. Navaho Creation Chants. (Album of records.)
Peabody Museum of Harvard University.
Pamphlet by David P. McAUester.
Wyman, Leland C, and Harris, Stuart K.
1941. Navajo Indian medical ethnobotany. Uni-
versity of New Mexico, Bulletin, no. 366.
Wyman, Leland C, and Kluckhohn, Clyde
1938. Navaho classification of their song cere-
monials. American Anthropological Associ-
ation, Memoirs, no. 50.
PAPERS OF THE PEABODY MUSEUM
(Continued from inside front cover)
VOLUME XI, continued
No. 2. Official Reports on the towns of Tequizistlan,
Tepechpan, Acolman, and San Juan Teotihuacan,
sent by Francisco de Casteneda to His Majesty,
Philip II, and the Council of the Indies in 1580.
1926. 45 pages, 2 plates, and 2 illustrations in the
text. 75 cents. Translated and edited, with an in-
troduction and notes, by Zelia Nuttall.
No. 3. An Anthropometric Study of Hawaiians of
Pure and Mixed Blood. By Leslie C. Dunn. 1928.
122 pages and tables. Si. 25. Based upon data col-
lected by Alfred M. Tozzer.
No. 4. Azilian Skeletal Remains from Montardit
(Ariege), France. By Ruth Otis Sawtell. 1931.
55 pages and 7 plates. 75 cents.
No. 5. The Evolution of the Human Pelvis in Rela-
tion to the Mechanics of the Erect Posture. By
Edward Reynolds. 1931. 100 pages, 3 plates, and
10 illustrations in the text. $1.20.
VOLUME XII complete, S6.80; bound in cloth, $9.30.
No. 1. Explorations in Northeastern Arizona. By
S. J. Guernsey. 193 1. 120 pages, 1 color plate, 65
plates, map, and 30 illustrations in the text. $3.50.
No. 2. Notes on the Archaeology of the Kaibito and
Rainbow Plateaus in Arizona. By Noel Morss.
1931. 28 pages and 7 plates. 50 cents.
No. 3. The Ancient Culture of the Fremont River
in Utah. By Noel Morss. 1931. 112 pages, 43
plates, and 5 illustrations in the text. $2.80.
VOLUME XIII complete, $5.25; bound in cloth, $7.75.
No. 1. Maya-Spanish Crosses in Yucatan. By George
D. Williams. 1931. 250 pages, 47 plates, and tables.
$3.50.
No. 2. The Phonetic Value of Certain Characters
rN Maya Writing. By B. L. Whorf. 1933. 4"
pages, frontispiece, and 13 illustrations in the text.
75 cents.
No. 3. The Racial Characteristics of Syrians and
Armenians. By Carl C. Seltzer. 1936. 77 pages,
2 maps, and tables. $1.00.
VOLUME XIV complete, $6.00; bound in cloth, $8.50.
No. 1. The Stalling's Island Mound, Columbia
County, Georgia. By William H. Claflin, Jr.
1931. 60 pages and 72 plates. $2.75.
No. 2. The Barama River Caribs of British Guiana.
By John Gillin. 1936. 288 pages, 30 halftones, and
13 illustrations in the text. $3.25.
VOLUME XV, $5.85; bound in cloth, $8.35.
The Swarts Ruin: A Typical Mimbres Site in South-
western New Mexico. By H. S. and C. B. Cos-
grove. With a section on the skeletal material by
W. W. Howells. 1932. 178 pages, 239 plates, and
17 illustrations in the text.
VOLUME XVI complete, $2.75; bound in cloth, $5.25.
No. 1. Anthropometry of the Natives of Arnhem
Land and the Australian Race Problem. Analy-
sis by W. W. Howells; Data collected by W. L.
Warner. 1937. 96 pages, frontispiece, and 2 maps.
$1.25.
No. 2. Contributions to the Racial Anthropology
of the Near East. By Carl C. Seltzer. Based on
data collected by Henry M. Huxley. 1940. 72
pages, 8 plates, and tables. $1.00.
No. 3. Fossil Man in Tangier. Bv Muzaffer Siiley-
man Senyurek. Introduction by Carleton S. Coon.
1940. 35 pages, 3 plates, and tables. 50 cents.
The page size of Volumes I-XVI is 6% X9/2 inches,
trimmed; beginning with Volume XVII, j% X '°%
inches, trimmed.
VOLUME XVII complete, S5.25; bound in cloth,
$7-75-
No. 1. Navaho Pottery Making. By Harry Tschopik,
Jr. 1 94 1. 85 pages, 16 plates, and 7 illustrations in
the text. $1.75.
No. 2. Archaeological Investigations in Central
Utah. By John Gillin. With an analysis of the
animal bones by Glover M. Allen. 1941. 50 pages,
9 plates, 5 tables, and 16 illustrations in the text.
$1.50.
No. 3. Flint Quarries — the sources of tools and, at
the same time, the factories of the American
Indian. By Kirk Bryan. 1950. 40 pages, 1 plate,
and 20 illustrations in the text. $2.00.
VOLUME XVIII, $5.85; bound in cloth, $8.35.
Landa's Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan. A trans-
lation. Edited with notes by Alfred M. Tozzer.
1 94 1. 400 pages.
VOLUME XIX complete, $4.75; bound in cloth,
$7.25.
No. 1. The Prehistoric Archaeology of Northwest
Africa. By Frederick R. Wulsin. 1941. 173 pages
and 92 illustrations in the text. $3.25.
No. 2. Notes on the Poro in Liberia. By George W.
Harley. 1941. 36 pages, 14 plates, and 3 illustra-
tions in the text. $1.50.
No. 3. Early Man and Pleistocene Stratigraphy in
Southern and Eastern Asm. By Hallam L. Mo-
vius, Jr. 1944. 126 pages, 6 tables, and 47 illustra-
tions in the text. $3.25. Out of print.
VOLUME XX, $4.25; bound in cloth, $6.7;.
The Dixon Memorial Volume. Studies in the anthro-
pology of Oceania and Asia presented in memory
of Roland B. Dixon by fourteen former students.
1943. 220 pages, 20 plates, 10 maps, and 7 illustra-
tions in the text.
VOLUME XXI, 57.50; bound in cloth, $10.00.
Archaeology of Alkali Ridge, Southeastern Utah.
By John O. Brew. 1946. 346 pages, 13 tables, 2
colored figures, 1 1 1 collotypes, and 80 illustrations
in the text.
VOLUME XXII complete, $7.50; bound in cloth,
$10.00.
No. 1. Old Oraibi. A study of the Hopi Indians of
Third Mesa. By Mischa Titiev. 1944. 274 pages,
4 plates, frontispiece, 1 1 charts, 10 tables, and 1 3
illustrations in the text. Offset edition, 1951. $5.25.
No. 2. Navaho Witchcraft. By Clyde Kluckhohn
1944. 150 pages. $2.25. Out of print (revised edi
tion in preparation).
PAPERS OF THE PEABODY MUSEUM
VOLUME XXIII
No. i. Racial Prehistory in the Southwest and the
Hawikuh Zunis. By Carl C. Seltzer. 1944. 38
pages and 15 tables. 75 cents.
No. 2. Hyperbrachycephaly as Influenced by Cul-
tural Conditioning. By J. Franklin Ewing, S.J.
1950. 100 pages, 2 halftones, and 6 illustrations in
the text. $3.75.
No. 3. The Mountains of Giants: A Racial and
Cultural Study of the North Albanian Moun-
tain Ghegs. By Carleton S. Coon. 1950. 106
pages, frontispiece, 28 tables, 9 collotypes, and 7
illustrations in the text. $4.75.
VOLUME XXIV, complete, $12.10; bound in cloth,
$14.60.
No. 1. The Excavation of Los Muertos and Neigh-
boring Ruins in the Salt River Valley, South-
ern Arizona. By Emil W. Haury. 1945. 124
pages, 90 plates, colored frontispiece, and 133
illustrations in the text. $5.85.
No. 2. Caves of the Upper Gila and Hueco Areas, in
New Mexico and Texas. By C. B. Cosgrove. 1947.
182 pages, colored frontispiece, 122 plates, and
48 illustrations in the text. $6.25.
VOLUME XXV, complete, $8.50; bound in cloth,
$11.00.
Archaeological Survey in the Lower Mississippi
Alluvial Valley, i 940-1 947. By Philip Phillips,
James A. Ford, and James B. Griffin. 1951. 472
pages, 17 tables, 32 collotypes, and 73 illustrations
in the text.
VOLUME XXVI complete, $6.25; bound in cloth,
$8.75.
No. 1. Archaeology of Northwestern Venezuela.
By Alfred Kidder, II. 1944. 178 pages, 18 plates,
3 tables, and 62 illustrations in the text. $3.75.
No. 2. The Boruca of Costa Rica. By Doris Z. Stone.
1949. 50 pages, 8 plates, and 2 illustrations in
text. $2.50.
VOLUME XXVII complete, $7.15; bound in cloth,
$9.65.
No. 1 . Some Early Sites in the Northern Lake Tm-
caca Basin. By Alfred Kidder, II. (Research
project no. 7 of the Institute of Andean Research
under the sponsorship of the Co-ordinator of In-
ter-American Affairs.) 1943. 48 pages, 7 plates,
frontispiece, and 7 illustrations in the text. $1.25.
No. 2. An Introduction to the Archaeology of
Cuzco. By John H. Rowe. (Research project no.
7 of the Institute of Andean Research under the
sponsorship of the Co-ordinator of Inter-Amer-
ican Affairs.) 1944. 7° Pages> 8 plates, and 19
illustrations in the text. $1.75.
No. 3. Some Notes on the Archaeology of the De-
partment of Puno, Peru. By Marion H. Tschopik.
(Research project no. 7 of the Institute of Andean
Research under the sponsorship of the Co-ordi-
nator of Inter-American Affairs.) 1946. 58 pages,
10 plates, and 34 illustrations in the text. $1.65.
No. 4. Indian Skeletal Material from the Central
Coast of Peru. By Marshall T. Newman. (Re-
search project no. 8 of the Institute of Andean
Research under the sponsorship of the Co-ordi-
nator of Inter-American Affairs.) 1947. 72 pages,
frontispiece, 7 plates, and 26 tables. $2.50.
VOLUME XXVIII
No. 1. A Stone Age Cave Site in Tangier. By
Bruce Howe and Hallam L. Movius, Jr. 1947.
32 pages, 7 plates, and 1 illustration in the text.
$1.00.
VOLUME XXIX
Studies in the Anthropology of Bougainville, Solo-
mon Islands. 1949. By Douglas L. Oliver. (Nos.
1-4 bound under one cover.) $5.85.
No. 1. The Peabody Museum Expedition to Bou-
gainville, Solomon Islands, 1938-39. 28 pages,
6 collotype figures, and 9 illustrations in the text.
No. 2. Human Relations and Language in a
Papuan-speaking Trd3E of Southern Bougain-
ville, Solomon Islands. 38 pages, 2 collotype
figures, and 1 illustration in the text.
No. 3. Economic and Social Uses of Domestic Pigs
in Siuai, Southern Bougainville, Solomon
Islands. 30 pages, 4 collotype figures, and 3
illustrations in the text.
No. 4. Land Tenure in Northeast Siuai, Southern
Bougainville, Solomon Islands. 98 pages, 8
collotype figures, and 7 illustrations in the text.
VOLUME XXXI, $7.50; bound in cloth, $10.00.
Trlbes of the Ltberian Hinterland. By George
Schwab; Edited, with additional material by
George W. Harley. 1947. 536 pages, 83 collotype
figures, and 29 illustrations in the text.
VOLUME XXXII
No. 1. The Cowrie Shell Miao of Kweichow. By
Margaret Portia Mickey. 1947. 84 pages, 8 plates,
and 12 illustrations in the text. $2.50.
No. 2. Masks as Agents of Social Control in North-
east Liberia. By George W. Harley. 1950. 46
pages, frontispiece, and 15 collotype figures.
$3.25-
(VOLUME XXXIII reserved for the Awatovi Series.)
VOLUME XXXIV
Prehistoric Stone Implements of Northeastern
Arizona. By Richard B. Woodbury. 1954. 240
pages, 28 collotypes, 19 tables, and 13 illustrations
in the text. $7.50.
VOLUME XXXV
No. 1. The Changing Physical Environment of the
Hopi Indians of Arizona. By John T. Hack.
1942. 86 pages, 12 plates, frontispiece, and 54
illustrations in the text. $1.75.
No. 2. Prehistoric Coal Mining in the Jeddito Val-
ley, Arizona. By John T. Hack. 1942. 24 pages,
5 plates, and 10 illustrations in the text. 75 cents.
Vo. 3. Part I: A4ammals Found at the Awatovi
Site; Part II: Post-Cranial Skeletal Characters
of Deer, Pronghorn, and Sheep-Goat, with Notes
on Bos and Bison. By Barbara Lawrence. 195 1.
44 pages and 20 illustrations in the text. $2.00.
VOLUME XXXVI, $5.85; bound in cloth, $8.35.
Franciscan Awatovi: the Excavation and Conjec-
tural Reconstruction of a ^th-Century Span-
lish Mission Establishment at a Hopi Indian
Town in Northeastern Arizona. By Ross Gor-
don Montgomery, Watson Smith, and J. O.
Brew. 1949. 362 pages, 17 plates, 1 color plate,
and 45 illustrations in the text.
PAPERS AND MEMOIRS OF THE PEABODY MUSEUM
VOLUME XXXVII, $7.50; bound in cloth, $10.00.
Kiva Mural Decorations at Awatovi and Kawaika-a:
With a Survey of Other Wall Paintings in the
Pueblo Southwest. By Watson Smith. 1952. 348
pages, 64 collotype figures, 9 color plates, and
28 illustrations in the text.
(VOLUMES XXXVIII, XXXIX reserved for the
Awatovi Series.)
VOLUME XL $11.00; bound in cloth, $13.50.
No. 1. Gregorio, the Hand-trembler: A Psychobio-
logical Personality Study of a Navaho Indian.
By Alexander H. and Dorothea C. Leighton.
1949. 172 pages and 7 charts. $2.50.
No. 2. Some Sex Beliefs and Practices in a Navaho
Community', with comparative material from
other Navaho areas. By Flora L. Bailey. 1950.
108 pages. $3.00.
No. 3. Three Navaho Households: A Comparative
Study in Small Group Culture. By John M.
Roberts. 1951. 88 pages, 6 tables, and 14 collotype
figures. $3.00. Out of print.
No. 4. Ethnobotany of the Ramah Navaho. By Paul
A. Vestal. 1952. 94 pages. $2.50.
VOLUME XLI, complete, $8.65; bound in cloth,
$11.15-
No. 1. Navaho Veterans: A Study of Changing
Values. By Evon Z. Vogt. 1951. 224 pages, 3
tables, and n charts. $3.00.
No. 2. Changing Navaho Religious Values: a study
of Christian Missions to the Rimrock Navahos.
By Robert N. Rapoport. 1954. 152 pages, 33
tables, and 1 illustration in the text. $3.00.
No. 3. Enemy Way Music: a study of social and
esthetic values as seen in Navaho music. By
David P. McAllester. 1954. 96 pages, 52 pages of
music, and 6 illustrations in the text. $2.65.
VOLUME XLII
No. 1. Land-Use in the Ramah Area of New Mex-
ico: an anthropological approach to areal study.
By John L. Landgraf. 1954. 98 pages, and 18
illustrations in the text. $1.65.
No. 2. A Study of Rorschach Responses in Four
Cultures. By Bert Kaplan. 1954. 44 pages and
25 tables. $1.35.
No. 3. Navaho Acquisitive Values. By Richard Hob-
son. 1954. 38 pages and 6 tables. $1.10.
VOLUME XLIII
No. 1. Zuni Law: a field of values. By Watson Smith
and John M. Roberts, with an appendix, A Prac-
tical Zuni Orthography, by Stanley Newman.
1954. 176 pages. $3.00.
(VOLUMES XLIV-XLV reserved for Studies in the
Social Anthropology and Ethnology of the Amer-
ican Southwest.)
VOLUME XLVI $13.35; bound in cloth, $15.85.
The Anthropology' of Iraq. By Henry Field.
No. 1. The Northern Jazira. 1951. 116 pages, 196
tables, 49 collotypes, and 5 illustrations in the text.
$6.50.
Nos. 2-3. Kurdistan and Conclusions. 1952. 176 pag-
es, 9 charts, 187 tables, 29 graphs, and 76 collotype
figures. $6.85.
VOLUME XLVH
No. 1. Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and
Definitions. By A. L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluck-
hohn. 1952. 228 pages. $5.25.
VOLUME XLVIII
No. 1. Contributions to the Anthropology of the
Caucasus. By Henry Field. 156 pages, 235 tables,
9 graphs, and 24 collotype figures. $6.50.
VOLUME XLIX
No. 1. Clay Figurines of the American Southwest,
with a description of the new Pillings find in
Northeastern Utah and a comparison with certain
other North American figurines. By Noel Morss.
1954. 74 pages, 2 maps, 18 collotype figures, and
13 illustrations. $3.50.
No. 2. The Monagrillo Culture of Panama. By
Gordon R. Willey and Charles R. McGimsey.
With an appendix on Archaeological Marine
Shells by Robert E. Greengo. 1954. 158 pages, 12
tables, 34 illustrations in the text, and 20 half-tone
figures. $4.65.
MEMOIRS OF THE PEABODY MUSEUM
(Quarto)
VOLUME I (including nos. 2-6) complete, with In-
dex, S8.00; bound in cloth, S12.00. Complete (in-
cluding no. 1, photostat edition), bound in cloth,
$40.00.
No. 1. Prehistoric Ruins of Cop an, Honduras. 1896.
48 pages, map, 8 plates, and illustrations in the text.
A Preliminary Report of the Explorations by the
Museum, 1891-95. Photostat edition available.
No. 2. Explorations of the Cave of Loltun, Yuca-
tan. By E. H. Thompson. 1897. 22 pages, 8 plates,
and illustrations in the text. $1.50.
No. 3. The Chultunes of Labna. By E. H. Thomp-
son. 1897. 20 pages, 13 plates, and illustrations in
the text. $1.50.
No. 4. Researches in the Uloa Valley. By George
Byron Gordon. 1898. 44 pages, map, 12 plates,
and illustrations in the text. (Under same cover
with No. 5.)
No. 5. Caverns of Copan. By George Byron Gordon.
1898. 12 pages, map, and 1 plate. Nos. 4 and 5
under one cover, $2.25.
No. 6. The Hieroglyphic Stairway. Ruins of Copan.
By George Byron Gordon. 1902. 38 pages, 18
plates, and 26 illustrations in the text. $2.75.
VOLUME II complete, with Index, $11.75; bound in
cloth, $15.75.
No. 1. Researches in the Central Portion of the
Usumatsintla Valley. By Teobert Malcr. 1901.
75 pages, 33 plates, and 26 illustrations in the text.
$4.50
No. 2. Researches in the Usumatsintla Valley, Part
II. By Teobert Maler. 1903. 130 pages, 47 plates,
and 42 illustrations in the text. $7.25.
VOLUME III complete, with Index, $7.00; bound in
cloth, $11.00.
No. 1. Archaeological Researches in Yucatan. By
Edward H. Thompson. 1904. 20 pages, 3 color
plates, 6 plates (3 of which are double), and 11
illustrations in the text. $1.75.
No. 2. The Ruins of Holmul, Guatemala. By R. E.
Merwin and G. C. Vaillant. 1932. 103 pages.
MEMOIRS AND ANNUAL REPORTS OF THE PEABODY MUSEUM
i color plate, 36 plates, and 31 illustrations in the
text. $5.25.
VOLUME IV complete, with Index, $840; bound in
cloth, Si 240.
No. 1 . Explorations of the Upper Usumatsintla and
Adjacent Region. By Teobert Maler. 1908. 52
pages, 1 3 plates, map, and 8 illustrations in the text.
$2.50.
No. 2. Explorations in the Department of Peten,
Guatemala, and Adjacent Region. By Teobert
Maler. 1908. 74 pages, 30 plates, and 22 illustra-
tions in the text. $4.50.
No. 3. Explorations in the Department of Peten,
Guatemala, and Adjacent Region (continued).
By Teobert Maler. 1910. 42 pages and 2 plates
$1.40.
VOLUME V complete, with Index, $10.25; bound in
cloth, $14.25.
No. 1. Explorations in the Department of Peten,
Guatemala. Tikal. By Teobert Maler. 1911. 92
pages, 28 plates, and 17 illustrations in the text.
(Under same cover with No. 2.)
No. 2. Prehistoric Ruins of Tikal, Guatemala. By
Alfred M. Tozzer. 191 1. 42 pages, 2 plates, and 30
illustrations in the text. Nos. 1 and 2 under one
cover, $6.25.
No. 3. A Preliminary Study of the Prehistoric
Ruins of Nakum, Guatemala. By Alfred M.
Tozzer. 191 3. 60 pages, 23 plates, and 54 illustra-
tions in the text. $4.00.
VOLUME VI, out of print.
Maya Art. By Herbert J. Spinden. 191 3. 308 pages,
29 plates, map, and 286 illustrations in the text.
VOLUME VII, $10.00; bound in cloth, $14.00.
Cocle: An Archaeological Study of Central
Panama. By Samuel K. Lothrop and Others.
Part I. Historical Background, Excavations at
the Sitio Conte, Artifacts and Ornaments.
1937. 327 pages, 4 color plates, maps, and 271
illustrations in the text.
VOLUME VIII $10.00; bound in cloth, $14.00.
Cocle: Part II. Pottery of the Sitio Conte and
Other Archaeological Sites. By Samuel K. Lo-
throp. 1942. 292 pages, 3 color plates, maps, and
491 illustrations in the text.
VOLUME IX complete, $16.75; bound in cloth,
$20.75.
No. 1. Archaeology of the North Coast of Hon-
duras. By Doris Stone. 1941. 103 pages and 99
illustrations in the text. $3.00.
No. 2. Archaeological Investigations in El Salvador.
By John M. Longyear, III. (Research project no.
10 of the Institute of Andean Research under the
sponsorship of the Co-ordinator of Inter-Ameri-
can Affairs.) 1944. 90 pages, 15 plates, and 30
illustrations in the text. $3.75.
No. 3. Archaeology of Southern Veraguas, Panama.
By Samuel K. Lothrop. 1950. 116 pages, 10 tables,
and 150 illustrations in the text. $10.00.
VOLUME X
No. 1. The Cenote of Sacrifice, Chichen Itza,
Yucatan. Part I — Introduction. By Alfred M.
Tozzer. In preparation.
No. 2. Metals from the Cenote of Sacrifice. (Part
II.) By Samuel K. Lothrop. 1952. 140 pages, 39
tables, and 1 14 illustrations in the text. $10.00.
ANNUAL REPORTS OF THE PEABODY MUSEUM
(Octavo)
Reports of the Peabody Museum's activities have been
published annually since the year 1868. From that
date through 1890, 24 Annual Reports were printed,
embodying not only the routine accounts and sum-
maries but also the expedition and research reports
of the type which since that time has been incor-
porated in the Papers and Memoirs. The 8th, 1 ith,
and 15th are now out of print. The others are avail-
able at 75 cents each with the exception of the follow-
ing:
Tenth Report, containing the following articles:
Discovery of supposed Palaeolithic Implements
from Glacial Drift in Delaware Valley, near Tren-
ton, New Jersey, by C. C. Abbott. (Illustrated);
Age of Delaware Gravel Bed Containing Chipped
Pebbles, by N. S. Shaler; Exploration of Ash Cave
in Benton Township, Hocking County, Ohio, by
E. B. Andrews; Exploration of Mounds in South-
eastern Ohio, by E. B. Andrews. (Illustrated);
Exploration of Mound in Lee County, Virginia,
by Lucien Carr. (Illustrated); Art of War and
Mode of Warfare of the Ancient Mexicans, by
A. F. Bandelier. $2.00.
Twelfth and Thirteenth Reports (under one cover) ,
containing the following articles:
Measurements of Crania from California, by Lucien
Carr; Flint Chips, by C. C. Abbott. (Illustrated);
Method of Manufacturing Pottery and Baskets
among Indians of Southern California, by Paul
Schumacher; Aboriginal Soapstone Quarries in
District of Columbia, by Elmer R. Reynolds;
Ruins of Stone Pueblo on Animas River, New
Mexico, by Lewis H. Morgan. (Illustrated); So-
cial Organization and Mode of Government of
the Ancient Mexicans, by A. F. Bandelier. $2.00.
Sixteenth and Seventeenth Reports (under one
cover), containing the following articles:
Social and Political Position of Woman among
Huron-Iroquois Tribes, by Lucien Carr; Notes
upon Human Remains from Coahuila Caves, by
Cordelia A. Studley; White Buffalo Festival of
Uncpapas, by Alice C. Fletcher; Elk Mystery or
Festival, Ogallala Sioux, by Alice C. Fletcher; Re-
ligious Ceremony of the Four Winds or Quarters,
as observed by the Santee Sioux, by Alice C.
Fletcher. (Illustrated); The Shadow or Ghost
Lodge, Ogallala Sioux, by Alice C. Fletcher. (Illus-
trated) ; The "Wawan" or Pipe Dance of the
Omahas, by Alice C. Fletcher. (Illustrated);
Report on Meteoric Iron from Altar Mounds,
Little Miami Valley, by Leonard P. Kinnicutt.
$2.00. (Signatures only)
Eighteenth and Nineteenth Reports (under one
cover), containing the following articles:
Notes on the Anomalies, Injuries, and Diseases of
Bones of the Native Races of North America, by
William F. Whitney; Marriott Mound and its Con-
tents, by F. W. Putnam. (Illustrated.) $2.00.
The 25th and following brief Reports are printed in
the Annual Reports of the President of Harvard Uni-
versity. Reprints of all but the 25th, 26th and 27th
may be obtained by applying to the Peabody Mu-
seum. Price, 35 cents each.
DATE DUE
DUE RETURNED DUE RETURNED
1TO 2 1 m
r. opQy
■
' V ' 7f
1>Y
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
3 1262
(Continued from last page)
SPECIAL PUBLICATIONS OF THE PEABODY MUSEUM
H!
)io. 3
NOT AVAILABLE FOR EXCHANGE
The following works, some of which were not origi-
nally published by the Peabody Museum, are for sale
but are not available for exchange.
A Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeol-
ogy. Containing Papers of the Hemenway South-
western Archaeological Expedition. The Mary
Hemenway Collection is exhibited in the Museum.
Square octavo. Maps and illustrations. (Discon-
tinued after Vol. V.)
VOLUME I. i. A Few Summer Ceremonials
at Zufii Pueblo. By J. Walter Fewkes. 2. Zuni
Melodies. By Benjamin Ives Gilman. 3. Recon-
naissance of Ruins in or near the Zuni Reserva-
tion. By J. Walter Fewkes. $2.00.
VOLUME II. 1. A Few Summer Ceremonials
at the Tusayan Pueblos. By J. Walter Fewkes.
2. Natal Ceremonies of the Hopi Indians. By
J. G. Owens. 3. A Report on the Present Con-
dition of a Ruin in Arizona called Casa Grande.
By J. Walter Fewkes. Out of print.
VOLUME III. 1. An Outline of the Documen-
tary History of the Zuni Tribe. By A. F. Ban-
deuer. 2. Somatological Observations on Indians
of the Southwest. By H. F. C. Ten Kate.
$2.25.
(No. 1. of this volume may be obtained sep-
arately. $1.75.)
VOLUME IV. The Snake Ceremonials at
Walpi. By J. Walter Fewkes, assisted by A. M.
Stephen and J. G. Owens. $2.00.
VOLUME V. 1. Hopi Songs. By Benjamin
Ives Gilman. 2. The Hemenway Southwestern
Expedition. By Benjamin Ives Gilman and
Katherine H. Stone. Out of print.
(Concluding volume of the Journal, published
November, 1908.)
Human Bones in Hemenway Collection (South-
western Archaeological Expedition). Described by
D. Washington Matthews.
1890. Quarto. 286 pages, 59 plates, and illustrations
in the text. $3.25.
(Reprint from Vol. VI, Memoirs of the National
Academy of Science.)
Hemenway Southwestern Expedition. By A. F.
Bandelier. 1. Contributions to the Southwestern
Portion of the United States. 1890. Papers of the
Archaeological Institute of America, American
Series, vol. V. $2.15. 2. An Outline of the Docu-
mentary History of the Zuni Tribe. 1890. Journal
of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol.
Ill, pages 1-115. $2.00.
The Archaic Maya Inscriptions. By J. T. Goodman.
1897. Quarto. 149 pages. $4.25.
(Appendix to Biologia Central-Americana.) The
Archaic Annual Calendar with tables for 52 years;
Archaic Chronological Calendar with 77 pages of
tables; Perpetual Chronological Calendar with
table; Working Chart.
The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel. With
Introduction by G. B. Gordon.
Published by the University of Pennsylvania Mu-
seum, Philadelphia, 191 3. Photographic reproduc-
tion of the 107 pages of the book. $7.50.
Contributions to the Archaeology of Missouri. By
Professor W. B. Potter and Dr. Edward Evers.
1880. Quarto. 30 pages, 5 plans, and 24 plates con-
taining 148 figures of ancient Missouri pottery.
82-35-
Codex Nuttall.
1902. (Small edition.) In sheets only. $20.00.
An ancient Mexican Codex (84 pages of facsimile
reproductions of the manuscript in its original
colors; with an explanatory introduction by Zelia
Nuttall.
Papers by Lucien Carr. (Assistant Curator of the
Peabody Museum, 1877-1894.)
Observations on the Crania from the Santa
Barbara Islands, California. 15 pages. 50 cents.
Dress and Ornaments of Certain American
Indians. 76 pages. 50 cents.
Papers by Charles P. Bowditch. Three Papers Relat-
ing to Maya Subjects: 1. Was the Beginning Day
of the Maya Month Numbered Zero (or Twenty)
or One? (1001.) 50 cents. 2. A Method which may
have been used by the Mayas in Calculating Time.
(1901.) 50 cents. 3. Maya Nomenclature. (1906.)
50 cents.
Antiquitles of the New England Indians, with
Notes on the Ancient Cultures of the Adjacent
Territory. By Charles Clark Willoughby.
1935. Octavo. 322 pages, fully illustrated. Paper
bound, $4.00; cloth, $6.50.
DlCTIONNAIRE FrANCAIS-MoNTAGNAIS, GramMAIRE
Montagnaise. By Geo. Lemoine. (W. B. Cabot
and P. Cabot, Boston.) 1901. 346 pages. $3.25.
Excavations in Mesopotamia and Western Iran
(Sites of 4000-500 B.C.). Graphic Analyses by
Henry Ware Eliot, Jr.; Art Work by Theresa
Garrett Eliot. 1950. Portfolio of 32 charts. $17.50.
Navajo Creation Chants. From the collection re-
corded for the Museum of Navajo Ceremonial Art,
Santa Fe, New Mexico. An album containing re-
cordings of sixteen chants from Navajo cosmo-
gony. Five ten-inch unbreakable records, including
a pamphlet containing translations by Dr. Harry
Hoijer of the texts, notes on the myth by Mary
C. Wheelwright, and descriptive and analytical
notes on the music by Dr. David P. McAllester.
$10.00, postpaid.
(Continued on outside back cover)
(Continued from inside back cover)
PHOTOSTAT REPRODUCTIONS OF OLD MANUSCRIPTS
NOT AVAILABLE FOR EXCHANGE
These relate principally to the native languages of
Middle America. Reproduced under the direction
and through the generosity of the late Charles P.
Bowditch. The edition of these reproductions is
limited to a few copies.
Doctrtna en Lengua Quiche. Catechism in Quiche.
165 pages. Out of print. (Original in the library
of Professor M. H. Saville, New York.)
Arte dela Lengua Szinca, Vocabulario deia Lengua
Szinca. By Maldonado de Matos. Szinca gram-
mar, with some critical reflections on the Kak-
chiquel grammar. 2 vols., 1770: Vol. i, 219 pages;
Vol. II, 91 pages. Vol. t $24.00; Vol. II, $12.00.
(Original in the library of the Peabody Museum
of Harvard University.)
Ydioma Zapoteco del Valle. Contains some com-
mon rules of grammar, a copious vocabulary, a
confessionary, and other things which the Chris-
tian reader may see. 2 vols., 1793; Vol. I, 286
pages; Vol. II, 292 pages. Vol. I, $33.00; Vol. IL
$33.00. (Original in the John Carter Brown Li-
brary, Providence, R. I.)
HARVARD AFRICAN STUDIES
(Octavo)
VOLUME I, $7.00.
Varia Africana I. Edited by Oric Bates. Assistant
Editor, F. H. Sterns. 1917. M. M. 'Abd Allah,
Siwan customs; E. A. Hooton, Oral surgery in
Egypt during the Old Empire; J. Roscoe, Wor-
ship of the dead as practiced by some African
tribes; F. H. Sterns, The paleoliths of the Eastern
Desert; H. F. Mathews, Notes on the Nungu
tribe, Nassawara Province, etc.; J. Abercromby,
A study of the ancient speech of the Canary
Islands; E. A. Hooton, Benin antiquities in the
Peabody Museum; A. Werner, The utendi of
Mwana Kupona; R. H. Blanchard, Notes on
Egyptian Saints; F. H. Sterns, Darfur gourds; G.
A. Reisner, An inscription from Gebel Barkal;
O. Bates, Ancient Egyptian fishing; R. F. Carroll,
Selected bibliography of Africana for 1915.
VOLUME n, $7.50.
Varia Africana II. Edited by Oric Bates. 191 8. G.
A. Reisner, Preliminary report on the Harvard-
Boston excavations at Nuri, etc.; A. W. Hoernle,
Certain rites of transition and the conception of
!nau among the Hottentots; E. A. Hooton, Some
early drawings of Hottentot women; E. A.
Hooton, Note on a deformed skull from Siwah
Oasis; C. G. and B. Z. Seligman, The Kababish, a
Sudan Arab tribe; O. Bates and E. A. Hooton,
On the origin of the double-bladed swords of the
West Coast; F. H. Sterns, Some Bisharin baskets
in the Peabody Museum; W. S. Ferguson, The
Zulus and the Spartans: a comparison of their
military systems; A. van Gennep, Recherches
sur les poteries peints de 1'Afrique du nord fran-
chise (Tunisie, Algerie, Maroc); O. Bates, Siwan
pottery; C. Ashenden, Selected bibliography of
Africana for 1916.
VOLUME III, $6.50.
Varia Africana III, Edited by E. A. Hooton and
Natica I. Bates. Assistant editor, Ruth Otis 9
Sawtell. 1922. V. Giuffrida-Ruggeri, The actual
state of the question of the most ancient Egyptian
populations; E. Cerulli, The folk-literature of the
Galla of Southern Abyssinia; H. S. Stannus, The
Wayao of Nyasaland; C. Peabody, Note on pre-
historic collections from Northwest Africa in
the Peabody Museum of Harvard University.
VOLUME IV, $3.50.
English-Nubian Comparative Dictionary. By G. W.
Murray. Edited by E. A. Hooton and Natica I.
Bates. 1923.
VOLUME V, $9.00.
Excavations at Kerma (Parts I— III) . By George A.
Reisner. Edited by E. A. Hooton and Natica I.
Bates. 1923.
VOLUME VI, $9.00.
Excavations at Kerma (Parts IV-V). By George A.
Reisner. Edited by E. A. Hooton and Natica I.
Bates. 1923.
VOLUME VH, $7.50.
The Ancient Inhabitants of the Canary Islands.
By E. A. Hooton. 1925.
VOLUME VHI, $9.00.
Varia Africana IV. Edited by E. A. Hooton and
Natica I. Bates. 1928. O. Bates and Dows
Dunham, Excavations at Gammai; O. Bates, Ex-
cavations at Marsa Matruh; D. E. Deny, A study
of the crania from the Oasis of Siwah; H. H.
Kidder, Notes on the pigmentation of the skin,
hair, and eyes of the Kabyles.
VOLUME DC, $10.00.
Tribes of the Rif. By Carleton S. Coon. 1931.
VOLUME X, $7.00.
Varia Africana V. Edited by E. A. Hooton and
Natica I. Bates. 1932. F. R. Wulsin, An archaeo-
logical reconnaissance of the Shari Basin; C. B.
Day, A study of some negro-white families in
the United States; W. Cline, Anthropometric
notes on the natives of Siwah Oasis.
Reprint from Volume X: A Study of Some Negro-
White Families in the United States. By Caro-
line Bond Day. 1932. 126 pages, 57 plates. $3.25.
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11