The history of the rebellion and civil wars in England : to which is added an historical view of the affairs of Ireland : a new ed., exhibiting a faithful collation of the original MS., with all the suppressed passages; also unpublished notes of Bp. Warburton Volume 1

UJ

o :

O;

L>;

C/J:
_J i
til:

im

O;

!

UJ:

! m

-

\

/ /

^fa/s4j t^t^y

/

f-/ 0i<K<

>^v/ Zx

^/fcf L^S

7

THE

HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION,

BY

EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON.

IN EIGHT VOLUMES.

KT*jf/, s$ as/. TmiCYD.

Ne quid falsi dicere audeat, ne quid veri non audeat. CICKRO.

THE

HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION AND CIVIL WARS

IX

ENGLAND

TO WHICH IS ADDED

AN HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND,

BY

EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON.

A NEW EDITION,

EXHIBITING A FA[THFUL COLLATION OF THE ORIGINAL MS.,
WITH ALL THE SUPPRESSED PASSAGES ;

ALSO

THE UNPUBLISHED NOTES OF BISHOP WARBURTON.

m
VOL. I.

OXFORD,

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS.
MDCCCXXVI.

ADVERTISEMENT.

A HE present edition of the History of the Rebel
lion has been carefully collated with the original
manuscript of lord Clarendon ; of which, as well as
of the transcript employed by the sons of the noble
historian in printing the first edition, it may be ex
pected that some account should be given.

Lord Clarendon began the History of the Rebel
lion on the 18th of March I64i, in the island of
Scilly ; and continued it to the end of the seventh
book, (with portions of the three following books,)
during his subsequent residence in the island of
Jersey, previously to the year 1648, as appears from
the dates prefixed to those several portions as they
were respectively entered upon, and finished; and
that he did not proceed further until some years
after his banishment, appears likewise from the same
source of information. Indeed, before the completion
of this History, it was " supposed by his family a ,"
(and the supposition seems to carry with it great pro
bability,) " that seeing an unjust and cruel persecu-
" tion prevail against him, he was induced to alter
" the original plan of his work, by writing the par-
" ticular history of his own life, from his earliest
" days down to the time of his disgrace, as the most

a See preface to the iirst edition of his Life.

VOL. i. a

IV

ADVERTISEMENT.

alive; many were high in favour , and deservedly so,
with the reigning monarch; others were connected
with the noble editors by a political tie d , if not by
the closer link of friendship or alliance. The state
of our foreign relations likewise operated no doubt
in the same way, by preventing the insertion of the
long, circumstantial, and for the most part unfavour
able, characters of the Spanish ministry, while a fear
of tediousness would cause the omission of many
pages respecting the amusement of the toros, &c.
at Madrid, when their father was ambassador at the
court of Spain. Even without any of the foregoing
reasons, distance of time might have blunted the
edge of their animosities ; common charity might
have influenced them somewhat to soften even the
merited severity of the historian e ; or to omit an
unfavourable part f of a character not absolutely ne
cessary to illustrate any particular transaction. The

c See the account of the con
duct and escape of lord keeper
Finch, inserted in Appendix B.
in vol. i. and bishop Warbur-
ton s remark upon it, vol. vii.
p. 540.

d In the beginning of the
sixth book, " the pleasant story
" then much spoken of at court"
loses much of its point by the
suppression of the names of the
persons concerned in that trans
action ; their names will be
found inserted, from lord Cla

rendon s MS. in the notes to
this edition.

e In the character of bishop
Williams, the expression " he
" was the most generally abo-
" minated," is altered to " he
** was generally unacceptable.
And once lord Clarendon shews
his high displeasure of the
Scottish nation by calling them
" the vermin," which expres
sion his sons suppressed.

f As in the character of lord
Arundel.

ADVERTISEMENT. v

present collation however satisfactorily proves that
the noble editors have in no one instance added,
suppressed, or altered any historical fact.

Since the History of the Rebellion was first pub
lished, much more than a century has passed away,
and with it all those inducements to soften or with
hold severe remarks ; and as the genuineness of the
work has at various times, however rashly, and for
party purposes, been called in question, there can
be no longer a reason to withhold any portion of
the original matter. Accordingly, though the text
is given as it was first published by the sons of lord
Clarendon s, it has been carefully collated with the
author s original MSS. now in the Bodleian library ;
and wherever it varies, even in a single word, such
variation, as well as all the omitted parts, will be
found either in the notes at the foot of the page, or
in the Appendix at the end of the volume. The
manuscripts are regularly paged. In the eighth
book unfortunately there is a chasm of twenty-four
pages ; excepting this small portion, the whole of
what has been and is now made public, is to be found
in them ; and this collation will, it is hoped, besides
satisfying the curious by the insertion of the sup
pressed passages, establish the genuineness of the
History beyond the reach of cavil.

s Their transcript of the of the Life is designated as
work is referred to in the notes MS. B. ; and that of the His-
as MS. A. ; the original MS. tory as MS. C.

THE

PREFACE

TO

THE FIRST EDITION.

J\.T length comes into the world, the first volume
of the History of the Rebellion, and Civil Wars in
England, begun in the year 1641, with the prece
dent passages and actions that contributed there
unto, and the happy end and conclusion thereof, by
the king s blessed restoration, and return, upon
the %$th of May in the year 1660 ; written by Ed
ward earl of Clarendon, once lord high chancellor
of England, and chancellor of the famous university
of Oxford. The first of these great dignities king
Charles the Second had conferred on him, whilst he
was yet in banishment with him ; which he held,
after the restoration, above seven years, with the
universal approbation of the whole kingdom, and
the general applause of all good men, for his justice,
integrity, sound judgment, and eminent sufficiency
in the discharge of that office ; a praise, which none
of his enemies ever denied him in any time. The
other he received from the choice of the university,
who, upon the vacancy of that place, by the death
VOL. i. b

2 THE PREFACE

of the marquis of Hertford, then duke of Somerset,
judged they could not better manifest their steadi
ness in the cause for which they had suffered, and
their resolutions of adhering to their old principles,
in support of the church of England, and the an
cient monarchical government of this kingdom, than
in choosing to place the protection of their interest
in both under the care of one, who had so early dis
tinguished himself, even from the first approaches of
the civil war, in asserting and maintaining the dis
tressed rights of the church and crown.

This history was first begun by the express com
mand of king Charles the First, who, having a de
sire that an account of the calamities, God was
pleased to inflict on the unhappy part of his reign,
should be reported to posterity by some worthy, ho
nest, and knowing man, thought he could not ap
point any one more adorned with such qualifications,
than this author.

It is a difficult province to write the history of
the civil wars of a great and powerful nation, where
the king was engaged with one part of his subjects
against the other, and both sides were sufficiently
inflamed: and the necessity of speaking the truth
of several great men, that were engaged in the
quarrel on either side, who may still have very con
siderable relations, descended from them, now alive,
makes the task invidious, as well as difficult.

We are not ignorant that there are accounts,
contained in this following History, of some emi
nent persons in those times, that do not agree with

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 3

the relations we have met with of the same persons,
published in other authors. But, besides that they
who put forth this History dare not take upon them
to make any alterations in a work of this kind, so
lemnly left with them to be published, whenever it
should be published, as it was delivered to them ;
they cannot but think the world will generally be
of opinion, that others may as likely have been mis
taken in the grounds and informations they have
gone upon, as our author ; who will be esteemed to
have had opportunities, equal at least with any
others, of knowing the truth ; and, by the candour
and impartiality of what he relates, may be believed
not to have made any wilful mistakes.

However, all things of this nature must be sub
mitted, as this is, with great deference to the judg
ment of the equal reader; who will meet, in his
progress through this work, with many passages,
that, he will judge, may disoblige the posterity of
even well meaning men in those days ; much more
then of such as were crafty, cunning, and wicked
enough to design the mischiefs that ensued : but he
shall meet with none of malice, nor any but such
as the author, upon his best information, took to be
impartially true. He could not be ignorant of the
rules of a good historian, (which, Cicero says, are
such foundations, that they are known to every
body,) That he should not dare to speak any
falsehood; and should dare to speak any truth.
And we doubt not, but through the whole progress
of this History, he will be found to have given no

b 2

4 THE PREFACE

occasion of suspecting his writings guilty of partial
favour, or unjust enmity; and we hope, that the
representing the truth, without any mixture of pri
vate passion or animosity, will be so far from giving
offence to any ingenuous man of this time, that it
will be received rather as an instruction to the pre
sent age, than a reproach upon the last.

Moreover, the tenderness that might seem due,
out of charity, good manners, and good nature, to
our countrymen, our neighbours, or our relations,
hath been indulged a long space of time; and
might possibly be abused, if it should not give
way, at last, to the usefulness of making this work
public, in an age, when so many memoirs, narra
tives, and pieces of history come out, as it were on
purpose to justify the taking up arms against that
king, and to blacken, revile, and ridicule the sacred
majesty of an anointed head in distress ; and when
so much of the sense of religion to God, and of al
legiance and duty to the crown, is so defaced, that
it is already, within little more than fifty years
since the murder committed on that pious prince,
by some men made a mystery to judge, on whose
side was the right, and on which the rebellion is to
be charged.

We hope therefore it will be judged necessary as
well as useful, that an impartial account of the most
material passages of those unhappy times should
at last come out ; and that we shall have the gene
ral approbation, for having contributed thus far to
awaken men to that honesty, justice, loyalty, and

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 5

piety, which formerly Englishmen have been valu
able for, and without which it is impossible any
government, discipline, or authority can be long
maintained.

There is no doubt, but this good king had some
infirmities and imperfections ; and might thereby be
misled into some mistakes in government, which
the nation, in parliament represented, might have
reformed by moderate and peaceful counsels. But
the reformation lost its name, and its nature too,
when so many acts passed by him in parliament,
that did restrain the prerogative of the crown from
doing the mischiefs it had been taxed with, had not
the effect they ought to have met with, of restrain
ing the people too from further demands ; and when
the inordinate ambition, anger, and revenge of some
of the great leaders could not be limited within any
bounds, till they had involved the nation in blood,
destroyed many thousands of their own country
men and fellow citizens, and brought at last their
own sovereign to lose his head on a scaffold, under
a pretended form of an high court of justice, unpre
cedented from the beginning of the world ; and, to
finish their work, had overthrown all the laws of
their own country, in the defence of which, they
would have had it thought, they had been obliged
to draw their swords.

Without question, every body that shall duly
consider the whole account of these transactions,
will be able to impute mistakes, miscarriages, and
faults enough to both sides: and we shall leave

bS

6 THE PREFACE

them to their own sedate and composed reflections.
But we cannot omit making this one observation,
that where any king by ill judgment, or ill fortune,
of his own, or those intrusted by him in the chief
administration of his government, happens to fall
into an interest contrary to that of his people, and
will pursue that mistake, that prince must have ter
rible conflicts in the course of his reign, which way
soever the controversy ends. On the other hand,
that people, who, though invaded and oppressed in
their just rights and liberties, shall not rest satisfied
with reasonable reparations and securities, but, hav
ing got power into their hands, will make unjusti
fiable use of it, to the utter subversion of that go
vernment they are bound in duty and allegiance to
support, do but at last make rods for their own
backs, and very often bring upon themselves, from
other hands, a more severe bondage than that they
had shook off.

To demonstrate this general observation, let it
be considered in particular, what was the advan
tage this poor nation gained from all the victories
obtained over king Charles in the field, and, after
wards, in the imprisoning, and prosecuting him to
death : what amends did it make for the infringe
ment and prejudice, they complained of, in their
rights and liberties, to set up the protector Crom
well, who, under a thousand artifices and cruelties,
intended no other reformation, but, instead of whips,
to chastise the poor people with scorpions ; and, in
stead of their idol commonwealth, which some had

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 7

vainly imagined to themselves, to make himself that
very hated thing, a king, which had been so abo
minable in his own sight? And after him, what
did all the other several sorts of government, set up
sometimes to gratify the ambition of one party, and
sometimes of another, end in, but so many several
ways of oppression ; which, after many years spent
in exhausting the blood and treasure of their coun
try, at length made way for the happy restoration of
the son and family of that king, (whom they had so
barbarously brought to an untimely end,) with the
utmost scorn and derision of all that had pretended
to rule in his stead ?

Here we might descend into particulars, to make
out the other part of our observation, by giving in
stances, how some of our own kings have, unhap
pily, been led into very dangerous mistakes in their
government ; and how many years have passed al
most in one perpetual strife, and unfortunate con
tention between the prince and the people, in
points of the highest consequence ; and especially
those, which have brought the prince, sometimes,
under the disadvantageous suspicion of being in
clined to the love of arbitrary power, and favouring
the popish religion ; than which the most mortal
enemies to the crown of England cannot possibly
contrive, or wish, more miserable circumstances for
it to be involved in. But we are rather desirous to
draw a veil over all the calamities, that have pro
ceeded from this cause ; as well because the impres-

b 4

8 THE PREFACE

sions those mistakes have made, and the marks they
have left behind them, will not easily be worn out ;
as that it might look like insulting over their mis
fortunes, who have been the chief losers by them ;
which we have in no kind the inclination or the
heart to do : neither would we be thought to give
countenance, by what we write, to the opinions of
those, who would justify the rising up in arms of
subjects, to do themselves right in any controversy
between them and their king.

Non hcec in feeder a

The nature of our excellent government hath
provided, in the constitution of it, other remedies,
in a parliamentary way ; wherein both the preroga
tive of the crown and the rights of the people may
be better secured : and besides, we know to whom
vengeance peculiarly belongs, and that he who chal
lenges that power to himself, will not suffer it to be
communicated to any other.

But we should think ourselves very fortunate, if,
in the reflections we have been making on this sub
ject, we have represented the truth, on both sides,
with that fairness and impartiality, in the perplexed
condition of our own affairs, that all princes may
see and judge, that it can never turn to their ad
vantage, to be in an interest contrary to that of
their people, nor to give their subjects unreasonable
provocations. For (as in other cases, where the
laws both of God and man are too often broken,
though very strict and positive, so in this point too)

TO THE FIRST EDITION, 9

the people may not always be restrained from at
tempting by force to do themselves right, though
they ought not.

And we hope no less, that the people will be con
vinced, that it were wiser and better for them to
obtain the redress of their grievances by such ways,
as the ancient laws of this kingdom have provided :
and that the constitution of king, lords, and com
mons, is the happiest composition of government in
the world ; and so suited to the nature of English
men generally, that though it be expelled for a time,
yet it will return.

We would therefore heartily wish both for prince
and people, if either of them should be guilty of any
irregular deviations from their own channels, that
they who are injured would content themselves
with gentle applications, and moderate remedies,
lest the last error be worse than the first : and
above all, that whosoever may have a thought of
ruling in this land, may be throughly convinced in
his own judgment, that it is a crown of briers and
thorns that must be set on his head, without he can
satisfy all reasonable men, that it is his fixed prin
ciple and resolution, inviolably to defend our reli
gion, and preserve our laws.

Upon the whole matter, we have often wondered,
and rest still amazed, that any prince should care
to govern a people against their nature, their incli
nations, and their laws. What glory can it be to a
prince of a great spirit, to subdue and break the
hearts of his own subjects, with whom he should

10 THE PREFACE

live properly as a shepherd with his flock ? If two
lovers, who should pass their time in renewing, re
peating, and returning all the offices of friendship,
kindness, tenderness, and love, were, instead of that,
unluckily contriving always to cross, oppose, and
torment one another, what could be the effect of
such a conversation, but vexation and anguish in
the beginning, a short-lived correspondence, and ha
tred and contempt in the conclusion ?

Our constitution is the main point ever to be re
garded; which, God be praised, hath been pre
served through so many ages. For though there
have been some men often found, and of great parts
too, who, for their private advantages, are aiding,
sometimes the monarch, and sometimes the party
that would be a commonwealth, under specious pre
tences for the public good, to exceed the limits the
constitution hath prescribed in this country ; yet
the nation still finds, in all ages, some truly public
spirits, that preserve it from being long imposed
upon. There is a craft, and a perpetual subtilty,
that men of private interest must work with to sup
port their own designs : but the true interest of the
kingdom is the plainest thing in the world : it is
what every body in England finds and feels, and
knows to be right, and they are not long a finding
it neither. This is that interest, that is supported
non tarn fama, quam sua m ; its own weight still
keeps it steady against all the storms that can be
brought to beat upon it, either from the ignorance
of strangers to our constitution, or the violence of

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 11

any, that project to themselves wild notions of ap
pealing to the people out of parliament, (a parlia
ment sitting,) as it were to a fourth estate of the
realm ; and calling upon them to come and take
their share in the direction of the public and most
important consultations. This we conceive to be
another way of undermining the ancient and true
constitution, but not like to be more effectual than
some others, that have been tried before ; since we
have the experience that no violence, nor almost
ruin, hath, hitherto, hindered it from settling again
upon its old foundation.

There hath been, within the compass of few
years, much talk, and, God knows, too many ill ef
fects too, of factions in this kingdom ; and we have
lived, in our days, to see the two great parties, of
late known by the names of Whig and Tory, di
rectly change their ground; and those, who were
formerly the anti-courtiers, become as pliant and
obsequious, as ever they were who had been the
most found fault with on that score. But we are
humbly of opinion, that, at this time of day, neither
of those parties have the game in their hands, as
they have formerly perhaps fancied to themselves.
But they who shall be so honest, and so wise, con
stantly to prefer the true interest of England to
that of any other country or people, preserve the
religion and the laws, protect and promote the trade
of the nation, thriftily and providently administer
the public treasure, and study to maintain the so
vereignty of our seas, so naturally, so anciently, and

12 THE PREFACE

so justly the true defence of this kingdom ; that
body, whomsoever it shall be composed of, shall
have the weight of England on its side ; and if
there can be any of another frame, they must, in
the end, prove so many miserable rotten reeds.

Well may other princes and states, whose situa
tion requires it for their own security, find it their
interest, for the preservation of their credit and re
putation amongst their neighbours, to keep con
stantly in pay great numbers of land forces; in
which they are still vieing one with the other, and
boasting who can raise his thousands, and who his
ten thousands : but they will be found but young
statesmen for our government, who can think it
advisable, that the strength of this island should be
measured by proportions so unsuitable to its true
glory and greatness. As well might David have
thought it requisite, when he was to encounter the
great giant of the Philistines, that he likewise must
have had a staff to his spear like a weaver s beam.
But that man after God s own heart thought it
more expedient to his advantage over the enemy he
was to contend with, to come against him with arms
that he had tried, and that he could wield. When
Saul armed him with his own armour, and put an
helmet of brass on his head, and armed him with
a coat of mail, David himself says, he could not go
with these, for he had not proved them. Which
makes us a little reflect on the circumstances of our
own nation, that, whereas the fleet of England hath
been renowned, through so many ages, for the ho-

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 13

nour and security of this kingdom, in these latter
days, by an unaccountable improvidence, our care
has been more industriously applied to the raising
great numbers of land forces, than in maintaining
and supporting the glorious ancient bulwarks of our
country ; and when we have to do with an enemy,
whom we so far excel in strength at sea, that, with
a little more than ordinary application, we might
hope to restrain his exorbitant power by our naval
expeditions, we have employed our greatest indus
try, and a vast expense, to attack him by land in
that part, where, by the strength of his numerous
garrisons, he must be, for many years at least, in
vulnerable.

But it is to be hoped the great allies themselves,
to whom, we doubt not, the English nation wishes
all happiness and prosperity, as being bound up
with them in the same interest, will at last be sen
sible, that this kingdom cannot be useful to the
common cause in any other way, so much as at sea.
The situation of this country adapts it for advan
tages by sea : the trade of it enables it to go on
with a war by sea : and neither of them can long
bear a great expense of a war in a foreign land :
the experience of former successes at sea makes the
nation ever fond of employing its vigour there : and
the perpetual jealousy that, some time or other, en
deavours may be used, by the increase of land forces,
to advance another greatness, and another interest,
will fix the genius of the nation still to depend on
its greatness, and its security by sea.

14 THE PREFACE

Suadere principi quod oporteat, magni laboris ;
assentatio erga principem quemcunque sine affectu
peragitur, was a saying of Tacitus, and one of those
that is perpetually verified. For we see, in all times,
how compliance and flattery gets the better of ho
nesty and plain dealing. All men indeed love best
those that dispute not with them ; a misfortune,
whilst it is amongst private persons, that is not so
much taken notice of; but it becomes remarkable,
and grows a public calamity, when this uncomely
obsequiousness is practised towards great princes,
who are apt to mistake it for duty, and to prefer it
before such advice as is really good for their service ;
at least till the folly and vanity of such proceedings
comes to be seen through ; and then the reward of
their unseasonable courtship frequently overtakes
the miserable authors, though the discovery come
too late to preserve from ruin the master, who hath
been deluded.

An eminent poet of our own nation calls this flat-
tery the food of fools ; and yet it is a plant so
guarded and fenced about, so cherished and pre
served in all courts, that it never fails of bringing
forth much wretched fruit ; and will ever do so, till
God Almighty shall send such a discerning spirit
into the hearts of princes, as may enable them to
distinguish between those that serve to obtain their
own ends, and those who have only in their view the
true interest and honour of their masters ; and to
punish, instead of encouraging, those bold corrupters
of all right judgment, justice, honesty, and truth.

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 15

If at any time it might be hoped this dangerous
generation of men should be discountenanced, one
might be allowed to look for it in an age, when a
revolution hath been thought necessary to make a
reformation : for where the foundations of the earth
were taken to be out of course, more steadiness, a
stricter virtue, and a more unblameable administra
tion will be expected to come in the room of it.

If princes would bear it, it would be an advan
tage to them, as well as happiness to their subjects,
to hear plain and bold truths, when delivered with
duty, and decency, and privacy, from their faithful
servants, in their own lifetime ; whilst they might
yet redress and correct any mistakes of their judg
ment, or will. But because they generally defend
themselves from those approaches by their great
ness, and the awe they usually strike on those that
come near them, the next best way to incline them
to reflect duly upon themselves, is to get them to
read the memorials of times past : where they will
see how those who have once governed the world
are treated, when they are dead and gone ; and that
it is the privilege and practice of all present ages, to
speak without restraint of those that are past : as,
we may be confident, the next that comes after this
we live in, will not forget to put their stamp, and
their censure, on what they shall judge good or bad
in any part of it. And this truth will be allowed
in all times, that a great king, who is known to
govern in his own person, who is not managed by
his ministers, but does himself give the direction,

16 THE PREFACE

the life, and determination to all his commands, as
he ought to have the glory, and the merit of his
conduct and skill, brought to his own account with
out a rival, so he will have the misfortune of having
the errors of his reign, if any there be, imputed
likewise to himself.

We have been led, from one step to another, fur
ther than the scope of a preface to this History
might properly have drawn us, were it not that the
observation of the miscarriages in former times, con
tinued down by degrees, as we conceive, from the
like mistake, and the like root of animosity and dis
content, had engaged us to make some remarks on
the most eminent of them, and to lay them together
in one view, for every man s calm judgment and
animadversion, as the best means, in our opinion, to
prevent any such for the future. Which makes us
hope the reader will not be offended with some ex
cursions, upon publishing such a work, that hath so
much of information and instruction in it, that it
must furnish to every one great variety of reflec
tions ; and, amongst others, the observation of this
particular, and almost continual misfortune to all
princes, who are apt to think that, out of the great
numbers of their subjects, and the crowd of their
courtiers and flatterers, they can never want a sup
ply of just and faithful servants; which makes them
so little value, and so often throw away, their best
and ablest ministers ; whereas there is in truth no
thing so difficult for a prince, as to find a good, ho
nest, just, well tempered, and impartial servant ; and

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 17

it is almost impossible to preserve him long. For
whosoever comes to the yoke of true painful
drudgery in his master s service, from that moment
creates to himself so many industrious enemies, as
he cannot gratify in all their several wild preten
sions, to displace and destroy him. So that such a
man s station must be extreme slippery, and his fa
vour oftentimes shortlived, whose whole time being
taken up in promoting the solid greatness of his
master, and the good of his country, he cannot
have leisure to take care of himself. For whilst he
is watching the enemies of the state, and laying
foundations for the happiness of future times, as
well as for the security of the present, and looking
after all the parts of the administration ; that the
religion of the land may be reverenced ; the justice
of the nation unblemished; the revenues of the
crown carefully and honestly collected, and distri
buted with an equal hand of generosity and good
husbandry, according to the several occasions that
may require either ; how can such a minister be
watching the secret machinations of the enviers and
uriderminers of his credit and honesty ? And there
fore he may be forgiven, if, being conscious to him
self of his own integrity towards the public, he con
temns the little arts of ill designing men ; by which
however, from the first hour of his entering into the
service of his master, he is continually pursued, till
he is at length hunted down, and unavoidably de
stroyed at court.

We do not intend here to write the particulars of
VOL. I. e

IS THE PREFACE

the life of this author; but we may say in short,
that such a figure as is here described of a great
and superior minister, and, in some degree, of a fa
vourite too, this excellent man made, for about two
years after the restoration of the king his master,
who, during that time, relied entirely on his advice
and conduct. There were indeed some other great
and wise men, whom the king, for some consider
able time, consulted in his weightiest affairs. There
was the earl of Southampton, then lord high trea
surer of England, with whom our author had al
ways an entire and fast friendship, and whom all
men, that knew him, honoured for his great abi
lities, and eminent integrity. There was the duke
of Albemarle, then lord general, who had the ho
nour and good fortune of bringing most things, and
men, at that time to bear together, for the restora
tion of that king, and the royal family to the seat
of their ancestors. There was the then marquis of
Ormond, soon after his majesty s return made lord
steward of the household, and lord lieutenant of
Ireland; who had not only followed, but even
graced his master s fortunes, in all the time of his
exile, with the attendance of so eminent and me
ritorious a subject; who had often ventured his
person, and lost all his large estate in the steady
pursuit of loyalty and duty to the crown, and zeal
for the true religion. There was the earl of Sand
wich, who had,, when admiral, and general at sea,
to his share the glorious part of bringing the fleet of
England, and the body of the English seamen, to

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 19

concur in the king s restoration ; and had, before
that time, been very meritorious towards his ma
jesty, as is mentioned at large in the ensuing parts
of this History. These were the principal ; and be
sides these, there was one more, who, though in a
different rank, was admitted, at that time, into the
most intimate trust and confidence, old secretary
Nicholas ; who had served his two masters, king
Charles the First and Second, with so much faith
fulness and integrity, as to be justly entitled to a
part in the most important administration. But,
without the least design of detracting from the cre
dit or interest of these great and honourable per
sons, we may truly say, our author had the pre
ference of them all in the king s favour and esteem ;
and by his prudence, knowledge, and experience, in
which he shared with the others, and his indefa
tigable labour and pains, wherein, it is most certain,
they did not share with him, he had the happiness,
without their envy, and with their concurrence, to
have the greatest share in disposing the minds of
the people, and the king too, to agree then on such
measures in parliament, as laid the foundation of
that peace, plenty, and prosperity this nation hath
enjoyed since.

He had the happiness to have the greatest share
in preserving the constitution of our government
entire, when the then present temper of the people
was but too ready to have gone into any undue com
pliance with the crown.

He had the happiness, amongst several other

c 2

SO THE PREFACE

good acts of parliament, to have the greatest share
in compassing and perfecting the act of oblivion
and indemnity ; the act for confirming judicial pro
ceedings ; and the act of uniformity ; by which the
people of England were quieted in their minds, and
settled in their possessions ; and the church of Eng
land redeemed from the oppressions it had lain un
der, and established and set up by the law of the
land, as it was also by our blessed Saviour s promise
to all those that serve him in holiness and truth, on
that Rock, against which the gates of hell were not
to prevail. This is that church, which desires to
have her doctrine understood, as well as obeyed;
and which depends on the infallibility of scripture
for her guide ; but never could be drawn to allow it
to any mortal men, whether in a single person, or a
greater number; and which, of all the churches in
the world, does most rationally inform her members
in the practice of pure religion and undefiled to
wards God, with decency in worship, without affec
tation, superstition, or ostentation ; and obedience
to the king, with due regard to the constitution and
the laws of the land. By God s blessing on these
means, our author had the happiness to leave last
ing monuments of his judgment and his piety ; of
his loyalty to his prince, and his entire love to his
country.

It was during the ministry of this person, and
whilst he was in his greatest credit, that memorable
expression was used, in one of king Charles the Se
cond s speeches to both houses : that in all his de-

TO THE FIRST EDITION.

liberations and actions, his principal consideration
should be, What will a parliament think of them ?

Every body then knew, by whose advice that
king was inclined to make that wise declaration.
And certainly it had been happy for him, if he had
always practised it ; and all England hath reason to
wish, that all ministers had continued, to this day, to
give the like wholesome counsel.

Hce tibi erunt artes,

said our author, to a king of England : Keep always
well with your parliaments. Let no vain whimsey
of the example of other countries, but utterly im
practicable in this, delude you. Keep always in the
true interest of the nation ; and a king of England
is the greatest and happiest prince in the world.

How this person came first to lessen in his cre
dit, and afterwards, in the space of about five years,
to fall quite out of that king s favour, to be dis
graced, as the language at court is, and banished,
must be a little touched ; and we shall make an
end. They who were then most concerned in his
misfortunes, and felt the most sensible strokes of his
majesty s displeasure in their family, have it not in
their hearts to lay any thing hard at the door of
that king, once a most gracious and indulgent mas
ter to our author, and who was certainly not of a
disposition to do harsh things to any body ; and
who, as we have reason to believe, out of the sense
of unkind usage to the father, did afterwards, by his
own singular goodness and favour, much against
the mind of some in credit with him, draw his two

c 3

THE PREFACE

sons, who yet survive, into a very great degree of
trust and confidence near him ; and particularly
bestowed on the second extraordinary marks of
honour and bounty, that are to descend to his pos
terity.

We take them both to be men of so much piety
to their father, and so much spirit in themselves,
that they would by no means be bribed to omit any
thing upon this occasion, that might be of use or
advantage to the honour of one they owe so much
duty to ; if they could conceive, that there was
need, at this time of day, to contribute to the justi
fication of his innocency. The world hath lasted
long enough, since the misfortunes of this honour
able person, to be throughly convinced, that there
was nothing in all those articles exhibited against
him in parliament, that did in the least touch or
concern him. One of his sons, then of the house of
commons, offered in that house, that if they who

t

accused him would but take the pains to prove to
the house any one of the articles, and take which
they would, if they made out but any one of them
all, himself, and all his friends, would acknowledge
him guilty of all.

But there is no need now of the vindication of
such a man, whom every body, in their consciences,
do not only acquit of any crime, but all good men
speak of with honour ; and who still lives in the
opinion of all true Englishmen, in as high a reputa
tion as any man to this day.

Yet, although we intend to decline all manner of

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 23

reflection on the memory of that king, we may be
allowed to say, that that excellently well natured
prince, who did very few ill natured things in his
reign, was prevailed upon, in this case, not only to
put out of his service one of the most faithful and
ancient servants then alive to his father, or himself,
(which is not to be so much complained of; for it
would be a hard tie indeed for a prince to be, as it
were, married to his servants for better, for worse,)
but to consent to an act of parliament, that obliged
this his poor servant to end his days in banishment,
with old age and infirmities to attend him : this
might be thought a little hardhearted to inflict
upon a man, who had the honour and happiness, in
the more vigorous part of his life, to have led the
king himself through his own exile, with credit and
dignity, and in more honour and reputation, than
usually attends unfortunate princes, that are de
prived of their own dominions ; and at last, in the
fulness of God s own time, had the happiness to
have so considerable a share in the conduct of his
restoration. For it was by this author principally,
that the continual correspondence was kept up with
the loyal party in England, in order to cultivate
good thoughts of his majesty in the minds of his
people, and to bring them, in some sort, acquainted
with his temper and disposition, before they could
know his person. This author likewise framed,
disposed, and drew those letters and declarations
from Breda, which had so wonderful an effect all
over England, and were so generally approved here,

c 4

24 THE PREFACE

that they were, almost all, turned into acts of par
liament.

Many perhaps may not unreasonably believe, that
the marriage of the then duke of York with the
daughter of this author might have been one great
occasion, if not the foundation, of his fall; and
though it be most undoubtedly true, that this very
unequal alliance was brought to pass entirely with
out the knowledge or privity of this author, but so
much the contrary, that when the king, at that
time, made him more than ordinary expressions of
his grace to him, with assurances that this acci
dent should not lessen the esteem and favour his
majesty had for him ; yet his own good judgment
made him immediately sensible, and declare it too,
to those he was intimate with, that this must
certainly be the occasion of the diminution of his
credit.

The continual dropping of water does not more
infallibly make an hollow in a stone, than the per
petual whispers of ill men must make impression in
the heart of any prince, that will always lie open to
hear them ; nor can any man s mind be sufficiently
guarded from the influence of continued calumny
and backbiting.

When the duke of York had made this marriage,
it was not unnatural to those ill-minded men to
suggest, that, for the time to come, that minister
would be contriving advantages for the good of his
own posterity, to the prejudice of his sovereign and
master. What their wickedness, possibly, would

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 25

have allowed them to practise, was ground enough
to them for an accusation of his innocency.

t

It was true, that the duke of York was become
the chancellor s son-in-law ; and therefore they hoped
to be believed, when they said, that to satisfy his
ambition, he would forfeit his integrity ; which, God
knows, was not true.

Thus what Tacitus observes, in the time of Ti
berius, of Granius Marcellus, who was informed
against to have spoken ill words of that emperor,
was here, in some sort, verified on our author :

Inemtabile crimen, says Tacitus concerning those
words, nam, quia vera erant> etiam dicta credeban-
tur.

The alliance was undeniable ; there were chil
dren born of it ; arid the king was not blessed with
any from his marriage. An inevitable crime laid on
our author. For, because it was true, that there
were children from one marriage, and not from the
other, it was suggested, that both marriages had
been so contrived by the chancellor : though the
king knew very well, that his own marriage had not
been first projected or proposed by this author ; and
that he had often told his majesty, what suspicions
there were in the world, that that great and virtu
ous princess might prove unfruitful.

Another inevitable misfortune, which was then
laid as a crime too on our author, was a report very
falsely but very industriously spread abroad, that
first begat a coldness, and, by degrees, very much
disinclined a great many of the royal party to him ;

26 THE PREFACE

a report, that he should have instilled into the king s
mind a principle, that he must prefer his enemies,
and advance them, to gain them to be his friends ;
and for his old friends, it was no matter how he
used them, for they would be so still. To which
very scandalous misrepresentation we must give this
true answer :

It fell out indeed, that every man s expectation,
that had laboured all the heat of the day in the
vineyard, who had received wounds in their persons
in the day of battle, or suffered in their fortunes or
liberties, for the preservation of a good conscience
during the usurpation of tyranny and anarchy, was
not, and, alas ! could not be recompensed immedi
ately according to their merit, or the hopes they
had entertained : and because it was true that they
were disappointed, it was believed by some of them,
that our author, being minister at that time, had
instilled this damnable doctrine and position, that it
was no matter how the king used his old friends :
and because it was true that they were not consi
dered as they deserved, it must be believed, as they
would have it, that he was the author of that ad
vice.

It was true that the king, who was so wonder
fully restored with all that glory and peace, more
perhaps upon the confidence of his declarations and
promises from Breda, than any other human means,
and who had thought it necessary to recommend, in
his most gracious speech to both houses, upon the
passing the act of indemnity, that all marks of dis-

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 27

tinction and division amongst his subjects should be
for ever buried and forgotten, did not think it for
his honour, and true interest, to reign over a party
only of his subjects; and therefore, immediately
after his restoration, in order to the settlement of
his court and family, the then earl of Manchester,
whose part every body remembered to have been
very eminent, in the time of the rebellion, against
king Charles the First, but who had industriously
applied himself several years to the king, to make
reparation for his former errors, and had been con
siderably serviceable to him in several occasions, was
honoured with the office of lord chamberlain of the
household ; to let the kingdom see, how the king
himself began with practising what he exhorted his
subjects to, that admirable art of forgetfulness, when
he put such a person into so eminent a station in
the government, near his own person. And it was
certainly of advantage to the king, in the beginning
of his settlement here, as well as a mark of justice
in his nature, to let his subjects know and feel, that
every one of them might capacitate himself, by his
future behaviour, for any dignity and preferment.

But it could never be in the heart of a man, who
had been all along on the suffering side, to do his
own party so base an office with the king, as this
false report did insinuate. He might be of opinion
that the fatted calf was to be killed, for the enter
tainment of the prodigal son, whenever he return
ed; that there might be no distinction of parties
kept up amongst us : but he could never forget the

28 THE PREFACE

birthright of the eldest son, who had served the
king so many years, and had not at any time trans
gressed his commandment, and so well deserved that
praise, and that reward, Son, thou art ever with me,
and all that I have is thine. And yet this calumny,
false as it was, was another inevitable crime, or at
least misfortune. For without that opinion, which
some of the royal party had sucked in, that the
chancellor had abandoned their interest, it had been
impossible to have engaged a majority in that par
liament to have consented to that act of banish
ment.

God forgive the inventors and contrivers of that
foul calumny ! But, by his almighty providence, who
from heaven reveals secrets, it was not long before
that party was disabused. For, though the chan
cellor for some time bore the blame, that they had
not been more considered, it was quickly found, that
it was not from him, but from the mistaken politics
of the new statesmen, that they were designed to
be neglected. Nor did they at all find themselves
more taken notice of, after his removal ; nor have
the several other parties in the kingdom, that have
been cherished and countenanced in opposition to
this, much declined, as we conceive, to this day.

But after all, we are humbly of opinion, that it
was neither of these above-mentioned unavoidable
misfortunes, nor both together, that gave the fatal
and last decisive blow to the fortune of this good
man. The king had too good a judgment, and was
too well natured, to have been imposed upon barely

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 29

by such attacks as these ; which he knew very well
himself, as to our author s guilt in them, were fri
volous and unjust.

But there are always in courts secret engines,
that actually consummate the mischiefs, that others,
in a more public way, have been long in bringing to
pass : and in this case there were two principal
ones :

The one, the interest of some of the zealots of the
popish party, who knew this minister had too much
credit in the nation, though he should lose it with
the king, to suffer the projects, they perpetually had
of propagating their religion, to take effect, whilst
he should be in the kingdom :

The other, the faction of the ladies, too prevalent
at that time with the king, who were afraid of such
a man s being near him, as durst talk to him, as he
had several times taken the liberty to do, of the
scandal of their lives, and reprove both the master
and the mistresses, for their public unlawful conver
sations.

Thus these two interests, joining their forces,
were so powerful, that there was no resisting them,
by a man, who could not make court to either. And
so he fell a sacrifice to the ambition and malice of
all sorts of enemies, who were desirous of getting
new places to themselves in the court, and of trying
new inventions in the state.

And yet it is to be observed, that that king, who
was, almost all his reign, ever labouring, with much
pains, to get a little ease, which he might perhaps

30 THE PREFACE

have attained with less trouble, and, no doubt,
hoped, by getting rid of this old importunate coun
sellor, to terrify any man from presuming afterwards
to tell him such bold truths, had scarce ever after
any serenity in his whole reign : but those very wo
men, or others in their places, and the factions he
himself had given countenance to, grew too hard
for him, and tore him almost to pieces, sometimes
in the favouring of one party, and sometimes of an
other, without steadiness of his own, or confidence
enough in any of his servants, to guide him through
those perplexities, that could not have been brought
upon him, but by his own consent.

We dare say, there were some hours in his life,
that he wished he had had his old chancellor again ;
who, he knew, was a more skilful pilot than any of
his new statesmen :

( Tempus erit, magno cum optaverit emptum

Intactum)

and that he had not, by his too much eagerness to
get rid of one old servant, given too great an handle
to have new measures and new counsels so often
imposed upon him, throughout the whole remaining
part of his life.

Thus we have finished our Preface, which we
thought incumbent on us to make, who had lived
to be acquainted with this author, and to have
known his merit, that it might attend the publish
ing this History, to give the present age some in
formation of the character of him they are to read.
And as we desired to perform it with respect to his

TO THE FIRST EDITION. 31

memory, so we hope we have not exceeded the
bounds of truth and modesty, which he himself
would have taken unkindly from those that are
doing this office to him. Whatever misfortunes he
might have in his life ; whatever enemies he might
have had ; or whatever errors he might have com
mitted, (which few men in his high stations escape
quite clear of,) we presume to think he deserves,
from all impartial men, the praise of an honest,
just, and able servant to the church and crown, and
to be ranked amongst the great and good ministers
of state.

And now we will conclude all, with a thanks
giving to God in Saint Luke, Glory be to God on
high, and on earth peace, good-will towards men.

For God s name ought ever to be glorified in all
his dispensations ; whether they be attended with
the prosperities or adversities of this present world.
We speak it knowingly, that our noble author did
so throughout the course of his misfortunes, and
that he did adore and magnify God s holy name, for
all his mercies so plentifully bestowed upon him ;
and particularly for giving him the courage and vir
tue constantly to act and suffer honourably through
all the considerable employments of his life ; and,
more especially, to endeavour to keep things even
between the king and the people, (the everlasting
labour of a faithful servant,) rather than advance
his own favour, by unreasonably advancing the pre
rogative on the one hand, or his credit, by courting
the popular interest, on the other ; which we hear-

32 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.

tily wish all men, in the highest authority under a
king of England, may ever remember to practise.

And whoever are acquainted with the sons of
this noble author, must do them this justice to own,
they have often declared, that they have found
themselves as well the better Christians, as the bet
ter men, for the afflicted as well as prosperous parts
of their father s life ; which hath taught them, to be
the less surprised with the various turns they have
met with in the course of their own. With Saint
Paul, they have learnt to know how to be exalted,
and how to be abased. This as Christians : and
with Horace, who attributes more to fortune, they
have learnt to have always in their minds,
Laudo manentem : si celeres quatit
Pennas 9 resigno quce dedit.

And having thus glorified God on high, that they
may do all in them lies towards promoting peace on
earth, they do very heartily declare and profess good
will towards all men ; and bear no unkindness to
any that were the contrivers of the undeserved mis
fortunes of their noble father.

DEDICATION

PREFIXED TO

VOL. II. OF THE FIRST EDITION.

TO

THE QUEEN.

/

MADAM,

JLO your majesty is most humbly dedicated this
second part of the History of the Rebellion and
Civil Wars, written by Edward earl of Clarendon.
For to whom so naturally can the works of this
author, treating of the times of your royal grand
father, be addressed, as to yourself; now wearing,
with lustre and glory, that crown, which, in those
unhappy days, was treated with so much contempt
and barbarity, and laid low even to the dust ?

This second part comes with the greater confi
dence into your presence, by the advantage of the
favourable reception the first hath met with in the
world ; since it is not to be doubted, but the same
truth, fairness, and impartiality, that will be found
throughout the whole thread of the History, will
meet with the same candour from all equal judges.

It is true, some few persons, whose ancestors are
VOL. i. d

34 DEDICATION TO VOL. II.

here found not to have had that part during their
lives which would have been more agreeable to the
wishes of their surviving posterity, have been of
fended at some particulars, mentioned in this His
tory, concerning so near relations, and would have
them pass for mistaken informations. But it is to
be hoped, that such a concern of kindred for their
families, though not blameable in them, will rather
appear partial on their side ; since it cannot be
doubted, but this author must have had his mate
rials from undeniable and unexceptionable hands,
and could have no temptation to insert any thing
but the truth in a work of this nature, which was
designed to remain to posterity, as a faithful record
of things and persons in those times, and of his own
unquestionable sincerity in the representation of
them.

In this assurance it is humbly hoped, it will not
be unprofitable to your majesty to be here informed
of the fatal and undeserved misfortunes of one of
your ancestors, with the particular and sad occasions
of them ; the better to direct your royal person
through the continual uncertainties of the greatness
of this world. And as your majesty cannot have a
better guide, throughout the whole course of your
reign, for the good administration of your govern
ment, than history in general, so there cannot be a
more useful one to your majesty than this of your
own kingdoms ; and it is presumed, without lying
under the imputation of misleading your majesty, it
may be asserted, that no author could have been

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 35

better instructed, and have known more of the times
and matters of which he writes, than this who is
here presented to you.

Your majesty may depend upon his relations to
he true in fact ; and you will find his observations
just ; his reflections made with judgment and weight ;
and his advices given upon wise and honest princi
ples ; not capable of being now interpreted as sub
servient to any ambition or interest of his own ; and
having now outlived the prejudices and partialities
of the times in which they were written. And your
majesty thus elevated, as by God s blessing you are,
from whom a great many truths may be industri
ously concealed, and on whom a great many wrong
notions under false colours may with equal care be
obtruded, will have the greater advantage from this
faithful remembrancer.

This author, once a privy counsellor and minister
to two great kings, and, in a good degree, favourite
to one of them, hath some pretence to be admitted
into your majesty s council too, and may become ca
pable of doing you service also ; whilst the accounts
he gives of times past, come seasonably to guide
you through the times present, and those to come.

This History may lie upon your table unenvied,
and your majesty may pass hours and days in the
perusal of it, when, possibly, they who shall be the
most useful in your service, may be reflected on for
aiming too much at influencing your actions, and
engrossing your time.

From this History your majesty may come to

d 2.

36 DEDICATION TO VOL. II.

know more of the nature and temper of your own
people, than hath yet been observed by any other
hand. Neither can any living conversation lay be
fore your majesty in one view, so many transactions
necessary for your observation. And seeing no
prince can be endued in a moment with a perfect
experience in the conduct of affairs, whatever know
ledge may be useful to your majesty s government,
if it may have been concealed from you in the cir
cumstances of your private life, in this History it
may be the most effectually supplied ; where your
majesty will find the true constitution of your go
vernment, both in church and state, plainly laid be
fore you, as well as the mistakes that were com
mitted in the management of both.

Here your majesty will see how both those in
terests are inseparable, and ought to be preserved
so, and how fatal it hath proved to both, whenever,
by the artifice and malice of wicked and self-design
ing men, they have happened to be divided. And
though your majesty will see here, how a great king
lost his kingdoms, and at last his life, in the defence
of this church, you will discern too, that it was by
men who were no better friends to monarchy than
to true religion, that his calamities were brought
upon him ; and as it was the method of those men
to take exceptions first to the ceremonies and out
ward order of the church, that they might attack
her the more surely in her very being and founda
tion, so they could not destroy the state, which they
chiefly designed, till they had first overturned the

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 37

church. And a truth it is which cannot be contro
verted, that the monarchy of England is not now
capable of being supported, but upon the principles
of the church of England ; from whence it will be
very natural to conclude, that the preserving them
both firmly united together is the likeliest way for
your majesty to reign happily over your subjects.

The religion by law established is such a vital
part of the government, so constantly woven and
mixed into every branch of it, that generally men
look upon it as a good part of their property too ;
since that, and the government of the church, is
secured to them by the same provision. So that it
seems that, next to treason against your sacred per
son, an invasion upon the church ought to be
watched and prevented by those who have the ho
nour to be trusted in the public administration, with
the strictest care and diligence, as the best way to
preserve your person and government in their just
dignity and authority.

Amongst all the observations, that may be made
out of this History, there seems none more melan
cholic, than that, after so much misery and deso
lation brought upon these kingdoms by that unna
tural civil war, which hath yet left so many deep
and lamentable marks of its rage and fury, there
have hitherto appeared so few signs of repentance
and reformation.

Some persons will see, they are designed to be
excepted out of this remark, whose conduct hath
happily made amends for the mistakes of their an-

38 DEDICATION TO VOL. II.

cestors, and whose practice in the stations they are
now in does sufficiently distinguish them. Happy
were it for the nation, had all the rest thought fit
to follow so good examples, and that either acts of
indemnity and oblivion, or acts of grace and favour,
or employments of authority, riches, and honour,

I

had hitherto been able to recover many of them to
the temper of good subjects. The truth of this ob
servation is set forth by this author in so lively a
manner, that one hath frequent occasions to look on
him as a prophet as well as an historian, in several
particulars mentioned in this book.

That this remark may not look froward or angry,
with great submission to your majesty, it may be
considered, what can be the meaning of the several
seminaries, and as it were universities, set up in di
vers parts of the kingdom, by more than ordinary
industry, contrary to law, supported by large contri
butions ; where the youth is bred up in principles
directly contrary to monarchical and episcopal go
vernment ? What can be the meaning of the con
stant solemnizing by some men the anniversary of
that dismal thirtieth of January, in scandalous and
opprobrious feasting and jesting, which the law of
the land hath commanded to be perpetually ob
served in fasting and humiliation ? If no sober man
can say any thing in the defence of such actions, so
destructive to the very essence of the government,
and yet impossible to be conducted without much
consultation and advice, it is hoped this reflection
will not be thought to have proceeded from an un-

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 39

charitable and ill-natured spirit, but from a dutiful
and tender regard to the good of the nation, and
the prosperity of your majesty s reign.

In the mean time, whether this does not look like
an industrious propagation of the rebellious princi
ples of the last age,, and on that score render it ne
cessary that your majesty should have an eye to
ward such unaccountable proceedings, is humbly
submitted to your majesty ; who will make a better
judgment upon the whole than any others can sug
gest to you : you have a greater interest to do it ;
you have much more to preserve, and much more
to lose ; you have the happiness of your kingdoms,
your crown, and your government to secure, in a
time of as great difficulties, as ever were yet known,
under a very expensive war at present, and some
circumstances attending it in relation to these na
tions, that may continue even after a peace ; besides
the danger of a future separation of the two king
doms, very uncomfortable to reflect on ; which yet,
in all probability, will have influence upon the pre
sent times too, if it comes once to be thought that it
is inevitable.

God give your majesty a safe and prosperous pas
sage through so many appearances of hazard ; you
can never want undertakers of divers sorts, who, ac
cording to their several politics, will warrant you
success if you will trust them : but your real happi
ness will very much depend upon yourself, and your
choosing to honour with your service such persons
as are honest, stout, and wise.

d 4

40 DEDICATION TO VOL. II.

If informations of times past may be useful, this
author will deserve a share of credit with you, whose
reputation and experience were so great in his life
time, that they will be recorded in times to come
for the real services he did, besides the honour, and
great fortune, unusual to a subject, of having been
grandfather to two great queens, your royal sister
and yourself; both so well beloved and esteemed by
your people ; both so willing and zealous to do good.
Her power indeed was more limited and dependent ;
but her early death made room for your majesty s
more unrestrained and sovereign authority, and re
signed to yourself alone the more lasting dispensa
tion of those blessings that came from Heaven to you
both.

If the benefit your majesty may reap by the per
usal of this History, shall prove serviceable to after-
times, it will be remembered to the praise and ho
nour of his name ; and your majesty yourself will
not be displeased to allow his memory a share of
that advantage ; nor be offended with being put in
mind,, that your English heart, so happily owned by
yourself, and adored by your subjects, had not been
so entirely English, without a communication with
his heart too, than which there never was one more
devoted to the good of his country, and the firm
establishment of the crown.

It being designed by this dedication only to in
troduce this noble author into your presence, it
would be contrary to the intention of it to take up
more of your majesty s time here ; it is best there-

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 41

fore to leave this faithful counsellor alone with you.
For God s sake, madam, and your own, be pleased
to read him with attention, and serious and frequent
reflections ; and from thence, in conjunction with
your own heart, prescribe to yourself the methods
of true and lasting greatness, and the solid maxims
of a sovereign truly English : that during this life
you may exceed in felicities and fame, and after this
life, in reputation and esteem, that glorious prede
cessor of your majesty s, the renowned first Semper
Eadem, whose motto you have chosen, and whose
pattern you seem to have taken for your great ex
ample, to your own immortal glory, and the defence,
security, and prosperity of the kingdoms you go
vern.

And God grant you may do so long.

DEDICATION

PREFIXED TO

VOL. III. OF THE FIRST EDITION.

TO

THE QUEEN.

MADAM,

W I T H all duty and submission comes into the
world the last part of this History under your ma
jesty s protection ; a just tribute to your majesty, as
well on the account of the memory of the author, so
long engaged, and so usefully, in the service of the
crown, as of the work itself, so worthily memorable
for the great subject he treats of, and so instructive,
by his noble way of treating it.

This work, now it is completely published, relates
the transactions of near twenty years ; hardly to be
paralleled in any other time, or place, for the won
derful turns and passages in it. In this space of
time, your majesty sees your own country at the
highest pitch of happiness and prosperity, and the
lowest degree of adversity and misery. So that,
when a man carries his thoughts and his memory
over all the occurrences of those times, he seems to

44 DEDICATION TO VOL. III.

be under the power of some enchantment, and to
dream, rather than read, the relations of so many
surprising revolutions. The peace and the plenty
of this kingdom, and, in so short a space of time,
the bloody desolation of it by a most wicked rebel
lion, the ruin of so many noble and great families,
and the devastation of their estates ; and, after this,
the restitution of all things as at the beginning, is
hardly credible at this time, even so soon after all
these things came to pass.

When your majesty sees one of your royal an
cestors, the first who lived to reign as heir to the
two crowns of Great Britain united, and, on that
account, higher in reputation, honour, and power,
than any of his predecessors, brought, by unac
countable administrations on the one hand, and by
vile contrivances on the other, into the greatest
difficulties and distresses throughout all his king
doms ; then left and abandoned by most of his ser
vants, whom he had himself raised to the greatest
honours arid preferments ; thus reduced to have
scarce one faithful able counsellor about him, to
whom he could breathe his conscience and com
plaints, and from whom he might expect one ho
nest, sound, disinterested advice : after this, how
he was obliged to take up arms, and to contend
with his own subjects in the field for his crown,
the laws, his liberty, and life ; there meeting with
unequal fortune, how he was driven from one part
of the kingdom, and from one body of an army to
another, till at last he was brought under the

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 45

power of cruel and merciless men, imprisoned, ar
raigned, condemned, and executed like a common
malefactor : and after this still, when your majesty
sees his enemies triumphing for a time in their
own guilt, and ruling over their fellows, and first
companions in wickedness, with successful inso
lence, till these very men by force, and fraud, and
sundry artifices, still getting the better of one an
other, brought all government into such confusion
and anarchy, that no one of them could* subsist ;
and how then, by God s providence, the heir of
the royal martyr was invited and brought home
by the generality of the people, and their represen
tatives, to return, and take on him the govern
ment, in as full an exercise of it as any of his pre
decessors had ever enjoyed ; not subject to any of
those treaties, or conditions, which had been so
often offered by his father to the men then in
credit and power, and, in their pride and fury, had
been as often rejected by them : when your ma
jesty sees before you all this begun, and carried
on in violence and war, and concluded in a peace
ful restoration, within the space of twenty years,
by Englishmen alone amongst themselves, without
the intervention of any foreign power ; many of
the same hands joining in the recovery and set
tlement, as they had done before in the destruc
tion, of their country ; your majesty will certainly
say,

This was the Lord s doing, and it must ever be
marvellous in our eyes.

46 DEDICATION TO VOL. III.

An account of this great work of God coming to
be published in your majesty s time, it is humbly
conceived not improper to congratulate your good
fortune, that, in the beginning of your reign, such a
history of the greatest matters, passed within your
own dominions, comes to light ; as well for the ne
cessity there may be, after above forty years run out
in a very unsettled and various management of the
public affairs, to put men in mind again of those
mischiefs under which so many great men fell on
both sides, as in hopes, that on your majesty s ac
count, and for the glory of your name, whom your
people have universally received with joy, this ge
neration may be inclined to let these fresh examples
of good and evil sink into their minds, and make a
deeper impression in them to follow the one, and
avoid the other.

From the year 1660 to very near 1685, which
was the time of king Charles the Second s reign
here in England, it must needs be owned, that,
with all the very good understanding and excellent
good nature of that king, there was a great mix
ture of counsels, and great vicissitudes of good and
bad events, almost throughout that space of time
attending his government. They seem indeed to
be somewhat like the four seasons of the year ; of
which three quarters are generally fair, hopeful,
flourishing, and gay ; but there come as constantly
severe winters, that freeze, wither, destroy, and cut
off many hopeful plants, and expectations of things
to come.

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 47

It must be owned too, since it can never be con
cealed, that, from the beginning of the restoration,
there was, certainly, not such a return to God Al
mighty for the wonderful blessings he had poured
out with so liberal a hand, as, no doubt, was due to
the great Author and Giver of all that happiness :
neither was there such a prudence in the admi
nistration, or such a steadiness in the conduct of af
fairs, as the fresh experience of the forgone misfor
tunes might well have forewarned those that were
intrusted in it, to have pursued with courage and
constancy. It is but too notorious there was great
forgetfulness of God, as well as manifest mistakes
towards the world ; which quickly brought forth
fruits meet for such undutifulness and ill con
duct.

The next four years after that reign were at
tended with more fatal miscarriages ; over which it
may be more decent to draw a veil, than to enter
into a particular enumeration of them. Many great
princes have been led unawares into irrecoverable
errors ; and the greater they are, so many more
particular persons are usually involved in the ca
lamity.

What followed after this time, till your majesty s
most happy coming to the throne, is so fresh in the
memory of all men yet living, that every one will
be best able to make his own observations upon it.
Such deliverances have their pangs in the birth, that
much weaken the constitution, in endeavouring to
preserve and amend it.

48 DEDICATION TO VOL. III.

And now your majesty, who succeeds to a revo
lution as well as a restoration, has the advantage of
a retrospect on all these accidents, and the benefit
of reviewing all the failings in those times : and
whatsoever was wanting, at those opportunities of
amending past errors, in the management of affairs,
for the better establishment of the crown, and the
security of the true old English government, it will
be your majesty s happiness to supply in your time :
a time in some sort resembling the auspicious begin
ning of king Charles the Second s restoration ; for
in that time, as now in your majesty s, the people
of this kingdom ran cheerfully into obedience ; the
chiefest offenders lay quiet under a sense of their
own crimes, and an apprehension of the reward
justly due to them ; and all your subjects went
out to meet your majesty with duty, and most with
love.

Comparisons of times may be as odious as that of
persons; and therefore no more shall be said here
on that subject, than that since the restoration, and
some few years after it, given up to joy and the for-
getfulness of past miseries, there hath been no time
that brought so much hope of quiet, and so general
a satisfaction to these kingdoms, as that on which
we saw your majesty so happily seated upon the
throne of your ancestors. Among all the signs of
greatness and glory in a prince s reign, there is
none more really advantageous, none more comfort
able, than that which Virgil remarks as a felicity in
the time of Augustus,

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 49

When abroad the sovereign is prosperous, and
at home does govern subjects willing to obey :
When it is not fear that drives and compels them,
but affection and loving-kindness that draws them
to their duty ; and makes them rejoice under the
laws by which they are governed.. Such was cer
tainly the time of your majesty s first entrance ; and
such God grant it may be ever.

The two first volumes of this History have laid
before your majesty the original causes and the
foundations of the rebellion and civil war ; the con
trivances, designs, and consultations in it ; and the
miserable events of it ; and seemed to have finished
the whole war, when the author, at the very end of
the ninth book, says, that from that time there re
mained no possibility for the king to draw any
more troops together in the field. And when
there is an end of action in the field, the inquiries
into the consequences afterwards are usually less
warm.

But it happens in the course of this History, that
several new scenes of new wars, and the events of
them, are opened in this volume ; which, it is hoped,
will prove exceeding useful, even in those parts,
where, by reason of the sadness of the subject, it
cannot be delightful, and, in all other parts of it,
both useful and delightful.

Your majesty especially, who must have your
heart perpetually intent to see what followed in the
close of all those wars, and by what means and me
thods the loss of all that noble and innocent blood,

VOL, I. e

50 DEDICATION TO VOL. III.

and particularly that portion of the royal stream
then spilt, was recompensed upon their heads who
were the wicked contrivers of the parricide, and
how at last the miseries of these nations, and the
sufferings of your royal family, were all recovered
by God Almighty s own unerring hand, will, no
doubt, be more agreeably entertained in this volume
with the relation of the secret steps of the return of
God s mercy, than when he still seemed openly to
have forsaken his own oppressed cause ; wherein so
much of what was dearest to yourself was so highly
concerned.

Of the transactions within these kingdoms, soon
after the war was ended, especially just before and
after the barbarous murder of the blessed king,
this author could have but short and imperfect in
formations abroad. It cannot therefore justly be ex
pected that he should be so full or minute in many
circumstances relating to the actions and consulta
tions of that party here at home, as are to be found
in some other writers, whose business it was to in
tend only such matters.

One thing indeed were very much to be wished,
that he had given the world a more distinct and
particular narrative of that pious king s last most
magnanimous sufferings in his imprisonments, trial,
and death. But it seems the remembrance of all
those deplorable passages was so grievous and in
supportable to the writer s mind, that he abhorred
the dwelling long upon them, and chose rather to
contract the whole black tragedy within too narrow

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 51

a compass. But this is a loss that can only now be
lamented, not repaired.

But when the History brings your majesty to
what the noble writer esteemed one of his principal
businesses in this volume, to attend king Charles
the Second, and his two royal brothers, throughout
all their wanderings, which take up a considerable
share of it, and are most accurately and knowingly
described by him, as having been a constant witness
of most of them, it is presumed, this part may give
your majesty equal satisfaction to any that is gone
before it. It will not be unpleasant to your majesty,
since you have known so well the happy conclusion
of it, to see the banished king under his long ad
verse fortune, and how many years of trouble and
distress he patiently waited God Almighty s ap
pointed time, for his redemption from that captivity.

In that disconsolate time of distress and lowness
of his fortune, your majesty will find cause to ob-
serve, that there were factions even then in his
little court beyond sea ; so inseparable are such in
decent and unchristian contentions from all com
munities of men : they are like tares sown by an
enemy amongst the wheat, whilst good men sleep.

Upon the subject of the factions in those days,
there is a particular passage in this History, of two
parties in that court abroad, who thought it worth
their while, even then to be very industrious in pro
secuting this author with unjust and false accusa
tions. And the author himself observes, that, how
soever those parties seemed, on most other accounts,

e 2

52 DEDICATION TO VOL. III.

incompatible the one with the other, they were very
heartily united in endeavouring to compass his de
struction ; and for no other reason, that ever ap
peared, but his being an unwearied assertor of the
church of England s cause, and a constant friend
and servant to the true interest of it ; to which
either of them was really more irreconcileable,
than they were to each other, whatsoever they pre
tended.

This passage seems to deserve a particular reflec
tion, because, within few years after that king s re
storation, some of both those parties joined again
in attacking this noble author, and accusing him
anew of the very same pretended crimes they had
objected to him abroad; where there had been so
much malice shewed on one side, and so much
natural and irresistible innocency appeared on the
other, that one would have thought, no arrow out
of the same quiver could have been enough enve
nomed to have hurt so faithful, so constant, and so
tried a servant to the church and crown.

This particular, and another, wherein your ma
jesty will find what advice this author gave his
royal master, upon the occasion of his being much
pressed to go to church to Charenton, and how
some intrigues, and snares, cunningly laid on one
side, were very plainly and boldly withstood on the
other by this author, will let the world see, why
this man was by any means to be removed, if his
adversaries could effect it, as one that was perpe
tually crossing their mischievous designs, by an ha-

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 53

bitual course of adhering unmoveably to the interest
of this church and nation.

In the progress of this book, your majesty will
also find some very near that king whilst he was
abroad, endeavouring to take advantage of the for
lorn and desperate circumstances of his fortune, to
persuade him, that the party who had fought for
his father was an insignificant, a despicable, and un
done number of men ; and, on this account, putting
him on the thoughts of marrying some Roman ca
tholic lady, who might engage those of that religion,
both at home and abroad, in his majesty s interest ;
others at the same time, with equal importunity, re
commending the power of the presbyterians, as most
able to do him service, and bring him home.

This noble author all this while persisted, in the
integrity of his soul, to use that credit his faithful
ness and truth had gained him, to convince the
king, that foreign force was a strength not desir
able for him to depend on, and, if it were suspected
to be on the interest of popery, of all things most
likely to prevent and disappoint his restoration ;
that for his own subjects, none of them were to be
neglected ; his arms ought to be stretched out to
receive them all ; but the old royal party was that
his majesty should chiefly rely on, both to assist him
in his return, and afterwards to establish his govern
ment.

This noble author had been a watchful observer
of all that had passed in the time of the troubles ;
and had the opportunity to have seen the actions,

e 3

54 DEDICATION TO VOL. III.

and penetrated, in a good measure, into the consul
tations of those days, and was no ill judge of the
temper and nature of mankind ; and he, it seems,
could not be of opinion, but that they who had ven
tured all for the father, would be the truest and
firmest friends to the son.

Whether this grew up in him to be his judg
ment, from his observation of the rules of nature,
and a general practice in all wise men to depend
most on the service and affection of those who had
been steady to them in their distresses ; or whether
a lukewarm trimming indifferency, though some
times dignified with the character of politics, did
not suit with his plain dealing, it is certain, he never
could advise a prince to hold a conduct that should
grieve and disoblige his old friends, in hope of get
ting new ones, and make all his old enemies rejoice.
But, however his malicious prosecutors afterwards
scandalized him, as being the author of such coun
sels, and objected to him what was their own ad
vice and practice, he really thought this kind of
conduct weakened the hands, and tended to the
subversion of any government. And the success
has approved this judgment ; for in the very incon
stant and variable administration under that king,
it was found by experience, and to this day the
memorials of it are extant, that he had quiet and
calm days, or more rough and boisterous weather,
as he favoured or discountenanced his own party ;
called indeed a party by the enemies of it, upon
a levelling principle of allowing no distinctions ;

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 55

though all who have contended against it were pro
perly but parties; whilst that was then, and is
still, on the advantage-ground of being established
by the laws, and incorporated into the govern
ment.

By degrees your majesty is brought, in the course
of this History, as it were to the top of some exalted
height, from whence you may behold all the errors
and misfortunes of the time past with advantage to
yourself; may view armies drawn up, and battles
fought, without your part of the danger; and, by
the experience of former misfortunes, establish your
own security.

It seems to be a situation not unlike that of the
temple of wisdom in Lucretius ; from whence he
advises his readers to look down on all the vanity
and hurry of the world. And as that philosophical
poet does very movingly describe the pursuits of
those whom he justly styles miserable men, distract
ing themselves in wearisome contentions about the
business and greatness of an empty world ; so does
this noble historian, with true and evident deduc
tions from one cause and event to another, and such
an agreeable thread of entertainment, that one is
never content to give over reading, bring your ma
jesty to an easy ascent over all the knowledge of
those miserable times ; from whence, not in specu
lation only, but really and experimentally, you may
look down on all the folly, and madness, and wick
edness of those secret contrivances, and open vio
lences, whereby the nation, as well as the crown,

e 4

56 DEDICATION TO VOL. III.

was brought to desolation ; and see how falsely and
weakly those great and busy disturbers of peace
pretended reformation and religion, and to be seek
ing God in every one of their rebellious and sinful
actions ; whereas God was not to be found in their
thunder, nor their earthquakes, that seemed to
shake the foundations of the world ; but in the still
voice of peace he came at last, to defeat and disap
point all their inventions : that God, to whom ven
geance belongs, arose, and shewed himself in de
fence of that righteous cause of the crown and
church ; which your majesty will observe to have
been combined against, fought with, overthrown,
and in the end raised and reestablished together.
Now these things happened for ensamples, and
they are written for our admonition.

It is now most humbly submitted to your ma
jesty s judgment, whether the consideration of these
matters, set forth in this History, be not the most
useful prospect, not for yourself only, but your
noblest train, your great council, the lords spiritual
and temporal, and the commons in parliament as
sembled.

When your majesty is so attended, by God s
blessing, no power on earth will be able to disap
point your wisdom, or resist your will. And there
may be need of all this power and authority, to
preserve and defend your subjects, as well as your
crown, from the like distractions and invasions.
There may want the concurrence of a parliament
to prevent the return of the same mischievous prac-

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 57

tices, and to restrain the madness of men of the same
principles in this age, as destroyed the last ; such as
think themselves even more capable than those in
the last, to carry on the like wicked designs ; such
as take themselves to be informed, even from this
History, how to mend the mistakes then committed
by the principal directors on that side, and by a
more refined skill in wickedness to be able once
again to overthrow the monarchy, and then to per
petuate the destruction of it.

There is no doubt, madam, but every thing that
is represented to your majesty of this nature will
find a party ready to deny it ; that will join hand
in hand to assure the world there is no such thing.
It is a common cause, and it is their interest, if
they can, to persuade men, that it is only the heat
and warmth of high-church inventions, that suggest
such fears and jealousies.

But let any impartial person judge, to whom all
the libertines of the republican party are like to
unite themselves ; and whether it is imaginable, that
the established government, either in church or
state, can be strengthened, or served by them.
They must go to the enemies of both, and pretend
there is no such thing as a republican party in
England, that they may be the less observed, and
go on the more secure in their destructive projects.

They can have no better game to play, than to
declare, that none but Jacobites alarm the nation
with these apprehensions ; and that Jacobites are
much greater enemies than themselves to your ma-

58 DEDICATION TO VOL. III.

jesty. Let that be so : no man, in his wits, can
say any thing to your majesty in behalf of any, let
them be who they will, that will not own your
government, and wish the prosperity and the hap
piness of it, and contribute all they can to main
tain it.

But whilst these men most falsely asperse the
sons of the church of England for being Jacobites,
let them rather clear themselves of what they were
lately charged before your majesty, that there are
societies of them which celebrate the horrid thirtieth
of January, with an execrable solemnity of scandal
ous mirth ; and that they have seminaries, and a
sort of universities, in England, maintained by great
contributions, where the fiercest doctrines against
monarchical and episcopal government are taught
and propagated, and where they bear an implacable
hatred to your majesty s title, name, and family.

This seems to be a torrent that cannot be resisted
but by the whole legislative authority ; neither can
your throne, which they are thus perpetually assault
ing or undermining, be supported by a less power.

In these difficulties your great council will, over
and above their personal duty to your majesty, take
themselves to be more concerned to be zealous in
the defence of your royal prerogative, as well as of
their own just rights and privileges, in that it was
under the name and style of a parliament, though
very unjustly so called, that all the mischiefs men
tioned in this History were brought upon the king
dom.

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 59

They best can discover the craft and subtilty for
merly used in those consultations ; which first in
veigled and drew men in from one wickedness to
another, before they were aware of what they were
doing ; and engaged them to think themselves not
safe, but by doing greater evils than they began
with.

They will, no doubt, be filled with a just in
dignation against all that hypocrisy and villainy,
by which the English name and nation were ex
posed to the censure of the rest of the world : they
only can be able to present your majesty with re
medies proper and adequate to all these evils, by
which God may be glorified, and the ancient con
stitution of this government retrieved and sup
ported.

There is one calamity more, that stands in need
of a cure from your own sovereign hand. It is in
truth a peculiar calamity fallen most heavily on
this age, which though it took its chief rise from
the disorderly, dissolute times of those wars, and
has monstrously increased ever since, yet was never
owned so much as now, and that is a barefaced
contempt and disuse of all religion whatsoever. And
indeed what could so much feigned sanctity, and so
much real wickedness, during that rebellion begun
in 1641, produce else in foolish men s hearts, than
to say, There is no God?

This irreligion was then pretended to* be covered
with a more signal morality and precise strictness
in life and conversation, which was to be a recom-

60 DEDICATION TO VOL. III.

pense for the loss of Christianity. But now, even
that shadow of godliness and virtue is fled too.
Atheism and profaneness, diligently cultivated, have
not failed to produce a prostitution of all manners
in contempt of all government.

This profaneness and impiety seems, next to the
horrible confusions of the late rebellion, to have
gained ground chiefly by this method, that, when
many who have been in authority have not, on se
veral accounts, been heartily affected to the support
of the church established by law, there has crept
in, by little and little, a liberty against all reli
gion. For where the chief advisers or managers
of public affairs have inclined to alterations, which
the established rules have not countenanced, they
durst not cause the laws to be put in execution,
for fear of turning the force of them on them
selves ; so their next refuge has been to suffer men
to observe no discipline or government at all.

Thus the church of England, put to nurse, as it
were, sometimes to such as have been inclined to
popery, and sometimes to other sects, and some
times to men indifferent to all religion, hath been
in danger of being starved, or overlaid, by all of
them ; and the ill consequence has redounded not
only to the members of that communion, but to all
the professors of Christianity itself.

Whoever have ventured to give warning of these
wicked designs and practices, have been rendered
as persons of ill temper and very bad affections.
They that have been in credit and authority, have

OF THE FIRST EDITION. 61

been frequently inclined to be favourable to the
men complained of; it has been offered on their
behalf, that their intentions were good ; and that
it was even the interest of the government to cover
their principles, whatever might be the consequences
of them.

Thus these mischiefs have been still growing,
and no laws have hitherto reached them ; and, pos
sibly, they are become incapable of a remedy ; un
less your majesty s great example of piety and vir
tue shall have sufficient influence to amend them :
no honest man can say it is not reasonable, and
even necessary to watch them ; and that, in com
passion to your subjects, as well as justice to your
self. This History hath shewn your majesty their
fruits in the late times, by which you shall know
them still; for your majesty well remembers who
has said, that Men do not gather grapes of thorns,
or figs of thistles.

That God may give your majesty a discerning
spirit, a wise and understanding heart, to judge
aright of all things that belong to your peace ;
that he may enable you to subdue your enemies
abroad by successful counsels and arms, and to re
duce your ill-willers at home by prudent laws, ad
ministered with the meekness of wisdom ; that he
would give you length of days in one hand, and
riches and honour in the other ; that you, in your
days, may have the glory to restore good nature
(for which the English nation was formerly so ce
lebrated) and good manners, as well as the sin-

62 DEDICATION, &c.

cere profession and universal practice of the true
religion, in your kingdoms; and that his almighty
power may defend you with his favourable kind
ness as with a shield, against all your adversaries
of every kind, are the zealous, constant, and de
vout prayers of so many millions, that it were the
highest presumption in any one person, to subscribe
a particular name to so universal a concern.

THE

HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION, &c.*

BOOK I.

DEUT. iv. 7, 8, 9.

For what nation is there so great., who hath God so nigh

unto them, as the Lord our God is in all things that we

call upon him for ?

And what nation is there so great, that hath statutes and
judgments so righteous as all this law, which I set before

you this day ?
Only take heed to thyself, and keep thy soul diligently, lest

thou forget the things which thine eyes have seen.**

JL HAT posterity may not be deceived, by the The preface
prosperous wickedness of those c times of which I
write, d into an opinion, that nothing 6 less than a

a THE HISTORY OF THE RE- THAT CONTRIBUTED THERE-

BELLION, &C.] A TRUE HISTO- UNTO.

RICALL NARRATION OF THE RE- b DEUT. IV. Seen."] Notin MS.

BELLION AND CIVILL WARRS c those] these

IN ENGLAND BEGUNN IN THE d of which I Write,] Not in

YEARE 1641, WITH THE PRJE- MS.

CEDENT PASSAGES AND ACTIONS e nothing] Not in MS.

VOL, I. B

2 THE HISTORY

BOOK general combination, and universal apostasy in the
whole nation from their religion and allegiance,
could, in so short a time, have produced such a total
and prodigious alteration and confusion over the
whole kingdom ; and that f the memory of those, s
who, out of duty and conscience, have opposed 11 that
torrent, which did overwhelm 1 them, may not k lose
the recompense due to their virtue; but, 1 having
undergone the injuries and reproaches of this, may
find" 1 a vindication in a better age ; it will not be
unuseful, for the information of the judgment and
conscience of men, n to present to the world a full
and clear narration of the grounds, circumstances,
and artifices of this rebellion : not only from the
time since the flame hath been visible in a civil war,
but, looking farther back, from those former pas
sages and accidents, by which the seed-plots were
made and framed, from whence those P mischiefs
have successively grown to the height they have
since arrived at.^

And 1 in this ensuing history, 8 though the hand
and judgment of God will be very visible, in the in
fatuating a people (as ripe and prepared for destruc
tion) into all the perverse actions of folly and mad
ness, making the weak to contribute to the designs
of the wicked, and suffering even those, by degrees,

f that] so men,] at least to the curiosity

s those,] those few, if not the conscience of men,

h opposed] opposed and re- and accidents,] accidents

sisted and actions,

1 did overwhelm] hath over- P those] these

whelmed 9 have since arrived at:] are

k not] Not in MS. now at.

1 but,] and, r And] And then

m may find] may not find 5 in this ensuing history,]

n for the information of the Not in MS.

judgment and conscience of

OF THE REBELLION. 3

out of a x conscience of their guilt, to grow more BOOK
wicked than they intended to be ; letting the wise *
to be imposed upon by men of small understanding,?
and permitting the innocent to be possessed 2 with
laziness and sleep in the most visible article of dan
ger; uniting the ill, though of the most different
opinions, opposite a interests, and distant affections,
in a firm and constant league of mischief; and di
viding those, whose opinions and interests are the
same, into faction and emulation, more pernicious
to the public than the treason of the others : whilst
the poor people, under pretence of zeal to religion,
law, liberty, and parliaments, (words of precious es
teem in their just signification,) are furiously hur
ried into actions introducing atheism, and dissolving
all the elements of Christian religion ; cancelling all
obligations, and destroying all foundations of law
and liberty ; and rendering, not only the privileges,
but the b very being, of parliaments desperate and
impracticable: I say, though the immediate finger
and wrath of God must be acknowledged in these
perplexities and distractions ; yet he who shall dili
gently observe the distempers and conjunctures of
time, the ambition, pride, and folly of persons, and
the sudden growth of wickedness, from want of care
and circumspection in the first impressions, will find
all these miseries d to have proceeded, and to have
been brought upon us, from the same natural causes
and means, which have usually attended kingdoms

x a] the a opposite] divided

y small understanding,] no b the] Not in MS.
understanding, c impracticable :] impossible:

z permitting the innocent to d these miseries] this bulk of

be possessed] possessing the in- misery
nocent

JB 2

4 THE HISTORY

BOOK swoln with long plenty, pride, and excess, towards
! some signal mortification, 6 and castigation of Hea
ven. And it may be, upon the consideration how
impossible it was to foresee f many things that have
happened, and of the necessity of overlooking s many
other things, we may not yet find the cure so des
perate, but that, by God s mercy, the wounds may
be again bound up; h and then this prospect may
not make the future peace less pleasant and du
rable.

I have the more willingly induced myself to this
unequal task, out of the hope of contributing some
what to that blessed k end : and though a piece of
this nature (wherein the infirmities of some, and the
malice of others, 1 must be boldly looked upon and
mentioned) is not likely to be published in the age m
in which it is writ, yet it may serve to inform my
self, and some others, what we ought" to do, as well
as to comfort us in what we have done. For which
work, as I may not be thought altogether an incom
petent person/ having been present as a member of
parliament in those councils before and till the break
ing out of the rebellion, and having since had the
honour to be near two great kings in some trust, so

e mortification,] mortifica- age

tions, n ought] are

f consideration how impossi- have done.] MS. adds: and

ble it was to foresee] view of then possibly it may not be

the impossibility of foreseeing very difficult to collect some-

s overlooking] overseeing what out of that store, more

h bound up;] MS. adds: proper, and not unuseful for

though no question many must the public view.

first bleed to death ; P For which work, as I may

1 I have] And I have not be thought altogether an

k blessed] Not in MS. incompetent person,] And as I

1 others,] MS. adds : both may not be thought altogether

things and persons, an incompetent person for this

m in the age] at least in the communication,

OF THE REBELLION. 5

/

I shall perform the same with all faithfulness and BOOK
ingenuity ; with an equal observation of the faults
and infirmities of both sides, with their defects and
oversights in pursuing their own ends ; and shall no
otherwise mention small and light occurrences, than
as they have been introductions to matters of the
greatest moment; nor speak of persons otherwise,
than as the mention of their virtues or vices is es
sential to the work in hand : in which I shall, with
truth, ^ preserve myself from the least sharpness,
that may proceed from private provocation/ and in
the whole observe 5 the rules that a man should, who
deserves to be believed.

I shall not then lead any man farther back in
this journey, for the discovery of the entrance into
those r> dark ways, than the beginning of this king s
reign. For I am not so sharp-sighted as those, who
have discerned this rebellion contriving from (if not
before) the death of queen Elizabeth, and fomented
by several princes and great ministers of state in
Christendom, to the time that it brake out. Neither
do I look so far back as I do, because I believe u the
design to have been x so long since formed / but
that, by viewing the temper, disposition, and habit,

9 in which I shall, with y since formed;] MS. adds:

truth,] in which as I shall have (they who have observed the

the fate to be suspected rather several accidents, not capa-

for malice to many, than of ble of being contrived, which

flattery to any, so I shall, in have contributed to the several

truth, successes, and do know the

r provocation,] MS. adds : or persons who have been the

a more public indignation, grand instruments towards this

s and in the whole observe] change, of whom there have

in the whole observing not been any four of familiarity

* those] these and trust with each other, will

" as I do, because I believe] easily absolve them from so

as believing much industry and foresight in

x to have been] to be their mischief;)

B 3

6 THE HISTORY

BOOK at that time, 2 of the court and of the country, we

may discern the minds of men prepared, of some to

act, 3 and of others to suffer, all that hath since hap
pened ; the pride of this man, and the popularity of
that ; the levity of one, and the morosity of another;
the excess of the court in the greatest want, and
the parsimony and retention of the country in the
greatest plenty ; the spirit of craft and subtlety in
some, and the unpolished b integrity of others, too
much despising craft or art ; all contributing jointly
to this mass of confusion now before us.

A view of KlNG James in the end of March 1625 died,

the begin
ning of king leaving his majesty that now is, engaged in a war

his reign, with Spain, but unprovided with money to manage
7 * t; though it was undertaken by the consent and
advice of parliament : the people being naturally
enough inclined to the war (having surfeited with
the uninterrupted pleasures and plenty of twenty-
two years peace) and sufficiently inflamed against
the Spaniard; but quickly weary of the charge of
it : and therefore, after an unprosperous and charge
able attempt in a voyage by sea upon Cadiz, and
as unsuccessful and more unfortunate one d upon
France, at the Isle of Rhe, (for some difference had
likewise about 6 the same time begotten a war with
that prince,) a general peace was shortly concluded
with both kingdoms ; the exchequer being so ex
hausted with the debts of king James, the bounty

z at that time,] of that time, c all contributing] like so

a to act,] to do, many atoms contributing

b unpolished] rude and un- d one] a one

polished e about] at

OF THE REBELLION. 7

of his majesty that now is, (who, upon his first ac- BOOK
cess to the crown, gave many costly instances of-

his favour to persons near him,) and the charge of
the war upon Spain, and France, that both the
known and casual revenue being anticipated, the
necessary subsistence of the household was unpro
vided for ; and the king on the sudden driven to
those straits for his own support, that many ways
were resorted to, and inconveniences submitted to,
for supply ; as selling the crown-lands, creating peers
for money, and many other particulars, which no
access of power or plenty since could repair.

Parliaments were summoned, and again dissolved 1628.
in displeasured and that in the fourth year (after
the dissolution of the two former) was determined
with a profession, and declaration, that, " since
" for several ill ends the calling again of a parlia-
" ment was divulged, however his majesty had
" shewed, by his frequent meeting with his people,
" his love to the use of parliaments ; yet the late
" abuse having, for the present, driven his majesty
" unwillingly out of that course, he shall account it
presumption for any to prescribe any time to his
majesty for parliaments." Which words were ge
nerally interpreted, as if no more assemblies of that
nature were to be expected, and that all men were
prohibited, upon the penalty of censure, so much as
to speak of a parliament. & And here I cannot but
let myself loose to say, that no man can shew me
a source, from whence those 11 waters of bitterness

f in displeasure] Not in MS. men inhibited upon the penalty

s declaration, that, of a par- of censure, so much as to speak

liament.] declaration that there of a parliament.

should be no more assemblies h those] these

of that nature expected, and all

B 4

a

t(

8 THE HISTORY

BOOK we now taste have more probably flowed, than from
these unreasonable, 1 unskilful, and precipitate disso-

lutions of parliaments ; in which, by an unjust sur
vey of the passion, insolence, and ambition of parti
cular persons, the court measured the temper and
affection of the country ; and by the same .standard
the people considered the honour, justice, and piety
of the court; and so usually parted, at those sad
seasons, with no other respect and charity one to
ward the other, than accompanies persons who never
meant to meet but in their own defence. In which
the king had always the disadvantage to harbour
persons about him, who, with their utmost industry,
false k information, and malice^ improved the faults
and infirmities of the court to the people; and
again, as much as in them lay, rendered the people
suspected, if not odious to the king.

I am not altogether a stranger to the passages of
those parliaments, (though I was not a member of
them,) having carefully perused the journals of both
houses, and familiarly conversed with many who had
principal parts in them. And I cannot but wonder
at those counsels, which persuaded the courses then
taken ; the habit and temper of men s minds at that
time 1 being, no question, very applicable to the pub
lic ends ; and those ends being only discredited by
the jealousies the people entertained from the man
ner of the prosecution, that they were other, and
worse than in truth they were. It is not to be de
nied, that there were, in all those parliaments, espe
cially in that of the fourth year, several passages,
and distempered speeches of particular persons, not

unreasonable,] unseason- k false] Not in MS.
able, ] at that time] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION.

fit for the dignity and honour of those places, and BOOK
unsuitable to the reverence due to his majesty and

his councils. But I do not know any formed act
of either house (for neither the remonstrance or
votes of the last day were such) that was not agree
able to the wisdom and justice of great courts, upon
those extraordinary occasions. And whoever con
siders the acts of power and injustice of some of the
ministers, 01 in those" intervals of parliament, will not
be much scandalized at the warmth and vivacity of
those meetings.

In the second parliament there was a mention,
and intention declared, of granting five subsidies, a
proportion (how contemptible soever in respect of
the pressures now every day imposed) scarce ever
before heard of in parliament. And that meeting
being, upon very unpopular and unplausible reasons,
immediately dissolved, those five subsidies were ex
acted, throughout the whole kingdom, with the
same rigour, as if, in truth, an act had passed to
that purpose. Divers? gentlemen of prime quality,
in several <* counties of England, were, for refusing
to pay the same, committed to prison, with great
rigour and extraordinary circumstances. And could
it be imagined, that those r men would meet again
in a free convention of parliament, without a sharp
and severe expostulation, and inquisition into their
own right, and the power that had imposed upon
that right? And yet all these provocations, and
many other, almost of as large an extent, produced

m of some of the ministers,] P Divers] Very many

Not in MS. i several] all the several

n those] the r those] these
scarce ever] never

10 THE HISTORY

BOOK no other resentment, than the petition of right, (of
no prejudice to the crown,) which was likewise pur-

/ j.

* chased at the price of five subsidies more, and, in a
very short time after that supply granted, that par
liament was likewise, with strange circumstances of
passion on all sides, dissolved.

The abrupt and unkind 8 breaking off the two first
parliaments was wholly imputed to the duke of
Buckingham; and of the third, principally to the
lord Weston, then lord high treasurer of England ;
both in respect of the great power and interest they
then had in the affections of his majesty, and for
that the time of the dissolutions happened to be,
when some charges and accusations were preparing,
and ready to be preferred against those two great
persons. And therefore the envy and hatred, that
attended them thereupon, was insupportable, and
was visibly the cause of the murder of the first,
(stabbed in the heart by the hand of a villain, u upon
the mere impious pretence of his being odious to
the parliament,) and made, no doubt, so great an
impression upon the understanding and nature of
the other, that, by degrees, he lost that temper and
serenity of mind he had been before master of, and
which was most fit to have accompanied him in his
weighty employments : insomuch as, out of indigna
tion to find himself worse used than he deserved, he
cared less to deserve well, than he had done ; and
insensibly grew into that public hatred, that ren
dered him less useful to the service that he only in
tended.

I wonder less at the errors of this nature in the

s unkind] ungracious i in] to u a villain,] an obscure villain,

OF THE REBELLION. 11

duke of Buckingham ; who, having had a most ge- BOOK

nerous education in courts, was utterly ignorant of

the ebbs and floods of popular councils, and of the
winds that move those waters ; and could not, with
out the spirit of indignation, find himself, in the
space of a few weeks, without any visible cause in
tervening, from the greatest height of popular esti
mation that any person hath ascended to, (insomuch
as sir Edward Coke blasphemously called him our
Saviour,) by the same breath thrown down to the
depth of calumny and reproach. I say, it is no
marvel, (besides that he was naturally to follow such
counsels as were x given him,) that he could think
of no better way to be freed of these y inconveni
ences and troubles the passions of those meetings
gave him, than to dissolve them, and prevent their
coming together : and that, when they seemed to
neglect the public peace, out of animosity to him,
he intended 2 his own ease and security in the first
place, and easily believed the public might be other
wise provided for, by more intent and dispassionate
councils. But that the other, the lord Weston, who
had been very much and very popularly conversant
in those conventions, who exactly knew the frame
and constitution of the kingdom, the temper of the
people, the extents a of the courts of law, and the
jurisdiction of parliaments, which at that time had
seldom or b never committed any excess of jurisdic
tion, (modesty and moderation in words never was,
nor ever will be, observed in popular councils, whose

x counsels as were] counsel tended
as was a extents] extent

> of these] of the b seldom or] Not in MS.

2 he intended] that he in-

THE HISTORY

BOOK foundation is liberty of speech;) that he c should be
lieve, that the union, peace, and plenty of the king
dom could be preserved without parliaments, or that
the passion arid distemper gotten and received into
parliaments could be removed and reformed by the
more passionate breaking and dissolving them ; or
that that course would not inevitably prove the most
pernicious to himself, is as much my wonder, as any
thing that hath since happened.

There is a protection very gracious and just, which
princes owe to their servants, when, in obedience to
their just commands, upon extraordinary and neces
sary occasions, in the execution of their trusts, they
swerve from the strict letter d of the law, which,
without that mercy, would be penal to them. In
any such 6 case, it is as legal (the law presuming it
will always be done upon great reason) for the king
to pardon, as for the party to accuse, and the judge
to condemn. But for the sovereign f power to in
terpose, and shelter an accused servant from an
swering, does not only seem an obstruction of jus
tice, and lay an imputation upon the prince, of being
privy to the offence ; but leaves so great a scandal
upon the party himself, that he is generally con
cluded guilty of whatsoever he is charged with&;
which is commonly more than the worst man ever
deserved. And it is worthy the observation, that,
as no innocent man who made his defence ever suf
fered in those times by judgment of parliament ; so
many guilty persons, and against whom the spirit of
the times 11 went as high, by the wise managing their

c that he] Not in MS. f sovereign] supreme

d letter] rule 8 with] Not in MS.

e such] Not in MS. h times] time

OF THE REBELLION. 13

N.

defence, have been freed from their accusers, not BOOK
only without censure, but without reproach ; as the

bishop of Lincoln, then lord keeper, sir H. Marten,
and sir H. Spiller ; men, in their several degrees, as
little beholden to the charity of that time, as any
men since. Whereas scarce a man, who, with indus
try and skill, laboured to keep himself from being
accused, or by power to stop or divert the course of
proceeding, scaped without some signal mark of in
famy or prejudice. And the reason is clear; for
besides that, after the first storm, there is some com
passion naturally attends men like to be in misery ;
and besides the latitude of judging in those places,
whereby there is room for kindness and affection,
and collateral considerations to interpose ; the truth
is, those accusations (to which this man contributes
his malice, another 1 his wit, all men what they
please, and most upon hearsay, with a kind of un
charitable delight of making the charge as heavy as
may be) are commonly stuffed with many odious
generals, that the proofs seldom make good : and
then a man is no sooner found less guilty than he is
expected, but he is concluded more innocent than
he is ; and it is thought but a just reparation for
the reproach that he deserved not, to free him from
the censure he deserved. So that, very probably,
those two noble persons had been happy, if they
had stoutly submitted to the proceedings were de
signed against them ; and, without question, it had
been of sovereign use to the king, if, in those peace
able times, parliaments had been taught to know
their own bounds, by being suffered to proceed as

another] that

THE HISTORY

BOOK far as they could go; by which the extent of their
power would quickly have been manifested: from

C28> whence no inconvenience of moment could have
proceeded ; the house of commons never then pre
tending to the least part of judicature, or exceeding
the known verge of their own privileges ; the house
of peers observing the rules of the k law and equity
in their judgments, and proceeding deliberately
upon clear testimony and evidence of matter of
fact ; and the king retaining the sole power of par
doning, and receiving the whole profit of all penal
ties and judgments ; and indeed having so great an
influence upon the body of the peerage, that it was
scarce 1 known that any person of honour was se
verely censured in that house, (before this present
parliament,) who was not either immediately prose
cuted by the court, or in evident disfavour there ;
by which, m it may be, (as it usually falls out,) some
doors were opened, at which inconveniences to the
crown have got in, that were not then enough
weighed and considered.

But the course of exempting men from prosecu
tion, by dissolving of parliaments, made the power
of parliaments much more formidable, as conceived
to be without limit ; since the sovereign power
seemed to be compelled (as unable otherwise to set
bounds to their proceedings) to that rough cure,
and to determine their beings," because it could not
determine their jurisdiction. Whereas, if they had
been frequently summoned, and seasonably dissolv
ed, after their wisdom in applying medicines and
cures, as well as their industry in discovering dis-

k the] Not in MS. m by which,] in which,

1 scarce] never n beings,] being,

OF THE REBELLION. 15

eases, had been discerned, they would easily have BOOK
been applied to the uses for which they were first _____
instituted; and been of no less esteem with the
crown, than of veneration with the people. And so
I shall conclude this digression, which, I conceived,
was not unseasonable for this place, nor upon this
occasion, and return to the time when that brisk
and improvident P resolution was taken of declining <i
those conventions; all men being inhibited (as I
said before they generally took themselves to be r )
by the 8 proclamation at the dissolution of the parlia
ment in the fourth year, so much as to mention or
speak as if a parliament should be called.

And here it will give much light to that which The state

n n n f ^ ie court

follows, it we take a view of the state of the court about that
and of the council at that time, by which 1 we may
best see the face of that time, and the affections
and temper of the people in general.

For u the better taking this prospect, we will be- The rise of

A.I v o T the duke of

gin with x a survey of the person of that great man,Buckin g -
the duke of Buckingham, (who was so barbarously 11
murdered abouU this time,) whose influence had
been unfortunate in the public affairs, and whose
death produced a change in all the counsels. The
duke was indeed a very extraordinary person ; and
never any man, in any age, nor, I believe, in any
country or nation, rose, in so short a time, to so
much greatness of honour, fame, and fortune, upon

was] Not in MS. > the] Not in MS.

and improvident] Not in t by which] by which as in a
MS. mirror

1 declining] totally declin- u For] And for
i n g x begin with] take

r they generally took them- y about] at
selves to be] Not in MS.

16 THE HISTOKY

BOOK no other advantage or recommendation, than of the

! beauty and gracefulness* 1 of his person. I have not

the least purpose of undervaluing his good parts and
qualities, (of which there will be occasion shortly to
give some testimony,) when I say, that his first in
troduction into favour w r as purely from the hand
someness of his person.

He was a younger d son of sir George Villiers, of
Brookesby, in the county of Leicester ; a family of
an ancient extraction, even from the time of the
conquest, and transported then with the conqueror
out of Normandy, where the family hath still re
mained, and still continues with lustre. After sir
George s first marriage, in which he had two or
three sons, and some daughters, who shared an
ample inheritance from him ; by a second mar
riage, with a lady e of the family of the Beaumonts,
he had this gentleman, and two other sons and a
daughter, who all came afterwards to be raised to
great titles and dignities. George, the eldest son of
this second bed, was, after the death of his father,
by the singular affection and care of his mother,
who enjoyed a good jointure in the account of that
age, well brought up ; and, for the improvement of
his education, and giving an ornament to his hope
ful person, he was by her sent into France ; where
he spent two or three years in attaining the lan
guage, and in learning the exercises of riding and
dancing ; in the last of which he excelled most men,
and returned into England by the time he was
twenty-one years old.

b gracefulness] MS. adds: and d a younger] the younger
becomingness c a lady] a young lady

c I have] And I have

OF THE REBELLION. 17

King James reigned at that time ; and though he BOOK

i.

was a prince of more learning and knowledge than -
any other of that age, and really delighted more in
books, and in the conversation of learned men ; yet,
of all wise men living, he was the most delighted and
taken with handsome persons, and with fine clothes.
He begun f to be weary of his favourite, the earl of
Somerset, who was the only favourite that kept that
post so long, without any public reproach from the
people: but,g by the instigation and wickedness of
his wife, he became, at least, privy to a horrible
murder, that exposed him to the utmost severity of
the law, (the poisoning of sir Thomas Overbury,)
upon which both he and his wife were condemned
to die, after a trial by their peers ; and many per
sons of quality were executed for the same.

Whilst this was in agitation, and before the ut
most discovery was made, Mr. Villiers appeared in
court, and drew the king s eyes upon him. There
were enough in the court sufficiently 11 angry and in
censed against Somerset, for being what themselves
desired to be, and especially for being a Scotsman,
and ascending, in so short a time, from being a
page, to the height he was then at, to contribute all
they could to promote the one, that they might
throw out the other : which being easily brought to
pass, by the proceeding of the law upon his afore
said crime, 1 the other found very little difficulty in
rendering himself gracious to the king, whose na
ture and disposition was very flowing in affection
towards persons so adorned. Insomuch that, in few

i

f begun] began aforesaid crime,] crime a-

% but,] and, foresaid,

h sufficiently] enough

VOL, I. C

18 THE HISTORY

BOOK days after his first appearance in court, he was made

cup-bearer to the king ; by which he was, of course, k

* to be much in his presence, and so admitted to that
conversation and discourse, with which that prince
always abounded at his meals.

His inclinations 1 to his new cup-bearer disposed
him to administer frequent occasions of discoursing
of the court of France, and the transactions there,
with which he had been so lately acquainted, that
he could pertinently enlarge upon that subject, to
the king s great delight, and to the gaining m the
esteem and value of all the standers-by to himself:"
which was a thing the king was well pleased with.
He acted very few weeks upon this stage, when he
mounted higher ; and, being knighted, without any
other qualification, he was at the same time made
gentleman of the bedchamber, and knight of the
order of the garter ; and in a short time (very short
for such a prodigious ascent) he was made a baron,
a viscount, an earl, a marquis, and became lord high
admiral of England, lord warden of the cinque ports,
master of the horse, and entirely disposed of all the
graces of the king, in conferring all the honours and
all the offices of three kingdoms, without a rival ;
in dispensing whereof, he was guided more by the
rules of appetite than of judgment ; and so exalted
almost all of his own numerous family and depend
ants, whose greatest merit was? their alliance to
him, which equally offended the ancient nobility,
and the people of all conditions, who saw the flowers

k of course,] naturally, him :
1 His inclinations] And his of three] of the three
inclination P whose greatest merit was]

m gaining] reconciling who had no other virtue or

n to himself:] likewise to merit than

OF THE REBELLION. 19

of the crown every day fading and withered ; whilst BOOK
the demesnes and revenue thereof were q sacrificed .

to the enriching a private family, (how well soever
originally extracted,) scarce ever r heard of before
to s the nation ; and the expenses of the court so
vast and unlimited 1 , that they had a sad prospect of
that poverty and necessity, which afterwards befell
the crown, almost to the ruin of it.

Many were of opinion, that king James, before
his death, grew weary of this u favourite ; and that,
if he had lived, he would have deprived him at least
of his large and unlimited power. And this imagi
nation so x prevailed with some men, as the lord
keeper Lincoln, the earl of Middlesex, lord high
treasurer of England, and other gentlemen of name,
though not in so high stations, that they had the
courage to withdraw from their absolute dependence
upon the duke, and to make some other essays,
which proved to the ruin of every one of them ;
there appearing no mark,* or evidence, that the
king did really lessen his affection to him, to the
hour of his death. On the contrary, as he created
him duke of Buckingham in his absence, whilst he
was with the prince in Spain; so, after their z re
turn, the duke a executed the same authority in con
ferring all favours and graces, and in b revenging
himself upon those, who had manifested any unkind-
ness towards him. And yet, notwithstanding all
this, if that king s nature had equally disposed him

i were] was x so] Not in MS.

r scarce ever] not y mark,] marks,

s to] ever to 7 their] his

* unlimited] M.S. adds: by a the duke] he

the old good rules of economy b in] Not in MS.
" this] his

20 THE HISTORY

BOOK to pull down, as to build and erect, and if his cou-
rage and severity in punishing and reforming had

1628. keen as g re at as his generosity and inclination was
to oblige, it is not to be doubted, but that he
would have withdrawn his affection from the duke
entirely, before his death ; which those persons, who
were admitted to any privacy with him c , and were
not in the confidence of the other, (for before those
he knew well how to dissemble,) had reason enough
to expect.

An account For it is certain/ 1 that the king was never well
Charles s pleased with the duke, after the prince s going into
Spain ; which was infinitely against his will, and
contrived wholly by the duke : who, out of envy,
that the earl of Bristol should have the sole ma
nagement of so great an affair, (as hitherto that
treaty had been wholly conducted 6 by him in Spain,
where he was f extraordinary ambassador, and all
particulars upon the matters agreed upon,) had one
day insinuated to the prince the common misfortune
of princes, that in so substantial a part of their hap
piness in this world, as depended upon their mar
riage, themselves had never any part, but must re
ceive only an account from others of the nature,
and humour, and beauty of the ladies they were to
marry ; and those reports seldom proceeded from
persons totally uninterested, by reason of h the parts
they had acted towards such preparations. From
hence he* discoursed how gaUant and how brave a
thing it would be, for his highness to make a jour-

c him] Not in MS. s upon the matter] Not in

d it is certain,] it is not to MS.

be doubted, h by reason of] at least un-

e conducted] managed inclined from
f was] was now he] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION.

ney into Spain, and to fetch home his mistress ; that BOOK
it would put an end presently to all those formali-

1 fi28

ties, which, (though all substantial matters were
agreed upon already,) according to the style of that
court, and the slow progress in all things of cere
mony, might yet retard k the infanta s voyage into
England many months ; all which would be in a
moment removed by his highness s 1 own presence;
that it would be such an obligation to the infanta
herself, as she could never enough value or requite ;
and being a respect rarely m paid by any other
prince, upon the like addresses, could proceed only
from the high regard and reverence he had for her
person ; that in the great affair that only remained
undetermined, and was not entirely yielded to,
though under a very friendly 11 deliberation, which
was the restoring the palatinate, it was very pro
bable, that the king of Spain himself might choose,
in the instant, to gratify his personal interposition,
which, in a treaty with an ambassador, might be
drawn out in length, or attended with overtures of
recompense by some new concessions, which would
create new difficulties : however, that the mediation
could not but be frankly undertaken by the infanta
herself, who would ambitiously make it her work to
pay a part of her great debt to the prince ; and that
he might with her, and by her, present to his ma
jesty the entire peace and restitution of his family,
which by no other human means could be brought
to pass.

These discourses made so deep impression upon
the mind and spirit of the prince, (whose nature

k retard] long retard , m rarely] never

1 highness s] Not in MS. n friendly] civil

c 3

THE HISTORY

BOOK was inclined to adventures,) that he was transported
with the thought of it, and most impatiently soli-
citous to bring it to pass. The greatest difficulty in
view was, how they might procure the king s con
sent, who was very quick -sighted in discerning dif
ficulties and raising objections, and very slow in
mastering them, and untying the knots he had
made : in a word, he knew not how to wrestle with
desperate contingencies, and so abhorred the being
entangled in such. This was first to be? attempted
by the prince himself, by communicating it to the
king, as his earnest desire and suit, with this cir
cumstance ; that since his doing or not doing what
he most desired, depended wholly and entirely upon
his majesty s own approbation and command, he q
would vouchsafe to promise not to communicate the
thing proposed, before he had first taken his own
resolution ; and that this condition should be first
humbly insisted on, before the substantial point
should be communicated; and so, this approach
being first made, the success and prosecution was
to be left to the duke s credit and dexterity/ All
things being thus concerted between his highness
and the duke, (and this the beginning of an entire
confidence between them, after a long time of de
clared jealousy and displeasure on the prince s part,
and occasion enough administered on the other,)
they shortly found fit 8 opportunity (and there were
seasons when that king was to be approached more
hopefully than in others) to make their address to-

in view] that was in r and dexterity.] dexterity and
view cultivation.

P first to be] to be first s fit] a fit

<J he] that he

OF THE REBELLION.

gether. His u majesty cheerfully consented to the BOOK
condition, and being well pleased that all should.

depend upon his will, frankly promised that he 1628 -
would not, in any degree, communicate to any per-
son the matter, before he had taken, and communi
cated to them, his own resolutions. 31

The prince then, upon his knees, declared his suit The prince
and very importunate request, the duke standing a^ufne^to 1
long time by, without saying a word, while ^ the hls father<
king discoursed the whole matter to the prince, with
less passion than they expected, and then looked
upon the duke, as inclined to hear what he would
say ; who spoke nothing to the point, whether in
prudence advisable/ or not; but enlarged upon the
infinite obligation his majesty would confer upon the
prince, by his concession of the violent passion his
highness was transported with ; and, after many ex
alted expressions to that purpose, concluded, that he
doubted that his majesty refusing to grant the prince
this his humble request would make a deep impres
sion upon his spirits, and peace of mind ; and that
he would, he feared, look upon it as the greatest
misfortune and affliction, that could befall him in
this world. The prince then taking the opportunity,
from the good temper he saw his father in, to en
large upon those a two points, which he knew were
most important in the king s own wishes and judg
ment, that this expedient would put a quick end to
this treaty, which could not be continued after his
arrival in that court; but that his marriage must

u His] And his point of prudence counsella-

x resolutions.] resolution. ble,

y while] and until a those] these

* in prudence advisable,] in

THE HISTORY

BOOK presently ensue, which, he knew well enough, the
king did most (I impatiently desire of all blessings in

J628. this world: he said likewise, he would undertake
(and he could not but be believed from the reason
ableness of it) that his presence would in a moment
determine the restitution of the palatinate to his
brother and sister ; which was the second thing the
king longed most passionately to see before he should
leave this world.
King James These discourses, urged with all the artifice and

consents to

it. address imaginable, so far wrought upon and pre

vailed with the king, that, with less hesitation than
his nature was accustomed to, and much less than
was agreeable to his great wisdom, he gave his ap
probation, and promised that the prince should make
the journey he was so much inclined to : whether
he did not upon the sudden comprehend the conse
quences, which would naturally attend such a rash
undertaking, or e the less considered them, because
provisions/ which must be made for such a journey,
both with reference to the expense and security of
it, would take up much time, and could not be done
in such a secret way, but that the counsel itself
might be resumed, 5 when new measures should be
taken. But this imagination was too reasonable not
to be foreseen by them ; and so they had provided
themselves accordingly. And therefore, as soon as
they had the king s promise upon the main, they
told him, the security of such a design depended on
the expedition, without which there could be no
secresy observed, or hoped for ; that, if it were de-

c knew well enough,] well e or] or whether he
knew, f provisions,] the provisions,

d most] the most s resumed,] resumed again,

OF THE REBELLION. 25

ferred till such a fleet could be made ready, and BOOK
such an equipage prepared, as might be fit for the__
prince of Wales, so much time would be spent, as
would disappoint the principal ends of the journey :
if they should send for a pass to France, the cere
mony in the asking and granting it, and that which
would flow from it, in his passage through that
kingdom, would be at least liable to the same objec
tion of delay : besides that, according to the myste
ries and intrigues of state, such a pass could not in
point of security be reasonably depended upon ; and
therefore they had thought of an expedient, which
would avoid all inconveniences and hazards; and
that it should be executed before it should be sus
pected : that it had never hitherto been, in the least
degree, consulted but between themselves, (which
was really true ;) and therefore, if they now under
took the journey only with two servants, who should
not know any thing till the moment they were to
depart, they might easily pass through France, be
fore they should be missed at Whitehall : which was
not hard to be conceived, and so with the less dis
quisition was consented to by the king : and the far
ther deliberation of what w r as more to be done both
in matter and manner, and the nomination of the
persons who should attend them, and the time for
their departure, was deferred to the consultation of
the next day.

When the king, in his retirement, and by himself,
came to revolve what had been so loosely consulted
before, as he had a wonderful sagacity in such re
flections, a thousand difficulties and dangers occurred
to him, and so many precipices, which could hardly
be avoided in such a journey. Besides those consi-

26 THE HISTORY

BOOK derations, which the violent affection of a father to
his only son suggested to him, he thought how ill

1628. an influence it might have on his people, too much
disposed to murmur and complain of the least inad
vertency ; h and that they looked upon the prince as
the son of the kingdom, as well as his own. 1 He
considered the reputation he should lose with all fo
reign princes, (especially if any ill accident should
happen,) by so much departing from his dignity in
exposing the immediate heir of the crown, his only
son, to all the dangers, and all the jealousies, which
particular malice, or that fathomless abyss of reason
of state, might prepare and contrive against him ;
and then, in how desperate a condition himself and
his kingdoms should remain, if the prince miscarried
by such an unparalleled weakness of his, contrary to
the light of his understanding, as well as the current
of his affections. k

These reflections were so terrible to him, that
they robbed him of all peace and quiet of mind;
insomuch as when the prince and duke came to him
about the despatch, he fell into a great passion with
tears, 1 and told them that he was undone, and that
it would break his heart, if they pursued their reso
lution ; that, upon a true and dispassionate disquisi
tion he had made with himself, he was abundantly
convinced, that, besides the almost inevitable ha
zards of the prince s person, with whom his life was
bound up, and besides the entire loss of the affec
tions of his people, which would unavoidably attend
this rash action, he foresaw it would ruin the whole

h inadvertency ;] inadvertize- k affections.] affection,
ment ; J with tears,] of tears,

5 his own.] his natural son.

OF THE REBELLION. 27

design, and irrecoverably break the match. For BOOK
whereas all those particulars, upon which he could _____
positively and of right insist, were fully granted, (for
that, which concerned the prince elector, who had
unexcusably, and directly against his advice, in
curred the ban of the empire in an imperial diet,
must be wrought off by mediation and treaty, could
not be insisted on in justice,) nor could Spain make
any new demands, all the overtures they had made
being adjusted ; the prince should no sooner arrive
at Madrid, than all the articles of the treaty should
be laid aside, and new matter m be proposed, which
had not been yet mentioned, and could never be
consented to by him : that the treaty of this mar
riage, how well soever received, and how much so
ever desired by the king and his chief ministers, was
in no degree acceptable to the Spanish nation in
general, and less to the court of Rome, where,
though the new pope seemed more inclined to grant
the dispensation than his predecessor had been, it
was plain enough, that it proceeded only from the
apprehension he had to displease the king of Spain,
not that he was less averse from the match, it
having been always believed, both in Spain and in
Rome, that this marriage was to be attended with
a full repeal of all the penal laws against the pa
pists," and a plenary toleration of the exercise of
that religion in England, which they now saw con
cluded, without any signal or real benefit or advan
tage to them. And therefore they might expect,
and be confident, that when they had the person of
the prince of Wales in their hands, the king of

m

matter] matters n papists,] catholics,

28 THE HISTORY

BOOK Spain (though in his own nature and inclinations
-full of honour and justice) would be even compelled
by his clergy (who had always a great influence
upon the counsels of that kingdom) and the impor
tunities from Rome, who would tell him, that God
had put it now into his hand to advance the ca
tholic cause, to make new demands for those of that
religion here ; which, though he could never consent
to, would at best interpose such delays in the mar
riage, that he should never live to see it brought to
pass, nor probably to see his son return again from P
Spain. Then he put the duke in mind (whom he
hitherto believed only to comply with the prince to
oblige him, after a long alienation from his favour)
how inevitable his ruin must be, by the effect of this
counsel, how ungracious he was already with the
people, and how many enemies he had amongst the
greatest persons of the nobility, who would make
such use of this occasion, that it would not be in
his majesty s power to protect him. And then 1 he
concluded with the disorder and passion, with which
he begun/ with sighs and tears, to conjure them,
that they would no more press him to give his con
sent to a thing so contrary to his reason, and under
standing, and interest, the execution whereof would
break his heart, and that they would give over any
further pursuit of it.

The prince and the duke took not the pains to
answer any of the reasons his majesty had insisted
on ; his highness only putting him in mind of the
promise he had made to him the day before, which
was so sacred, that he hoped he would not violate

put it now] now put it 1 then] Not in MS.

P from] out of r begun,] began,

OF THE REBELLION. 29

it; which if he should, it s would make him never BOOK
think more of marriage. The duke, who better L
knew what kind of arguments were of prevalence
with him, treated him more rudely ; told him, no
body could believe any thing he said, when he re
tracted so soon the promise he had so solemnly
made ; that he plainly discerned, that it proceeded
from another breach of his word, in communicating
with some rascal, who had furnished him with those
pitiful reasons he had alleged ; and he doubted not
but he should hereafter know who his counsellor
had been : that if he receded from what he had pro
mised, it would be such a disobligation to 1 the
prince, who had set his heart now upon the journey,
after his majesty s approbation, that he could never
forget it, nor forgive any man who had been the
cause of it.

The prince, who had always expressed the high
est duty and reverence towards the king, by his
humble and importunate entreaty, and the duke by
his rougher dialect, in the end prevailed so far, (after
his majesty had passionately, and with many oaths,
renounced the having communicated the matter with
any person living,) that the debate was again re
sumed upon the journey, which they earnestly de
sired might not be deferred, but that they might
take their leaves of the king within two days, in
which they would have all things ready that u were
necessary, his highness pretending to hunt at Theo
bald s, and the duke to take physic at Chelsea.

They told him, that being to have only two more
in their company, as was before resolved, they had

s if he should, it] Not in MS. * to] upon " that] which

30 THE HISTORY

BOOK thought (if he approved them) upon sir Francis Cot-
tington and Endymion Porter, who, though they
6 8t might safely, should not be trusted with the secret,
till they were even ready to be embarked. The
persons were both grateful to the king, the former
having been long his majesty s agent in the court of
Spain, and was now secretary to the prince; the
other, having been bred in Madrid, after x many
years attendance upon the duke, was now one of
the bedchamber to the prince : so that his majesty
cheerfully approved the election they had made, and
wished it might be presently imparted to them ;
saying, that many things would occur to them, as
necessary to the journey, that they two would never
think of; and took that occasion to send for sir
Francis Cottington to come presently to him, (whilst
the other two remained with him,) who, being of
custom waiting in the outward room,> was quickly
brought in ; whilst the duke whispered the prince in
the ear, that Cottington would be against the jour
ney, and his highness answered he durst not.

The king told him, that he had always been an
honest man, and therefore he was now to trust him
in an affair of the highest importance, which he was
not upon his life to disclose to any man alive ; then
said to him, " Cottington, here is baby Charles and
" Stenny," (an appellation he always used of and to
wards the duke,) " who have a great mind to go by
post into Spain, to fetch home the infanta, and will
have but two more in their company, and have
" chosen you for one. What think you of the jour-
u ney?" He often protested since 2 , that when he

x after] and after y room,] rooms, since] Not in MS.

6f
((

OF THE REBELLION. 31

heard the king, he fell into such a trembling, that BOOK
he could hardly speak. But when the king com

manded him to answer him, what he thought of the
journey, he replied, that he could not think well of
it, and that he believed it would render all that
had been done towards the match fruitless : for that
Spain would no longer think themselves obliged by
those articles, but that, when they had the prince
in their hands, they would make new overtures,
which they believed more advantageous to them;
amongst which they must look for many that a
would concern religion, and the exercise of it in
England. Upon which the king threw himself upon
his bed, and said, " I told you this before," and feU
into new passion and lamentation, that he was un
done, and should lose baby Charles.

There appeared displeasure and anger enough in
the countenances both of the prince and duke ; the
latter saying, that as soon as the king sent for him,
he whispered the prince in the ear, that he would
be against it ; that he knew his pride well enough ;
and that, because he had not been first advised with,
he was resolved to dislike it ; and therefore b he re
proached Cottington with all possible bitterness of
words ; told him the king asked him only of the
journey, and which would be the best way, of which
he might be a competent counsellor, having made
the way so often by post : but that he had the pre
sumption to give his advice upon matter of state,
and against his master, without being called to it,
which he should repent as long as he lived ; with a
thousand new reproaches, which put the poor king

a that] which b therefore] thereupon

6f
6(
66

it

32 THE HISTORY

BOOK into a new agony on the behalf of a servant, who he
! foresaw would suffer for answering him honestly.
628. jjpcm which he said, with some commotion, " Nay,
by God, Stenny, you are very much to blame to
use him so. He answered me directly to the ques
tion I asked him, and very honestly and wisely :
and yet you know he said no more than I told you,
" before he was called in." However, after all this
passion on both parts, the king yielded, and the jour
ney was at that conference agreed on/ and all direc
tions given accordingly to sir Francis Cottingtori ; the
king having now plainly discovered, that the whole
intrigue was originally contrived by the duke, and
so violently pursued by his spirit and impetuosity.

The manner, circumstances, and conclusion of
that voyage, with the extraordinary e accidents that f
happened in it, will no doubt be at large remem
bered by whosoever shall have the courage to write
the transactions of that time, with that integrity he
ought to do : in which it will manifestly appear,
how much of the prophet was in the wisdom of the
king ; and that that designed marriage, which had
been so many years in treaty, even from the death
of prince Harry, and so near concluded, was solely
broken by that journey: which, with the passages
before mentioned, king James never forgave the
duke of Buckingham ; but retained as sharp a me
mory of it as his nature could contain.

This indisposition of s the king towards the duke
was exceedingly increased and aggravated upon and
after the prince s return out of Spain. For though

d that conference agreed on,] e extraordinary] rare
that very conference agreed f that] which
upon, s of] in

OF THE REBELLION. 33

it brought infinite joy and delight to his majesty, BOOK
which he expressed in all imaginable transport, h ___l__
and was the argument of the loudest and most uni
versal rejoicing over the whole kingdom, that the
nation had ever been acquainted with ; in which the
duke had so full a harvest, that the imprudence and
presumption (to say no more) of carrying the prince
into Spain was totally forgotten, or not remembered ;
with any reference to him, and the high merit and
inestimable obligation, in bringing him home, was
remembered, magnified, and celebrated by all men
in all places ; yet the king was wonderfully dis
quieted, when he found (which he had not before
their return suspected) that the prince was totally
aliened from all thoughts of, or inclination to, the
marriage ; and that they were resolved to break it,
with or without his approbation or consent. And
in this the duke resumed the same impetuosity he
had so much indulged to himself in the debate of
the journey into Spain.

The king had, upon the prince s return, issued A

out writs to call a parliament, which was in the "ailed after
twenty-first year of his reign, thinking it necessary,
with relation to the perplexities he was in, for the
breach of this match with Spain, (which he foresaw
must ensue,) and the sad condition of his only
daughter in Germany, with her numerous issue, to
receive their grave advice. By the time the parlia
ment could meet, the prince s entire confidence being
reposed still k in the duke, as the king s seemed to
be, the duke had wrought himself into the very
great esteem and confidence of the principal mem-

1 transport,] transportation, k reposed still] still reposed

1 not remembered] forgotten

VOL. I. D

34 THE HISTORY

BOOK bers of both houses of parliament, who were most
like to be the leading men, and had all a desire to

have as much reputation in the court, as they had
in the country. It was very reasonably thought ne
cessary, that as the king would, at the opening or
the parliament, make mention of the treaty with
Spain, and more at large of his daughter s being
driven out of the palatinate, which would require
their assistance and aid; so that the prince and
duke should afterwards, to one or both houses, as
occasion should be offered, make a relation of what
had passed in Spain, especially concerning the pala
tinate : that so the houses being put into some me
thod and order of their future debate, they might m
be more easily regulated, than if they were in the
beginning left to that liberty, which they naturally
affected, and from which they would not be re
strained, but in such a manner as would be grateful
to themselves.

Things being thus concerted, after the houses had
been three or four days together, (for in that time
some days were always spent in the formality of
naming committees, and providing for common oc
currences, before they made an entrance upon more
solemn debates,) the prince began to speak of the
Spanish affairs, and of his own journey thither ; and
forgot not to mention the duke with more than or
dinary affection. Whereupon it was thought fit, that
the whole affair, which was likewise to be the prin
cipal subject matter of all their consultations, should
be stated and enlarged upon, in a conference be
tween the two houses, which his highness and the

1 the houses being put] putting the houses m might] would

OF THE REBELLION. 35

duke were desired to manage. How little notice BOOK
soever any body else could take of the change, the
duke himself too well knew the hearty resentment
the king had of what had passed, and n the affection
he still had for the Spanish treaty ; and therefore
he had done , and resolved still to do, all he could,
to make himself grateful to the parliament, and po
pular amongst the people, who he knew had always
detested the match with Spain, or in truth any alli
ance with that nation.

So when, at the conference, the prince had made The prince s
a short introduction to the business, and said some account of
very kind things of the duke, of his wonderful care aJVconfe7
of him whilst he was in Spain, and the great dex- ence be -

r tween both

terity he used in getting him away, he referred the houses.
whole relation to him ; who said, " That P the true
" ground of the prince s journey into Spain, which
" he well knew had begot such a terrible panting
" in the hearts of all good Englishmen, had been
" only to make a clear discovery of the sincerity of
the Spaniard, and, if his intentions * were real, to
put a speedy end to it by marrying of r the lady
upon the place : if he found it otherwise, to put
" his father and himself at s liberty to dispose of
" himself in some other place. That the ambassa
dor, in whose hands that great affair was solely
managed, when in one despatch he writ l that all
was concluded, in the next used to give an ac-
" count of new difficulties, and new demands : and,
" when all things were adjusted at Madrid, some

n and] and of of] Not in MS.

done] Not in MS. s at] into

P said, " That] made t writ] wrote
) intentions] intention

D 2

..

Hi
(6

66

66

"

"

66
66
66
66
66

36 THE HISTORY

BOOK unexpected scruples discovered themselves at
" Rome, with which the councils in Spain seemed
to be surprised, and appeared to be confounded,
and not to know what to say. These ebbs and
" floods made the prince apprehend, that the pur
pose was to amuse us, whilst they had other de
signs in secret agitation. And thereupon, that his
highness had prevailed with his father (how un
willing soever) to permit him to make the u jour
ney, that he might make that useful discovery,
" which could not otherwise be x made in any sea-
" sonable time.

" That they no sooner came to Madrid, than they
" discovered (though the prince was treated with all
the respect due to his greatness, and the obligation
he had laid upon that nation) that there had never
been any real purpose that the infanta should be
given to him : that, during so long an abode as
his highness made there, they had never procured
the dispensation from Rome, which they might
easily have done : and that, at last, upon > the
death of the pope, Gregory XV. the whole process
" was to begin again, and would be transacted with
" the formalities, which they should find necessary
" to their other affairs. That, instead of proceeding
" upon the articles, which had been pretended to be
" concluded, they urged nothing but new demands,
" and in matters of religion so peremptorily, that
" the principal clergymen, and the most eminent of
" that king s preachers, had frequent conferences
" with the prince, to persuade him to change his
" religion, and become a papist. 2 And, in order to

..

66
66
66
66
66
66
66

" the] that y upon] Not in

x otherwise be] be otherwise z a papist.] a catholic.

OF THE REBELLION. 37

" move him the more successfully thereunto, they BOOK
procured the pope to write a letter himself to his L

66
66
66

66
66

66
66

66
66
66

highness, putting him in mind of the religion of
his ancestors and progenitors, and conjuring him
" to return to the same faith : but that it had
pleased God not only to give the prince a con
stant and unshaken a heart in his religion, but
" such wonderful abilities to defend the same in his
" discourse and arguments, that they stood amazed
to hear him, and upon the matter confessed, that
they were not able to answer him.

That they would not suffer the prince to confer
with, or so much as to speak to hardly, and very
rarely to see his mistress, whom b they pretended
" he should forthwith marry. That they could never
" obtain any better answer in the business of the
palatinate, than that the restoring it was not in
the power of that king, though it had been taken
by the sole power of Spain, and the Spanish army,
" under the command of the marquis Spinola, who
" was then in the entire possession of it : but that
" his catholic majesty would use his interposition,
" with all the credit he had with the emperor and
" duke of Bavaria, without whose joint consent it
" could not be done, and whose consent he hoped
" to obtain : but that he was well assured, that there
" was no more real intention in that point of resti-
" tution, than in the other of c marriage ; and that
" the palatinate could not be hoped d to be recovered
" any other way than by force, which would easily
" bring it to pass."

,.

66
66

a unshaken] unshakable d could not be hoped] must

b whom] who not be looked

c of] of the

D 3

38 THE HISTORY

BOOK Throughout his whole discourse he made frequent
reflections upon the earl of Bristol, as if he very well

1 f* O C

knew the Spaniards purposes in the whole, and con
curred with them in it. " That he was so much
" troubled when he first saw the prince, who alighted
" at his house, that he could not contain himself,
" but wished that his highness were at home again ;
" that he had afterwards, when he found that his
" highness liked the infanta, persuaded him in pri-
" vate that he would become a papist ; e and that,
" without changing his religion, it would not be pos-
" sible ever to compass that marriage."

He told them, " That the king had sent for the
" earl to return home, where he should be called
" to account for all his miscarriages." Whereas in
truth the king had recalled him rather to assist him
against the duke, than to expose him to his malice
and fury ; his majesty having a great esteem of that
earl s fidelity to him, and of his great abilities.
The pariia- The conference ended in a wonderful applause, in
solution 6 both houses, of the prince and duke s behaviour and
carriage throughout the affair, and in a hasty reso-

s a lin ith l ut i n to dissuade the king from entertaining any
farther motions towards the match, and frankly and
resolutely to enter into a war with Spain ; towards
the carrying on of which they raised great moun
tains of promises, and, prevailing in the first, never
remembered to make good the latter; which too
often falls out in such counsels.

Kin g When king James was informed of what the duke

James s .

perplex- had so confidently avowed, for which he had no
authority, or the least direction from him, and a

e a papist ;] catholic ;

OF THE REBELLION. 39

great part whereof himself knew to be untrue; and BOOK
that he had advised an utter breach of the treaty.

and to enter upon a war with Spain, he was infi-

Cl^CTlIlSLlllvrf

nitely offended ; so that he wanted only a resolute (luke u P n

that occa-

and brisk counsellor to assist mm m destroying the sion.
duke : f and such a one he promised himself in the
arrival of the earl of Bristol, whom he expected
every day.

His majesty s had another exception against the The eari of
duke, which touched him as near, and in which he his rise and
enlarged himself much more. Lionel Cranfeild, who, f:
though extracted from a gentleman s family, had
been bred in the city, and, being a man of great
wit and understanding in all the mysteries of trade,
had found means to work himself into the good opi
nion and favour of the duke of Buckingham ; and
having shortly after married a near relation h of the
duke s, with wonderful expedition was made a privy-
counsellor, master of the wardrobe, master of the
wards, and, without parting with any of these, was
now become lord high treasurer of England, and
earl of Middlesex, and had 1 gained so much credit
with the king, (being in truth a man of great parts
and notable dexterity,) that, during the duke s ab
sence in Spain, he was not only negligent in the
issuing out such sums of money as were necessary
for k the defraying those unlimited expenses, and to
correspond with him with that deference he had
used to do, but had the courage to dispute his com
mands, and to appeal to the king, whose ear was
always inclined to him, and in whom he begun l to

f the duke :] him : had] had in truth

His majesty] He k for] to

h relation] ally begun] began

D 4

40 THE HISTORY

BOOK believe himself so far fastened, that he should not
stand in need of the future support of the favourite.

J628. ^ n( j Q a jj t kj g t | le ( ^ u j ie cou i ( j not k e w ithout ample
information, as well from his own creatures, who
were near enough to observe, as from others ; who,
caring for neither of them, were more scandalized
at so precipitate a promotion of a person of such an
education, and whom they had long known so much
their inferior, though it could not be denied, that he
filled the places he held with great abilities.

The duke no sooner found the parliament dis
posed to a good opinion of him, and being well as
sured of the prince s fast kindness, than he projected
the ruin of this bold rival of his, of whom he saw
clearly enough that the king had so good an opi
nion, that it would not be in his sole power to crush
him, as he had done others in the same and as high
a station. And so he easily procured some leading
men in the house of commons, to cause an impeach
ment for several corruptions and misdemeanours to
be sent up to the house of peers against that great
minister, whom they had so lately known their equal
in that house ; which (besides their natural inclina
tion to that kind of correction" 1 ) disposed them with
great alacrity to this n prosecution. The wise king
knew well enough the ill consequence that must at
tend such an activity ; and that it would shake his
own authority in the choice of his own ministers,
when they should find, that their security did not
depend solely upon his own protection : which
breach upon his kingly power was so much without
a precedent, (except one unhappy one made three

m that kind of correction] those kinds of executions n this] the

..
(t

OF THE REBELLION. 41

years before, to gratify likewise a private displea- BOOK
sure,) that the like had not been practised in very
many years. P 1628>

When this prosecution was first entered upon,
and that the king clearly discerned <* it was con
trived by the duke, and that he had likewise pre
vailed with the prince to be well pleased with it ;
his majesty sent for them, and with much warmth
and passion dissuaded them from appearing farther
in it ; and conjured them " to use all their interest
and authority to restrain it, as such a wound to
the crown, that would not be easily healed." And
when he found the duke unmoved by all the consi
derations, and arguments, and commands he had
offered, he said, in great choler, " By God, Stenny,
you are a fool, and will shortly repent this folly,
and will find, that, in this fit of popularity, you
are making a rod, with which you will be scourged
yourself." And turning in some anger to the prince,
told him, " That he would live to have his belly full
of parliament impeachments : r and when I shall
" be dead, you will s have too much cause to re-
" member, how much you have t contributed to the
weakening of the crown, by the two precedents
you are" now so fond of;" intending as well the
engaging the parliament in the war, as the prosecu
tion of the earl of Middlesex.

But the duke s power (supported by the prince s

very many] some hundred s and when I shall be dead,
of you will] and that when he

P years.] MS. adds: and ne- should be dead, he would

ver in such a case as this. t you have] he had

1 discerned] discerned that " the two precedents you are]
r parliament impeachments -.] this precedent he was

parliaments :

..

..

..

t<

66

66
66

42 THE HISTORY

BOOK countenance) was grown so great in the two houses,
that it was in vain for the king to interpose ; and
1628. so (notwithstanding so good a defence made by the
earl, that he was absolved from any notorious crime
by the impartial opinion of many of those who heard
all the evidence) he was at last condemned in a
great fine to a long and strict imprisonment, and
never to sit in parliament during his life : a clause
of such a nature as was never before found in any
judgment of parliament, and, in truth, not to be in
flicted upon any peer but by attainder.

How much alienated soever the king s affection
was in truth from the duke, upon these three pro
vocations; 1. The prince s journey into Spain;
2. The engaging the parliament to break the match
and treaty with Spain, and to make a war against
that crown ; and, 3. The sacrificing the earl of Mid
dlesex in such a manner, upon his own animosity ;
yet he was so far from thinking fit to manifest it,
(except in whispers to very few men,) that he was
prevailed with to restrain the earl of Bristol upon
his first arrival, without permitting him to come
into his presence, which he had positively promised,
The eari of and resolved to do ; and in the end suffered his at-
cused in torney general to exhibit a charge of high treason,
* in his majesty s name, against the said earl, who was
thereupon committed to the Tower; but so little
dejected with it, that he answered the articles with
Accuses the great steadiness and unconcernedness, and exhibited
another charge of high treason against the duke in
many particulars.

And in this order and method the war was hastily

c How much alienated] And how aliened

OF THE REBELLION. 43

entered into against Spain, and a new treaty set on BOOK
foot for the prince of Wales with the daughter of
France; which was quickly concluded, though not
fully completed d till after the death of king James ;
who, in the spring following, after a short indisposi
tion by the gout, fell into an ague, 6 which, meeting
many humours in a fat, unwieldy body of fifty-
eight f years old, in four or five fits carried him out King James
of the world. After whose death many scandalous
and libellous discourses were raised, without the
least colour or ground ; as appeared upon the strict
est and most s malicious examination that could be
made, long after, in a time of licence, when nobody
was afraid of offending majesty, and when prosecut
ing the highest reproaches and contumelies against
the royal family was held very meritorious.

Upon the death of king James, Charles prince of Prince
Wales succeeded to the crown, with as universal a suc ceeds
joy in the people as can be imagined, and in a con- d ^ co *_
juncture, when all the other parts of Christendom, nuin * in
being engaged in war, were very solicitous for his
friendship; and the more, because he had already
discovered an activity, that was not like to suffer
him to sit still. The duke continued in the same
degree of favour at the least with the son, which he
had enjoyed so many years under the father. A
rare felicity ! h seldom known, and in which the ex
pectation of very many was exceedingly disap
pointed; who, knowing the great jealousy and in
dignation that the prince had heretofore had against

d fully completed] executed s most] Not in MS.

e an ague,] a quartan ague, h A rare felicity!] Which was

f fifty -eight] A blank left in a rare felicity ;

MS.

44 THE HISTORY

BOOK the duke, insomuch as he was once very near strik
ing him, expected that he would now remember

1 628 - that insolence, of which he then so often complained;
without considering the opportunity the duke had,
by the conversation with the prince, during his
journey into Spain, (which was so grateful to him,)
and whilst he was there, to wipe out the memory of
all former oversights, by making them appear to be
of a less magnitude than they had been understood
before, and to be excusable from other causes, still
being severe enough to himself for his unwary part,
whatsoever excuses he might make for the excess ;
and by this means to make new vows for himself,
and to tie new knots to restrain the prince from
future jealousies. And it is very true, his hopes in
this kind never failed him ; the new king, from the
death of the old even to the death of the duke him
self, discovering the most entire confidence in, and
even friendship to him, that ever king had shewed
to any subject : all preferments in church and state
given by him ; all his kindred and friends promoted
to the degree in honour, or riches, or offices, as he
thought fit, and all his enemies and enviers dis
countenanced, and kept at that distance from the
court as he appointed.
King But a parliament was necessary to be called, as

Charles s , .

first pariia- at the entrance of all kings to the crown, for the
continuance of some supplies and revenue to the
king, which have been still used to be granted in
that season. And now he quickly found how pro
phetic the last king s predictions had proved, 1 and
were like to prove. The parliament that had so

5 proved,] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 45

rashly k advanced the war, and so passionately 1 ad- BOOK
hered to his person, was now no more ; and though
the house of peers consisted still of the same men,
and most of the principal men of the house of com
mons were again elected to serve in this parliament,
yet they were far from wedding the war, or taking
themselves to be concerned to make good any de
claration m made by the former : so that, though the
war was entered in, all hope of obtaining money to
carry it on was even desperate; and the affection
they had for the duke, and confidence in him, was
not then so manifest, as the prejudice they had now,
and animosity against him, was visible to all the
world : all the- actions of his life ripped up and sur
veyed, and all malicious glosses made upon all he
had said and all he had done : votes and remon
strances passed against him as an enemy to the
public; and his ill management made the ground
of their refusal to give the king that supply he had
reason to expect, and was absolutely necessary to
the state he was in. And this kind of treatment
was so ill suited to the duke s great spirit, which
indeed might have easily" been bowed, but could
very hardly be broken, that it wrought contrary
effects upon his high mind, and his indignation, to
find himself so used by the same men. For they who
flattered him most before, mentioned him now with
the greatest bitterness and acrimony ; and the same
men who had called him our saviour, for bringing
the prince safe out of Spain, called him now the
corrupter of the king, and betrayer of the liberties

k rashly] furiously n might have easily] might

1 passionately,] factiously, easily have
m declaration] declarations

46 THE HISTORY

BOOK of the people, without imputing the least crime to
him, to have been committed since the time of that

exalted adulation, or that was not then as much
known to them, as it could be now ; so fluctuating
and unsteady a testimony is the applause of popular
councils.

This indignation, I say, so transported the duke,

the next that he thought necessary to publish and manifest
accmmt of" a greater contempt of them than he should have
the duke. (j olie . causing this and the next parliament to be
quickly dissolved, as soon as they seemed to enter
tain counsels not grateful to him, and before he could
well determine and judge what their temper was in
truth like to prove : and upon every dissolution, such
as P had given any offence were imprisoned or dis
graced ; new projects were every day set on foot for
money, which served only to offend and incense the
people, and brought little supplies i to the king s
occasions, yet raised a great stock for expostulation,
murmur, and complaint, to be exposed when other
supplies should be required. And many persons of
the best quality and condition under the peerage
were committed to several prisons, with circum
stances unusual and unheard of, for refusing to pay
money required by those extraordinary ways ; and
the duke himself would passionately say, and fre
quently do, many things, which only grieved his
friends and incensed his enemies, and gave them as
well the ability as the inclination to do him much
harm.

A war de- In this fatal conjuncture, and after many r several
costly embassies into France, in the last of which

thought] thought it ^ supplies] supply

P as] who r many] Not. in MS<

OF THE REBELLION. 47

the duke himself went, and brought triumphantly BOOK
home with him the queen, to the joy of the nation ; L
in a time, when all endeavours should have been
used to have extinguished that war, in which the
king 5 was so unhappily engaged against Spain, a new
war was as precipitately declared against France ;
and the fleet, that had been unwarily designed to
have surprised Gales, under a general very unequal
to that great work, was no sooner returned without
success, and with much damage, than it fc was re
paired, and the army reinforced for the invasion of
France ; in which the duke was general himself, and
made that unfortunate 11 descent upon the Isle of
Rhe, which was quickly afterwards attended with
many unprosperous attempts, and then with a mise
rable retreat, in which the flower of the army was
lost. So that how ill soever Spain and France were
inclined to each other, they were both bitter x ene
mies to England ; whilst England itself was so to
tally taken up with the thought of revenge upon
the person who they thought had been the cause of
their distress, that they never considered, that the
sad effects of it (if not instantly provided against)
must inevitably destroy the kingdom ; and gave no
truce to their rage, till the duke finished his course
by a wicked assassination y in the fourth year of the
king, and the thirty-sixth of his age.

John Felton, an obscure man in his own person, z The assas-
who had been bred a soldier, and lately a lieutenant theVukeof
of a foot company, whose captain had been killed ^ m

5 king] kingdom wicked means mentioned be-

1 it] the fleet fore

u unfortunate] notable z an obscure man in his own

x bitter] mortal person,] an obscure person,

y a wicked assassination] the

48 THE HISTORY

BOOK upon the retreat at the Isle of Rhe* ? upon which he
_1_ conceived that the company of right ought to have
1628. j jeen conferred upon him, and it being refused to
him by the duke of Buckingham, general of the
army, had g given up his commission of lieutenant,
and withdrawn himself from the army. He was of
a melancholic nature, and had little conversation
with any body, yet of a gentleman s family in Suf
folk, of good fortune and reputation. From the
time that he had quitted the army, he resided in
London ; when the house of commons, transported
with passion and prejudice against the duke of
Buckingham, had accused him to the house of peers
for several misdemeanours and miscarriages, and in
some declaration had styled him, " the cause of all
" the evils the kingdom suffered, and an enemy to
" the public." tf

Some transcripts of such expressions, (for the late
licence of printing all mutinous and seditious dis
courses was not yet in fashion,) and some general
invectives he met with amongst the people, to whom
that great man was not grateful, wrought so far
upon this melancholic gentleman, that, by degrees,
and (as he said upon some of his examinations) by
frequently hearing some popular preachers in the
city, (who were not yet arrived at the presumption
and impudence they have been since transported
with,) he believed he should do God good service,
if he killed the duke ; which he shortly after re
solved to do. He chose no other instrument to do
it with than an ordinary knife, which he bought of
a common cutler for a shilling : and, thus provided,

e had] he had

OF THE REBELLION. 49

he repaired to Portsmouth, where he arrived the eve BOOK
of St. Bartholomew. The duke was then there, in

order to the preparing and making ready the fleet
and the army, with which he resolved in few days to
transport himself to the relief of Rochelle, which was
then straitly besieged by the cardinal Richelieu ; l
and for the k relief whereof the duke was the more
obliged, by reason that, at his being at the Isle of
Rhe, he had received great supplies of victuals, 1 and
some companies of their garrison from that town,
the want of both which they were at this time very
sensible of, and grieved at. ra

This morning of St. Bartholomew the duke had
received letters, in which he was advertised that
Rochelle had relieved itself; upon which he directed
that his breakfast might speedily be made ready,
and he would make haste to acquaint the king with
the good news, the court being then at Southwick,
the house of sir Daniel Norton, five miles from
Portsmouth. The chamber wherein he was dressing
himself was full of company, of persons of quality,
and officers of the fleet and army.

There was monsieur de Soubize, brother to the
duke of Rohan, and other French gentlemen, who
were very solicitous for the embarkation of the
army, and for the departure of the fleet for the re
lief of Rochelle ; and they were at that time n in
much trouble and perplexity, out of apprehension
that the news the duke had received that morning
might slacken the preparations for the voyage, which

by the cardinal Richelieu ;] ] victuals,] victual,
by the cardinal of Richelieu ; m at.] with.

k the] Not in MS. n at that time] at this time j

VOL, I. E

$0 THE HISTORY

BOOK their impatience and interest persuaded them P were

not advanced with expedition ; and so they had then

6 8> held much discourse with the duke of the impossi
bility that his intelligence could be true, and that it
was contrived by the artifice and dexterity of their
enemies, in order to abate the warmth and zeal that
was used for their relief, the arrival of which relief
those enemies had q so much reason to apprehend ;
and a little longer delay in sending it would ease
them of that terrible apprehension, their forts and
works toward the sea and in the harbour being al
most finished.

This discourse, according to the natural custom
of that nation, and by the usual dialect of that lan
guage, was held with that passion and vehemence,
that the standers by, who understood not French,
did believe that they were angry/ and that they
used the duke rudely. 8 He being ready, and in
formed that his breakfast was ready, drew towards
the door, where the hangings were held up ; and, in
that 1 very passage, turning himself to speak with
sir Thomas Fryer, a colonel of the army, who was
then speaking near his ear, he was on the sudden
struck over his shoulder upon the breast with a
knife ; upon which, without using any other words
but, u " The villain hath killed me," and in the same
moment pulling out the knife himself, he fell down
dead, the knife having pierced his heart.

No man had seen the blow, or the man who gave x
it; but in the confusion they were in, every man

P them] Not in MS. s rudely.] very rudely,

i which relief those enemies * that] the

had] which they had but,] but that,

r angry] very angry x gave] made

OF THE REBELLION. 51

made his own conjectures, and declared it as a thing BOOK
known ; most agreeing that it was done by the
French, from the angry discourse they thought they
hady heard from them. And it was a kind of a
miracle, that they were not all killed in that in
stant ; the sober z sort, that preserved them from it,
having the same opinion of their guilt, and only re
serving them for a more judicial examination and
proceeding.

In the crowd near the door there was found upon
the ground a hat, in the inside whereof there was
sewed upon the crown a paper, in which was a writ
four or five lines of that declaration made by the house
of commons, in which they had styled the duke an
enemy to the kingdom, and under it a short ejacu
lation or two towards a prayer. It was easily enough
concluded that the hat belonged to the person who
had committed the murder : but the difficulty re
mained still as great, who that person should be ;
for the writing discovered nothing of the name ; and
whosoever it was, it was very natural to believe that
he was gone far enough not to be found without a
hat.

In this hurry, one running one way, another an
other way, a man was seen walking before the door
very composedly without a hat ; whereupon one cry
ing out, " Here is the fellow that killed the duke ;"
upon which others run b thither, every body asking,
" Which is he ? Which is he ?" To which the man
without the hat very composedly answered, " I am
" he." Thereupon some of those who were most

y had] Not in MS. a was] were

7 sober] soberer h run] ran

E 2

THE HISTORY

BOOK furious, suddenly rune upon the man with their
drawn swords to kill him : but others, who were at

628 least equally concerned in the loss, and in the sense
of it, defended him; himself with open arms very
calmly and cheerfully exposing himself to the fury
and swords of the most enraged, as being very will
ing to fall a sacrifice to their sudden anger, rather
than to be kept for that deliberate justice, which he
knew must be executed d upon him.

He was now known enough, and easily discovered
to be that Felton, whom we mentioned before, who
had been a lieutenant in the army. He was quickly
carried into a private room by the persons of the
best condition, some whereof were in authority, who
first thought fit so far to dissemble, as to mention the
duke only as grievously wounded, but not without
hope of recovery. Upon which Felton smiled, and
said, he knew well enough f he had given him a
blow, that had determined all their s hopes. Being
then asked (which was the discovery principally
aimed at) by whose instigation he had performed
that horrid and wicked act, he answered them with
a wonderful assurance, " That they should not trou-
" ble themselves in that inquiry ; that no man living
had credit or power enough with h him, to have
engaged or disposed him to such an action ; that
he had never intrusted his purpose and resolution
to any man ; that it proceeded only from himself
and the impulse l of his own conscience ; and that
the motives thereunto would appear, if his hat

c run] ran s their] those

d executed] exercised h with] in

e only] only as impulse] impulsion

f enough] Not in MS.

66
66
(t
6(
66

OF THE REBELLION. 53

were found, in which he had therefore fixed them, BOOK
because he believed it very probable that he might

66
66

66
66

" perish in the attempt. He confessed that he had 1628 -
come to the town but the night before, and had
kept his lodging, that he might not be seen or
" taken notice of; and that he had come that morn-
" ing to the duke s lodging, where he had waited at
66 the door for his coming out ; and when he found,
" by the motions within, that he was coming, he
(i drew to the door, as if he held up the hanging ;
and sir Thomas Fryer speaking with k the duke,
as hath been said, and being of a much lower sta-
" ture than the duke, who a little inclined towards
" him, he took the opportunity of giving the blow
" over his shoulders." 1

He spoke very frankly of what he had done, and
bore the reproaches of those who spoke to him, with
the temper of a man who thought he had not done
amiss. But after he had been in prison some time,
where he was treated without any rigour, and with
humanity enough ; and before, and at his trial, which
was about four months after, at the king s bench
bar, he behaved himself with great modesty and
wonderful repentance ; being, as he said, convinced
in his conscience, that he had done wickedly, and
asked the pardon of the king, the duchess, and of
all the duke s servants, whom he acknowledged to
have offended ; and very earnestly besought the
judges, that he might have his hand struck off,
with which he had performed that impious act, be
fore he should be put to death.

The court was too near Portsmouth, and too The king s

receiving

k with] at that time to ] shoulders.] shoulder.

E 3

54 THE HISTORY

BOOK many courtiers vipon the place, to have this murder
(so barbarous m in the nature and circumstances, the

628 - like whereof had not been known in England many 11
the duke s ages) long concealed from the king. His majesty
was at the public prayers of the church, when sir
John Hippesly came into the room, with a troubled
countenance, and, without any pause in respect of
the exercise they were performing, went directly to
the king, and whispered in his ear what had fallen
out. His majesty continued unmoved, and without
the least change in his countenance, till prayers were
ended ; when he suddenly departed to his chamber,
and threw himself upon his bed, lamenting with
much passion, and with abundance of tears, the loss
he had of an excellent servant, and the horrid man
ner in which he had been deprived of him ; and he
continued in this melancholic discomposure of mind
many days.

Yet his manner of v receiving the news in public,
when it was first brought him^ in the presence of
so many, (who knew or saw nothing of the passion
he expressed upon his retreat,) made many men be
lieve, r that the accident was not very ungrateful ; at
least, that it was very indifferent to him ; as being
rid of a servant very ungracious to the people, and
the prejudice to whose person exceedingly obstructed
all overtures made in parliament for his service.

And, upon this observation, persons of all condi
tions took great licence in speaking of the person of
the duke, and dissecting all his infirmities, believing

m barbarous] wonderful P his manner of] the manner

n many] in many of his
melancholic] melancholic q him] to him
and r believe,] to believe,

OF THE REBELLION. 55

they should not thereby incur any displeasure of the BOOK

king s. 5 In which they took very ill measures; for

from that time almost to the time of his own death,
the king admitted very few into any degree of trust,
who had ever discovered themselves to be enemies
to the duke, or against whom he had l manifested a
notable prejudice. And sure never any prince ex
pressed a more lively u regret for the loss of a ser
vant, than his majesty did for this great man, in his
constant favour and kindness to his wife and chil
dren, in all offices of grace towards his servants, and
in a wonderful solicitous care for the payment of his
debts ; which, it is very true, were contracted for
his majesty s service ; though in such a manner, that
there remained no evidence of it, nor were any of
the duke s officers intrusted with the knowledge of
it, nor any record kept of it, but in the king s own
generous memory. x

This great man y was a person of a noble nature, A character
and generous disposition, and of such other endow-
ments, as made him very capable of being a great
favourite to a great king. He understood the arts z
of a court, and all the learning that is professed
there, exactly well. By long practice in business,

s king s.] king. with the knowledge of it, nor

t had] had ever was there any record of it, but

11 expressed a more lively] in his majesty s own generous

manifested a most lively memory,) and all offices of grace

x in all offices generous me- towards his servants,
mory.] Thus in MS. : in a won- y This great man] The MS.

derful solicitous care for the begins thus : After all this, and

payment of his debts, (which, such a transcendant mixture of

it is very true, were contracted ill fortune, of which as ill con-

for his service ; though in such duct and great infirmities seem

a manner, that there remained to be the foundation and source,

no evidence of it, nor was any this great man, &c.
of the duke s officers intrusted 7 arts] arts and artifices

E 4

56 THE HISTORY

BOOK under a master that discoursed excellently, and sure
ly knew all things wonderfully, and took much de-
628. light in indoctrinating his young unexperienced fa
vourite, who, he knew, would be always looked upon
as the workmanship of his own hands, he had ob
tained a quick conception, and apprehension of busi
ness, and had the habit of speaking very gracefully
and pertinently. He was of a most flowing courtesy
and affability to all men who made any address to
him ; and so desirous to oblige them, that he did
not enough consider the value of the obligation, or
the merit of the person he chose to oblige; from
which much of his misfortune resulted. He was of
a courage not to be daunted, which was manifested
in all his actions, and in a his contests with particu
lar persons of the greatest reputation ; and especially
in his whole demeanour at the Isle of Rhe, both at
the landing and upon the retreat ; in both which no
man was more fearless, or more ready to expose him
self to the highest b dangers. His kindness and af
fection to his friends was so vehement, that they
were as c so many marriages for better and worse,
and so many leagues offensive and defensive ; as if
he thought himself obliged to love all his friends,
and to make war upon all they were angry with, let
the cause be what it would. And it cannot be de
nied that he was an enemy in the same excess, and
prosecuted those he looked upon as his enemies with
the utmost rigour and animosity, and was not easily
induced to d reconciliation. And yet there were some
examples of his receding in that particular. And

a in] Not in MS. c they were as] it was

b highest] brightest d to] to a

OF THE REBELLION. 57

when he was e in the highest passion, he was so far BOOK
from stooping to any dissimulation, whereby his dis

pleasure might be concealed and covered till he had
attained his revenge, (the low method of courts,) that
he never endeavoured to do any man an ill office,
before he first told him what he was to expect from
him, and reproached him with the injuries he had
done, with so much generosity, that the person found
it in his power to receive further satisfaction, in the
way he would choose for himself.

In f this manner he proceeded with the earl of
Oxford, a man of great name in that time, and
whom he had endeavoured by many civil offices to
make his friend, and who seemed equally to incline
to the friendship : when he discovered (or, as many
thought, but suspected) that the earl was entered
into some cabal in parliament against him ; he could
not be dissuaded by any of his friends, to whom he
imparted his resolution ; but meeting the earl the
next day, he took him aside, and after many re
proaches for such and such ill offices he had done
him, and for breaking his word towards him, he
told him, "he would rely no longer on his friend-
ship, nor should he expect any further friendship
from him, but, on the contrary, he would be for
ever his enemy, and do him all the mischief he
could." The earl, (who, as many thought, had
not been faulty towards him, was as great-hearted
as he, and thought the very suspecting him to be
an injury unpardonable,) without any reply to the
particulars, declared, " that he neither cared for his
" friendship, nor feared his hatred ;" and from thence

e when he was] Not in MS. f In] And in s him] Not in MS.

66

66

66

58 THE HISTORY

BOOK avowedly entered into the conversation and confi
dence of those who were always awake to discover,

and solicitous to pursue, any thing that might prove
to his disadvantage ; which was of evil consequence
to the duke, the earl being of the most ancient of
the nobility, and a man of great courage, and of a
family which had in no time swerved from its fide
lity to the crown.

Sir Francis Cottington, who was secretary to the
prince, and not grown courtier enough to dissemble h
his opinion, had given the duke offence before his *
journey into Spain, as is before touched upon, and
improved that prejudice, after his coming thither,
by disposing the prince all he could to the marriage
of the infanta; and by his behaviour after his re
turn, in justifying to king James, who had a very
good opinion of him, the sincerity of the Spaniard
in the treaty of the marriage, " That they did in
" truth desire it, and were fully resolved to gratify
" his majesty in the business of the palatinate ; and
" only desired, in the manner of it, to gratify the
" emperor and the duke of Bavaria all they k could,
" which would take up very little time." All which
being so contrary to the duke s purposes and resolu
tions, 1 his displeasure to Cottington was sufficiently
manifest. And king James was no sooner dead, and
the new officers and orders made, but the profits
and privileges which had used to be continued to
him who had been secretary, till some other promo
tion, were all retrenched. And when he was one
morning attending in the privy lodgings, as he was

h dissemble] dissemble well purposes and resolutions,]

his] the positions and purposes,

k they] he

OF THE 11EBELLION. 59

accustomed to do, one of the secretaries of state BOOK
came to him, and told him, " that it was the king s

pleasure he m should no more presume to come
" into those rooms ;" (which was the first instance
he had received of the king s disfavour ;) and at the
same instant the duke entered into that quarter. Sir
Francis Cottington n addressed himself towards him,
and desired " he would give him leave to speak to
" him :" upon which the duke inclining his ear, moved
to a window from the company, and the other told
him, " that he received every day fresh marks of his
" severity ;" mentioned the message which had been
then delivered to him, and desired only to know,
" whether it could not be in his power, by all du-
" tiful application, and all possible service, to be re-
" stored to the good opinion his grace had once
" vouchsafed to have of him, and to be admitted to
" serve him ?" The duke heard him without the
least commotion, and with a countenance serene
enough, and then answered him, " That he would
deal very clearly with him ; that it was utterly
impossible to bring that to pass which he had pro-
" posed : that he was not only firmly resolved never
to trust him, or to have to do with him ; but that
he was, and would be always, his declared enemy;
" and that he would do always whatsoever should
"be in his power to ruin and destroy him, and of
" this he might be most assured ;" without mention
ing any particular ground for his so heightened dis
pleasure.

The other very calmly replied to him, (as he was

m he] that he tington

" Sir Francis Cottington] whatsoever] whatever
Upon which sir Francis Cot-

.,
..

..

6(

60 THE HISTORY

BOOK master of an incomparable temper,) " That since he
was resolved never to do him good, he p hoped,

66

6(
6(

tt

6-8. a f rom ^s justice and generosity, that he would not
" suffer himself to gain by his loss ; that he had laid
" out by his command so much money for jewels
" and pictures, which he had received : and that, in
" hope of his future favour, he had once presented
" a suit of hangings to him, which cost him 800/.
which he hoped he would cause to be restored to
him, and that he would not let him be so great
a loser by him." The duke answered, " he was
in the right ; that he should the next morning go
to Oliver, (who was his receiver,) and give him a
particular account of all the money due to him,
" and he should presently pay him :" which was
done the next morning accordingly, without the
least abatement of any of his demands.

And he was so far reconciled to him before his
death, that being resolved to make peace ^ with
Spain, to the end he might more vigorously pursue
the war with France, (to which his heart was most
passionately fixed,) he sent for Cottington to come
to him, and after conference with him, told him,
the king would send him ambassador thither, and
that he should attend him at Portsmouth for his
despatch."

His single misfortune was, (which indeed was
productive of many greater,) that he never made a
noble and a worthy friendship with a man so near
his equal, that he would frankly advise him for his
honour and true interest, against the current, or ra
ther the torrent, of his impetuous passion; which

P he] that he ^ peace] a peace

"

"

OF THE REBELLION. 61

was partly the vice of the time, when the court was BOOK
not replenished with great choice of excellent men ;

and partly the vice of the persons who were most
worthy to be applied to, and looked upon his youth,
and his obscurity before his rise r , as obligations upon
him to gain their friendships by extraordinary ap
plication. Then his ascent was so quick, that it
seemed rather a flight than a growth ; and he was
such a darling of fortune, that he was at the top
before he was well s seen at the bottom ; * and, as if
he had been born a favourite, he was supreme the
first month he came to court ; and it was want of
confidence, not of credit, that he had not all at first
which he obtained afterwards ; never meeting with
the least obstruction from his setting out, till he was
as great as he could be : so that he wanted depend
ants before he thought he could want coadjutors.
Nor was he very fortunate in the election of those
dependants, very few of his servants having been
ever qualified enough to assist or advise him ; and
they u were intent only upon growing rich under
him, not upon their master s growing good as well
as great : insomuch as he was throughout his for
tune a much wiser man than any servant or friend
he had.

Let the fault or misfortune be what or whence it
will, it may reasonably x be believed, that, if he had
been blessed with one faithful friend, who had been
qualified with wisdom and integrity, that great per
son would have committed as few faults, and done

v before his rise] Not in MS. effect, not cause, of his first pro-

s well] Not in MS. motion ;
1 bottom ;] MS. adds : for the u they] Not in MS.
gradation of his titles was the x reasonably] very reasonably

62 THE HISTORY

BOOK as transcendent worthy actions, as any man who

! shined in such a sphere in that age in Europe. For

he was of an excellent disposition^ and of a mind 2
very capable of advice and counsel. He was in his
nature just and candid, liberal, generous, and boun
tiful ; nor was it ever known, that the temptation
of money swayed him to do an unjust or unkind
thing. And though he left a very great estate a to
his heirs ; considering the vast fortune he inherited
by his wife, the sole daughter and heir of Francis
earl of Rutland, he owed no part of it to his own
industry or solicitation, but to the impatient humour
of two kings his masters, who would make his for
tune equal to his titles, and the one as much b above
other men, as the other was. And he considered it
no otherwise than as theirs, and left it at his death
engaged for the crown, almost to the value of it, as
is touched upon before.

If he had an immoderate ambition, with which
he was charged, and is a weed (if it be a weed) apt
to grow in the best soils ; it doth not appear that it
was in his nature, or that he brought it with him to
the court, but rather found it there, and was a gar
ment necessary for that air. Nor was it more in
his power to be without promotion, and titles, and
wealth, than for a healthy man to sit in the sun in
the brightest dog-days, and remain without any
warmth. He needed no ambition, who was so
seated in the hearts of two such masters.

There are two particulars, which lie heaviest
upon his memory, either of them aggravated by cir
cumstances very important, and which administer

> disposition,] nature, a estate] inheritance

z mind] capacity b as much] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 63

frequent occasions by their effects to be remem- BOOK
bered. L

The first, his engaging his old unwilling master
and the kingdom in the war with Spain, (not to
mention the bold journey thither, or the breach of
that match,) in a time when the crown was so poor,
and the people more inclined to a bold inquiry, how
it came to be so, than dutiful to provide for its
supply : and this only upon personal animosities be
tween him and the duke of Olivarez, the sole fa
vourite in that court, and those animosities from
very trivial provocations, which d flowed indeed from
no other fountain, than that the nature and educa
tion of Spain restrained men from that gaiety and
frolic humour, 6 to which the prince s court was more
inclined. And Olivarez had been heard to censure
very severely the duke s familiarity and want of re
spect towards the prince, (a crime monstrous to the
Spaniard,) and had said, that " if the infanta did
" not, as soon as she was married, suppress that li-
" cence, she would herself quickly undergo the mis-
" chief of it :" which gave the first alarm to the
duke to apprehend his own ruin in that union, and
accordingly to use all his endeavours to break and
prevent it : and from that time he took all occasions
to quarrel with and reproach the Conde duke.

One morning the king desired the prince to take
the air, and to visit a little house of pleasure he had
(the Prado) four miles from Madrid, standing in a
forest, where he used sometimes to hunt ; and the
duke not being ready, the king and the prince and

c dutiful] dutifully humour,] from that gaiety of

d which] and humour, and from that frolic

c from that gaiety and frolic humour,

64 THE HISTORY

BOOK the infante don Carlos went into the coach, the king

. likewise calling the earl of Bristol into that coach

to assist them in their conversation, the prince then
not speaking any Spanish ; and left Olivarez to fol
low in the coach with the duke of Buckingham.
When the duke came, they went into the coach,
accompanied with others of both nations, and pro
ceeded very cheerfully towards the f overtaking the
king: but when upon the way he heard that the
earl of Bristol was in the coach with the king, he
broke out into a& great passion, reviled the Conde
duke as the contriver of the affront, reproached the
earl of Bristol for his presumption, in taking the
place which in all respects belonged to him, who
was joined with him as ambassador extraordinary,
and came last from the presence of his h master, and
resolved to go out of the coach, and to return to
Madrid. Olivarez easily discovered by the disorder,
and the noise, and the tone, that the duke was very
angry, without comprehending the cause of it ; only
found that the earl of Bristol was often named with
such a tone, that he began to suspect what in truth
might be the cause. And thereupon he commanded
a gentleman, who was on horseback, with all speed
to overtake the king s coach, and desire that it
might stay; intimating, that the duke had taken
some displeasure, the ground whereof was not
enough understood. Upon which the king s coach
stayed ; and when the other approached within dis
tance, the Conde duke alighted, and acquainted the
king with what he had observed, and what he con
ceived. The king himself alighted, made great com-

f the] Not in MS. z a] Not in MS. h his] their begun] began

OF THE REBELLION. 65

pliments to the duke, the earl of Bristol excusing BOOK
himself upon the king s command, that he should
serve as interpreter. 1 In the end don Carlos went
into the coach with the favourite, and the duke and
the earl of Bristol went with the king and the
prince ; and so they prosecuted their journey, and
after dinner returned in the same manner to Ma
drid.

This, with all the circumstances of it, adminis
tered wonderful occasion of discourse in the court
and country, there having never been such a comet
seen in that hemisphere ; their k submiss reverence to
their princes being a vital part of their religion.

There were very few days passed afterwards, in
which there was not some manifestation of the high
est displeasure and hatred in the duke against the
earl of Bristol. 1 And when the Conde duke had
some eclaircissement with the duke, in which he
made all the protestations of his sincere affection,
and his desire to maintain a clear and faithful friend
ship with him, which he conceived might be, in some
degree, useful to both their masters ; the other re
ceived his protestations with all contempt, and de
clared, with a very unnecessary frankness, " that he
" would have no friendship with him."

The next m day after the king returned from ac
companying the prince towards the sea, where, at
parting, there were all possible demonstrations of
mutual affection between them; the king n caused
a fair pillar to be erected in the place where they
last embraced each other, with inscriptions of great

1 interpreter.] a trustman. other.

k their] and their m The next] And the next

1 the earl of Bristol.] the " the king] and the king

VOL. I. F

66 THE HISTORY

BOOK honour to the prince ; there being then in that court
not the least suspicion, or imagination, that the mar-

628. r j a g e W ould not succeed. Insomuch that afterwards,
upon the news from Rome, that the dispensation
was granted, the prince having left the desponsorios
in the hands of the earl of Bristol, in which the in
fante don Carlos was constituted the prince s proxy
to marry the infanta on his behalf; she was treated
as princess of Wales, the queen gave her place, and
the English ambassador had frequent audiences, as
with his mistress, in which he would not be covered :
yet, I say, the very next day after the prince s de
parture from the king, Mr. Clark, one of the prince s
bedchamber, who had formerly served the duke, was
sent back to Madrid, upon pretence that somewhat
was forgotten there, but in truth, with orders to
the earl of Bristol not to deliver the desponsorios
(which, by the articles, he was obliged to do within
fifteen days after the arrival of the dispensation)
until he should receive further orders from the
prince, or king, after his return into England.

Mr. Clark was not to deliver this letter to the
ambassador, till he was sure the dispensation was
come ; of which he could not be advertised in the
instant. But he lodging in the ambassador s house,
and falling sick of a calenture, which the physicians
thought would prove mortal, he sent for the earl to
come to his bed side, and delivered him the letter
before the arrival of the dispensation, though long
after it was known to be granted ; upon which all
those ceremonies were performed to the infanta.

By these means, and by this method, this great
affair, upon which the eyes of Christendom had been
so long fixed, came to be dissolved, without the least

OF THE REBELLION. 67

mixture with, or contribution from, those amours, BOOK
which were afterwards so confidently discoursed of.

For though the duke was naturally carried violently
to those passions, when there was any grace or
beauty in the object ; yet the duchess of Olivarez,
of whom was the talk, was then a woman so old,
past children, of so abject a presence, in a word, so
crooked and deformed, that she could neither tempt
his appetite, nor P magnify his revenge. And what
soever ( i he did afterwards in England was but tueri
opus, and to prosecute the design he had, upon the
reason and provocation r aforesaid, so long before
contrived during his abode in Spain.

The other particular, by which he involved him
self in so many fatal intricacies, from which he could
never extricate himself, was, his running violently
into the war with France, without any kind of pro
vocation, and upon a particular passion very unwar
rantable. In his embassy in France, where his per
son and presence was wonderfully admired and es
teemed, (and in truth it was a wonder in the eyes
of all men,) and in which he appeared with all the
lustre the wealth of England could adorn him with,
and outshined all the bravery that court could dress
itself in, and overacted the whole nation in their
own most peculiar vanities ; he had the ambition to
fix his eyes upon, and to dedicate his most violent
affection to, a lady of a very sublime quality, and to
pursue it with most importunate addresses : inso
much as when the king had brought the queen his
sister as far as he meant to do, and delivered her

was the talk,] the talk was, r reason and provocation]
P nor] or reasons and provocations

i whatsoever] whatever

V 2

68 THE HISTORY

BOOK into the hands of the duke, to be by him conducted

. into England; the duke, in his journey, after the 8

departure from that court, took a resolution once
more to make a visit to that great lady, which he
believed he might do with much t privacy. But it
was so easily discovered, that provision was made
for his reception ; and if he had pursued his attempt,
he had been without doubt assassinated ; of which
he had only so much notice, as served him to de
cline the danger. But he swore, in the instant,
" that he would see and speak with that lady, in
" spite of the strength and power of France." And
from the time that the queen arrived in England,
he took all the ways he could to undervalue and
exasperate that court and nation, by causing all
those who fled into England from the justice and
displeasure of that king, to be received and enter
tained here, not only with ceremony and security,
but with bounty and magnificence ; and the more
extraordinary the persons were, and the more noto
rious their u king s displeasure was tow r ards them,
(as in that time there were very many lords and
ladies in those circumstances/ ) the more respectfully
they were received and esteemed. He omitted no
opportunity to incense the king against France, and
to dispose him to assist the Hugonots, whom he
likewise encouraged to give their king some trouble.
And, which was worse than all this, he took great
pains to lessen the king s affection towards his young
queen, being exceedingly jealous, lest her interest
might be of force enough to cross his other designs :

5 the] his x in those circumstances,] of

1 much] great that classis,

u their] the

OF THE REBELLION. 69

and in this stratagem, he so far swerved from the BOOK

instinct of his nature and his proper inclinations, !

that he, who was compounded of all the elements
of affability and courtesy towards all kind of people,
had brought himself to a habit of neglect, and even
of rudeness, towards the queen.

One day, when he unjustly apprehended that she
had shewed some disrespect to his mother, in not
going to her lodging at an hour she had intended to
go/ and was hindered by a mere z accident, he came
into her chamber in much passion, and, after some
expostulations rude enough, he told her, " she should
" repent it." Her majesty a answering with some
quickness, he replied insolently to her, " that there
" had been queens in England, who had lost their
" heads." And it was universally known, that, dur
ing his life, the queen never had any credit with the
king, with reference to any public affairs, and so
could not divert the resolution of making a war with
France.

The war with Spain had found the nation in a
surfeit of a long peace, and in a disposition inclin
able enough to war with that nation, which might
put an end to an alliance the most ungrateful to
them, and which they most feared, and from whence
no other damage had yet befallen them, than a
chargeable and unsuccessful voyage by sea, without
the loss of ships or men. But a war with France
must be carried on at another rate and expense.
Besides, the nation was weary and surfeited with
the first, before the second was entered upon ; and
it was very visible to wise men, that when the ge-

y go,] do, 7 mere] very a Her majesty] And her majesty

F 3

70 THE HISTORY

BOOK neral trade of the kingdom, from whence the sup
port of the crown principally resulted, should be ut-

628 terry extinguished with France, as it was with Spain,
and interrupted or obstructed with all other places,
(as it must be, in a great measure, b in a war, how
prosperously soever carried on,) the effects would be
very sad, and involve the king in many perplexities ;
and it could not but fall out accordingly.

Upon the return from Cales without success,
though all the ships, and, upon the matter, all the
men were seen, (for though some had so surfeited
in the vineyards, and with the wines, that they had
been left behind, the generosity of the Spaniards
had sent them all home again ;) and though by that
fleet s putting in at Plymouth, near two hundred
miles from London, there could be but very c imper
fect relations, and the news of yesterday was con
tradicted by d the morrow ; besides that e the expe
dition had been undertaken by the advice of the
parliament, and with an universal approbation of
the people, so that nobody could reasonably speak
loudly against it ; yet, notwithstanding all this, the
ill success was heavily borne, and imputed to ill con
duct ; the principal officers of the fleet and army di
vided amongst themselves, and all united in their
murmurs against the general, the lord viscount Wim
bledon ; who, though an old officer in Holland, was
never thought equal to the enterprise f . In a word,
there was indisposition enough quickly discovered
against the war itself, that it was easily discerned it

b in a great measure,] Not in e that] Not in MS.

MS. f enterprise] MS. adds: and

c there could be but very] so had in truth little more of a

that there could be very Holland officer than the pride

d by] Not in MS. and formality.

OF THE REBELLION. 71

would not be pursued with the vigour it was en- BOOK

tered into, nor carried on by any cheerful contribu .

tion of money from the public.

But the running into this war with France (from
whence the queen was so newly and joyfully re
ceived) without any colour of reason, or so much as
the formality of a declaration from the king, con
taining the ground, and provocation, and end of it,
according to custom and obligation in the like cases,
(for it was observed that the manifesto h which was
published was in the duke s own name, who went
admiral and general of the expedition,) opened the
mouths of all men to inveigh against it with all bit
terness, and the sudden ill effects of it, manifested
in the return of the fleet to Portsmouth, within such
a distance of London, that nothing could be con
cealed of the loss sustained ; in which most noble
families found a son, or a brother, or near kinsman
wanting, without such circumstances of their deaths
which are usually the consolations and recompenses
of such catastrophes. The retreat had been a rout
without an enemy, and the French had their re
venge by the disorder and confusion of the English
themselves ; in which great numbers of noble and
ignoble were crowded to death, or drowned without
the help of an enemy : and as some k thousands of
the common men were wanting, so few of those
principal officers who attained 1 to a name in war,
and by whose courage and experience any war was
to be conducted, could be found.

The eifects of this overthrow did not at first ap-

s and] and so k some] many

h manifesto] declaration l attained] had attained

1 a] AW in MS.

F 4

72 THE HISTORY

BOOK pear in whispers, murmurs, and invectives, as the
J retreat m from Gales had done ; but produced such

1628. a g enera i consternation over the face of the whole
nation, as if all the armies of France and Spain
were united together, and had covered the land:
mutinies in the fleet and army, under pretence of
their want of pay, (whereof no doubt there was
much due to them,) but in truth, out of detestation
of the service, and the authority of the duke. The
counties throughout the kingdom were so incensed,
and their affections poisoned, that they refused to
suffer the soldiers to be billetted upon them ; by
which they often underwent greater inconveniences
and mischiefs than they endeavoured to prevent.
The endeavour to raise new men for the recruit of
the army by pressing (the usual " method that had
commonly been practised upon such occasions)
found opposition in many places; and the autho
rity by which it was done not submitted to, as
being counted P illegal. This <* produced a resort to
martial law, by which many were executed ; which
raised an asperity in the minds of more than of the
common people. And this distemper was so uni
versal, that r the least spark still meeting with com
bustible matter enough to make a flame, all 8 wise
men looked upon it as the prediction of the destruc
tion and dissolution that would follow. Nor was
there a serenity in the countenance of any man,
who had age and experience enough to consider
things to come ; but only in those who wished the

m retreat] retirement ( i This] which

" usual] only r that] Not in MS.

commonly] ever s all] that all
f being counted] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 73

destruction of the duke, and thought it could not be BOOK
purchased at too dear a price, and looked upon this
flux of humours as an inevitable way to bring it to
pass.

And it cannot be denied, that from these two
wars so wretchedly entered into, and the circum
stances before mentioned, and which flowed from
thence, the duke s ruin took its date ; and never
left pursuing him, till that execrable act upon his
person ; the malice whereof was contracted by that
sole evil spirit of the time, without any partner in
the conspiracy. And the venom of that season in
creased and got vigour, until, from one licence to
another, it proceeded till the nation was corrupted
to that monstrous degree, that it grew satiated, and
weary^of the government itself; under which it had
enjoyed a greater measure of felicity, than any na
tion was ever possessed of; and which could never
be continued to them, but under the same govern
ment 1 . And as these calamities originally sprung
from the inordinate appetite and passion of this
young man, under the too much easiness of two in
dulgent masters, and the concurrence of a thousand
other accidents ; so, u if he had lived longer/ the ob
servation and experience he had gained y , which had
very much improved his understanding, with the
greatness of his spirit, and jealousy of his master s
honour, (to whom his fidelity was superior to any
temptation,) might have repaired many of the incon
veniences which he had introduced, and would have

t government] Not in MS. was taken away at the age of

11 so,] so that, thirty-six years)

x longer,] MS. adds : (for he y gained] Not in MS.

74 THE HISTORY

BOOK prevented the mischiefs which were the natural ef-
fects of those causes.

There were many stories scattered abroad at that

An account

of apredic- time, of several prophecies and predictions of the
duke s duke s untimely and violent death. Amongst the
rest there was one, which was upon a better foun
dation of credit than usually such discourses are
founded upon. There was an officer in the king s
wardrobe in Windsor castle, of a good reputation
for honesty and discretion, and then about the age
of fifty years, or more. This man had, in his youth,
been bred in a school, in the parish where sir George
Villiers, the father of the duke, lived, and had been
much cherished and obliged, in that season of his
age, by the said sir George, whom afterwards he
never saw. About six months before the miserable
end of the duke of Buckingham, about midnight,
this man being in his bed at Windsor, where his
office was, and in a z very good health, there ap
peared to him, on the side of his bed, a man of a
very venerable aspect, who drew the curtains of his
bed, and, fixing his eyes upon him, asked him, if
he knew him. The poor man, half dead with fear
and apprehension, being asked the second time,
whether he remembered him ; and having in that
time called to his memory the presence of sir George
Villiers, and the very clothes he used to wear, in
which at that time he seemed to be habited, he an
swered him a , " that he thought him to be that per-
" son." He replied, " he was in the right ; that he
" was the same, and that he expected a service from

7 a] Not in MS. a him] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 75

" him; which was, that he should go from him to BOOK
" his son the duke of Buckingham, and tell him, if L
" he did not b somewhat to ingratiate himself to the
" people, or, at least, to abate the extreme malice
" they had against him, he would be suffered to live
" but c a short time." After d this discourse he dis
appeared ; and the poor man, if he had been at all
waking, slept very well till morning, when he be
lieved all this to be a dream, and considered it no
otherwise.

The next night, or shortly after, the same person
appeared to him again in the same place, and about
the same time of the night, with an aspect a little
more severe than before, and asked him, whether he
had done as he had required him : and perceiving
he had not, gave him very severe e reprehensions ;
told him, " he expected more compliance from him ;
" and that, if he did not perform his commands, he
" should enjoy no peace of mind, but should be al-
" ways pursued by him ;" upon which, he promised
him to obey him. But the next morning waking
out of a good sleep, though he was exceedingly per
plexed with the lively representation of all particu
lars to his memory, he was willing still to persuade
himself that he had only dreamed ; and considered,
that he was a person at such a distance from the
duke, that he knew not how to find any admission
to his presence, much less had any hope to be be
lieved in what he should say. So f with great trouble
and unquietness, he spent some time in thinking

J did not] did not do c severe] sharp

: but] Not in MS. f So] And so

fl After] And after

76 THE HISTORY

BOOK what he should do, and in the end resolved to do
nothing in the matter.

66
(6

The same person appeared to him the third time,
with a terrible countenance, and bitterly reproach
ing him for not performing what he had promised
to do. The poor man had by this time recovered
the courage to tell him, " That in truth he had de-
" ferred the execution of his commands, upon con-
" sidering, how difficult a thing it would be for him
" to get any access to the duke, having acquaintance
" with no person about him ; and if he could obtain
" admission to him, he should never be able to per-
" suade him, that he was sent in such a manner ;
but he should at best be thought to be mad, or to
be set on and employed, by his own or the malice
" of other men, to abuse the duke ; and so he should
" be sure to be undone." The person replied, as he
had done before, " That he should never find rest,
" till he should perform what he required ; and
" therefore he were better to despatch it : that the
" access to his son was known to be very easy ; and
that few men waited long for him : and for the
gaining him credit, he would tell him two or three
particulars, which he charged him never to men
tion to any person living, but to the duke himself;
" and he should no sooner hear them, but he would
" believe all the rest he should say ;" and so repeat
ing his threats s he left him.

In h the morning, the poor man, more confirmed
by the last appearance, made his journey to London ;
where the court then was. He was very well known

8 repeating his threats] repeated his threats h In] And in

66

66
(6
66

66
66

66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 77

to sir Ralph Freeman, one of the masters of re- BOOK

quests, who had married a lady that was nearly al-

lied to the duke, and was himself well received by
him. To him this man went ; and though he did
not acquaint him with all particulars, he said enough
to him to let him see there was somewhat extraordi
nary in it ; and the knowledge he had of the sobriety
and discretion of the man made the more impression
in him. He desired that " by his means he might be
brought to the duke ; to such a place, and in such
a manner, as should be thought fit :" affirming, i
" That he had much to say to him ; and of such a
nature, as would require much privacy, and some
time and patience in the hearing." Sir Ralph pro
mised " he would speak first with the duke of him,
" and then he should understand his pleasure :" and
accordingly, in the first opportunity, he did inform
him of the reputation and honesty of the man, and
then what he desired, and of all he knew of the
matter. The duke, according to his usual openness
and condescension, told him, " That he was the next
" day early to hunt with the king ; that his horses
" should attend him at Lambeth-bridge, where he
" would land by five of the clock in the morning ;
" and if the man attended him there at that hour,
" he would walk, and speak with him, as long as
" should be necessary." Sir Ralph carried the man
with him the next morning, and presented him to
the duke at his landing, who received him courte
ously ; and walked aside in conference near an hour,
none but his own servants being at that hour in that
place ; and they and sir Ralph at such a distance,

affirming,] Not in MS.

66
a
66

66
66

78 THE HISTORY

BOOK that they could not hear a word, though the duke
- sometimes spoke, and with great commotion ; which
628< sir Ralph the more easily observed, and perceived,
because he kept his eyes always fixed upon the
duke ; having procured the conference, upon some
what he knew there was of extraordinary. And
the man told him in his return over the water,
That when he mentioned those particulars which
were to gain him credit, the substance whereof he
said he durst not impart to him, the duke s colour
changed, and he swore he could come to that
knowledge only by the Devil ; for that those par-
" ticulars were known only k to himself, and to one
" person more, who, he was sure, would never speak
" of it."

The duke pursued his purpose of hunting; but
was observed to ride all the morning with great pen-
siveness, and in deep thoughts, without any delight
in the exercise he was upon ; and before the morn
ing was spent, left the field, and alighted at his mo
ther s lodgings in Whitehall ; with whom he was
shut up for the space of two or three hours ; the
noise of their discourse frequently reaching the ears
of those who attended in the next rooms : and when
the duke left her, his countenance appeared full of
trouble, with a mixture of anger; a countenance
that was never before observed in him, in any con
versation I with her, towards whom he had a pro
found 111 reverence. And the countess herself (for
though she was married to a private gentleman, sir
Thomas Compton, she n had been created countess

k known only] only known profound] towards her he had
1 conversation] encounters ever a most profound
m towards whom he had a " she] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION.

79

1628.

of Buckingham, shortly after her son had first as- BOOK
sumed that title) was, at the duke s leaving her, .
found overwhelmed in tears, and in the highest
agony imaginable. Whatever there was of all this,
it is a notorious truth, that when the news of the
duke s murder (which happened within few months
after) was brought to his mother, she seemed not in
the least degree surprised ; but received it as if she
had foreseen it ; nor did afterwards express such a
degree of sorrow, as was expected from such a mo
ther, for the loss of such a son.

This digression, much longer than it was intended,
may not be thought altogether improper in this
discourse. For as the mention of his death was
very pertinent, in the place, and upon the occasion,
it happened to be made ; so upon that occasion it
seemed the more reasonable to digress? upon the
nature, and character, and fortune of the duke ; as
being the best mirror to discern the temper and
spirit of that age, and the wonderful^ concurrence
of many fatal accidents, to disfigure the government
of two excellent kings ; under whom their kingdoms
in general prospered exceedingly, and enjoyed a
longer peace, a greater plenty, and in fuller security,
than had been in any former age/

improper] unnatural

P digress] enlarge

i and the wonderful] and the
rather and because all the par
ticulars before set down are to
be found in the papers and
memorials of the person, whose
life is the subject of this dis
course, who was frequently
heard to relate the wonderful

r any former age.] MS.

adds : and who was so far
from any acrimony to the me
mory of that great favourite,
(whose death he had lamented
at that time, and endeavoured
to vindicate him from some li
bels and reproaches,which vented
after his death,) that he took
delight in remembering his
many virtues, and to magnify
his affability and most obliging

80 THE HISTORY

BOOK And because there was so total a change of all
counsels, and in the whole face of the court, upon
the death of that mighty s favourite ; all thoughts of
presently laid aside, (though there was a

after faint looking towards the relief of Rochelle by the

the duke s n

death. fleet, that was ready under the command of the earl
of Lindsey,) and the provisions for peace and plenty
taken to heart ; it will not be unuseful nor unplea
sant to enlarge the digression, before a return to the
proper subject of the discourse, by a prospect of the
constitution of the court, after that bright star was
shot out of the horizon : who were the chief mini
sters, that had the principal management of public
affairs in church and state ; and how equal their fa
culties and qualifications were for those high trans
actions ; in which mention shall be only made of
those who were then in the highest trust ; there
being at that time no ladies, who had disposed them
selves to intermeddle in business : and hereafter,
when that activity begun, i and made any progress,
it will be again necessary to take a new survey of
the court upon that alteration.

of the lord Sir Thomas Coventry was then lord keeper of the

ventry. great seal of England, and newly made a baron.

He was a son of the robe, his father having been a

judge in the court of the common pleas ; who took

great care to breed him, u though his first born, in

nature; and he kept the memo- some servants of the duke s,

rial of that prediction, (though who had the nearest trust with

no man looked upon relations him, and who were informed of

of that nature with less reve- much of it before the murder of

rence and consideration,) the the duke,

substance of which (he said) was s mighty] omnipotent

confirmed to him by sir Ralph l begun,] began,

Freeman, and acknowledged by " him,] his son,

OF THE REBELLION. 81

the study of the common law; by which he * him- BOOK

self had been promoted to that degree ; and in which, ^_

in the society of the Inner Temple, his son made a J628.
notable progress, by an early eminence in practice
and learning ; insomuch as he was recorder of Lon
don, solicitor general, and king s attorney, before he
was forty years of age. A rare ascent ! All which
offices he discharged with great abilities, and singu
lar reputation of integrity. In the first year after
the death of king James, he was advanced to be
keeper of the great seal of England (the usual >~ ad
vancement from the office of attorney general) upon
the removal of the bishop of Lincoln ; who, though
a man of great wit and good scholastic learning, was
generally thought so very unequal to the place, that
his remove was the only recompense and satisfaction
that could be made for his promotion. And yet it
was enough known, that the disgrace proceeded
only from the private displeasure of the duke of
Buckingham. The lord Coventry enjoyed this place
with an universal reputation (and sure justice was
never better administered) for the space of about
sixteen years, even to his death, some months before
he was sixty years of age ; which was another im
portant circumstance of his felicity, that great office
being so slippery, that no man had died in it before
for near the space of forty years. Nor had his suc
cessors, for some time after him, much better for
tune. And he himself had use of all his strength
and skill (as he was an excellent wrestler in this
kind 7 ) to preserve himself from falling, in two
shocks : the one given him by the earl of Portland,

* he] Not in MS. in this kind] Not in MS.

y the usual] the natural

VOL. I. G

82 THE HISTORY

BOOK lord high treasurer of England; the other by the
marquis of Hamilton, who had the greatest power

1628. over the affections of the king of any man of that
time.

He was a man of wonderful gravity and wisdom ;
and understood not only the whole science and mys
tery of the law, at least equally with any man who
had ever sate in that place ; but had a clear concep
tion of the whole policy of the government both of
church and state, which, by the unskilfulness of
some well-meaning men, justled each the other too
much.

He knew the temper, disposition/ and genius of
the kingdom most exactly ; saw their spirits grow
every day more sturdy, inquisitive, 15 and impatient;
and therefore naturally abhorred all innovations
which he foresaw would produce ruinous effects.
Yet many, who stood at a distance, thought that he
was not active and stout enough in opposing those
innovations. For though, by his place, he presided
in all public councils, and was most sharp-sighted in
the consequence of things ; yet he was seldom known
to speak in matters of state, which, he well knew,
were for the most part concluded, before they were
brought to that public agitation; never in foreign
affairs, which the vigour of his judgment could well
have comprehended ; d nor indeed freely in any thing,
but what immediately and plainly concerned the jus
tice of the kingdom ; and in that, as much as he
could, he procured references to the judges. Though
in his nature he had not only a firm gravity, but a

a disposition,] and disposition, d could well have compre-
b inquisitive,] and inquisitive, bended^] could well conipre-
c in opposing] in the opposing hend ;

OF THE REBELLION. 83

severity, and even some morosity, 6 yet it was so hap- BOOK

pily tempered, and his courtesy and affability towards .

all men so transcendent f and& so much without affec
tation, that it marvellously recommended him h to all
men of all degrees, and he was looked upon as an
excellent courtier, without receding from the native
simplicity of his own manners. i

He had, in the plain way of speaking and delivery,
without much ornament of elocution, a strange pow
er of making himself believed, the only justifiable de
sign of eloquence : so that though he used very frank
ly to deny, and would never suffer any man to depart
from him with an opinion that he was inclined to
gratify, when in truth he was not, holding that dissi
mulation to be the worst of lying ; yet the manner
of it was so gentle and obliging, and his condescen
sion such, to inform the persons whom he could not
satisfy, that few departed from him with ill will, and
ill wishes.

But then, this happy temper and these good facul
ties rather preserved him from having many enemies,
and supplied him with some well-wishers, than fur
nished him with any fast and unshaken friends ; who
are always procured in courts by more ardour, and
more vehement professions and applications, than he
would suffer himself to be entangled with. So that
he was a man rather exceedingly liked, than passion
ately loved : insomuch that it never appeared, that
he had any one friend in the court, of quality enough

e morosity,] MS. adds : (which and] Not in MS.

his children and domestics had h recommended him] recon-

evidence enough of,) ciled

1 so transcendent] vvas so manners.] manner,
transcendent

G- 2

84 THE HISTORY

BOOK to prevent or divert any disadvantage he might be
exposed to. And therefore it is no wonder, nor to

earl of Port
land.

628 be imputed to him, that he retired within himself as
much as he could, and stood upon his defence with
out making desperate sallies against growing mis
chiefs ; which, he knew well, he had no power to
hinder, and which might probably begin in his own
ruin. To conclude ; his security consisted very much
in his having but little credit k with the king; and
he died in a season most opportune, in which 1 a wise
man would have prayed to have finished his course,
and which in truth crowned his other signal prospe
rity in the world,
or the lord Sir Richard Weston had been advanced to the

^"1*^*51 Ql 1 T*PI* s*

Weston, white staff, into the office of lord high treasurer of
England, some months before the death of the duke
of Buckingham ; and had, in that short time, so
much disobliged him, at least disappointed his expec
tation, that many, who were privy to the duke s most
secret purposes, did believe, that, if he had outlived
that voyage in which he was engaged, he would have
removed him, and made another treasurer. And it is
very true, that great office too had been very slippery,
and not fast to those who had trusted themselves in
it : insomuch as there were at that time five noble
persons alive, who had all succeeded one another im
mediately in that unsteady charge, without any other
person intervening : the earl of Suffolk ; the lord vis
count Mandevile, afterwards earl of Manchester ; the
earl of Middlesex ; and the earl of Marlborough, who
was removed under pretence of his age and disabi-

k in his having but little ere- in which] and in which
dit] in the little credit he had m into] to

OF THE REBELLION. 85

lity for the work, (which had been a better reason BOOK
against his promotion, so few years before, that his

**~r *

infirmities were very little increased,) to make room
for the present officer ; who, though advanced by the
duke, may properly be said to be established by his
death.

He was a gentleman of a very ancient n extraction
by father and mother. His education had been very
good amongst books and men. After some years
study of the law in the Middle Temple, he travelled
into foreign parts, and at an age fit to make observa
tions and reflections ; out of which, that which is
commonly called experience is constituted. After
this he betook himself to the court, and lived there
some years ; at that distance, and with that awe, as
was agreeable to the modesty of the age, when men
were seen some time before they were known ; and
well known before they were preferred, or durst pre
tend to it.

He spent the best part of his fortune (a fair one,
that he inherited from his father) in his attendance
at court, and involved his friends in securities with
him, who were willing to run his hopeful fortune,
before he received the least fruit from it, but the
countenance of great men and those in authority, the
most natural and most certain stairs to ascend by.

He was then sent ambassador to the archdukes,
Albert and Isabella, into Flanders ; and to the diet
in Germany, to treat about the restitution of the pa
latinate; in which negotiation he behaved himself
with great prudence, and with the concurrent testi-

n very ancient] very good and durst pretend to it.] durst
ancient pretend to be preferred.

(i 3

86 THE HISTORY

BOOK mony of his being a wise man,i } from all those princes
and ambassadors with whom he treated/!

Upon r his return, he s was made a privy-counsel
lor, and chancellor of the exchequer, in the place of
the lord Brooke, who was either persuaded, or put
out of the place ; which, being an office of honour
and trust, is likewise an excellent stage for men
of parts to tread, and expose themselves upon ;
where 1 they have occasions of all kinds u to lay out
and spread all their faculties and qualifications most
for their advantage. He behaved himself very well
in this function, and appeared equal to it ; and car
ried himself so luckily in parliament, that he did his
master much service, and preserved himself in the
good opinion and acceptation of the house ; which is
a blessing not indulged to many by those high pow
ers. He did swim in those troubled and boisterous
waters, in which the duke of Buckingham rode as
admiral, with a good grace, when very many who
were about him were drowned, or forced on shore
with shrewd hurts and bruises : which shewed he
knew well how and when to use his limbs and
strength to the best advantage ; sometimes only to
avoid sinking, and sometimes to advance and get
ground : and by this dexterity he kept his credit with
those who could do him good, and lost it not with
others, who desired the destruction of those upon
whom he most depended.

P testimony of his being a ambassadors,
wise man,] testimony of a wise r Upon] and upon
man, s he] Not in MS,

f J princes and ambassadors l where] and where
with whom he treated.] with " occasions of all kinds] oc-

whom he treated, princes and casion of all natures

OF THE REBELLION. 87

He was made lord treasurer in the manner and at BOOK
the time mentioned before, upon the removal of the

earl of Marlborough, and few months before the death
of the duke. The former circumstance, which is
often attended by compassion towards the degraded,
and prejudice towards the promoted, brought him no
disadvantage : for besides the delight that season had
in changes, there was little reverence towards the
person removed ; and the extreme visible poverty of
the exchequer sheltered that province from the envy
it had frequently created, and opened a door for much
applause to be the portion of a wise and provident
minister. For the other, of the duke s death, though
some, who knew the duke s passions and prejudice,
(which often produced rather sudden indisposition,
than obstinate resolution,) believed he would have
been shortly cashiered, as so many had lately been ;
and so that the death of his founder was a greater
confirmation o him in the office, than the delivery
of the white staff to him x had been : yeU many other
wise men, who knew the treasurer s talent in remov
ing prejudice, and reconciling himself to wavering
and doubtful affections, believed, that the loss of the
duke was very unseasonable ; and that the awe or
apprehension of his power and displeasure was a very
necessary alloy z for the impetuosity of the new offi
cer s nature, which needed some restraint and check,
for some time, to his immoderate pretences, and ap
petite of power.

He did indeed appear on the sudden wonderfully
elated, and so far threw off his old affectation to
please some very much, and to displease none, in

x to him] Not in MS. > yet] Not in MS. * alloy] allay

c; 4

88 THE HISTORY

BOOK which art he had excelled, that in few months after
the duke s death he found himself to succeed him in

1628. the public displeasure, and in the malice of his ene
mies, without succeeding him in his credit at court,
or in the affection of any considerable dependants.
And yet, though he was not superior to all other
men in the affection, or rather resignation, of the
king, so that he might dispense favours and disfa
vours according to his own election, he had a full
share in his master s esteem, who looked upon him
as a wise and able servant, and worthy of the trust
he reposed in him, and received no other advice in
the large business of his revenue ; nor was any man
so much his superior, as to be able to lessen him in
the king s affection by his power. So that he was in
a post, in which he might have found much ease and
delight, if he could have contained himself within
the verge of his own province, which w T as large
enough, and of such extent, a that 1& might, at the
same time, have drawn a great dependence upon him
of very considerable men, and have appeared 13 a very
useful and profitable minister to the king ; whose re
venue had been very loosely managed during the
late years, arid might, by industry and order, have
been easily improved : and no man better understood
what method was necessary towards that good hus
bandry, than he.

But I know not by what frowardness in his stars,
he took more pains in examining and inquiring into
other men s offices, than in the discharge of his own ;
and not so much joy in what he had, as trouble and
agony for what he had not. The truth is, he had so

<l such extent,] such an extent, b hav 7 e appeared] appeared

OF THE REBELLION. 89

vehement a desire to be the sole favourite, that he BOOK
had no relish of the power he had : and in that con

tention he had many rivals, who had credit enough
to do him ill offices, though not enough to satisfy
their own ambition ; the king himself being resolved
to hold the reins in his own hands, and to put no
further trust in others, than was necessary for the
capacity they served in. Which resolution in his
majesty was no sooner believed, and the treasurer s
pretence taken notice of c , than he found the number
of his enemies exceedingly increased, and others to
be less eager in the pursuit of his friendship ; and
every day discovered some infirmities in him, which
being before known to few, and not taken notice of,
did now expose him both to public reproach, and to
private animosities; and even his vices admitted
those contradictions in them, that he could hardly
enjoy the pleasant fruit of any of them. That which
first exposed him to the public jealousy, which is al
ways attended with public reproach, was the concur
rent suspicion of his religion. His wife and all his
daughters were declared of the Roman 01 religion:
and though he e himself, and his sons, sometimes
went to church, he was never thought to have zeal
for it; and his domestic conversation and depen
dants, with whom only he used entire freedom, were
all known papists,* and were believed to be agents
for the rest. And yet, with all this disadvantage to
himself, he never had reputation and credit with that
party, who were the only people of the kingdom who
did not believe him to be of their profession. For

of] Not in MS. <- he] Not in MS.

H Roman] Romish f papists,] catholics,

90 THE HISTORY

BOOK the penal laws (those only excepted which were san-

guinary, and even those sometimes let loose) were

never more rigidly executed, nor had the crown ever
so great a revenue from them, as in his time ; nor
did they ever pay so dear for the favours and indul
gences of his office towards them.

No man had greater ambition to make his family
great, or stronger designs to leave a great fortune to
it. Yet his expenses were so prodigious, s especially
in his house, that all the ways he used for supply,
which were all that occurred, could not serve his
turn ; insomuch that he contracted so great debts,
(the anxiety whereof, he pretended, broke his mind,
and restrained that attention 11 and industry, which
was necessary for the due execution of his office,)
that the king was pleased twice to pay his debts ; at
least, towards it, to disburse forty thousand pounds
in ready money out of his exchequer. Besides, his
majesty gave him a whole forest (Chute forest in
Hampshire) and much other land belonging to the
crown ; which was the more taken notice of, and
murmured against, because, being the chief minister
of the revenue, he was particularly obliged, as much
as in him lay, to prevent, and even oppose, such dis-
inherison ; and because, under that obligation, he
had, avowedly and sourly, crossed the pretences of
other men, and restrained the king s bounty from
being exercised almost to any. And he had that ad
vantage, (if he had made the right use of it,) that
his credit was ample enough (seconded by the king s
own experience, and observation, and inclination) to
retrench very much of the late unlimited expenses,

prodigious,] prodigiously great, h attention] intentness

OF THE REBELLION. 91

and especially those of bounties; which from the BOOK
death of the duke ran in narrower 1 channels, and k .

never so much overflowed as towards himself, who
stopped the current to other men.

He was of an imperious nature, and nothing wary
in disobliging and provoking other men, and had too
much courage in offending and incensing them : but
after having offended and incensed them, he was of
so unhappy a feminine temper, that he was always
in a terrible fright and apprehension of them.

He had not that application, and submission, and
reverence for the queen, as might have been expect
ed from his wisdom and breeding, and often crossed
her pretences and desires, with more rudeness than
was natural to him. Yet he was impertinently soli
citous to know what her majesty said of him in pri
vate, and what resentments she had towards him.
And when by some confidants, who had their ends
upon him from those offices, he was informed of some
bitter expressions fallen from her majesty, he was so
exceedingly afflicted and tormented with the sense
of it, that sometimes by passionate complaints and
representations to the king ; sometimes by more duti
ful addresses and expostulations with the queen, in
bewailing his misfortune ; l he frequently exposed
himself, and left his condition worse than it was be
fore : and the eclaircissement commonly ended in the
discovery of the persons from whence he had re
ceived his most secret intelligence.

He quickly lost the character of a bold, stout, and
magnanimous man, which he had been long reputed
to be in worse times ; and, in his most prosperous

narrower] narrow misfortune ;] misfortunes ;

k and] which m whence] whom

THE HISTORY

BOOK season, fell under the reproach of being a man of big
_. looks, and of a mean and abject spirit.

1 628. There was a very ridiculous story at that time in
the mouths of many, which, being a known truth,
may not be unfitly mentioned in this place, as a kind
of illustration of the humour and nature of the man.
Sir Julius Caesar was then master of the rolls, and
had, inherent in his office, the indubitable right and
disposition of the six clerks places ; all which he
had, for many years, upon any vacancy, bestowed
to such persons as he thought fit. One of those
places was become void, and designed by the old
man to his son Robert Caesar, 11 a lawyer of a good
name, and exceedingly beloved. The lord treasurer
(as he was vigilant in such cases) had notice of the
clerk s expiration so soon, that he procured the king
to send a message to the master of the rolls, express
ly forbidding him to dispose of that six-clerk s place,
till his majesty s pleasure should be further made
known to him. It was the first command of that
kind that had been heard of, and was? felt by the
old man very sensibly. He was indeed very old, and
had outlived most of his friends, so that his age was
an objection against him ; many persons of quality
being dead, who had, for recompense of services, pro
cured the reversion of his office. The treasurer found
it no hard matter so far to terrify him, that (for the
king s service, as was pretended) he admitted for a
six-clerk a person recommended by him, (Mr. Fern,
a dependant upon him,) who paid six thousand
pound ready money ; which, poor man ! he lived to

n Caesar,] Seymour, surer

The lord treasurer] The trea- v was] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 93

repent in a gaol. This work being done at the charge BOOK
of the poor old man, who had been a privy-counsellor
from the entrance of king James, had been chancel
lor of the exchequer, and served in other offices ; the
depriving him of his right made a great noise : and
the condition of his son, (his father being not likely ^
to live to have the disposal of another office in his
power,) who, as was said before, was generally be
loved and esteemed, was argument of great compas
sion, and was lively and successfully represented to
the king himself; who was graciously pleased to pro
mise, that, " if the old man chanced to die before any
" other of the six-clerks, that office, when it should fall,
" should be conferred on his son, whosoever should
" succeed him as master of the rolls : " which might
well be provided for ; and the lord treasurer obliged
himself (to expiate the injury 1 ") to procure some de
claration to that purpose, under his majesty s sign
manual; which, however easy to be done, he long
forgot, or neglected.

One day the earl of Tullibardine, who was nearly
allied to Mr. Caesar, and much his friend, being with
the treasurer, passionately asked him, " Whether he
" had done that business ?" To whom he answered
with a seeming trouble, " That he had forgotten it,
" for which he was heartily sorry ; and if he would
" give him a little note 8 in writing, for a memorial,
" he would put it amongst those which he would
" despatch with the king that afternoon." The earl
presently writ in a little paper, Remember Ccesar ;
and gave it to him ; and he put it into that little

** not likely] not like s note] Not in MS.

r the injury] for the injury

94 THE HISTORY

BOOK pocket, where, he said, he kept all his memorials
_____ which were first to be transacted.

Many days passed, and Caesar never thought of.
At length, when he changed his clothes, and he who
waited on him in his chamber, according to custom,
brought him all the notes and papers which were
left in those he had left off, which he then common
ly perused ; when he found this little billet, in which
was only written, Remember Caesar, and which he
had never read before, he was exceedingly con
founded, and knew not what to make or think of it.
He sent for his bosom friends, with whom he most
confidently consulted, and shewed the paper to them,
the contents whereof he could not conceive; but
that it might probably have been put into his hand
(because it was found in that enclosure, wherein he
put all things of moment which were given him)
when he was in motion, and in the privy lodgings
in the court. After a serious and melancholic deli
beration, it was agreed, that it was the advertise
ment from some friend, who durst not own the dis
covery : that it could signify nothing but that there
was a conspiracy against his life, by his many and
mighty enemies : and they all knew Caesar s fate, by
contemning or neglecting such animadversions. And
therefore they concluded, that he should pretend to
be indisposed, that he might not stir abroad all that
day, nor that any might be admitted to him, but
persons of undoubted aifections ; that at night the
gates * should be shut early, and the porter enjoined
to open them u to nobody, nor to go himself to bed
till the morning; and that some servants should

1 gates] gate u them] it

OF THE REBELLION. 95

watch with him, lest violence might be used at the BOOK

gate; and that they themselves, and some other

gentlemen, would sit up aU the night, and attend
the event. Such houses are always in the morning
haunted by early suitors; but it was very late be
fore any could now get admittance into the house,
the porter having quitted some of that arrear of
sleep, which he owed to himself for his night s
watching; which he excused to his acquaintance,
by whispering to them, " That his lord should have
" been killed that night, which had kept all the
" house from going to bed." And shortly after, the
earl of Tullibardine asking him, whether he had re
membered Caesar ; the treasurer quickly recollected
the ground of his perturbation, and could not for
bear imparting it to his friends, who likewise af
fected the communication, and so the whole jest
came to be discovered.

To conclude, all the honours the king conferred
upon him (as he made him a baron, then an earl,
and knight of the garter; and above this, gave a
young beautiful lady nearly allied to his majesty, x
and to the crown of Scotland, in marriage to his
eldest son) could not make him think himself great
enough. Nor could all the king s bounties, nor his
own large accessions, raise a fortune to his heir ;
but after six or eight years spent in outward opu-
lency, and inward murmur and trouble that it was
not greater ; ? after vast sums of money and great
wealth gotten, and rather consumed than enjoyed,
without any sense or delight in so great prosperity,
with the agony that it was no greater ; he died un-

x his majesty,] him, y not greater ;] no greater ;

96 THE HISTORY

BOOK lamented by any; bitterly mentioned by most who
* never pretended to love him, and severely censured

1 628. and complained of by those who expected most from

him, and deserved best of him ; and left a numerous

family, which was in a short time worn out, and yet

outlived the fortune he left behind him.

of the eari The next great z counsellor of state was the lord

ehJster privy-seal, who was likewise of a noble extraction,

lord privy- anc i O f a f am ily a t that time verv fortunate. His

seal. "

grandfather had been lord chief justice, and left by
king Harry the Eighth one of the executors of his
last will. He was the younger son of his father,
and brought up in the study of the law in the
Middle Temple ; and had passed, a and, as it were,
made a progress through all the eminent degrees of
the law, and in the state. At the death of queen
Elizabeth, or thereabouts, he was recorder of Lon
don ; then the king s sergeant at law ; afterwards
chief justice of the king s bench. Before the death
of king James, by the favour of the duke of Buck
ingham, he was raised to the place of lord high
treasurer of England ; and within less than a year
afterwards, by the withdrawing of that favour, he
was reduced to the almost b empty title of president
of the council; and, to allay the sense of the dis
honour, created viscount Mandevile. He bore the
diminution very well, as he was a wise man, and of
an excellent temper, and quickly recovered so much
grace, that he was made earl of Manchester, and
lord privy-seal, c and enjoyed that office to his death ;

z The next great] The next b almost] Not in MS.
greatest c earl of Manchester, and lord

a had passed,] had passed privy-seal,] lord privy-seal, and

through, earl of, Manchester,

OF THE REBELLION. 97

whilst he saw many removes and degradations in all BOOK
the other offices of which he had been possessed.

He was a man of great industry and sagacity in
business, which he delighted in exceedingly; and
preserved so great a vigour of mind, even to his
death, (when he was very near eighty years of age,)
that some, who had known him in his younger years,
did believe him to have much quicker parts in his
age, than before. His honours had grown faster
upon him than his fortunes ; which made him too
solicitous to advance the latter, by all the ways
which offered themselves ; whereby he exposed him
self to some inconvenience, and many reproaches,
and became less capable of serving the public by his
counsels and authority ; which his known wisdom,
long experience, and confessed gravity and ability,
would have enabled him to have done ; most men
considering more the person that speaks, than the
things he says. And he was unhappily too much
used as a check upon the lord Coventry ; and when
the other perplexed their counsels and designs with
inconvenient objections in law, his authority, who
had trod the same paths, was still called upon ; and
he did too frequently gratify their unjustifiable de
signs and pretences : a guilt and mischief, all men
who are obnoxious, or who are thought to be so,
are liable to, and can hardly preserve themselves
from. But his virtues so far weighed down his in
firmities, that he maintained a good general reputa
tion and credit with the whole nation and people;
he being always looked upon as full of integrity and
zeal to the protestant religion, as it was established
by law, and of unquestionable loyalty, duty, and fide
lity to the king ; which two qualifications will ever

VOL. i. H

98 THE HISTORY

BOOK gather popular breath enough to fill the sails, if the

! vessel be competently provided with ballast. He

6 8> died in a lucky time, in the beginning of the rebel
lion, when neither religion, or loyalty, or law. or wis
dom, could have provided for any man s security,
Of the eari The earl of Arundel was the next officer of state/
who, in his own right and quality, preceded the rest
of the council. He was generally thought to be a
proud man, e who lived always within himself, and
to himself, conversing little with any who were in
common conversation ; so that he seemed to live as
it were in another nation, his house being a place
to which all people f resorted, who resorted to no
other place ; strangers, or such who affected to look
like strangers, and dressed themselves accordingly.
He resorted sometimes to the court, because there
only was a greater man than himself; and went
thither the seldomer, because there was a greater
man than himself. He lived towards all favourites,
and great officers, without any kind of condescen
sion ; and rather suffered himself to be ill treated by
their power and authority (for he was often s in dis
grace, and once or twice prisoner in the Tower) than
to descend in making any application to them.

And upon these occasions he spent a great inter
val of his time in several journeys into foreign parts,
and, with his wife and family, had lived some years
in Italy, the humour and manners of which nation
he seemed most to like and approve, and affected to
imitate. He had a good fortune by descent, and a

d next officer of state,] next man supercilious and proud,
to the officers of state, f people] men

e He was generally thought * often] always
to be a proud man,] he was a

OF THE REBELLION. 99

much greater from his wife, who was the sole BOOK
daughter upon the matter (for neither of the two

sisters left any issue) of the great house of Shrews
bury : but his expenses were without any measure,
and always exceeded very much his revenue. He
was willing to be thought a scholar, and to under
stand the most mysterious parts of antiquity, because
he made a wonderful and costly purchase of excel
lent statues, whilst he was in Italy and in Rome,
(some whereof he could never obtain permission to
remove from Rome, though he had paid for them,)
and had a rare collection of the most curious me
dals. 11 As to all parts of learning he was almost il
literate, and thought no other part of history so 1
considerable, as k what related to his own family;
in which, no doubt, there had been some very me
morable persons. It cannot be denied that he had
in his person, in his aspect, and countenance, the ap
pearance of a great man, which he preserved in his
gait and motion. He wore and affected a habit very
different from that of the time, such as men had
only beheld in the pictures of the most considerable
men ; all which drew the eyes of most, and the re
verence of many, towards him, as the image and
representative of the primitive nobility, and native
gravity of the nobles, when they had been most ve
nerable : but this was only his outside, his nature
and true humour being much disposed to levity and
delights, 1 which indeed were very despicable and
childish." 1 He was rather thought not to be much

h medals.] MS. adds: whereas k as] but

in truth he was only able to buy l much disposed to levity and

them, never to understand them ; delights,] so much disposed to

and vulgar delights,

J so] Not in MS. in childish.] MS. adds: He

H 2

100 THE HISTORY

BOOK concerned for religion," than to incline to this or
that party of any ; and had little other P affection

1628. f or the na tion or the kingdom, than as he had a
great share in it, in which, like the great leviathan,
he might sport himself; from which he withdrew, ^
as soon as he discerned the repose thereof was like
to be disturbed, and died in Italy, under the same
doubtful character of religion in which he lived.
of William William earl of Pembroke was next, a man of

earl of Pem
broke, another mould and making, and of another fame and

reputation with all men, being the most universally
beloved r and esteemed of any man of that age ; and,
having a great office in the court, he made the court
itself better esteemed, and more reverenced in the
country. And as he had a great number of friends
of the best men, so no man had ever the confidence s
to avow himself to be his enemy. He was a man

was never suspected to love from the people by his avidity

any body, nor to have the least and pretence of jurisdiction,

propensity to justice, charity, or than had ever been extorted by

compassion, so that though he all the officers preceding,) yet,

got all he could, and by all I say, in all his offices and em-

the ways he could, and spent ployments, never man used or

much more than he got or had; employed by him, ever got any

he was never known to give fortune under him, nor did ever

any thing, nor in all his employ- any man acknowledge any obli-

ments (for he had employments, gation to him.

of great profit as well as ho- n not to be much concerned

nour, being sent ambassador ex- for religion,] to be without re-

traordinary into Germany, for ligion,

the treaty of that general peace, party of any ;] MS. adds :

for which he had great appoint- He would have been a proper

ments, and in which he did no- instrument for any tyranny, if he

thing of the least importance, could have a man tyrant enough

and which is more wonderful, to have been advised by him,

he was afterwards made general P little other] no other

of the army raised for Scotland, 1 withdrew,] withdrew him-

and received full pay as such ; self,

and in his own office of earl r beloved] loved

marshal, more money was drawn s the confidence] wickedness

OF THE REBELLION. 101

very well bred, and of excellent parts, and a grace- BOOK
ful speaker upon any subject, having a good propor-_L__
tion of learning, and a ready wit to apply it, and
enlarge upon it ; of a pleasant and facetious humour,
and a disposition affable, generous, and magnificent.
He was master of a great fortune from his ances
tors, and had a great addition by his wife, another
daughter, and heir of the earl of Shrewsbury, which
he enjoyed during his life, she outliving him : but
all served not his expense, which was only limited
by his great mind, and occasions to use it nobly.

He lived many years about the court, before in it ;
and never by it ; being rather regarded and esteemed
by king James, than loved and favoured. After the
foul fall of the earl of Somerset, he was made lord
chamberlain of the king s house, more for the court s
sake than his own ; and the court appeared with
the more lustre, because he had the government of
that province. As he spent and lived upon his own
fortune, so he stood upon his own feet, without any
other support than of his proper virtue and merit ;
and lived towards the favourites with that decency,
as would not suffer them to censure or reproach his
master s judgment and election, but as with men of
his own rank. He was exceedingly beloved in the
court, because he never desired to get that for him
self, which others laboured for, but was still ready
to promote the pretences of worthy men. And he
was equally celebrated in the country, for having
received no obligations from the court which might
corrupt or sway his affections and judgment; so
that all who were displeased and unsatisfied in the
court, or with the court, were always inclined to
put themselves under his banner, if he would have

H 3

102 THE HISTORY

BOOK admitted them; and yet he did not so reject them,

. as to make them choose another shelter, but so far

suffered them l to depend on him, that he could re
strain them from breaking out beyond private re
sentments and murmurs.

He was a great lover of his country, and of the
religion and justice, which he believed could only
support it ; and his friendships were only with men
of those principles. And as his conversation was
most with men of the most pregnant parts and un
derstanding, so towards any such u , who needed sup
port or encouragement, though unknown, if fairly
recommended to him, he was very liberal. Sure x
never man was planted in a court, that was fitter
for that soil, or brought better qualities with him to
purify that air.

Yet his memory must not be flattered, > that his
virtues and good inclinations may be believed; he
was not without 2 some allay of vice, and without
being clouded with great infirmities, which he had
in too exorbitant a proportion. He indulged to
himself the pleasures of all kinds, almost in all ex
cesses. To women, whether out of his natural con-

stitution, or for want of his domestic content and
delight, (in which he was most unhappy, for he paid
much too dear for his wife s fortune, by taking her
person into the bargain,) he was immoderately given
up. But therein he likewise retained such a power
and jurisdiction over his very appetite, that he was
not so much transported with beauty and outward
allurements, as with those advantages of the mind,

f suffered them] Not in MS. y flattered,] so flattered,

" such] Not in MS. z believed ; he was not with-

x Sure] And sure out] believed without

OF THE REBELLION. 103

as manifested an extraordinary wit, and spirit, and BOOK

knowledge, and administered great pleasure in the _

conversation. To these he sacrificed himself, his
precious time, and much of his fortune. And some,
who were nearest his trust and friendship, were not
without apprehension, that his natural vivacity and
vigour of mind begun a to lessen and decline by
those excessive indulgences.

About the time of the death of king James, or
presently after, he was made lord steward of his
majesty s house, that the staff of chamberlain might
be put into the hands of his brother, the earl of
Montgomery, upon a new contract of friendship with
the duke of Buckingham ; after whose death, he had
likewise such offices of his, as he most affected, of
honour and command ; none of profit, which he cared
not for ; and within two years after, he died himself
of an apoplexy, after a full and cheerful supper.

A short story may not be unfitly inserted, it being
very frequently mentioned by a person of known
integrity 13 , whose character is here undertaken to b
set down, and who, at that time, being on his way
to London, met at Maidenhead some persons of qua*,
lity, of relation or dependance upon the earl of Pem^
broke, sir Charles Morgan, commonly called general
Morgan, who had commanded an army in Germany,
and defended Stoad ; Dr. Feild, then bishop of Saint
David s ; and Dr. Chafin, the earl s then chaplain in
his house, and much in his favour. At supper one
of them drank a health to the lord steward : upon
which another of them said, " that he believed his
" lord was at that time very merry, for he had now

a begun] began l > a person of known integrity,] the person

H 4

104 THE HISTORY

BOOK " outlived the day, which his tutor Sandford had
" prognosticated upon his nativity he would not out-

- .

y2S. (6 ^ ve . j^ k e j^ done ^ e now> for that was his
" birth-day, which had completed his age to fifty
" years." The next morning, by the time they came
to Colebrook, they met with the news of his death.

He died exceedingly lamented by men of all qua
lities/ and left many of his servants and dependants
owners of good estates, raised out of his employ
ments and bounty. Nor had his heir cause to com
plain : for though his expenses had been very mag
nificent, (and it may be the less considered, and his
providence the less, because he had no child to in
herit,) insomuch as he left a great debt charged upon
the estate; yet considering the wealth he left in
jewels, plate, and furniture, and the estate his bro
ther enjoyed in the right of his wife (who was not
fit to manage it herself) during her long life, he may
be justly said to have inherited as good an estate
from him, as he had from his father, which was one
of the best in England.

or Philip The earl of Montgomery, who was then lord
chamberlain of the household, and now earl of Pem-
broke, and the earl of Dorset, were likewise of the
privy-council ; men of very different talents and qua
lifications. The former being a young man, scarce
of age at the entrance of king James, had the good
fortune, by the comeliness of his person, his skill,
and indefatigable industry in hunting, to be the first
who drew the king s eyes towards him with affec
tion; which was quickly so far improved, that he

e but he had done it] which f men of all qualities] all
he had done qualities of men

OF THE REBELLION. 105

had the reputation of a favourite. Before s the end BOOK
of the first or second year, he was made gentleman

of the king s bedchamber, and earl of Montgomery ;
which did the king no harm : for besides that he
received the king s bounty with more moderation
than other men, who succeeded him, he was gene
rally known, and as generally esteemed ; being the
son of one earl of Pembroke, and younger brother
to another, 11 who liberally supplied his expense, be
yond what his annuity from his father would bear.

He pretended to no other qualifications, than to
understand horses and dogs very well, which his
master loved him the better for, (being, at his first
coming into England, very jealous of those who had
the reputation of great parts,) and to be believed
honest and generous, which made him many friends,
and left him then 1 no enemy. He had not sat
many years in that sunshine, when a new comet
appeared in court, Robert Carr, a Scotsman, quickly
after declared favourite : upon whom the king no
sooner fixed his eyes, but the earl, without the least
murmur or indisposition, left all doors open for his
entrance; (a rare temper! and it k could proceed
from nothing, but his great perfection in loving
field-sports ;) which the king received as so great
an obligation, that he always after loved him in the
second place, and commended him to his son at his
death, as a man to be relied on in point of honesty
and fidelity ; though it appeared afterwards, that he
was not strongly built, nor had sufficient ballast to

g Before] And before of Pembroke,

son of to another,] vson * then] Not in MS.
and younger brother to the earl k it] Not in MS.

106 THE HISTORY

BOOK endure a storm; of which more will be said here-
_. after.

The other, the earl of Dorset, was, to all intents,

Of Edward

eari of Dor- principles, and purposes, another man; his person

set

beautiful, and graceful, and vigorous ; his wit plea
sant, sparkling, and sublime ; and his other parts of
learning, and language, of that lustre, that he could
not miscarry in the world. The vices he had were
of the age, which he was not stubborn enough to
contemn or resist. He was a younger brother, grand
child to the great treasurer Buckhurst, created, at
the king s first entrance, earl of Dorset, who out
lived his father, and took care and delight in the
education of his grandchild, and left him a good
support for a younger brother, besides a wife, who
was heir to a fair fortune. As his person and parts
were such as are before mentioned, so he gave them
full scope, without restraint ; and indulged to his
appetite all the pleasures that season of his life (the
fullest of jollity and riot of any that preceded, or
succeeded) could tempt or suggest to him.

He entered into a fatal quarrel, upon a subject
very unwarrantable, with a young nobleman of
Scotland, the lord Bruce ; upon which they both
transported themselves into Flanders, and attended
only by two chirurgeons l placed at a distance, and
under an obligation not to stir but upon the fall of
one of them, they fought under the walls of Ant
werp, where the lord Bruce fell dead upon the
place ; and sir Edward Sackville (for so he was
then called) being likewise hurt, retired into the

1 chirurgeons] surgeons

OF THE REBELLION. 107

next monastery, which was at hand. Nor did this BOOK
miserable accident, which he always exceedingly la- .
mented, m make that thorough impression upon him,
but that he indulged still too much to those impor
tunate and insatiate appetites, even of that indivi
dual person, that had so lately embarked him in
that desperate enterprise ; being too much tinder
not to be inflamed with those sparks.

His elder brother did not enjoy his grandfather s
titles n many years, before it descended, for want of
heirs male, to the younger brother. But in these
few years the elder, by an excess of expense in all
the ways to which money can be applied, so? en
tirely consumed almost the whole great fortune that
descended to him, that, when he was forced to leave
the title to his younger brother, he left upon the
matter nothing to him to support it ; which exposed
him to many difficulties and inconveniences. Yet
his known great parts, and the very good general
reputation he had acquired, notwithstanding his de
fects, ^ (for as he was eminent in the house of com
mons, whilst he sat there ; so he shined in the house
of peers, when he came to move in that sphere,) in
clined king James to call him to his privy-council
before his death. And if he had not too much che
rished his natural constitution and propensity, and
been too much grieved and wrung by an uneasy and
strait fortune, he would have been an excellent man
of business ; for he had a very sharp, discerning spi-

m always exceedingly la- P so] he so
merited] did always exceeding- q acquired, notwithstanding

ly lament his defects,] notwithstanding

11 titles] title his defects acquired,

the elder,] Not in MS.

108 THE HISTORY

BOOK rit, and was a man of an obliging nature, much ho-
nour, and great generosity, and of most entire fide-

1628.

There were two other persons of much authority
in the council, because of great name in the court ;
as they deserved to be, being, without doubt, two as
accomplished courtiers as were found in the palaces
of all the princes in Europe; and the greatest (if
not too great) improvers of that breeding, and those
qualifications, with which courts used s to be adorn
ed ; the earl of Carlisle, and earl of Holland : both,
(though men of pleasure,) by their long experience
in court, well acquainted with the affairs of the
kingdom, and better versed in those abroad, than
any other who sat then at that board.

of the eari The former, a younger brother of a noble family
in Scotland, came into the kingdom with king
James, as a gentleman; under no other character,
than a person well qualified by his breeding in
France, and by study in human learning, in which
he bore a good part in the entertainment of the
king, who much delighted in that exercise ; and by
these means, and notable gracefulness in his beha
viour, and affability, in which he excelled, he had
wrought himself into a particular interest with his
master, and into greater affection and esteem with
the whole English nation, than any other of that
country ; by choosing their friendships and conver
sation, and really preferring it to any of his own :
insomuch as upon the king s making him gentleman
of his bedchamber and viscount Doncaster, by l his

royal mediation (in which office he was a most pre-

* used] use by] and by

OF THE REBELLION. 109

valent prince) he obtained the sole daughter and BOOK
heir of the lord Denny to be given him in marriage ; -

by which he had a fair fortune in land provided for
any issue he should raise, and which his son by that
lady lived long to enjoy.

He ascended afterwards, and with the expedition
he desired, to the other conveniences of the court.
He was groom of the stole, and an earl, and knight
of the garter ; and married a beautiful young lady,
daughter to the earl of Northumberland, without
any other approbation of her father, or concernment
in it, than suffering him and her to come into his
presence after they were married. He lived rather
in a fair intelligence than any friendship with the
favourites ; having credit enough with his master to
provide for his own interest, and he troubled not
himself for that of other men ; and had no other
consideration of money, than for the support of his
lustre; and whilst he could do that, he cared not
for money, having no bowels in the point of running
in debt, or borrowing all he could.

He was surely a man of the greatest expense in
his own person, of any in the age he lived ; and in
troduced more of that expense in the excess of
clothes and diet, than any other man ; and was in
deed the original of all those inventions, from which
others did but transcribe copies. He had a great
universal understanding, and could have taken as
much delight in any other way, if he had thought
any other as pleasant, and worth his care. But he
found business was attended with more rivals and
vexations ; u and, he thought, with much less plea
sure, and not more innocence.

u vexations ;] vexation ;

110 THE HISTORY

BOOK He left behind him the reputation of a very fine
gentleman, and a most accomplished courtier ; and

1628. after having spent, in a very jovial life, above four
hundred thousand pounds, which, upon a strict com
putation, he received from the crown, he left not a
house, nor acre of land, to be remembered by. And
when he had in his prospect (for he was very sharp-
sighted, and saw as far before him as most men) the
gathering together of that cloud in Scotland, which
shortly after covered both kingdoms, he died with
as much tranquillity of mind to all appearance, as
used to attend a man of more severe exercise of vir
tue ; and with x as little apprehension of death, which
he expected many days.

of the eari The earl of Holland was a younger son of a noble
ld< house, and a very fruitful bed, which divided a nu
merous issue between two great fathers ; the eldest,
many sons and daughters to the lord Rich ; the
younger, of both sexes, to Mountjoy earl of Devon
shire y. The reputation of his family gave him no
great advantage in the world, though his eldest bro
ther was earl of Warwick, and owner of a great for
tune ; and his younger earl of Newport, of a very
plentiful revenue likewise. He, after some time
spent in France, betook himself to the war in Hol
land, which he intended to have made his profes
sion ; where, after he had made two or three cam
paigns, according to the custom of the English vo
lunteers, he came in the leisure of the winter to
visit his friends in England, and the court, that
shined then in the plenty and bounty of king
James ; and about the time of the infancy of the

x with] Not in MS. adds: who had been more than

y earl of Devonshire] MS. once married to the mother.

OF THE REBELLION. Ill

duke of Buckingham s favours, 7 to whom he grew BOOK

in a short time very acceptable. But his friendship

was more entire to the earl of Carlisle, who was
more of his nature and humour, and had a genero
sity more applicable at that time to his fortune and
his ends. And it was thought by many who stood
within view, that for some years he supported him
self upon the familiarity and friendship of the other ;
which continued mutually between them very many
years, with little interruption, to their death.

He was a very handsome man, of a lovely and
winning presence, and gentle conversation ; by which
he got so easy an admission into the court, and
grace of king James, that he gave over the thought
of further intending the life of a soldier. He took
all the ways he could to endear himself to the duke,
and to his confidence, and wisely declined the re
ceiving any grace or favour, but as his donation ;
above all, avoided the suspicion that the king had
any kindness for him, upon any account but of the
duke, whose creature he desired to be esteemed,
though the earl of Carlisle s friend. And he pros
pered so well in that pretence, that the king scarce
made more haste to advance the duke, than the
duke did to promote the other.

He first preferred him to a wife, the daughter
and heir of Cope, by whom he had a good fortune ;
and, amongst other things, the manor and seat of
Kensington, of which he was shortly after made
baron. And he had quickly so entire a confidence
in him, that the duke a prevailed with the king to
put him about his son the prince of Wales, and to

z favours,] favour, a the duke] he

THE HISTORY

BOOK be a gentleman of his bedchamber, before the duke
himself had reason to promise himself any propor-

1628. tion of his highness s grace and protection. He was
then made earl of Holland, captain of the guard,
knight of the garter, b and of the privy-council ; sent
the first ambassador into France to treat the mar
riage with the queen, or rather privately to treat
about the marriage before he was ambassador. And
when the duke went to the Isle of Rhe, he trusted
the earl of Holland with the command of that army
with which he was to be recruited and assisted.

In c this confidence, and in this posture, he was
left by the duke when he was killed ; d and having
the advantage of the queen s good opinion and fa
vour, (which the duke neither had, nor cared for,)
he made all possible approaches towards the obtain
ing his trust, and succeeding him in his power ; or
rather that the queen might have solely that power,
and he only be subservient to her; and upon this
account he made a continual war upon the earl of
Portland the treasurer, and all others who were not
gracious to the queen, or desired not the increase of
her authority. And in this state, and under this
protection, he received every day new obligations
from the king, and great bounties, and continued to
flourish above any man in the court, whilst the wea
ther was fair : but the storm did no sooner arise,
but he changed so much, and declined so fast from
the honour he was thought to be master of, that he
fell into that condition, which there will be here
after too much cause to mention, and to enlarge
upon.

b garter,] order, c In] And in d was killed ;] died ;

OF THE REBELLION. 113

The two secretaries of state (who 6 were not in BOOK

i.
those days officers of that magnitude they have been -

since, being only to make despatches upon the

elusion of councils, not to govern, or preside in those secretaries

of state, sir

councils) were sir John Coke, who, upon the death John coke
of sir Albert Moreton, was, from being master of ky carte-
requests, preferred to be secretary of state ; and sir t(
Dudley Carleton, who, from his employment in Hol
land, was put into the place of the lord Con way,
who, for age and incapacity, was at last removed
from the secretary s office, which he had exercised
many f years with very notable insufficiency ; so that
king James was wont pleasantly to say, " That Sten-
" ny" (the duke of Buckingham) " had given him
" two very proper servants ; a secretary, who could
" neither write nor % read ; and a groom of his bed-
" chamber, who could not truss his points ;" Mr.
Clark having but one hand.

Of these two secretaries, the former was a man
of a very narrow education, and a narrower nature ;
having continued long in the university of Cam
bridge, where he had gotten Latin learning enough ;
and afterwards in the country in the condition of a
private gentleman, till after he was fifty years of
age ; when, upon some reputation he had for indus
try and diligence, he was called to some painful em
ployment in the office of the navy, which he dis
charged well ; and afterwards to be master of re
quests, and then to be secretary of state, which he
enjoyed to a great age : and was a man rather un
adorned with parts of vigour and quickness, and un
endowed with any notable virtues, than notorious for

e who] which f many] -for many & nor] or
VOL. I. I

THE HISTORY

BOOK any weakness or defect of understanding, or h trans-
. ported with any vicious inclinations, appetite to mo-

1 628. ne y on i v e xcepted. His cardinal perfection was in
dustry, and his most eminent infirmity covetousness.
His long experience had informed him well of the
state and affairs of England ; but of foreign trans
actions, or the common interest of Christian princes,
he was entirely undiscerning and ignorant. 1

Sir Dudley Carleton was of a quite contrary na
ture, constitution, and education, and understood all
that related to foreign employments, k and the con
dition of other princes and nations, very well : but
was unacquainted 1 with the government, laws, and
customs of his own country, and the nature of the
people. He was a younger son in a good gentle
man s family, and bred in Christ Church, in the uni
versity of Oxford, where he was a student of the
foundation, and a young man of parts and towardly
expectation. He went from thence early into France,
and was soon after secretary to sir Harry Nevil, the
ambassador there. He had been sent ambassador to
Venice, where he resided many years with good re
putation ; and was no sooner returned from thence
into England, than he went ambassador into Hol
land, to the States General, and resided there when
that synod was assembled at Dort, which hath given
the world so much occasion since for uncharitable
disputations, which they were called together to pre
vent. Here the ambassador was not thought so equal
a spectator, or assessor, as he ought to have been ;
but by the infusions he made into king James, and

h or] than k employments,] employment,

5 undiscerning and ignorant.] ! unacquainted] utterly un-
ignorant, and undiscerning. acquainted

OF THE REBELLION. 115

by his own activity, he did all he could to discoun- BOOK
tenance that party that was most learned, and to

raise the credit and authority of the other ; which
has since proved as inconvenient and troublesome to
their own country, as to their neighbours.

He was once more ambassador extraordinary in
Holland after the death of king James, and was the
last who was admitted to be present, and to vote in
the general assembly of the States, under that cha
racter ; of which great privilege the crown had been
possessed from a great part of the reign of queen
Elizabeth, and through the time of king James to
that moment; which administered fresh matter of
murmur for the giving up the towns of the Brill,
and Flushing, which had been done some years be
fore by king James; without which men thought
those States would not have had the courage so
soon to have degraded the crown of England from
a place in their councils, which had prospered so
eminently under the shadow of that power and sup
port. As soon as he returned from Holland, he was
called to the privy-council. The m making him se
cretary of state, and a peer of the realm, when his
estate was scarce visible, was the last piece of work
manship the duke of Buckingham lived to finish,
who seldom satisfied himself with conferring a single
obligation.

The duke had observed, and discovered, that the The rise of

archbishop

channel, in which the church promotions had for- Laud s P ow-
merly run, had been liable to some corruptions, at C hurch! e
least to many reproaches ; and therefore had com
mitted the sole representation of those affairs, and
the recommending to n the vacancies which should

111 The] And the " the recommending to] Not in MS.

1 2

116 THE HISTORY

BOOK happen, to Dr. Laud, then bishop of Bath and Wells,
and sworn of the privy-council. And the king, after

the duke s death, continued that trust in the same
hands, infinitely to the benefit and honour of the
church, though, it may be, no less to the prejudice
of the poor bishop ; who, too secure in a good con
science, and most sincere worthy intention,? (with
which no man was ever more plentifully replenished,)
thought he could manage and discharge the place
and office of the greatest minister in the court (for
he was quickly made archbishop of Canterbury) with
out the least condescension to the arts and strata
gems of the court, and without any other friendship,
or support, than what the splendour of a pious life,
and his unpolished integrity, would reconcile to him ;
which was an unskilful measure in a licentious age,
and may deceive a good man in the best times ^ that
shall succeed ; which exposed him to such a torrent
of adversity and misery, as we shall have too natural
an occasion to lament in the following discourse, in
which it will be more seasonable to enlarge upon his
singular abilities, and immense virtue.

There were more (too many more) honourable
persons in that time of the privy-council, whose fa
culties were not notorious enough to give them any
great part in the affairs, nor had their advice much
influence upon them. Other very notable men were
shortly after added to the council, who will hereafter 1 "
be remembered in their proper places and seasons.
What hath been said before contains information
enough of the persons in employment, and the state
of the court and kingdom, when the duke of Buck-

the duke s] his * times] Not in MS.

P intention,] intentions, r hereafter] anon

OF THE REBELLION. 117

ingham was taken from it ; by which, and the lively BOOK
reflections upon the qualities and qualifications of the L
several persons in authority in court and council, no 1628 -
man could expect that the vigorous designs and en
terprises, undertaken by the duke, would be pur
sued with equal resolution and courage ; but that
much the greater part of them would be wholly in*
tent upon their own accommodations in their for
tunes, (in which they abounded not,) or s in their
ease and pleasure, which they most passionately af
fected ; having, as hath been said, no other conside
ration of the public, than that no disturbance there
in might interrupt their quiet in their own days :
and that the rest, who had larger hearts and more
public spirits, would extend their labour, activity,
and advice, only to secure the empire at home by all
peaceable arts, and advancement of trade, which
might gratify the people, and fill the empty coffers
of the impoverished crown. To which end the most
proper expedients were best understood by them, not
to enlarge it, by continuing and propagating the
war ; the ways and means whereof they knew not
how to comprehend ; and had all the desperate ima
ginations and jealousies of the end and necessary
consequences of it. And so they all concurred
(though in nothing else) in their unanimous advice
to the king " to put the quickest period he could
" possibly to the expensive war against the two
" crowns :" and, his majesty following their advice,
a peace was made with both, upon better terms and A peace
conditions, and in less time, than, from the known two
impatience of the war, could reasonably have been

s or] and

I 3

crowns.

118 THE HISTORY

BOOK expected, or hoped for. And after some unquietness *
of the people, and unhappy assaults upon the prero-

i.

The thhd g at i ve by tne parliament, which produced its disso-
pariiament lution, and thereupon some froward and obstinate
disturbances in trade, there quickly followed so excel
lent a composure throughout the whole kingdom,
that the like peace, and plenty, and universal tran
quillity for ten years was never enjoyed by any na
tion ; and was the more visible and manifest in Eng
land, by the sharp and bloody war suddenly entered
into between the two neighbour crowns, and the uni
versal conflagration, that, from the invasion" of the
Swedes, covered the whole empire of Germany.
And so x we shall return to the discourse, to which
this very long digression hath given a greater inter
ruption than was intended.

The in ef- That proclamation, mentioned before, at the
breaking up y of the last parliament, and which was
* on commonly understood " to inhibit z all men to speak

breaking up of another parliament," produced two very ill effects

pariia- of different natures. It afflicted many good men
(who otherwise were enough scandalized at those
distempers which had incensed the king) to that de
gree, that it made them capable of receiving some im
pressions from those who were diligent in whispering
and infusing an opinion into men, " that there was
6( really an intention to alter the form of government,

* unquietness] short unquiet- what progress and by what sta-

ness tions the person, whose life is

u invasion] inundation set down, was advanced in the

x And so intended.] And so world.
we shall return to the discourse, y breaking up] break
which this very long digression T was commonly understood

hath interrupted longer than was " to inhibit] inhibited
intended, by which we shall see

OF THE REBELLION. 119

" both in church and state; of which, said they, a BOOK

i.

" greater instance cannot be given, than this public
" declaring (as it was interpreted) a that we shall
" have no more parliaments." Then, this freedom
from the danger of such an inquisition did not only
encourage ill men to all boldness and licence, but
wrought so far upon men less inclined to ill, (though
not built for examples,) that they kept not those
strict guards upon themselves they used to do ; espe
cially if they found themselves above the reach of
ordinary justice, and feared not extraordinary, they
by degrees thought that no fault which was like to
find no punishment. Supplemental acts of state were Projects of
made to supply defect of laws ; and so tonnage, and a
poundage, and other duties upon merchandises, were
collected by order of the board, which had been
positively b refused to be settled by act of parliament,
and new and greater impositions laid upon trade :
obsolete laws were revived, and rigorously executed,
wherein the subject might be taught how unthrifty
a thing it was, by too strict a detaining of what was
his, to put the king as strictly to inquire what was
his own.

By this c ill husbandry the king received a vast That of
sum of money from all persons of quality, or indeed
of any reasonable condition throughout the kingdom,
upon the law of knighthood ; which, though it had
a foundation in right, yet, in the circumstances of
proceeding, was very grievous. And no less unjust
projects of all kinds, many ridiculous, many scanda
lous, all very grievous, were set on foot ; the envy

a (as it was interpreted)] Not b positively] perversely
in MS. c By this ] - And by this

I 4

120 THE HISTORY

BOOK and reproach of which came to the king, the profit
to other men : insomuch that, d of two hundred thou-

I /JO A

sand pound drawn from the subject, by these ways,

in a year, scarce fifteen hundred came to the king s

That of re- use or account. To recompense the damage the

viving fo
rest-laws, crown sustained by the sale of the old lands, and by

the grant of new pensions, the old laws of the forest
were e revived, by which not only great fines were f
imposed, but great annual rents intended, and like
to be settled by way of contract; which burden
lighted most upon persons of quality and honour,
who thought themselves above ordinary oppressions,
and were s therefore like to remember it with more
That of sharpness. Lastly, for a spring and magazine that

ship-money. .

should have no bottom, and for an everlasting supply
of all occasions, a writ was h framed in a form of
law, and directed to the sheriff of every county of
England, " to provide a ship of war for the king s
" service, and to send it, amply provided and fitted,
" by such a day, to such a place;" and with that writ
were sent to each sheriff instructions, that, " instead
" of a ship, he should levy upon his county such a
" sum of money, and return the same to the trea-
" surer of the navy for his majesty s use, with direc-
" tion, in what manner he should proceed against
" such as refused :" and from hence that tax had the
denomination of ship-money; a word of a lasting
sound in the memory of this kingdom ; by which for
some years really accrued the yearly sum of two hun
dred thousand pounds to the king s coffers : and it l

d that,] as, 8 were] Not in MS.

e were] are h was] is

f were] are ! it] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 121

was in truth the only project that was accounted to BOOK

his own service. And, after the continued receipt of it .

for about k four years together, it l was at last (upon
the refusal of a private gentleman to pay twenty
or m thirty shillings as his share) with great solemnity
publicly argued before all the judges of England in
the exchequer-chamber, and by much n the major
part of them, the king s right to impose asserted, and
the tax adjudged lawful ; which judgment proved of
more advantage and credit to the gentleman con
demned (Mr. Hambden) than to the king s service.

For the better support of these extraordinary The powers
ways, and to protect the agents and instruments,
who must be employed in them, and to discounte-
nance and suppress all bold inquiries and opposers, enlar s ed -
the council-table and star-chamber enlarge their ju
risdictions to a vast extent, " holding" (as Thucydides
said of the Athenians) " for honourable that which
"pleased, and for just that which profited;" and
being the same persons in several rooms, grew both
courts of law to determine right, and courts of reve
nue to bring money into the treasury ; the council-
table by proclamations enjoining to the P people whati
was not enjoined by the law, and prohibiting that
which was not prohibited; and the star-chamber
censuring the breach, and disobedience to those pro
clamations, by very great fines and imprisonment ;
so that any disrespect to any r acts of state, or to the
persons of statesmen, was in no time more penal, and

k about] Not in MS. P enjoining to the] enjoining

1 it] Not in MS. this

ra twenty or] Not in MS. <i what] that

n much} Not in MS. r any -j Not in MSt

inquiries] inquirers

THE HISTORY

BOOK those foundations of right, by which men valued
! their security, to the apprehension and understand-

630. | n g o f w i se men? never more in danger to be de
stroyed.

And here I cannot but again take the liberty to
say, that the circumstances arid proceedings in those
new extraordinary cases, stratagems, and impositions,
were very unpolitic, and even destructive to the ser
vices intended. And s if the business of ship-money,
being an imposition by the state, under the notion of
necessity, upon a prospect of danger, which private
persons could not modestly think themselves qualifi
ed to discern, had been managed in the same extra
ordinary way as the royal loan (which was the im
posing the five subsidies after the second parliament
spoken of before) was, men would much easier have
submitted to it ; as it is notoriously known, that
pressure was borne with much more cheerfulness be
fore the judgment for the king, than ever it was
after; men before pleasing themselves with doing
somewhat for the king s service, as a testimony of
their affection, which they were not bound to do ;
many really believing the necessity, and therefore
thinking the burden reasonable; others observing, that
the advantage t to the king was of importance, when
the damage to them was not considerable ; and all
assuring themselves, that when they should be weary,
or unwilling to continue the payment, they might
resort to the law for relief, and find it. But when
they heard this demanded in a court of law, as a
right, and found it, by sworn judges of the law, ad
judged so, upon such grounds and reasons as every

8 And] As * advantage] access

OF THE REBELLION. 123

stander-by was able to swear was not law, and so BOOK
had lost the pleasure and delight of being kind and
dutiful to the king ; and, instead of giving, were re
quired to pay, and by a logic that left no man any
thing which he might call his own ; they no more
looked upon it as the case of one man, but the case
of the kingdom, nor as an imposition laid upon them
by the king, but by the judges ; which they thought
themselves bound in conscience to the public justice
not to submit to. It was an observation long ago
by Thucydides, " That men are much more passion-
" ate for injustice, than for violence ; because (says
" he) the one coming as from an equal, seems rapine ;
" when the other, proceeding from one stronger, is
" but the effect of necessity." So, when ship-money
was transacted at the council-board, they looked upon
it as a work of that power they were all u obliged to
trust, and an effect of that foresight they were natu
rally to rely upon. Imminent necessity, and public
safety, were convincing persuasions ; and it might
not seem of apparent ill consequence to them, that
upon an emergent occasion the regal power should
fill up an hiatus, or supply an impotency in the law.
But when they saw in a court of law (that law that
gave them title to x and possession of all that they
had) reason y of state urged as elements of law,
judges as sharp-sighted as secretaries of state, and in
the mysteries of state ; judgment of law grounded
upon matter of fact, of which there was neither in
quiry nor 2 proof; and no reason given for the pay
ment of the thirty shillings in question, but what

u all] always y reason] apothegms

x to] Not in MS. z nor] or

THE HISTORY

BOOK included a the estates of all the standers-by; they
had no reason to hope that b doctrine, or the pro-

630. mo ters c of it, would be contained within any bounds ;
and it was no wonder that they, who had so little
reason to be pleased with their own condition, were
not less solicitous for, or apprehensive of, the incon
veniences that might attend any alteration.

And here the damage and mischief cannot be ex
pressed, that the crown and state sustained by the
deserved reproach and infamy that attended the
judges, by being made use of in this and like d acts
of power ; there being no possibility to preserve the
dignity, reverence, and estimation of the laws them
selves, but by the integrity and innocency of the
judges. And no question, as the exorbitancy of the
house of commons, in their next parliament, pro
ceeded e principally from their contempt of the laws,
and that contempt from the scandal of that judg
ment ; so the concurrence of the house of peers in
that fury can be imputed to no one thing more, than
to the irreverence and scorn the judges were justly
in ; who had been always before looked upon there
as the oracles of the law, and the best guides to as
sist that house in f their opinions and actions: and
the lords s now thought themselves excused for
swerving from the rules and customs of their prede
cessors (who in altering and making of laws, in judg
ing of things and persons, had always observed the
advice and judgment of those sages) in not asking

a included] concluded proceeded] this parliament hath

b that doctrine] that that doc- proceeded

trine f to assist that house in] and

c promoters] preachers directors of
d like] the like s the lords] they

e in their next parliament,

OF THE REBELLION.

.

questions of those whom they knew nobody would BOOK
believe; thinking 11 it a just reproach upon them,__
(who out of their courtship 1 had submitted the diffi
culties and mysteries of the law to be measured by
the standard of what they called k general reason,
and explained by the wisdom of state,) that they
themselves should 1 make use of the licence which
the others m had taught them 11 , and determine that to
be law, which they thought to be reasonable, or
found to be convenient. If these men had preserved
the simplicity of their ancestors, in severely and
strictly defending the laws, other men had observed
the modesty of theirs, in humbly and dutifully obey
ing them.

Upon P this consideration it is very observable,
that in the wisdom of former times, when the pre
rogative went highest, (as very often it hath been
swoln above any pitch we have seen it at in our
times,) never any court of law, very seldom any
judge, or lawyer of reputation, was called upon to
assist in an act of power ; the crown well knowing
the moment of keeping those the objects of reverence
and veneration with the people : and that though it
might sometimes make sallies upon them by the pre
rogative, yet the law would keep the people from
any invasion of it, and that the king could never suf
fer, whilst the law and the judges were looked upon
by the subject, as the asylum ^ for their liberties, and
security. And therefore you shall find the policy of

h thinking] and thinking m which the others] they

1 courtship] gentilesses n them] Not in MS.

k what they called] Not in to be] Not in MS.

MS. P Upon] And upon

1 that they themselves should] <i asylum] asyla
to see those men

126 THE HISTORY

BOOK many princes hath endured as sharp animadversions
and reprehensions from the judges of the law, as their
piety hath from the bishops of the church ; as hav
ing no less influence r upon the people, under the re
putation of justice, by the one, than under the ties s
of conscience and religion, by the other.

To extend this consideration of the form and cir
cumstance of proceeding in cases of an unusual na
ture a little farther ; as it may be most behoveful
for princes in matters of grace and honour, and in
conferring of favours upon their people, to transact
the same as publicly as may be, and by themselves,
or their ministers, to dilate upon it, and improve the
lustre by any addition, or eloquence of speech;
(where, it may be, every kind word, especially from
the prince himself, is looked upon as a new bounty ;)
so it is as requisite in matters of judgment, punish
ment, and censure upon things, or persons, (especial
ly when the case, in the nature of it, is unusual, and
the rules in judging as extraordinary,) that the same
be transacted as privately, and with as little noise
and pomp of words, as may be. For (as damage is
much easier borne and submitted to by generous
minds, than disgrace) in the business of 1 ship-money,
and u many other cases in the star-chamber, and at
council-board, there were many impertinencies, in
congruities, and insolencies, in the speeches and ora
tions of the judges, much more offensive, and much
more scandalous than the judgments and sentences
themselves. Besides that men s minds and under-

r as having no less influence] l of) of the
imposing no less " and] and in

s under the ties] Wo* in MS.

OF THE REBELLION.

standings were more instructed to discern the con- BOOK

sequence of things, which before they considered not. !

And x undoubtedly, my lord Finch s speech in the
exchequer-chamber made ship-money much more
abhorred and formidable, than all the commitments
by the council-table, and all the distresses taken by
the sheriffs in England ; the major part of men (be
sides the common unconcernedness in other men s
sufferings) looking upon those proceedings with y a
kind of applause to themselves, to see other men pu
nished for not doing as they had done ; which de
light was quickly determined, when they found their
own interest, by the unnecessary logic of that argu
ment, no less concluded than Mr. Hambden s.

He z hath been but an ill observer of the passages
of those times we speak of, who hath not seen many
sober men, who have been clearly satisfied with the
conveniency, necessity, and justice of many sentences,
depart notwithstanding extremely offended, and scan
dalized with the grounds, reasons, and expressions of
those who inflicted those censures ; when they found
themselves, thinking to be only spectators of other
men s sufferings, by some unnecessary inference or
declaration, in probable danger to become the next
delinquents.

They who look back upon the council-books of
queen Elizabeth, and the acts of the star-chamber
then, shall find as high instances of power and sove
reignty upon the liberty and property of the subject,
as can be since given. But the art, order, and gra
vity of those proceedings (where short, severe, con
stant rules were set, and smartly pursued, and the

x And] As y with] as 7 He] And he

128 THE HISTORY

BOOK party felt only a the weight of the judgment, not
the passion of his judges) made them less taken no-
tice of, and so less grievous to the public, though as
intolerable to the person : whereas, since those excel
lent rules of the council-board were less observed,
and debates (which ought to be in private, and in
the absence of the party concerned, and thereupon
the judgment of the table to be pronounced by one,
without the interposition of others, or reply of the
party) suffered to be public, questions to be asked,
passions discovered, and opinions to be promiscu
ously delivered ; all advice, directions, reprehensions,
and censures of those places grew to be in less re
verence and esteem ; so that, besides the delay and
interruption in despatch, the justice and prudence
of the counsels did not many times weigh down the
infirmity and passion of the counsellors; and both
suitors and offenders returned into their country,
with such exceptions and arguments against per
sons, as brought and prepared much prejudice to
whatsoever should proceed from thence ; and what
ever excuses shall be made, or arguments given, that
upon such extraordinary occasions there was a ne
cessity of some pains and care to convince men s un
derstandings of b the reasons and grounds of their
proceeding, (which, if what was done had been only
ad informandam conscientiam without reproach, or
penalty, might have been reasonable,) it is certain
the inconvenience and prejudice, that grew thereby,
was greater than the benefit : and the reasons of the
judges being many times not the reasons of the
judgment, those c might more satisfactorily and more

a felt only] only felt the understandings of men with

b men s understandings of] c those] that

OF THE REBELLION. 129

shortly have d been put in the sentence itself, than BOOK
spread in the discourses of the censurers. !

These errors (for errors they were in view, and
errors they are proved by the success) are not to be
imputed to the court, but to the spirit and over-
activity of the lawyers themselves ; who should more
carefully have preserved their profession, and its 6
professors, from being profaned by those services,
which have rendered both so obnoxious to reproach.
There were two persons of that profession, and of
that time, by whose several and distinct constitu
tions (the one knowing nothing of nor caring for
the court ; the other knowing or caring for nothing
else) those mischiefs were introduced ; Mr. Noy, the
attorney general ; and sir John Finch, first, lord chief
justice of the common pleas, and then lord keeper of
the great seal of England.

The first, upon the great fame of his ability and or attorney
learning, (and he was very able and learned/) was, ner
by great industry and importunity from court, per
suaded to accept that place, for which all other men
laboured, (being the best, for profit, that profession
is capable of,) and so he suffered himself to be made
the king s attorney general. The court made no
impression upon his manners ; upon his mind it did :
and though he wore about him an affected morosity,
which made him unapt to flatter other men, yet even
that morosity and pride rendered him the most liable
to be grossly flattered himself, that can be imagined.
And by this means the great persons, who steered
the public affairs, by admiring his parts, and extol-

d have] Not in MS, learned,)] and very able and

e its] the learned he was,)

1 and he was very able and

f

VOL. I. K

130 THE HISTORY

BOOK ling his judgment as well to his face as behind his
___back, wrought upon him by degrees, for the emi-
L630. nenc y o f the service, to be an instrument in all their
designs ; thinking that he could not give a clearer
testimony, that his knowledge in the law was greater
than all other men s, than by making that law which
all other men believed not to be so. So he moulded,
framed, and pursued the odious and crying project
of soap ; and with his own hand drew and prepared
the writ for ship-money ; both which will be the
lasting monuments of his fame. In a word, he was
an unanswerable instance, how necessary a good edu
cation and knowledge of men is to make a wise man,
at least a man fit for business.

of sir John Sir John Finch had much that the other wanted,
but nothing that the other had. Having led a free s
life in a restrained fortune, and having set up upon the
stock of a good wit, and natural parts, without the
superstructure of much knowledge in the profession
by which he was to grow ; he h was willing to use
those weapons in which he had most skill, and so
(being not unseen in the affections of the court, but
not having reputation enough to guide or reform
them) he took up ship-money where Mr. Noy left
it; and, being a judge, carried it up to that pin
nacle, from whence he almost broke his own neck ;
having, in his journey thither, had too much influ
ence on his brethren to induce them i to concur in a
judgment they had all cause to repent. To which,
his declaration, after he was keeper of the great seal
of England, must be added, upon a demurrer put in

s free] licentious his brethren to induce them]

h he] Not in MS. too much a solicitor to induce

1 had too much influence on his brethren

OF THE REBELLION. 131

to a bill before him, which had no other equity in BOOK
it, than an order of the lords of the council ; " that

it

" whilst he was keeper, no man should be so saucy
as k to dispute those orders, but that the wisdom
of that board should be always ground enough for
" him to make a decree in chancery ;" which was so
great an aggravation of the excess of that table, that
it received more prejudice from that act of unrea
sonable countenance and respect, than from all the
contempt could possibly 1 have been offered to it.
But of this no more.

Now after all this (and I hope I cannot be ac- Thefelicit y

n f the times

cused of much flattery in this inquisition) I must be before the
so just as to say, that, during the whole time that ,nent, P not-"
these pressures were exercised, and those new and

extraordinary ways were run, that is, from the dis- ima f ions ,

on the sub-

Solution of the parliament in the fourth year, to theJ ect >
beginning of this parliament, which was above twelve
years, this kingdom, and all his majesty s dominions,
(of the interruption in Scotland somewhat shall be
said in its due time and place,) enjoyed the greatest
calm, and the fullest measure of felicity, that any
people in any age, for so long time together, have
been blessed with ; to the wonder and envy of all
the other m parts of Christendom.

In n this comparison I am neither unmindful of, compared
nor ungrateful for, the happy times of queen Eliza- time s of
beth, and king James. But for the former, th
doubts, hazards, and perplexities, upon a total
change and alteration of religion, and some confi
dent attempts upon a farther alteration by those who

k as] Not in MS. n j n ] And ; n

1 possibly] possible and] or for those more

1 other] Not in MS. happy under

K 2

132 THE HISTORY

BOOK thought the reformation not carried far enough;?
the charge, trouble, and anxiety of a long continued

war (how prosperous and successful soever) even
during that queen s whole reign ; and (besides some
domestic ruptures into rebellion, frequently into
treason ; and besides the blemish of an unparalleled
act of blood upon the life of a crowned neighbour
queen and ally) the fear and apprehension of what
was to come (which is one of the most unpleasant
kinds of melancholy) from an unknown, at least an
unacknowledged, successor to the crown, clouded
much of that prosperity then, which now shines
with so much splendour before our eyes in chro
nicle.
And with And for the other under king James, (which in-

the times .

of king deed were excellent times, bona si sua normt,) the
mingling with a stranger nation, formerly not very
gracious with this, which was like to have more in
terest of favour : the subjection to a stranger prince,
whose nature and disposition they knew not : the
discovery of a treason, ^ the most prodigious that
had ever been attempted, upon his first entrance
into the kingdom : the wants of the crown not in
ferior to what it hath since felt, (I mean whilst it
sat right on the head of the king,) and the pressures
upon the subject of the same nature, and no less
complained of: the absence of the prince in Spain,
and the solicitude that his highness should r not be
disposed in marriage to the daughter of that king
dom, rendered the calm and tranquillity of that time
less equal and pleasant. To which may be added

P thought the reformation not <i the discovery of a treason,]
carried far enough ;] thought the noise of treason,
not the reformation enough ; r should] might

OF THE REBELLION.

133

the prosperity and happiness of the neighbour king- BOOK
doms not much inferior to that of this, which, ao
cording to the pulse of states, is a great diminution
of their health ; at least their prosperity is much
improved, and more visible, by the misery and mis
fortunes of their neighbours.

The happiness of the times I now mention was
invidiously set off by this distinction, 8 that every
other kingdom, every other state were entangled, 1
and some almost destroyed, by the rage and fury of
arms ; those who were engaged in an ambitious con
tention u with their neighbours, having the view and
apprehensions of the miseries and desolation, which
they saw other states suffer by a civil war ; whilst
the kingdoms we now lament were alone looked
upon as the garden of the world ; Scotland (which
was but the wilderness of that garden) in a full, en
tire, and v undisturbed peace, which they had never
seen ; the rage and barbarism w of their private feuds
being composed to the reverence, or to the awe, of
public justice ; in a competency, if not in an excess
of plenty, which they had never hopes x to see, and
in a temper (which was the utmost that in those
days was desired or hoped for y) free from rebellion :
Ireland, which had been a sponge to draw, and a
gulph to swallow all that could be spared, and all
that could be got from England, merely to keep the

s now mention was invidi
ously set off by this distinc
tion,] mentioned was enviously
set off by this,

* state were entangled,] pro
vince, were engaged, some en
tangled,

" who were engaged in an
ambitious contention] which

were ambitiously in contention

v and] Not in MS.

w barbarism] MS. adds: (that
s the blood, for of the charity
we speak not,)

x hopes] hope

y that in those days was de
sired or hoped for)] we desired
and hoped to see)

K 3

134 THE HISTORY

BOOK reputation of a kingdom, reduced to that good de-
gree of husbandry and government, that it not only

1 630. subsisted of itself, and gave this kingdom all that it
might have expected from it ; but really increased
the revenue of the crown forty or fifty thousand
pounds a year, besides a considerable advantage to
the people by z the traffick and trade from thence ;
arts and sciences fruitfully planted there; and the
whole nation beginning to be so civilized, that it was
a jewel of great lustre in the royal diadem.

When these outworks were thus fortified and
adorned, it was no wonder if England was gene
rally thought secure, with the advantages of its own
climate ; the court in great plenty, or rather (which
is the discredit of plenty) excess, and luxury ; the
country rich, and, which is more, fully enjoying the
pleasure of its own wealth, and so the easier cor
rupted with the pride and wantonness of it ; the
church flourishing with learned and extraordinary
men, and (which other good times had in some de
gree a wanted) supplied with oil to feed those lamps ;
and the protestant religion more advanced against
the church of Rome by writing, (without prejudice
to other useful and godly labours,) especially by those
two books of the late lord archbishop of Canterbury
his grace, and of Mr. Chillingworth, than it had been
from the reformation ; trade increased to that de
gree, that we were the exchange of Christendom,
(the revenue from thence b to the crown being al
most double to what it had been in the best times,)

z a considerable advantage to a had in some degree] Not
the people by] much more to in MS.
the people in b from thence] thereof

OF THE REBELLION. 135

and the bullion of neighbour kingdoms brought to BOOK
receive a stamp from the mint of England ; foreign d

merchants looking upon nothing so much their own,
as e what they had laid up in the warehouses of this
kingdom ; the royal navy, in number and equipage
much above former times, very formidable at sea ;
and the reputation of the greatness and power of
the king much more with foreign princes than any
of his progenitors : for those rough courses, which
made him perhaps f less loved at home, made him
more feared abroad; by how much the power of
kingdoms is more reverenced than their justice by
their neighbours : and it may be, this consideration
might not be the least motive, and may not be the
worst excuse for those counsels. Lastly, for a com
plement of all these blessings, they were enjoyed by,
and under the protection of, a king, of the most
harmless disposition, the most s exemplary piety, the
greatest sobriety, 11 chastity, and mercy, that any
prince hath been endowed with, (God 1 forgive those
that have not been sensible of, and thankful for,
those endowments,) and who might have said, that
which Pericles was proud of, upon his death-bed,
concerning his citizens, k " that no Englishman had
" ever worn a mourning 1 gown through his occa-
" sion." In a word, many wise men thought it a
time, wherein those two adjuncts, ni which Nerva
was deified for uniting, imperium et libertas> were
as well reconciled as is possible.

c neighbour] all other briety,
d foreign] all foreign God] and God

e so much their own, as] as k concerning his citizens,]

their own, but Not in MS.

f perhaps] happily ] a mourning] black

E the most] and the most m two adjuncts,] two misera-

h sobriety,] example of so- ble adjuncts,

K 4

136 THE HISTORY

BOOK But all these blessings could but enable, not com-
. pel us to be happy : we wanted that sense, acknow-

1639. ledgment, and value of our own happiness, which all
but we had ; and took pains to make, when we could
not find, ourselves miserable. There was in truth a
strange absence of understanding in most, and a
strange perverseness of understanding in the rest :
the court full of excess, idleness, and luxury ; the n
country full of pride, mutiny, and discontent ; every
man more troubled and perplexed at that they called
the violation of one law, than delighted or pleased
with the observation of all the rest of the charter :
never imputing the increase of their receipts, re
venue, and plenty, to the wisdom, virtue, and merit
of the crown, but objecting every small imposition
to the exorbitancy and tyranny of the government ;
the growth of knowledge and learning being dis
relished, for the infirmities of sgme learned men,
and the increase of grace and favour upon the
church more repined and murmured at, than the
increase of piety and devotion in it, which was as
visible, acknowledged, or taken notice of; whilst the
indiscretion and folly of one sermon at Whitehall
was more bruited abroad, and commented upon, than
the wisdom, sobriety, and devotion of a hundred.

It cannot be denied but there was sometimes
preached there matter very unfit for the place, and
very scandalous for the persons, who presumed often
to determine things out of the verge of their own
profession, and, in ordine ad spiritualia, gave unto
Caesar what Caesar refused to receive, as not belong
ing to him. But it is as true (as was once said by

n the] and the in it,] in the church,

OF THE REBELLION. 137

a man fitter to be believed in that point than I, and BOOK
one not suspected for flattering of the clergy) " that

" if the sermons of those times preached in court
" were collected together, and published, the world
" would receive the best bulk of orthodox divinity,
" profound learning, convincing reason, natural pow-
" erful eloquence, and admirable devotion, that hath
" been communicated in any age since the apostles
" time." And I cannot but say, for the honour of
the king, and of those who were trusted by him in
his ecclesiastical collations (who have received but
sad rewards for their uprightness) in those reproach
ed, condemned times, there was not one churchman,
in any degree of favour or acceptance, (and this the
inquisition, that hath been since made upon them, a
stricter never was in any age, must confess,) of a
scandalous insufficiency in learning, or of a more
scandalous condition of? life; but, on the contrary,
most of them of confessed eminent parts in know
ledge, and of virtuous and * unblemished lives. And
therefore wise men knew, that that, which looked
like pride in some, and like petulance in others,
would, by experience in affairs, and conversation
amongst men, both of which most of them wanted,
be in time wrought off, or, in a new succession, re
formed, and so thought the vast advantage from
their learning and integrity, an ample recompense
for any inconvenience from their passion ; and yet,
by the prodigious impiety of those times, the latter
was only looked on with malice and revenge, with
out any reverence or gratitude for the former.

When the king r found himself possessed of all The king s

, first jour-

v of] in r When the king] This ac-

and] or count of the kings first journey

138 THE HISTORY

BOOK that tranquillity mentioned before, that he had no
reason to apprehend any enemies from abroad, and

33 less any insurrections at home, against which no

ney into

Scotland to kingdom in Christendom, in the constitution of its

be crowned

there. government, in the solidity s of the laws, and in the
nature and disposition of the people, was more se
cure than England; that he might take a nearer
view of those great blessings which God had poured
upon him, he resolved to make a progress into the
northern parts of his kingdom, and to be solemnly
crowned in his kingdom of Scotland, which he had
never seen from the time he had l first left it, when
he was about two years old. 11 In order to this jour
ney, which was made with great splendour, and pro
portionable expense, he added to the train of his
court many of the greatest nobility, who increased x
the pomp of the court at their own charge, (for so
they were required to do,) and seemed with alacrity
to submit y to the king s pleasure, as soon as they
knew his desire ; and so his attendance in all re
spects was proportionable to the glory of the greatest
king.

This whole progress was made, from the first
setting out to the end of it, with the greatest mag
nificence imaginable ; and the highest excess of feast
ing was then introduced, or, at least, feasting was

into Scotland in taken from the the age of two years, and no

MS. of lord Clarendon s Life. more.

The relation of it in MS. C. and x increased] cared not to add

which immediately follows the to

preceding part of this History, ? for so they were required

willbe found in the. Appendix, A. to do,) and seemed with ala-

s solidity] solidity and exe- crity to submit] which they

cution were obliged to do, and did

1 had] Not in MS. with all visible alacrity submit

" about two vears old.] of

*

OF THE REBELLION. 139

then z carried to a height it never had attained a be- BOOK
fore; from b whence it hardly declined afterwards, _____
to the great damage and mischief of the nation in
their estates and manners. All persons of quality
and condition, who lived within distance of the
northern road, received the great persons of the no
bility with that hospitality which became them ; in
which all cost was employed to make their enter
tainments splendid, and their houses capable of c
those entertainments. The king d himself met with
many entertainments e of that nature, at the charge
of particular men, who desired the honour of his
presence, which had been rarely practised till then
by the persons of the best condition, though it hath
since grown into a very inconvenient custom. But
when he passed through Nottinghamshire, both king
and court were received and entertained by the earl
of Newcastle, and at his own proper expense, in
such a wonderful manner, and in such an excess of
feasting, as had scarce ever f before been known in
England; and would be still thought very prodi
gious, if the same noble person had not, within a
year or two afterwards, made the king and queen
a more stupendous entertainment ; which, (God be
thanked,) though possibly it might too much whet
the appetite of others to excess, no man ever after
in those days s imitated.

The great offices of the court, and principal places
of attendance upon the king s person, were then
upon the matter equally divided between the Eng-

feasting was then] Not in c of] for

a never had attained] had e entertainments] treatments
never been f scarce ever] never

b from] and from c in those days] Not in MS,

140 THE HISTORY

BOOK lish and the Scots ; the marquis of Hamilton master
of the horse, and the earl of Carlisle first gentleman
of the bedchamber, and almost all the second rank
of servants 11 in that place, being of that kingdom ; so
that there was as it were an emulation between the
two nations, which should appear in the greatest
lustre, in clothes, horses, and attendance : and as
there were (as is said before) many of the principal
nobility of England, who attended upon the king,
and who were not of the court ; so the court was
never without many Scots volunteers, and their
number was well increased upon this occasion in
nobility and gentry, who were resolved to confute i
all those who had believed their country to be very
poor.
The king s The king no sooner entered Scotland, but all his

magnificent -.-.,., I/Y> -111 i

reception English servants and officers yielded up their at
tendance to those of the Scots nation, who were ad
mitted into the same offices in Scotland, k or had some
titles to those employments 1 by the constitution of
that kingdom ; as most of the great offices are held
by inheritance ; as the duke of Richmond and Lenox
was then high steward, and high admiral of Scot
land by descent, as others had the like possession of
other places ; so that all the tables of the house,
which had been kept by the English officers, were
laid down, and taken up again by the Scots, who
kept them up with the same order, and equal splen
dour, and treated the English with all the freedom
and courtesy imaginable ; as all the nobility of that
nation did, at their own expense, where their offices
did not entitle them to tables at the charge of the

h rank of servants] relation k Scotland,] England,

5 confute] convince ] employments] relations

OF THE REBELLION. 141

crown, keep very noble houses to entertain their new BOOK
guests; who had so often and so well entertained

i^j

them : and it cannot be denied, the whole behaviour
of that nation towards the English was as generous
and obliging as could be expected ; and the king
appeared with no less lustre at Edinburgh, than at
Whitehall ; and in this pomp his coronation passed
with all the solemnity and evidence of public joy
that could be expected, or that can be imagined ; m
and the parliament, then held, with no less demon
stration of duty, passed and presented those acts
which were prepared for them to the royal sceptre ;
in which were some laws restraining n the extrava
gant power of the nobility, which, in many cases,
they had long exercised, and the diminution whereof
they took very heavily, though at that time they
took little notice of it; the king being absolutely
advised in all the affairs of that kingdom then, and
long before, and after, by the sole counsel of the
marquis of Hamilton, who was, or at least was then
believed to be, of the greatest interest of any subject
in that kingdom, of whom more will be said here
after.

The king was very well pleased with his recep
tion, and with all the transactions there ; nor indeed
was there any thing to be blamed, but the luxury
and vast expense, which abounded in all respects of
feasting and clothes with too much licence : which
being imputed to the commendable zeal of the peo
ple, of all conditions, to see their king amongst them,
whom they were not like to see there again, and so

m could be expected, or that n restraining] which restrained
can be imagined ;] can be ima- was] No* in MS.
gined, or could be expected ;

THE HISTORY

BOOK their expense was to be but once made,! no man
L had cause to suspect any mischief from it : and yet

1633. the debts contracted at that time by the nobility
and gentry, and the wants and temptations they
Yet the found themselves exposed to, from that unlimited,
:d fe expense, did very much contribute to the kindling

sure

that fire, which shortly after broke out in so terrible

tions then

sown. a combustion : nor were the sparks of murmur and
sedition then so well covered, but that many dis
cerning men discovered very pernicious designs to
lurk in their breasts, who seemed to have the most
cheerful countenances, <i and who acted great parts
in the pomp and triumph. And it evidently ap
peared, that they of that nation, who shined most
in the court of England, had the least influence in
their own country, except only the marquis of Ha
milton, whose affection to his master was even then
suspected by the wisest men in both kingdoms ; and
that the immense bounties the king and his father
had scattered amongst those of that nation, out of
the wealth of England, besides that he had sacri
ficed the whole revenue r of that kingdom to them
selves, were not looked upon as any benefit to that
nation, 8 but as obligations cast away upon particular
men ; many of whom had with it wasted their own
patrimony in their country.

The king himself observed many of the nobility
to endeavour to make themselves popular by speak
ing in parliament against those things which were
most grateful to his majesty, and which still passed,

P once made,] MS. adds : and their country,

to the natural pride and vanity <i countenances,] countenance,

of that people, who will bear r revenue] revenue and bene-

any inconveniences in it or from fit

it, than confess the poverty of s nation,] people,

OF THE REBELLION. 143

notwithstanding their contradiction ; and he thought BOOK
a little discountenance upon those persons would

either suppress that spirit within themselves, or 1C33 *
make the poison of it less operative upon others.
But as those acts of discountenance were too often
believed to proceed from the displeasure of the mar
quis of Hamilton, and by that means 1 rather ad
vanced than depressed them, 11 so they had x an ad
mirable dexterity in sheltering themselves from any
of those acts of discountenance, which they had no
mind to own;? when it hath been visible, 2 and
was a then notorious, that many of the persons then,
as the earl of Rothes, and others, of whom the king
had the worst opinion, and from whom he purpose
ly b withheld any grace by never speaking to them,
or taking notice of them in the court, yet c when
the king was abroad in the fields, or passing through
villages, when the greatest crowds of people flocked
to see him, those men would still be next him, and
entertain him with some discourse, and pleasant re
lations, which the king s gentle disposition could not
avoid, and which made those persons to be gene
rally believed to be most acceptable to his majesty ;
upon which the lord Falkland was wont to say,
" that keeping of state was like committing adul-
" tery, there must go two to it :" for let the proud
est or most formal man resolve to keep what dis
tance he will towards others, a bold and confident

I by that means] so intended when they can make

II them,] the object, benefit by it;)

x they had] that people have z visible,] notoriously visible,
naturally a was] it was

y to own;] MS. adds: (as b purposely] most purposely
they are equal promoters and c yet] Not in MS.
promulgators of it, though not

144 THE HISTORY

BOOK man instantly demolishes that whole machine, and

gets within him, and even obliges him to his own

1633. laws of conversation.

The king was always the most punctual observer
of all decency in his devotion, and the strictest pro
moter of the ceremonies of the church, as believing
in his soul the church of England to be instituted
the nearest to the practice of the apostles, and the
best for the propagation and advancement of Chris
tian religion, of any church in the world : and on
the other side, though no man was more averse from
the Romish church than he was, nor better under
stood the motives of their separation from us, and
animosity against us, he had the highest dislike and
prejudice to that part of his own subjects, who were
against the government established, and did always
look upon them as a very dangerous and seditious
people ; who would, under pretence of conscience,
which kept them from submitting to the spiritual
jurisdiction, take the first opportunity they could
find, or make, to withdraw d themselves from their
temporal subjection ; and therefore he had, with the
utmost vigilance, caused that temper and disposition
to be watched and provided against in England ;
and if it were then in truth there, it lurked with
wonderful secrecy. In Scotland indeed it covered
the whole nation, so that though there were bishops
in name, the whole jurisdiction, and they themselves
were, upon the matter, subject to an assembly, which
was purely presbyterian ; no form of religion in prac
tice, no liturgy, nor the least appearance of any
beauty of holiness : the clergy, for the most part,

d to withdraw] to disturb mid withdraw

OF THE REBELLION. 145

corrupted in their principles; at least, 6 none coun- BOOK
tenanced by the great men, or favoured by the peo

ple, but such ; though it must be owned their uni
versities, especially Aberdeen, flourished under many
excellent scholars, and very learned men. Yet, though
all the cathedral churches were totally neglected
with reference to those administrations over the
whole kingdom, the king s f own chapel at Holy-
rood-house had still been maintained with the come
liness 8 of the cathedral service, and all other de
cencies used in h the royal chapel; and the whole
nation seemed, in the time of king James, well in
clined to receive the liturgy of the church of Eng
land, which that i king exceedingly desired, and was
so confident of, that they who were privy to his
counsels k in that time did believe, the bringing 1
that work to pass was the principal end of his pro
gress thither some years before his death ; though
he was not so well satisfied at his being there, two
or three of the principal persons trusted by him in
the government of that kingdom, dying in or about
that very time : but though m he returned without
making any visible attempt in that affair, yet he re
tained still the purpose and resolution to his death
to bring it to pass. However, his two or three last
years having been" less pleasant to him, by the

e at least,] Thus in MS. : at splendour

least, (for it cannot be denied h decencies used in] forma-

but that their universities, espe- lities incident to

cially Aberdeen, flourished un- that] the

der many excellent scholars and k his counsels] the counsels

very learned men,) none coun- of that king

tenanced by the great men, or J the bringing] that the bring-

favoured by the people, but such ; ing

f the king s] yet the king s m though] that

s comeliness] decency and n having been] were

VOL, I. JL

146

THE HISTOHY

Transac-

Scotland,

BOOK prince s voyage into Spain, the jealousies which,
about that time, begun in England, and the high P

1633. proceedings in parliament there, he thought i it ne
cessary to suspend any prosecution of that design,
until a more favourable conjuncture, which he lived
not to see. r

The king his son, who, with his father s other
virtues, 8 inherited that zeal for religion, proposed 1
nothing more to himself, than to unite his three
kingdoms in one form of God s worship, and public
devotions ; u and there being now so great a serenity
in all his dominions as is mentioned before, there is
great reason to believe, that in this journey into
Scotland to be crowned, he carried with him the re
solution 31 to finish that important business in the
church at the same time. To that end,? the then
bishop of London, Dr. Laud, attended on his ma
jesty throughout that whole journey, which, as he
was dean of the chapel, he was not obliged to do,
and no doubt would have been excused from, if that
design had not been in view ; to accomplish which
he was no less z solicitous than the king himself, nor
the king the less solicitous for his advice. He
preached in the royal chapel at Edinburgh a , (which
scarce any Englishman had ever done before in the

begun] began

P high] imperious

1 he thought] so that he
thought

r which he lived not to see.]
and he lived not to see that
conjuncture.

s who, with his father s other
virtues,] with his kingdoms,
and other virtues,

t proposed] and proposed

u and public devotions ;] and
in a uniformity in their public
devotions ;

x carried with him the reso-
lution] carried the resolution
with him

y To that end,] And to that
end,

z no less] not less

a at Edinburgh] Not in
MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 147

king s presence,) and principally upon the benefit BOOK

of conformity, and the reverend b ceremonies of the .

church, with all the marks of approbation and ap
plause imaginable ; the great civility of that people
being so notorious and universal, that they would
not appear unconformable to his majesty s wish in
any particular. And many wise men were then and
still are of opinion, that if the king had then pro
posed the liturgy of the church of England to have
been received and practised by that nation, it would
have been submitted to without c opposition : but,
upon mature consideration, the king concluded that
it was not a good season to promote that business.

He had passed two or three acts of parliament,
which had much lessened the authority and depend
ence of the nobility and great men, and incensed
and disposed them proportion ably to cross and op
pose any proposition, which w^ould be most grateful ;
and that overthwart d humour was enough disco
vered to rule in the breasts of many, who made the
greatest professions. Yet this was not the obstruc
tion which diverted the king : the party that was
averse from the thing, and abhorred any thought of
conformity, could not have been powerful enough to
have stopped the progress of it ; the mischief was,
that they who most desired it, and were most con
cerned to promote it, were the men who used all
their credit to divert the present attempting it ; and
the bishops themselves, whose interest was to be
most advanced thereby, applied all their counsels se
cretly to have the matter more maturely considered ;
and the whole design was never consulted but pri-

h reverend] reverent () overthwart] tharteous

c without] against all

L 2

148 THE HISTORY

BOOK vately, and only some few of the great men of that
nation, and some of the bishops, advised with by the

1633. king ? an d the bishop of London; it being manifest
enough, that as the finishing that great affair must
be very grateful to England, so the English must
not appear to have a hand in the contriving and
promoting it.

The same men , who did not only pretend, but
really and heartily wish, that they might have a li
turgy to order and regulate the worship of God in
their churches, and did very well approve the cere
monies established in the church of England, and
desired to submit to f and practise the same there,
had no mind that the very liturgy of the church of
England should be proposed to, or accepted by them ;
for which they offered two prudential reasons, as
their observations upon the nature and humour of
the nation, and upon the conferences they had often
had with the best men upon that subject, which was
often agitated in discourse, upon what had been for
merly projected by king James, and upon what fre
quently occurred to wise men in discourses upon the
thing itself, and the desirableness of it.

The first was, that the English liturgy, how pi
ously and wisely soever framed and instituted, had
found great opposition : and though the matter of
the ceremonies had wrought for the most part only
upon light-headed, weak men, whose satisfaction
was not to be laboured for ; yet there were many
grave and learned men, who excepted against some
particulars, which would not be so easily answered ;
" That the reading Psalms being of the old transla-

e men] Not in MS. * for] Not in MS.

f to] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 149

" tion were in many particulars so different from BOOK
" the new and better translation, that many in- _
" stances might be given of importance to the sense
" and truth of scripture." They said somewhat of
the same nature concerning the translation of the
Epistles and Gospels, and some other exceptions
against reading the Apocrypha, and some other par
ticulars of less moment ; and desired, " that, in form-
" ing a liturgy for their church, they might, by re-
" forming those several instances, give satisfaction
" to good men, who would thereupon be easily in-
" duced to submit to it."

The other reason 11 , which no doubt was the prin
cipal, 1 and k took this in the way to give it the bet
ter introduction, was, " that the kingdom of Scot-
" land generally had been long jealous, that, by the
king s continued absence from them, they should
by degrees be reduced to be but as a province to
England, and subject to their laws and govern
ment, which they 1 would never submit to; nor
" would any man of honour, who loved the king
" best, and respected England most, ever consent to
" bring that dishonour upon his country. If the
very liturgy, in the terms it is constituted and
practised in England, should be offered to them,
it would kindle and inflame that jealousy, as the
prologue and introduction to that design, and as
" the first range of that ladder, m which should serve
to mount over all their customs and privileges,
and be opposed and detested accordingly : where
as, if his majesty would give order for the prepar-

11 reason] Not in MS. 1 they] it

1 was the principal,] Not in MS. m range of that ladder,] rung

1 and] but of the ladder,

L 3

(6
((
tf
ft

ft
ft
it
it

ti
ft
ff

150 THE HISTORY

BOOK " ing a liturgy, with those few desirable alterations,
. "it would easily be done; and in the mean time
633. (t they would so dispose the minds of the people for
" the reception of it, that they should even desire
" it." This n expedient was so passionately and ve
hemently urged even by the bishops, that, however
they deferred to the minds and humours of other
men, it was manifest enough, that the exception
and advice proceeded from the pride of their own
hearts.

The bishop of London, who was always present
with the king at these debates, was exceedingly
troubled at this delay, P and to find those men the
instruments in it, who seemed 1 to him as solicitous
for the expedition, as zealous for the thing itself,
and who could not but suffer by the deferring it. r
He knew well how far any enemies to conformity
would be from being satisfied with those small al
terations, which being consented to, they would with
more confidence, though less reason, frame other ex
ceptions, and insist upon them with more obstinacy.
He foresaw the difficulties which would arise in re
jecting, or altering, or adding to the liturgy, which
had so great authority, and had, by the practice of
near fourscore years, obtained great veneration from
all sober s protestants ; and how much easier it would
be to make objections against any thing that should
be new, than against the old ; and would therefore
have been very glad that the former resolution might
be pursued ; there having never been any thoughts t

n This] And this seemed

deferred] referred r deferring it.] delay.

P delay,] interjection, 8 sober] Not in MS.

* who seemed] who had l thoughts] thought

OF THE REBELLION. 151

in the time of king James, or the present king, but BOOK
of the English liturgy ; besides that any variation
from it, in how small matters soever, would make
the uniformity the less, the manifestation whereof
was that which was most aimed at and desired.

The king had exceedingly set his heart upon the
matter, and was as much scandalized as any man at
the disorder and indecency in the exercise of reli
gion in that church : yet he was affected with what
was offered for a little delay in the execution, and
knew more of the ill humour and practices amongst
the greatest men of the kingdom at that season, than
the bishop did, and believed he could better compose
and reduce them in a little time, and at a distance,
than at the present, and whilst he was amongst
them. Besides he was in his nature much u inclined
to the Scots nation, having been born amongst
them, and as jealous as any one of them could be
of x their liberties and privileges, and as careful they y
might not be invaded by the English, who, he knew,
had no great z reverence for them : and therefore
the objection, " that it would look like an imposi-
" tion from England, if a form, settled in parliament
" at Westminster, should without any alteration be
" tendered (though by himself) to be submitted to,
" and observed in Scotland," made a deep impression
in his majesty.

In a word, he committed the framing and com
posing such a Hturgy as would most probably be ac
ceptable to that people, to a select number of the
bishops there, who were very able and willing to

11 much] too much MS.

K of] that z great]

y and as careful they] Not in

L 4

THE HISTORY

BOOK undertake it : and so his majesty returned into Eng-
! - land, at the time he had designed, a without having
1633. ever p r0 p 0sec | ? or made the least approach in public
towards any alteration in the church.

It had been very happy, if there had been then
nothing done indeed, that had any reference to that
affair, and that, since it was not ready, b nothing had
been transacted to promote it, which accidentally
alienated the affections of the people from it ; and
what was done c was imputed to the bishop of Lon
don, who was like enough to be guilty of it, since
he did really d believe, that nothing more contri
buted to the benefit and advancement of the church,
than the promotion of churchmen to places of the
greatest honour, and offices of the highest trust :
this e opinion and the prosecution of it (though his
integrity was unquestionable, and his zeal as great
for the good and honour of the state, as for the ad
vancement and security of the church) was the un
happy foundation of his own ruin, and of the preju
dice f towards the church, the malice against it, and
almost the destruction of it.

During the king s stay in Scotland, when he found
stay there the conjuncture not yet ripe for perfecting that good
bishopric order which he intended in the church, he resolved
burgh. 1 to leave a monument behind him of his own affec
tion and esteem of it. Edinburgh, though the me
tropolis of the kingdom, and the chief seat of the
king s own residence, and the place where the coun-

a he had designed,] proposed d really] naturally
to himself, e this] and this

b not ready,] Thus in MS.: f prejudice] Thus in MS.:

not ready to promote it, no- prejudice towards, and malice

thing had been transacted, which against, and almost destruction

c what was done] this of the church.

tori k

OF THE REBELLION. 153

cil of state and the courts of justice still remained, BOOK
was but a borough town within the diocese of the

(t
66

archbishop of saint Andrew s, and governed in all
church affairs by the preachers of the town ; who,
being chosen by the citizens from the time of Mr.
Knox, (who had a principal hand in the suppression
of popery, with circumstances not very commend
able to this day,) had been the most turbulent and
seditious ministers of confusion that could be found
in the kingdom ; of which king James had so sad
experience, after he came to age, as well as in his
minority, that he would often say, " that his access
" to the crown of England was the more valuable
" to him, as it redeemed him from the subjection to
" the % ill manners and insolent practices of those
preachers 11 , which he could never shake off be
fore." The king, before his return from thence,
with the full consent and approbation of the arch
bishop of saint Andrew s, erected Edinburgh into a
bishopric, assigned it a good and convenient juris
diction out of the nearest limits of the diocese of
saint Andrew s, appointed the fairest church in the
town to be the cathedral, settled a competent reve
nue upon the bishop out of lands purchased by his
majesty himself from the duke of Lenox, who sold
it much the cheaper, that it might be consecrated to
so pious an end; and placed a very eminent scholar
of a good family in the kingdom, who had been edu
cated in the university of Cambridge, to be the first
bishop in that his new city ; and made another per
son, of good fame and learning, the 1 first dean of
his new cathedral, upon whom likewise he settled a

* the] their h of those preachers] Not in MS, the] his

154 THE HISTORY

BOOK proper maintenance; hoping by this means the bet
ter to prepare the people of the place, who were the

633. most numerous a nd richest of the kingdom, to have
a due reverence to order and government, and at
least to discountenance, if not suppress, the factious
spirit of presbytery, which had so long ruled there.
But this application little contributed thereunto :
the people k generally thought, that they had too
many bishops before, and so the increasing the num
ber was not like to be very grateful to them.

The bishops had indeed very little interest in the
affections l of that nation, and less authority over it ;
they had not power to reform or regulate their own
cathedrals, and very rarely shewed themselves in
the habit and robes of bishops ; and durst not con
test with the general assembly in matters of juris
diction : so that there was little more than the name
His majesty of episcopacy preserved in that church. To redeem
bishops in them from that contempt, and to shew that they
! should be considerable in the state, how little au-
thority soever they were permitted to have in the
church, the king made the archbishop of saint An
drew s, a learned, wise, and pious man, and of long
experience, chancellor of the kingdom, (the greatest
office, and which had never been in the hands of a
churchman since the reformation of religion, and
suppressing the pope s authority,) and four or five
other bishops of the privy-council, or lords of the
session ; which his majesty presumed, by their power
in the civil government, and in the judicatories of
the kingdom, would render them so much the more
reverenced, and the better enable them to settle the

k the people] and the people ] affections] affection

OF THE REBELLION. ..155

affairs of the church : which fell out otherwise too ; BOOK
and it had been better that envious promotion had

been suspended, till by their grave and pious de
portment they had wrought upon their clergy to be
better disposed to obey them, and upon the people
to like order and discipline ; and till by these means
the liturgy had been settled, and received amongst
them ; and then the advancing some of them to
greater honour might have done well.

But this unseasonable accumulation of so many
honours upon them, to which their functions did not
entitle them, (no bishop having been so much as a
privy-counsellor in very many years,) exposed them
to the universal envy of the whole nobility, many
whereof wished them well, as to their ra ecclesiasti
cal qualifications, but could not endure to see them
possessed of those offices and employments, which
they looked upon as naturally belonging to them
selves ; n and then the number of them was thought
too great, so that they overbalanced many debates ;
and some of them, by want of temper, or want of
breeding, did not behave themselves with that de
cency in their debates, towards the greatest men of
the kingdom, as in discretion they ought to have
done, and as the others reasonably expected from
them : so that, instead of bringing any advantage to
the church, or facilitating the good intentions of the
king in settling order and government, it produced
a more general prejudice to it ; though for the pre
sent there appeared no sign of discontent, or ill-will
to them ; and the king left Scotland, as he believed,
full of affection and duty to him, and well inclined

m

their] all their themselves ;] them ;

156 THE HISTORY

BOOK to receive a liturgy, when he should think it season-
. able to commend it to them.

The k?.? S ^ was a ^ out tne en d of August in the year 1633,
return, and when the king returned from Scotland to Greenwich,

the death of

archbishop where the queen kept her court ; and the first acci-
i63s7bb dent of moment, that happened after his coming
character. thither? wag the death of Abbot, archbishop of Can
terbury; who had sat too many years in that see,
and had too great a jurisdiction over the church,
though he was without any credit in the court from
the death of king James, and had not much in many
years before. He had been head or master of one
of the poorest colleges in Oxford, and had learning
sufficient for that province. He was a man of very
morose manners, and a very sour aspect, which, in
that time, was called gravity ; and under the opinion
of that virtue, and by the recommendation of the
earl of Dunbar, the king s first Scotch favourite, he
was preferred by king James to the bishopric of Co
ventry and Litchfield, and presently after to Lon
don, before he had been parson, vicar, or curate of
any parish-church in England, or dean or prebend
of any cathedral church ; and was in truth totally
ignorant of the true constitution of the church of
England, and the state and interest of the clergy ;
as sufficiently appeared throughout the whole course
of his life afterward.

He had scarce performed any part of the office of
a bishop in the diocese of London, when he was
snatched from thence, and promoted to Canterbury,
upon the never enough lamented death of Dr. Ban
croft, that metropolitan, who understood the church
excellently, and had almost rescued it out of the
hands of the Calvin ian party, and very much sub-

OF THE REBELLION. 157

dued the unruly spirit of the nonconformists, by and BOOK
after the conference at Hampton-court; counte-
nanced men of the greatest parts in learning, and
disposed the clergy to a more solid course of study,
than they had been accustomed to ; and, if he had
lived, would quickly have extinguished all that fire
in England, which had been kindled at Geneva ; or
if he had been succeeded by bishop Andrews, bishop
Overal, or any man who understood and loved the
church, that infection would easily have been kept
out, which could not afterwards be so easily ex
pelled.

But Abbot brought none of this antidote with
him, and considered Christian religion no otherwise,
than as it abhorred and reviled popery, and valued
those men most, who did that most furiously. For
the strict observation of the discipline of the church,
or the conformity to the articles or canons esta
blished, he made little inquiry, and took less care ;
and having himself made a very little progress in
the ancient and solid study of divinity, he adhered
only to the doctrine of Calvin, and, for his sake,
did not think so ill of the discipline as he ought to
have done. But if men prudently forbore a public
reviling and railing at the hierarchy and ecclesiasti
cal government, let their opinions and private prac
tice be what it would, they were not only secure
from any inquisition of his, but acceptable to him,
and at least equally preferred by him. And though
many other bishops plainly discerned the mischiefs,
which daily broke in to the prejudice of religion, by
his defects and remissness, and prevented it in their

only] wholly

158 THE HISTORY

BOOK own dioceses as much as they could, and gave all
their countenance to men of other parts and other

I /o O

principles; and though the bishop of London, Dr.
Laud, from the time of his authority and credit with
the king, had applied all the remedies he could to
those defections, and, from the time of his being
chancellor of Oxford, had much discountenanced
and almost suppressed that spirit, by encouraging
another kind of learning and practice in that uni
versity, which was indeed according to the doctrine
of the church of England ; yet that temper in the
archbishop, whose house was a sanctuary to the most
eminent of that factious party, and who licensed
their most pernicious writings, left his successor a
very difficult work to do, to reform and reduce a
church into order, that had been so long neglected,
and that was so ill filled P by many weak, and more
wilful churchmen.

Bishop It was within one week after the king s return

archbishop : from Scotland, that Abbot died at his house at Lam-
t er. c beth. The 1 king took very little time to consider
who should be his successor, but the very next time
the bishop of London (who was longer on r his way
home than the king had been) came to him, his
majesty entertained him very cheerfully with this
compellation, My lord s grace of Canterbury, you
are very welcome; and gave order the same day
for the despatch of all the necessary forms for the
translation : so that within a month or thereabouts
after the death of the other archbishop, he was com
pletely invested in that high dignity, and settled in
his palace at Lambeth. This great prelate had been

P filled] inhabited * The] And the r on] upon

OF THE REBELLION. 159

before in great favour with the duke of Bucking- BOOK
ham, whose chief 8 confidant he was, and by him re-_l_
commended to the king, as fittest to be trusted in 1633 -
the conferring all ecclesiastical preferments, when he
was but bishop of St. David s, or newly preferred to
Bath and Wells ; and from that time he entirely
governed that province without a rival : so that his
promotion to Canterbury was long foreseen and ex
pected; nor was it attended with any increase of
envy or dislike.

He was a man of great parts, and very exemplary
virtues, allayed and discredited by some unpopular
natural infirmities ; the greatest of which was, (be
sides a hasty, sharp way of expressing himself,) that
he believed innocence of heart, and integrity of man
ners, was a guard strong enough to secure any man
in his voyage through this world, in what company
soever he travelled, and through what ways soever
he was to pass : and sure never any man was better
supplied with that provision. He was born of ho
nest parents, who were well able to provide for his
education in the schools of learning, from whence
they sent him to St. John s college in Oxford, the
worst endowed at that time of any in that famous
university. From a scholar he became a fellow, and
then the president of that college, after he had re
ceived all the graces and degrees (the proctorship
and the doctorship) could be obtained there. He
was always maligned and persecuted by those who
were of the Calvinian faction, which was then very
powerful, and who, according to their usual * maxim
and practice, call every man they do not love, pa-

s chief] great t usual] useful

160 THE HISTORY

BOOK pist ; and under this senseless appellation they cre-

. ated him many troubles and vexations ; and so far

i633 - suppressed him, that though he was the king s chap
lain, and taken notice of for an excellent preacher,
and a scholar of the most sublime parts, he had not
any preferment to invite him to leave his poor col
lege, which only gave him bread, till the vigour of
his age was past : and when he was promoted by
king James, it was but to a poor bishopric in Wales,
which was not so good a support for a bishop, as his
college was for a private scholar, though a doctor.

Parliaments in that time were frequent, and grew
very busy ; and the party under which he had suf
fered a continual persecution, appeared very power
ful, and full of design, and they who had the cou
rage to oppose them, begun u to be taken notice of
with approbation and countenance : under x this style
he came to be first cherished by the duke of Buck
ingham, who hady made some experiments of the
temper and spirit of the other people, nothing to his
satisfaction. From this time he prospered at the
rate of his own wishes, and being transplanted out
of his cold barren diocese of St. David s, into a
warmer climate, he was left, as was said before, by
that great z favourite in that great trust with the
king, who was sufficiently indisposed towards the
persons or the principles of Calvin s a disciples.

When he came into great authority, it may be,
he retained too keen a memory of those who had so
unjustly and uncharitably persecuted him before;
and, I doubt, was so far transported with the same

11 begun] began z great] omnipotent

* under] and under a Calvin s] Mr. Calvin s

y who had] after he had

OF THE REBELLION. 161

passions he had reason to complain of in his adver- BOOK
saries, that, as they accused him of popery, because

he had some doctrinal opinions which they liked
not, though they were nothing allied to popery ; so
he entertained too much prejudice to some persons,
as if they were enemies to the discipline of the
church, because they concurred with Calvin in some
doctrinal points ; when they abhorred his discipline,
and reverenced the government of the church, and
prayed for the peace of it with as much zeal and
fervency as any in the kingdom ; as they made ma
nifest in their lives, and in their sufferings with it,
and for it. He had, from his first entrance into the
world, without any disguise or dissimulation, de
clared his own opinion of that classis of men ; and,
as soon as it was in his power, he did all he could
to hinder the growth and increase of that faction,
and to restrain those who were inclined to it, from
doing the mischief they desired to do. But his
power at court could not enough qualify him to go
through with that difficult reformation, whilst he
had a superior in the church, who, having the reins
in his hand, could slacken them according to his
own humour and indiscretion ; and was thought to
be the more remiss, to irritate his choleric disposi
tion. But when he had now the primacy in his
own hand, the king being inspired with the same
zeal, he thought he should be to blame, and have
much to answer for b , if he did not make haste to
apply remedies to those diseases, which he saw would
grow apace.

In the end of September of the year 1633, he was

*> for] Not in MS.
VOL. I. M

162 THE HISTORY

BOOK invested in the title, power, and jurisdiction of arch
bishop of Canterbury, and entirely in possession of

-M.

the revenue thereof, without a rival in church or
state ; that is, no man professed to oppose his great
ness ; and he had never interposed or appeared in
Dr. Juxon matters c of state to this time. His first care was,

made bi- in

shop of that the place he was removed irom might be sup
plied with a man who would be vigilant to pull up
those weeds, which the London soil was too apt to
nourish, and so drew his old friend and companion
Dr. Juxon as near to him as he could. They had
been fellows together in one college in Oxford, and,
when he was first made bishop of saint David s, he
made him president of that college : when he could
no longer keep the deanery of the chapel royal, he
made him his successor in that near attendance upon
the king : and now he was raised to be archbishop,
he easily prevailed with the king to make the other,
bishop of London, before, or very soon after, he had
been consecrated bishop of Hereford, if he were more
than elect of that church.

It was now a time of great ease and tranquillity ;
the king (as hath been said before) had made him
self superior to all those difficulties and straits he
had to contend with the four first years he came to
the crown at home ; and was now reverenced by all
his neighbours, who d needed his friendship, and de
sired to have it ; the wealth of the kingdom noto
rious to all the world, and the general temper and
humour of it little inclined to the papist, 6 and less
to the puritan. There were some late taxes and
impositions introduced, which rather angered than

c matters] matter d who needed] who all needed e papist,] papists,

OF THE REBELLION. 163

grieved the people, who were more than repaired BOOK
by the quiet, peace, and prosperity they enjoyed;
and the murmur and discontent that was, appeared
to be against the excess of power exercised by the
crown, and supported by the judges in Westminster-
hall. The church was not repined at, nor the least
inclination to alter the government and discipline
thereof, or to change the doctrine. Nor was there
at that time any considerable number of persons of
any valuable condition throughout the kingdom, who
did wish either ; and the cause of so prodigious a
change in so few years after was too visible from
the effects. The archbishop s heart was set upon
the advancement of the church, in which he well
knew he had the king s full concurrence, which he
thought would be too powerful for any opposition ;
and that he should need no other assistance.

Though the nation generally, as was said before,
was without any ill talent to the church, either in
the point of the doctrine, or the discipline, yet they
were not without a jealousy that popery was not
enough discountenanced, and were very averse from
admitting any thing they had not been used to,
which they called innovation, and were easily per
suaded, that any thing of that kind was but to
please the papists. Some doctrinal points in con- warm con
troversy had been, in the late years, agitated in the concerning
pulpits with more warmth and reflections, than had*! lose . cal . led

the Armi-

used to be; and thence the heat and animosity rn- nian P ints -
creased in books pro and con upon the same argu
ments : most of the popular preachers, who had not
looked into the ancient learning, took Calvin s word
for it, and did all they could to propagate his opi
nions in those points : they who had studied more,

M 2

164 THE HISTORY

BOOK and were better versed in the antiquities of the
! church, the fathers, the councils, and the ecclesias
tical histories, with the same heat and passion in
preaching and writing defended the contrary.

But because, in the late dispute in the Dutch
churches, those opinions were supported by Jacobus
Arminius, the divinity professor in the university of
Leyden in Holland, the latter men, we mentioned,
were called Arminians ; though many of them had
never read a word written by Arminius. Either
side defended and maintained the f different opinions
as the doctrine of the church of England, as the two
great orders in the church of Rome, the Dominicans
and Franciscans, did at the same time, and had
many hundred years before, with more vehemence
and uncharitableness, maintained the same opinions
one against the other; either party professing to
adhere to the doctrine of the catholic church, which
had been ever wiser than to determine the contro
versy. And yet that party here, which could least
support themselves with reason, were very solicitous,
according to the ingenuity they always practise to
advance any of their pretences, to have the people
believe, that they who held with Arminius did in
tend to introduce popery ; and truly the other side
was no less willing to have it thought, that all, who
adhered to Calvin in those controversies, did in their
hearts likewise adhere to him with reference to the
discipline, and desired to change the government of
the church, destroy the bishops, and to % set up the
discipline that he had established at Geneva; and
so both sides found such reception generally with

f the] their g to] so

OF THE REBELLION. 165

the people, as they were inclined to the persons ; BOOK
whereas, in truth, none of the one side were at all

inclined to popery, and very many of the other were
most affectionate to the peace and prosperity of the
church, and very pious and learned men.

The archbishop had, all his life, eminently op- Archbishop
posed Calvin s doctrine in those controversies, before meter con-
the name of Arminius was taken notice of, or his
opinions heard of; and thereupon, for want of an
other name, they had called him a papist, which no
body believed him to be, and he had more mani
fested the contrary in his disputations and writings,
than most men had done ; and it may be the other
found the more severe and rigorous usage from him,
for their propagating that calumny against him. He
was a man of great courage and resolution, and
being most assured within himself, that he proposed
no end in all his actions and h designs, but 1 what
was pious and just, (as sure no man had ever a heart
more entire to the king, the church, or his country,)
he never studied the easiest k ways to those ends ;
he thought, it may be, that any art or industry that
way would discredit, at least make the integrity of
the end suspected, let the cause be what it will. He
did court persons too little ; nor cared to make his
designs and purposes appear as candid as they were,
by shewing them in any other dress than their own
natural beauty, though perhaps in too rough a man
ner ; l and did not consider enough what men said,
or were like to say of him. If the faults and vices
were fit to be looked into, and discovered, let the

h and] or though perhaps in too rough

but] than a manner ;] and roughness ;

k easiest] best

M 3

166 THE HISTORY

BOOK persons be who they would that were guilty of them,
they were sure to find no connivance of m favour

633. f rom hj m jj e intended the discipline of the church
should be felt, as well as spoken of, and that it
should be applied to the greatest and most splendid
transgressors, as well as to the punishment of smaller
offences, and meaner offenders ; and thereupon called
for or cherished the discovery of those who were not
careful to cover their own iniquities, thinking they
were above the reach of other men, n or their power
or will to chastise. Persons of honour and great
quality, of the court, and of the country, were every
day cited into the high-commission court, upon the
fame of their incontinence, or other scandal in their
lives, and were there prosecuted to their shame and
punishment : and as the shame (which they called
an insolent triumph upon their degree and quality,
and levelling them with the common people) was
never forgotten, but watched for revenge ; so the
fines imposed there were the more questioned, and
repined against, because they were assigned to the
rebuilding and repairing St. Paul s church ; and
thought therefore to be the more severely imposed,
and the less compassionately reduced and excused ;
which likewise made the jurisdiction and rigour of
the star-chamber more felt, and murmured against,
and sharpened many men s humours against the
bishops, before they had any ill intention towards
the church.

Bur- There were three persons most notorious for their
declared malice against the government of the church
by bishops, in their several books and writings,

m

of] or n men,] men s, and] which

OF THE REBELLION. 167

which they had published to corrupt the people, BOOK

with circumstances very scandalous, and in Ian- !

guage very scurrilous, and impudent ; which all men
thought deserved very exemplary punishment : they
were of the p three several professions which had
the most influence upon the people, a divine, a com
mon lawyer, and a doctor of physic ; none of them
of interest, or any esteem with the worthy part of
their several professions, having been formerly all
looked upon under characters of reproach : yet when
they were all sentenced, and for the execution of
that sentence brought out to be punished as com
mon and signal rogues, exposed upon scaffolds to
have their ears cut off, and their faces and foreheads
branded with hot irons, (as the poorest and most
mechanic malefactors used to be, when they were
not able to redeem themselves by any fine for their
trespasses, or to satisfy any damages for the scan-
dais they had raised against the good name and re
putation of others,) men begun 1 no more to con
sider their manners, but the men ; and each r pro
fession, with anger and indignation enough, thought
their education, and degrees, and quality, would
have secured them from such infamous judgments,
and treasured up wrath for the time to come.

The remissness of Abbot, and of other bishops by
his example, had introduced, or at least connived at,
a negligence, that gave great scandal to the church,
and no doubt offended very many pious men. The
people took so little care of the churches, and the
parsons as little of the chancels, that, instead of
beautifying or adorning them in any degree, they

P the] Not in MS. <i begun] began r each] every

M 4

168 THE HISTORY

BOOK rarely provided against the falling of many of their
churches ; s and suffered them at least to be kept so

635. i n d ec ently and slovenly, that they would not have
endured it in the ordinary offices of their own
houses ; the rain and the wind to infest them, and
the sacraments themselves to be administered where
the people had most mind to receive them. This
profane liberty and uncleanliness the archbishop re
solved to reform with all expedition, requiring the
other bishops to concur with him in so pious a
work ; and the work sure was very grateful to all
men of devotion : yet, I know not how, the prose
cution of it with too much affectation of expense, it
may be, or with too much passion between the mi
nisters and the parishioners, raised an evil spirit to
wards the church, which the enemies of it took
much advantage of, as soon as they had the i oppor
tunity to make the worst use of it.

The removing the communion table out of the
body of the church, where it had used to stand,
and u to be applied to all uses, and fixing it to one
place in the upper end of the chancel, which fre
quently made the buying a new table to be neces
sary ; the inclosing it with a rail of joiner s work,
and thereby fencing it from the approach of dogs,
and all servile uses ; the obliging all persons to
come up to those rails to receive the sacrament, how
acceptable soever to grave and intelligent persons,
who loved order and decency, (for acceptable it was
to such,) yet introduced first murmurings amongst

9 provided against the falling many of their churches;
of many of their churches ;] * the] Not in MS.
provided for their stability and u and] and used
against the very falling of very

OF THE REBELLION. 169

the people, upon the very charge and expense of it ; BOOK
and if the minister were not a man of discretion

and reputation to compose and reconcile those indis
positions, (as too frequently he was not, and rather
inflamed and increased the distemper,) it begot x
suits and appeals at law. The opinion that there
was no necessity of doing any thing, and the com
plaint that there was too much done, brought the
power and jurisdiction, that imposed y the doing of
it, to be called in question, contradicted, and op
posed. Then the manner, and gesture, and posture,
in the celebration of it, brought in new disputes,
and administered new subjects of offence, according
to the custom of the place, and humour of the peo
ple ; and those disputes brought in new words and
terms (altar, adoration, z and genuflexion, and other
expressions) for the more perspicuous carrying on
those disputations. New books were written for
and against this new practice, with the same earn
estness and contention for victory, as if the life of
Christianity had been at stake. Besides, a there
was not an equal concurrence, in the prosecution of
this matter, amongst the bishops themselves ; some
of them proceeding more remissly in it, and some
not only neglecting to direct any thing to be done
towards it, but restraining those who had a mind to
it, from meddling in it. And this again produced
as inconvenient disputes, when the subordinate clergy
would take upon them, not only without the direc
tion of, but expressly against the diocesan s injunc
tions, to make those alterations and reformations
themselves, and by their own authority.

x begot] begat * adoration,] and adoration,

y that imposed] to impose a Besides,] Not in MS.

170 THE HISTORY

BOOK The archbishop, guided purely by his zeal, and
! .reverence for the place of God s service, and by the

i f\ Q r*

canons and injunctions of the church, with the cus
tom observed in the king s chapel, and in most ca
thedral churches, without considering the long in
termission and discontinuance in many other places,
prosecuted this affair more passionately than was fit
for the season ; and had prejudice against those,
who, out of fear or foresight, or not understanding
the thing, had not the same warmth to promote it.
The bishops who had been preferred by his favour,
or hoped to be so, were at least as solicitous to bring
it to pass in their several dioceses ; and some of
them with more passion and less circumspection,
than they had his example for, or than he approved ;
prosecuting those who opposed them very fiercely,
and sometimes unwarrantably, which was kept in
remembrance. Whilst other bishops, not so many
in number, or so valuable in weight, who had not
been beholding to him, b nor had hope of being so,
were enough contented to give perfunctory orders
for the doing it, and to see the execution of those
orders not minded ; c and not the less pleased to find,
that the prejudice of that whole transaction reflected
solely upon the archbishop.

The bishop of Lincoln (Williams) who had here
tofore been d lord keeper of the great seal of Eng
land, and generally unacceptable whilst he held that
office, 6 was, since his disgrace at court, and prosecu
tion from thence, become very popular ; and having

b him,] them, e generally unacceptable whilst

c minded ;] intended ; he held that office,] the most

cl heretofore been] been here- generally abominated whilst he

tofore had been so,

OF THE REBELLION. 171

several faults objected to him, f the punishment BOOK

whereof threatened him every day, he was very !

willing to change the scene, and to be brought upon
the stage for opposing these innovations (as he called
them) in religion. It was an unlucky word, and
cozened very many honest men into apprehensions
very prejudicial to the king and to the church. He
published a discourse and treatise against the matter
and manner of the prosecution of that business ; 8
a book so full of good learning, and that learning so
close and solidly applied, (though it abounded with
too many light expressions,) that it gained him re
putation enough to be able to do hurt ; and shewed
that, in his retirement, he had spent his time with
his books very profitably. He used all the wit and
all the malice he could, to awaken the people to a
jealousy of these agitations and innovations in the
exercise of religion ; not without insinuations that
it aimed at greater alterations, for which he knew
the people would quickly find a name ; and he was
ambitious to have it believed that the archbishop
was his greatest enemy, for his having constantly
opposed his rising to any government in the church,
as a man whose hot and hasty spirit he had long
known.

Though there were other books written with good
learning, and which sufficiently answered the bishop s
book, and to men of equal and dispassionate incli
nations fully vindicated the proceedings which had
been, and were still, very fervently carried on ; yet
it was done by men whose names were not much

f having several faults ob- enough to be ashamed of,
jected to him,] having faults s business ;] matter

THE HISTORY

BOOK reverenced, 11 and who were taken notice of, with
great insolence and asperity to undertake the de-

1635. f ence o f a n things which the people generally were
displeased with, and who did not affect to be much
cared for by those of their own order. So that from
this unhappy subject, not in itself of that important
value to be either entered upon with that resolu
tion, or to be carried on with that passion, proceeded
upon the matter a schism amongst the bishops them
selves, and a great deal 1 of uncharitableness in the
learned and moderate clergy, towards one another :
which, though it could not increase the malice,
added very much to the ability and power of the
enemies of the church to do it hurt, and also k to
the number of them. For without doubt, many
who loved the established government of the church,
and the exercise of religion as it was used, and de
sired not a change in either, nor did dislike the or
der and decency, which they saw mended, yet they
liked not any novelties, and so were liable to en
tertain jealousies that more was intended than was
hitherto proposed ; especially when those infusions
proceeded from men unsuspected to have any incli
nations to change, and were 1 known assertors of
the government both in church and state. They
did observe the inferior clergy took more upon them
than they were wont, m and did not live towards
their neighbours of quality, or their patrons them
selves, with that civility and condescension they had
used to do ; which disposed them likewise to a with-

h reverenced,] reverenced by l and were] and from

many men, m were wont,] had used to

a great deal] a world do,
k also] added

OF THE REBELLION. 173

drawing their good countenance and good neigh- BOOK
bourhood from them.

The archbishop had not been long in that post, n
when there was another great alteration in the court
by the death of the earl of Portland, high treasurer
of England ; a man so jealous of the archbishop s
credit with the king, that he always endeavoured to
lessen it by all the arts and ways he could ; which
he was so far from effecting, that, as it usually falls
out, when passion and malice make accusation, by
suggesting many particulars which the king knew
to be untrue, or believed to be no faults, he rather
confirmed his majesty s judgment of him, and pre
judiced his own reputation. His death caused no upon the
grief in the archbishop ; who was upon it made one Portland s
of the commissioners of the treasury and revenue, archbishop
which he had reason to be sorry for, because it en- mad , e one

of the coin-

gaged him in civil business and matters of state, missioners

. of the trea-

wherein he had little experience, and which hesury.
had hitherto avoided. But being obliged to it now
by his trust, he entered upon it with his natural
earnestness and warmth, making it his principal
care to advance and improve the king s revenue by
all the ways which were offered, and so hearkened
to all informations and propositions of that kind ;
and having not had experience of that tribe of peo
ple who deal in that traffick, (a confident, senseless,
and for the most part a naughty people,) he was
sometimes misled by them to think better of some
projects than they deserved: but then he was so
entirely devoted to what would be beneficial to the
king, that all propositions and designs, which were

11 in that post,] at Canterbury, wherein] in which

174) THE HISTORY

BOOK for the profit (only or principally) of particular per
sons how great soever, were opposed and crossed,

1635. an( j verv O ft- en totally suppressed and stifled in their
birth, by his power and authority ; which created
him enemies enough in the court, and many of
ability to do mischief, who knew well how to re
compense discourtesies, which they always called in
juries.

The P revenue of too many of the court consisted
principally in enclosures, and improvements of that
nature, which he still opposed passionately, except
they were founded upon law ; and then, if it would
bring profit to the king, how old and obsolete soever
the law was, he thought he might justly advise the
prosecution. And so he did a little too much coun
tenance the commission concerning <i depopulation,
which brought much charge and trouble upon the
people, and r was likewise cast upon his account.

He had observed, and knew it must be so, that
the principal officers of the revenue, who governed
the affairs of money, had always access to the king,
and spent more time with him in private than any
of his servants or counsellors, and had thereby fre
quent opportunities to do good or ill offices to many
men; of which he had had experience, when the
earl of Portland was treasurer, and the lord Cot-
tington chancellor of the exchequer ; neither of them
being his friends ; and the latter still enjoying his s
place, and having his former access, and so con
tinuing a joint commissioner of the treasury with
him, and understanding that province much better,

P The] And the r and] which

i concerning] for s his] that

OF THE REBELLION. 175

still t opposed, and commonly carried every thing BOOK
against him : so that he was weary of the toil and

*_7

vexation of that business; as all other men were,
and still are of the delays which are in all despatches
in that office, whilst it is u executed by commission.

The treasurer s is the greatest office of benefit in Bishop
the kingdom, and the chief in precedence next the ni u a x d e n iord
archbishop s, and the great seal : so that the eyes of treasurer -
all men were at gaze who should have this great
office ; and the greatest of the nobility, who were in
the chiefest employments, looked upon it as the
prize of one of them ; such offices commonly making
way for more removes and preferments : when on a
sudden the staff was put into the hands of the bishop
of London, a man so unknown, that his name was
scarce heard of in the kingdom, who had been within
two years before but a private chaplain to the king,
and the president of a poor college in Oxford. This
inflamed more men than were angry before, and no
doubt did not only sharpen the edge of envy and
malice against the archbishop, (who was the known
architect of this new fabric,) but most unjustly in
disposed many towards the church itself; which
they looked upon as the gulph ready to swallow all
the great offices, there being others in view, of that
robe, who were ambitious enough to expect the
rest.

In the mean time the archbishop himself was in
finitely pleased with what was done, and unhappily
believed he had provided a stronger support for the
church ; and never abated any thing of his severity
and rigour towards men of all conditions, or in the

1 still] he still whilst that office is

" in that office, whilst it is]

176 THE HISTORY

BOOK sharpness of his language and expressions, which
was so natural to him, that he could not debate

63 6 * any thing without some commotion, when the ar
gument was not of moment, nor bear contradiction
in debate, even in the council, where all men are
equally free, with that patience and temper that
was necessary ; of which they who wished him not
well took many advantages, and would therefore
contradict him, that he might be transported with
some indecent passion ; which, upon a short recol
lection, he was always sorry for, and most readily
and heartily would make acknowledgment. No
man so willingly made unkind use of all those occa
sions, as the lord Cottington, who being a master of
temper, and of the most profound dissimulation,
knew too well how to lead him into a mistake, and
then drive him into choler, and then expose him
upon the matter, and the manner, to the judgment
of the company ; and he chose to do this most when
the king was present ; and then he would dine with
him the next day.

The king, who was excessively affected to hunt
ing and the sports of the field, had a great desire to
make a great park for red as well as fallow deer,
between Richmond and Hampton-court, where he
had large wastes of his own, and great parcels of
wood, which made it very fit for the use he de
signed it to : but as some parishes had commons x in
those wastes, so many gentlemen and farmers had
good houses and good farms intermingled with
those wastes of their own inheritance, or for their y
lives, or years; and without taking of z them into

x commons] common * taking of] taking in of

y their] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 177

the park, it would not be of the largeness or for the BOOK
use proposed. His majesty desired to purchase L
those lands, and was very willing to buy them a
upon higher terms than the people could sell them b
at to any body else, if they had occasion to part with
them ; and thought it no unreasonable thing, upon
those terms, to expect this c from his subjects ; and
so he employed his own surveyor, and other of his
officers, to treat with the owners, many whereof were
his own tenants, whose farms d would at last expire.

The major part of the people were in a short time
prevailed with, but many very obstinately refused ;
and a gentleman, who had the best estate, with a
convenient house and gardens, would by no means
part with it ; and the king being as earnest to com
pass it, it made a great noise, as if the king would
take away men s estates at his own pleasure. The
bishop of London, who was treasurer, and the lord
Cottington, chancellor of the exchequer, were, from
the first entering upon it, very averse from the de
sign, not only for the murmur of the people, but
because the purchase of the land, and the making a
brick-wall about so large a parcel of ground, (for it
is near ten 6 miles about,) would cost a greater sum
of money than they could easily provide, or than
they thought ought to be sacrificed to such an occa
sion : and the lord Cottington (who was more so
licited by the country people, and heard most of
their murmurs) took the business most to heart, and
endeavoured by all the ways he could, and by fre
quent importunities, to divert his majesty from pur-

a them] it d farms] terms

b them] it e near ten] not less than tea

c this] Not in MS. or twelve

VOL. I. N

178 THE HISTORY

BOOK suing it, and put all delays he could well do in the
bargains which were to be made ; till the king grew

1636. ver y angry with him, and told him, " he was re-
" solved to go through with it, and had already
" caused brick to be burned, and much of the wall
"to be built upon his own land :" upon which Cot
tington thought fit to acquiesce.

The building the wall before people consented to
part with their land, or their common, looked to
them as if by degrees they should be shut out from
both, and increased the murmur and noise of the
people who were not concerned, as well as of them
who were : and it was too near London not to be
the common discourse. The f archbishop (who de
sired exceedingly that the king should be possessed
as much of the hearts of the people as was possi
ble, at least that they should have no just cause
to complain) meeting with it, resolved to speak with
the king of it; which he did, and received such
an answer from him, that he thought his majesty
rather not informed enough of the inconveniences
and mischiefs of the thing, than positively resolved
not to desist from it. Whereupon one day he took
the lord Cottington aside, (being informed that he
disliked it, and, according to his natural custom,
spake with great warmth against it,) and told hma,
" he should do very well to give the king good coun-
" sel, and to withdraw him from a resolution, in
" which his honour and justice s was so much called
" in question." Cottington answered him very grave
ly, " that the thing designed was very lawful, and
" he thought the king resolved very well, since h the

f The] And the h since] and since

g justice] his justice

66

66
66

66

OF THE REBELLION. 179

" place lay so conveniently for his winter exercise, BOOK

" and that he should by it not be compelled to make

" so long journeys as he used to do, in that season of
" the year, for his sport, and that nobody ought to
" dissuade him from it."

The archbishop, instead of finding a concurrence
from him, as he expected, seeing himself reproached
upon the matter for his opinion, grew into much
passion, teUing him, " such men as he would ruin
the king, and make him lose the affections of his
subjects ; that for his own part, as he had begun,
so he would go on to dissuade the king from pro
ceeding in so ill a counsel, and that he hoped it
" would appear who had been his counsellor." Cot-
tington, glad to see him so soon hot, and resolved to
inflame him more, very calmly replied to him, " that
" he thought a man could not, with a good con-
" science, hinder the king from pursuing his resolu-
" tions, and that it could not but proceed from want
" of affection to his person, and he was not sure that
" it might not be high treason." The other, upon
the wildness of his discourse, in great anger asked
him, " Why ? from whence he had received that
" doctrine ?" He said, with the same temper, " They,
" who did not wish the king s health, could not love
" him ; and they, who went about to hinder his taking
" recreation, which preserved his health, might be
" thought, for aught he knew, guilty of the highest
" crimes." Upon which the archbishop in great rage,
and with many reproaches, left him, and either pre
sently, or upon the next opportunity, told the king,
" that he now knew who was his great counsellor
" for making his park, and that he did not wonder
; that men durst not represent any arguments to

N 2

180 THE HISTORY

BOOK " the contrary, or let his majesty know how much
" he suffered in it, when such principles in divinity

636. 66 an( j } aw were i^d d own to terrify them ;" and so
recounted to him the conference he had with the
lord Cottington, bitterly inveighing against him and
his doctrine, mentioning him with all the sharp re
proaches imaginable, and beseeching his majesty,
" that his counsel might not prevail with him," tak
ing some pains to make his conclusions appear very
false and ridiculous.

The king said no more, but, " My lord, you are
deceived ; Cottington is too hard for you : upon
my word, he hath not only dissuaded me more,
and given more reasons against this business, than
all the men in England have done, but hath really
obstructed the work by not doing his duty, as I
commanded him, for which I have been very much
displeased with him : you see how unjustly your
passion hath transported you." By which repre
hension he found how much he had been abused, and
resented it accordingly.

Whatsoever was the cause of it, this excellent
man, who stood not upon the advantage ground be
fore, from the time of his promotion to the arch
bishopric, or rather from that of his being commis
sioner of the treasury, exceedingly provoked, or un
derwent the envy, and reproach, and malice of men of
all qualities and conditions ; who agreed in nothing
else : all which, though well enough known to him,
were not enough considered by him, who believed,
as most men did, 1 the government to be so firmly
settled, that it could neither be shaken from within

1 as most men did,] Not in MS.

(6
i(
66
66
66
66
66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 181

nor without k , and that less than a general confusion BOOK
of law and gospel could not hurt him ; which was
true too : but he did not foresee how easily that con
fusion might be brought to pass, as it proved shortly
to be. And with this general observation of the out
ward visible prosperity, and the inward reserved dis
position of the people to murmur and unquietness,
we conclude this first book.

k without,] without as most men did

THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK.

N 3

THE

HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION, &c.

BOOK II.

PSAL. Hi. 2, 4.

Thy tongue deviseth mischiefs, like a sharp razor, working

deceitfully.
Thou lovest all devouring words, O thou deceitful tongue.

PSAL. Iv. 21.

The words of his mouth were smoother than butter, but war
was in his heart : his words were softer than oil, yet were
they drawn sivords. *

AT was towards the end of the year 1633, when 1637.
the king returned from Scotland, having left it to ^ ffairs l n

Scotland

the care of some of the bishops there to provide such after the
a liturgy, and such a book of canons, as might best
suit the nature and humour of the better sort of that
people ; to which the rest would easily submit : an<
that, as fast as they made them ready, they should P sin s a

liturgy ami
canons.

a PSAL. Hi. &c. drawn swords] Not in MS.

N 4

184 THE HISTORY

BOOK transmit them to the archbishop of Canterbury, to
whose assistance the king joined the bishop of Lon-

i rf*O T

don, and doctor Wren, who, by that time, was be
come bishop of Norwich ; a man of a severe, sour
nature, but very learned, and particularly versed in
the old liturgies of the Greek and Latin churches.
And after his majesty should be this way certified of
what was so sent, he would recommend and enjoin
the practice and use of both to that his native king
dom. The bishops there had somewhat to do, before
they went about the preparing the canons and the
liturgy ; what had passed at the king s being there
in parliament had left bitter inclinations and unruly
spirits in many of the most popular nobility ; who
watched only for an opportunity to inflame the peo
ple, and were well enough contented to see combus
tible matter every day gathered together to contri
bute to that fire.

The promoting so many bishops to be of the privy-
council, and to sit in the courts of justice, seemed at
first wonderfully to facilitate all that was in design,
and to create an affection and reverence towards the
church, at least an application to and dependence
upon the greatest churchmen. So that there seemed
to be not only a good preparation made with the
people, but a general expectation, and even a desire
that they might have a liturgy, and more decency
observed in the church. And this temper was be
lieved to be the more universal, because neither from
any of the nobility, nor of the clergy, who were
thought most averse from it, there appeared any
sign of contradiction, nor that licence of language
against it, as was natural to that nation ; but an
entire acquiescence in all the bishops thought fit to

OF THE REBELLION. 185

do; which was interpreted to proceed from a con- BOOK
version in their judgment, at least to a submission

ca-

to b authority : whereas in truth, it appeared after- 1 637.
wards to be from the observation they made of c the
temper and indiscretion of those bishops in the great
est authority, that they were like to have more ad
vantages administered to them by their ill managery,
than they could raise by any contrivance of their
own.

It was now two years, or very near so much, be- Touching
fore the bishops in Scotland had prepared any thing Sl
to offer to the king towards their intended reforma- nons *
tion ; and then they inverted the proper method,
and first presented a body of canons to precede the
liturgy, which was not yet ready, they choosing to
finish the shorter work first. The king referred the
consideration of the canons, as he had before re
solved to do, to the archbishop, and the other two bi
shops formerly named, the bishop of London, and the
bishop of Norwich ; who, after their perusal of them,
and some alterations made with the consent of those
bishops who brought them from Scotland, returned
them to the king ; and his majesty, impatient to see
the good work entered upon without any other cere
mony, (after having given his royal approbation,)
issued out his proclamation for the due observation
of them within his kingdom of Scotland.

It was a fatal inadvertency that these canons, d
neither before nor after they were sent to the king,
had been ever seen d by the assembly, or any convo-

5 to] to the neither before nor after these

c of] from canons were sent to the king

1 that these canons, been they were never seen
ever seen] Thus in MS: that

186 THE HISTORY

BOOK cation of the clergy, which was so strictly obliged to
the observation of them ; nor so much as communi-

..
a

6(
(6
6(

it

I S*f) fj

cated to the lords of the council of that kingdom ;
it being almost impossible that any new discipline
could be introduced into the church, which would
not much concern the government of the state, and
even trench upon or refer to the municipal laws of
the kingdom. And, in this consideration, the arch
bishop of Canterbury had always declared to the bi
shops of Scotland, " that it was their part to be sure,
that nothing they should propose to the king in
the business of the church, should be contrary to
the laws of the land, which he could not be thought
to understand ; and that they should never put any
thing in execution, without the consent and ap
probation of the privy-council." But it was the
unhappy craft of those bishops to get it believed by
the king, that the work would be grateful to the
most considerable of the nobility, the clergy, and
the people, (which they could hardly believe,) in
order to the obtaining his majesty s approbation and
authority for the execution of that, which they did
really believe would not find opposition from the no
bility, clergy, or people, against his majesty s express
power and will, which without doubt was then in
great veneration in that kingdom ; and so they did
not in truth dare to submit those canons to any
other examination, than what the king should direct
in England.

It was, in the next place, as strange, that canons 6
should be published before the liturgy was prepared,
(which was not ready in a year after, or thereabouts,)

e that canons] that those canons

OF THE REBELLION. 187

when three or four of the canons were principally BOOK
for the observation and punctual compliance with

the liturgy; which all the clergy were to be sworn 1637.
to submit to, and to pay all obedience to what was
enjoined by it, before they knew what it contained.
Whereas, if the liturgy had been first published with
all due circumstances, it is possible that it might
have found a better reception, and the canons have
been f less examined.

The Scottish nation, how capable soever it was
of being led by some great men, and misled by the
clergy, would have been corrupted by neither into a
barefaced rebellion against their king, whose person
they loved, and reverenced his government ; nor
could they have been wrought upon towards the
lessening the one, or the other, by any other sugges
tions or infusions, than such as should make them
jealous or apprehensive of a design to introduce po
pery ; a great part of their religion 11 consisting in an
entire detestation of popery, in believing the pope to
be Antichrist, and hating perfectly the persons of all
papists 1 .

The canons now published, besides (as hath been
touched before) that they had passed no approbation
of the clergy, or been communicated to the council, *
appeared to be so many new laws imposed upon the
whole kingdom by the king s sole authority, and con
trived by a few private men, of whom they had no
good opinion, and who were strangers to the nation ;
so that it was thought k no other than a subjection

have been] Not m MS. { papists] MS. adds: and I

Scottish] Scotch doubt all others, who did not

1 a great part of their reli- hate them,
gton] their whole religion * thought] Not in MS.

188 THE HISTORY

BO o K to England, by receiving laws from thence, of which
_ they were most jealous, and which they most pas
sionately abhorred. Then they were so far from
being confined to the church, and the matters of re
ligion, that they believed there was no part of their
civil government uninvaded by them, and no per
sons of what quality soever unconcerned, and, as
they thought, unhurt in them. And there were
some things in some particular canons, how rational
soever in themselves, and how distant soever in the
words and expressions from inclining to popery,
which yet gave too much advantage to those who
maliciously watched the occasion to persuade weak
men, that it was an approach and introduction to
that religion, the very imagination whereof intoxi
cated all men, and deprived them of all faculties to
examine and judge.

Some of the said canons l defined and determined
such an unlimited " power and prerogative to be in
" the king, according to the pattern" (in express
terms) " of the kings of Israel, and such a full su-
" premacy in all cases m ecclesiastical, as hath never
" been pretended to by their former kings, or sub-
" mitted to by the clergy and laity of that nation ;"
which n made impression upon men of all tempers,
humours, and inclinations. " And that no eccle-
" siastical person should become surety, or bound
" for any man ; that national or general assemblies
" should be called only by the king s authority ; that
" all bishops, and other ecclesiastical persons, who
" die without children, should be obliged to give a

1 Some of the said canons] n which] and which
The first canon And] Not in MS.

m cases] causes

OF THE REBELLION. 189

" good part of their estates to the church, and, BOOK

" though they should have children, yet to leave 1

" somewhat to the church, and for advancement of
" learning ;" which seemed rather to be matter of
state, and poh cy, than of religion ; thwarted their
laws and customs, which had been observed by
them; lessened, if not took away the credit of
churchmen ; and prohibited them from that liberty
of commerce in civil affairs, which the laws per
mitted to them ; and reflected upon the interests of
those who had, or might have, a right to inherit
from clergymen. " That none should receive the
" sacrament but upon their knees ; that the clergy
" should have no private meetings for expounding
" scripture, or for consulting upon matters ecclesi-
" astical ; that no man should cover his head in the
" time of divine service ; and that no clergyman
" should conceive prayers ex tempore, but be bound
" to pray only by the form prescribed in the liturgy,"
(which, by the way, was not seen nor framed,) " and
" that no man should teach a public school, or in a
" private house, without a licence first obtained
" from the archbishop of the province, or the bishop
" of the diocese."

All these were new, and things with which they
had not been acquainted ; and though they might
be fit P to be commended to a regular and orderly
people, piously disposed, yet it was too strong meat
for infants in discipline, and too much nourishment
to be administered at once to weak and queasy sto
machs, and<i too much inclined to nauseate what
was most wholesome. But then, to apply the old
terms of the church, to mention " the quatuor tern-

P might be fit] were all <i and] Not in MS.

190 THE HISTORY

BOOK " pora, and restrain all ordinations to those four
. " seasons of the year; to enjoin a font to be pre-

I f?o f 7

" pared in every church for baptism, and a decent
" table for the communion ; and to direct and ap-
" point the places where both font and table should
" stand, and decent ornaments for either ; to restrain
" any excommunication from being pronounced, or
" absolution from being given, without the approba-
" tion of the bishop ; to mention tiny practice of con-
" fession," (which they looked upon as the strongest
and most inseparable limb of Antichrist,) and to en
join, " that no presbyter should reveal any thing he
" should receive in confession, except in such cases,
" where, by the law of the land, his own life should
" be forfeited ;" were all such matters of innovation,
and in their nature so suspicious, that they thought
they had reason to be jealous of the worst that could
follow ; and the last canon of all provided, " that no
" person should be received into r holy orders, or
" suffered to preach or administer the sacraments,
" without first subscribing to those s canons."

It was now easy for them who had those inclina
tions, to suggest to men of all conditions, that here
was an entire new model of government in church
and state ; the king might do what he would upon
them all, and the church was nothing but what the
bishops would have it be : which they every day in
fused into the minds of the people, with all the arti
fices 1 which administer jealousies of all kinds to
those who are u liable to be disquieted with them :
yet they would not suffer (which shewed wonderful

r into] in artifices

s those] these " are] were

* the artifices] the art and

OF THE REBELLION. 191

power and wonderful dexterity) any disorder to BOOK

break out upon all this occasion, but all was quiet,

except spreading of libels against the bishops, and
propagating that spirit as much as they could, by
their correspondence in England ; where they found
too many every day transported by the same infu
sions, in expectation that these seeds of jealousy
from the canons would grow apace, and produce
such a reception for the liturgy as they wished for. x

It was about the month of July, in the year l637, Touchin g
that the liturgy (after it had been sent out of Scot- liturgy.
land, and perused by the three bishops in England,
and then approved and confirmed by the king) was
published, and appointed to be read in all the
churches. And in this particular there was the
same affected and premeditated omission, as had
been in the preparation and publication of the
canons ; the clergy not at all consulted in it, and,
which was more strange, not all the bishops ac
quainted with it; which was less censured after
wards, when some of them renounced their func
tion, and became ordinary presbyters, as soon as
they saw the current of the time. The privy-coun
cil had no other notice of it, than all the kingdom
had, the Sunday before, when it was declared, " that
" the next Sunday the liturgy should be read ;" by
which they were the less concerned to foresee or
prevent any obstructions which might happen.

The proclamation had appointed it to be read the
Easter before ; but the earl of Traquaire, high trea
surer of Scotland, (who was the only counsellor or
layman relied upon by the archbishop of Canterbury

x such a reception for the liturgy as they wished for.] a proper
reception for the liturgy.

192 THE HISTORY

BOOK in that business,) persuaded the king to defer it till
July, that some good preparation might be made for

^^ - *- ^^

3 the more cheerful reception of it. And as this pause
gave the discontented party more heart, and more
time for their seditious negociations, so the ill con
sequences of it, or the actions which were subse
quent to it, made him suspected to be privy to all
the conspiracy, and y to be an enemy to the church ;
though, in truth, there neither appeared then, nor
in all the very unfortunate part of his life after
wards, any just ground for that accusation and sus
picion : but as he was exceedingly obliged to the
archbishop, so he was a man of great parts, and well
affected to the work in hand in his own judgment ,
and if he had been as much depended upon, to have
advised the bishops in the prosecution and for the
conduct of it, as he was to assist them in the carry
ing on whatsoever they proposed, it is very proba
ble, that either so much would not have been under
taken together, or that it would have succeeded bet
ter ; for he was without doubt not inferior to any of
that nation in wisdom and dexterity. And though
he was often provoked, by the insolence of z some of
the bishops, to a dislike of their overmuch fervour,
and too little discretion, his integrity to the king
was without blemish, and his affection to the church
so notorious, that he never deserted it, till both it
and he were overrun, and trod under foot ; and they
who were the most notorious persecutors of it never
left persecuting him to the death.

Nor was any thing done which he had proposed,
for the better adjusting things in the time a of that

y and to be] and in truth to be petulance of

z insolence of] insolence and a the time] that time

OF THE REBELLION. 193

suspension, but every thing left in the same state of BOOK
unconcernedness as it was b before ; not so much as

the council s c being better informed of it ; as if they
had been sure that all men would have submitted
to it for conscience sake.

On the Sunday morning appointed for the work, The man-
the chancellor of Scotland and others of the council Sit to-
being present in the cathedral church, the dean be- SiwdJT
gun d to read the liturgy, which he had no sooner Edinbur s h
entered upon, but a noise and clamour was raised
throughout the church, that no words 6 could be
heard distinctly, and then a shower of stones, and
sticks, and cudgels were thrown at the dean s head.
The bishop went up into the pulpit, and from thence
put them in mind of the sacredness of the place, of
their duty to God and the king : but he found no
more reverence, nor was the clamour and f disorder
less than before. The chancellor, from his seat,
commanded the provost and magistrates of the city
to descend from the gallery in which they sat, and
by their authority to suppress the riot; which at
last with great difficulty they did, by driving the
rudest of those who made the disturbance out of the
church, and shutting the doors, which gave the
dean opportunity to proceed in the reading of the
liturgy, that h was not at all attended or hearkened
to by those who remained within the church ; and
if it had, they who were turned out continued their
barbarous noise, broke the windows, and endea
voured to break down the doors ; so that it was not
possible for any to follow their devotions.

b was] had been f and] or

c council s] council s opportunity] occasion

d begun] began h that] which

e words] voice

VOL. I. O

191 THE HISTORY

BOOK When all was done that at that time could be
-done there, and the council and magistrates went

63 ^* out of the church to their houses, the rabhle followed
the bishops with all the opprobrious language they
could invent, of bringing in superstition and popery
into the kingdom, and making the people slaves;
and were not content to use their tongues, but em
ployed their hands too in throwing dirt and stones
at them; and treated the bishop of Edinburgh,

,

whom they looked upon as most active that way, l
so rudely, that with difficulty he got into a house,
after they had torn his habit, and was from thence
removed to his own, with great hazard of his life.
As this was the reception it had in the cathedral, so
it fared not better in the other churches of the city,
but was entertained with the same hollowing and
outcries, and threatening the men, whose office it
was to read it, with the same bitter execrations
against bishops and popery.

Hitherto no person of condition or name ap
peared, or seemed to countenance this seditious con
fusion ; it was the rabble, of which nobody was
named, and, which is more strange, not one appre
hended : and it seems the bishops thought it not of
moment enough to desire or require any help or
protection from the council ; but without conferring
with them, or applying themselves to them, they de
spatched away an express to the king, with a full
and particular information of all that had passed,
and a desire that he would take that course he
thought best for the carrying on his service.

Until this advertisement arrived from Scotland,
there were very few in England who had heard of

5 way,] day,

OF THE REBELLION. 195

any disorders there, or of any thing done there, BOOK

which might produce any. The king himself had

been always so jealous of the privileges of that his
native kingdom, (as hath been touched before,) and
that it might not be dishonoured by a suspicion of
having any dependence upon England, that he never
suffered any thing relating to that to be debated, or
so much as communicated to his ^privy-council in
this, (though many of that nation were, without dis
tinction, counsellors of England,) but handled all
those affairs himself with two or three Scotsmen,
who always attended in the court for the business
of that kingdom, which was upon the matter still
despatched by the sole advice and direction of the
marquis of Hamilton.

And the truth is, there was so little curiosity
either in the court, or the country, to know any
thing of Scotland, or what was done there, that
when the whole nation was solicitous to know what
passed weekly in Germany and Poland, and all other
parts of Europe, no man ever inquired what was
doing in Scotland, nor had that kingdom a place or
mention in one page of any gazette k ; and even
after the advertisement of this preamble to rebel
lion, no mention was made of it at the council-
board, but such a despatch made into Scotland upon
it, as expressed the king s dislike and displeasure,
and obliged the lords of the council there to appear
more vigorously in the vindication of his authority,
and suppression of those tumults. But all was too
little. That people, after they had once begun, pur
sued the business vigorously, and with all imagin-

k gazette ;] MS. adds : so little the world heard or thought of
that people ;

O 2

196 THE HISTORY

BOOK able contempt of the government; and though in

-the hubbub of the first day there appeared nobody
63 7- of name or reckoning, but the actors were really of
the dregs of the people ; yet they discovered by the
countenance of that day, that few men of rank were
forward to engage themselves in the quarrel on the
behalf of the bishops ; whereupon more considerable
persons every day appeared against them, and (as
heretofore in the case of St. Paul, Acts xiii. 50, the
Jews stirred up the devout and honourable women)
the women and ladies of the best quality declared
themselves of the party, and, with all the reproaches
imaginable, made war upon the bishops, as intro
ducers of popery and superstition, against which
they avowed themselves to be irreconcileable ene
mies : and their husbands did not long defer the
owning the same spirit; insomuch as within few
days the bishops durst not appear in the streets, nor
in any courts or houses, but were in danger of their
lives; and such of the lords as durst be in their
company, or seemed to desire to rescue them from
violence, had their coaches torn in pieces, and their
persons assaulted, insomuch as they were glad to
send for some of those great men, who did indeed
govern the rabble, though they appeared not in it,
who readily came and redeemed them out of their
hands : so that by the time new orders came from
England, there was scarce a bishop left in Edin
burgh, and not a minister who durst read the liturgy
in any church.

All the kingdom flocked to Edinburgh, as in a
general cause that concerned their salvation, and
resolved themselves into a method of government,
erected several tables, in which deputies sat for the

OF THE REBELLION. 197

nobility, the gentlemen, the clergy, and the bur- BOOK
gesses ; out of either of which tables a council was - !
elected to conduct their affairs, and a petition drawn
up in the names of the nobility, lairds, clergy, and
burgesses, to the king, complaining of the introduc
tion of popery, and many other grievances. And if
the lords of the council issued out any order against
them, or if the king himself sent a proclamation for
their repair to their houses, and for the preservation
of the peace, presently some nobleman deputed by
the tables published a protestation against those or
ders and proclamations, with the same confidence,
and with as much formality, as if the government
were regularly in their hands.

They called a general assembly, whither they The Scot-
summoned the bishops to appear before them, an
for not appearing, excommunicated them ; and then
they united themselves by subscribing a covenant,
which they pretended, with their usual confidence,
to be no other than had been subscribed in the reign
of king James, and that his majesty himself had sub
scribed it ; by which imposition people of all degrees,
supposing it might be a means to extinguish the
present fire, with all alacrity engaged themselves in
it; whereas in truth, they had inserted a clause
never heard of, and quite contrary to the end of
that covenant, whereby they obliged themselves to
pursue the extirpation of bishops, and had the con
fidence l to demand the same in express terms of the
king, in answer to a very gracious message the king
had sent to them. They published bitter invectives
against the bishops and the whole government of

1 confidence] impudence

o 3

198 THE HISTORY

BOOK the church, which they were not contented to send
only into England to kindle the same fire there, but,

1638. w jth their letters, sent them to all the reformed
churches, by which they raised so great a prejudice
to the king, that too many of them believed, that
the king had a real design to change religion, and ra
introduce popery.

It is very true, there were very many of the no
bility, and persons of principal quality of that na
tion, and in Edinburgh at that time, who did not
appear yet, and concur in this seditious behaviour,
or own their being yet of their party ; but on the
contrary seemed very much to dislike their proceed
ings : but it is as true, that very few had the cou
rage to do any thing in opposition to them, n or to
concur in the prosecution of any regal act against
them ; which did in some respects more advance
their designs, than if they had manifestly joined
with them. For these men, many of whom were
of the council, by all their letters into England, ex
ceedingly undervalued the disorder, as being " very
" easy to be suppressed in a short time, when the
" people s eyes should be opened ; and that the re-
" moving the courts to some other place, and a gra-
" cious condescension in the king in offering pardon
" for what was past, would suddenly subdue them,
" and every body would return to his duty :" and
the city of Edinburgh itself writ an humble letter
to the archbishop of Canterbury, excusing the dis
orders which had been raised by the ignorance and
rudeness of the meanest of the people, and beseech
ing P him " to intercede with his majesty for the sus-

m and] and to which] and

" to them,] of them, p and beseeching] besought

OF THE REBELLION. 199

" pension of his prejudice to them, till they should BOOK

" manifest their duty to him, by inflicting exem-

" plary punishment upon the chief offenders, and
" causing the liturgy to be received and submitted
" to in all their churches ;" which they professed
they would in a short time bring to pass. So that
by this means, and the interposition of all those of
that nation who attended upon his majesty in his
bedchamber, and in several offices at court, who all
undertook to know by their intelligences that all
was quiet, or would speedily be so ; his majesty
(who well knew that they who appeared most ac
tive in this confederacy were much inferior to those
who did not appear, and who professed great zeal
for his service) hardly prevailed with himself to be
lieve that he could receive any disturbance from
thence, till he found all his condescensions had
raised their insolence, all his offers rejected, and his
proclamation of pardon slighted and contemned;
and that they were listing men towards the raising
an army, under the obligation of their covenant,
and had already chosen colonel Lesley, a soldier of
that nation of long experience and eminent com
mand under the king of Sweden in Germany, to be
their general ; who being lately disobliged (as they
called it) by the king, that is, denied somewhat he
had a mind to have,** had accepted of the command.
Then at last the king thought it time to resort to
other counsels, and to provide force to chastise them,
who had so much despised all his r gentler remedies.
He could now no longer defer the acquainting

q mind to have,] MS. adds: ways the highest injury,
which to that people was al- r his] the

o 4

200 THE HISTORY

BOOK the council-board, 8 and the whole kingdom of Eng
land, with the indignities he had sustained in Scot-

] OQ

land; which he did by proclamations and declara
tions at large, setting out the whole proceedings
which had been; and in the end of the year 1638
declared his resolution to raise an army to suppress
their rebellion, for which he gave present order.

And this was the first alarm England received
towards any trouble, after it had enjoyed for so
many years the most uninterrupted prosperity, in a
full and plentiful peace, that any nation could be
blessed with : and as there was no apprehension of
trouble from within, so it was secured from without
by a stronger fleet at sea than the nation had ever
been acquainted with, which drew reverence from
all the neighbour princes. The revenue had been
so well improved, and so warily managed, that there
was money in the exchequer proportionable for the
undertaking any noble enterprise : nor did this first
noise of war and approach towards action seem to
make any impression upon the minds of men, the
Scots being in no degree either loved or feared by
the people ; and most men hoped, that this would
free the court from being henceforth troubled with
those men ; * and so they u seemed to embrace the
occasion with notable alacrity : and there is no
doubt, but if all of that nation who were x united
in the rebellion (some of which stayed yet in the
court) had marched? in their army, and publicly

s the council-board,] his conn- tirely
cil-board, y (some of which stayed yet

I men ;] vermin ; in the court) had marched] and

II they] Not in MS. all who stayed in the court had
x all of that nation who were] marched

that whole nation had been en-

OF THE REBELLION. 201

owned the covenant, which in their hearts they BOOK
adored, neither the z king, nor the a kingdom, could

*~^

have sustained any great b damage by them; but
the monument of their presumption and their shame
would have been raised together, and no other me
mory preserved of their rebellion but in their memo
rable overthrow.

God Almighty would not suffer this discerning
spirit of wisdom to govern at this time : the king
thought it unjust to condemn a nation for the trans
gression of a part of it, and still hoped to redeem it
from the infamy of a general defection, by the ex
emplary fidelity of a superior party, and therefore
withdrew not his confidence from any of those who
attended his person, who, d in truth, lay leiger for
the covenant, and kept up the spirits of their coun
trymen by their intelligence.

The king hastened the raising an army, which The king-
was not long in doing. He chose to make the earl army a-
of Arundel his general, a man who was thought 6 tof^f; 1
be made choice of for his negative qu ah ties : he did 1 639.
not love the Scots; he did not love the puritans;
which f qualifications were allayed by another nega
tive, he did not much love any body else : 8 but he
was fit to keep the state of it ; and his rank was
such, that no man would decline the serving under
him.

The earl of Essex was made lieutenant-general

2 the] Not in MS. about him but his presence and

a the] Not in MS. his looks, and therefore was

b great] Not in MS. thought
c overthrow.] and infamous f which] which good

defeat. e he did not much love any

1 who,] and who, body else :] he did love nobody

e a man who was thought] else :

a man who had nothing martial

202 THE HISTORY

BOOK of the army, the most popular man of the kingdom,
and the darling of the sword-men ; who, between a

1639. hatred and a contempt of the Scots, had nothing
like an affection for any man of that nation; 11 and
therefore was so well pleased with his promotion,
that he begun to love the king the better for con
ferring it upon him, and entered upon the province
with great fidelity and alacrity, and was capable
from that hour of any impression the king would
have fixed upon him.

The earl of Holland was general of the horse;
who, besides the obligations he had to the queen,
(who vouchsafed to own a particular trust in him,)
was not then l liable to the least suspicion of want
of affection and zeal for the king s service.

In the beginning of the spring, which was in the
year 1639? an army was drawn together of near six
thousand horse, and about that number in foot, all
very well disciplined men, under as good and ex
perienced officers, as were to be found at that time k
in Christendom. With 1 this army, abundantly sup
plied with a train of artillery, and all other provi
sions necessary, the king advanced in the beginning
of the summer towards the borders of Scotland.
And a fleet. This was not all the strength that was provided
for the suppressing that rebellion, but the king had
likewise provided a good fleet, 111 and had caused a
body of three thousand foot to be embarked on those
ships ; all which were put under the command of
the marquis of Hamilton, who was to infest the n

h any man of that nation ;] l With] And with

any one man of the nation ; m fleet,] fleet for the sea,

1 then] Not in MS. " the] his
k at that time] in any army

OF THE REBELLION. 203

country by sea to hinder their trade, and to make a BOOK
descent upon the land, and join with such forces as -

1 fi^O

the loyal party of that nation should draw together
to assist the king s, which his own interest (as was
believed) would give great life to, his family being
numerous in the nobility, and united in an entire
dependence upon him.

Upon the first march of the army northwards, the The eari of
earl of Essex was sent with a party of horse and se s s s s es Ber-
foot, to use all possible expedition to possess himself v
of Berwick, which the king had been advertised the
Scots would speedily be masters of. The earl lost
no time, but marched day and night with great
order and diligence; and every day met several
Scotsmen of quality well known to him, and sent
expressly to the king, who all severally made him
very particular relations of the strength of the Scots
army, the excellent discipline that was observed in
it, and P the goodness of the men, and that they were
by that time possessed of Berwick; and when he
was within one day s march of it, a person of prin
cipal condition, of very near relation to the king s
service, (who pretended to be sent upon matter of
high importance to his majesty from those who most
intended his service there,) met him, and advised
him very earnestly " not to advance farther with his
" party, which," he said,^ " was so much inferior in
" number to those of the enemy, that it would infal-
" libly be cut off: that himself overtook the day be-
" fore a strong party of the army, consisting of three
" thousand horse and foot, with a train of artillery,
" all which he left at such a place," (which he

who all] all who P and] Not in MS. 1 he said,] Not in MS.

THE HISTORY

BOOK named,) "within three hours march of Berwick,

! " where they resolved to be the night before, so that

639. < ( j^s proceeding farther must be fruitless, and ex-
" pose him to inevitable ruin." These advertise
ments wrought no otherwise upon the earl, than to
hasten his marches, insomuch that he came to Ber
wick sooner than he proposed to have done, entered
the place without the least opposition, and by all
the inquiry he could make by sending out parties,
and other advertisements, he could not discover that
any of the enemies forces had been drawn that way,
nor indeed that they had any considerable forces to
gether nearer than Edinburgh.

The earl being thus possessed of his post, lost no
time in advertising the king of it, and sent him a
very particular account of the informations he had
received from so many ear and eye witnesses, who
were all at that time in the court, and very fit to be
suspected after the publishing of so many falsehoods ;
and these very men r had been constant in the same
reports, and as confident in reporting the defeat of
the earl of Essex, and cutting off his party, as they
had been to himself of the Scots march, and their
being masters of Berwick. The joy was not con
cealed with which his majesty received the news of
the earl s being in Berwick, the contrary whereof
those 8 men made him apprehend with much per
plexity ; but they underwent no other reproach for
their intelligence, than that their fears had multi
plied their sight, and that they had been frighted
with other men s relations ; which remissness, to call
it no worse, was an ill omen of the discipline that
was like to be observed.

r these very men] the men s those] these

OF THE REBELLION. 205

If the war had been now vigorously pursued, it BOOK
had been as soon ended as begun ; for at this time

they had not drawn three thousand men together in
the whole kingdom of Scotland, nor had in truth
arms complete for such a number, though they had
the possession of all the king s forts and magazines
there 1 , nor had they ammunition to supply their few
firearms ; horses they had, and officers they had,
which made all their show. But it w r as the fatal
misfortune of the king, which proceeded from the
excellency of his nature, and his tenderness of blood,
that he deferred so long his resolution of using his
arms ; and after he had taken that resolution, that
it was not prosecuted with more vigour.

He more intended the pomp of his preparations
than the strength of them, and did still believe, that
the one would save the labour of the other. At the
same time that he resolved to raise an army, he
caused inquiry to be made, what obligations lay
upon his subjects to assist him, both as he went
himself in person, and as it was an expedition
against the Scots ; which, in the ancient enmity
between the two nations, had been provided for by
some laws ; and in the tenure which many men held
their estates by, he found u that the kings had usu
ally, when they went to make war in their own per
sons, called as many of the nobility to attend upon
them, as they thought fit.

Thereupon x he summoned most of the nobility of The king
the kingdom, without any consideration of their af-
fections how they stood disposed to that service, to
attend upon him by a day appointed, and through-

f there] Not in MS. by. He found

11 estates by, he found] estates * Thereupon] And thereupon

him.

206 THE HISTORY

BOOK out that expedition; presuming, that the glory of
1L such a visible appearance of the whole nobility

1639. would look like such an union in the quarrel, as
would at once terrify and reduce the Scots; not
considering, that such kinds of uniting do often y
produce the greatest confusions, when more and
greater men are called together than can be united
in affections and interests; 2 and in the necessary
differences which arise from thence, they quickly
come to know each other so well, as they rather
break into a several divisions, than join b in any one
public interest ; and from hence have always risen
the most dangerous factions, which have threatened
and ruined the peace of nations : and it fell out no
better here. If there had been none in the march
but soldiers, it is most probable that a noble peace
would have quickly ensued, even without fighting :
but the progress was more illustrious than the
march, and the soldiers were the least part of the
army, and least consulted with.

In this pomp the king continued his journey to
York, where he had a full court, those noblemen of
the northern parts, and many others who overtook
not the king till then, joining all in that city;
where his majesty found it necessary to stay some
days ; and there the fruit, that was to be gathered
from such a conflux, quickly budded out. Some
rules were to be set down for the government of
the army; the court d was too numerous to be

y kinds of uniting do often] c have always risen the most

kind of unitings do naturally dangerous factions,] the most

z and interests ;] or interests ; dangerous factions have always

a rather break into] easily arose,
unite in d the court] and the court

b than join] though never

a

tt

OF THE REBELLION. 207

wholly left to its own licence; and the multitude BOOK
of the Scots in it administered matter of offence
and jealousy to people of all conditions, who had
too much cause to fear that the king was every day
betrayed; the common discourse by all the Scots
being either to magnify e the good intentions of their
countrymen, and that they had all duty for the king,
or to undervalue f the power and interest of those
who discovered themselves against the church.

It was therefore thought fit by the whole body
of the council, that a short protestation should be
drawn, in which all men should " profess their loy-
" alty and obedience to his majesty, and disclaim
and renounce the having any intelligence, or hold
ing any correspondence with the rebels." No man
imagined it possible that any of the English would
refuse to make that protestation; and they who
thought worst of the Scots did not think they would
make any scruple of doing the same, and conse
quently that there would be no fruit or discovery
from that test ; but they were deceived. The Scots
indeed took it to a man, without grieving their con
science, or reforming their manners. But amongst
the English nobility the lord Say, and the lord
Brook, (two popular men, and most undevoted to
the church, and, in truth, to the whole govern
ment,) positively refused, in the king s own pre
sence, to make any such protestation. They said,
If the king suspected their loyalty, he might pro
ceed against them as he thought fit ; but that it
" was against the law to impose any oaths or pro
testations upon them which were not enjoined

* to magnify] magnifying * oaths or protestations] oath

1 to undervalue] undervaluing or protestation

66

it

66

208 THE HISTORY

BOOK "by the law ; and, in that respect, that they might
" not betray the common liberty, they would not

1639. submit to it." This administered matter of new
dispute in a very unseasonable time; and though
there did not then appear more of the same mind,
and h they two were committed, at least restrained
of their liberty; yet this discovered too much the
humour and spirit of the court in their daily dis
courses upon that subject ; so that the king thought
it best to dismiss those two lords, and require them
to return to their houses : and if all the rest who
were not officers of the army, or of absolute neces
sity about the king s person, had been likewise dis
missed and sent home, the business had been better
prosecuted.

Indeed, if the king himself had stayed at London,
or, which had been the next best, kept his court
and resided at York, and sent the army on their
proper errand, and left the matter of the war wholly
to them, in all human reason, his enemies had been
speedily subdued, and that kingdom reduced to their
obedience 1 .

Before the king left York, letters and addresses
were sent from the Scots, " lamenting their ill for-
" tune, that their enemies had so great credit with
" the king, as to persuade him to believe, that they
" were or could be disobedient to him, a thing that
" could never enter into their loyal hearts ; that they
" desired nothing but to be admitted into the pre-
" sence of their gracious sovereign, to lay their
" grievances at his royal feet, and leave the deter-
" mination of them entirely to his own wisdom and

h and] Not in MS. it would not have been easy for

1 obedience] MS. adds : which them to have shaken off.

OF THE REBELLION. 209

pleasure." And though the humility of the style BOOK
gained them many friends, who thought it great

pity that any blood should be spilt in a contention
which his majesty might put an end to by his own
word, as soon as he would hear their complaints ;
yet hitherto the king preserved himself from being
wrought upon, and marched with convenient expe
dition to the very borders of Scotland, and encamp- The kin^
ed with his army in an open field, called the Berkes, fardels of*
on the further side of Berwick, and lodged in his Sc ?, tla . nd

with his

tent with the army, though every day s march arm y-
wrought very much upon the constitution if not the
courage of the court, and too many wished aloud,
" that the business were brought to a fair treaty."

Upon advertisement that a party of the Scots Sends the
army was upon the march, k the earl of Holland was] an d as far
sent with a body of three thousand horse, and two a
thousand foot, with a fit train of artillery, to meet
it, and engage with it ; who marched accordingly
into Scotland early in a morning as far as a place
called Dunce, ten or twelve miles into that king
dom. It was in the beginning of August, when the
nights are very short, and, as soon as the sun rises,
the days for the most part hotter than is reasonably
expected from the climate, and, 1 by the testimony
of all men, that day was the hottest that had been
known. When the earl came with his horse to
Dunce, he found the Scots drawn up on the side of
a hill, where the front could only be in view, and
where, he was informed, the general Lesley and the
whole army was ; and it was very true, they were
all there indeed ; but it was as true, that all did not

k the march,] their march, and,] Not in MS.

VOL, I. P

210 THE HISTORY

BOOK exceed the number of three thousand men, very ill
armed, and most country fellows, who were on the

1 fi -lQ

sudden got together to make that show : and Lesley
had placed them by the advantage of that hill so
speciously, that they had the appearance of a good
body of men, there being all the semblance of great
bodies behind on the other side of the hill ; the false
hood of which would have been manifest as soon as
they should move from the place where they were,
and from whence they were therefore not to stir.

The horse had outmarched the foot, which, by
reason of the excessive heat, was not able to use
great expedition : besides, there was some error in
the orders, and some accidents of the night that had
retarded them ; so that when the enemy appeared
first in view, the foot and the artillery was three or
four miles behind.

The eari s Nothing can be said in the excuse of the counsel
Dunce. of that day, which might have made the king a glo
rious king indeed. The earl of Holland was a man
of courage, and at that time not at all suspected to
be corrupted in his affections ; and though he m him
self had not seen more of war n than two or three
campaigns in Holland before his coining to the court,
he had with him many as good officers as the war
of that age, which was very active, had made, and
men of unquestionable courage and military know
ledge. As he might very safely have made a halt
at Dunce, till his foot and artillery came up to him,
so he might securely enough have engaged his body
of horse against their whole inconsiderable army,
there being neither tree nor bush to interrupt his

m he] Not in MS. inconsiderable] pitiful

n of war] of the war

OF THE REBELLION.

charge ; but it was thought otherwise ; and no ques- BOOK

tion it was generally believed, by the placing and

drawing out their front in so conspicuous a place,
by the appearance of other troops behind them, and
by the shewing great herds of cattle at a distance
upon the hills on either side, that their army was
very much superior in number. And therefore, as
soon as the earl came in view, he despatched mes
sengers one after another to the king, with an ac
count of what he heard and saw, or believed he saw,
and yet thought not fit to stay for an answer ; but
with the joint consent of all his chief? officers (for
it was never after pretended that any one officer of
name dissuaded it, though they were still ashamed
of it) retired towards his foot, to whom he had like
wise sent orders not to advance ; and so wearied
and tired by the length of the march, and more by
the heat of the weather, which was intolerable, they
returned to the camp where the king was ; and the
Scots drew a little back to a more convenient post
for their residence.

The covenanters, who very well understood the
weaknesses of the court, as well as their own want
of strength, were very reasonably exalted with this
success, and scattered their letters abroad amongst
the noblemen at court, according to the humours of
the men to whom they writ ; there being upon the
matter an unrestrained intercourse between the
king s camp and Edinburgh.

They writ three several letters to the three gene- The cove -

^^ 11 i n 1 1* i*c

rals, the earl of Arundel, the earl of Essex, and the write to the
earl of Holland. That to the earl of Essex was in

p chief] superior
P 2

THE HISTORY

BOOK a dialect more submiss than to the others; they
ii.

said much to him of " his own fame and reputation,

66

66
66

66
66

(6

66

JC39. 66 which added to their affliction that he should be
" in arms against them ; that they had not the least
" imagination of entering into a war against Eng
land ; their only thought and hope was to defend
their own rights and liberties, which were due to
them by the lawi of the land, until they might
" have access to his majesty, to expose their com-
" plaints to him, from which they were hindered by
the power and greatness of some of their own
countrymen ;" being desirous the earl should un
derstand that their principal grievance was the in
terest of the marquis of Hamilton, who, they knew,
was not in any degree acceptable to the earl ; and
therefore desired him " to be ready to do them good
offices to the king, that they might be admitted to
his presence." The earl of Essex, who was a punc
tual man in point of honour, received this address
superciliously enough, sent it to the king without re
turning any answer, or holding any conference, or
performing the least ceremony, with or towards the
messengers.

The earls of Arundel and Holland gave another
kind of reception to the letters they received. To
the former, after many professions of high esteem of
his person, they enlarged upon " their great affection
" to the English nation, and how they abhorred the
" thought of a war between the two nations ;" they
besought him " to present their supplication" (which
they enclosed) " to the king, and to procure their de-
" puties admission to his majesty." The earl used

i law] laws

OF THE REBELLION.

them with more respect than was suitable to the BOOK
office of a general, and made many professions of.

ii.

his desire to interpose, and mediate a good peace
" between the nations :" and it was confidently re
ported and believed, that he had frequently made
those professions by several messages he had sent
before into Scotland ; and he had given passes to
many obscure persons, to go into and return out of
that kingdom.

Their letter to the earl of Holland was in a more
confident style, as to a man from whom they ex
pected all good offices. They sent him likewise a
copy of their supplication to the king, and desired
him " to use his credit that a treaty might be en-
" tered into, and that his majesty would appoint
" men of religion and of public hearts to manage
" the treaty." From r this time that earl was found
at least enough inclined to that interest ; and the
king s readiness to hear discourses of a pacification,
and that messengers would be shortly sent to him
with propositions worthy of his acceptation, abated
those animosities, and appetite to war, which had
made all the noise in the march.

Indeed the marquis of Hamilton s neighbourly re
sidence with his fleet and foot soldiers before Leith,
without any show of hostility, or any care taken to
draw his friends and followers together for the king s
service ; on the other side, the visits his mother made
him on board his ship, who was a lady of great au
thority amongst the covenanters, and most addicted
to them and their covenant, 8 her daughters being

" From] And from * to them and their covenant,] to it and them,

p 3

214 THE HISTORY

BOOK likewise married to those noblemen who most furi-
-ously persecuted the church, and presided in those
councils; the king s refusing to give leave to some
officers of horse, who had offered to make inroads
into the country, and destroy the stock thereof,
whereby they would be presently obliged to make
submission, and to ask pardon ; and lastly, the re
ception of the earl of Holland after his shameful
retreat, with so much satisfaction and joy as his ma
jesty had manifested upon his return, (having after
the first messenger s arrival from Dunce, when the
enemy was in view, sent him orders not to engage,)
made it then suspected, as it was afterwards believed
by those who stood nearest, that his majesty had in
truth never any purpose to make the war in blood,
but believed that by shewing an army to them, that
was able to force them to any conditions, they would
have begged pardon for the contest * they had made,
and so he should have settled the church, and all
things else, according to his pleasure : and sure he
might have done so, if he had but sat still, and been
constant to his own interest, 11 and positive in deny
ing their insolent demands. But the Scots in the
court had made impression upon so many of the
English lords, that though at that time there were
very few of them who had entered into an unlawful
combination against the king, yet there was almost
a general dislike of the war, both by the lords of
the court and of the country ; and they took this
opportunity to communicate their murmurs to each
other ; none of the persons who were most maligned
for their power and interest with the king being

1 contest] contests u interest,] honour,

OF THE REBELLION. 215

upon the place; and all men believing, that nothing BOOK
could be asked of the king, but what must be satis- .

i /O Q

fied at their charge, whose damage they considered,
though it was to be procured at the expense of the
king s honour. When the covenanters understood
by their intelligence, that the season was ripe., they
sent their supplication (of which they had scattered
so many copies) to the king, and found themselves
so welcome to all persons, that their modesty was
not like to suffer any violence in offering the condi
tions.

The Scots had from the beginning practised a new They ad-

J . r . dress to the

sturdy style of address, in which, under the licence Li
of accusing the counsel and carriage of others, w r hom
yet they never named, they bitterly and insolently
reproached the most immediate actions and direc
tions of his majesty himself; and then made the
greatest professions of duty to his majesty s person
that could be invented. The king had not, at that
time, one person about him of his council, who had
the least consideration of his own x honour, or friend
ship for those who sat at the helm of affairs ; the
duke of Lenox only excepted ; who was a young man
of small experience in affairs, though a man of great
honour, and very good parts, and under the dis
advantage of being looked upon as a Scotsman ;
which he was not in his affections at all, being born
in England, of an English mother, and having had
his education there; and had indeed the manners
and affections y of an Englishman, and a duty and
reverence z for the king and the a church accordingly;

x own] Not in MS. fection

3 affections] nature and heart a the] Not in MS.

z reverence] reverence and af-

P 4

216 THE HISTORY

BOOK and would never trust himself in those intrigues, as
too mysterious for him.

The rest who were about the king in any offices
of attendance, were the earl of Holland, whom we
have had occasion to mention before in the first en
trance upon this discourse, and whom we shall have
often occasion hereafter to speak of; and therefore
shall say no more of him now, than that he neither
loved the marquis of Hamilton, whom he believed
the Scots intended to revenge themselves upon ; nor
Wentworth the deputy of Ireland; nor the arch
bishop of Canterbury ; nor almost any thing that
was then done in church or state. Secretary Coke,
who had all the despatches upon his hand, was near
eighty years of age ; a man of gravity, who never
had quickness from his cradle ; who loved the church
well enough as it was twenty years before ; and un
derstood nothing that had been done in Scotland,
and thought that nothing that was or could be done
there was b worth such a journey as the king had
put himself to. Sir Harry Vane was comptroller of
the house, and a busy and a bustling man ; who had
credit enough to do his business in all places, and
cared for no man otherwise than as he found it very
convenient for himself. There was no other of his
council of name but the general, the earl of Arundel,
who was always true to the character under which
he has been c delivered, and thought he had been ge
neral long enough. All the lustre of the court was
in that part of the nobility which attended upon
command, and at their own charge ; and therefore
the more weary of it. The earl of Pembroke hath

b was] Not in MS. c has been] was heretofore

OF THE REBELLION. 217

been forgotten, who abhorred the war as obstinately BOOK

as he loved hunting and hawking, and so was like to !

promote all overtures towards accommodation with 63 ^*
great importunity : so the Scots found persons to
treat with cl according to their own wish. The earl

X

of Essex still preserving his grandeur and punctu
ality, positively refused to meddle in the treaty, or to
be communicated with, or so much as to be present,
or receive any visits from the Scottish commissioners
till after the pacification was concluded.

The covenanters were firm, and adhered still to
their old natural principle, even in this their ad
dress ; justified all they had done to be " according
" to their native rights, and for the better advance
ment of his majesty s service, which they had al
ways before their eyes ;" and desired " to have
those receive exemplary punishment, w r ho had
" done them ill offices, and misrepresented their car-
" riage to the king ; and that some noble lords might
" be appointed to treat upon all particulars." And Atreat y f

. . . pacification

upon no other submission than this a treaty was pre- entered
sently entered upon, and concluded. concluded.

Whosoever will take upon him to relate all that
passed in that treaty, must be beholding to his own
invention ; the most material matters having passed
in discourse, and very little committed to writing.
Nor did any two who were present agree in the
same relation of what was said and done ; and which
was worse, not in the same interpretation of the
meaning of what was comprehended in writing. An
agreement was made, if that can be called an agree
ment, in which nobody meant what others believed

d with] with them

4.

(t

218 THE HISTORY

BOOK he did : " The armies were to be disbanded ; an act
" of oblivion passed ; the king s forts and castles to

i f?n r\

" be restored ; and an assembly and parliament to
" be called for a full settlement ; no persons re-
" served for justice, because no fault had been com-
" mitted." The king s army, by e the very words of
the agreement, was not to be disbanded until all
should be executed on their part ; and the king him
self, at that time, resolved to be present in the as
sembly at least, if not in the parliament : but the
impatience of all was such for peace, that the king s
army was presently disbanded ; his majesty making
all possible haste himself to London, and sending
the earl of Traquaire to Edinburgh, to prepare all
things for the assembly; whilst the Scots made all
the caresses to many of the English, and both f
breathed out in mutual confidence their resentments
to each other.

The marquis of Hamilton (whether upon the fame
of the treaty, or sent for by the king, few knew) left
his fleet before Leith in a very peaceable posture,
and came to the Berkes some hours after the treaty
was signed ; which was very convenient to him, for
thereby he was free from the reproach that attended
it, and at liberty to find fault with it ; which he did
freely to the king, and to some others, whereby he
preserved himself in credit to do more mischief.
Many were then of opinion, and still are, that the
marquis at that time was very unacceptable % to his
countrymen ; and it is certain that the chief ma
nagers at the treaty did persuade the English in
whom they most confided, that their principal aim was

e by] which by f both] Not in MS. unacceptable] odious

OF THE REBELLION. 219

to remove him from the court; which was a design BOOK
willingly heard, and universally grateful. But what

ever state of grace he stood in when he came thither,
he did himself so good offices before he parted, that
he was no more in their disfavour. The king s army
was presently disbanded, and the Scots returned to
Edinburgh with all they desired; having gotten
many more friends in England than they had be
fore; kept all their officers, and as many of their
men as they thought fit, in pay ; and prosecuted all
those who had not shewed the same zeal in their
covenant as themselves with great rigour, as men
whose affections they doubted; and, instead of re
mitting any thing of their rage against their bi
shops, they entered a public protestation, " That
" they did not intend, by any thing contained in the
" treaty, to vacate any of the proceedings which
" had been in the late general assembly at Glas-
" gow," (by which all the bishops stood excommu
nicated,) and renewed all their menaces against them
by proclamation ; and imposed grievous penalties
upon all who should presume to harbour any of
them in their houses : so that by the time the king
came to London, it appeared plainly, that the army
was disbanded without any peace made, and the
Scots in equal inclination, and in more reputation,
to affront 11 his majesty than ever. Upon which a
paper published by them, and avowed to contain the
matter of the treaty, was burned by the common
hangman ; every body disavowing the contents of
it, but nobody taking upon him to publish a copy
that they owned to be true.

1 in equal inclination, and in more reputation, and equal in-
more reputation, to affront] in cli nation to affront

220 THE HISTORY

BOOK The mischief that befell the king from this wonder
ful atonement cannot be expressed, nor was it ever

1639. discovered what prevailed over his majesty to bring
sequences it so wofully to pass : all men were ashamed who
had contributed to it ; nor had he dismissed his army
with so obliging circumstances as was like to incline
them to come willingly 1 together again, k if there
were occasion to use their service. The earl of
Essex, who had merited very well throughout the
whole affair, and had never made a false step in
action or counsel, 1 was discharged in the crowd,
without ordinary ceremony ; and an accident hap
pening at the same time, or very soon after, by the
death of the lord Aston, whereby the command of
the forest of Needwood fell into the king s disposal,
which lay at the very door of that earl s estate," 1 and
would infinitely have gratified him, was denied to
him, and bestowed upon another : all which wrought
very much upon his high 11 nature, and made him sus
ceptible of some impressions afterwards, which other
wise would not have found such easy admission.

The factions and animosities at court were either
greater, or more visible, than they had been before.
The earl of Newcastle (who was governor to the
prince, and one of the most valuable men in the
kingdom, in his fortune, in his dependences, and in
his qualifications) had, at his own charge, drawn
together a goodly troop of horse of two hundred ;
which for the most part consisted of the best gentle
men of the north, who were either allied to the earl,
or of immediate dependence upon him, and came

willingly] so willingly m that earl s estate,] his es-

k again,] Not in MS. tate,

1 or counsel,] or in counsel, n high] rough proud

OF THE REBELLION.

together purely upon his account; and called this BOOK
troop the prince of Wales s troop ; whereof the earl
himself was captain. When the earl of Holland
marched with that party into Scotland, the earl of
Newcastle accompanied him with that troop, and,
upon occasion of some orders, desired that troop,
since it belonged to the prince of Wales, might have
some precedence ; which the general of the horse
refused to grant him, but required him to march in
the rank he had prescribed ; and the other obeyed it
accordingly, but with resentment, imputing it to the
little kindness that was between them. But as soon
as the army was disbanded, he sent a challenge to
the earl of Holland, by a gentleman very punctual,
and well acquainted with those errands ; who took a
proper season to mention it to him, without a possi
bility of suspicion. The earl of Holland was never
suspected to want courage, yet in this occasion he
shewed not that alacrity, but that the delay exposed
it to notice; and so, by the king s authority, the
matter was composed; though discoursed of with
liberty enough to give the whole court occasion to
express their affections to either party.

The king himself was very melancholic, and quick
ly discerned that he had lost reputation at home and
abroad ; and those counsellors who had been most
faulty, either through want of courage or wisdom,
(for at that time few of them wanted fidelity,) never
afterwards recovered spirit enough to do their duty,
but gave themselves up to those who had so much
over-witted them ; every man shifting the fault from
himself, and finding some friend to excuse him : and
it being yet necessary, that so infamous a matter
should not be covered with absolute oblivion, it fell

222 THE HISTORY

BOOK to secretary Coke s turn, (for whom nobody cared,)
who was then near fourscore years of age, to be
made the sacrifice ; and, upon pretence that he had
omitted the writing what he ought to have done,
and inserted somewhat he ought not to have done,
he was put out of his office ; and within a short time
after, sir Henry Vane (who was treasurer of the
house) by the dark contrivance of the marquis of
Hamilton, and by the open and visible power of the
queen, made secretary of state ; which was the only
thing that could make the removal of the other old
man censured and murmured at : and this was at
tended again with a declared and unseasonable dis
like and displeasure in the queen against the lieu
tenant of Ireland, newly made earl of StrafFord;
who out of some kindness to the old man, who had
been much trusted by him and of use to him, and
out of contempt and detestation of Vane, but prin
cipally out of a desire to have that miscarriage ex
piated by a greater sacrifice, opposed the removal of
secretary Coke with all the interest he could, got it
suspended for some time, and put the queen to the
exercise of her full power to perfect her work ; which
afterwards produced many sad disasters. So that
this unhappy pacification kindled many fires of con
tention in court and country, though the flame broke
out first again in Scotland.

On the other side, the Scots got so much benefit
and advantage by it, that they brought all their other
mischievous devices to pass with ease, and a pros
perous gale in all they went about. They had be
fore little credit^ 1 abroad in any foreign parts, and

have] have had P little credit] no credit

OF THE REBELLION.

so could procure neither arms nor^ ammunition; BOOK
and though they could lead the people at home, out

of the hatred and jealousy of popery, into unruly
tumults, yet they had not authority enough over
them to engage them in a firm resolution of rebel
lion : the opinion of their unquestionable duty and
loyalty to the king was that which had given them
reputation to affront him : nor durst they yet at
tempt to lay any tax or imposition upon the people,
or to put them to any charge. But, after this pa
cification, they appeared much more considerable
abroad and at home ; abroad, where they were not
so much considered before/ now that they had
brought an army into the field against the king,
and s gained all they pretended to desire, without
reproach or blemish, France, their old ally, looked
upon them as good instruments to disturb their
neighbours ; and cardinal Richelieu (who had never
looked upon the defeat and overthrow at the isle of
Rhe, as any reparation for the attempt and dis
honour of the invasion) was very glad of the oppor
tunity of disturbing a rest and quiet, which had not
been favourable to his designs; and sent an agent
privately to Edinburgh, to cherish and foment their
unpeaceable inclinations ; and received another from
thence, who solicited supplies, and communicated
counsels : he sent them arms and ammunition, and
promised them encouragement and assistance pro
portionable to any enterprise they should frankly en
gage themselves in. Holland entered into a closer
correspondence with them; and they found credit

q nor] or and considered by nobody,

r were not so much consider- 8 and] Not in MS.
ed before,] were without a name,

THE HISTORY

BOOK there for a great stock of arms and ammunition,
upon security of payment within a year ; which se-

639< curity they easily found a way to give. And thus
countenanced and supplied, they quickly got credit
and power over the people at home ; and as soon as
they had formed some troops of those who had been
listed by them under good officers, (whereof store
resorted to them of that nation out of Germany and
Sweden,) and assigned pay to them, they made no
longer scruple to impose what money they thought
fit upon the people, and to levy it with all rigour
upon them w^ho refused, or expressed any unwilling
ness to submit to the imposition ; and made the re
sidence of any amongst them very uneasy, and very
insecure, who were but suspected by them not to
wish well to their proceedings : and so they re
newed all those forms for the administration of the
government, which they had begun fc in the begin
ning of the disorders, and which they disclaimed
upon making the pacification ; and refused to suffer
the king s governor of the castle of Edinburgh (which
was put into his hands about the same time) either
to repair some works which were newly fallen down,
or so much as to buy provision in the town for the
food of the garrison.

But that which was the greatest benefit and ad
vantage that accrued to u them from the agreement,
and which was worth all the rest, was the conversa
tion they had with the English with so much repu
tation, that they had persuaded very many to be
lieve, that they had all manner of fidelity to the
king, and had too much cause to complain of the

1 begun] began u to] unto

OF THE REBELLION. 225

hard proceedings against them by the power of some BOOK
of their own countrymen ; and the acquaintance

they made with some particular lords, to that de
gree, that they did upon the matter agree what was
to be done for the future, and how to obstruct any
opposition or proceedings by those who were looked
upon as enemies by both sides : for none in Scot
land more disliked all that was done in court, and
the chief actors there, than those lords of England
did ; though they were not so well prepared for an
expedient for the cure.

The people of Scotland being now reduced by
them x to a more implicit obedience, and nobody
daring to oppose the most extravagant v proceedings
of the most violent persons in power, 2 they lost no
time, as hath been said, to make all preparations for
a war they meant to pursue. Most of the king s
privy-council and great ministers, who (though they
had not vigorously performed their duty in support
of the regal power) till now had been so reserved,
that they seemed not to approve the disorderly pro
ceedings, but now as frankly wedded that interest
as any of the leaders, and quickly became the chief
of the leaders.

As a the earl of Argyle : who had been preserved The
by the king s immediate kindness and full power,
and rescued from the anger and fury of his incensed

father; who, being provoked by the disobedience notwith -

standing his

and insolence of his son, resolved so to have dis- great obii-
posed of his fortune, that little should have accom- the king.
panied the honour after his death. But by the
king s interposition, and indeed imposition, the earl,

* by them] Not in MS. z in power,] in authority,

v extravagant] violent As] Not in MS.

VOL. I. Q

THE HISTORY

BOOK in strictness of the law in Scotland, having need of
the king s grace and protection, in regard of his

1639. being become Roman Catholic, and his majesty
granting all to the son which he could exact from
the father, the old man was in the end compelled to
make over all his estate to his son ; reserving only
such a provision for himself, as supported him ac
cording to his quality during his life, which he spent
in the parts beyond the seas. The king had too
much occasion afterwards to remember, that in the
close, after his majesty had determined what should
be done on either part, the old man declared, " He
" would submit to the king s pleasure, though he
" believed he was hardly dealt with ;" and then
with some bitterness put his son in mind of his un-
dutiful carriage towards him ; and charged him " to
" carry in his mind how bountiful the king had
"been to him ;" which yet, he told him, he was sure
he would forget : and thereupon said to his majesty,
" Sir, I must know this young man better than you
" can do : you have brought me low, that you may
" raise him ; which I doubt you will live to repent ;
" for he is a man of craft, subtilty, and falsehood,
" and can love no man ; and if ever he finds it in
" his power to do you mischief, he will be sure to do
" it." The king considered it only as the effect of
his passion, and took no other care to prevent it, but
by heaping every day new obligations upon him;
making him a privy-counsellor, and giving him
other offices and power to do hurt, thereby to re
strain him from doing it ; which would have wrought
upon any generous nature the effect it ought to
have done. The earl b (for his father was now dead)

b The earl] This earl

OF THE REBELLION.

came not to Edinburgh during the first troubles; BOOK
and though he did not dissemble his displeasure
against the bishops, because one of them had af
fronted him, in truth, very rudely, yet he renewed
all imaginable professions of duty to the king, and a
readiness to engage in his service, if those disorders
should continue : but after the pacification and dis
banding c of the king s army, and the covenanters
declaring that they would adhere to the acts of the
Assembly at Glasgow, he made haste to Edinburgh
with a great train of his family and followers ; and
immediately signed the covenant, engaged for the
provision of arms, and raising forces; and in all
things behaved himself like a man that might very
safely be confided in by that party d .

There wanted not persons still who persuaded
the king, " that all might yet be ended without
" blood ; that there were great divisions amongst
" the chief leaders, through emulations e and ambi-
" tion of command ; and that the access of the earl
" of Argyle to that party would drive others as con-
" siderable from it, who never did, nor ever would,
" unite with him in any design ;" and therefore ad
vised, " that his majesty would require them to
" send some persons intrusted by their body to at-
" tend him, and give an account of the reasons of
" their proceedings." They demanded a safe con
duct for the security of the persons they should em
ploy ; which was sent accordingly : and thereupon
some persons of the nobility, and others, were com
missioned to wait on the king ; amongst which the

c disbanding] the disbanding e emulations] emulation
d by that party] Not in MS.

228 THE HISTORY

BOOK lord Lowden was principally relied on for his parts
!_ and abilities ; a man who was better known after

wards, and whom there will hereafter be so often
occasion to mention, as it will not be necessary in
this place further to enlarge upon him. They be
haved themselves, in all respects, with the confidence
of men employed by a foreign state ; refused to give
any account but to the king himself; and even to
himself gave no other reason for what was done, but
the authority of the doers, and the necessity that re
quired it ; that is, that they thought it necessary :
but then they polished their sturdy f behaviour with
all the professions of submission and duty, which
their language could afford, s
A letter in- At this time the king; happened to intercept a

tercepted . . r

from some letter, which had been signed by the chief of the
nobi- covenanters, and particularly by the lord Lowden,

6t

6t

written to the French king, in which they com-
kin &- plained " of the hardness and injustice of the go-
" vernment that was exercised over them ; put him
t( in mind of the dependence this kingdom formerly
had upon that crown ; and desired him now to
take them into his protection, and give them as
sistance ; and that his majesty would give entire
" credit to one Colvil, who was the bearer of that
" letter, and well instructed in all particulars :" and
the letter itself was sealed, and directed Au Roy;
a style only used from subjects to their natural king.
This letter being seen and perused by the lords of
the council, and the lord Lowden being examined,
and refusing to give any other answer, than " That
" it was writ before the agreement, and thereupon

f their sturdy] this sturdy g afford.] comprehend.

OF THE REBELLION. 229

"reserved and never sent; that, if he had com- BOOK

" mitted any offence, he ought to be questioned for !

" it in Scotland, and not in England ; and insisting
" upon his safe conduct, demanded liberty to re-
" turn." All men were of opinion, that so foul a
conspiracy and treason ought not to be so slightly
excused ; and that both the lord Lowden and Colvil
(who was likewise found in London, and appre
hended) should be committed to the Tower : which
was done accordingly ; all men expecting that they
should h be brought to a speedy trial.

This discovery made a very deep impression upon
the king ; and persuaded him, that such a foul ap
plication could never have been thought of, if there
had not been more poison in the heart, than could
be expelled by easy antidotes ; and that the strong
est remedies must be provided to root out this mis
chief: thereupon he first advised with that com
mittee of the council, which used to be consulted in
secret affairs, what was to be done ? That summer s
action had wasted all the money that had been care
fully laid up ; and, to carry on that vast expense,
the revenue of the crown had been anticipated ; so
that, though the raising an army was visibly ne
cessary, there appeared no means how to raise that
army. No expedient occurred to them so proper as
a parliament, which 1 had been now intermitted
near twelve years. And though those meetings had
of late been attended by some disorders, the effects
of mutinous spirits ; and the last had been dissolved
(as hath been said before) with some circumstances
of passion and undutifulness, which so far incensed

h should] would which] and which

(13

230 THE HISTORY

BOOK the kinff, that he was less inclined to those assem-
blies; yet this long intermission, and the general

639. composure of men s minds in a happy peace, and
universal plenty over the whole nation, (superior
sure to what any other nation ever enjoyed,) made
it reasonably believed, notwithstanding the mur
murs of the people against some exorbitancies of the
court, that sober men, and such as loved the peace
and plenty they were possessed of, would be made
choice of to serve in the house of commons ; and
then the temper of the house of peers was not to be
apprehended : but especially the opinion of the pre
judice and general aversion over the whole kingdom
to the Scots, and the indignation they had at their
presumption in their design k of invading England,
made it believed, that a parliament would express a
very sharp sense of their insolence and carriage to
wards the king, and provide remedies proportion
able.

A pariia- Upon these motives and reasons, with the unani
mous consent and advice of the whole committee,

Aril 1640 ^ e king resolved to call a parliament; which he
communicated the same day, or rather took the re
solution that day, in his full council of state, which
expressed great joy upon it ; and directed the lord
keeper to issue out writs for the meeting of a par
liament upon the third day of April then next en
suing ; it being now in the month of December ;
and all expedition was accordingly used in sending
out the said writs, the notice of it being most wel
come to the whole kingdom.

That it might appear that the court was not at

k design] thought

OF THE REBELLION.

all apprehensive of what the parliament would or BOOK

could do ; and that it was convened by his majesty s !

grace and inclination, not by any motive of neces
sity ; it proceeded in all respects in the same un
popular ways it had done : ship-money was levied
with the same severity ; and the same rigour used
in ecclesiastical courts, without the least compliance
with the humour of any man ; which looked like l
steadiness ; and, if it were then well pursued, de
generated m too soon afterwards.

In this interval, between the sealing of the writs n The lord
and the convention of a parliament, the lord keeper gentry dies.
Coventry died ; to the king s great detriment, rather
than to his own. So much hath been said already
of this great man, that there shall be no further en
largement in this place, than to say, that he was a
very wise and excellent person, and had a rare fe
licity, in being looked upon generally throughout
the kingdom with great affection, and a singular
esteem, when very few other men in any high trust
were so ; and it is very probable, if he had lived to
the sitting of that parliament, when, whatever lurked
in the hearts of any, there was not the least out
ward appearance P of any irreverence to the crown,
that he might have had great authority in the form
ing those counsels, which might have preserved it
from so unhappy a dissolution. His loss was the
more manifest and visible in his successor ; the seal
being within a day or two given to sir John Finch, sir John
chief justice of the court of common pleas ; a man

1 looked like] was great a parliament,] the parlia-

m degenerated] it degene- nient,

rated. P outward appearance] ap-

n sealing of the writs] sealing proaeh
the writs

Q 4

232 THE HISTORY

BOOK exceedingly obnoxious to the people upon the busi-
ness of ship-money ; and not of reputation and au-
1639. thority enough to countenance and advance the
king s service.

These digressions have taken up too much time,
and may seem foreign to the proper subject of this
discourse; yet they may have given some light to
the obscure and dark passages of that time, which
were understood by very few^.
The pariia- The parliament met according to summons upon

April the the third of A P ril in the year 1640, with the usual
third, i6 4o. ceremony and formality: and after the king had
shortly mentioned " his desire to be again acquainted
" with parliaments, after so long an intermission ;
" and to receive the advice and assistance of his
" subjects there ;" he referred the cause of the pre
sent convention to be enlarged upon by the lord
keeper : who related the whole proceedings of Scot
land ; " his majesty s condescensions the year be
fore, in disbanding his army upon their promises
and professions ; their insolencies since ; and their
address to the king of France, by the letter men-
" tioned before ;" which the king had touched upon,
and having forgot to make the observation upon the
superscription himself, he required the keeper to do
it ; who told them, after the whole relation, " That
" his majesty did not expect advice from them,
" much less that they should interpose in any office
" of mediation, which would not be grateful to him ;

<i very few] MS. adds : but herein contained, or what is

for the future, very short men- necessary to explain or illustrate

tion shall be made of any thing those actions or counsels, in

but what immediately relates to which he was interested or con-

the person, whose life is to be cerned.

(6

tt

66

(6

OF THE REBELLION. 233

but that they should, as soon as might be, give BOOK
his majesty such a supply, as he might provide for

66
66
66

the vindication of his honour, by raising an army,
which the season of the year, and the progress
the rebels had already made, called upon without
delay; and his majesty assured them, if they
would gratify him with the despatch of this mat
ter/ that he would give them time enough after-
" wards to represent any grievances to him, and a
" favourable answer to them ;" and so dismissed the
commons to choose their speaker ; to which sergeant Sergeant
Glanvile was designed, and chosen the same day : a cho^n
man very equal to the work, very well acquainted speaker *
with the proceedings in parliament ; of a quick con
ception, and of a ready and voluble expression, dex
terous in disposing the house, and very acceptable
to them. The earl of Arundel, earl marshal of
England, was made lord steward of the king s house ;
an office necessary in the beginning of a parliament ;
being to swear all the members of the house of
commons before they could sit there s . Two days
after, the commons presented their speaker to the
king, who, in the accustomed manner, approved
their choice ; upon which they returned to their
house, being now formed and qualified to enter upon
any debates.

The house met always at eight of the clock, and
rose at twelve; which were the old parliament

r the despatch of this matter,] Shaftesbury in the county of

this expedition, Dorset, but made choice to

s sit there] MS. adds : Mr. serve for his neighbours of the

Hyde was chosen to serve for former place, and so a new writ

two places, for the borough of issued for the choice of another

Wotten-Basset in the county of burgess for Shaftesbury.
Wilts, and for the borough of

THE HISTORY

BOOK hours; that the committees, upon whom the great-
! est burden of the 1 business lay, might have the
0< afternoons for their preparation and despatch. It
was not the custom to enter upon any important
business in the first fortnight ; both because many
members used to be absent so long; and that time
was usually thought necessary for the appointment
and nomination of committees, and for other cere
monies and preparations that were usual : but there
was no regard now to that custom ; and the ap
pearance of the members was very great, there
having been a large time between the issuing out of
the writs and the meeting of the parliament, so that
all elections were made and returned, and every
body was willing to fall to the work.

Whilst men gazed upon each other, looking who
should begin, (much the greatest part having never
Mr. pym s before sat in parliament,) Mr. Pym, a man of good
reputation, but much better known afterwards, who
^ a d keen as long in those assemblies as any man
then living, brake the ice, and in a set discourse of
above two hours, after mention of the king with the
most profound reverence, and commendation of his
wisdom and justice, he observed, " That by the
long intermission of parliaments many unwarrant
able things had been practised, notwithstanding
the great virtue of his majesty:" and then enu
merated all the projects which had been set on foot ;
all the illegal proclamations which had been pub
lished, and the proceedings which had been upon
those proclamations ; the judgment upon ship-
money ; and many grievances which related to the

1 the] Not in MS.

66
66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 235

ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; summing up shortly, and BOOK
sharply, all that most reflected upon the prudence
and the justice of the government; concluding, 1640>
" That he had only laid that scheme before them,
" that they might see how much work they had to
" do to satisfy their country ; the method and man-
" ner of the doing whereof he left to their wisdoms."
Mr. Grimston insisted only on the business of ship-
money ; the irregular and preposterous engaging the
judges to deliver their opinion to the king, and their
being afterwards divided in their judgments ; u and
said, " He was persuaded, that they, who gave
" their opinions for the legality of it, did it against
" the dictamen of their own conscience." Peard, a
bold lawyer, of little note, inveighed more pas
sionately against it, calling it an abomination :
upon which, Herbert, the king s solicitor, with all
imaginable address, in which he then excelled, put
them in mind " with what candour his majesty had
proceeded in that, and all other things which re
lated to the administration of justice to all his
people ; that, how persuaded soever he was within
himself of the justice as well as necessity of levy
ing ship-money, he would not send out a writ for
" the doing thereof, till he received the affirmative
advice of all the judges of England; and when
the payment was opposed by a gentleman," (and
then he took occasion to stroke and commend Mr.
Hambden, who sat under him, for his great temper
and modesty in the prosecution of that suit,) " the
king was very well contented that all the judges of
England should determine the right; that never

11 judgments ;] judgment ;

(6
66

(6
66
66

66
66

66
66

236 THE HISTORY

BOOK " any cause had been debated and argued more so-

! " lemnly before the judges ; who, after long delibe-

" ration between themselves, and being attended
" with the records, which had been cited on both
" sides, delivered each man his opinion and judg-
" ment publicly in the court, and so largely, that
" but two judges argued in a day ; and after all
" this, and a judgment with that solemnity pro-
" nounced for the king, by which the king was as
" legally possessed of that right, as of any thing else
" he had ; that any particular man should presume
" to speak against it with that bitterness, and to
" call it an abomination, was very offensive, and
" unwarrantable ; and desired that that gentleman,
" who had used that expression, might explain him-
" self, and then withdraw." Very many called him
to the bar ; and the solicitor s discourse was thought
to have so much weight in it, that Mr. Peard very
hardly escaped a severe reprehension : which is men
tioned only that the temper and sobriety of that
house may be taken notice of, and their dissolution,
which shortly after fell out, the more lamented.

Though the parliament had not sat above six or
seven days, and had managed all their debates, and
their whole behaviour, with wonderful order and
sobriety, the court was impatient that no advance
was yet made towards a supply ; which was fore
seen would take up much time, whensoever they
went about it, though never so cordially ; and there-
The house f ore they prevailed with the house of peers, which

of peers ad
vise the was more entirely at the king s disposal, that they x

commons 111 i P

to begin would demand a conference with the house of com-

with a sup
ply.

x they] it

OF THE REBELLION. 237

mons, and then propose to them, by way of advice, BOOK
" That they would begin with giving the king a

supply, in regard of the urgency and even neces-
" sity of his affairs, and afterwards proceed upon
" their grievances, or any thing else as they thought
" fit :" and the house of peers accordingly did give
their advice to this purpose at a conference. This
conference was no sooner reported in the house of
commons, than their whole temper seemed to be
shaken. It was the undoubted fundamental privi
lege of the commons in parliament, that all supplies
should have their rise and beginning from them ;
this had never been infringed, or violated, or so
much as questioned in the worst times ; and that
now after so long intermission of parliaments, that
all privileges might be forgotten, the house of peers
should begin with an action their ancestors never
attempted, administered too much cause of jealousy
of somewhat else that was intended ; and so with
an unanimous consent they declared it to be "so This voted
" high a breach of privilege, that they could not privilege by
"proceed upon any other matter until they first thecom "
" received satisfaction and reparation from the house
" of peers ;" and which the next day they demanded
at a conference. The lords were sensible of their
error; which had been foreseen, and dissuaded by
many of them ; they " acknowledged the privilege
" of the commons as fully as they demanded it, and
" hoped they had not broken it by offering their
" advice to them without mentioning the nature of
" the supply, the proportion, or manner of raising
" it, which they confessed belonged entirely to them:"
in fine, they desired them, " that this might be no
" occasion of wasting their time, but that they would

mons.

238 THE HISTORY

BOOK " proceed their own way, and in their own method,
" upon the affairs of the kingdom." This gave no
1640. satisfaction; was no reparation; and served their
turn who had no mind to give any supply without
discovering any such dissatisfaction, which would
have got them no credit, the house generally being y
exceedingly disposed to please the king, and to do
him service. But this breach of privilege, which
was craftily enlarged upon, as if it swallowed up all
their other privileges, and made them wholly sub
servient to the peers, was universally resented. A
committee was appointed to examine precedents of
former times, in case of violation of their privileges
by the lords, though not of that magnitude, and
thereupon to prepare a protestation to be sent up to
the house of peers, and to be entered into 2 their
own Journal ; and in the mean time no proceedings
to be in the house upon any public business a , except
upon some report from a committee.

The king s After some days had b passed in this manner, and
to the house it not being in view when this debate would be at
an end, the king thought of another expedient, and
sent a message in writing to the commons by sir
Henry Vane, who was now both secretary of state
and treasurer of the household, and at that time of
good credit there ; wherein his majesty took notice,
" that there was some difference between the two
" houses, which retarded the transaction of the great
" affairs of the kingdom, at a time when a foreign
" army was ready to invade it : that he heard the
payment of ship-money, notwithstanding that it

mons.

y generally being] being ge- a business] Not in MS.
nerally b had] had been

2 into] in

a

a

6f

..

OF THE REBELLION. 239

was adjudged his right, was not willingly sub- BOOK
mitted to by the people ; to manifest therefore his
good affection to his subjects in general, he made
" this proposition : that if the parliament would
" grant him twelve subsidies to be paid in three
" years, in the manner proposed, (that was, five sub
sidies to be paid the first year, four the second,
and three to be paid the last year, c ) his majesty
" would then release all his title or pretence to ship-
" money for the future, in such a manner as his par-
" liament should advise."

Though exceptions might have been taken again
in point of privilege, because his majesty took no
tice of the difference between the two houses ; yet
that spirit had not then taken so deep root : so that
they resolved to enter, the next day after the deli
very of it, upon a full debate of his majesty s mes
sage ; they who desired to obstruct the giving any
supply, believing they should easily prevail to reject
this proposition upon the greatness of the sum de
manded, without appearing not to favour the cause
in which it was to be employed, which they could
not have done with any advantage to themselves,
the number of that classis of men being then not
considerable in the house. It was about the first Tins de-
day of May that the message was delivered, and the
next day it was resumed about nine of the clock in
the morning, and the debate continued till four of
the clock in the afternoon ; which had been seldom
used before, but afterwards grew into custom. Many
observed, " that they were to purchase a release of
" an imposition very unjustly laid upon the king-

c the last year,] in the last year,

240 THE HISTORY

BOOK " dom, and by purchasing it, they should upon the

! " matter confess it had been just;" which no man

in his heart acknowledged; and therefore wished,
" that the judgment might be first examined, and
" being once declared void, what they should pre-
" sent the king with would appear a gift, and not a
" recompence :" but this was rather modestly insi
nuated than insisted upon ; and the greater number
reflected more on d the proportion demanded, which
some of those who were thought very well to under
stand the state of the kingdom, confidently affirmed
to be more than the whole stock in money of the
kingdom amounted to ; which appeared shortly after
to be a very gross miscomputation. There were very
few, except those of the court, (who were ready to
give all that the king would ask, and indeed had
little to give of their own,) who did not believe the
sum demanded to be too great, and wished that a
less might be accepted, and therefore were willing,
when the day was so far spent, that the debate
might be adjourned till the next morning; which
was willingly consented to by all, and so the house
rose. All this agitation had been in a committee of
the whole house, the speaker having left the chair,
to which Mr. Lenthall, a lawyer of no eminent ac
count, was called. But there was not, in the whole
day, in all the variety of contradictions, an offensive
or angry word spoken : except only that one private
country gentleman, little known, said, " He observed
" that the supply was to be employed in the support-
" ing helium episcopate, which he thought the bishops
" were fittest to do themselves :" but as there was

d on] of

OF THE REBELLION.

no reply, or notice taken of it, so there was nobody BOOK
who seconded that envious reflection, nor any other

6(
it
tf

expression of that kind.

The next day as soon as the house met, and
prayers were read, it resolved again into a com
mittee of the whole house, 6 the same person being
again called to the chair : it was expected, and
hoped, that there would have been some new mes
sage from the king, that might have facilitated the
debate ; but nothing appearing of that kind, the pro
position was again read, and men of all sides dis
coursed much of what had been said before, and
many spoke with more reflection upon the judgment
of ship-money than they had done the day past, and
seemed to wish, " that whatsoever they f should give
the king should be a free testimony of their s af
fection and duty, without any release of ship-
money, which deserved no consideration, but in a
" short time would appear void and null." And this
seemed to agree with the sense of so great a part of
the house, that Mr. Hambden, the most popular man
in the house, (the same IA who had defended the suit
against the king in his own name, upon the ille
gality of ship-money,) thought the matter ripe for
the question, and desired the question 1 might be
put, " Whether the house would consent to the pro-
" position made by the king, as it was contained in
" the message ?" which would have been sure to
have found a negative from all who thought the
sum too great, or were not pleased that it should be
given in recompence of ship-money.

e a committee of the whole h the same] and the same
house,] a grand committee, i the question] that the ques-

f they] we tion
8 their] our

VOL. I. R

66
66
(6

THE HISTORY

BOOK When many called to have this question, sergeant

- Glanvile, the speaker, (who sat by amongst the other

* members whilst the house was in a committee, and
hath rarely used to speak in such seasons,) rose up,
and in a most pathetical speech, in which he excelled,
endeavoured to persuade the house " to comply with
" the king s desire, for the good of the nation, and
to reconcile him to parliaments for ever, which
this seasonable testimony of their affections would
infallibly do." He made it manifest to them how
very inconsiderable a sum twelve subsidies amounted
to, by telling them, "that he had computed what
" he was to pay for those twelve subsidies ;" and
when he named the sum, he k being known to be
possessed of a great estate, it seemed not worth any
farther deliberation. And in the warmth of his dis
course, which he plainly discerned made a wonder
ful impression upon the house, he let fall some sharp
expressions against the imposition of ship-money,
and the judgment in the point, which he said plain
ly " was against the law, if he understood what law
" was," (who was known to be very learned,) which
expression, how necessary and artificial soever to re
concile the affections of the house to the matter in
question, very much irreconciled him at court, and
to those upon whom he had the greatest depend
ence.

There was scarce ever a speech that more ga
thered up and united the inclinations of a popular
council to the speaker : and if the question had been
presently put, it was believed the number of the dis
senters would not have appeared great. But after

* he] and he

OF THE REBELLION. 43

a short silence, some men, who wished well to the BOOK
main, expressed a dislike of the way, so that other
men recovered new courage, and called again with
some earnestness, " That the question formerly pro-
" posed by Mr. Hambden should be put :" which
seemed to meet with a concurrence. Mr. Hyde then
stood up, and desired, " that question might not be
put ; said, it was a captious question, to which
only one sort of men could clearly give their vote,
which were they who were for a rejection of the
king s proposition, and no more resuming the de
bate upon that subject : but that they who de-
" sired to give the king a supply, as he believed
most did, though not in such a proportion, nor, it
may be, in that manner, could receive no satisfac
tion by that question ; and therefore he proposed,
to the end that every man might frankly give his
yea, or his no, that the question might be put
only, upon the giving the king a supply : which
being carried in the affirmative, another question
might be upon the proportion, and the manner;
" and if the first were carried in the negative, it
" would produce the same effect, as the other ques-
" tion proposed by Mr. Hambden would do."

This method was received by some 1 with great
approbation, but opposed by others with more than
ordinary passion, and diverted by other propositions,
which being seconded took much time, without
pointing to any conclusion. In the end sergeant
Glanvile said, " That there had been a question pro-
" posed by his countryman, that agreed very well
" with his sense, and moved that the gentleman

1 by some] Not in MS.

Ro
m

6i
66
((
ff
66

66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66

244 THE HISTORY

BOOK " might be called upon to propose it again." Mr.
Hyde m stated the case again as he had done, an-
1640. SW ered somewhat that had been said against it, and
moved, " that question might be put." Whereupon
for a long time there was nothing said, but a con
fused clamour, and call, " Mr. Hambden s question,
" Mr. Hyde s question ;" the call appearing much
stronger for the last, than the former : and it was
generally believed, that the question had been put,
and carried in the affirmative, though it was posi
tively opposed by Herbert the solicitor general, for
what reason no man could imagine, if sir Henry
Vane the secretary had not stood up, and said,
" That, as it had been always his custom to deal
" plainly and clearly with that house in all things,
" so he could not but now assure them, that the
" putting and carrying that question could be of no
" use ; for that he was most sure, and had authority
" to tell them so, that if they should pass a vote for
the giving the king a supply, if it were not in the
proportion and manner proposed in his majesty s
message, it would not be accepted by him; and
" therefore desired that question might be laid
" aside ;" which being again urged by the solicitor
general upon the authority of what the other had
declared, and the other privy -counsellors saying no
thing, though they were much displeased with the
secretary s averment, the business was no more
pressed ; but it being near five of the clock in the
afternoon, and every body weary, it was willingly
consented to that the house should be adjourned till
the next morning.

m Mr. Hyde] Whereupon Mr. Hyde

(6

6S

OF THE REBELLION. 245

Both sir Henry Vane, and the solicitor general, 11 BOOK

(whose opinion was of more weight with the king !

than the others,) had made a worse representation
of the humour and affection of the house than it
deserved, and undertook to know, that if they came
together again, they would pass such a vote against
ship-money, as would blast that revenue and other
branches of the receipt ; which others believed they
would not have had the confidence to have attempt
ed; and very few, that they would have had the
credit to have compassed. What followed in the
next parliament, within less than a year, made it
believed, that sir Henry Vane acted that part mali
ciously, and to bring all into confusion ; he being
known to have an implacable hatred against the earl
of Strafford, lieutenant of Ireland, whose destruction
was then upon the anvil. But what transported the
solicitor, who had none of the ends of the other,
could not be imagined, except it was his pride and
peevishness, when he found that he was like to be
of less authority there, than he looked to be ; and
yet he was heard with great attention, though his
parts were most prevalent in puzzling and perplex
ing that discourse he meant to cross. Let their mo
tives be what they would, they two, and they only,
wrought so far with the king, that, without so much
deliberation as the affair was worthy of, his majesty
the next morning, which was on the fifth of May,
near a month after their first meeting, sent for the
speaker to attend him, and took care that he should

n solicitor general,] solicitor on the fourth or fifth of May,

general Herbert, not three weeks from their first

on the fifth of May, near a meeting,
month after their first meeting,]

R 3

246 THE HISTORY

BOOK go directly to the house of peers, upon some appre-
n hension that if he had gone to the house of com-

1640. mons, that house would have entered upon some in-
grateful discourse ; which they were not inclined to
The pariia- do ; and then sending for that house to attend him,
solved. the keeper, by his majesty s command, dissolved the
parliament.

There could not a greater damp have seized upon
the spirits of the whole nation, than this dissolution
caused ; and men had much of the misery in view,
which shortly after fell out. It could never be hoped,
that more sober and dispassionate men would ever
meet together in that place, or fewer who brought
ill purposes with them ; nor could any man imagine
what offence they had given, which put the king
upon? that resolution. But it was observed, that
in the countenances of those who had most opposed
all that was desired by his majesty, there was a
marvellous serenity ; nor could they conceal the joy
of their hearts : for they knew enough of what was
to come, to conclude that the king would be shortly
compelled to call another parliament ; and they were
as sure, that so many so unbiassed ^ men would never
be elected again.

Within an hour after the dissolving, Mr. Hyde
met Mr. Saint-John, who had naturally a great cloud
in his face, and very seldom was known to smile,
but then had a most cheerful aspect, and seeing the
other melancholic, as in truth he was from his heart,
asked him, " What troubled him ?" who answered,
" That the same that troubled him, he believed,
" troubled most good men ; that in such a time of

p upon] to q unbiassed] grave and unbiassed

OF THE REBELLION. 247

" confusion, so wise a parliament, which alone could r BOOK
" have found remedy for it, was so unseasonably dis-
" missed :" the other answered with a little warmth,
" That all was well : and that it must be worse, be-
" fore it could be better ; and that this parliament
" could 8 never have done what was necessary to be
" done ;" as indeed it would not, what he and his
friends thought necessary.

The king, when he had better reflected upon what The king s

. n p i p i trouble for

was like to fall out, and was better informed ol the it after.
temper and duty of the house of commons, and that v
they had voted a supply, if sir Henry Vane had not
hindered it by so positive a declaration that his ma
jesty would refuse it, was heartily sorry for what he
had done ; declared with great anger, " That he had
never given him such authority ; and that he knew
well that the giving him any supply would have
been welcome to him, because the reputation of
his subjects assisting him in that conjuncture was
" all that he looked for and considered." He con
sulted the same day, or the next, whether he might
by his proclamation recall them to meet together
again : but finding that impossible, he fell roundly
to find out all expedients for the raising of money,
in which he had so wonderful success, that, in less
than three weeks, by the voluntary loan of the parti
cular lords of the council, and of other private gen
tlemen about the city, some relating to the court,
and others strangers to it, there was no less than
three hundred thousand pounds paid into the exche
quer to be issued out as his majesty should direct : a
sum that sufficiently manifests the plenty of that

r alone could] could only s could] would

ll 4

66
(6

66

66

248

THE HISTORY

An army
raised.

BOOK time, and greater than most princes t in Europe could
have commanded in so short a time ; and was an un-

1640. answerable evidence, that the hearts of his subjects
were not then aliened from their duty to the king,
or a just jealousy for his honour.

All diligence was used in making levies, in which
few of the general officers which had been employed
the year before were made use of; though it was
great pity that the earl of Essex was not again taken
in ; which had infallibly preserved him from swerv
ing from his duty, and he would have discharged his
trust with courage and fidelity, and therefore pro
bably with success : but he was of a haughty spirit, u
and did not think his last summer s service so well
requited that he was earnestly to solicit for another
office ; though there was no doubt but he would have
accepted it, if it had been offered. x

general was appointed, the earl of Northum-

The earl of

e most princes] any prince
u haughty spirit,] rough proud
nature,

x In MS. B. this part of the
history is thus continued : The
man whom the king designed
for his general was the earl of
Strafford, lieutenant of Ireland,
(the government whereof was
for that time committed to a de
puty,) a man, though not bred a
soldier, who had been in armies ;
and besides being a very wise
man, had great courage, and was
martially inclined. And it may
be the greatest motive was, his
known displeasure and disdain
of the Scots, and of their inso
lent behaviour. But the earl
chose rather to serve as lieute
nant-general under the earl of
Northumberland, believing that

the conferring that preference
upon him, would more firmly
fasten him to the king s in
terest, and that his power in
the northern parts would bring
great advantage to the king s
service. And so the earl of Nor
thumberland was made general,
who immediately after fell into
a great sickness ; and the earl
of Strafford lieutenant-general,
who at the very time was much
indisposed with the gout. But
by a joint consent they thought
they had well provided for the
worst in making choice of the
lord Con way, &c. page 250, line
3.

> For the portion of the history
immediately preceding this short
extract from MS. C. see Appen
dix A.

OF THE REBELLION. 249

berland ; and the lord Conway general of the horse : BOOK
which made the great officers of the former year, the
earl of Arundel, the earl of Essex, and the earl of
Holland, (who thought themselves free from any
oversights that had been committed,) more capable
of infusions by those who were ready to work ac
cording to the occurrences upon their several consti
tutions. 2 But the reputation of the earl of Nor
thumberland, who had indeed arrived at a wonder
ful general estimation, was believed to be most in
strumental in it a : and the lord Con way b was thought
an able soldier, and of great parts. Besides, the
earls of Essex and Holland were thought less go
vernable by those councils to which the main was
then to be intrusted, the earl of Strafford bearing a
part in them ; to whom the first was very averse, and
the latter irreconcileable.

Despatches were sent into Ireland to quicken the
preparations there, which the earl had left in a great
forwardness, under the care of the earl of Ormond,
his lieutenant-general : monies issued out for the le
vies of horse and foot there, and for the making a
train : all which were as well advanced as, consider
ing the general discomposure, could be reasonably
expected.

z constitutions.] MS. adds : ously carried on.

and I am persuaded if this war a in it] Not in MS.

had been left to the managery of b Conway] MS. adds : by as

the same officers, or rather if the gentle and as general a concur-

earl of Essex had been made ge- rence

neral, (who, notwithstanding the c Holland] MS. adds: (For,

trivial disobligation he had re- for the earl of Arundel, there was

ceived;in being denied the com- neither reason why he was ge-

mand of Beedon-forest, might neral in the first expedition, and

easily have been caressed,) it why he was not in this ;)
would have been more prosper-

250 THE HISTORY

BOOK The king/ 1 the earl of Northumberland, and the

n.

earl of Stratford, thought they had well provided for

1 640. j-jjg wors t j n making e of the lord Conway to be

rrM i t C^ *

The lord n

neral of the horse : a man very dear to the two earls ;
and indeed, by a very extraordinary fate, he had f
got a very particular interest and esteem in many
worthy men of very different qualifications. He had
been born a soldier in his father s garrison of the
Brill, when he was governor there ; and bred up, in
several commands, under the particular care of the
lord Vere, whose nephew he was ; and though he
was married young, when his father was secretary of
state, there was no action of the English either at
sea or land, in which he had not a considerable com
mand ; and always preserved a more than ordinary
reputation, in spite of some great infirmities, which
use to be a great allay to the credit of active men ;
for he was a voluptuous man in eating and drinking,
and of great licence in all other excesses, and yet
was very acceptable to the strictest and the gravest
men of all conditions. And which was stranger than
all this, he had always (from his pleasure, to which
his nature excessively inclined him, and from his
profession, in which he was diligent enough) re
served so much time for his books and study, that he
was well versed in all parts of learning, at least ap
peared like such a one in all occasions, and in the
best companies. He was of a very pleasant and in
offensive conversation, which made him generally
very acceptable : so that the court being at that time
full of faction, very few loving one another, or those

rt The king,] And the king, f he had] Not in MS.

e in making] in making choice

OF THE REBELLION. 251

who resorted to any who were not loved by them, he BOOK

alone was even domestic with all, and not suspected

by either of the lords or the ladies factions. ] 64 -

The war was generally thought to be as well pro
vided for, as, after the last year s miscarriage, it
could be, by his being made general of the horse ;
and no man was more pleased with it than the arch
bishop of Canterbury, who had contracted an ex
traordinary opinion of this man, and took great
delight in his company, he being well able to speak
in the affairs of the church, and taking care to be
thought by him a very zealous defender of it ; when
they who knew him better, knew he had no kind of
sense of religion, and thought all was alike. He was
sent down with the first troops of horse and foot
which were levied, to the borders of Scotland, to
attend the motion of the enemy, and had a strength
sufficient to stop them, if they should attempt to
pass the river, which was not fordable in above one
or two places, there being good garrisons in Berwick
and Carlisle. And in this posture he lay near New-
burn in the outskirts of Northumberland.

Whilst these things were thus publicly acted, pri
vate agitations were not less vigorously intended.
The treaty and pacification of the former year had
given an opportunity of forming correspondences,
and contriving designs, which before had been more
clandestine ; and the late meeting in parliament had
brought many together, who could not otherwise
have met, and discovered humours and affections,
which could not else have been so easily communi
cated. The court was full of faction and animosity,
each man more intending the ruin of his adversary,
and satisfying his private malice, than advancing his

THE HISTORY

BOOK master s service, or complying with his public duty,

! and to that purpose directing all their endeavours,

and forming all their intercourse ; whilst every man
un wisely s thought him whom he found an enemy to
his enemies, a friend to all his other affections : or
rather by the narrowness of his understanding, and
extent of his passion, contracted 11 all his other affec
tions to that one of revenge.

And by this means those emissaries and agents
for the confusion which was to follow were furnished
with opportunity and art to entangle all those (and
God knows they were a great many l ) who were trans
ported with those vulgar and vile considerations :
cheap, senseless libels were scattered about the city,
and fixed upon gates and public remarkable places,
traducing and vilifying those k who were in highest
trust and employment : tumults were raised, and all
licence both in actions and words taken ; insomuch as
a rabble of mean, unknown, dissolute persons, to the
number of some thousands, attempted the house of
A tumult the lord archbishop of Canterbury at Lambeth, with

about Lam- . , ,

beth-house. open profession and protestation, that they would
" tear him in pieces ;" which (though one of that
rabble, a sailor, was apprehended and executed in
South wark, upon an indictment of high treason) was
so just a cause of terror, that the archbishop, by the
king s command, lodged for some days and nights in
Whitehall ; which place likewise was not unthreaten-
ed in their seditious meetings and discourses. This
infamous, scandalous, headless insurrection, quashed

s unwisely] sottishly k traducing and vilifying

h contracted] having contract- those] traducing some, and pro-

ed scribing others, of those
many] people

OF THE REBELLION. 253

by the deserved death of that one varlet, was not 1 BOOK
thought to be contrived or fomented by any. per- _____
sons of quality : yet it was discoursed after in the
house of commons by Mr. Strode (one of those ephori
who most avowed the curbing and suppressing of
majesty) with much pleasure and content; and it
was mentioned in the first draught of the first re
monstrance (when the same was brought in by Mr.
Pym) not without a touch of approbation, which
was for that reason somewhat altered, though it still
carried nothing of censure m upon it in that piece.

Things standing thus both in court" and city, and
the Scots preparing with great industry for inva
sion, and we, at least, for a defence, on a sudden
the lord Low den, (who before was said to be com
mitted for desiring protection and aid from the
French king, by a letter under his hand) was dis
charged from his imprisonment ; without imparting
that resolution to the council ; and after a few days
admittance and kind reception at Whitehall, was
dismissed into Scotland; his authority and power
with that people being as considerable as any man s,
and his conduct as necessary for the enterprises they
had in hand. This stratagem was never under
stood, and was then variously spoken of; many be
lieving he had undertaken great matters for the king
in Scotland, and to quiet that distemper : others,
that it was an act entirely compassed by the marquis
of Hamilton, who was like to stand in need of great
supporters, by that extraordinary obligation to en
dear himself with that nation ; or to communicate

1 not] not then with great industry for in-

1 censure] judgment vasion,] aniayne for an invasion.

n in court] in the court

254 THE HISTORY

BOOK somewhat to that nation, if his condition before were
so good that it needed no endearment. They who

- published their thoughts least, made no scruple of
saying, " that if the policy were good and necessary
" of his first commitment, it seemed as just and pru-
" dent to have continued him in that restraint."

The progress in the king s advance for Scotland
was exceedingly hindered by the great and danger
ous sickness of the earl of Northumberland the ge
neral, whose recovery was either totally despaired of
by the physician, or pronounced to be expected very
slowly ; so that there would be no possibility for him
to perform the service of the north : whereupon he
sent to the king, to desire P that he would make
choice of another general. And though the lord
Conway in all his letters sent advertisement, " that
" the Scots had not advanced their preparations to
" that degree, that they would be able to march
" that year," yet the king had much better intelli
gence that they were in readiness to move ; and so
concluded, that it was necessary to send another ge
neral; and designed the earl of Strafford for that
command, and to leave the forces in Ireland, which
were raised to make a diversion in Scotland, to be
governed by the earl of Ormond. The earl of
StrafFord was scarce recovered from a great sick
ness, yet was willing to undertake the charge, out
of pure indignation to see how few men were for
ward to serve the king with that vigour of mind
they ought to do ; but ^ knowing well the malicious
designs which were contrived against himself, he r
would rather serve as lieutenant-general under the

P to desire] Not in MS. ( but] and r he] but he

OF THE REBELLION. 255

earl of Northumberland, than that he should resign BOOK
his commission : and so, with and under that quali

fication, he made all possible haste towards the north,
before he had strength enough for the journey.

But 8 before he could arrive with the army, that The lord

n i TVT i p it Convvay

infamous irreparable rout at JMewburn was iallen routed at
out ; where the enemy marched at a time and place,
when and where they were expected, through a river
deep though fordable, and up a hill, where our army
was ranged to receive them : through those difficul
ties and disadvantages, without giving or taking any
blows, (for the five or six men of ours who were
killed, fell by their cannon, before the passing of
the river,) they put our whole army to the most
shameful and confounding flight that w^as ever heard
of; our foot making no less haste from Newcastle,
than our horse from Newburn ; both leaving the ho
nour, and a great deal of the wealth of the kingdom,
arising from the coal-mines, 1 to those who had not
confidence enough (notwithstanding the evidence
they had seen of our fear) to possess that town in
two days after ; not believing it possible that such a
place, which was able to have maintained the war
alone some time," could be so kindly quitted x to
them : the lord Con way never after turning his face
towards the enemy, or doing any thing like a com
mander, though his troops were quickly brought to
gether again, without the loss of a dozen men, and
were so ashamed of their flight, that they were very
willing as well as able to have taken what revenge

But] And u maintained the war alone

4 a great deal of the wealth some time] waged war with

of the kingdom, arising from their nation,

the coal-mines,] the coal, x quitted] quit

256 THE HISTORY

JBO OK they would upon the enemy, who were possessed

! with all the fears imaginable, and would? hardly be-

1640. ]j eve their own success, till they were assured that
the lord Con way with all his army rested quietly in

The Scots Durham, and then they presumed to enter into New-
army enter

Newcastle. Castle. 7

But it seemed afterwards to be a full vindication
of a the honour of the nation, that, from this in
famous defeat at Newburn, to the last entire con
quest of Scotland by Cromwell, the Scots army
scarce b performed one signal action against the Eng
lish, but were always beaten by great inequality of
numbers as oft as they encountered, if they were
not supported by English troops.

In this posture the earl of StrafFord found the
army about Durham, bringing with him a body
much broken with his late sickness, which was not
clearly shaken off, and a mind and temper confess
ing the dregs of it, which being marvellously pro
voked and inflamed with indignation at the late
dishonour, rendered him less gracious, that is, less
inclined to make himself so, to the officers, upon his

y would] could puted to the spreading of that

z till they were Newcastle.] corruption into many other of-

This portion is not in lord Cla- ficers and parts of the army.

rendon s hand-writing in the And to the distraction of the

MS. The part, in the place of time, that immediately ensued,

which it is inserted, is as fol- when no order or discipline was

* \j 1

lows: made it generally believ- observed, but every thing was

ed that he was corrupted by done according to the humour

some friends at home, if not by and presumption of the day,

the enemy abroad ; and that he and it seemed, &c.

was never publicly questioned a of] to

for it, that is, judicially, for he b scarce] never

was exposed to all the public c encountered,] approached to

reproaches imaginable, was im- any encounter,

OF THE REBELLION- 257

first entrance into his charge ; d it may be, in that BOOK

mass of disorder, e not quickly discerning to whom !

kindness and respect was justly due. But those who
by this time no doubt were retained for that pur
pose, took that opportunity to incense the army
against him ; and so far prevailed in it, that in a
short time it was more inflamed against him than
against the enemy ; and was willing to have their
want of courage imputed to excess of conscience,
and that their being not satisfied in the grounds of
the quarrel was the only cause that they fought no
better. In this indisposition in all parts/ the earl
found it necessary to retire with the army to the
skirts of Yorkshire, and himself to York, (whither The king s
the king was come,) leaving Northumberland and treating to-
the bishopric of Durham to be possessed by the vic- wa
tors ; who being abundantly satisfied with what they
never hoped to possess, made no haste to advance
their new conquests.

It was very much wondered at,s that the earl of
Strafford, upon his first arrival at the army, called
no persons to a council of war for that shameful
business of Newburn, or the more shameful quit
ting of Newcastle, (where were not ten barrels of
musquet bullets, nor moulds to make any ; the enemy
having been long expected there, and our army not
less than a month in that town ; time enough, if
nothing had been done before, to have made that
place tenable for a longer time than it could have

1 upon his first entrance into parts,] And in this disposition

his charge ;] upon his entrance on all parts,
into his first charge ; g It was very much wondered

e disorder,] MS. adds: and at,] It was then and is now

unsoldierliness, very much wondered at,

f In this indisposition in all

VOL. I. S

258 THE HISTORY

BOOK been distressed.) Whether the earl saw that it would
n.

.not have been in his power to have proceeded finally

* and exemplarily upon that inquisition, and there
fore chose rather not to enter upon it ; or whether
he found the guilt to be so involved, that though
some were more obnoxious, few were unfaulty ; or
whether he plainly discerned to what 11 the whole
tended, and so would not trouble himself further in
discovering of that, which, instead of a reproach,
might prove a benefit to the persons concerned ; I
know not : but public 1 examination it never had.

The Scots needed not now advance their progress ;
their game was in the hands (no prejudice to their
skill) of better gamesters. Besides, they were not
to make the least inroad, or do the least trespass
to their neighbours of Yorkshire ; who were as soli
citous, that, by any access or concurrence of the
strength of that large county, they should not be
driven farther back ; and therefore, instead of draw
ing their trained bands together (which of them
selves would have been a greater or better k army
than was to contend with them) to defend their
county, or the person of the king then with them,
they prepared petitions of advice and good counsel
to him to call a parliament, and to remove all other
grievances but the Scots. At the same time some
lords from London (of known and since published
affections to that invasion) attended his majesty at
York with a petition, signed by others, eight or ten
in the whole, who were craftily persuaded by the
leigers there, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hambden, and Mr.
Saint-John, to concur in it, being full of duty and
modesty enough ; without considering, that nothing
h to what] whither public] any public k better] a better

OF THE REBELLION. 259

else at that time could have done mischief; and so BOOK
suffered themselves to be made instruments towards !

those ends, which in truth they abhorred.

In these distractions and discomposures, between
an enemy proud and insolent in success, an army
corrupted, or at best disheartened, a country muti
nous and inclined to the rebels, at least not inclined
to reduce them, and a court infected with all three,
the king could not but find himself in great straits ;
besides that his treasure, which had hitherto kept
that which was best from being worse, was quite
spent. The raising and disbanding the first army
so unfortunately and wretchedly, had cost full three
hundred thousand pounds, which the good husbandry
of the ministers of the revenue had treasured up for
an emergent occasion ; and the borrowing so much
money for the raising and supplying this latter army
had drawn assignments and anticipations upon the
revenue to that degree, that there was not left
wherewithal to defray the necessary l expense of the
king s household. A parliament would not be easily
thought of, on this consideration, m that it could not
come together speedily enough to prevent that mis
chief, to which it should be chiefly applied : for if
we were not then in a condition to defend ourselves,
in forty days (the soonest a parliament could meet)
an army elate with victory, when no town was for
tified, or pass secured, might 11 run over the king
dom; especially the people being every where so
like to bid them welcome.

1 necessary] constant neces- many other considerations than
sary " might] would

111 on this consideration,] for

S 2

260 THE HISTORY

BOOK A new invention (not before heard of, that is,
so old, that it had not been practised in some hun-

dreds of years) was thought of, to call a great coun-
ii of cil of all the peers of England to meet and attend

his majesty at York, that by their advice that great
ork * affair might be the more prosperously managed.
Whether it was then conceived, that the honour of
the king and kingdom being so visibly upon the
stage, those branches of honour, which could not
outlive the root, would undoubtedly rescue and pre
serve it ; or whether it was believed, that upon so
extraordinary an occasion the peers would suffice to
raise money ; as it was in that meeting proposed by
one of them, " that they might give subsidies :"
whether the advice was given by those who had not
the confidence in plain terms to propose a parlia
ment, but were confident that would produce one ;
or whether a parliament was then resolved on, and
they called to be obliged by it, and so to be obliged
to some sober undertaking in it; or what other
ground or intention there was of that council, was
never known : or whether indeed it was resolved
out of trouble P and agony of afflicted thoughts, be
cause no other way occurred : but such a resolution
was taken, and writs immediately issued under the
great seal of England to all the peers to attend his
majesty at York within twenty days ; and prepara
tions were made in all places accordingly.
The state Whilst the lords are on their way thither, it will
court t not be amiss to consider the general state of affairs
that time. . ? an( j ^he p ersODS to whom the manag-

A new invention] A new convention P trouble] the trouble

OF THE REBELLION. 261

ing the public business was principally then, and fot BOOK
some time had been, intrusted ; that so, upon view - !
of the materials, we may be the better enabled to
guess how those dexterous workmen were like to
employ themselves. It hath been said already, *
that, upon the dissolution of the parliament but four
months before, the lords of the council bestirred
themselves in levying the ship-money, and lending r
great sums of money for the war.

The convocation house (the regular and legal as-Thecon-
sembling of the clergy) customarily beginning and continued

ending with parliaments, was, after the determina-
tion of the last, by a new writ continued, and sat me " t:

* makes ca-

for the space of above a month under the proper n s.
title of a synod ; made canons, which was thought
it might do; 8 and gave subsidies out of parliament *,
and enjoined oaths, which certainly it might not
do : u in a word, did many things, which in the best
of x times might have been questioned, and therefore
were sure to be condemned in the worst ; (what fuel
it was to the fire that ensued, shall be mentioned in
its place ;) and drew the same prejudice upon the
whole body of the clergy, to which before only some
few clergymen were exposed.

The papists had for many years enjoyed a great The pa-
calm, being upon the matter absolved from the se- Sty nd
verest parts of the law, and dispensed with for the
gentlest; and were grown only a part of the re- time
venue, without any probable danger of being made

<i It hath been said already,] i out of parliament] Not in

It is told you before, MS.

T and lending] and in lending u which certainly it might

8 which was thought it might not do :] that it might not do :

do ;] that it might do ; * of] Not in MS.

S 3

THE HISTORY

BOOK a sacrifice to the law. They were looked upon as

good subjects at court, and as good neighbours in

the country ; all the restraints and reproaches of
former times being forgotten. But they were not
prudent managers of this prosperity, being too elate
and transported with the protection and connivance
they received : though I am persuaded their num
bers increased not, their pomp and boldness did to
that degree, that, as if they affected y to be thought
dangerous to the state, they appeared more publicly,
entertained and urged conferences more avowedly,
than had been before known : they resorted at com
mon hours to mass to Somerset house, and returned
thence in great multitudes, with the same barefaced-
ness as others came from the Savoy or other z neigh
bour churches : they attempted and sometimes ob
tained proselytes of weak uninformed ladies, with
such circumstances as provoked the rage and de
stroyed the charity of great and powerful families,
which longed for their suppression : they grew not
only secret contrivers, but public professed promoters
of, and ministers in, the most odious and the most
grievous projects: as in that of soap, formed, framed,
and executed, by almost a corporation of that reli
gion ; which, under that licence and notion, might
be, and were suspected to be, qualified for other
agitations. The priests, and such as were in orders,
(orders that in themselves were punishable by death,)
were departed from their former modesty and fear,
and were as willing to be known as to be hearkened
to ; insomuch as a Jesuit at Paris, who was coming
for England, had the boldness to visit the ambas-

y affected] had affected 7 or other] or the

OF THE REBELLION. 263

sador there, who knew him to be such, and, offering BOOK
his service, acquainted him with his journey, as if.

*-f

there had been no laws there a for his reception.
And for the most invidious b protection and counte
nance of that whole party, a public agent from
Rome (first Mr. Con, a Scottish-man ; and after him
the count of Rozetti, an Italian) resided at London
in great c port ; publicly visited the court ; and was
avowedly resorted to by the catholics of all condi
tions, over whom he d assumed a particular jurisdic
tion ; and was caressed and presented magnificently
by the ladies of honour, who inclined to that profes
sion. They had likewise, with more noise and va
nity than prudence would have admitted, made pub
lic collections of money to a considerable sum, upon
some recommendations from the queen, and to be
by her majesty presented as a free-will offering from
his Roman catholic subjects to the king, for the
carrying on the war against the Scots ; which drew
upon them the rage of that nation, with little devo
tion and reverence to the queen herself; as if she
desired to suppress the protestant religion in one
kingdom as well as the other, by the arms of the
Roman e catholics. To conclude, they carried them
selves so, as if they had been suborned by the Scots
to root out their own religion.

The bulk and burden of the state affairs, whereby The P er-
the envy attended them likewise, lay principally

upon the shoulders of the lord archbishop of Canter- thecom :

rnittee of

bury, the earl of StrafFord, and the lord Cottington ; state.
some others being joined to them, as the earl of

a there] here d he] they

b invidious] envious e Roman] Not in MS.

c in great] in a great

s 4

THE HISTORY

BOOK Northumberland for ornament, the lord bishop of

London for his place, being lord high treasurer of

England, the two secretaries, sir Henry Vane and
sir Francis Windebank, for service, and communica
tion of intelligence ; only the marquis of Hamilton
indeed, by his skill and interest, bore as great a part
as he had a mind to do, and had the skill to meddle
no farther than he had a mind. These persons made
up the committee of state, (which was reproachfully
after called the juncto, and enviously then in the
court the cabinet council^) who were upon all oc
casions, when the secretaries received any extraor
dinary intelligence, or were to make any extraordi
nary despatch, or as often otherwise as was thought
fit, to meet : whereas the body of the council ob
served set days and hours for their meeting, and
came not else together except specially summoned.
The arch. But, as I said before, the weight and the envy of
caute P r- all great matters rested upon the three first. The
archbishop, besides the sole disposal of whatsoever
concerned the church, which was an invidious f pro
vince, having been from the death of the earl of
Portland (at which time he was made commissioner
of the treasury) more engaged in the civil business,
than I am persuaded he desired to be ; and through
out the whole business passionately concerned for
the church of Scotland, and so, conversant in those
transactions: by all which means, besides that he
had usually about him an uncourtly quickness, if
not sharpness, and did not sufficiently value what
men said or thought of him ; a more than ordinary
prejudice and un charitableness was contracted against

f invidious] envious

OF THE REBELLION. 265

him; to which the new canons, and the circum- BOOK
stances in making them, made no small addition.

The earl of StrafFord had for the space of almost
six years entirely governed Ireland, where he hadstrafford.
been compelled, upon reason of state, to exercise
many acts of power ; and had indulged some to his
own appetite and passion, as in the cases of the lord
chancellor, and the lord Mount-Norris ; the first of
which was satis pro imperio ; but the latter, if it
had not concerned a person notoriously unbeloved,
and so the more unpitied, would have been thought
the most extravagant piece of sovereignty, that in a
time of peace had been ever executed by any sub
ject. When and why he was called out of Ireland
to assist in council here, I have touched before. He
was a man of too high and severe a deportment, and
too great a contemner of ceremony, to have many
friends at court, and therefore could not but have
enemies enough : he had two that professed it, the
earl of Holland, and sir Henry Vane : the first could
never forget or forgive a sharp sudden saying of his,
(for I cannot caU it counsel or advice,) when there
had been some difference a few years before between
his lordship and the lord Weston, in the managing
whereof the earl of Holland was confined to his
house, " that the king should do well to cut off his
" head :" which had been aggravated (if such an in
jury were capable of aggravation) by a succession of
discountenances mutually performed between them
to that time. Sir Henry Vane had not far to look
back to the time that the earl had with great earn
estness opposed his being made secretary, and pre-

% unbeloved,] unloved,

266 THE HISTORY

BOOK vailed for above a month s delay; which, though it
was done with great reason and justice by the earl,

on the behalf of an old fellow-servant, and his very
good h friend sir John Coke, (who was to be, and
afterwards was, removed to let him in,) yet the jus
tice to the one lessened not the sense of unkindness
to the other : after which, or about the same time,
(which it may be made the other to be the more
virulently remembered,) being to be made earl of
Strafford, he would needs in that patent have a new
creation of a barony, and was made baron of Raby,
a house belonging to sir Henry Vane, and an honour
he made account should belong to himself; 1 which
was an act of the most unnecessary provocation
(though he contemned the man with marvellous
scorn) that I have known, and I believe was the
chief occasion of k the loss of his head. To these a
third adversary (like to be more pernicious than the
other two) was added, the earl of Essex, naturally
enough disinclined to his person, his power, and his
parts, upon some rough carriage of the earl of Straf-
ford s towards the late earl of saint Alban s, to
whom he had a friendship, ] and therefore m openly
professed to be revenged. Lastly, he had an enemy
more terrible than all the other, and like to be more
fatal, the whole Scottish nation, provoked by the de
claration he had procured of Ireland, and some high
carriage and expressions of his against them in that
kingdom. So that he had reason to expect as hard
measure from such popular councils as he saw were
like to be in request, as all those disadvantages

h good] Not in MS. in MS.

l to himself ;] to him too ; l a friendship,] some piety,

k the chief occasion of] Not m and therefore] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 267

could create towards him. And yet no doubt his BOOK
confidence was so great in himself, and in the form

1 f^ A f\

of justice, (which he could not suspect would be so
totally confounded,) that he never apprehended a
greater censure than a sequestration from all public
employments, in which it is probable he had abun
dant satiety : and this confidence could not have
proceeded (considering /the full knowledge he had
of his judges) but from a proportionable stock of n ,
and satisfaction in, his own innocence.

The lord Cottington, though he was a very wise The lord
man, yet having spent the greatest part of his life ton/
in Spain, and so having been always subject to the
unpopular imputation of being of the Spanish fac
tion, indeed was better skilled to make his master
great abroad, than gracious at home; and being
chancellor of the exchequer from the time of the
dissolution of the parliament in the fourth year, had
his hand in many hard shifts for money ; and had
the disadvantage of being suspected at least a fa
vourer of the papists, (though that religion thought
itself nothing beholding to him,) by which he was in
great umbrage with the people : and then though
he were much less hated than either of the other
two, and the less, because there was nothing of
kindness between the archbishop and him ; and in
deed very few particulars of moment could be proved
against him : yet there were two objections against
him, which rendered him as odious as any to the
great reformers ; the one, that he was not to be re
conciled to, or made use of in, any of their designs ;
the other, that he had two good offices, without the

n of] Not in MS.

268 THE HISTORY

BOOK having of which their reformation could not be per->

. ! feet : for besides being chancellor of the exchequer,

* he was likewise master of the wards, and had raised
the revenue of that court to the king to be much
greater than it had ever been before his administra
tion ; by which husbandry, all the rich families of
England, of noblemen and gentlemen, were exceed
ingly incensed, and even indevoted to the crown,
looking upon what the law had intended for their
protection and preservation, to be now applied to
their destruction ; and therefore resolved to take
the first opportunity to ravish that jewel out of the
royal diadem, though it were fastened there by the
known law, upon as unquestionable a right, as the
subject enjoyed any thing that was most his own.
The mar- The marquis of Hamilton, if he had been then
Hamilton, weighed in the scales of the people s hatred, was at
that time thought to be in greater danger than any
one of the other; for he had more enemies, and
fewer friends, in court or country, than any P of the
other. His interest in the king s affection * was (at
least) r equal, and thought to be superior to any
man s ; and he had received as invidious s instances,
and marks of those affections. He had more out
faced the law in bold projects and pressures up^on
the people, than any other man durst have presumed
to do, as especially in the projects of wine and iron ;
about the last of which, and the most gross, he had
a sharp contest with the lord Coventry, (who was a
good wrestler too,) and at last compelled him to let
it pass the seal : the entire profit of which always

by] and by r (at least)] Not in MS.
P any] either s invidious] envious

1 affection] affections

OF THE REBELLION. 269

reverted to himself, and to such as were his pen- BOOK
sioners. He had been the sole manager of the bu-

^^

siness of Scotland till the pacification ; the readiest
man, though then absent, to advise that pacification,
and the most visible author of the breach of it.
Lastly, the discoveries between the lord Mackey
and David Ramsey, by which * the marquis was ac
cused of designing to make himself king of Scot
land, were u fresh in many men s memories, and the
late passages in that kingdom had revived it in
others ; so that he might reasonably have expected
as ill a presage for himself from those fortunetellers,
as the most melancholic of the other : but as he had
been always most careful and solicitous for himself,
so he was most likely to be apprehensive on his own
behalf, and to provide accordingly.

And here I cannot omit a story, which I received
from a very good hand, by which his great subtilty
and industry for himself may appear, and was in
deed as great a piece of art (if it were art) as I be
lieve will be found amongst the modern politicians.
After the calling the council of the peers at York
was resolved upon, and a little before the time of
their appearance, the marquis came to the king, and
with some cloudiness (which was not unnatural) and
trouble in his countenance, he desired his majesty to
give him leave to travel : the king, surprised, was
equally troubled at it, and demanded his reason : he
told him, " he well foresaw a storm, in which his
" shipwreck was most probable amongst others ; and
" that he, never having any thing before his eyes
" but his majesty s service, or in his vows, but an

1 by which] wherein u were] was

270 THE HISTORY

BOOK " entire simple obedience to his commands, might
" happily, by his own unskilfulness in what was fit

66
66
66
66

1 640. 66 ky an y o ther rule, be more obnoxious than other
" men ; and therefore, that, with his majesty s leave,
" he would withdraw himself from the hazard at
" least of that tempest." The king, most graciously
inclined to him, bid x him " be most confident, that
though he might (which he was resolved to do)
gratify his people with any reasonable indulgence,
he would never fail his good servants in that pro
tection which they had equal reason to expect
" from him." The marquis with some quickness
replied, " that the knowledge of that gracious dis-
" position in his majesty was the principal cause
" that he besought leave to be absent ; and that
" otherwise he would not so far desert his own in-
" nocence, which he was sure could be only sullied
" and discredited with infirmities and indiscretions,
" not tainted or defaced with design and malice.
But (said he) I know your majesty s goodness will
interpose for me to your own prejudice: and I
will rather run any fortune, from whence I may
again return to serve you, than be (as I foresee I
should be) so immediate a cause of damage and
mischief to so royal a master." He told him,
" that he knew there were no less fatal arrows
" aimed at the archbishop of Canterbury and the
" earl of Straff ord than at himself; and that he had
advertised the first, and advised the last, to take
the same course of withdrawing whereby he meant
" to secure himself :? but (he said) the earl was too

* bid him] bad him " take the same course he

y " to take the same course " meant to secure himself by

" of withdrawing whereby he " withdrawing :

" meant to secure himself:] to

66

66
66
(6
66
66

"
"

OF THE REBELLION. 271

" great-hearted to fear, and he doubted the other BOOK
" was too bold to fly. *

The king was much disturbed with the proba
bility and reason of what was said ; which the other
as soon observing, " There is (said he) one way by
" which I might secure myself without leaving the
" kingdom, and by which your majesty, as these
" times are like to go, might receive some advan-
" tage : but it is so contrary to my nature, and will
" be so scandalous to my honour in the opinion of
" men, that, for my own part, I had rather run my
" fortune." His majesty, glad that such an expe
dient might be found, (as being unwilling to hazard
his safety against so much reason as had been
spoken, by compelling him to stay ; and as unwill
ing, by suffering him to go, to confess an apprehen
sion that he might be imposed upon,) impatiently
asked, " What that way was ?" The marquis re
plied, " That he might endear himself to the other
" party by promising his service to them, and seem-
" ing to concur with them in opinions and designs ;
" the which he had reason to believe the principal
" persons would not be averse to, in hope that his
" supposed interest in his majesty s opinion might
" be looked upon as of moment to them for their
" particular recommendations. But (he said) this
" he knew would be z looked upon with so much
" jealousy by other men, and shortly with that re-
" proach, that he might by degrees be lessened even
" in his majesty s own trust ; and therefore it was a
" province he had no mind to undertake :" and so

z would be] would be immediately

THE HISTORY

BOOK renewed his suit again very earnestly for leave to
! travel.

1640. rpj^ ki n g ? f or t^ reasoils aforesaid, much de
lighted with this expedient, and believing likewise,
that in truth he might by this means frequently re
ceive informations a of great use, and having a sin
gular esteem of the fidelity and affection of the
marquis, told him positively, " That he should not
" leave him ; that he was not only contented, but
" commanded him to ingratiate himself by any
" means with the other people ;" and assured him,
" that it should not be in any body s power to in-
" fuse the least jealousy of him into his royal breast."
The which resolution his majesty observed so con
stantly, that the other enjoyed the liberty of doing
whatsoever he found necessary for his own behoof;
and with wonderful craft and low condescensions to
the ends and the appetites of very inferior people,
and by seasonable insinuations to several leading
persons (of how different inclinations soever) of such
particulars as were grateful to them, and seemed to
advance their distinct and even contrary interests
and pretences, he grew to have no less credit in the
parliament, than with the b Scottish commissioners ;
and was with great vigilance, industry, and dex
terity, preserved from any public reproach in those
charges which served to ruin other men, and which
with more reason and justice might have been ap
plied to him than c any other ; and yet for a long
time he did not incur the jealousy of the king ; to
whom he likewise gave many advertisements, which,

a informations] annnadver- b with the] in the
sions c than] than against

OF THE REBELLION. 273

if there had been persons enough who would have BOOK
concurred in prevention, might have proved of great

ii.

use. 164 -

In this state and condition were things and per- The ting
sons when the lords came to York to the great conn- the great

cil in September ; and the first day of their meeting

(that the counsel might not seem to arise from them solution s to

call a par-

who were resolved to give it, and that the queen foment.
might receive the honour of it ; who, the king d
said, had by a letter advised him to it ; as his ma
jesty exceedingly desired to endear her to the peo
ple) the king declared to them, " that he was re-
" solved to call a parliament to assemble at West-
" minster the third day of November following ;"
which was as soon as was possible. So the first work
was done to their hands, and they had now nothing
to do but to dispose matters in order against that
time, which could not well be done without a more
overt conversation with the Scots. For though
there was an intercourse made, yet it passed for
the most part through hands whom the chief had
no mind to trust : as the lord Savile ; whom his
bitter hatred to the earl of Strafford, and as pas
sionate hope of the presidentship of the north, whicli
the earl had, made applicable to any end ; but other
wise a person of so ill a fame, that many desired
not to mingle in counsels e with him. For, besides
his no reputation, they begun now to know that he
had long held correspondence with the Scots before
their coming in, and invited them to enter the king
dom with an army ; in order to which, and to raise
his own credit, he had counterfeited the hands of

d the king] he c in counsels] Not in MS.

VOL. I. T

274 THE HISTORY

BOOK some other lords, and put their names to some un-

_____ der takings of joining with the Scots; and therefore

1 640. they were resolved to take that negociation out of

his hands, (without drawing any prejudice upon him

for his presumption,) which they had quickly an op-

The Scots portunity to do. For the first day of the lords

petition the* . .

king : upon meeting, a petition is presented to his majesty lull
appointed of dutiful and humble expressions from the Scots,
. w j 1Q we jj k new their time, and had always (how

rough and undutiful soever their actions were) given
the king as good and as submissive words as can be
imagined. This petition, full of as much submis
sion as a victory itself could produce, (as was urged
by some lords,) could not but beget a treaty, and a
treaty was resolved on speedily to be at Rippon, a
place in the king s quarters: but then, special care
was taken, by caution f given to his majesty, that no
such ungracious persons might be intrusted by him
in this treaty as might beget jealousies in the Scots,
and so render it fruitless : and therefore the earls
of Hertford, Bedford, Pembroke, Salisbury, Essex,
Holland, Bristol, and Berkshire, the lords Man de vile,
Wharton, Dunsmore, Brook, Savile, Paulet, Howard
of Escrick (the lord Say being sick, and so not pre
sent at York) were chosen by the king ; all popular
men, and not one of them of much interest in the
court, but only the earl of Holland, who was known
to be fit for any counsel that should be taken against
the earl of Straff ord, who had among them scarce a
friend h or person civilly inclined towards him.
When these commissioners from the king arrived

f caution] cautions friend] had not amongst them

s persons] person one friend

h had among them scarce a

OF THE REBELLION. 275

at Rippon, there came others from the Scots army BOOK
of a quality much inferior, there being not above

66
66

66

ft
((

(6
66
66
66
66
66
66
66

corn-

two noblemen, whereof the lord Lowden was the^
chief, two or three gentlemen and citizens, and
Alexander Henderson their metropolitan, and two or
three other clergymen. The Scots applied them
selves most particularly to the earls of Bedford,
Essex, Holland, and the lord Mandevile, though in
public they seemed equally to caress them all ; and
besides the duty they professed to the king in the
most submiss expressions of reverence that could be
used, they made great and voluminous expressions
" of their affection to the kingdom and people of
" England ; and remembered the infinite obligations
" they had from time to time received from this na-
" tion ; especially the assistance they had from it in
their reformation of religion, and their attaining
the light of the gospel ; and therefore as it could
never fall into their hearts to be ungrateful to it,
so they hoped that the good people of England
" would not entertain any ill opinion of their coming 1
" into this kingdom at this time in a hostile man
ner, as if they had the least purpose of doing wrong
to any particular person, k much less to alter any
thing in the government of the kingdom; pro
testing, that they had the same tenderness of their
laws and liberties, and privileges, as of their own ;
and that they did hope, as the oppressions upon
their native country, both in their civil and spiri
tual rights, had obliged them to this manner of
address to the king, to whom all access had been
denied them by the power of their enemies ; so,

1 their coming] the manner k person,] persons,
of their coining

276 THE HISTORY

BOOK " that this very manner of their coming in might be

! " for the good of this kingdom, and the benefit of

" the subjects thereof, in the giving them opportu-
" nities l to vindicate their own liberties and laws ;
" which, though not yet so much invaded as those
" of Scotland had been, were enough infringed by
" those very men who had brought so great misery
" and confusion upon that kingdom ; and who in-
" tended, when they had finished their work there,
" and in Ireland, to establish the same slavery in
" England as they had brought upon the other two
" kingdoms. All which would be prevented by the
" removal m of three or four persons from about the
" king ; whose own gracious disposition and inclina-
" tion n would bountifully provide for the happiness
" of all his dominions, if those ill men had no in-
" fluence upon his counsels."

There was not a man of all the English com
missioners to whom this kind of discourse was not
grateful enough, and who did not promise to him
self some convenience that the alterations which
were like to happen might produce. And with
those lords with whom they desired to enter into a
greater confidence, they conferred more openly and
particularly, of the three persons towards whom
their greatest prejudice was, the archbishop, the
earl of StrafFord, and the marquis of Hamilton, (for
in their whole discourses they seemed equally at
least incensed against him, as against either of the
other two,) whom P they resolved should be removed
from the king. They spake in confidence " of the

1 opportunities] opportunity a] Not in MS.

m removal] remove P whom] which

" inclination] inclinations

OF THE REBELLION. 277

" excess of the queen s power, which in respect of BOOK
" her religion, and of the persons who had most in-

(S

if
((

(6
66
66
66
(6

**J

" terest in her, ought not to prevail so much upon
" the king as it did in all affairs. That the king
" could never be happy, nor his kingdom 4 flourish,
" till he had such persons about him in all places of
" trust, as were of honour and experience in affairs,
" and of good fortunes and interests in the affections
" of the people ; who would always inform his ma
jesty that his own greatness and happiness con
sisted in the execution of justice, and the happi
ness of his subjects; and who are known to be
zealous for the preservation and advancement of
the protestant religion, which every honest man
thought at present to be in great danger, by the
exorbitant power of the archbishop of Canterbury,
and some other bishops who were governed by
" him." It was no hard matter to insinuate into
the persons with whom they held this discourse, 1
that they were the very men who they wished
should be in most credit about the king ; and they
concluded that their affections were so great to this
kingdom, and they so desired s that all grievances
might be redressed * here, that though they should
receive present satisfaction in all that concerned
themselves, they would not yet return, till provision
might likewise be made for the just interest of
England, and the reformation of what was amiss
there in x reference to church and state.

* kingdom] kingdoms s t h ey so desired] Not in MS.

r discourse,] MS. adds : that * redressed] reduced

they were the persons to whom though they should] if they

they wished all trust should be might

communicated, and x in} with

T 3

278 THE HISTORY

BOOK This appeared so hopeful a model to most of the

. king s commissioners, (who y having no method pre-

scribed to them to treat in, were z indeed sent only
to hear what the Scots would propose, the king him
self then intending to determine what should be
granted to them,) they never considered the truth
of any of their allegations, nor desired to be in
formed of the ground of their proceedings ; but pa
tiently hearkened to all they said in public, of
which they intended to give an account to the king ;
and willingly heard all they said in private, and
made such use of it as they thought most conduced
to their own ends. The Scottish commissioners pro
posed, " that, for the avoiding the effusion of Chris-
" tian blood, there might be some way found to pre
vent all acts of hostility on either side ; which
could not possibly be done, except some order was
given for the payment of their army, which was
yet restrained to close and narrow quarters." And
the truth is, they were in daily fear that those quar
ters would have been beaten up, and so the ill cou
rage of their men too easily discovered, who were
more taught to sing psalms, and to pray, than to
use their arms ; their hopes of prevailing being,
from the beginning, founded upon an assurance that
they should not be put to fight.

There had been in that infamous rout at New-
burn two or three officers of quality taken prisoners,
who endeavouring to charge the enemy with the
courage they ought to do, being deserted by their
troops could not avoid falling into the Scots hands ;
two of which were Wilmot, who was commissary-

y who] that z were] and were

61
(f

66

66

OF THE REBELLION. 279

general of the horse, and O Neile, who was major of BOOK

a regiment ; both officers a of name and reputation, .

and of good esteem in the court with all those who
were incensed against the earl of Strafford, towards
whom they were both very indevoted. These b
gentlemen were well known to several of the prin
cipal commanders in the Scots army, (who had
served together with them in Holland under the
prince of Orange,) and were treated with great ci
vility in their camp ; and when the commissioners
came to Rippon, they brought them with them, and
presented them to the king by his commissioners, to
whom they were very acceptable ; and did those who
delivered them more service by the reports they
made of them in the army when they returned to
their charges, and in the court, than they could
have done by remaining prisoners with them ; and
contributed very much to the irreconciling the army
to the earl of Strafford, who was to command it.

After few days the commissioners returned to the
king at York, and gave him an account of what
had passed, and of the extraordinary affection of
the Scots to his majesty s service ; and Wilmot and
O Neile magnified the good discipline and order
observed in the army, and made their numbers to
be believed much superior to what in truth they
were.

Three of the commissioners, and no more, were The conn.
of the king s council, the earls of Pembroke, Salis- bouHht
bury, and Holland, who were all inspired by the^ n r | at
Scots, and liked well all that they pretended to de
sire. Besides those, the king had nobody to consult

a both officers] both who were officers b These] Those

T 4

280 THE HISTORY

BOOK with but the lord keeper Finch, the duke of Rich-
ii.

mond, the marquis of Hamilton, the earl of Straf-

OB ford, and sir Harry Vane, principal secretary of
state. The first of which, the lord keeper, was ob
noxious to so many reproaches, that, though his af
fection and fidelity was very entire to the king, all
his care was to provoke no more enemies, and to
ingratiate himself to as many of those as c he per
ceived were like to be able to protect him, which he
knew the king would not be able to do; and to
wards this he laboured with all industry and dex
terity. The duke of Richmond was young, and
used to discourse with his majesty in his bedcham
ber rather than at the council-board, and a man of
honour and fidelity in all places ; and in no degree
of confidence with his countrymen, because he would
not admit himself into any of their intrigues. The
marquis had leave to be wary, and would give his
enemies no new advantages.

Nor indeed was there any man s advice of much
credit with the king, but that of the earl of Straf-
ford ; who had no reason to declare his opinion upon
so nice a subject in the presence of the earl of Hol
land and sir Harry Vane ; and thought there was
only one way to be pursued, (which was not to be
communicated at the council,) and that was to drive
the Scots out of the kingdom by the army : and
without considering what was done at the treaty,
(which had not yet agreed upon any cessation,) he
sent a good party of horse, commanded by major
Smith, to fall upon a Scottish quarter in the bishop
ric of Durham, who defeated two or three of their

c those as] those who

OF THE REBELLION. 281

troops, and took all their d officers prisoners, and BOOK

made it manifest enough that the kingdom might L_

be rid of the rest, if it were vigorously pursued ;
which the earl of StrafFord heartily intended. But
Lesley, the Scottish general, complained " that he
" himself had forborne to make any such attempt
" out of respect to the treaty ;" and the English
commissioners thought themselves neglected and af
fronted by it. And when it was found that the
officer who conducted that enterprise was a Roman
catholic, it made more noise; and they prevailed
with the king to restrain his general from giving out
any more such orders.

The king begun e so far to dislike the temper of
his commissioners, that he thought the parliament f
would be more jealous of his honour, and more sen
sible of the indignities he suffered by the Scots, than
the commissioners appeared to be ; and therefore he
sent them back to Rippon again to renew the treaty,
and to conclude a cessation of arms upon as good
terms as they could ; so that the Scots army might
not advance into Yorkshire, nor enlarge their quar
ters any way beyond what they were already pos
sessed of: and this concession being agreed to, they
should not enter upon any other particulars, but ad
journ the treaty to London; which was the only
thing the Scots desired, and without this they could
never have brought their designs to pass. When the
other lords returned to Rippon, the earl of Pem
broke (as a man of a great fortune, and at that time
very popular) was sent with two or three other lords
to London, with a letter from the king, and a sub-

d their] the king began

e The king begun] And the f parliament] parliament itself

282

THE HISTORY

BOOK scription from the lords commissioners of the treaty

ii.

A cessation
agreed on.

_ (which was then more powerful) to borrow two hun-
1640. dred thousand pounds from the city, for the pay
ment of both armies whilst the cessation and treaty
should continue ; " which they hoped would quickly
" be at an end, and the Scots return into their own
" country." The city was easily persuaded to fur
nish the money, to be repaid out of the first that
should be raised by the parliament ; which was very
shortly to meet.

The commissioners at Rippon quickly agreed
upon the cessation ; and were not h unwilling to have
allowed fifty thousand pounds a month for the sup
port of the Scots army, when they did assign but
thirty thousand pounds a month for the payment of
the king s ; and to have taken the Scottish commis
sioners words for their musters, which made their
numbers so much superior to the other: but that
sum of fifty thousand pounds a month was after
wards reduced to about five and twenty thousand;
and the whole amounting to above fifty thousand
pounds a month, was a sum too great for the king
dom to pay long, as was then generally belie ved. h
It was pretended that two months would put an
end to the treaty; so that the two hundred thou
sand pounds, which the city had supplied, would
discharge all the i disbanding : and in this hope the

The] And the

h and were not generally be
lieved.] and undertook to pay
fifty thousand pound the month
for the support of the Scots
army, when they did assign but
thirty thousand pound the month
for the king s ; taking the Scots
commissioners word for their

musters, which made their num
bers so much superior to the
other ; which two sums amount
ing to fourscore thousand pound,
a sum too great for the kingdom
to pay long, as was then gene
rally believed.
1 the] to the

OF THE REBELLION. 283

king confirmed the cessation, and sent a safe con- BOOK
duct for such commissioners as the Scots should IL

think fit to send to London for the carrying on the 164 -

The treaty
treaty. adjourned

All which being done, the king and the lords left whither the

York, that they might be at London before the
ginning of the parliament; the earl of Strafford
staying still in the north to put the army into as
good a posture as he could, and to suppress the mu
tinous spirit it was inclined to ; and, if it were pos
sible, to dispose that great county (of which he had
the entire command) to a better temper towards the
king s service, and to a greater indignation towards
the Scots; of whom they did not use to have too
charitable an opinion. But in both these applica
tions he underwent great mortifications ; k the officers
of the army every day asking his leave to repair to
London, being chosen to serve in parliament ; and
when he denied to give them passes, they went
away without them : and the gentlemen of the
country who had most depended upon him, and
been obliged by him, withdrawing their application
and attendance, and entering into combination with
his greatest enemies against him.

It is not to be denied, the king was in very great
straits, and had it not in his power absolutely to
choose which way he would go ; and well foresaw,
that a parliament in that conjuncture of affairs
would not apply natural and proper remedies to the
disease ; for though it was not imaginable it would
run l the courses it afterwards did, yet it was visible
enough he must resign very much to their affections

k mortifications ;] mortification ; l run] have run

284 THE HISTORY

BOOK and appetite, (which were not like to be contained
[^ within any modest bounds,) and therefore no ques-

1640. tion his majesty did not think of calling a parlia
ment at first, but was wrought to it by degrees : yet
the great council could not but produce the other ;
where the unskilfulness and passion of some for want
of discerning consequences, and a general sharpness
and animosity against persons, did more mischief
than the power or malice of those who had a formed
design of confusion ; for without doubt that fire at
that time (which did shortly after burn the whole
kingdom) might have been covered under a bushel.
So as in truth there was no counsel so necessary
then, as for the king to have continued in his army,
and to have drawn none thither, but such as were
more afraid of dishonour than danger ; and to have
trusted the justice and power of the law with sup
pressing of tumults, and quieting disorders in his
rear.

It is strange, and had somewhat of a judgment
from Heaven in it, that all the industry and learning
of the late years had been bestowed in finding out
and evincing, that in case of necessity any extraor
dinary way for supply was lawful; and upon that
ground had proceeded when there was no necessity ;
and now, when the necessity was apparent, money
must be levied in the ordinary course of parliament,
which was then more extraordinary ] than the other
had been ; as York must be defended from an enemy
within twenty-five miles of it, by money to be given
at London six weeks after, and to be gathered with
in m six months. It had been only the season and

1 extraordinary] unnatural m within] in

and extraordinary

OF THE REBELLION. 285

evidence of necessity that had been questioned ; and BOOK
the view of it in a perspective of state at a distance

that no eyes could reach, denied to be ground enough
for an imposition : as no man could pull down his
neighbour s house because it stood next furze, or
thatch, or some combustible matter which might
take fire; though he might do it when that com
bustible matter was really a-fire. But it was never
denied that fiagrante bello, when an enemy had
actually invaded the kingdom, and so the necessity
both seen and felt, all n men s goods are the goods
of the public, to be applied to the public safety, and
as carefully to be repaired by the public stock. And
it is very probable, (since the factions within, and
the correspondence abroad was so apparent, that a
parliament then called would do the business of the
Scots, and of those who invited them hither,) that
if the king had positively declared, that he would
have no parliament as long as that army stayed in
England, but as soon as they were retired into their
own country he would summon one, and refer all
matters to their advice, and even be advised by them
in the composing the distractions of Scotland : I say,
it is probable, that they would either willingly have
left the kingdom, or speedily have been compelled ;
there being at that time an army in Ireland (as was
said before) ready to have visited Scotland.

Neither would the indisposition of the king s army
(which was begot only by those infusions, that there
must of necessity be a parliament, which would pre
vent farther fighting) have lasted, when they found P
those authors confuted; for the army was consti-

11 all] that all try.

Scotland.] their own coun- P found] had found

286 THE HISTORY

BOOK tuted of good officers, which were more capable of
being deceived by their friends, than imposed upon

1640. by their enemies; and they had their soldiers in
good devotion, and the business of Newburn would
rather have spurred them on than restrained them.*!
And it had been much the best course that could
have been taken, if, after the fright at Newburn, the
king, as well as the earl of Strafford, had made haste
to Durham, and kept that post, without staying at
York; and after some exemplary justice and dis
grace upon the chief officers who were faulty, till
the army had recovered their spirits, (which in a
very short time it did with shame and indignation
enough,) had marched directly against the Scots;
by which they would have speedily dispossessed
them of their new conquest, and forced them to
have run distracted into their own country ; as may
be reasonably concluded from their behaviour when
ever they were assaulted afterwards by the English.
And it is as strange, that the experience of the
last summer, when the attendance of so great a
number of the nobility (who had no mind to the
war, and as little devotion to the court) was the
true ground and cause of that ridiculous pacifica
tion, did not prevail with the king never to convene
the same company to him again r ; which could do
him very little good, if they had desired it; and
could not but do him more harm than even the
worst of them at that time intended to do: for it
might very easily have been foreseen, that the call
ing so many discontented, or disobliged, or disaf
fected men together, with a liberty to consult and

* have spurred them on than spur than a bit to all.
restrained them.] have been a r again] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION, 287

advise, very few whereof had that inclination 8 and BOOK

reverence for the person of the king they 1 ought to

have had, though scarce any of them had at that 1640
time that mischief in their hearts which they after
wards discovered against him, or indeed had the
least purpose to rebel ; I say, the calling such men
together could not but make men u much worse
than they came, and put worse thoughts into their
heads than they brought with them, when the mis
carriage as well as the misfortune of the court would
be the common argument and discourse ; and when
they would quickly discern, that it was like to be
in every one of their powers x to contribute to the
destruction, at least to the disgrace, of men they
had no kindness for, and most of them great ani
mosity against.

But the king was without the presence and at
tendance of any man in whose judgment and wis
dom he had a full confidence ; for the earl of Straf-
ford was at the army ; and they who first proposed
the calling the peers knew well enough that the
king knew parliaments too well to be inclined to
call one, if they should propose it; and therefore
they proposed another expedient, which he knew
not; and so was surprised with the advice, (which
he thought could do no harm,) and gave y direction
for the issuing out of the writs, before he enough
considered whether it might not in truth produce
some mischief he had not well thought of; as he
quickly found. 2 Nor did the Scots themselves re
solve to give him more disquiet in the ensuing par-*

8 inclination] affection x powers] power

1 they] as they y and gave] and so gave

u men] every man l found.] found it.

288 THE HISTORY

BOOK liament, than the major part of his great council,
that he brought together, resolved to concur with

-^ ^~^

* them in : a and with that disposition, which they
could never have contracted if they had remained
by themselves, they all hastened to the place where
they might do the mischief they intended.

The next error to this was, that at the meeting
of the great council at York, and before any consent
to the treaty at Rippon, there was not a state made,
and information given of the whole proceedings in
Scotland, and thereupon some debate and judgment
by the whole council before the sixteen departed,
for their information and instruction : and this had
been strangely omitted before at the pacification, in
somuch as many who had been employed in that
first at the Berkes, and in the last at Rippon, con
fessed that none b of them (and they were of the
prime quality) then did, or ever after, know any
thing of the laws and customs of that kingdom (by
which they might have judged whether the king
had exceeded his just power, or any thing of the
matter of fact in the several transactions) but what
they had received at those meetings from the per
sons who were naturally to make their own defence,
and so by accusing others to make their own case
the more plausible; in which it could not be ex
pected they would mention any thing to c their own
disadvantage.

By them they were told " of a liturgy imposed
upon them by their bishops, contrary to d or with
out act of parliament, with strange circumstances
of severity and rigour : of some clauses in that li-

a in :] therein : c to] for

l> none] neither d to] Not in MS.

66
(t

OF THE REBELLION. 289

" turgy, different from that of the church of Eng- BOOK
land;" with pretty smart comments of advice, and

0t

animadversions e upon those alterations : " of a book *
" of canons, in which an extraordinary and extrava-
" gant power was asserted to the bishops : of a high
" commission court, which exceeded all limits, and
" censured all degrees of men : of the insolent
" speeches of this bishop to that nobleman, and of
" the ill life of another : of their own f great humi-
" lity and duty to their sacred sovereign, without
" whose favour and protection they would not live :"
and, lastly, " of their several most submiss addresses,
" by petition and all other ways, to his majesty ;
" being desirous, when their grievances were but
" heard, to lay themselves and their complaints at
" his royal feet, and to be most entirely disposed by
" him in such manner, as to his wisdom alone should
be thought fit : but that, by the power and inter
position of their adversaries, all their supplications
" had been rejected, and they never yet admitted to
" be heard."

With these and the like artifices the good s lords
were so wrought upon and transported, that they
easily consented to whatsoever was proposed; nor
was there any proposition made and insisted on by
them at the first or second treaty, which was not
for the matter fully consented to : whereas, if their
lordships had been fully advertised of the whole
truth, (though there had been some inadvertencies
and incogitancy in the circumstances of the transac
tion,) his majesty had full power, by the laws of
Scotland then in force, to make that reformation he

animadversions] animad- f own] Not in MS.
version g the good] our good

VOL. I. U

((
6f

290 THE HISTORY

BOOK intended. All h their petitions and addresses had
- found most gracious acceptance, and received most

16*40. g rac i ous answers. But, 1 on the contrary, they had
invaded all the rights of the crown, altered the go
vernment, affronted the magistrates and ministers of
justice, and his majesty s own regal authority, with
unheard of insolences and contempts; rejected all
his offers of grace and pardon, and, without cause
or provocation, denounced war against him; be
sieged and taken the castle of Edinburgh, and other
places which held for his majesty. I say, if this
had been made as evident to them as surely it might
have been made, it is not possible but those noble
persons would have preserved themselves from being
deluded by them ; at least many of the inconveni
ences which after ensued would have been prevented,
if the form and method of their proceedings had
been prescribed, or better looked into. k

But it must be confessed, that in that conjunc
ture such necessary evidence and information could
very hardly be given : for though it must not be
doubted that there were many particular persons of
honour of that nation who abhorred the outrages
which were committed, and retained within their
own breasts 1 very loyal wishes for his majesty s
prosperity ; yet it cannot be denied that those per
sons, who by the . places they held (of king s advo
cate, and other offices) ought to have made that in
formation of matter of law, and matter of fact, were
themselves the most active promoters of the rebel
lion ; and the defection was so general, and so few

h All] And all k into.] unto.

1 But,] And that, l breasts] breast

OF THE REBELLION. 291

declared, or were active on his majesty s behalf, 1 " BOOK

. . . ii.
that they who were not corrupted in their inward !

fidelity were so terrified, that they durst not appear
in any office that might provoke those who solely
had the power and the will to destroy them.

The last and most confounding error was the re
moving the treaty to London, and upon any terms
consenting that the Scottish commissioners should
reside there before a peace concluded. By which
means, they had not only opportunity to publish all
their counsels and directions in their sermons to the
people, (who resorted thither in incredible numbers,)
and to give their advice, from time to time, to those
of the English who knew not so well yet to compass
their own ends, but were ready (when any business
was too big and unwieldy to be managed by the
few who were yet throughly engaged) to interpose
in the name of their nation, and, with reference to
things or persons, to make such demands from and
on the behalf of the kingdom of Scotland, as under
no other style would have received any countenance :
and this brought that universal terror with it (as
will appear to the life in the process of this history n )
upon those of nearest relation to the king s service,
as well as those at a greater distance, who clearly
discerned and detested the villainy and wickedness
of those transactions, that their wariness and wis
dom could not be great enough to preserve them, if
they did not stupidly look on without seeming to
understand what they could in no degree control or
prevent.

m the defection was so ge- declaration or activity on his nia-

neral,-and so few declared, or jesty s behalf, was so general,
were active on his majesty s " history] relation
behalf,] the defection, as to any

u 2

292 THE HISTORY

BOOK In all conspiracies there must be great secrecy,
consent, and union ; yet it can hardly be conceived*

* with what entire confidence in each other the nu
merous and not very rich nobility of Scotland (for
of the common people, who are naturally very de
pendent on? the other, there can be no wonder) con
curred in the carrying on this rebellion : their strange
condescension and submission to their ignorant and
insolent clergy, who were to have great authority,
because they were to inflame all sorts of men upon
the obligations of conscience; and in order there
unto, and to revenge a little indiscretion and ill
manners of some of the bishops, had liberty to erect
a tribunal the most tyrannical over all sorts of men,
and in all the families of the kingdom : so that the
preacher reprehended the husband, governed the
wife, chastised the children, and insulted over the
servants, in the houses of the greatest men. They
referred the management 1 and conduct of the whole
affair to a committee of a few, who had never before
exercised any office or authority in the public, with
that perfect resignation and obedience, that nobody
presumed to inquire what was to be done, or to
murmur at or censure any thing that was done ; and
the general himself, and the martial affairs, were
subject to this regimen and discipline as well as the
civil : yet they who were intrusted with this supe
riority, paid all the outward respect and reverence
to the person of the general, as if all the power r and
disposal had been in him alone.

The few English (for there were yet but very few
who were intrusted from the beginning of the en-

and not very rich] proud ** management] managery
and indigent r all the power] the sole

P very dependent on] slaves to power

OF THE REBELLION.

terprise, and with all that was then projected) were BOOK
men of reserved and dark natures, of great industry
and address, and of much reputation for probity and
integrity of life, and who trusted none but those who
were contented to be trusted to that degree as they
were willing to trust them, without being inquisi
tive into more than they were ready to communi
cate, and for the rest depended upon their discretion
and judgment ; and so prepared and disposed, by se
cond and third hands, many to concur and contri
bute to several 8 preparatory actions, who would
never have consented to the conclusions* which na
turally resulted from those premises.

This united strength, and humble and active tem
per, was not encountered by an equal providence and
circumspection in the king s councils, or an equal
temper and dutiful disposition in the court ; nor did
they, who resolved honestly and stoutly to discharge
the offices of good servants and good subjects to the
utmost opposition of all unlawful attempts, commu
nicate their purposes to men of the same integrity,
that so they might unite their counsels as well in
the manner and way, as their resolutions in the end.
But every one thought it enough to preserve his own
innocence, and to leave the rest to those who should
have authority to direct. The king was perplexed
and irresolute, and, according to his natural consti
tution, (which never disposed him to jealousy of any
man of whom he had once thought well,) was full of
hope, that his condition was not so bad as it seemed
to be. The queen u wished much better to the earl

8 several] many u The queen] MS. adds : how

1 the conclusions] those con- much troubled soever
elusions

u 3

THE HISTORY &c.

BOOK of Holland, than to the archbishop, or the earl of
Strafford, neither of them being in any degree ac-

1C40. ceptable to her; so that she was little concerned for
the danger that threatened them : but when she saw
the king s honour and dignity invaded in the prose
cution, she withdrew her favour from the earl of
Holland: but then she was persuaded, by those who
had most credit with her, to believe, that, by the re
moval of the great ministers, her power and autho
rity would be increased, and that the prevailing party
would be willing to depend upon her ; and that, by
gratifying the principal persons of them with such
preferments as they affected, she would quickly re
concile all ill humours ; and so she hearkened to any
overtures of that kind ; which were always carried
on without the consent or privity of those who were
concerned, who in truth more disliked her absolute
power with the king, than any other excess of the
court, and looked upon it as the greatest grievance.
Every man there considered only what application
would be most like to raise his own fortune, or to do
those x harm with whom he was angry, and gave
himself wholly up to those artifices which might pro
mote either. To preserve themselves from the dis
pleasure and censure of the parliament, and to ren
der themselves gracious to those who were like to be
powerful in it, was all men s business and solicitude.
And in this very unequal and disproportioned condi
tion and temper, was the king s and the Scottish
army, the courU and the country, when the parlia
ment met.

* do those] do him > the court] that of the court

THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK.

THE

HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION, &c.

BOOK III.

DEUT. xii. 30.

Take heed to thyself that tliou be not snared by following
them, and that thou inquire not after their gods, saying,
How did these nations serve their gods? even so will I do
likewise.

JUDGES ii. 3.

But they shall be as thorns in your sides, and their

gods shall be a snare unto you. a

X HE parliament met b upon the third of November, 1640
1640, with a fuller appearance than could be rea-
sonably expected, from the short time for elections
after the issuing out c the writs ; insomuch as at the 16 40 -
first not d many members were absent. It had a sad
and a melancholic aspect upon the first entrance,
which presaged some unusual and unnatural events.

DEUT. xii. 30. &c. unto meeting of this parliament wilt

you. ] Not in MS. be found in the Appendix B.

TJJE parliament met] The c out] out of

account given in MS. C. of the (1 not] No* { n MS.

u 4

296 THE HISTORY

BOOK The king himself did not ride with his accustomed
equipage nor in his usual majesty to Westminster, but

ft went privately in his barge to the parliament stairs,
and after 6 to the church, as if it had been to a return
of a prorogued or adjourned parliament. And there
was likewise an untoward, and in truth an unheard
of accident, which broke f many of the king s mea
sures, and infinitely disordered his service beyond a
capacity of reparation. From the time the calling a
parliament was resolved upon, the king designed sir
Thomas Gardiner, who was recorder of London, to
be speaker in the house of commons ; a man of gra
vity and quickness, that had somewhat of authority
and gracefulness in his person and presence, and in
all respects equal to the service. There was little
doubt but that he would be chosen to serve in one of
the four places for the city of London, which had
very rarely rejected their recorder upon that occa
sion ; and lest that should fail, diligence was used in
one or two other places that he might be elected.
The opposition was so great, and the faction so
strong, to hinder his being elected in the city, that
four others were chosen for that service, without
hardly mentioning his name : nor was there less in
dustry used to prevent his being chosen in other
places ; clerks were corrupted not to make out the
writ for one place, and ways were found out s to
hinder the writ from being executed in another, time
enough for the return before the meeting : so great
a fear there was, that a man of entire affections to
the king, and of prudence enough to manage those
affections, and to regulate the contrary, should be

e after] so f broke] brake * out] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 297

put into the chair. h So that the very morning the BOOK
parliament was to meet, and when the king in

tended to go thither, he was informed, that sir
Thomas Gardiner was not returned to serve as a
member in the house of commons, and so was not
capable of being chosen to be speaker ; so that his
majesty deferred his going to the house till the after
noon, by which time he was to think of another
speaker.

Upon the perusal of all the returns into the crown
office, there were not found many lawyers of emi
nent name, (though many of them proved very emi
nent men afterwards,) or who had served long in
former parliaments, the experience whereof was to
be wished; and men of that profession had been
most commonly 1 thought the most proper for that
service, and the putting it out of that channel at
that time was thought too hazardous ; so that, after
all the deliberation the shortness of k that time would
admit, Mr. Lenthall, a bencher of Lincoln s Inn, (a
lawyer of competent practice, and no ill reputation
for his affection to the government both of church
and state,) was pitched upon by the king, and with
very great difficulty rather prevailed with than per
suaded to accept the charge. And no doubt a worse
could not have been deputed of all that profession
who were then returned ; for he was a man of a
very narrow, timorous nature, and of no experience
or conversation in the affairs of the kingdom, beyond
what the very drudgery in his profession (in which
all his design was to make himself rich) engaged him

h the chair.] that chair. k the shortness of] Not in

1 most commonly] always MS.

298 THE HISTORY

BOOK in. In a word, he was in all respects very unequal

. ! to the work ; and not knowing how to preserve his

- own dignity, or to restrain the licence and exorbi
tance of others, his weakness contributed as much to
the growing mischiefs, as the malice of the principal
contrivers. However, after the king had that after
noon recommended 1 the distracted condition of the
kingdom (with too little majesty) to the wisdom of
the two houses of parliament, to have such reforma
tion and remedies applied as they should think fit,
proposing to them, as the best rule for their coun
sels, " that all things should be reduced to the prac-
" tice of the time of queen Elizabeth ;" the house of
commons no sooner returned to their house, than
Mr. Lent- they chose Mr. Lenthall to be their speaker ; and

hall made

speaker, two days after, with the usual ceremonies and cir
cumstances, presented him to the king, who de
clared his acceptation ; and so both houses were
ready for the m work.

There was observed a marvellous elated counte
nance in many 11 of the members of parliament before
they met together in the house ; the same men who
six months before were observed to be of very mo
derate tempers, and to wish that gentle remedies
might be applied, without opening the wound too
wide, and exposing it to the air, and rather to cure
what was amiss than too strictly to make inquisition
into the causes and original of the malady, talked
now in another dialect both of things and persons ;
and said, " that they must now be of another tem-

1 recommended] commended Thus in MS. : Mr. Hyde, who

m the work] their work was returned to serve for a bo-

n many] most rough in Cornwall, met Mr.

and said, " that they must] Pym in Westminster-hall some

OF THE REBELLION. 299

" per than they were the last parliament ; that they BOOK
" must not only sweep the house clean below, but

it
tt

" must pull down all the cobwebs which hung in the
" top and corners, that they might not breed dust,
" and so make a foul house hereafter ; that they had
" now an opportunity to make their country happy,
" by removing all grievances, and pulling up the
causes of them by the roots, if all men would do
their duties;" and used much other sharp dis
course? to the same purpose : by which it was dis
cerned, that the warmest and boldest counsels and
overtures would find a much better reception than
those of a more temperate allay ; which fell out ac
cordingly : and the very first day they met together,
in which they could enter upon business, Mr. Pym, Mr.pym
in a long, formed discourse, lamented the miserable d gbatJ of 6
state and condition of the kingdom, aggravated all s nevances
the particulars which had been done amiss in the
government, as " done and contrived maliciously,
" and upon deliberation, to change the whole frame,
and to deprive the nation of all the liberty and
property which was their birthright by the laws of
" the land, which were now no more considered, but
subjected to the arbitrary power of the privy-
council, which governed the kingdom according to
their will and pleasure; these calamities falling
upon us in the reign of a pious and virtuous king,
who loved his people, and was a great lover of
" justice." And thereupon enlarging in some specious
commendation of the nature and goodness of the
king, that he might wound him with less suspicion,

days before the parliament, and him, Mr. Hyde, that they must
conferring together upon the P discourse] discourse to him
state of affairs, the other told

tt
tt

tt
tt
tt
tt
a

300 THE HISTORY

BOOK he said, " We must inquire from what fountain
" these waters of bitterness flowed ; what persons

66

66

66
66
66
66
66
66

m " they were who had so far insinuated themselves
" into his royal affections, as to be able to pervert
" his excellent judgment, to abuse his name, and
wickedly apply his authority to countenance and
support their own corrupt designs. Though he
doubted there would be many found of this classis,
" who had contributed their joint endeavours to
bring this misery upon the nation ; yet he believed
there was one more signal in that administration
than the rest, being a man of great parts and con
trivance, and of great industry to bring what he
designed to pass ; a man, who in the memory of
many present had sat in that house an earnest vin-
" dicator of the laws, and a most zealous assertor
" and champion for the liberties of the people ; but
that it was long since he turned apostate from
those good affections, and, according to the cus
tom and nature of apostates, was become the great
est enemy to the liberties of his country, and the
greatest promoter of tyranny that any age had
produced." And then he 1 named " the earl of
" Strafford, lord lieutenant of Ireland, and lord pre-
" sident of the council established in York, for the
" northern parts of the kingdom : who, he said, had
" in both places, and in all other provinces wherein
" his service had been used by the king, raised ample
" monuments of his tyrannical nature ; and that he
" believed, if they took a short survey of his actions
" and behaviour, they would find him the principal
" author and promoter of all those counsels which

<i he] Not in MS.

66
66
66
66
66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 301

" had exposed the kingdom to so much ruin :" and so BOOK

instanced in r some high and imperious actions done !

by him in England and in Ireland, some proud and *
over-confident expressions in discourse, and some
passionate advices he had given in the most secret
councils and debates of the affairs of state ; adding
some lighter passages of his vanity and amours ; that
they who were not inflamed with anger and detest
ation against him for the former, might have less
esteem and reverence for his prudence and discre
tion : and so concluded, " That they would well
" consider how to provide a remedy proportionable
" to the disease, and to prevent the farther mischiefs
" they were s to expect from the continuance of this
" great man s power and credit with the king, and
" his influence upon his counsels."

From the time that the earl of StrafFord was
named, most men believed that there would be some
committee appointed* to receive information of all
his miscarriages, and that, upon report thereof, they
would farther consider what course to take in the
examination and prosecution thereof: but they had
already prepared and digested their business to a
riper period.

Mr. Pym had no sooner finished his discourse,
than sir John Clotworthy (a gentleman of Ireland,
and utterly unknown in England, who was, by the
contrivance and recommendation of some powerful
persons, returned to serve for a borough in Devon
shire, that so he might be enabled to act this part
against the lord lieutenant) made a long and con-

r in] Not in MS. * appointed] named

8 they were] which they were

302 THE HISTORY

BOOK fused relation " of his tyrannical carriage in that
" kingdom ; of the army he had raised there to in-

1640. (6 va d e Scotland; how he had threatened the parlia-
" ment, if they granted not such supplies as he re-
" quired ; of an oath he had framed to be adminis-
" tered to all the Scottish nation which inhabited
" that kingdom, and his severe proceedings against
" some persons of quality who refused to take that
" oath ; and that he had with great pride and pas-
" sion publicly declared at his leaving that kingdom,
" If ever he should return to that sword, he would
" not leave a Scottish-man to inhabit in Ireland :"
with a multitude of very exalted expressions, and
some very high actions in his administration of that
government, in which the lives as well as the for
tunes of men had been disposed of out of the com
mon road of justice : all which made him to be look
ed upon as a man very terrible, and under whose au
thority men would not choose to put themselves.

Several other persons appearing ready to continue
the discourse, and the morning being spent, so that,
according to the observation of parliament hours,
the time of rising was u come, an order was suddenly
made, " that the door should be shut, and nobody
" suffered to go out of the house ;" which had rarely
been x practised : care having been first taken to give
such advertisement to some of the lords, that that
house might likewise be kept from rising; which
would otherwise y very much have broken their mea
sures.

Then sir John Hotham, and some other Yorkshire
men, who had received some disobligation from the

" was] being x rarely been] been rarely > otherwise] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 303

earl in the country, continued the invective, men- BOOK
tioning many particulars of his imperious carriage,

66
66

\^_S W * V.-X

and that he had, in the face of the country, upon
the execution of some illegal commission, declared,
that they should find the little finger of the king s
prerogative heavier upon them than the loins of
" the law ;" which expression, though upon after-
examination it was found to have a quite contrary
sense, marvellously increased the passion and preju
dice towards him.

In conclusion, after many hours of bitter inveigh
ing, and ripping up the course of his life before his
coining to court, and his actions after, it was moved,
according to the secret resolution taken before, " that
" he might be forthwith impeached of high trea-
" son ;" which was no sooner mentioned, than it
found an universal approbation and consent from
the whole house z : nor was there, in all the debate, a
one person who offered to stop the torrent by any
favourable testimony concerning the earl s carriage,
save only that the lord Falkland, (who was very
well known to be far from having any kindness for
him,) when the proposition was made for the pre
sent accusing him of high treason, modestly desired
the house to consider, " Whether it would not suit
" better with the gravity of their proceedings, first
to digest many of those particulars, which had
been mentioned, by a committee, before b they sent
up to accuse him ? declaring himself to be abun
dantly satisfied that there was enough to charge
him :" b which was very ingenuously and frankly

66

66
66
66
66

house] Not in MS. debate,

:l all the debate,] the whole h before charge him :]

304 THE HISTORY

BOOK answered by Mr. Pym, " That such a delay might
" probably blast all their hopes, and put it out of
1640. (( their power to proceed farther than they had done
" already ; that the earl s power and credit with the
" king, and with all those who had most credit with
" king or queen, was so great, that when he should
" come to know that so much of his wickedness
" was discovered, his own conscience would tell him
" what he was to expect ; and therefore he would
" undoubtedly procure the parliament to be dis-
" solved, rather than undergo the justice of it, or
" take some other desperate course to preserve him-
" self, though with the hazard of the kingdom s
" ruin : whereas, if they presently sent up to im-
" peach him of high treason before the house of
" peers, in the name and on the behalf of all the
" commons of England, who were represented by
" them, the lords would be obliged in justice to
" commit him into safe custody, and so sequester
" him from resorting to council, or having access to
" his majesty : and then they should proceed against
" him in the usual form with all necessary expe
dition."

To those who were known to have no kindness
for him, and seemed to doubt whether all the par
ticulars alleged, being proved, would amount to high
treason, it was alleged, " That the house of com-
" mons were not judges, but only accusers, and that
" the lords were the proper judges whether such a
complication of enormous crimes in one person did
not amount to the highest offence the law took

(6

66

in MS : declaring himself to be was enough to charge him be-
abundantly satisfied that there fore they sent up to accuse him.

OF THE REBELLION. 305

* notice of, and therefore that it was fit to present it BOOK
" to them." These reasons of the haste they made,

so clearly delivered, gave that universal satisfaction,
that, without farther considering the injustice and
unreasonableness of it, they voted unanimously, (for
aught appeared to the contrary by any avowed con
tradiction,) " That they would forthwith send up to The com-
" the lords, and accuse the earl of Strafford of high peach the

, i .1 j i earlofStraf-

treason, and several other crimes and misdemean- f 0r a of
" ours, and desire that he might be presently seques- treason -
" tered from the c council, and committed to safe
" custody ;" and Mr. Pym was made choice of for
the messenger to perform that office. This d being
determined, the doors were opened, and most of the
house accompanied him on the errand.

It was about three of the clock in the afternoon,
when the earl of Strafford, (being infirm, and not
well disposed in his health, and so not having stirred
out of his house that morning,) hearing that both
houses still sat, thought fit to go thither. It was
believed by some (upon what ground was never clear
enough) that he made that haste then to accuse the
lord Say, and some others, of having induced the
Scots to invade the kingdom : but he was scarce en
tered into the house of peers, when the message from
the house of commons was called in, and when Mr.
Pym at the bar, and in the name of all the commons
of England, impeached Thomas earl of Strafford
(with the addition of all his other titles) of high
treason, and several other heinous crimes and mis
demeanours, of which he said the commons would in
due time make proof in form ; and in the mean time

c the] Not in MS. d This] And this

VOL, I. X

(t
tt

306 THE HISTORY

BOOK desired in their name, that he might be sequestered

! from all councils, and be put into safe custody; and

0> so withdrawing, the earl was, with more clamour
than was suitable to the gravity of that supreme
court, called upon to withdraw, hardly obtaining
leave to be first heard in his place, which could not
be denied him.

He e then lamented " his great misfortune to lie
" under so heavy a charge ; professed his innocence
" and integrity, which he made no doubt he should
" make appear to them ; desired that he might have
" his liberty, until some guilt should be proved ; f
" and desired them to consider, what mischief they
" should bring upon themselves, if upon such a ge
neral charge, without the mention of any one
crime, a peer of the realm should be committed to
" prison, and so deprived of his place in that house,
" where he was summoned by the king s writ to as-
" sist in their counsels ; and of what consequence
" such a precedent might be to their own privilege
" and birthright :" and then withdrew. The peers

The eari is w ith very little debate resolved " he h should be corn-
committed .11 i i n
to the black-" mitted to the custody of the gentleman usher ot

" the black-rod, there to remain until the house of
" commons should bring in a particular charge
" against him :" which determination of the house
was pronounced to him at the bar upon his knees,
by the lord keeper of the great seal, upon the wool
sack : and so being taken away by Maxwell, gen
tleman usher, Mr. Pym was called in, and informed

e He] And he debate resolved "he] And with

f proved ;] made appear ; very little debate the peers re-

counsels ;] counsel ; solved that he
h The peers with very little

OF THE REBELLION. 807

what the house had done ; after which (it being then BOOK

in
about four of the clock) both houses adjourned till 1_

the next day. 1 64 *

When this work was so prosperously over, they
begun i to consider, that notwithstanding all the in
dustry that had been used to procure such members
to be chosen, or returned though not chosen, who
had been most refractory to the government of the
church and state ; yet that the house was so consti
tuted, that when the first heat (which almost all men
brought with them) should be a little allayed, violent
counsels would not be long hearkened to : and there
fore, as they took great care by the k committee of
elections to remove as many of those members as
they suspected not to be inclinable to their passions
upon pretence " that they were not regularly chosen,"
that so they might bring in others more pliable l in
their places ; in which no rule m of justice was so
much as pretended to be observed by them ; inso
much as it was often said by leading men amongst
them, " That they ought in those cases of elections
" to be guided by the fitness and worthiness of the
person, whatsoever n the desire of those was, in
whom the right of election remained ;" and there
fore one man hath been admitted upon the same
rule by which another hath been rejected : so they
declared, " That no person, how lawfully and regu-
" larly soever chosen and returned, should be and sit
" as a member with them, who had been a party or
" favourer of any project, or who had been employ-
" ed in any illegal commission."

1 begun] began rule] rules

k the] their n whatsoever] whatever

1 pliable] compilable favourer] a favourer

cc

it

308 THE HISTORY

BOOK By P this means (contrary to the customs i and
rights of parliament) many gentlemen of good quali-

ty were removed, in whose places commonly others
were chosen of more agreeable dispositions : but in
this likewise there was no rule observed; for no
person was hereby removed, of whom there was any
hope that he might be applied to the violent courses
which were intended. Upon which occasion the king
charged them in one of his declarations, " that when,
" under that notion of projectors, they expelled
" many, they yet never questioned sir Henry Mild-
" may, or Mr. Laurence Whitaker ;" who had been
most scandalously engaged in those pressures, though
since more scandalously in all enterprises against his
majesty ; to which never any answer or reply was
made.

The next art was to make the severity and rigour
of the house as formidable as was possible, and to make
as many men apprehend themselves obnoxious to
the house, as had been in any trust or employment
in the kingdom. Thus they passed many general
votes concerning ship-money, in which all who had
been high sheriffs, and so collected it, were highly
concerned. The like sharp conclusions were made r
upon all lords lieutenants and their deputies, which
were the prime gentlemen of quality in all the coun
ties of England. Then upon some disquisition of
the proceedings in the star-chamber, and at the
council-table, all who concurred in such a sentence,
and consented to such an order, were declared cri
minal, s and to be proceeded against. So that, in a
moment, all the lords of the council, all who had

P By] And by r were made] Not in MS.

i customs] custom s criminal] criminous

OF THE REBELLION. 309

been deputy lieutenants, or high sheriffs, during the BOOK
late years, found themselves within the mercy of
these grand inquisitors : and hearing new terms of
art, that a complication of several misdemeanours
might grow up to treason, and the like, it was no
wonder if men desired by all means to get their fa
vour and protection.

When they had sufficiently startled men by these The

proceedings, and upon half an hour s debate sent

an accusation against the lord archbishop of Canter- jjj
bury of high treason, and so removed him likewise 8011
from the king s council, they rested satisfied with
their general rules, votes, and orders, without mak
ing haste to proceed either against things or per
sons ; being willing rather to keep men in suspense,
and to have the advantage of their fears, than, by
letting them see the worst that could befall them,
lose the benefit of their application. For this reason
they used their utmost skill to keep off any debate
of ship-money, that that whole business might hang
like a meteor over the heads of those that were in
any degree faulty in it ; and it was observable, when,
notwithstanding all their endeavours to divert it, 1
that business was brought into debate, and upon
that (which could not be avoided) the lord Finch
named as an avowed factor and procurer of that
odious judgment ; who, if their rule were true, " that
" an endeavour to alter the government by law, and
" to introduce an arbitrary power, were treason," was
the most notoriously and inexcusably guilty of that
crime of any man that could be named ; before they
would endure the mention of an accusation of high

* endeavours to divert it,] diversions,

x 3

310 THE HISTORY

BOOK treason, they appointed a committee, with great de
liberation and solemnity, to bring in a charge for-

- mally prepared, (which had not been done in the
case of the lord archbishop, or the earl of Str afford,)
and then gave him a day to be heard for himself at
the house of commons bar, whereby, u against all
order, he was x to take notice of what was handled
in the house concerning himself ;? and then finding
that, by their own rules, he would be likewise ac
cused of high treason, they continued the debate so
long, that the lords house was risen, so that the ac
cusation was not carried up till the next morning ;
The lord and before that time, the lord keeper (being well in-
ith formed of all that had passed) had withdrawn him-
- se lf; and shortly after went into Holland: the lord

yond sea.

Littleton, then chief justice of the court of common
pleas, being made keeper of the great seal of Eng
land in his place.

About the same time, sir Francis Windebank, one
of the principal secretaries of state, and then a mem
ber of the house of commons, was accused of many
transactions on the behalf of the papists, of several
natures, (whose extraordinary patron indeed he was,)
and he being then present in the house, several war
rants under his own hand were produced for the dis
charge of prosecutions against priests, and for the re
lease of priests out of prison : whereupon, whilst the
matter should be debated, according to custom he
was ordered to withdraw, and so went into the usual
place, the committee-chamber ; immediately where
upon, the house of commons went to a conference
with the lords upon some other occasion, and return-

u whereby,] and so, x he was] Not in MS, y himself;] him ;

OF THE REBELLION. 311

in from that conference, no more resumed the de- BOOK

in.
bate of the secretary ; but having considered some

-*~r

other business, rose at their usual hour ; and so the
secretary had liberty to go to his own house ; from
whence, observing the disposition of the house, and
well knowing what they were able to say against
him, he had no more mind to trust himself in that AS did iike-
company, but the same night withdrew himself from J^
any place where inquiry might be made for him, and bank *
was no more heard of till the news came of his being
landed in France.

So that within less than six weeks, for no more z
was yet elapsed, these terrible reformers had caused
the two greatest counsellors of the kingdom, and
whom they most feared, and so hated, to be removed
from the king, and imprisoned, under an accusation
of high treason ; and frighted away the lord keeper
of the great seal of England, and one of the princi
pal secretaries of state, into foreign kingdoms, for
fear of the like ; besides the preparing all the lords
of the council, and very many of the principal gen
tlemen throughout England, who (as was said before)
had been high sheriffs, and deputy lieutenants, to
expect such measure of punishment from their gene
ral votes and resolutions, as their future demeanour
should draw upon them, for their past offences ; by
which means, they were like to find no vigorous a
resistance or opposition in their farther designs.

I could never yet learn the true b reason, why
they suffered secretary Windebank to escape their
justice, (for the lord Finch, it was visible he was in
their favour, and they would gladly have preserved

1 no more] no more time b true] Not in MS,

a vigorous] very vigorous

X 4

THE HISTORY

BOOK him in the place,) against whom they had more preg-

nant testimony of offences within the verge of the

* law, than against any person they have accused since
this parliament, and of some that, it may be, might
have proved capital, and so their appetite of blood
might have been satisfied : for, besides his frequent
letters of intercession in his own name, and significa
tion of his majesty s pleasure, on the behalf of papists
and priests, to the judges, and to other ministers of
justice; and protections granted by himself to priests,
that nobody should molest them ; he harboured some
priests in his own house, knowing them to be such ;
which, by the statute made in the twenty-ninth year
of queen Elizabeth, is made felony : and there were
some warrants under his own hand for the release of
priests out of Newgate, who were actually attainted
of treason, and condemned to be hanged, drawn, and
quartered ; which, by the strict letter of the statute,
the lawyers said, would have been very penal to him.
I remember one story brought into the house con
cerning him, that administered some mirth : A mes
senger, (I think his name was Newton,) who princi
pally attended c the service of apprehending priests,
came one day to him in his garden, and told him,
that he had brought with him a priest, a stirring
and active person, whom he had apprehended that
morning ; and desired to know to what prison he
should carry him." The secretary sharply asked
him, " Whether he would never give over this blood-
" thirsty humour ?" and in great anger calling him
knave, and taking the warrant from him by which
he had apprehended him, departed without giving
any other direction. The messenger, appalled, thought

c attended] intended

a
tt

66

66

OF THE REBELLION. 313

the priest was some person in favour, and therefore BOOK
took no more care of him, but suffered him to de- IIL

(6
(t

part. The priest, freed from this fright, went se
curely to his lodgings, and within two or three days
was arrested for debt, and carried in execution to
prison. Shortly after, secretary Windebank sent for
the messenger, and asked him, " What was become
" of the priest he had at such a time brought before
" him ?" He told him, " that he conceived his ho-
" nour had been offended with the apprehension of
" him, and therefore he had looked no farther after
" him." The secretary in much passion told him,
" the discharging a priest was no light matter ; and
" that if he speedily found him not, he should an-
" swer the default with his life ; that the priest was
a dangerous fellow, and must not escape in that
fashion." The messenger, besides his natural in
clination to that exercise, terrified with those threats,
left no means untried for the discovery, and at last
heard where the man was in execution in prison :
thither he went, and demanded the priest (who was
not there known to be such) as his prisoner for
merly, and escaped from him ; and by virtue of his
first warrant took him again into his custody, and
immediately carried him to the secretary; and with
in few days after, the priest was discharged, and at
liberty. The jailor, in whose custody he had been
put for debt, was arrested by the parties grieved,
and he again sued the messenger, who appealed for
justice to the house of commons against the secre
tary.

This d case had been presented to the committee,

This] And this

314 THE HISTORY

BOOK and was ready to be reported, with all those war
rants under his own hand before mentioned, at the

IT time when secretary Windebank was in the house.
Besides that, he was charged by the lords, by mes
sage or at a conference, for breach f of privilege at
the dissolution of the last parliament, and signing
warrants for the searching the studies and papers of
some members ; for which, according to the doctrine
then received, he might have been put into the cus
tody of the sergeant of the house. But as the last
occasion was not laid hold of, because it would have
inevitably involved his brother secretary, sir Harry
Vane, who was under the same charge, and against
whom indeed that charge was aimed : so, it seems,
they were contented he should make an escape from
any trial for the rest ; either, because they thought
his place would be sooner void by his flight than by
his trial, which would have taken up some time, and
required some formality, they having designed that
place to Mr. Hollis ; or, that they thought he would,
upon any examination, draw in somewhat to the
prejudice of sir Henry Vane, whom they were to
protect : and so they were well content with his
escape. h

Having made their first entrance upon business
with this vigour, they proceeded every day with the
same fervour ; and he who expressed most warmth
against the court and the government, was heard
with the most l favour ; every day producing many

f breach] the breach the farther debate till the next

8 having] had morning, before which time he

h so they were well content chose to retire, and transported

with his escape.] The MS. has himself into France.

likewise : so the house deferred ! most] more

OF THE REBELLION. 315

formed elaborate orations against all the acts of BOOK

state which had been done for many years preceding. 1IL

That they might hasten the prosecution of the earl
of StrafFord, which was their first great design, they
made a close committee of such members as they
knew to be most for their purpose, who should, un
der an obligation of secrecy, prepare the heads of a
charge against him; which had been seldom or k
never heard of before in parliament : and that they
might be sure to do their business effectually, they
sent a message to the house of peers, to desire them
" to nominate a select committee likewise of a few,
" to examine upon oath such witnesses, as the com-
" mittee of the house of commons for preparing the
" charge against the earl of StrafFord should produce
" before them, and in their presence, and upon such
" interrogatories as they should offer;" which, though
it was without precedent or example, the lords pre
sently consented to, and named such men as knew
well what they had to do. Then they caused peti
tions to be every day presented, by some who had
been grieved by any severe sentences in the star-
chamber, or committed by the lords of the council,
against lords lieutenants of counties, and their de
puty lieutenants, for having levied money upon the
country, for conducting and clothing of soldiers, and
other actions of a martial nature, (which had been
done l by those officers so qualified, from the time of
queen Elizabeth, and was practised throughout her
reign,) and against sheriffs, for having levied ship-
money. Upon all which petitions (the matter being
pressed and aggravated still upon every particular

k seldom or] Not in MS. } been done] been always done

316 THE HISTORY

BOOK by some member of note and authority, upon which)
all the acts how formal and judicial soever, without 1 "

1640. so mucn as hearing the sentences or judgments
read, were voted " to be illegal, and against the li-
" berty and property of the subject ; and that all
" who were guilty of such proceedings should be
" prosecuted n for their presumption, and should
" likewise pay damages to the persons injured."

By which general votes (all passed within a short
time after the sitting of the parliament) they had
made themselves so terrible, that all privy-counsel
lors, as well for what they had done at the board,
as in the star-chamber ; (where indeed many notable
sentences had passed, with some excess in the pu
nishment ;) all lords lieutenants, who for the most
part were likewise counsellors, whereof all were of
the house of peers ; and then all who were deputy
lieutenants, or had been sheriffs since the first issu
ing out of writs for the collection of ship-money,
whereof very many were then of the house of com
mons; found themselves involved under some of
those votes, and liable to be proceeded against upon
the first provocation ; whereby they were kept in
such awe, both in the one house and the other, as if
they were upon their good behaviour, that they
durst not appear to dislike, much less to oppose,
whatsoever was proposed P.

All persons imprisoned for sedition by the star-
chamber upon the most solemn examination and
the most grave deliberation, were set at liberty, that

m without] and without days

11 prosecuted] proceeded a- P was proposed.] they pro-

gainst posed.
a short time] three or four

OF THE REBELLION. 317

they might prosecute their appeals in parliament. BOOK
In the mean time, though there were two armies in _
the bowels of the kingdom, at so vast an expense, 1
care was taken only to provide money to pay them,
without the least mention that the one should re
turn into Scotland, and the other be disbanded, that
so that vast expense might be determined : but, on
the contrary, frequent insinuations were given, "that
" many great things were first to be done before the
" armies could be disbanded ;" r only they desired
the king " that all papists might be forthwith ca-
" shiered out of his army," which his majesty could
not deny; and so some officers of good account were
immediately dismissed.

It will not be impertinent nor unnatural to this The temper
present discourse, to set down in this place the pre- houses l a t

sent temper and constitution of both houses of par-
liament, s that it may be the less wondered at, that d j ai ; acte u r

of the then

so prodigious an alteration should be made in so leadin s
short a time, and the crown fallen so low, that it both.
could neither support itself and its own majesty,
nor them who would appear faithful to it.

Of the house of peers, the great contrivers and in the
designers were, first 1 the earl of Bedford, a wise pe" the
man, and of too great and plentiful a fortune to ^^ .
wish a subversion of the government ; and it quickly
appeared, that he only intended to make himself
and his friends great at court, not at all to lessen
the court itself.

The lord viscount Say, a man of a close and re- Thc lord

S;iy;
1 at so vast an expense,] at band ;

the monthly expense of no less s parliament,] MS. adds : and

than one hundred and fifty of the court itself,
thousand pounds, l first] Not in MS.

be disbanded ;"] dis-

r a

318 THE HISTORY

BOOK served nature, of a mean and a narrow fortune, of
in.

great parts, and of the highest ambition, but whose

" ambition would not be satisfied with offices and pre
ferments, u without some condescensions and altera
tions in ecclesiastical matters. He had for many
years been the oracle of those who were called
puritans in the worst sense, and steered all their
counsels and designs. He was a notorious enemy
to the church, and to most of the eminent church
men, with some of whom he had particular contests.
He had always opposed and contradicted all acts of
state, and all taxes and impositions, which were not
exactly legal, and so had as eminently and as obsti
nately refused the payment of ship-money as Mr.
Hambden had done ; though the latter, by the
choice of the king s council, had brought his cause
to be first heard and argued, with which judgment
it was intended the whole right of that matter
should be concluded, and all other causes overruled. x
The lord Say would not acquiesce, but pressed to
have his own case argued, and was so solicitous in
person with all the judges, both privately at their
chambers, and publicly in the court at Westminster,
that he was very grievous to them. His commit
ment at York the year before, because he refused to
take an oath, or rather subscribe a protestation,
against holding intelligence with the Scots, when
the king first marched against them, had given him
much credit. In a word, he had very great autho
rity with all the discontented party throughout the
kingdom, and a good reputation with many who

u preferments,] preferment, the whole right in that matter,
x it was intended overruled.] and to overrule all other cases,
that was intended to conclude

OF THE REBELLION. 319

were not discontented, y who believed him to be a BOOK
wise man and of a very useful temper, in an age of L_

licence, and one who would still adhere to the law.

The lord Mandevile, eldest son to the lord privy- The lord

, p !, i 11 Mandevile;

seal, was a person of great civility, and very well
bred, and had been early in the court under the fa
vour of the duke of Buckingham, a lady of whose
family he had married : he had attended upon the
prince when he was in Spain, and had been called
to the house of peers in the lifetime of his father, by
the name of the lord Kimbolton, z which was a very
extraordinary favour. Upon the death of the duke
of Buckingham, his wife being likewise dead, he
married the daughter of the earl of Warwick; a
man in no grace at court, and looked upon as the
greatest patron of the puritans, because of much the
greatest estate of all who favoured them, and so was
esteemed by them with great application and vene
ration : though he was of a life very licentious, and
unconformable to their professed rigour, which they
rather dispensed with, than they would withdraw a
from a house where they received so eminent a pro
tection, and such notable bounty. Upon this b latter
marriage the lord Mandevile totally estranged him
self from the court, and upon all occasions appeared
enough to dislike what was done there, and engaged
himself wholly in the conversation of those who
were most notoriously of that party, whereof there
was a kind of fraternity of many persons of good
condition, who chose to live together in one family,
at a gentleman s house of a fair fortune, near the

y discontented,] Not in MS. a they would withdraw] to

1 by the name of the lord withdraw
Kimbolton,] Not in MS. b Upon this] From this

320 THE HISTORY

BOOK place where the lord Mandevile lived; whither
in.

. others of that classis likewise resorted, and main
tained a joint and mutual correspondence and con
versation together with much familiarity and friend
ship : that lord, to support and the better to im
prove that popularity, living at a much higher rate
than the narrow exhibition allowed to him by his
wary father could justify, making up the rest by
contracting a great debt, which long lay heavy upon
him ; by which generous way of living, and by his
natural civility, good manners, and good nature,
which flowed towards all men, he was universally
acceptable and beloved; and no man more in the
confidence of the discontented and factious party
than he, and none c to whom the whole mass of
their designs, as well what remained in chaos as
what was formed, was more entirely communicated,
and no man d more consulted with. And therefore
these three lords are nominated as the principal
agents in the house of peers, (though there were
many there of quality and interest much superior to
any e of them,) because they were principally and
absolutely trusted by those who were to manage all
in the house of commons, and to raise that spirit
which was upon all occasions to inflame the lords.
Yet it f being enough known and understood, that,
how indisposed and angry soever many of them at
present appeared to be, there would be still a major
part there, who would, if they were not overreached,
adhere to the king and the established government,
and therefore these three persons were trusted with
out reserve, and relied upon so to steer, as might

c none] Not in MS. e to any] to either

d no man] Not in MS. f it] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION.

increase their party by all the arts imaginable; and BOOK
they had dexterity enough to appear to depend

upon those three % lords, who were looked upon as
greater, and as popular men ; and to be subservient
to their purposes, whom in truth they governed and
disposed of.

And by these artifices, and applications to his The eari of

\f < Oil V

vanity, and magnifying the general reputation and
credit he had with the people, and sharpening the
sense he had of his late ill treatment at court, they
fully prevailed upon, h and possessed themselves of,
the earl of Essex; who, though he was no good
speaker in public, yet, by l having sat long in parlia
ment, was k so well acquainted with the order of it
in very active times, that 1 he was a better speaker
there than any where else, and being always heard
with attention and respect, had much authority in
the debates. Nor did he need any incitement
(which made all approaches to him the more easy)
to do any thing against the persons of the lord
archbishop of Canterbury and the lord lieutenant of
Ireland, towards whom he professed a full dislike ;
who were the only persons against whom there was
any declared design, and against whom the Scots
had in their manifesto demanded justice, m as the
cause of the war between the nations. And in this
prosecution there was too great a concurrence: War
wick, Brook, Wharton, Paget, Howard, and some
others, implicitly followed and observed the dictates

s three] Not in MS. in their manifesto demanded

h upon,] Not in MS. justice,] the Scots having in

1 by] Not in MS. their manifesto demanded jus-

k was] and tice against those two great

1 that] Not in MS. men,
m against whom the Scots had

VOL. I. Y

322 THE HISTORY

BOOK of the lords mentioned before, and started or se
conded what they were directed.

In the house of commons were many persons of
house of wisdom and gravity, who being possessed of great
and plentiful fortunes, though they were undevoted
enough to the court, had all imaginable duty for the
king, and affection to the government established
by law or ancient custom ; and without doubt, the
major part of that body consisted of men who had
no mind to break the peace of the kingdom, or to
make any considerable alteration in the government
of church or state : and therefore all inventions
were set on foot from the beginning to work on
them, and corrupt them, by suggestions " of the
" dangers which threatened all that was precious to
the subject in their liberty and their property, by
overthrowing or overmastering the law, and sub
jecting it to an arbitrary power, and by counte
nancing popery to the subversion of the protestant
religion ;" and then, by infusing terrible appre
hensions into some, and so working upon their fears
of being called in question for somewhat they had
done," by which they would stand in need of their
protection ; and raising the hopes of others, " that,
" by concurring with them, they should be sure to
" obtain offices, and honours, and any kind of pre-
" ferment." Though there were too many corrupted
and misled by these several temptations, and others
who needed no other temptations than from the
fierceness 11 of their own natures, and the malice
they had contracted against the church and against
the court ; yet the number was not great of those

n fierceness] fierceness and barbarity

66
(6
66
66
66

66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 323

in whom the government of the rest was vested, nor BOOK
were there many who had the absolute authority to
lead, though there was a multitude disposed? to
follow.

Mr. Pym was looked upon as the man of greatest Mr.
experience in parliament, where he had served very
long, and was always a man of business, being an
officer in the exchequer, and of a good reputation
generally, though known to be inclined to the puri
tan faction ; *i yet not of those furious resolutions
against the church as the other leading men were,
and wholly devoted to the earl of Bedford, who had
nothing of that spirit.

Mr. Hambden was a man of much greater cun-Mr.Hamb.

f\ (* 11 *

ning, and it may be of the most discerning spirit,
and of the greatest address and insinuation to bring
any thing to pass which he desired, of any man of
that time, and who laid the design deepest. He was
a gentleman of a good extraction, and a fair for
tune, who, from a life of great pleasure and licence,
had on a sudden retired to extraordinary sobriety
and strictness, and yet retained his usual cheerful
ness and affability; which, together with the opi
nion of his wisdom and justice, and the courage he
had shewed in opposing the ship-money, raised his
reputation to a very great height, not only in Buck
inghamshire, where he lived, but generally through
out the kingdom. He was not a man of many
words, and rarely begun the discourse, or made the
first entrance upon any business that was assumed ;
but a very weighty speaker, and after he had heard
a full debate, and observed how the house was like

> was] were n puritan faction ;] puritan

P disposed] that was disposed party ;

y 2

THE HISTORY

BOOK to be inclined, took up the argument, and shortly,
-and clearly, and craftily, so stated it, that he com-
1640. mon [y conducted it to the conclusion he desired;
and if he found he could not do that, he was never r
without the dexterity to divert the debate to an
other time, and to prevent the determining any
thing in the negative, which might prove inconve
nient in the future. He made so great a show of
civility, and modesty, and humility, and always of
mistrusting his own judgment, and esteeming s his
with whom he conferred for the present, that he
seemed to have no opinions or resolutions, but such
as he contracted from the information and instruc
tion he received upon the discourses of others,
whom he had a wonderful art of governing, and
leading into his principles and inclinations, whilst
they believed that he wholly depended upon their
counsel and advice. No man had ever a greater
power over himself, or was less the man that he
seemed to be, which shortly after appeared to every
body, when he cared less to keep on the mask.
Mr. Saint- Mr. Saint-John, who was in a firm and entire
conjunction with the other two, was a lawyer of
Lincoln s Inn, known to be of parts and industry,
but not taken notice of for practice in Westminster-
hall, till he argued at the exchequer-chamber the
case of ship-money on the behalf of Mr. Hambden ;
which gave him much reputation, and called him
into all courts, and to all causes, where the king s
prerogative was most contested. He was a man re
served, and of a dark and clouded countenance, very
proud, and conversing with very few, and those, men

r was never] never was s esteeming] of esteeming

OF THE REBELLION. 325

of his own humour and inclinations. He had been BOOK
questioned, committed, and brought into the star-

am

chamber, many years before, with other persons of
great name and reputation, (which first brought his
name upon the stage,) for communicating some
paper among themselves, which some men at that
time had a mind t to have extended to a design of
sedition : but it being quickly evident that the pro
secution would not be attended with success, they
were all shortly after discharged ; but he never for
gave the court the first assault, and contracted an
implacable displeasure against the church purely
from the company he kept. He was of an intimate
trust with the earl of Bedford, to whom he was in
some sort u allied, (being a natural son of the house
of Bullingbrook,) and by him brought into all mat
ters where himself was to be concerned. It was
generally believed, that these three persons, with
the other three lords mentioned before, were of the
most intimate and entire trust with each other, and
made the engine which moved all the rest ; yet it
was visible, that Nathaniel Fiennes, the second son
of the lord Say, and sir Harry Vane, eldest son to
the secretary, and treasurer of the house, were re
ceived by them with full confidence and without
reserve.

The former, being a man of good parts of learn- Mr. Natha.
ing, and after some years spent in New college in "
Oxford, of which his father had been formerly fel
low, (that family claiming x and enjoying many pri
vileges there, as of kin to the founder,) had spent
his time abroad, in Geneva and amongst the cantons

1 at that time had a mind] u in some sort] Not in MS.
had a mind at that time x claiming] pretending

Y 3

nes

326 THE HISTORY

BOOK of Switzerland, where he improved his disinclination
to the church, with which milk he had been nursed.

- From his travels he returned through Scotland (which
few travellers took in their way home) at the time
when that rebellion was in the bud ; and was very
little known, except amongst that people, which con
versed wholly amongst themselves, until he was now
found in parliament, when it was quickly discovered,
that as he was the darling of his father, soy he was
like to make good whatsoever he had for many years
promised.
sir iiarry The other, sir Harry Vane, was a man of great

Vane ju- J l

natural parts, and of very profound dissimulation, of
a quick conception, and very ready, sharp, and
weighty expression. He had an unusual aspect,
which, though it might naturally proceed both from
his father and mother, neither of which were beau
tiful persons, yet made men think there was some
thing z in him of extraordinary ; and his whole life
made good that imagination. Within a very short
time after he returned from his studies in Magdalen
college in Oxford, where, though he was under the
care of a very worthy tutor, he lived not with great
exactness, he spent some little time in France, and
more in Geneva; and, after his return into Eng
land, contracted a full prejudice and bitterness
against the church, both against the form of the
government, and the liturgy, which was generally
in great reverence, even with many of those who
were not friends to the other. In this giddiness,
w r hich then much displeased, or seemed to displease,
his father, who still appeared highly conformable,

> so] so that z something] somewhat

OF THE REBELLION. 327

and exceeding a sharp against those who were not, BOOK

he transported himself into New England, a colony _

within few years before planted by a mixture of all 164 -
religions, which disposed the professors to dislike
the government of the church ; who were qualified
by the king s charter to choose their own govern
ment and governors, under the obligation, "that
" every man should take the oaths of allegiance and
" supremacy ;" which all the first planters did, when
they received their charter, before they transported
themselves from hence, nor was there in many years b
the least scruple amongst them of complying with
those obligations; so far men were, in the infancy
of their schism, from refusing to take lawful oaths.
He was no sooner landed there, but his parts made
him quickly taken notice of, and very probably his
quality, being the eldest son of a privy-counsellor,
might give him some advantage ; insomuch that^
when the next season came for the election of their
magistrates, he was chosen their governor : in which
place he had so ill fortune (his working and unquiet
fancy raising and infusing a thousand scruples of
conscience, which they had not brought over with
them, nor heard of before) that he unsatisfied with
them, and they with him, he transported himself
into England; having sowed such seed of dissen
sion there, as grew up too prosperously, and mise
rably divided the poor colony into several factions,
and divisions, and persecutions of each other, which
still continue to the great prejudice of that planta
tion : insomuch as some of them, upon the ground
of the c first expedition, liberty of conscience, have

a exceeding] exceedingly b years] years after c the] their

Y 4

328 THE HISTORY

BOOK withdrawn themselves from their jurisdiction, and

. obtained other charters from the king, by which, in

other forms of government, they have enlarged their
plantation, within new limits adjacent to the other.
He was no sooner returned into England, than he
seemed to be much reformed from his d extrava
gancies, and, with his father s approbation and di
rection, married a lady of a good family, and by his
father s credit with the earl of Northumberland, who
was high admiral of England, was joined presently
and jointly with sir William Russel in the office of
treasurer of the navy, (a place of great trust and
profit,) which he equally shared with the other, and
seemed a man well satisfied and composed to the
government. When his father received the disobli-
gation from the lord StrafFord, by his being created
baron of Raby, the house and land of Vane, (which 6
title he had promised himself, but it f was unluckily
cast upon the earl,? purely out of contempt of
Vane h ,) they sucked in all the thoughts of revenge
imaginable ; and from thence the son betook i him
self to the friendship of Mr. Pym, and all other dis
contented or seditious persons, and contributed all
that intelligence (which will hereafter be k men
tioned, as he himself will often be) that designed
the ruin of the earl, and which grafted him in the
entire confidence of those who promoted the same ;
so that nothing was concealed from him, though it
is believed that he communicated his own thoughts
to very few.

d from his] in those h of Vane] Not in MS.

e (which] and which the son betook] he betook

f but it] which k hereafter be] be hereafter
g the earl,] him,

OF THE REBELLION. 329

Denzil Hollis, the younger son and younger bro- BOOK
ther of the earls of Clare, was as much valued and _

esteemed by the whole party, as any man; as he J64 -
J i . Mr - Denzi

deserved to be, being of 1 more accomplished parts Hoiiis.

than any of them, and of great reputation by the
part he acted against the court and the duke of
Buckingham, in the parliament of the fourth year
of the king, (the last parliament that had been be
fore the short one in April,) and his long imprison
ment, and sharp prosecution afterwards, upon that
account; of which he retained the memory with
acrimony enough. But he would in no degree in
termeddle in the counsel or prosecution of the earl
of Straiford, (which he could not prevent,) who had
married his sister, by whom he had all his children," 1
which made him a stranger to all those consulta
tions, though it did not otherwise interrupt the
friendship he had with the most violent of those
prosecutors. In all other contrivances he was in
the most secret counsels with those who most go
verned, and was n respected by them with very sub-
miss applications as a man of authority. Sir Gilbert
Gerrard, the lord Digby, Strode, Haslerig ; and the
northern gentlemen, who were most angry with the
earl, or apprehensive of their own being in the mercy
of the house, as Hotham, Cholmely, and Stapleton ;
with some popular lawyers of the house, who did
not suspect any wickedness in design, and so be
came involved by degrees in the worst, observed
and pursued the dictates and directions of the other,
according to the parts which were assigned to them

1 being of] being a man of dren were,
m by whom he had all his n was] Not in MS.
children,] by whom all his chil-

330 THE HISTORY

BOOK upon emergent occasions: whilst the whole house
looked on with wonder and amazement, without

6t
it

- any man s interposing to allay the passion and the
fury with which so many were transported.

This was the present temper and constitution of
both houses of parliament upon their first coming
together, when (as Tacitus says of the Jews, " that

they exercised the highest offices of kindness and

friendship towards each other, et adversus omnes
" olios hostile odium"} they watched all those who
they knew were not of their opinions, nor like to be,
with all possible jealousy ; and if any of their elec
tions could be brought into question, they were sure
to be voted out of the house, and then all the arti
fices were used to bring in more sanctified members ;
so that every week increased the number of their
party, both by new elections, and the proselytes they
gained upon the old. Nor was it to be wondered
at, for they pretended all public thoughts, and only
the reformation of disapproved and odious enormi
ties, and dissembled all purposes of removing foun
dations, which, though it was in the hearts of some,
they had not the courage and confidence to commu
nicate it.

The English and the Scottish P armies remained
quiet in their several quarters in the north, without
any acts of hostility, under the obligation of the ces
sation, which was still prorogued from month to
month, that the people might believe that a full
peace would be quickly concluded. And the treaty,
which during the king s being at York had been
held at Rippon, being now adjourned to London,

any man s] one man s P Scottish] Scots

OF THE REBELLION. 331

the Scottish * commissioners (whereof the earl of BOOK
Rothes, and the lord Lowden, who hath been men- 1

tioned before, were the chief) came thither in great
state, and were received by the king with that coun- tish com-

" missioners

tenance, which he could not choose but shew to come to
them; and were then lodged in the heart of the an d lodge
city, near London-Stone, in a house which used to m the Clty<
be inhabited by the lord mayor or one of the sheriffs,
and was situate so near to the church of St.Antho-
lins, r (a place in late times s made famous by some
seditious lecturer,) that there was a way out of it
into a gallery of the church. * This benefit was well
foreseen on all sides in the accommodation, and this
church assigned to them for their own devotions,
where one of their own chaplains still preached,
amongst which Alexander Henderson was the chief,
who was likewise joined with them in the treaty in
all matters which had reference to religion : and to
hear those sermons there was so great a conflux and
resort, by the citizens out of humour and faction ;
by others of all qualities u out of curiosity ; and by
some that they might the better justify the con
tempt they had of them, that from the first appear
ance of day in the morning on every Sunday, to the
shutting in of the light, the church was never empty.
They (especially the women) who had the happiness
to get into the church in the morning (they who
could not, hung upon or about the windows without,
to be auditors or spectators) keeping their places till
the afternoon s exercise was finished, which both
morning and afternoon, except to palates and appe-

i Scottish] Scots t the church.] that church.

r St. Antholins,] St. Antlins u qualities] quality

s late times] all times

332 THE HISTORY

BOOK tites ridiculously corrupted, was the most insipid
- ! and flat that could be delivered upon any delibe-
164 - ration.

The earl of Rothes had been the chief architect
of that whole machine from the beginning, and was
a man very well bred, of very good parts, and great
address ; in his person very acceptable, pleasant in
conversation, very free and amorous, and unre
strained in his discourse by any scruples of religion,
which he only put on when the part he was to act
required it, and then no man could appear more
conscientiously transported. There will be some
times occasion to mention him hereafter, as already
as much hath been said of the other, the lord Low-
den, as is yet necessary.

A commit- They were no sooner come to the town, but a
houses ap- new committee of the members of both houses, such

commis

as were very acceptable to them, was appointed to
the Scottish renew ail c[ continue the treaty with them that had

mm mis- *

been begun at Rippon : and then they published
and printed their declaration against the archbishop
of Canterbury and the lieutenant of Ireland, in
which they said, " That as they did reserve those
" of their own country who had been incendiaries
" between the two kingdoms, to be proceeded against
" in their own parliament ; so they desired no other
" justice to be done against these two criminal per-
" sons but what should seem good to the wisdom of
" the parliament."

It was easily discerned (by those who saw at any
distance, and who had been long jealous of that
trick) from that expression concerning their own
countrymen, that they meant no harm to the mar
quis of Hamilton, against whom, in the beginning

OF THE REBELLION. 333

of the rebellion, all their bitterness seemed to be di- BOOK
rected, and who was thought to have x the least por

tion of kindness or good-will from the three nations,
of any man who related to the king s service. But
he had, by the friendship he had shewed to the lord
Lowden, and procuring his liberty when he was in
the Tower for so notorious a treason, and was? to
be in the head of another as soon as he should be
at liberty ; and by his application and dexterity at
York in the meeting of the great council, and with
the Scottish z commissioners employed thither before
the treaty ; and by his promise of future offices and
services, which he made good abundantly ; procured
as well from the English as the Scots all assurance
of indemnity : which they so diligently made good,
that they were not more solicitous to contrive and
find out evidence or information against the other
two great men, than they were to prevent all infor
mation or complaint, and to stifle all evidence which
was offered or could be produced against the mar
quis.

And they were exceedingly vigilant to prevent
the Scottish a commissioners entering into any fami
liarity or conversation with any who were not fast
to their party: insomuch as one day the earl of
Rothes walking in Westminster-hall with Mr. Hyde,
towards whom he had a b kindness by reason of their
mutual friendship with some persons of honour, and
they two walking towards the gate to take coach to
make a visit together, the earl on a sudden desired
the other " to walk towards the coach, and he would

who was thought to have] z Scottish] Scotch
who indeed of all men had a Scottish] Scotch

y was] Not in MS. * a] Not in MS.

334? THE HISTORY

BOOK " overtake him by the time he came thither:" but
staying very long, he imagined he might be diverted

1640. f r om his purpose, and so walked back into the hall,
where presently meeting him, they both pursued
their former intention ; and being in the coach, the
earl told him, " that he must excuse his having
" made him stay so long, because he had been de-
" tained only concerning him ; that when he was
" walking with him, a gentleman passing by touched
" his cloak, which made him desire the other to go
" before ; and turning to the other person, he said,
" that seeing him walk in some familiarity with Mr.
" Hyde, he thought himself obliged to tell him, that
" he walked with the greatest enemy the Scottish
" nation had in the parliament, and that he ought
** to take heed how he communicated any thing of
" importance to him ; and that after he was parted
" with that gentleman, before he could pass through
" the hall, four or five other eminent men, severally,
" gave him the same advertisement and caution ;"
and then spoke d as unconcernedly and as merrily
of the persons and their jealousy as the other could
do. Men who were so sagacious in pursuing their
point were not like to miscarry.

The first compliment they put upon the Scottish e
commissioners was, that they were caressed f by both

c Scottish] Scots their reception, the neighbour
d spoke] spake church for their devotion, whi-
e Scottish] Scots ther so great a herd flocked on
f The first caressed] Thus Sundays to hear Mr. Henderson
in MS. C. : The Scotch commis- and his fellow-chaplains, that
sioners were in this time come very many came to and sat in
to London, where they were the church from the time that it
magnificently entertained; and was light, that they might re-
one of the best houses in the ceive the comfort of those lee-
heart of the city assigned for tures, which were not till the

OF THE REBELLION. 335

houses with all possible expressions of kindness at BOOK
least, if not of submission ; and an order was care- !

fully entered, " that upon all occasions the appella-
" tion should be used of Our brethren of Scotland ;"
and upon that, wonderful kind compliments passed,
of a sincere resolution of amity and union between
the two nations.

Things being thus constituted, it became them to
satisfy the public expectation in the discovery of
their new treasons, and in speedy proceedings against
those two great persons. For the better preparing
whereof, and facilitating whatever else should be ne
cessary for that enterprise, the Scottish 11 commis
sioners in the name of that nation presented (as is
said before) two distinct declarations, against the
persons of the archbishop and the earl of Strafford,
stuffed with as much bitterness and virulency as can
be imagined, making them " the odious incendiaries
" of the differences between the two nations, and
" the original causes of all those calamities in that
" kingdom which begot i those differences, and most
" pathetically pressing for justice against them both."
These discourses (for each k of them consisted of
many sheets of paper) were publicly read in both
houses ; that against the archbishop of Canterbury
was for the present laid aside, and I am persuaded,
at that time, without any thought of resuming it,
hoping that his age and imprisonment would have
quickly freed them from farther trouble. But a Proceeding
speedy proceeding against the other was vehemently l^starf
pressed, as of no less importance than the peace be- ford s triah

afternoon ; for in the morning h Scottish] Scotch

their devotions were private. * begot] begat

They were caressed, &c. k each] either
R passed,] ace passed,

336 THE HISTORY

BOOK tween the two kingdoms, not without some intima-

ni.
" tion, "that there could be no expectation that the

* " Scottish l army would ever retire into their coun-
" try, and consequently that the king s army could
" be disbanded, before exemplary justice was n done
" upon that earl to their satisfaction." When they
had inflamed men with this consideration sufficient
ly, they, without any great difficulty, (in order to
the necessary expedition for that trial,) prevailed in
two propositions of most fatal consequence to the
king s service, and to the safety and integrity of all
honest men.

The first, "for a committee to be settled of both
" houses for the taking preparatory examinations."
Thus the allegation was, " That the charge against
" the earl of Strafford was of an extraordinary na-
" ture, being to make a treason evident out of a
" complication of several ill acts ; that he must be
" traced through many dark paths, and this prece-
" dent seditious discourse compared with that sub
sequent outrageous action, the circumstances of
both which might be equally considerable with
the matter itself; and therefore that, before this
charge could be so directly made and prepared as
was necessary," (for he was hitherto only accused
generally of treason,) " it was requisite, that a com-
" mittee should be made of both houses to examine
" some witnesses upon oath, upon whose depositions
" his impeachment would easily be framed." This
was no sooner proposed in the house of commons,
than consented to ; and upon as little debate yielded
to by the Iprds ; and the committee settled accord-

1 Scottish] Scotch m army] Not in MS. " was] were

6t
((
(t
6(
if

OF THE REBELLION. 337

ingly : without considering that such an inquisition BOOK
(besides that the same was contrary to the practice

of former times ) would easily prepare a charge
against the most innocent man alive; where that
liberty should be taken to examine a man s whole
life ; and all the light, and all the private discourses
had passed from him, might be tortured, perverted,
and applied, according to the conscience and the
craft of a diligent and malicious prosecution.

The second was, " for the examining upon oath
privy-coun sellers, upon such matters as had passed
at the council-table." The allegation for this was,
That the principal ingredient into the treason with
which P the earl was to be charged, was, a purpose
to change the form of government ; and, instead
of that settled by Iaw 5 to introduce a power merely
arbitrary. Now this design must be made evi
dent, as well by the advices which he gave, and
the expressions he uttered upon emergent occa
sions, as by his public actions ; and those could not
be discovered, at least not proved, but by those
" who were present at such consultations, and they
" were only privy-counsellors." As it was alleged,
" That at his coming from Ireland the earl had said
" in council there, That if ever he * returned to that
" sword again, he would not leave a Scottish-man r
" in that kingdom : and at his arrival in this king-
" dom, the lord mayor and some aldermen of London
" attending the board about the loan of monies, and
" not giving that satisfaction was expected, that he

contrary to the practice of P with which] of which

former times] most contrary to <i ever he] he ever

the rules of law or the practice r Scottish- man] Scotch -man
of any former times

VOL. I. Z

a

66

66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66

338 THE HISTORY

BOOK " should pull 8 a letter out of his pocket, and shew
" what course the king of France then took for the

- " raising of money ; and that he should tell the king,
" That it would never be well till he hanged up a
" lord mayor of London in the city to terrify the
"rest."

There was no greater difficulty to satisfy the house
of commons with the reasonableness of this, than of
the former ; but the compassing it was not like to be
easy ;* for it was visible, that, though the lords should
join with them, (which was not to be despaired,)
the u privy-counsellors would insist upon the oath
they had taken, and pretend, " that without the
king s consent they might not discover any thing
that had passed at that board ; so that the greatest
difficulty would be, the procuring the king s con
sent for the betraying himself: but this must be
insisted on, for God forbid that it might be safe for
any desperate wicked counsellor to propose and
" advise at that board" (which in the intervals of
parliaments wholly disposed the affairs of state)
" courses destructive to the health and being of the
" kingdom ; and that the sovereign physician, the
parliament, (which had the only skill to cure those
contagious and epidemical diseases,) should be
" hindered from preserving the public, because no
" evidence must be given of such corrupt and wicked
counsels." And so provided with this specious
oratory, they desire the lords " to concur with
them for this necessary examination of privy-
" counsellors ;" who, without much debate, (for the
persons concerned knew well their acts were visible

s pull] pull out l easy ;] so easy ; u the] that the

66
66
(t
66
66
66

66
66
66
66
66

Ol

66

66

IS

((

(6

OF THE REBELLION. 339

and public enough, and therefore considered not BOOK

much what words had passed,) consented, and ap- !

pointed some to attend the king for his consent:
who, not well weighing the consequence, and being
in public council unanimously advised " to consent
to it ; and that the not doing it would lay some
taint upon his council, and be a tacit confession,
that there had been agitations at that place which
would not endure the light;" yielded that they
should be examined : which was speedily done ac
cordingly, by the committee of both houses appoint
ed for that purpose.

The damage was not to be expressed, and the ruin
that last act brought to the king was irreparable ;
for, besides that it served their turn (which no ques
tion they had discovered before) to prove those words
against the earl of Stafford, which sir Harry Vane
so punctually remembered, (as you shall find at the
earl s trial,) and besides that it was matter of horror
to the counsellors, to find that they might be ar
raigned for every rash, every inconsiderate, every
imperious expression or word they had used there ;
and so made them more engaged to servile applica
tions ; it banished for ever all future freedom from
that board, and those persons, from whom x his ma
jesty was to expect advice in his greatest straits ; all
men satisfying themselves, " that they were no more
obliged to deliver their opinions there freely, when
they might be impeached in another place for so
doing;" and the evincing this so useful doctrine
was without doubt more the design of those grand

x whom] whence
z 2

It
66
66

340 THE HISTORY

BOOK managers, than any hope they had, of receiving fur
ther information thereby, than they had before.

And for my part, I must ask leave of those noble
lords, who after the king s consent gave themselves
liber ty? to be examined, to say, that if they had well
considered the oath they had taken when they were
admitted to that society, which was, To keep secret
all matters committed and revealed to them, or iliat L
should be treated of secretly in council, they would
not have believed, that the king himself could have
dispensed with that part of their oath. It is true,
there is another clause in their oath, that allows them
with the king s consent to reveal a matter of coun
cil : but that is, only what shall touch another coun
sellor ; which they are not to do without the leave
of the king or the council.

It was now time to mind a themselves, as well as
the public, and to repair, as well as pull b down ; and
therefore, as the principal reason (as was said before)
for the accusing those two great persons of high
treason (that is, of the general consent to it before
any evidence was required) was, that they might be
removed from the king s presence and his counsels,
without which they conceived theirs would have no
power with him ; so that being compassed, care was
taken to infuse into the king by marquis Hamilton,
(who you heard before was licensed to take care of
himself; and was now of great intimacy with the
governing and undertaking party,) " that his ma-
" jesty having declared to his people, that he really

liberty] leave a mind] intend

that] Not in MS. b as pull] as to pull

OF THE REBELLION. 341

" intended a reformation of all those extravagancies BOOK

in.
" which former necessities, or occasions, or mistakes,

had brought into the government of church or
state : he could not give a more lively and demon
strable evidence, and a more gracious instance of
such his intention, than by calling such persons to
his council, whom the people generally thought
most inclined to, and intent upon, such reforma
tion : besides, that this would be a good means to
preserve the dignity and just power of that board,
" which might otherwise, on the account of the late
" excess and violation, be more subject to inconve-
" nient attempts for the future ."

Hereupon in one day were sworn privy-counsellors, Divers new
much to the public joy, the earl of Hertford, (whom
the king afterwards d made marquis,) the earl

"
"

"
"
"
"

Bedford, the earl of Essex, the earl of Bristol, the p P ular

party.

lord Say, the lord Savile, and the lord Kimbolton ;
and within two or three days after, the earl of War
wick : being all persons at that time very gracious to
the people, or to the Scots, by whose election and
discretion the people chose ; and had been all in some
umbrage at court, and most 6 in visible disfavour
there. This act the king did very cheerfully;
heartily inclined to some of them, as he had reason ;
and not apprehending any inconvenience by that act
from the other, whom he thought this light of his
grace would reform, or at least restrain.

But the calling and admitting men to that board
is not a work that can be indifferent ; the reputa-

which might otherwise, to some inconvenient attempts.

" the future."] which might d afterwards] shortly after

otherwise for the late excess be e most] most of them
more subject to violation, at least

z 3

THE HISTORY

BOOK tion, if not the government, of the state depending f
on it. And though, it may be, there hath been too

J640. much curiosity heretofore used to discover men s
humours s in particular points, before they have re
ceived that honour ; whereas possibly such differences
were rather to have been desired than avoided ; yet
there are certain opinions, certain propositions, and
general principles, that whosoever does not hold,
and h does not believe, is not, without great danger,
to be accepted for a privy-counsellor. As, whoso
ever is not fixed to monarchical grounds, the preser
vation and upholding whereof is the chief end of such
a council : whosoever doth i not believe that, in order
to that great end, there is a dignity, a freedom, a juris
diction most essential to be preserved in and to that
place ; and takes not the preservation thereof to heart ;
ought never to be received there. What in pru
dence is to be done towards that end, admits a lati
tude that honest and wise men may safely and pro
fitably differ in k ; and those differences (which I said
before there was too much unskilful care to prevent)
usually produce great advantages in knowledge and
wisdom : but the end itself, that which the logicians
call the terminus ad quern, ought always to be a
postulatum., which whosoever doubts, destroys : and
princes cannot be too strict, too tender, in this con
sideration, in the constituting the body of their
privy-council ; upon the prudent doing whereof much
of their safety, more of their honour and reputation
(which is the life itself of princes) both at home and

f depending] so much depend- h and] Not in

ing doth] does

g humours] particular opi- k in] Not in MS.
nions

OF THE REBELLION. 343

abroad, necessarily depends ; and the inadvertencies BOOK

in this point have been, mediately or immediately, _

the root and the spring of most of 1 the calamities
that have ensued.

Two reasons have been frequently given by princes
for oversights, or for wilful breaches, in this impor
tant dispensation of their favours. The first, " that
" such a man can do no harm ;" when, God knows,
few men have done more harm than those who have
been thought to be able to do least ; and there can
not be a greater error, than to believe, a man whom
we see qualified with too mean parts to do good, to
be therefore incapable of doing hurt : there is a sup
ply of malice, of pride, of industry, and even of folly,
in the weakest, when he sets his heart upon it, that
makes a strange progress in mischief. The second,
" when persons of ordinary faculties, either upon
" importunity, or other collateral respects, have been
" introduced there, m that it is but a place of honour,
" and a general testimony of the king s affection ;"
and so it hath been as it were reserved as a prefer
ment for those, who were fit for no other preferment.
As amongst the Jesuits they have a rule, that they
who n are unapt for greater studies, shall study cases
of conscience. By this means the number hath been
increased, which in itself breeds great inconveni
ences ; since a less number are fitter both for counsel
and despatch, in matters of the greatest moment,
that depend upon a quick execution, than a greater
number of men equally honest and wise : and for
that, and other reasons of unaptness and incompe-
tency, committees of dexterous men have been ap-

1 most of] all m there,] thither, " they who] they which

z 4

344 THE HISTORY

BOOK pointed out of the table to do the business of it;
and so men have been no sooner exalted with the

- honourable P title, and pleased with the obligation of
being made privy-counsellors, than they have checked
that delight with discerning that they were not fully
trusted ; and so have <i been more incensed with the
reproachful distinction at, than obliged with the ho
nourable admission to, that board, where they do not
find all persons equally members. And by this kind
of resentment, many sad inconveniences have be
fallen the king, and those men r who have had the
honour and misfortune of those secret trusts.

The truth is, the sinking and near desperate con
dition of monarchy in this kingdom can never be
buoyed up, but by a prudent and steady council at
tending upon the virtue and vivacity of the king ;
nor be preserved and improved when it is up, but
by cherishing and preserving the wisdom, integrity,
dignity, and reputation of that council : the lustre
whereof always reflects upon the king himself; who
is not thought a great monarch when he follows only
his own reason s and appetite ; but when, for the in
forming his reason, and guiding his actions, he uses
the service, industry, and faculties of the wisest men.
And though it hath been, and will be, always ne
cessary to admit to those counsels some men of great
power, who will not take the pains to improve their
great parts; 1 yet the number of the whole should
not be too great ; and the capacities and qualities of

of it ;] of the table ; s only his own reason] the

p honourable] reverent reins of his own reason

l i have] Not in MS. * to improve their great parts ;]

r the king, and those men] to to have great parts ;
the king, and to those men

OF THE REBELLION. 345

the most should be 11 fit for business; that is, either BOOK
for judgment and despatch ; or for one of them at

least ; and for x integrity above all.

This digression (much longer than was intended)
will not appear very impertinent, when the great
disservice shall appear, which befell y the king by the
swearing those lords formerly mentioned (I speak
but of some of them) privy-counsellors. For, in
stead of exercising themselves in their new pro
vince, and endeavouring to preserve and vindicate
that jurisdiction, they looked upon themselves as
preferred thither, by their reputation in parliament,
not by the z kindness and esteem a of the king ; and
so resolved to keep up principally the greatness of
that place, to which they thought they owed their
own b greatness. And therefore, when the king re
quired the advice of his privy-council, in those mat
ters of the highest importance which were then
every day incumbent on him, c the new privy-coun
sellors positively declared, " that they might not
" (that was, that nobody might) give his majesty
" any advice in matters depending in the two houses,
" which was not d agreeable to the sense of the two
" houses ; which they called e his great council, by
" whose wisdom he was entirely to guide himself."
As f this doctrine was insipidly^ and perniciously
urged by some h ; so it was supinely 1 and stupidly
submitted to by others k : insomuch as the king in a

11 should be] Not in MS. d which was not] and not

x for] Not in MS. e t } iey ca n e d] (forsooth) was

y befell] befell unto f As] And as

z by the] Not in MS. & insipidly] most insipidly

a esteem] estimation h some] them

b own] Not in MS. supinely] most supinely

c on him,] to him, k others] the rest

346 THE HISTORY

BOOK moment found himself bereaved of all 1 public assist-
ance and advice, in a time when he needed it most ;

J640. anc [ hjg greatest, and, upon the matter, his only bu
siness, being prudently to weigh and consider what
to consent to, and what to deny, of such things as
should be proposed to him by the two houses, he was
now told, " that he was only to be advised by them;"
which was as much as to say, that he must do what
soever they desired of him. n

Whereas in truth, it is not only lawful for the
privy-council, but their duty, to give faithfully and
freely their advice to the king upon all matters con
cluded in parliament, to which his royal assent P is
necessary, as well as upon any other subject whatso
ever. Nay, a privy-counsellor, as such, is i bound to
dissuade the king from consenting r to that which is
prejudicial to the crown ; at least to make that pre
judice manifest to him ; though as a private person
he could wish the matter consented to. And there
fore, by the constitution of the kingdom, and the
constant practice of former 8 times, all bills, after
they had passed both houses, were delivered t by the
clerk of the parliament to the clerk of the crown ;
and by him brought to the attorney-general; who
presented the same to the king u sitting in council,
and having read them, declared what alterations

I of all] of any p assent] consent

m and advice] or advice q a privy- counsellor, as such,

II to say, that he must do what- is] as a counsellor he is
soever they desired of him.] to r from consenting] to consent
ask, whether they had a mind s of former] of all

he should do whatever they de- l had passed both houses, were

sired of him. delivered] are passed both houses

lawful for the privy-council, and engrossed, are delivered
but their duty,] lawful for, but the king] his majesty
the duty of the privy-council,

OF THE REBELLION. 347

were made by x those bills to ?j former laws, and BOOK

what benefit or detriment, in profit or jurisdiction, L-

would 2 accrue thereby to the crown: and then, 1640
upon a a full and free debate by his counsellors, the
king resolved accordingly upon such bills as were to
be b enacted into laws ; and respited c the other that
he thought d not fit to consent to. As this 6 hath
been the known practice, so the reason is very visi
ble ; that the royal assent being a distinct and essen
tial part towards the making a law, there should be
as much care taken to inform the understanding and
conscience of the king upon those occasions, as theirs,
who prepare the same for his royal assent. f

x were made by] are by sion. In the lords house the

y to] in earls of Essex, Bedford, War-

z would] will wick, the lords Say and Kimbol-

a then, upon] thereupon ton, were the governing voices,

b resolved accordingly upon attended by Brooke, Wharton,

such bills as were to be] resolves, Paget, and such like. In the

and accordingly doth mark the house of commons Mr. Pym,

bills that are to be Mr. Hambden, Mr. St. John,

c respited] respites Mr. Hollis, and Mr. Fiennes, ab-

d thought] thinks solutely governed, being stoutly

e As this] And methinks as surrounded, upon all occasions,

this by Mr. Strode, sir John Hotham,

f royal assent.] stamp. After (whom his hatred to the earl of

this, in MS. C. is found the fol- Strafford, and his having been a

lowing short account of the state dexterous sheriff in the collec-

of parties in both houses, of which tion of ship-money, had firmly

a more full description has been united to that party,) sir Walter

given in the history from MS. B. Earle, young sir Harry Vane,

seepage 3 17. The council- table and many others of the same

being by this new doctrine and tempers and dispositions; but

these new doctors rendered use- truly, I am persuaded, whatever

less to the king, the fate of all design, either of alteration or

things depended upon the two reformation, was yet formed, I

houses, and therefore it will not mean in the beginning of the

be amiss to take a view of the parliament, was only commum-

persons by whose arts and in- cated between the earl of Bed-

terests the rest were disposed, ford, the lords Say and Kimbol-

the lesser wheels moving en- ton, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hambden,

tirely by their virtue and impul- Mr. Fiennes, and Mr. St. John ;

348 THE HISTORY

BOOK That it might appear that what was done within
the houses was agreeable to those who were with-

* out, and that the same spirit reigned in parliament

Great li- r

in and people, all possible licence was exercised in

preaching, and printing any old scandalous pam
phlets, and adding new to them against the church :
petitions presented by many parishioners against
their pastors, with articles of their misdemeanours
and behaviours ; most whereof consisted, " in their
" bowing at the name of Jesus, and obliging the
" communicants to come up to the altar," (as they
enviously called it,) that is, to the rails which en
closed the communion-table, " to receive the sacra-
" ment." All which petitions were read with great
delight, and presently referred to the committee
about religion ; where Mr. White, a grave lawyer,
but notoriously disaffected to the church, sat in the
chair ; and then both petition and articles were suf
fered to be printed and published, (a licence never
practised before,) that the people might be inflamed

who, together with the earl of persons guilty of the same, and
Rothes, and the lord Lowden, not yet discerning that there
(the Scots commissioners,) ma- was any other intention than of
naged and carried it on ; and a just and regular proceeding
that neither the earl of Essex, and reformation upon both. All
Warwick, nor Brooke himself, things going on thus smoothly
no, nor Mr. Hollis or Strode, within the walls, and succeed-
or any of the rest, were other- ing according to wish, it was
wise trusted, than upon occa- requisite to feel the pulse of the
sion, and made use of according people, and to discover how they
to their several gifts : but there stood inclined, and how far,
was yet no manner of difficulty upon any emergent occasion,
in swaying and guiding the af- they might be relied on ; and
fections of men ; all having for that purpose a pregnant op-
brought resolution and animo- portunity was offered. There
sity enough against the excesses had been three persons, &c. as
and exorbitancies that had been in page 349, line 1 7.
exercised in the former govern- about religion] for religion
ment, and dislike enough to the

OF THE REBELLION. 349

against the clergy; who were quickly taught to call BOOK
all those against whom such petitions and articles _ 1
were exhibited (which were frequently done by a few
of the rabble, and meanest of the people, against the
sense and judgment of the parish) the scandalous
clergy i which appellation was frequently applied
to men of great gravity and learning, and the most
unblemished lives.

There cannot be a better instance of the unruly The entry
and mutinous spirit of the city of London, which

was then h the sink of all the ill humours l of the f, ni

kingdom, than the triumphant entry which some
persons at that time made into London, who had
been before seen upon pillories, and stigmatized as
libellous and infamous offenders : of which classis of
men scarce any age can afford the like. k

There had been three persons of several profes
sions some years before censured in the l star-cham
ber ; William Pryn, a barrister of Lincoln s Inn ;
John Bastwick, a doctor of physic ; and Henry Bur
ton, a minister and lecturer of London. m

The first, not unlearned in the profession of the
law, as far as learning is acquired by the mere read-
ing of books; but being a person of great industry,
had spent more time in reading divinity ; and, which
marred that divinity, in the conversation of factious
and hotheaded divines : and so, by a mixture of all
three, with the rudeness and arrogance of his own
nature, had contracted a proud and venomous dislike

h then] Not in MS. dates into London, will be found

1 humours] humour in the Appendix, C. ; the printed

k the like.] The continuation history being taken from MS. C.

of thin account, from MS. B. of l the] Not in MS.

the entry of Pryn and his asso- m of London.] in London.

into Lon
don.

350 THE HISTORY

BOOK to the n discipline of the church of England ; and so

! by degrees (as the progress is very natural) an equal

1 640. irreverence to the government of the state too ; both
which he vented in several absurd, petulant, and su
percilious discourses in print.

The second, a half-witted, crack-brained fellow,
unknown to either university, or the college of phy
sicians ; but one that had spent his time abroad, be
tween the schools and the camp, (for he had been in,
or passed through armies,) and had gotten a doctor-
ship, and Latin ; with which, in a very flowing style,
with some wit and much malice, he inveighed
against the prelates of the church in a book which
lie printed in Holland, and industriously dispersed
in London, and throughout the kingdom; having
presumed (as their modesty is always equal to their
obedience) to dedicate it to the sacred majesty of the
king.

The third had formerly a kind of relation by ser
vice to the king; having, before he took orders,
waited as closet-keeper, and so attended at canonical
hours, with the books of devotion, upon his majesty
when he was prince of Wales ; and, a little before
the death of king James, took orders : and so his
highness coming shortly to be king, the vapours of
ambition fuming into his head that he was still to
keep his place, he would not think of less than being
clerk of the closet to the new king, which place his
majesty conferred upon, or rather continued in, the
bishop of Durham, doctor Neyl, who had long served
king James there. Mr. Burton thus disappointed,
and, as he called it, despoiled of his right, would not,

n to the] against the right,] rights,

OF THE REBELLION. 351

in the greatness of his heart, sit down by the affront; BOOK
but committed two or three such weak, saucy in- IIL
discretions, as caused an inhibition to be sent him,
" that he should not presume to come any more to
" court :" and from that time he P resolved to re
venge himself of the bishop of Durham, upon the
whole order ; and so turned lecturer, and preached
against them ; being endued with malice and bold
ness, instead of learning and any tolerable parts.

These three persons having been, for several fol
lies and libelling humours, first gently reprehended,
and after, for their incorrigibleness, more severely
censured and imprisoned, found some means in pri
son of correspondence, which was not before known
to be between them ; and to combine themselves in
a more pestilent and seditious libel than they had
ever before vented ; in which the honour of the
king, queen, counsellors, and bishops, was with equal
licence blasted and traduced ; which was faithfully
dispersed by their proselytes in the city. The au
thors were quickly and easily known, and had in
deed too much ingenuity to deny it ; and were there
upon brought together to the star-chamber c i ore te-
nus ; where they behaved themselves with marvel
lous insolence; with full confidence demanding, " that
" the bishops who sat in the court" (being only the
archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishop of London)
might not be present, because they were their ene
mies, and so parties :" which, how scandalous and
ridiculous soever it seemed then there, was good lo
gic and good law two years after in Scotland, and
served to banish the bishops of that kingdom both

P he] Not in MS. ( J star-chamber] star-chamber-bar.

"

"

352 THE HISTORY

BOOK from the council-table and the assembly. Upon a
very patient and solemn hearing, in as full a court

ft

it

1640. as ever j saw i n that place, s without any difference
in opinion or dissenting voice, they were all three
censured as scandalous, seditious, and infamous per
sons, " to lose their ears in the pillory, and to be im
prisoned in several gaols during the king s plea
sure :" all which was executed with rigour and se
verity enough. But yet their itch of libelling still
broke out ; f and their friends of the city found a line
of communication with them u . Hereupon the wis
dom of the state thought fit, that those infectious
sores should breathe out their corruption in some air
more remote from that catching city, and less liable
to the contagion : and so, by an order of the lords of
the council, Mr. Pryn was sent to a castle in the
island of Jersey ; Dr. Bastwick to Scilly ; and Mr.
Burton to Guernsey ; where they remained unconsi-
dered, and truly I think unpitied, (for they were
men of no virtue or merit,) for the space of two
years, till the beginning of this present parliament.

Shortly upon that, petitions were presented by
their wives or friends, to the house of commons, ex
pressing " their heavy censures and long sufferings ;"
and desiring, by way of appeal, " that the justice
" and rigour of that sentence might be reviewed and
" considered ; and that their persons might be
" brought from those remote and desolate places to
London, that so they might be able to facilitate x
or attend their own business." The sending for
them out of prison (which was the main) took up

3 ever I saw in that place,] 1 u with them] No* in MS.
ever saw, x facilitate] solicit

1 broke out ;] brake out ;

(6

it

for the men; thinking they] z of their malice] Not in MS.
artis them; as thinking tliev

VOL. I. A a

OF THE REBELLION. 353

much consideration : for though very many who had BOOK

no kindness, had yet compassion for the men ; _

thinking y they had suffered enough ; and that,
though they were scurvy fellows, they had been
scurvily used : and others had not only affection to
their persons, as having suffered for a common cause ;
but were concerned to revive and improve their use
ful faculties of libelling and reviling authority ; and
to make those ebullitions of their malice z not thought
noisome to the state : yet a sentence of a supreme
court, the star-chamber, (of which they had not yet
spoke with irreverence,) was not lightly to be blown
off: but, when they were informed, and had consi
dered, that by that sentence the petitioners were con
demned to some prisons in London ; and were after
ward removed thence by an order of the lords of the
council; they looked upon that order as a violation
of the sentence ; and so made no scruple to order
" that the prisoners should be removed from those
" foreign prisons, to the places to which they were
" regularly first committed." And to that purpose
warrants were signed by the speaker, to the gover
nors and captains of the several castles, " to bring
" them in safe custody to London :" which were sent
with all possible expedition.

Pryn and Burton being neighbours (though in
distinct islands) landed at the same time at South
ampton ; where they were received and entertained
with extraordinary demonstrations of affection and
esteem ; attended by a marvellous conflux of com
pany ; and their charges not only borne with great

354 THE HISTORY

BOOK magnificence, but liberal presents given to them.

1 And this method and ceremony kept them company

* all their journey, great herds of people meeting them
at their entrance into all towns, and waiting upon
them out with wonderful acclamations of joy. When
they came near London, multitudes of people of se
veral conditions, some on horseback, others on foot,
met them some miles from the town ; very many
having been a day s journey; and they c were
brought, about two of the clock in the afternoon, in
at Charing-cross, and carried into the city by above
ten thousand persons, with boughs and flowers in
their hands ; the common people strewing flowers
and herbs in the ways as they passed, making great
noise, and expressions of joy for their deliverance
and return ; and in those acclamations mingling loud
and virulent exclamations against the bishops, " who
" had so cruelly prosecuted such godly men." In the
same manner, within five or six days after, and in
like triumph, Dr. Bast wick returned from Scilly,
landing at Dover; and from thence bringing the
same testimonies of the affections and zeal of Kent,
as the others had done from Hampshire and Surrey,
was met before he came to Southwark by the good
people of London, and so conducted to his lodging
likewise in the city.

I should not have wasted thus much time d in a
discourse of this nature, but that it is and was then
evident, that this insurrection (for it was no better)
and phrensy of the people was an effect of great in
dustry and policy, to try and publish the temper of
the people ; and to satisfy themselves in the activity

c they] so they d thus much time] this much time and paper

OF THE REBELLION. 355

and interest of their tribunes, to whom that province BOOK
of shewing them e was committed. And from this

time, the licence of preaching and printing increased
to that degree, that all pulpits were freely delivered
to the schismatical and silenced preachers, who till
then had lurked in corners, or lived in New Eng
land ; and the presses at liberty for the publishing
the most invective, seditious, and scurrilous pam
phlets, that their wit and malice could invent.
Whilst the ministers of the state, and judges of the
law, like men in an ecstasy, surprised and amazed
with several apparitions, had no speech or motion ;
as if, having committed such an excess of jurisdic
tion, (as men upon great surfeits are enjoined for a
time to eat nothing,) they had been prescribed to
exercise no jurisdiction at all. Whereas, without
doubt, if either the privy-council, or the judges and
the king s learned council, had assumed the courage
to have questioned the preaching, or the printing, or
the seditious riots upon the triumph of those three f
scandalous men, before the un interruption and secu
rity had confirmed the people in all three, it had
been no hard matter to have destroyed those seeds,
and pulled up those plants, which, being % neglected,
grew up and prospered to a full harvest of rebellion
and treason. But this was yet but a rudeness and
rankness abroad, without any visible countenance or
approbation from the parliament : all seemed h chaste
within those walls.

The first malignity that was apparent there (for
the accusation of the archbishop and the earl of

e them] the people * being] Not in MS.

f those three] these three h all seemed] all was

A a 2

356 THE HISTORY

BOOK Stratford were looked upon as acts of passion, di-
. rected against particular persons, who were thought
to have deserved some extraordinary measures * and
proceeding) was against the church : first, k in their
committee for religion ; which had been assumed
ever since the latter times of king James, though
seldom or never any such thing had before been
heard of 1 in parliament ; where, under pretence of
receiving petitions against clergymen, they often de
bated points beyond the verge of their understand-
A deciara- ing : then, m by their cheerful reception of a declara-
some mi- tion of many sheets of paper against the whole go-
1 vernment of the church ; presented by ten or a

dozen ministers, at the bar; and pretended to be
against signed by several hundreds of the ministers 11 of

the govern-

ment of London and the countries adjacent : and a petition,
by bishops, presented by alderman Pennington, and alleged to
be subscribed by twenty thousand men, inhabitants
within the city of London ; who required, in plain
terms, " the total extirpation of episcopacy." Yet P
the house was then so far from being possessed with
that spirit, that the utmost that could be obtained,
upon a long debate upon that petition, was, " that it
" should not be rejected ;" against which the num
ber of the petitioners was urged as a powerful argu
ment ; only it was suffered to remain in the hands
of the clerk of the house, with direction, " that no
" copy of it should be given." And for the ministers
declaration, one part only of it was insisted on by

measures] measure m then,] but

k first,] not only n several hundreds of the mi-

1 though seldom or never any nisters] seven hundred minis-

such thing had before been ters

heard of] but no such thing countries] counties

had been before heard of P Yet] But

(6
((

OF THE REBELLION. 357

them, and read in the house; which concerned the BOOK
exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and the excess
of their courts ^ : the other parts were declined by
many of them, and especially ordered " to be sealed
up by the clerk, that they might r be perused by
no man." So that all that envy and animosity
against the church seemed to be resolved into a de
sire, " that a bill might be framed to remove the
" bishops from their votes in the lords house, and
" from any office in secular affairs ;" which was the
utmost men pretended to wish : and to such a pur
pose a bill was shortly after prepared, and brought
into the house ; of which more shall be said in its
proper place.

It was a strange disingenuity, s that was practised Great dis-
in the procuring those petitions ; which continued
ever after in the like addresses. The course was,
first, to prepare a petition very modest and dutiful,
for the form ; and for the matter, not very unrea
sonable; and to communicate it at some public
meeting, where care was taken it should be re
ceived with approbation : the subscription of very
few hands filled the paper Jtself, where the petition
was written, and therefore many more sheets were
annexed, for the reception of the number, which
gave all the credit, and procured all the counte
nance, to the undertaking. When a multitude of
hands was procured, the petition itself was cut off,
and a new one framed, suitable to the design in
hand, and annexed to the long list of names which
were subscribed to the former. By 1 this means,

q the exercise of ecclesiastical r they might] it might
jurisdiction, and the excess of s disingenuity,] uningenuity

their courts] the exercise of and mountebankry,
their jurisdiction, and the excess l By] And by
of their ecclesiastical courts

358 THE HISTORY

BOOK many men found their hands subscribed to petitions,
of which they before had never heard. As several

1640. ministers, whose hands were to the petition and de
claration of the London ministers before mentioned,
have professed to many persons, " that they never
" saw that petition or declaration before it was pre-
" sented to the house ; but had signed another, the
" substance of which was, not to be compelled to
" take the oath enjoined by the new canons : and
" when they found, instead of that, their names set
" to a desire of an alteration of the government of
" the church, they with much trouble went to Mr.
" Marshall, with whom they had intrusted the pe-
" tition u and their hands; who gave them no other
" answer, but that it was thought fit by those who
" understood business better than they, that the lat-
" ter petition should rather be preferred than the
" former." And when he found, they intended by
some public act to vindicate themselves from that
calumny ; such persons, upon whom they had their
v greatest dependence, were engaged, by threats and
promises, to prevail with them to sit still, and to
pass by that indirect proceeding.
Compicaints For the better facilitating and making way for

cf

parti, those virulent x attempts upon the church, petitions
and complaints were exhibited ? against the exorbi
tant acts of some bishops ; especially against the bi
shops of Bath and Wells, and Ely ; who, they al
leged, z " had with great pride and insolence pro-
" voked all the gentry, and a most of the inhabitants

And against

the new ca- " within their dioceses. And the new canons were

against

some

nons ;

11 the petition] their petition they alleged,] Not in MS.

x those virulent] these virulent a and] and in truth
v were exhibited] are exhibited

OF THE REBELLION. 359

insisted on, "as a most palpable invasion by the BOOK
whole body of the clergy, upon the laws and li- _

a
a

66
66

berty of the people."
I said b before, that after the dissolution of the
former short parliament, the convocation c was con
tinued by special warrant from the king; and by
his majesty, in a solemn message sent to them by
sir Harry Vane, then principal secretary, " required
to proceed in the making of canons, for the better
peace and quiet of the church." Notwithstanding
this command, the chief of the clergy, well knowing
the spirit of bitterness that was contracted against
them; and many obsolete pamphlets against their
jurisdiction and power being, since the commotions
in Scotland, revived and published with more free
dom ; desired his majesty, " that the opinions of the
" judges might be known and declared, whether
" they might then lawfully sit, the parliament being
" dissolved, and proceed in the making of canons ;
" as likewise, upon other particulars in their juris-
" diction, which had been most inveighed against ?"
All the judges of England, upon a mature debate,
in the presence of the king s council, under their
hands asserted, " the power of the convocation in
making d canons, and those other parts of jurisdic
tion, which had been so enviously questioned."
Hereupon they proceeded ; and having composed a
body of canons, presented the same to his majesty,
for his royal approbation. They were then again
debated at the council-board, not without notable
opposition ; for upon some lessening the power and

b I said] I told you d " the power of the convo-

c convocation] convocation " cation in making] their power
house of making

A a 4

(6

66

360 THE HISTORY

BOOK authority of their 6 chancellors, and their commissa-
iii.

ries, by those canons, the professors of that law took

* themselves to be disobliged ; and sir Henry Martin,
(who was not likely to f oversee any advantages,)
upon several days of hearing at the council-table,
with his utmost skill objected against them : but in
the end, by the entire and unanimous advice of the
privy-council, the canons were confirmed by the
king, under the great seal of England, and thereby
enjoined % to be observed. So that whatsoever 11 they
were, the judges were at least as guilty of the first
presumption in framing them, and the lords of the
council in publishing and executing them, as the bi
shops, or the rest of the clergy, in either.

Yet the storm fell wholly on the church : and the
matter of those canons, and the manner of making
them, was insisted on, as a pregnant testimony of a
malignant spirit in the very function of the bishops.
The truth is, the season in which that synod con
tinued to sit (as was observed before) was in so ill a
conjuncture of time, (upon the dissolution of a par
liament, and almost in an invasion from Scotland,)
that nothing could have been transacted there, of a
popular and prevailing influence. And * then, some
sharp canons against sectaries, and some additionals
in point of ceremonies, countenancing, though not
enjoining, what had not been long practised, infi
nitely inflamed some, and troubled others ; who
jointly took advantage of what strictly was amiss ;
as the making an oath, the matter of which was
conceived incongruous ; and enjoining it to many of

e their] the s enjoined] legally enjoined

1 who was not likely to] who h whatsoever] whatever
could not And] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 361

the laity, as well as the clergy; and like wise k the BOOK
granting of subsidies.

So that the house of commons (that is, the major

* Which are

part) made no scruple, in that heat, l to declare, condemned
" that the convocation-house had no power at all of house 6 of
" making canons :" notwithstanding that it was ap- c
parent by the law, and the uncontradicted practice
of the church, that canons had never been otherwise
made : " and that those canons contained in them
" matter of sedition and reproach to the regal
" power ; prejudicial to the liberty and property of
" the subject, and to the privileges of parliament."
By the extent of which notable vote and declara
tion, they had involved almost the whole clergy
under the guilt of arbitrary proceedings ; m as much
as they had done the nobility and gentry before,
under their votes against n lords lieutenants, deputy
lieutenants, privy -counsellors, and sheriffs ; and of
which they made the same use ; as shall be remem
bered in its proper place.

In the mean time P the two armies were neces- Money bor-
sarily to be provided for, lest the countries where

their quarters were should come to be oppressed by * he two ,

J houses, for

free quarter ; which would not only raise a very in- supplying

/ the two ar-

convenient noise, but introduce a necessity or dis-mies.
banding the armies, which they were in no degree
ready for : and money not being to be raised soon
enough in the regular 1 way, by act of parliament,
which would require some time in the passing; 1 " be-

k likewise] Not in MS. of the History omitted in this

1 heat,] fury, place, see Appendix, D.

m the guilt of arbitrary pro- P In the mean time] Not in

ceedings ;] an arbitrary guilt ; MS.

n against] of 1 regular] formal

3 proper place.] For a portion r passing ;] passage ;

THE HISTORY

BOOK sides, that the manner and way of raising it had
not been enough considered; and the collecting it

- would require much time, even after an act of par
liament should be passed; therefore for the present
supply it was 8 thought fit to make use of their
credit with the city ; to whom a formal embassy of
lords and commons was sent ; which were carefully
chosen of such persons as carried the business of the
house before them, that the performing the service
might be as well imputed to their particular reputa
tion and interest, as to the affection of the city : and
these men in their orations to the citizens under
took " that their money should be repaid with in-
" terest by the care of the parliament." And this
was the first introduction of the public faith ; which
grew afterwards to be applied to all monstrous pur
poses.

This * expedient succeeded twice or thrice for
such sums as they thought fit to require; which
were only enough to carry on their affairs, and keep
them in motion ; not proportionable to discharge
the debt due to the armies, but to enable them to
pay their quarters : it being fit to keep a consider
able debt still owing, lest they should appear too
ready to be disbanded.

A n ew They u had likewise another design in this com-

counT/of merce w i tn the city "> which, always upon the loan
the party o f mO nev, used to recommend x some such thing to

chosen. t

the parliament, as might advance the designs of the
party ; as " the proceeding against delinquents ;" or

* it was] they loan of money, used to recom-
1 This] And this mend] for always upon the
u They] And they loan of money they recom-

* which, always upon the mended

OF THE REBELLION. 363

" some reformation in the church:" which the ma- BOOK
nagers knew well what use to make of upon any

emergency. When they had set this traffick on foot
in the city, and so .brought their friends there into
more reputation and activity ; then, at their elec
tion for y common-council men, (which is every year
before Christmas ; and in which new men had rarely
used to be chosen, except in case of death, but the
old still continued,) all the grave and substantial
citizens were left out ; and such chosen as were
most eminent for opposing the government, and
most disaffected to the church, though of never so
mean estates : which made a present visible altera
tion in the temper of the city, (the common- council
having so great a share in the management of af
fairs there,) and even in the government itself.

Other ways were now z to be thought of for get
ting of money, which was, once at least every
month, called for very importunately by the Scot
tish a commissioners; which caused the same pro
vision to be made for the English forces. The next
expedient was, " That in so great an exigence, and
" for the public peace ; that the armies might not
enter into blood, by the determination of the ces
sation, which want of pay would inevitably pro-
" duce ; the several members of the house would
" lend money, according to their several abilities ;
" or that such as had no money would become
" bound for it ; and upon these terms enough could
" be borrowed." This b was no sooner proposed,
but consented to by all the eminent leaders ; and

y then, at their election for] a Scottish] Scots
for at their election of b This] And this

z now] Not in MS.

6f

(t

364 THE HISTORY

BOOK by many others, in order to make themselves the
! more acceptable to those; and some did it for their

"

"

1640. own convenience, there being little hazard of their
money, and full interest to be received, and believ
ing it would facilitate the disbanding of the armies ;
to which c all sober men s hearts were directed.

And now, to support their stock of credit, it was
time to raise money upon the people by act of par
liament ; which they had an excuse for not doing in
the usual way, " of giving d it immediately to the
" king, to be paid into the exchequer ; because the
66 public faith was so deeply engaged to the city for
a great debt ; and so many particular members in
the loan of monies, and in being bound for the
payment of great sums, for which their estates
" were liable : and therefore it was but reason, that
" for their indemnity the money that was to be
" raised should be paid into the hands of particular
" members of the house, named by them ; who
" should take care to discharge all public engage-
A bin pass- " ments." The e first bill they passed being but for
two subsidies, which was not sufficient to discharge
any considerable part of the money borrowed, they
of com- inserted in the bill the commissioners names, who

mons nain- t

ing com- were to receive and dispose the money. And the

missioners , . , . . . , . ir ,

to receive king made no pause in the passing it ; himself not
ey> considering the consequence of it, and none about

him having the courage to represent f it to him.
The same From & that time, there was no bill passed for the
aftenvards rising of money, but it was disposed of in the
continued. same) or the like manner ; that none of it could be

c to which] upon which f represent] present

d " of giving] and giving & From] But from

e The] And the

6(
6(
66
66
(6
(6

OF THE REBELLION. 365

applied to the king s use, or by his direction. And BOOK

they likewise took notice, h " that, from the time of _

" his majesty s coming to the crown, he had taken
" the customs and impositions upon merchandise as
" his own right, without any act of parliament ;
" which (they said) i no king had ever before done ;"
insinuating withal, " that they meant to make a fur
ther inquiry k into those, who had been the chief
ministers in that presumption." They said, " No
body could imagine, but that they intended to
grant the same to his majesty, in the same man
ner, for his life, as had been done to his progeni
tors by former parliaments : but that they found
" such an act could not be presently made ready ;
" because the book of rates now in practice (besides
" that it had not been made by lawful authority)
" contained many excesses, and must be reformed
" in several particulars ; in preparing which, they
" would use all possible diligence, and hoped to ef-
" feet it in a short time : however, that the continu-
" ance of the collection in the manner it was in,
" without any lawful title, and during the very sit
ting of the parliament, would be a precedent of a
very ill l consequence, and make the right of giv-
" ing it the more questioned; at least the less valued.
" And therefore it would be fit, that either ah 1 the
present collection should" 1 be discontinued, and
cease absolutely ; which was in the power of the
" merchants themselves to do, n by refusing to pay
" any duties which there was no law to compel

h And they likewise took no- } (they said)] Not in MS.
tice,] Thus in MS. : Nor were k inquiry] inquisition
they contented with this inva- l very ill] very evil
sion of his prerogative, but took m should] Not in MS.

n to do,] to

a
a

66
66

366 THE HISTORY

BOOK them to: or, that a short act should be presently

" passed, for the continuance of those payments for

" a short time ; against the expiration whereof, the
" act for granting them P for life, with the book of
" rates, would be prepared, and ready." There were
many inconveniences discovered in the first, in dis
continuing the collection and payment of duties,
" which would not be so easily revived again, and
" reduced into order : and that the last would, with-
" out prejudice to either, both vindicate the right of
" the subject, and secure the king s profit :" and so
they prepared (with all the expressions of duty and
affection to the king that can be imagined) and pre
sented a grant of those duties for some few months.
In which there was a preamble, disapproving and
condemning " all that had been done in that parti-
" cular, from his majesty s first coming to the crown,
" to that time ; and asserting his whole right to
" those payments 1 to depend upon the gift of his
subjects :" and concluded with " most severe pe
nalties to be inflicted upon those, who should pre-
" sume hereafter to collect or receive them r other-
" wise than as they were, or should be, granted by
" act of parliament :" which had never been in any
other act of parliament declared : which the king
likewise passed. s So all the revenue i he had to live
upon, and to provide him meat, and which he had

those payments] the pay- and the king likewise passed it.
ment * So all the revenue him

P for granting them] Not in too, whenever] Thus in MS. :

MS. and so, besides other unseason-

1 to those payments] Not in able concessions and determin-
MS. ations, put all the revenue he had

r them] those duties to live upon, and to provide

8 which had passed.] which him meat, into their hands, and
was never before provided for, to take from him whenever

a
ts

OF THE REBELLION. 367

reason to expect should have been more certainly BOOK
continued to him, was taken into their hands ; in

order to take it from him too, whenever they should
think it convenient to their other designs : of which
he shortly after found the mischief.

Though, as hath been observed, 11 there was not
hitherto x one penny of money given to the king, or
received by his ministers ; yet, because subsidies were
raised upon the people, according to the formality
of parliaments ; and as if all that great supply had
been to the king s own coffers ; it was thought ne
cessary, that the people should be refreshed with
some behoveful law, at the same time that they
found themselves charged with the payment of so
many subsidies. And under that consideration, to
gether with the bill > T for subsidies, another was sent
up to the lords, for a triennial parliament : both
which quickly passed that house, and were trans
mitted to the king.

In that for the triennial parliament (though the A bin for

. triennial

same was 2 grounded upon two former statutes in parliament
the time of king Edward the Third, "That there
" should be once every year a parliament") there
were some clauses very derogatory to monarchical
principles ; as " giving the people authority to as-
" semble together, if the king failed to call them,"
and the like: yet his majesty, really intending to
make those conventions frequent, without any great
hesitation, enacted those two bills together ; so much
to the seeming joy and satisfaction of both houses,

u Though, as hath been ob- ing taken from, MS. B.) is given

served,] That portion of the in the Appendix, D.
history which connects this part x not hitherto] not yet
with line 20, of page 361, (the > T the bill] that bill
intermediate printed account be- z was] were

368 THE HISTORY

BOOK that they pretended " to have sufficiently provided
" for the security * of the commonwealth ; and that

* " there remained nothing to be done, but such a re-
" turn of duty and gratitude to the king, as might
" testify their devotions ; and that their only end
" was to make him glorious :" but those fits of zeal
and loyalty never lasted long,
sir Edward The lord Finch s flight made not only the place

Littleton

made lord of keeper l vacant, but begot c several other vacan
cies. The seal was given to Littleton, who was then
chief justice of the common pleas ; for which place
he was excellently fitted : but being a man of a
grave and comely presence, his other parts were
overvalued ; his learning in the law being his mas
terpiece. And he d was chosen to be keeper, upon
the opinion and recommendation of the two great
ministers under the cloud ; who had before brought
him to be a privy-counsellor, whilst chief justice, to
the no little jealousy of the lord Finch.

Banks, the attorney general, was weary enough
of the inquisition that was made into the king s
grants, arid glad to be promoted to the common
pleas. Herbert, 6 the solicitor general, who had sat
all this time in the house of commons, awed and
terrified with their temper ; applying himself to Mr.
Hambden, and two or three of the other, without
interposing or crossing them in any thing; longed
infinitely to be out of that fire : and so the office of
attorney general, which at any other time had been
to be wished, was now the more f grateful, as it re-

a security] indemnity d And he] And so he

b the place of keeper] that e Herbert,] And Herbert,
place f now the more] now most

c begot] begat

OF THE REBELLION. 369

moved him from the other attendance, it not being BOOK

in.
usual in those times for the attorney general to be

a member of the house of commons : s and he was h
called by writ to attend the house of peers, where
he sits upon the woolsack at the back of the judges.
From the time that there was no more fear of the
archbishop of Canterbury, nor the lord lieutenant of
Ireland, nor of any particular men who were like to
succeed them in favour ; all who had been active in
the court, or in any service for the king, being to
tally dispirited, and most of them to be disposed to
any ill offices * against him ; the great patriots
thought they might be able to do their country
better service, if they got the places and prefer
ments of the court for themselves, k and so prevent 1
the evil counsels which had used to spring from
thence. For which purpose, 111 they had then a fast
friend there, the marquis of Hamilton ; who could
most dexterously put such an affair into agitation,
with the least noise, and prepare both king and
queen to hearken to it very willingly : and in a
short time all particulars were well adjusted for
every man s accommodation.

The earl of Bedford was to be treasurer : in order -Great offices
to which, the bishop of London had already desired some heads
the king "to receive the staff into his hand, and oftheparty<
give him leave to retire to the sole care of his bi
shopric ;" by which he wisely withdrew from the

66

66

8 it not being usual in those h and he was] and so he was

times for the attorney general ; ill offices] vile offices

to be a member of the house of k of the court for themselves,]

commons :] there being an in- in the court,

capacity put upon that place of l prevent] prevented

sitting as a member in parlia- m For which purpose,] And
ment :

VOL. I. B b

son

370 THE HISTORY

BOOK storm, and enjoyed the greatest tranquillity of any

-- man of the three kingdoms, throughout the whole

boisterous and destroying time that followed; and

lived to see a happy and blessed end of them, and

The bishop di e d in great honour. n And so the treasury was for

of London

resigning the present put into commission. Mr. Pym was to
the treasury be chancellor of the exchequer: which office the
l r d Cottington was likewise ready to surrender,
upon assurance of indemnity for the future. These
two were engaged to procure the king s revenue to
be liberally provided for, and honourably increased
and settled.
Saint-John And, that this might be the better done, the earl

made soli- __ . . .

- of Bedford prevailed with the king, upon the re-
moves mentioned before, to make Oliver Saint-John
(who hath been often, and will be oftener mentioned
in this discourse) his solicitor general; which his
majesty readily consented to ; hoping that , being
a gentleman of an honourable extraction, (if he had
been legitimate,) he P would have been very useful
in the present exigence to support his service in the
house of commons, where his authority was then
great ; at least, that he would be ashamed ever to
appear in any thing that might prove prejudicial to
the crown. And he became immediately possessed
of that office of great trust ; and was so well quali
fied for it, at that time,** by his fast and rooted ma
lignity against the government, that he lost no credit
with his party, out of any apprehension or jealousy
that he would change his side : and he made good
their confidence ; not in the least degree abating his
malignant spirit, or dissembling it; but with the

" honour.] honour and glory. p he] that he

that] Not in MS. <i at that time,] Nut in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 371

same obstinacy opposed every thing which might BOOK
advance the king s service, when he was his soli- _

\ . A 1

citor, as ever he had done before.

The lord Say was to be master of the wards;
which place the lord Cottington was likewise to sur
render for his own r quiet and security. And Denzil
Hollis was to be secretary of state, in the place of
secretary Windebank.

Thus far the intrigue for preferments was entirely
complied with : and it is great pity that it was not
fully executed, that the king might have had some
able men to have advised or assisted him ; which
probably these very men would have done, after
they had been so throughly engaged : whereas the
king had none left about him in any immediate
trust in business, (for I speak not of the duke of
Richmond, and some very few men more about his
person, who always behaved themselves honourably,)
who either did not betray, or sink under the weight
or reproach of it.

But the earl of Bedford was resolved, that he
would not enter into the treasury, till the revenue
was in some degree settled; at least, 8 the bill for
tonnage and poundage passed, with all decent cir
cumstances, and for life; which both he and Mr.
Pym did very heartily labour to effect ; and had in
their thoughts many good expedients, by which they
intended to raise the revenue of the crown. And
none of them were very solicitous to take their pro
motions, before some other accommodations were
provided for some of the rest of their chief com
panions; who would be neither well pleased with

r own] Not in MS. * at least,] and at least,

B b 2

372 THE HISTORY

BOOK their so hasty advancement before them, nor so sub-
in.

missive in the future to follow their dictates.

i /> jt 1

Hambden was a man they could not leave unpro
vided for ; and therefore there were several designs,
and very far driven, for the satisfaction and promo
tion of him, and Essex, and Kimbolton, 1 and others ;
though not so fully concluded, as those before men
tioned. For the king s great end was, by these com
pliances, to save the life of the earl of Strafford,
and to preserve the church from ruin : for nobody
thought the archbishop in danger of his life. And
there were few of the persons mentioned before,
who thought their preferments would do them much
good, if the earl were suffered to live ; but in that
of the church, the major part even of those persons
would have been willing to have satisfied the king ;
the rather, because they had no reason to think the
two houses, or indeed either of them, could have
been induced to have pursued the contrary. And
so the continued and renewed violence in the prose
cution of the earl of Strafford made the king well
contented (as the other reasons prevailed with the
other persons) that the putting of those promotions
in practice u should be for a time suspended.
A proposi- When there was a new occasion, upon the impor-

tion made . .

for borrow- tunity of the Scottish x commissioners, to procure
in S thecity: more money ; and the leading men, who used to be
forward in finding out expedients for supply, seemed
to despair of being able to borrow more ; because
the city was much troubled and disheartened, to see
the work of reformation proceed so slowly, and no

1 Kimbolton,] Mandeville, promotions
u putting of those promotions x Scottish] Scots
in practice] execution of those

OF THE REBELLION. 873

delinquents yet brought to justice; and that till BOOK
some advance was made towards those longed-for

6(
66

66

%^

ends, there must be no expectation of borrowing
more money from or in the city : at that time, Mr.
Hyde said in the house, y " That he did not believe
" the thing to be so difficult as was pretended ; that
" no man lent his money, who did not gain by it ;
" and that it was evident enough, that there was z
" plenty of money ; and therefore he was confident,
" if a small committee of the house were nominated,
" who, upon consultation between themselves, might
" use the name of the house to such men as were
reputed to have money, they might prevail with
them to lend as much as might serve for the pre
sent exigence." Whereupon the house willingly
approved the motion ; and named him, a Mr. Capel,
sir John Strangeways, and five or six more, whom
they desired might be joined with them ; who, the
same or the next day, repaired into the city ; re
solving to apply themselves to no men but such who
were of clear reputation in point of wisdom, and so
briety of understanding, as well as of wealth and
ability to lend. And after they had spoken toge
ther with four or five eminent men, they agreed to
divide themselves, b and to confer severally with their
particular acquaintances, upon the same subject:
many men choosing rather to lend their money, than
to be known to have it; and being very wary in
their expressions, except in private.

When they had again communicated together,

y at that time, Mr. Hyde said b to divide themselves,] to

in the house,] upon which Mr. pair,
Hyde said, c acquaintances,] acquaint-

z was] is ance,

a him,] himself,

B b 3

374 THE HISTORY

BOOK they found that the borrowing the money would be
very easy ; every man with whom they had con-

(6
ft

ft

tt

1641. ferred being ready and forward to lend the money,
or to find a friend who should, upon their security
who proposed it. d Most of them in their private dis
course said, " that there was money enough to be
" lent, if men saw there would be like to be an
end e of borrowing; but that it was an universal
discomfort and discouragement, to all men of
" estates and discretion, to see two great armies
still kept on foot in the kingdom, at so vast a
charge, when there remained no fear of a war ;
" and that- if a time were once appointed for the
" disbanding them, there should not want money
" for the doing all that should be necessary in order
" to it." This answer satisfied them in all respects :
and the next day Mr. Hyde reported f the success of
their employment ; " that they had conferred with
" most of the substantial and best reputed men of
" the city ; who, by themselves and their friends,
" had promised to supply the money which was de-
" sired." And then he enlarged upon " the temper
" they understood the city to be in, by the reports
of those who might be reasonably supposed to
know it best ; that it was indeed very much trou
bled and disheartened, 11 to see two armies kept on
foot at so vast a charge within the bowels of the
" kingdom, when, God be thanked, aU the danger
" of a war was removed ; and that they who were

d to lend the money, or to e an end] any end
find a friend who should, upon f reported] reported to the

their security who proposed it.] house
to lend the money upon their g most of the] the most
security who proposed, or to h disheartened,] melancholic,
find a friend who should.

tt
a
tt
ft

OF THE REBELLION. 375

" very able to make good what they promised, had BOOK

" frankly undertaken, that if a peremptory day was .

" appointed for being rid of those armies, there
" should not be want of money to discharge them."
The report was received with great applause by
the major part of the house, as was reasonably col
lected by their countenance : but it was as appa
rent, that the governing party was exceedingly per
plexed with it, and knew not on a sudden what to
say to it : if they embraced the opportunity, to pro
cure a supply of money which was really wanted, it
would be too great a countenance to the persons
who had procured it ; whose i reputation they were
willing to depress : besides, it would imply their ap
probation of what had been said of the disbanding :
at least, would be a ground of often mentioning and
pressing it ; and which, how grateful soever to most
other men, was the thing they most abhorred. After
a long silence, Mr. Hambden said, " that the worthy
" gentlemen were to be much commended for the
" pains they had taken ; of which, he doubted not,
" good use would be made :" and so proposed, "That
" it might be well thought of, and the debate re-
" sumed the next day ;" which could not be denied.

The next day, alderman Pennington (a man in high- But
est confidence with the party ; and one, who insinu- SateT b y
ated all things to the common-council which he was the party%
directed should be started there) begun k the dis
course ; and said, " that the gentlemen, who had
" been last in the city to borrow money, had made
" a fair report ; but that in the end of it there was
" colloquintida; that he could not find with what

1 whose] and whose k begun] began

B b 4

376 THE HISTORY

BOOK " persons they had conferred 1 about the temper of

the city ; nor that any considerable people trou-

HI

66
66
66

1- " bled themselves with designing or wishing what
" the parliament should do, which they knew to be
wise enough, to know what and when they were
to do that which was m best for the kingdom : and
they acquiesced in their grave judgment :" and
concluded, " that the money that the house stood in
" need of, or a greater sum, was ready to be paid to
" whomsoever they should n appoint to receive it."
The house made itself very merry with the alder
man s colloquintida, and called upon him "to ex-
" plain it ;" and so the debate ended : all sober
men being well pleased to see the disorder they
were in, and the pains they had taken to free them
selves from it ; which every day was renewed upon
them, as the subject-matter afforded occasion ; and
they visibly lost much of the reverence, which had
been formerly paid them.?

A commit- About the beginning of March, they begun * to
ireiand7 in niake preparations for the trial of the earl of Straf-

nac * tnen t> een about three months in pri-
the eari son under the r accusation of high treason : and by

of Strafford. . . J

this time, for the better 8 supply in this work,* a
committee was come from the parliament in Ireland,
to solicit matters concerning that kingdom. This
committee (most of them being papists, and the
principal actors since in the rebellion) was received
with great kindness, and, upon the matter, added to

1 conferred] conferred with ^ begun] began

m was] is r under the] under their

n should] would * the better] their better

sober] Not in MS. * this work,] that work,
p them.] to them.

OF THE REBELLION. 377

the committee for the prosecution of the earl of BOOK
Strafford. So that now, Ireland seemed no less in

tent upon the ruin of that unfortunate lord, than *
England and Scotland; there being such a corre
spondence settled between Westminster and Dublin,
that whatsoever was practised in the house of com
mons here was soon u after done likewise there : and
as sir George Ratcliff was accused here of high trea
son, upon pretence of being a confederate with the
earl in his treasons ; but in truth that he might not
be capable of giving any evidence on the behalf of
him, and thereupon sent for into this kingdom : so
all, or most of the other persons, who were in any
trust with the earl, and so privy to the grounds and
reasons of the counsels there, and only able to make
those apparent, were accused by the house of com
mons in that kingdom of high treason ; under the
general impeachment, of " endeavouring to subvert
" the fundamental laws of that kingdom, and to in-
" troduce an arbitrary power :" which served the x
turn there, to secure their persons, and to remove
them from councils, as it had done here.

What seeds were then sown for the rebellion,
which within a year after broke y out in Ireland, by
the great liberty and favour that committee found ;
who, for the good service against that lord, were
hearkened to in all things that concerned that king
dom, shall be observed, and spoken of at large, here
after.

Much time was spent in consideration of the man- considera-
ner of the trial; for they could find no precedent ^"the"
would fit their case : " Whether it should be in

11 soon] very soon x the] Not in MS. y broke] brake

378 THE HISTORY

BOOK "house of peers? which room was thought too
" little, for the accusers, witnesses, judges, and spec-

1641. "tators: Who should prosecute? Whether mem-
" bers chosen of the commons, or the king s council ?
" Whether the bishops" (which were twenty-four in
number, and like to be too tender-hearted in matter
of blood, and so either to convert many, or to in
crease a dissenting party too much) " should have
" voices in the trial ? Whether those who had been
" created peers since the accusation was z carried up,
" should be admitted to be judges?" And lastly,
" Whether the commoners, who were to be present
" at the trial, should sit uncovered? and, Whether
" any members of the house of commons should be
" examined at the trial on the behalf of the earl ?"
who had sent a list of names, and desired an order
to that purpose.

After much debate it was agreed, a " that the trial
" should be in Westminster-hall, where seats should
" be built for the reception of the whole house of
" commons, which together with the speaker should
" be present :" for they then foresaw, that they
might be put to another kind of proceeding than
that they pretended ; and (though with much ado)
they consented to sit uncovered, lest such a little cir
cumstance might disturb the whole design.

For the prosecution, they had no mind to trust
the king s council; who neither knew their secret
evidence, nor, b being informed, were like to apply
and press it so vigorously as the business would re
quire : and therefore they appointed " that com-
" mittee which had prepared the charge, to give in

z was] Not in MS. a agreed,] resolved, b nor,] or,

OF THE REBELLION. 379

" the evidence, and in the name of all the commons BOOK

in
" of England to prosecute the impeachment."

For the bishops : after many bitter invectives, and
remembering the faults of particular persons, and
the canons which seemed to involve the whole body,
with sharpness and threats ; they took the case to
be so clear upon an old canon, (the only one they
acknowledged for orthodox,) that clericus non de-
bet interesse sanguini, that they were content " to
" refer that to the house of peers, as proper only for
" their determination." And this they did, not upon
any confidence they had in the matter itself, what
ever law, or reason, or canon they pretended ; or in
the lords, the major part of whom, when any differ
ence of opinion was, always dissented from their de
signs : but that they had a trick of doing their bu
siness by intimation ; and had c a sure friend amongst
the bishops, who had promised them seasonably to
free them of that trouble.

They d would not trust their lordships own incli
nations with the other point, of the new barons,
which they knew would be controverted ; but in
plain terms demanded, " that no peer, created since
the day upon which the earl of Strafford was im
peached of e high treason, because they were in-
" volved as commoners in the making that accusa-
" tion, should sit as judges at his trial."

For the earl s demand, " of an order to examine
" some members on his behalf, upon matters of fact,
" at his trial ;" after a long debate, they left it only
in the power of the persons themselves who were
nominated, ".to be examined if they would," (not

c and had] and they had d They] And therefore they e of] for

(6

(t

380 THE HISTORY

BOOK without some smart animadversions, " that they
in

should take heed what they did,") and refused to

r

l - enjoin them; though the same had been done at
their desire, for the lords of the council; but that was
against the earl, and so the less to be considered.

The lords, in the absence of the lord keeper, who
was very sick, made choice of the earl of Arundel to
preside and govern the court ; being a person noto
riously disaffected to the earl of Strafford.

And for the great business of the bishops, they
were saved the labour of giving any rule (which, it
may be, would have troubled them) by the bishop of
Lincoln s standing up, and moving, on the behalf of
himself and his brethren, " that they might be ex-
" cused from being present at the trial, being eccle-
" siastical persons, and so not to have their hands in
" blood ;" and such other reasons, as, when they are
examined, will not be found of very great weight. f

This bishop had been, by several censures in the
star-chamber, imprisoned in the Tower, where he
remained till after the beginning of this parliament,
and was then set at liberty upon the desire of the
lords ; who knew him to be a mortal and irreconcile-
able enemy to the archbishop of Canterbury : and in
deed he s had always been a puritan so far, as to love
none of the bishops, and to have used many 11 learned
churchmen with great contempt and insolence ; and
yet he left no way unpractised to assure the king,

that he would do great matters in parliament for

his service, if he might be at liberty." The next
day after he came to the house of peers, the lord Say

f will not be found of very s he] Not in MS.
great weight.] will be found h many] all
very trivial.

tt

6(

OF THE REBELLION. 381

made that speech, 1 which he since printed; taking BOOK

in

notice " of some imputations laid on him by the

" archbishop of Canterbury, that he should be a sec-
" tary ;" which nobody can doubt, that reads that
speech : yet he had no sooner done, than that bishop
rose, and made a large panegyric in his praise, and
professed, " that he always believed his lordship to
" be as far from a sectary, as himself." And when
he found the great desire of the house of commons
to be freed from the bishops votes in that trial, he
never left terrifying them with the censure that hung
over their heads for making the canons, till he per
suaded them to ingratiate themselves, by desiring to
be excused in that matter, before an order should
be made for their absence.

This example of the bishops prevailed with some
lords, who had been created since the accusation, to
quit their right of judging ; and amongst them, the
lord Littleton (who had been made a baron upon the
desire of the earl of Strafford, for that only reason,
that he professed, " If he were a peer, he would (and
" indeed he could) do him notable service") was the
first who quitted his right to judge, because he had
been a commoner when the accusation was first
brought up : but they who insisted upon their right,
(as the lord Seymour and others,) and demanded the
judgment of the house, were no more disturbed, but
exercised the same power to the end, as any of the
other lords did ; and so, no doubt, might the bishops
too, if they would : for, though there might be some
reason for their absence, when the trial was accord
ing to law, before and by his peers only ; yet, when

speech,] schismatical speech,

382 THE HISTORY

BOOK that judgment was waved, and a bill of attainder
brought up against him, their votes in that bill were

as necessary and essential, as of any other of the
lords. And it may be, their unseasonable, volun
tary, unjust quitting it then, made many men less
solicitous for the defence of their right k afterwards.
But of that in its place.
The trial All things being thus prepared, and settled; on

be era. n

March the Monday, the twenty-second of March, the earl of
N. s. 1 StrafFord was brought to the bar in Westminster-
hall ; the lords sitting in the middle of the hall in
their robes ; and the commoners, and some strangers
of quality, with the Scottish l commissioners, and the
committee of Ireland, on either side ; there being a
close box made at one end, at a very convenient dis
tance for hearing, in which the king and queen sat
untaken notice of: his majesty, out of kindness and
curiosity, desiring to hear all that could be alleged :
of which, I believe, he afterwards repented himself;
when " his having been present at the trial" was
alleged and urged to him, as an argument for the
passing the bill of attainder.

The charge After the earl s m charge was read, and an intro-
hfm. ns duction made by Mr. Pym, in which he called him
the wicked earl ; some member of the house of com
mons, according to their parts assigned, being a law
yer, applied and pressed the evidence, with great li
cence and sharpness of language ; and, when the
earl had made his defence, replied with the same
liberty upon whatsoever he said; taking all occa
sions of bitterly inveighing against his person : which

k for the defence of their l Scottish] Scotch
right] for the utter taking away *" the earl s] his
that right

OF THE REBELLION. 383

reproachful way of carriage was looked upon with so BOOK

much approbation, that one of the managers (Mr 1_

Palmer) lost all his credit and interest with them,
and never recovered it, for using a decency and mo
desty in his carriage and language towards him ;
though the weight of his arguments pressed more
upon the earl, than all the noise of the rest.

The trial lasted eighteen days ; in which, " all the
" hasty or proud expressions, or words, he had ut-
" tered at any time since he was first made a privy-
" counsellor ; all the acts of passion or power that
" he had exercised in Yorkshire, from the time that
" he was first president there ; his engaging himself
" in projects in Ireland, as the sole making of flax,
" and selling tobacco in that kingdom ; his billeting
" of soldiers, and exercising of martial law there;"
" his extraordinary way of proceeding against the
" lord Mountnorris, and the lord chancellor Loftus ;P
" his assuming a power of judicature at the council-
" table, to determine private interests, <i and matter
" of inheritance ; some rigorous and extrajudicial de-
" terminations in cases of plantations ; some high dis-
" courses at the council-table in Ireland ; some casual r
and light discourses at his own table, and at public
meetings ; and lastly, some words spoken in secret
" council in this kingdom, after the dissolution of the
" last parliament," were urged and pressed against
him, to make good the general charge, of " an en-
" deavour to overthrow the fundamental govern-
" ment of the kingdom, and to introduce an arbi-
" trary power."

n there ;] in that kingdom ; * interests,] interest,

n way of] Not in MS. r some casual] and some ca-

P Loftus ;] Not in MS. sual

66
66

384 THE HISTORY

BOOK The earl behaved himself with great show of hu-
iii. .

mility and submission ; but yet, with such a kind of

1 courage, as would lose no advantage ; and, in truth,
fence. made his defence with all imaginable dexterity ; an
swering this charge, 8 and evading that, with all pos
sible skill and eloquence ; and though he knew not,
till he came to the bar, upon what parts of his
charge they would proceed against him, or what
evidence they would produce, he took very little
time to recollect himself, and left nothing unsaid
that might make for his own justification.

For the business of Ireland ; he complained much,
that, by an order from the committee which pre
pared his charge against him, all his papers in
that kingdom, by which he should make his de
fence, were seized and taken from him ; and, by
virtue of the same order, all his goods, household-
stuff, plate, and tobacco (amounting, as he said, to
eighty thousand pounds) were likewise seized ; so
" that he had not money to subsist in prison : that all
" those ministers of state in Ireland, who were most
privy to the acts for which he was questioned, and
so could give the best evidence and testimony on
his behalf, were imprisoned under the charge of
" treason. Yet he averred, that he had behaved
himself in that kingdom, according to the power
and authority granted by his commission and in-
structions, and according to the rules and customs
observed by former deputies and lieutenants. That
the monopolies of flax and tobacco had been under
taken by him for the good of that kingdom, and
benefit of his majesty : the former establishing a

9 charge,] Not in MS.

66

(6
6(
66
66
66
66

66
66
66

66

66

66
66
66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 385

" most beneficial trade and good husbandry, not be- BOOK
" fore practised there ; and the latter bringing a

" revenue of above forty thousand pounds to the
" crown, and advancing trade, and bringing no da-
" mage to the subject. That billeting of soldiers,"
(which was alleged to be treason, by a statute made
in Ireland in the time of king Henry the Sixth,)
" and the exercising of martial law, had been always
" practised by the lieutenants and deputies of that
" kingdom ;" which he proved by the testimony and
confession of the earl of Cork and the lord Wilmot ;
neither of which desired to say more for his behoof,
than inevitably they must. He said, " the act of
" parliament mentioned, of Henry the Sixth, con-
" cerned not him ; it comprehending only the in-
" ferior subjects, and making it penal to them to
" billet soldiers, not the deputy, or supreme com-
" mander ; if it did, that it was repealed by Poyn-
" ing s act, in the eleventh year of Henry the Se-
" venth : however, if it were not, and that it were
" treason still, it was treason only in Ireland, and
" not in England ; and therefore, that he could not
" be tried here for it, but must be transmitted thi-
" ther." He said, " the council-table in Ireland had
" a large l legal jurisdiction, by the institution and
" fundamental customs of that kingdom ; and had,
" in all times, determined matters of the same na-
" ture, which it had done in his time : and that the
" proceedings there upon plantations had been with
" the advice of the judges, upon a clear title of the
" crown, and upon great reason of state : and that

* large] large, natural,
VOL. I. C C

it

tt

386 THE HISTORY

BOOK " the nature and disposition of that people required

- " a severe hand and strict reins to be held upon

" them, which u being loosed, the crown would
" quickly feel the mischief."

For the several discourses, and words, wherewith
he was charged ; he denied many, and explained and
put a gloss upon others, by the reasons and circum
stances of the debate. One particular, on which
they much insisted, x though it was spoken twelve
years before, " that he should say in the public hall
in York, that the little finger of the prerogative
should lie heavier upon them than the loins of the
law," he directly inverted ; and proved, by two or
three persons of credit, " that he said" (and the oc
casion made it probable, being upon the business of
knighthood, which was understood to be a legal tax)
" the little finger of the law was heavier than the
" loins of the prerogative ;" that imposition for
knighthood amounting to a much higher rate, than
any act of the prerogative which had been exer
cised. " However," he said, " he hoped no indiscre-
" tion, or unskilfulness, or passion, or pride of words,
" would amount to treason ; and for misdemeanours,
" he was ready to submit to their justice."

He made the least, that is, the worst excuse, for
those two acts against the lord Mountnorris, and the
lord chancellor; which indeed were powerful acts,
and manifested a nature excessively imperious ;> 7 and,
no doubt, caused z a greater dislike and terror, in a

u which] and that -> imperious;] MS. adds: if

x on which they much in- not inclined to tyranny ;

sisted,] which they much in- z caused] drew

sisted on, a in] from

OF THE REBELLION. 387

sober and dispassionate 13 persons, than all that was BOOK
alleged against him. A servant of the earl s, one

a

66

Annesley, (kinsman to Mountnorris,) attending on
his lord during some fit of the gout, (of which he
often laboured,) had by accident, or negligence, suf
fered a stool to fall upon the earl s foot ; enraged
with the pain whereof, his lordship with a small cane
struck Annesley : this being merrily spoken of at
dinner, at a table where the lord Mountnorris was,
(I think, the lord chancellor s,) he said, " the gen-
" tleman had a brother that would not have taken
" such a blow." This coming some months after to
the deputy s hearing, he caused a council of war to
be called ; the lord Mountnorris being an officer of
the army ; where, upon an article " of moving sedi
tion, and stirring up the soldiers against the ge
neral," he was charged with those words formerly
spoken at the lord chancellor s table. What defence
he made, I know not ; for he was so surprised, that
he knew not what the matter was, when he was
summoned to that council : but the words being
proved, he was deprived of his office (being then
vice-treasurer) and his foot-company ; committed to
prison ; sentenced c " to lose his head." The office
and company were immediately disposed of, and he
imprisoned, till the king sent him over a pardon, by
which he was discharged with his life ; all the d other
parts of the sentence being fully executed.

This seemed to all men a most prodigious course
of proceeding ; that, in a time of full peace, a peer
of the kingdom and a privy-counsellor, for an unad-

b dispassionate] dispassioned d the] Not in MS.

c sentenced] and sentenced

c c 2

388 THE HISTORY

BOOK vised, passionate, mysterious word, (for the expres
sion was capable of many interpretations,) should be

" r * /

* called before a council of war, which could not rea
sonably be understood to have then a jurisdiction
over such persons, and in such cases ; and, without
any process, or formality of defence, in two hours
should be deprived of his life and fortune : the in
justice whereof seemed the more formidable, for that
the lord Mountnorris was known, for some time be
fore, to stand in great jealousy and disfavour with
the earl : which made it looked on as a pure act of
revenge ; and gave all men warning, how they trusted
themselves in the territories where he commanded.

The earl discharged himself of the rigour and se
verity of the sentence, and laid it upon " the council
" of war ; where he e himself not only forbore to be
present, but would not suffer his brother, who was
an officer of the army, to stay there :" he said,
he f had conjured the court to proceed without any
respect of favour or kindness to himself; and that,
as soon as he understood the judgment of the
council, which was unanimous, he declared pub
licly, (as he had likewise done before,) that a hair
of his head should not perish ; and immediately
wrote an earnest letter to his majesty, for the pro-
" curing his pardon ; which was by his majesty,
upon his lordship s recommendation and media
tion, granted accordingly ; and thereupon the lord
" Mountnorris was set at liberty : though, it is true,
he was, after his enlargement, not suffered to come
to h England." He concluded, " that the lord

e he] Not in MS. % as] which

f he] that he h to] for

66
66
66
66
66
66
66

66

66
66

66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 389

" Moimtnorris was an insolent person; and that he BOOK
" took this course to humble him ; and that he _!

6(
6(

" would be very well content, that the same course 1641%
" might be taken to reform him ; if the same care
" might likewise be, that it might prove no more to
" his prejudice, than the other had been to that
lord."

But the standers by made another excuse for
him : " The lord Mountnorris was a man of great
industry, activity, and experience in the affairs of
Ireland; having raised himself from a very pri-
" vate, mean condition" (having been an inferior
servant to the lord Chichester) " to the degree of a
viscount, and a privy-counsellor, and to a very
ample revenue in lands and offices ; and had al
ways, by servile flattery and sordid application,
wrought himself into trust and nearness with all
deputies, at their first entrance i upon their charge,
informing them of the defects and oversights of
their predecessors ; and, after the determination
" of their commands, and return into England, in
forming the state here, and those enemies they
usually contracted in that time, of whatsoever
they had done, or suffered to be done, amiss ;
" whereby they either suffered disgrace, or damage,
" as soon as they were recalled from those honours.
" In J this manner he begun k with his own master,
" the lord Chichester ; and continued the same arts
" upon the lord Grandison, and the lord Falkland,
" who succeeded ; and, upon that score, procured
" admission and trust with the earl of Strafford,
" upon his first admission to that government : so

1 entrance] entering j In] And in k begun] began

c c 3

66
66
66
66
66
66
66

66
66

66

590 THE HISTORY

BOOK " that this dilemma seemed unquestionable, that ei
ther the deputy of Ireland must destroy my lord

1641. (( Mountnorris, whilst he continued in his office, or
" my lord Mountnorris must destroy the deputy, as
" soon as his commission was determined 1 ." And
upon this consideration, besides that his no virtue
made him unpitied, many looked with less concern-
edness upon that act, than the matter itself de
served. m

The case of the lord chancellor seemed, to com
mon understandings, an act of less violence, because
it concerned not life; and had some show of for
mality at least, if not regularity in the proceeding ;
and that which was amiss in it took its growth from
a nobler root than the other n . The endeavour was,
to compel the lord chancellor to settle more of his
land, and in another manner, upon his eldest son,
than he had a mind to, and than he could legally be
compelled to : this the earl, upon a paper petition
preferred to him by the wife of that son, (a lady,
for P whom the earl had so great a value and esteem,
that it ^ made his justice the more suspected,) press
ed, and in the end ordered him to do. The chancel
lor refused ; was committed to prison ; and shortly
after, the great seal taken from him, which he had
kept with great reputation of ability for the space
of above twenty years. In the pressing this charge,
many things of levity, as certain letters of great af
fection and familiarity from the earl to that lady,

1 determined] MS. adds : n than the other] MS. adds:

which usually lasted not above by how much love is a more

six years. honourable passion than revenge

m matter itself deserved.] to :] to do :

matter itself in the logic of it P for] of

deserved. <i it] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 391

which were found in her cabinet after her death 1 "; BOOK
others of passion, were exposed to the public view ;

(6
(6

66
66
66

Jk

to procure prejudice rather to his gravity and dis
cretion, than that they were in any degree material
to the business.

The earl said little more to it, than "that he
" hoped, what passion soever, or what injustice so-
" ever, might be found in that proceeding, and sen-
" tence, there would be no treason : and that, for
his part, he had yet reason to believe, what he had
done was very just ; since it had been reviewed
" by his majesty, and his privy-council here, upon
an appeal from the lord viscount Ely, (the de
graded lord chancellor,) and upon a solemn hear
ing there, which took up many days, it had re-
" ceived a confirmation."

But the truth is, that rather accused the earl of
an excess of power, than absolved him of injustice ;
for most men, that weighed the whole matter, be
lieved it to be a high act of oppression, and not to
be without a mixture of that policy, which was
spoken of before in the case of the lord Mount-
norris : for the chancellor, being a person of great
experience, subtilty, and prudence, had been always
very severe to departed deputies; and not over
agreeable, nor s in any degree submiss, to their full
power ; and taking himself to be the second person
in t the kingdom, during the holding of his place, u
thought himself little less than equal to the first,
who could naturally hope but for a term of years x

r death] MS. adds : for she u during the holding of his
was lately dead place,] during his life,

s nor] or x years] six years

1 in] of

c c 4

392 THE HISTORY

BOOK in that superiority: neither had he ever before met
_. with the least check, that might make him suspect

1641 * a diminution of his authority or interest, y

That which was with most solemnity and ex
pectation alleged against the earl, as the hinge upon
which the treason was principally to hang, was a
discourse of the earl s in the committee of state
(which they called the cabinet council} upon the
dissolution of the former parliament. Sir Harry
Vane, the secretary of state, gave in evidence,
" That the king at that time calling that committee
" to him, asked them, since he failed of the assist-
" ance and supply expected z by subsidies, what
" course he should now take ? that the earl of Straf-
" ford answered, Sir, you have now done your duty,
and your subjects have failed in theirs; and there
fore you are absolved from the rules of govern
ment, and may supply yourself by extraordinary
" ways ; you must prosecute the war vigorously ;
" you have an army in Ireland, with which you
" may reduce this kingdom."

The earl of Northumberland being examined, for
the confirmation of this proof, remembered only,
that the earl had said, You have done your duty,
and are now absolved from the rules of govern-
" ment ;" but not a word of the army in Ireland, or
reducing this kingdom. The lord marquis Hamil
ton, the lord bishop of London, and the lord Cot-
tington, being likewise examined, answered upon
their oaths, " that they heard none of those words
" spoken by the earl." And these were the only
persons present at that debate, save only the arch-

> authority or interest.] au- z expected] he expected
thority, dexterity, or interest.

66

a

66

66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 393

bishop of Canterbury, and secretary Windebank, BOOK
neither of which could be examined, or would be be- 1IL
lieved.

The earl positively denied the words ; alleged
" much animosity to be in sir Harry Vane towards
" him ;" and observed, " that not one of the other
" witnesses, wHo were likewise present, and as like
" to remember what was spoken as the secretary,
" heard one word of the Irish army, or reducing
" this kingdom : that, if he had spoken those words,
" it could not be understood to be spoken of Eng~
" land, but of Scotland, of which the discourse was,
" and for which that army was known to be raised."
He concluded, " that if the words were spoken by
him, which he expressly denied, they were not
treason ; and if they were treason, that, by a sta
tute made in Edward the Sixth s time, one wit
ness was not sufficient to prove it, and that here
" was but one."

Seventeen days being spent in the whole progress The er
of this trial ; a the earl having defended himself with
wonderful dexterity and ability, concluded, " that if fence *
the whole charge (in which he hoped he had
given their lordships satisfaction of his loyalty and
integrity, how great soever his infirmities were)
was proved, that the whole made him not guilty
of high treason ; and to that purpose desired, that
his learned counsel might be heard;" and most
pathetically conjured their lordships, " that, for their
" own sakes, they would not, out of displeasure or
" disfavour towards his person, create a precedent
" to the prejudice of the peerage of England, and

a in the whole progress of this trial ;] in these skirmishes ;

it
tf
ft
it

at

6t
(t
it
it
tt

394 THE HISTORY

BOOK " wound themselves through his sides:" which was
in

good counsel ; and hath been since (though too late)

acknowledged to be so.
His coun- The next day, his counsel was heard in the same

sel heard, TIT

as to mat- place to the matter of law. And here I cannot pass

ters of law. 1 . P .. , . -, .

by an instance or as great animosity, and indirect
prosecution, in that circumstance of assigning him
counsel, as can be given. After the house of peers
had assigned him such counsel as he desired, to as
sist him in matter of law, (which never was, or can
justly be denied to the most scandalous felon, the
most inhuman murderer, or the most infamous trai
tor,) the house of commons, upon some occasion,
took notice of it with passion and dislike, some
what b unskilfully, " that such a thing should be
" done without their consent ;" which was no more,
than that the judge should be directed by the pro
secutor, in what manner to proceed and determine :
others, with much bitterness, inveighing against
" the presumption of those lawyers, that durst be of
" counsel with a person accused by them of high
" treason ;" and moving, " that they might be sent
" for, and proceeded against for that contempt :"
whereas, they were not only obliged to it, by the
honour and duty of their profession ; but had been
punishable for refusing to submit to the lords or
ders. The matter was too gross to receive any pub
lic order, and so the debate ended ; but served (and
no doubt that was the intention) to let those gentle
men know, how warily they were to demean them
selves, lest the anger of that terrible congregation
should be kindled against them.

b somewhat] some

OF THE REBELLION. 395

But truly I have not heard that it made any im- BOOK
pression upon those persons ; it did not, I am sure,

upon Mr. Lane, who argued the matter of law for

Mr Lane s

the earl. The matters which were by him princi- argument
pally insisted on, and averred with such confidence
as a man uses who believes himself, were these :

" 1. That by the wisdom and tenderness of par-
" liaments, which knew that there could not be a
" greater snare for the subject, than to leave the na-
" ture of treason undefined and unlimited, all trea
sons were particularly mentioned and set down in
the statute of the 25 Edw. III. de Proditionibus.
That nothing is treason, but what is comprehended
within c that statute ; all treasons before that sta
tute, as killing the king s uncle, his nurse, piracy,
and divers others, being restrained and taken away
by the declaration of that act. And that no words
or actions, in any of the articles of the earl of
StrafFord s charge, did amount to treason within
" that statute.

" 2. That by reason of the clause in that statute,
* of declaring treason in parliament, divers actions
" were declared to be treasons in parliament, in the
" time of king Richard the Second, to the great pre-
" judice of the subject : it was therefore specially
" provided, and enacted, by a statute in the first
" year of the reign of king Henry the Fourth, chap
ter the tenth, which is still in force, that nothing
should be declared and adjudged treason, but what
" was ordained in that statute of the 25 Edw. III.
" by which statute, all power of declaring new trea-

c within] with

ft
(<
ft
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt

(.4

tt

66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66

i
66

66
66

396 THE HISTORY

BOOK " sons in parliament was taken away; and that no
precedent of any such declaration in parliament
lt " can be shewed since that time : all new treasons,
made by any act of parliament in the reign of
king Henry the Eighth, being by the statute of the
first year of queen Mary, chapter the first, taken
away, and restrained to d the 25th Edw. III. and
that likewise e by another statute of the first year
of queen Mary, chapter the tenth, all trials of
treasons ought to be according to the rules of the
common law, and not otherwise.

3. That the foundation, upon which the im
peachment was framed, was erroneous ; for that
(besides that it was confessed on all hands, the
" laws f of the kingdom were not subverted) an en-
" deavour to subvert the fundamental laws and sta-
" tutes of the realm, by force attempted, is not trea-
" son, being only made felony by the statute of the
first year of queen Mary, chapter the twelfth ;
which is likewise expired. That cardinal Wolsey,
in the thirty-third year of king Henry the Eighth,
was indicted only of a premunire, for an endea
vour to bring in the imperial laws into this king-
" dom. And that an endeavour, or intention, to
levy war, was made treason, only by a statute of
the 13th Elizabeth, (a time very inquisitive for
* treason,) which expired with her life.

" 4. Lastly, that if any thing was alleged against
the earl which might be penal to him, it was 8 not
sufficiently and legally proved; for that by the

..
(t
4.
a

(6

66
66

66
66

d to] by f the laws] that the laws

e that likewise] likewise that & it was] that it was

OF THE REBELLION. 897

" statute of the first year of king Edward the Sixth, BOOK

in.
" chapter the twelfth, no man ought to be arraigned,

" indicted, or condemned, of any treason, unless it 164
" be upon the testimony of two lawful and sufficient
" witnesses, produced in the presence of the party
" accused ; unless the party confess the same : and
" if it be for words, within three months after the
" same spoken, if the party be within the kingdom :
" whereas there was in this case only one witness,
" sir Henry Vane, and the words spoken six months
" before."

The case being thus stated on the earl s behalf,
the judgment of the lords, in whom the sole power
of judicature was conceived to be, was by all men
expected ; the house of commons having declared,
" that they intended not to make any reply to the
argument of law made by Mr. Lane, it being be
low their dignity to contend with a private law
yer." Indeed they had a more convincing way to
proceed by ; for the next day after that argument,
sir Arthur Haslerig, (brother-in-law to the lord A bi]1 of

i i r, -i i i i i it/r attainder

Brooke,) an absurd, h bold man, brought up by Mr. brought
Pym, and so employed by that party to make any JTouse at
attempt, preferred a bill in the house of commons, f^" st the
" for the attainder of the earl of Strafford of high
" treason :" it being observed, that by what the earl
had said for himself in the matter of fact and in
matter of prudence, of the consequence of such an
extraordinary proceeding; and by what had been
said for him in the point of law ; most sober men,
who had been, and still were, full enough of dislike
and passion against the earl, were not at all satis-

h an absurd.] and an absurd,

a

st

398 THE HISTORY

BOOK fied in the justice of the impeachment, or in the

! manner of the prosecution ; and therefore, that the

house of peers, which consisted of near one hundred
and twenty, besides the bishops, and of whom four
score had been constantly attending the trial, were
not like to take upon them the burden of such a
judgment as was expected.

The bill was received with wonderful alacrity,
and immediately read the first and the second time,
and so committed ; which was not usual in parlia
ments, except in matters of great concernment and
conveniency in the particular; or of little import
ance or moment in the general. h Those who at
first consented, upon slight information, to his im
peachment, upon no other reason, but (as hath been
said before) because they were only to accuse, and
the lords to judge, and so thought to be troubled no
more with it, being now as ready to judge, as they
had been to accuse, finding some new reasons to
satisfy themselves, of which one was, " They had
" gone too far to sit still, or retire."

A day or two before the bill of attainder was
brought into the house of commons, there was a
very remarkable passage, of which the pretence was,

to make one witness, with divers circumstances,

as good as two ;" though I believe it was directed
in truth to an end very foreign to that which was
proposed. The words of the earl of Strafford, by
which, " his endeavour to alter the frame of govern-
" ment, and his intention to levy war," should prin
cipally appear, were proved singly by sir Henry
Vane ; which had been often averred, and promised,

h in the general.] to the general.

a

(6

OF THE REBELLION. 399

should be proved by several witnesses; and the law BOOK

was clear, " that less than two witnesses ought not L_

" to be received in case of treason."

To make this single testimony appear as sufficient
as if it had been confirmed by more, Mr. Pym in
formed the house of commons, " of the grounds upon
" which he first advised that charge, and was sa-
" tisfied that he should sufficiently prove it. That
" some months before the beginning of this parlia-
" ment, he had visited young sir Henry Vane, eldest
" son to the secretary, who was then newly recovered
" from an ague ; that they i being together, and con-
" doling the sad condition of the kingdom, by reason
" of the many illegal taxes and pressures, sir Harry
" told him, if he would call upon him the next day,
" he would shew him somewhat that would give him
" much trouble, and inform him what counsels were
" like to be followed to the ruin of the kingdom ;
" for that he had, in perusal of some of his father s
" papers, accidentally met with the result of the
" cabinet council upon the dissolution of the last
" parliament, which comprehended the resolutions
" then taken.

" The next day he shewed him a little paper of
" the secretary s own writing ; in which was con-
" tained the day of the month, and the results of
" several discourses made by several counsellors ;
" with several hieroglyphics, which sufficiently ex-
" pressed the persons by whom those discourses were
" made. The matter was of so transcendent a na-
" ture, and the counsel so prodigious, with reference
" to the commonwealth, that he desired he might

1 they] Not in MS.

400 THE HISTORY

BOOK "take a copy of it; which the young gentleman
would by no means consent to, fearing it might

(6

"
"
"

"
"

"
"
"
"

1641. (t p rove prejudicial to his father. But when Mr.
" Pym informed him, that it was of extreme conse-
" quence to the kingdom, and that a time might pro
bably come, when the discovery of this might be a
sovereign means to preserve both church and state,
he was contented that Mr. Pym should take a copy
of it ; which he did, in the presence of sir Henry
Vane; and having examined it, together with
him, k delivered the original again to sir Henry.
That 1 he had carefully kept this copy by him,
without communicating the same to any body, till
the beginning of this parliament, which was the
" time he conceived fit to make use of it ; and that
" then, meeting with many other instances of the
" earl s ill m disposition to the kingdom, it satisfied
" him to move whatsoever he had moved, against
" that great person."

Having n said thus much, he read the paper in his
hand ; in which the day of the month was set down,
and his majesty to be present, and stating the ques
tion to be, " What was now to be done ? since the
" parliament had refused to give subsidies for the sup-
" ply of the war against Scotland." There were then
written two LL s and a t over, and an / and an r,
which was urged, " could signify nothing but lord
" lieutenant of Ireland ;" and the words written and
applied to that name were, " Absolved from rules of
government ; Prosecute the war vigorously ; An
army in Ireland to subdue this kingdom ;" which

6(
<(

k examined it, together with m ill] Not in MS.
him,] examined it together, " Having] And having

1 That] He said that

OF THE REBELLION. 401

was urged, " to comprehend the matter of the earl s BOOK
" speech and advice :" that paper by fractions of
words (without mentioning any formed speech) con-
taining only the results of the several counsellors
advice. Before those letters which were ordered to
signify the lieutenant of Ireland, were an A. IB. C. G.
which might be understood to signify, the archbishop
of Canterbury his grace ; and at those letters, some
short, sharp expressions against parliaments, and
thereupon fierce advice to the king. Next in the
paper, was an M with an r over, and an Ho 9 which
were to be understood for marquis Hamilton, who
was master of the horse ; and the words annexed
thereunto seemed to be rough, but without a sup
plement signified nothing. Then there was an L, an
H, and an A, which must be interpreted lord high
admiral, which was the earl of Northumberland ; and
from that hieroglyphic proceeded only a few words,
which implied advice to the king, " to be advised by
" his parliament." Then there was L d Cott. (which
would easily be believed to signify the lordCottington)
with some expressions as sharp, as those applied to
the lieutenant of Ireland.

When he had read this paper, he added ; " That
" though there was but one witness directly in the
" point, sir Henry Vane the secretary, whose hand-
" writing that paper was, whereof this was a copy;

yet he conceived, those circumstances of his and

young sir Henry Vane s having seen those original
" results, and being ready to swear, that the paper
" read by him was a true copy of the other, might

reasonably amount to the validity of another wit-

* an H, and an A^\ an A and an H >
VOL. I. D d

a
cc

a

402 THE HISTORY

BOOK " ness: and that it was no wonder, that the other
persons mentioned in that writing, who had given

66

6(
66
66

1 "as bad counsel, would not remember, for their own
" sakes, what had passed in that conference ; and
that the earl of Northumberland (who was the
only good counsellor in the pack) had remembered
some of the words, of a high nature, though he
had forgotte n the other."

When Mr. Pym had ended, young sir Harry Vane
rose, in some seeming disorder ; confessed all that the
other had said ; and added, " That his father being
" in the north with the king the summer before, had
" sent up his keys to his secretary, then at White
hall; and had written to him (his son) that he
should take from him those keys, which opened
his boxes where his writings and evidences of his
land were, to the end that he might cause an as
surance to be perfected which concerned his wife ;
and that he having perused those evidences, and
ft despatched what depended thereupon, had the cu-
" riosity to see P what was in a red velvet cabinet
" which stood with the other boxes ; and thereupon
required the key of that cabinet from the secre
tary, as if he still wanted somewhat towards the
business his father had directed; and so having got
ten that key, he found, amongst other papers, that
mentioned by Mr. Pym, which made that impres
sion in him, that he thought himself bound in con
science to communicate it to some person of better
judgment than himself, who might be more able
" to prevent the mischiefs that were threatened
" therein ; and so shewed it to Mr. Pym ; and being

P to see] to desire to see

66
66
66
66

66
66

66
66
66
66
66
6(
66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 403

" confirmed by him, that the seasonable discovery BOOK

" thereof might do no less than preserve the king- 1_

" dom, had consented that he should take a copy
" thereof; which to his knowledge he had faithfully
" done : and thereupon had laid the original in its
" proper place again, in the red velvet cabinet. He
" said, he knew this discovery would prove little less
" than his ruin in the good opinion of his father ;
" but having been induced ^ by the tenderness of his
" conscience towards his common parent, his coun-
" try, to trespass against his natural father, he hoped
" he should find compassion from that house, though
" he had little hopes of pardon elsewhere."

The son no sooner sat down, than the father (who,
without any counterfeiting, had a natural appearance
of sternness) rose, with a pretty confusion, and said,
" That the ground of his misfortune was now disco-
" vered to him ; that he had been much amazed,
" when he found himself pressed by such interroga-
" tories, as made him suspect some discovery to be
" made, by some person as conversant in the coun-
" sels as himself: but he was now satisfied to whom
" he owed his misfortunes ; in which, he was sure, the
" guilty person should bear his share. That it was
" true, being in the north with the king; and that
" unfortunate son of his having married a virtuous
" gentlewoman, (daughter to a worthy member then
" present,) to whom there was somewhat in justice
" and honour due, which was not sufficiently settled ;
" he had sent his keys to his secretary ; not well
" knowing in what box the material writings lay ;
" and directed him to suffer his son to look after

i induced] provoked
D d 2

404 THE HISTORY

B ?T? K " those evidences which were necessary : that by this

111*

" occasion, it seemed, those papers had been exa-

" mined and perused, which had begot much of this
" trouble. That for his part, after the summons of
" this parliament, and the king s return to London,
" he had acquainted his majesty, that he had many
" papers remaining in his hands, of such transactions
" as were not like to be of further use ; and there-
" fore, if his majesty pleased, he would burn them,
lest by any accident they might come into hands
that might make an ill use of them : to which his
majesty consenting, he had burned many ; and
amongst them, the original results of those debates,
" of which that which was read was pretended to be
a copy : that to the particulars he could say no
thing more, than what he had upon his examina
tion expressed, which was exactly true, and he
would not deny ; though by what he had heard
that afternoon (with which he was surprised and
amazed) he found himself in an ill condition upon
" that testimony."

This scene was so well acted, with such passion
and gestures, between the father and the son, that
many speeches were made in commendation of the
conscience, integrity, and merit of the young man,
and a motion made, " that the father might be en-
" joined by the house to be friends with his son :"
but for some time there was, in public, a great dis
tance observed between them.

Many men wondered very much at the unneces
sary relation of this story ; which would visibly ap
pear very ridiculous to the world, and could not but
inevitably produce much scandal and inconvenience
to the father, and the son ; who were too wise to be-

66
66
66

66

66
66
66
66
66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 405

lieve, that those circumstances would add any thing BOOK
to the credit of the former single testimony : neither - !
was there ever after any mention of it in public, to *
move the judgment of those, who were concerned to
be satisfied in what they were to do : and therefore
some, who observed the stratagems used by that par
ty to compass their own private ends, believed that
this occasion was taken to publish those results, only
to give the lord Cottington notice in what danger he
was, that so he might wisely quit his mastership of
the wards to the lord Say ; who expected it, and
might be able, by that obligation, to protect him
from farther prosecution : and so that they meant to
sacrifice the reputation of the secretary to the ambi
tion of the lord Say. But without doubt (though
this last consideration was very powerful with them)
the true reason of the communication of this passage
was, that they found it would be impossible to con
ceal their having received the principal information
from the secretary, for their whole prosecution ; by
reason some of the committee, who were intrusted to
prepare the charge against the earl of Strafford, and
consequently were privy to that secret, were fallen
from them ; at least from their ends ; and therefore
they thought fit to publish this history of the intel
ligence, r that it might be rather imputed to the con
science and curiosity of the son, than to the malice s
of the father.

The bill of attainder in few days passed the house The bin
of commons ; though some lawyers, of great and h^e of *

known learning, declared, " that there was no ground comnions m

few days.

r the intelligence,] their in- s the malice] the malice and
telligence, perjury

406 THE HISTORY

BOOK "or colour in law, to judge him guilty of high trea-

. " son :" and the lord Digby (who had been, from the

1 beginning, of that committee for the prosecution, and
had much more prejudice than kindness to the earl)
in a very pathetical speech declared, " that he could
" not give his consent to the bill ; not only, for that
" he was unsatisfied in the matter of law, but, for
" that he was more unsatisfied in the matter of fact ;
" those words, upon which the impeachment was
" principally grounded, being so far from being prov-
" ed by two witnesses, that he could not acknowledge
" it to be by one ; since he could not admit sir Har-
" ry Vane to be a competent witness, who being first
" examined, denied that the earl spoke t those words;
" and upon his second examination, remembered
" some ; and at his third, the rest of the words :"
and thereupon related many circumstances, and
made many sharp observations vipon what had pass
ed ; which none but one of the committee could have
done : for which he was presently after questioned
in the house ; but made his defence so well, and so
much to the disadvantage of those who were con
cerned, that from that time they prosecuted him
with an implacable rage and uncharitableness upon
all occasions. The bill passed with only fifty-nine
dissenting voices, there being near two hundred in
the house ; and was immediately sent up to the
lords, with this addition, " that the commons would
* be ready the next day in Westminster-hall, to give
" their lordships satisfaction in the matter of law,
" upon what had passed at the trial."

The earl was then again brought to the bar ; the

e the earl spoke] the earl spake

OF THE REBELLION. 407

lords sitting as before, in their robes; and the com- BOOK

in
mons as they had done ; amongst them, Mr. Solici

tor Saint- John, u from his place, argued for the space,

Mr. Saint-

of near an hour the matter of law. Of the argument John de-

itself I shall say little, it being in print, and in many point of law

hands ; I shall only remember two notable proposi- JJ

tions, which are sufficient characters of the person

and the time. Lest what had been said on the earl s

behalf, in point of law, and upon the want of proof,

should have made any impression in their lordships,

he averred, " That, in that way of bill, private satis-

" faction to each man s conscience was sufficient, al-

" though no evidence had been given in at all :" and

as to the pressing the law, he said, " It was true, we

" give laws x to hares and deer, because they are ?

" beasts of chase ; but it was never accounted either

" cruelty, or foul play, to knock foxes and wolves

" on the head as they can be found, because they

" are z beasts of prey." In a word, the law and the

humanity were alike ; the one being more fallacious,

and the other more barbarous, than in any age had

been vented in such an auditory.

The same day, as a better argument to the lords The names
speedily to pass the bill, the nine and fifty members
of the house of commons, who (as is said before) had

dissented from that act, had their names written in bill ex -

posed un-

pieces of parchment or paper, under this superscrip- der the
tion, STRAFFORDIANS, or enemies to their country;
and those papers fixed upon posts, and other the u
most visible places about the city ; which was as

u Mr. Solicitor Saint- John,] parliament,)
Mr. Saint- John, (whom his ma- x give laws] give law
jesty had made his solicitor ge- y they are] they be
neral since the beginning of z they are] they be

D d 4

408 THE HISTORY

BOOK great and destructive a violation of the privileges

. and freedom of parliament, as can be imagined : yet,

being complained of in the house, not the least
countenance was given to the complaint, or the least
care taken for the discovery.

The persons, who had still the conduct of the de
signs, began to find, that their friends abroad (of
whose help they had still great need, for the getting
petitions to be brought to the house ; and for all tu
multuous appearances in the city ; and negociations
with the common council) were not at all satisfied
with them, for their want of zeal in the matter of
religion ; and, though they had branded as many of
the bishops, and others of the prelatical party, as
had come in their way ; and received all petitions
against the church with encouragement : yet, that
there was nothing done, or visibly in projection to
be done, towards lessening their jurisdiction ; or in
dulging any of that liberty to their weak brethren,
which they had from the beginning expected from
them. Besides, a the discourse of their ambition,
and hopes of preferment at court, was grown public,
and raised much jealousy of them.

But the truth is, they who had made in their
hearts the most destructive vows against the church,
never durst communicate their bloody wishes to their
best friends, whose authority gave them their great
est credit. For besides that their own clergy, whose
hands they produced in great numbers to complain b
against the innovations, which had (as they said)
been introduced ; and against the ceremonies, which
had been in constant practice since the reformation,

a Besides,] And then b complain] complaints

OF THE REBELLION. 409

as well as before; were far from being of one mind BOOK
in the matter or manner of what they wished should j

be altered; as appeared whenever they came c be
fore the house, or a committee, when any of them
were asked questions they did not expect; there
was less consent amongst their lay-friends, in eccle
siastical affairs, than amongst the other.

The earl of Bedford had no desire that there
should be any alteration in the government of the
church ; and had always lived towards my lord of
Canterbury himself with all respect and reverence,
and frequently visited and dined with him; sub
scribed liberally to the repair of St. Paul s church,
and seconded all pious undertakings : though, it is
true, he did not discountenance notoriously those of
the clergy who were unconformable.

The earl of Essex was rather displeased with the
person of the archbishop, and some other bishops,
than inde voted to the function ; and towards some
of them he had great reverence and kindness, as bi
shop Moreton, bishop Hall, and some other of the
less formal and more popular prelates : and he was
as much devoted as any man to the Book of Com
mon Prayer, and obliged all his servants to be con
stantly present with him at it ; his household chap
lain being always a most conformable man, and a
good scholar.

In truth, in the house of peers there were only at
that time taken notice of, the lords Say and Brooke,
as positive enemies d to the whole fabric of the
church, and to desire a dissolution of that govern
ment ; the earl of Warwick himself having never

c they came] they appeared they believed to be positive ene-
d as positive enemies] and mies

410 THE HISTORY

BOOK discovered any aversion to episcopacy, and much
_!_ professed the contrary.

1641. j n the house of commons, though of the chief
leaders, Nathaniel Fiennes, and young sir Harry
Vane, and shortly after Mr. Hambden (who had not
before owned it) were believed to be for root and
branch ; which grew shortly after a common expres
sion, and discovery of the several tempers : yet Mr.
Pym was not of that mind, nor Mr. Hollis, nor any
of the northern men, or those lawyers who drove on
most furiously with them : all who were pleased with
the government itself of the church.

A bin pass. The first design that was entertained against the
house of 6 church ; and which was received in the house of
commons with a visible countenance and approba-
the tion of many, who were neither of the same prin-

bishops

votes in ciples nor purposes ; e was a short bill that was

parliament. . . .

brought in, " to take away the bishops votes in par-
" liament ; and to leave them out in all commissions
" of the peace, or that had relation f to any tem-
" poral affairs." This was contrived, with great de
liberation and preparation, to dispose men to con
sent to it : and to this many of the house of peers
were much disposed ; and amongst them, none more
than the earl of Essex, and all the popular lords ;
who observed, " that they seldom carried any thing
" which directly opposed the king s interest, by rea-
" son of % the number of the bishops, who, for the
" most part, unanimously concurred against it, and
" opposed many of their other designs : and they be-
" lieved that it could do the church no harm, by the

e nor purposes ;] or purposes ; with relation

f or that had relation] and & reason of] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 411

" bishops having fewer diversions from their spiri- BOOK

" tual charges."

In the house of commons, they used that, and
other arguments, to remove the prejudice from it ;
and, as there were many who were persuaded, that
the passing that bill would be no prejudice; and
were as unwilling, that the bishops should be jus
tices of the h peace, or in any 1 other secular com
missions, as the lords were that they should k sit
with them : so they prevailed with others, who
heartily desired that there might be no such dimi
nution of their honour and authority, by persuading
them, " That there was so great a concurrence to-
" wards the passing this bill ; and so great a combi-
" nation throughout the nation against the whole
government of the church, and a resolution to de
stroy it absolutely : in which the Scots were so
resolutely engaged, that they discoursed in all
companies, that it was impossible for a firm peace
to be preserved between the nations, if bishops
were not taken away; and that the army would
never march out of the kingdom, till that were
brought to pass : but that if this bill were once
passed, a greater number in both houses would be
" so well satisfied, that the violenter party would
" be never able to prosecute their designs V And
this reason did prevail over many men of excellent
judgments, and unquestionable affections ; who did
in truth at that time believe, " that the passing this
" act was the only expedient to preserve the church :"
insomuch, as when it was brought into the house, it
found a better reception than was expected; and

h the] Not in MS. * should] should not

1 or in any] and in any l designs] desires

6(
66
66
it
((
66
66
66
66

412 THE HISTORY

BOOK some men, who, others thought, would have opposed

in.
! it, spoke m on its behalf, expressing their desire " that

1641 it *. i^

f it might pass.

There was a difference in opinion in this debate,
between two persons, who had been never known
to differ in the house, and the entire friendship they
had for each other was very remarkable ; which ad
ministered much pleasure to very many who loved
neither of them. When the bill was put to the
question, Mr. Hyde (who was from the beginning
known to be an enemy to it) spoke n very earnestly
" for the throwing it out ;" said, " It was changing
" the whole frame and constitution of the kingdom,
and of the parliament itself: that, from the time
that parliaments begun, there had never been one
parliament, where? the bishops were not part of
it : that if they were taken out of the house, there
would be but two estates left ; % for that they as
the clergy were the third estate, and being taken
away, there was nobody left to represent the clergy :
" which would introduce another piece of injustice,
" which no other part of the kingdom could com-
plain of, who were all represented in parliament,
and were therefore bound to submit to all that
was enacted, because it was upon the matter with
their own consent : whereas, if the bishops were
taken from sitting in the house of peers, there was
nobody who could pretend to represent 1 * the clergy;
and yet they must be bound by their determina-
tions."
When he had done, the lord Falkland, who al-

m spoke] spake P where] when

11 spoke] spake 1 left ;] left out ;

begun,] began, T represent] present

66

66
66

66
66

66

66

66

66
(6
66

OF THE REBELLION. 413

ways sat next to him, (which was so much taken BOOK
notice of, that, if they came not into the house toge-

66

66

6t
66
66
66
66
66
66
66

ther, as usually they did, every body left the place
for him that was absent,) suddenly stood up, and
declared himself " to be of another opinion ; and
" that, as he thought the thing itself to be abso
lutely necessary for the benefit of the church,
which was in so great danger; so he had never
" heard, that the constitution of the kingdom would
be violated by the passing that act ; and that he
had heard many of the clergy protest, that they
could not acknowledge that they were represented 8
by the bishops. However we might presume, that
if they could make that appear, that they were a
third estate, that the house of peers (amongst
whom they sat, and had yet their votes) would
reject it." And so, with some facetiousness, an
swering some other particulars, concluded, " for the
" passing the act."

The house was so marvellously delighted, to see
the two inseparable friends divided in so important
a point, that they could not contain from a kind of
rejoicing; and the more, because they saw Mr. Hyde
was much surprised with the contradiction; as in
truth he was ; having never discovered the least in
clination in the other towards such a compliance :
and therefore they entertained an imagination and
hope that they might work the lord Falkland to a
farther concurrence with them. But they quickly
found themselves disappointed; and that, as there
was not the least interruption of close friendship
between the other two ; so, when the same argu-

s represented] presented

414 THE HISTORY

BOOK ment came again into debate, about six months
after, the lord Falkland changed his opinion, and

1641. g ave them all the opposition he could: nor was he
reserved in acknowledging, " that he had been de-
" ceived, and by whom ;" and confessed to his
friends, with whom he would deal freely, " that Mr.
" Hambden had assured him, that if that bill might
" pass, there would be nothing more attempted to
" the prejudice of the church :" which he thought,
as the world then went, would be no ill composi
tion.

This bill, for taking away the bishops votes out
of the house of peers, produced another discovery,
which cast the conductors farther behind, than they
were advanced by their conquest amongst the com
mons ; and disquieted them much more, than the
other had exalted them. How currently soever it
had passed in the lower house ; when it was brought
to the upper, the lords gave it not so gracious a re
ception as was expected : many of the greatest men
of that house grew weary of the empire which the
others had exercised over them ; and some, who had
gone with them, upon their observation that they
had worse designs than they owned, fell from them,
and took the opportunity to discover themselves,
upon the debate of this bill ; against which they in
veighed with great sharpness ; and blamed the house
of commons, " for presuming to meddle with an af
fair, that so immediately concerned themselves : fc
that if they might send up a bill this day, at once
to take out one whole bench from the house, as
this would do the bishops, they might to-morrow

1 themselves :] them :

"

"

OF THE REBELLION. 415

" send another, to take away the barons, or some BOOK
other degree of the nobility :" with many more

arguments, as the nature of the thing would easily

administer; with such warmth and vigour as they

had not before expressed : insomuch as, though the

other party, which had not hitherto been withstood,

set up their rest upon the carrying it; supplying

their other arguments with that, " How much the

" house of commons, which best knew the temper

" and expectation of the nation, would resent their

" not concurring with them in a remedy they judged

" so necessary ; and what the consequence might be,

" of such a breach between the two houses, they

" trembled to think ; since the kingdom had no hope

" of being preserved but by their union, and the

" effects of their wisdom, in removing all things,

" and all persons, out of the way, which were u like

" to obstruct such a thorough reformation, as the

" kingdom needs and expects ;" all which had so The house

little effect, x that the house could not be prevailed |

with, so much as to commit the bill, (a countenance

they frequently give to bills they never intend to

pass,) but at the second reading it, they utterly cast

it out.

This unexpected and unimagined act cast such a
damp upon the spirits of the governing party in
both houses, that they knew not what to do: the
mischiefs which were in view, by this discovery of
the temper of the house of peers, had no bottom ;
they were not now sure, that they should be able to
carry any thing; for the major part, which threw
out this bill, might cross them in any thing they

u which were] which are vailed so little,

x had so little effect,] pre-

416 THE HISTORY

BOOK went about: besides the influence it would have in
the house of commons, and every where else; for

w

* they knew very well,? how many of their followers
therefore followed them, because they believed they
would carry all before them.

However, that their spirits might not be thought
to fail, they made haste to proceed in all the angry
and choleric things before them : to the trial of the
earl of Strafford ; impeaching several bishops for in
novations, and the like ; the house of commons being
very diligent to kindle those fires which might warm
A bin the peers : and that the bishops might see how little
into the they had gotten, by obstructing the other bill, they
prepared a very short bill, " for the utter eradication
bi sn P s > deans, and chapters ; with all chancel-

ing, for i ors officials, and all officers, and other persons

extirpating

bishops, " belonging to either of them :" which they pre-
chapters; vailed with sir Edward Deering, a man very oppo
site to all their designs, (but a man of levity and
vanity ; easily flattered, by being commended,) to
present into the house ; which he did from the gal
lery, 7 with the two verses in Ovid, the application
whereof was his greatest motive ;

Cuncta prius tentanda, sed immedicabile vulnus
Ense recidendum est, ne pars sincera trahatur.

He took notice " of the great moderation and can
dour of the house, in applying so gentle a remedy,
by the late bill, to retrench the exorbitances of
the clergy : hoping that the pruning and taking
" off a few unnecessary branches from the trunk,
" the tree might prosper the better ; that this mor-

y knew very well,] very well which he did from the gallery,]
knew, who presented it to the house

z to present into the house ; from the gallery,

66

66
6(

OF THE REBELLION. 417

" tification might have mended their constitution, B o o K

in.
" and that they would have the more carefully a in

" tended their health : but that this soft remedy had
" proved so ineffectual, that they were grown more
" obstinate and incorrigible ; so that it was now ne-
" cessary to put the axe to the root of the tree ;"
and thereupon desired, "that the bill might be
" read."

As soon as the title of it was read, (which was
almost as long as the bill itself,) it was moved b with
great warmth, " that the bill might not be read :
" that it was against the custom and rule of the
" house of commons, that any private person should
" take upon him (without having first obtained the
" leave and direction of the house) to bring in a
new act, so much as to abrogate and abolish any
old single law ; and therefore, that it was a won
derful presumption in that gentleman, without any
" communication of his purpose, or so much as a
*" motion that he might do it, to bring in a bill, that
" overthrew and repealed so many acts of parlia-
" ment, and changed and confounded the whole
" frame of the government of the kingdom :" and
therefore desired, " that it might be rejected." The
gentleman who brought it in made many excuses
for his d ignorance in the customs of parliament,
having never before served in any ;" and acknow
ledged, " that he had never read more than the title
" of the bill ; and was prevailed with by his neigh-
" hour who sat next to him (who was sir Arthur

a have the more carefully] the c the house of commons,]

more carefully have parliament,

b it was moved] Mr. Hyde d for his] of his
moved

VOL. I. E e

..

(6
6(

it

66

66

66
66
66

418 THE HISTORY

BOOK " Haslerig) to deliver it ;" which he saw would have

! been done by somebody else. Though the rejecting

- it was earnestly urged by very many ; and ought, by
the rules of the house, 6 to have been done ; yet, all
the other people as violently pressed the reading it ;
and none so importunately as Saint-John, who was
at this time f the king s solicitor, (who in truth had
drawn it :) he said, " nobody could judge of a bill by
" the title, which might be false ; and this bill, for
aught any one s knew to the contrary, at least, for
aught he and many others knew, might contain
the establishing the bishops, and granting other
immunities to the church ; instead of pursuing the
" matter of the title :" and others, as ingeniously h
declaring, " that our orders are in our own power,
" and to be altered, or dispensed with, as we see
" cause :" many out of curiosity desiring to hear it
read ; and more to shew the lords that they would not
abate their mettle ; upon their declaring their plea
sure, the bill was at last read ; and no question being
But laid by p u t i U p 0n the first reading, it was laid by, and not

for that *

time. called upon in a long time after ; many men being
really persuaded, that there was no intention to pur
sue it ; and that it was only brought in, to manifest
a neglect towards the lords.

The northern gentlemen, k at least they who were

the house most active, and had most credit, (as Hotham, and

of com-

Cholmely, and Stapleton,) were marvellously solicit-

4- V|p

f ous to despatch the commitment of the bill " for

York.

e the house,] parliament, k The northern gentlemen,]

f at this time] now When the house grew entangled

8 any one] any man in multiplicity of business and

h ingeniously] uningeniously despatches now, the northern

being put,] being to be put, gentlemen,

OF THE REBELLION. 419

" taking away the court of York ;" ] and having after BOOK
great debate, and hearing what all parties interested 111

66

6f
66

6(

..
it
66

could offer, gotten the committee to vote, " That it
was an illegal commission, and very prejudicial to
the liberty and the property of his majesty s sub
jects of those four northern counties, where that
jurisdiction was exercised ;" they called upon Mr.
Hyde (the chairman) to make the report : and the
house having concurred in, and confirmed, the same
vote ; they appointed him " to prepare himself to
" deliver the opinion of the house n at a conference
with the house of peers, and to desire their con
currence in it ; and that they would thereupon be
suitors to the king, that there might be no more
commissions of that kind granted :" for they had
a great apprehension, that either upon the earl of
Strafford s resignation, or his death, (which they re
solved should be very shortly,) they should have a
new president put over them.

Mr. Hyde, at the conference in the painted cham- A confe-
ber, (being appointed by the house to manage it,) the
told the lords, " that the four northern counties were a
suitors to their lordships, that they might not be
distinguished from the rest of his majesty s sub
jects, in the administration of his justice, and re-
" ceiving the fruits of it ; that they only were left
to the arbitrary power of a president and coun
cil, which every day procured new authority and
power to oppress them :" he told them, that till

1 commitment of the bill " for n of the house] MS. adds : (they

taking away the court of having confirmed the vote of the

York ;"] commitment of the committee)

court of York ; of it ;] thereof;
m interested] interessed

E e 2

66
66
66

66

a

it

..
tt

ee

it

420 THE HISTORY

BOOK the thirty-firsti year of king Harry the Eighth, the
" administration of justice was the same in the

1/7/11

* " north, as in the west, or other parts of the realm ;
" that about that time there was some insurrection
in that country, which produced great disorders
and bloodshed, which spread itself to the very
borders of Scotland : whereupon that king issued
out a commission to the archbishop of York, and
the principal gentlemen of those counties, and some
learned lawyers, to examine the grounds of all
those disorders, and to proceed against the male-
" factors with all severity, according to the laws of
" the land." He read the first <i commission to them ;
which appeared to be no other, than a bare com
mission of oyer and terminer. " It was found that
" this commission did much good, and therefore it
" was kept on foot for some time longer than such
" commissions use to be ; and it was often renewed
" after, but still in the same form, or very little al-
" teration, till queen Elizabeth s time ; and then
" there was an alteration r in the commission itself;
" besides that, it had reference to instructions, which
" contained matters of state upon some emergent
" occasions : there were more and greater altera-
" tions, both in the commission and instructions,
" in the time of king James, when the lord Scroop
" was president ; and that, when the lord StrafFord
" was first made president, they were more enlarged ;
" and yet he had procured new additions to be made
" twice after." The instructions of the several times
were read ; and the alterations observed ; and some

P thirty-first] twenty-eighth r an alteration] some altera-

q the first] that first tion

OF THE REBELLION. 421

precedents very pertinently 3 urged; in which it ap- BOOK

peared, that great men had been very severely sen-

tenced, in no less penalty than of a premunire, for 1641 -
procuring and executing such commissions : and he *
concluded with " desiring the lords to concur in the
" same sense, the house of commons had expressed
" themselves to be of, with reference to the commis-
" sion and instructions."

The speech, and argument, met with good appro- The lords

. concurred

bation^ in both houses; where he got great credit with the
by it : and the earl of Bath, who was to report it, connnons -
and had no excellent or graceful pronunciation, came
himself to Mr. Hyde, and " desired a copy of it, that
" he might not do him wrong in the house, by the
" report ;" and having received it, it was read in the
house, and by order entered, and the paper itself
affixed to their Journal ; x where it still remains ; and
the house of peers fully concurred with the com
mons in their vote : so that there was not, in many
years after, any attempt, or so much as mention of
another commission.

The y northern men were so well pleased, that
they resolved to move the house, " to give Mr. Hyde
" public thanks for the service he had done the
" house ;" but the principal leaders diverted them
from it, by saying, " that he had too much credit
" already, and needed not such an addition, as he
" behaved himself." However, those northern men
themselves continued marvellously kind ; and on his
behalf, on all occasions, opposed any combination of

8 pertinently] pertinently and had a wonderful approbation
smartly x Journal ;] Diurnal ;

t he] Not in MS. v The] And the

11 met with good approbation]

E e 3

THE HISTORY

BOOK the most powerful of them against him; of which
1 L somewhat will be said hereafter.

1641. ^The opposition in the lords house, and the fre
quent contradiction in the house of commons, had
allayed much of the fury which had so much pre
vailed; and all men impatiently desired that the
armies might be discharged ; when all men believed,
better quarter would be kept : but no progress would
be made towards that, till the earl of Strafford s bu
siness could be despatched ; the Scots being bound
to gratify their English friends in that particular, as
if it were their own work. They who treated for
the promotions at court were solicitous to finish that,
as what would do all the rest : and the king was as
positive, not to do any thing towards it, till he might
secure the life of the earl of StrafFord ; which being
done, he would do any thing. And the earl of Bed
ford, who had in truth more authority with the vio
lent men than any body else, laboured heartily to
bring it to pass. z

In the afternoon of the same day (when the con
ference had been in the painted chamber upon the
court of York) Mr. Hyde going to a place called
Piccadilly, (which was a fair house for entertain
ment and gaming, with a handsome gravel walks
with shade, and where were an upper and lower
bowling-green, whither very many of the nobility,
and gentry of the best quality, resorted, both for ex
ercise and conversation,) as soon as ever he came
into the ground, the earl of Bedford came to him ;

z The opposition bring it to " Proceed below, In the after-
pass.] This portion is scratched " noon," &c.
over in the MS. and lord Claren- a with] and
don has written in the margin,

OF THE REBELLION. 423

and after some short compliments upon what had BOOK
passed in the morning, told him, b " He was glad he

..
..
66

66

..

" was come thither, for there was a friend of his in
" the lower ground, who needed his counsel." He
then lamented " the misery the kingdom was like to
" fall into, by their own violence, and want of tem-
" per, in the prosecution of their own happiness."
He said, " This business concerning the earl of
" Strafford was a rock, upon which we should all
" split, and that the passion of the parliament would
destroy the kingdom : that the king was ready to
do all they could desire, if the life of the earl of
StrafFord might be spared : that his majesty c was
satisfied, that he had proceeded with more passion
in many things, than he ought to have done, by
" which he had rendered himself useless to his ser-
" vice for the future ; and therefore he was well con
tent/ that he might be made incapable of any em
ployment for the time to come ; and that he should
be banished, or imprisoned for his life, as they
should choose : that if they would take his death
upon them, by their own judicatory, he would not
interpose any act of his own conscience : but since
they had declined that way, and meant to proceed
by an act of parliament, to which he himself must
" be a party, that it could not consist with his con
science, ever to give his royal assent to that act ;
because, having been present at the whole trial,"
(as he had been, in a box provided on purpose, in
cognito, though conspicuous enough,) " and heard
" all the testimony they had given against him, he e

b told him,] he told him, d content,] contented,

c his majesty] he e he] and he

E e 4

6(
66
(6
66
66
66
66
66

66
66

424- THE HISTORY

BOOK " had heard nothing proved, by which he could be-

. " lieve that he was a traitor, either in fact, or in in-

1 " tention : and therefore his majesty did most ear-
" nestly desire, that the two houses would not bring
" him a bill to pass, which in conscience he could
" not, and would not consent to." f

The earl continued ; " That h though he yet was
" satisfied so well in his own conscience, that he be-
44 lieved he should have no scruple in giving his own
44 vote for the passing it," (for it yet depended in the
lords house,) " he knew not how the king could be
44 pressed to do an act so contrary to his own con-
" science ; and that, for his part, he took all the pains
" he could to persuade his friends to decline their
44 violent prosecution, and to be content i with the
remedy proposed by the king ; which he thought
might be rendered so secure, that there need re-
" main no fears of that man s ever appearing again
44 in business : and that how difficult a work soever
44 he found it to be, he should not despair of it, if he
44 could persuade the earl of Essex to comply ; but
" that he found him so obstinate, that he could not
44 in the least degree prevail with him ; that he had
" left his brother, the earl of Hertford, (who was
44 that day made a marquis,) in the lower ground,
44 walking with him, who he knew would do all he
44 could ; and he desired Mr. Hyde to walk down
44 into that place, and take his turn, to persuade the
46 earl of Essex k to what was reasonable ;" which he
was very willing to do.

f and would not consent to."] h That] Not in MS.

and therefore would not con- content] contented

sent. k the earl of Essex] him

P continued ;] said ;

K,
(6

OF THE REBELLION. 425

He found the marquis and the earl walking there BOOK
together, and no other persons with them ; l and as I1L
soon as they saw him, they both came to him ; and
the marquis, after a short salutation, departed, and
left the other two together ; which he did purposely.
The earl begun m merrily, in telling him, " That he
" had that morning performed a service, which he
" knew he did not intend to do ; that by what he
" had said against the court of York, he had revived
" their indignation against the earl of Strafford ; so
" that he now hoped, they should proceed in their
" bill against him with vigour, (whereas they had
" slept so long upon it,) which he said was the effect,
" of which he was sure he had no mind to be the
" cause." Mr. Hyde confessed, " he had indeed no
such purpose ; and hoped, that somewhat he had
said might put other thoughts into them, to pro-
" ceed in another manner upon his crimes : that he
" knew well, that the cause of their having slept so
" long upon the bill, was their disagreement upon
" the point of treason, which the longer they thought
" of, would administer the more difficulties : but
" that, if they declined that, they should all agree,
" that there were crimes and misdemeanours evi-
" dently enough proved, to deserve so severe a cen-
" sure, as would absolutely take away all power from
" the earl of Strafford, 11 that might prove danger-
" ous to the kingdom ; or mischievous to any par-
" ticular person, to whom he was not a friend."

1 with them ;] there ; Strafford,] as would determine

m begun] began all the activity hereafter of the

as would absolutely take earl of Strafford,
away all power from the earl of

(6
(t

426 THE HISTORY

BOOK He shook his head, and answered, "Stone-dead
hath no fellow : that if he were judged guilty in a

.,
6(

" premunire, according to the precedents cited by
" him ; or fined in any other way ; and sentenced to
" be imprisoned during his life ; the king would pre-
" sently grant him his pardon, and his estate, re-
" lease all fines, and would likewise give him his li
berty, as soon as he had a mind to receive his ser
vice ; which would be as soon as the parliament
" should be ended." And w r hen Mr. Hyde was
ready to reply to him, the earl told him familiarly,
" that he had been tired that afternoon upon that
" argument, and therefore desired him to continue
" the discourse no longer then ; assuring him, he
" would be ready to confer with him upon it at any
" other time"."

Shortly P after, Mr. Hyde took another oppor
tunity to speak freely with him again concerning it,
but found him upon his guard ; and though he heard
all the other would say, with great patience, yet he
did not at all enlarge in his answers, but seemed
fixed in his resolution ; and when he was pressed,
" how unjustifiable a thing it was, for any man to do
" any thing which his conscience infornied him was
" sinful ; that he knew him so well, that if he were
" not satisfied in his own conscience, of the guilt of
" the earl of StrafFord, the king could never be able
" to oblige him to give his vote for that bill ; and
" therefore he wondered, how he could urge the king
" to do an act which he declared to be so much
" against his conscience, that he neither could, nor
" would, ever give his royal assent to that bill ;" the

Mr. Hyde] he p Shortly] And shortly

OF THE REBELLION. 427

earl answered <* more at large, and with some com- BOOK

in.
motion, (as if he were in truth possessed with that

opinion himself,) " That the king was obliged in 1641<
" conscience to conform himself, and his own under-
" standing, to the advice and conscience of his par-
" liament :" which was a doctrine newly resolved by
their divines, and of great use to them for the pur
suing their future counsels.

Notwithstanding all this, the bill had not that
warm reception in the house of peers, that was ex
pected ; but, after the first reading, rested many
days ; and being then read the second time, depend
ed long at the committee ; few men believing, upon
consideration of the affections and parts of the se
veral lords, that of the fourscore, who were present
at the trial, above twenty would ever have consented
to that act : besides, it was not believed, now the
formal trial and way of judicature was waved, the
bishops would so stupidly (to say no worse) exclude
themselves from voting in a law which was to be an
act of parliament.

But there happened about that time two acci- TWO acci
dents, which (though not then, or it may be since, contributed
taken notice of, as of any moment or relation to " r d h s

that business) contributed strangely to the ,

O against the

that bill; and so to the fate of that great person. earlof

rri, C. A C * j- Strafford.

Ine nrst, a discovery ot some meetings and dis
courses, between some persons of near relation to
his majesty s service, and some officers of the army,
about the high proceedings of the parliament ; and
of some expedients, that might reduce them to a
better temper ; which were no sooner intimated to
** the earl answered] to which he answered

428 THE HISTORY

BOOK some of the great managers, than the whole was
formed and shaped into " a formidable and bloody
1641. a d cs ig n against the parliament." The second, the
sudden death of the earl of Bedford. Of both which
it will be necessary to say somewhat ; that it may
be observed, from how little accidents, and small cir
cumstances, by the art and industry of those men,
the greatest matters have flowed, towards the con
fusion we have since laboured r under.
The first, a Some principal officers of the army, who were
members of the house of commons, and had been
- caressed, both before and after the beginning of the
P ar h ament, b} r the most popular agents of both

some prin- houses ; and had in truth contributed more to their

cipal officers .

of the Eng- designs, than was agreeable to their duty, and the
trust reposed in them by the king ; found themselves
now not so particularly considered as they expected,
by that party ; and their credit in other places, and
particularly in the army, to be lessened : for that
there was visibly much more care taken for the sup
ply of the Scottish s army, than of the king s ; inso
much, that sometimes money that was assigned and
paid for the use of the king s army, was again taken
away, and disposed to the other ; and yet, that the
parliament much presumed, and depended, upon
their interest in, and power to dispose, the affections
of that army.

Therefore, to redeem what had been done amiss,
and to ingratiate themselves in his* majesty s favour,
they bethought themselves how to dispose, or at least

1 we have since laboured] we 8 Scottish] Scotch
now labour l in his] to his

OF THE REBELLION. 429

to pretend that they would dispose, the army to BOOK
some such expressions of duty and loyalty towards

the king, as might take away all hope from other
men, that it might be applied to his disservice : and
to that purpose, they had conference, and communi
cation, with some servants of a more immediate trust
and relation to both their majesties ; through whom
they might convey their intentions and devotions to
the king, and again receive his royal pleasure, and
direction, how they should demean themselves. For
aught I could ever observe, by what was afterwards
reported in the house of commons ; or could learn
from those who were most u conversant with all the
secrets of that design ; there was never the least in
tention of working farther upon the affections of the
army, than to preserve them from being corrupted,
or made use of, for the imposing unjust and x unrea
sonable things upon the king : and all that the king
ever so much as consented y should be done by them,
was, that as most counties in England, or rather, the
factious and seditious persons in most counties, had
been z induced to frame and subscribe petitions to
the parliament, against the established government
of the church, with other clauses, scandalous to the
government of the state too ; so a the officers of the
army too b should subscribe this following petition ;
which was brought ingrossed to his majesty for his
approbation, before they would presume to recom
mend it to any for their subscription.

11 most] Not in MS. the king so much as consented

x unjust and] unjust or 7 - had been] having been

v all that the king ever so a so] Not in MS.

much as consented] all that ever h too] Not in MS.

430 THE HISTORY

BOOK To the king s* most excellent majesty; the lords
spiritual and temporal; the knights., citizens,

in.

_.

and burgesses* now assembled in the high court

The peti

tion in- of parliament.

tended to
be sub
scribed by The humble petition of the officers and soldiers

the officers.

" of the army,

" Humbly sheweth, That although our wants
" have been very pressing, and the burden we are
" become unto these parts (by reason of those wants)
" very grievous unto us : yet so have we demeaned
" ourselves, that your majesty s great and weighty
" affairs, in this present parliament, have hitherto
" received no interruption, by any complaint, either
from us, or against us ; a temper not usual in ar
mies ; especially in one destitute not only of pay,
but also of martial discipline, and many of its
principal officers ; that we cannot but attribute it
to a particular blessing of Almighty God, on our
most hearty affections and zeal to the common
good, in the happy success of this parliament ; to
" which, as we should have been ready hourly to
" contribute our dearest blood, so now that it hath
pleased God to manifest his blessing so evidently d
therein, we cannot but acknowledge it with thank
fulness ; as likewise e his great mercy, in that he
" hath inclined your majesty s royal heart so to co-
" operate with the wisdom of the parliament, as to
" effect so great and happy a reformation upon the
" former distempers of this church and common-

c To the king s] This petition d so evidently] so manifestly
is in the handwriting of lord e as likewise] we cannot but
Clarendon s secretary. acknowledge

66
66
66

66
66

66

a

66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 431

"wealth: as first, in your majesty s gracious con- BOOK
" descending to the many important demands of our

66

66
66
66
66
66

..

66
66

" neighbours of the Scottish nation ; secondly, in
granting so free a course of justice against all de
linquents of what quality soever ; thirdly, in the
removal of all those grievances, wherewith the
subjects did conceive either their liberty of per
sons, property, or estate/ or freedom of conscience,
prejudiced; and lastly, in the greatest pledge of
security that ever the subjects of England received
from their sovereign, the bill of triennial parlia-
ment.

" These things so graciously accorded unto by
your majesty, without bargain or compensation,
as they are more than expectation or hope could
extend unto, so now certainly they are such, as
all loyal hearts ought to acquiesce in with thank-
" fulness ; which we do with all humility, and do at
" this time, with as much earnestness as any, pray,
" and wish, that the kingdom may be settled in
" peace and quietness, and that all men may, at
" their own homes, enjoy the blessed fruits of your
wisdom and justice.

But it may please your excellent majesty, and
this high court of parliament, to give us leave,
with grief and anguish of heart, to represent unto
" you, that we hear that there are certain persons
" stirring and pragmatical, who, instead of render-
" ing glory to God, thanks to your h majesty, and
" acknowledgment to the parliament, remain yet as
" unsatisfied and mutinous as ever ; who, whilst all
" the rest of the kingdom are arrived even beyond

property, or estate,] pro- s pragmatical,] practical,
priety of estate h to your] to his

66

66
66
66

432 THE HISTORY

BOOK " their wishes, are daily forging new and unseason-
" able demands ; who, whilst all men of reason, loy-

66
66

66

66

66
66

* " alty, and moderation, are thinking how they may
provide for your majesty s honour and plenty, in
return of so many graces to the subject, are * still
attempting new diminutions of your majesty s just
regalities, which must ever be no less dear to all
" honest men than our own freedoms ; in fine, men
" of such turbulent spirits, as are ready to sacrifice
the honour and welfare of the whole kingdom to
their private fancies, whom nothing else than a
" subversion of the whole frame of government will
" satisfy : far be it from our thoughts to believe,
" that the violence and unreasonableness of such
kind of persons can have any influence upon the
prudence and justice of the parliament. But that
which begets the trouble and disquiet of our loyal
" hearts, at this present, is, that we hear those ill-
affected persons are backed in their violence by
the multitude and the power of raising tumults ;
" that thousands flock at their call, and beset the
parliament, and Whitehall itself; not only to the
prejudice of that freedom which is necessary to
" great councils and judicatories, but possibly to
" some personal danger of your sacred majesty, and
" the k peers.

The vast consequence of these persons malig
nity, and of the licentiousness of those multitudes
" that follow them, considered, in most deep care
" and zealous affection for the safety of your sacred
majesty, and the parliament ; our humble petition
is, that in your wisdom l you would be pleased to

1 are] they are your wisdom] your wis-

k the] Not in MS. donis

66
66

66

66

66

66

66

66
66

66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 433

" remove such dangers, by punishing the ringleaders BOOK
of these tumults, that your majesty and the parlia-

" ment may be secured from such insolencies here-
" after. For the suppressing of which, in all humi-
" lity we offer ourselves to wait upon you, (if you
" please,) hoping we shall appear as considerable in
the way of defence, to our gracious sovereign, the
parliament, our religion, and the established laws
" of the kingdom, as what number soever shall au
daciously presume to violate them : so shall we,
by the wisdom of your majesty and the parlia
ment, not only be vindicated from precedent in
novations, but be secured from the future, that
are threatened, and likely to produce more dan
gerous effects than the former.

" And we shall pray, &c."

His majesty having read this petition, and con- The true
ceiving that the authority of the army might seem "act

44
66

66
((
tt
66
66

of as great importance for the good reception of so
much reason and justice, as the subscription of a tion -
rabble had been alleged often to be, for the counte
nance of what in truth was mutinous and seditious,
said, " that he approved well enough of it, and was
" content that it might be subscribed by the officers
" of the army, if they desired it." The officer, who
presented the draught to his majesty, told him, "that
" very few of the army had yet seen it : and that it
" would be a great countenance to it, if, when it
was carried to the principal officers who were first
to sign it, any evidence might be given to them,
that it had passed his majesty s approbation ; other
wise they might possibly m make scruple for fear

m they might possibly] possibly they might
VOL. I. F f

(6
6

66
66

434 THE HISTORY

BOOK "of offending him." Thereupon his majesty took
a pen, and writ at the bottom of the petition C. R.
as a token that he had perused and allowed it : and
so the petition was carried down into the countiy
where the army lay, and was signed by some offi
cers ; but was suddenly quashed, and no more heard
of, till in the discovery of the pretended n plot : of
which more in its place.

The meetings continuing, between those officers
of the army and some servants of his majesty s, to
the ends aforesaid ; others of the army, who had ex
pressed very brisk resolutions towards the service,
and were of eminent command and authority with
the soldiers, were by special direction introduced
into those councils (all persons obliging themselves
by an oath of secrecy, not to communicate any thing
that should pass amongst them) for the better exe
cuting what should be agreed.

At the first meeting, one of the persons P that was
so introduced, after he had heard the calm proposi
tions of the rest, and that " their design was, only
" to observe and defend the laws, that neither the
" arguments of the Scots, nor the reputation of their
army, might compel the king to consent to the
" alteration of the government of the church, nor to
remove the bishops out of the house of peers,
which would, in a great degree, produce an al
teration ; or the power of any discontented per
sons, by their tumultuary petitions, impose upon,
" or diminish, the just legal power of the king," told
them, " Those resolutions would produce very little
" effects for his majesty s service ; that there was

11 pretended] Not in MS. v one of the persons] the per-

soldiers,] soldier, son

a

<c

et

(C

OF THE REBELLION. 435

"but one way to do his majesty notable service, BOOK
" which was by bringing up the army presently to 1IL
" London, which would so awe the parliament, that I641 -
** they would do any thing the king commanded."
There was not (as I have been credibly informed) a
man in the company, that did not perfectly abhor
(or seemed so to do) that odious proposition ; but
contented themselves with making such objections
against it, as rendered it ridiculous and unpracti ca
ble ; and so the meeting, for that time, dissolved.

Whether the person that proposed this desperate
advice, <i did it only as a bait, to draw an opinion
from other men, (for he had r a perfect dislike and
malice to some of the company,) or whether the dis
dain to see his counsel rejected, and the fear that it
might be discovered to his disadvantage, wrought
upon him, I know not ; but the same, or the next
day, he discovered all, and more than had passed, to
some of those who seemed to take most care for the
public; intimated to them, "how he was startled
" with the horror of the design, and how faithfully
" he resolved to serve the commonwealth, or to lose
" his life in the attempt :" yet at the same time
acted his part at court, with all possible demonstra
tion of abhorring the proceedings of the parliament,
to that degree, that he offered " to undertake, with
a crew of officers and good fellows, (who, he said,
were at his disposal,) to rescue the earl of Straf-
ford from the lieutenant of the Tower, as he
should bring him to his trial, and so to enable
him to make an escape into foreign parts."
The discovery being thus made, to the earl of

q desperate advice,] desperate device, r he had] he was of

Ff 2

66
66
66
66

436 THE HISTORY

BOOK Bedford, the Lord Say, and the lord Kimbolton,
_ and, no doubt, by them communicated to their chief

1641> associates; as dangerous as the design was after
wards alleged to be, it was not published in three
months after to the houses, against whom the de
sign s was intended ; nor till long after the death of
the earl of Bedford : who, no doubt, rather desired
to bind up those wounds which were made, than to
make them wider, by entertaining new jealousies
between king and people; and would not consent
to the extending and extorting conclusions, which
did not naturally flow from the premises ; without
which, this so useful a treason to them could not
have been made up.

But as they thought not fit (as I said before) to
publish this whole discovery till near three months
after, so they made extraordinary use of it by parts,
from the instant that they received the secret; it
being always their custom, when they found the
heat and distemper of the house (which they endea
voured to keep up, by the sharp mention and re
membrance of former grievances and pressures) in
any degree allayed, by some gracious act, or gra
cious profession of the king s, 1 to warm and inflame
them again with a discovery, or promise of a dis
covery, of some notable plot and conspiracy against
themselves, " to dissolve the parliament by the pa-
" pists ;" or some other way, in which they would be
sure that somewhat always should reflect upon the
court. Thus they were sometimes informing " of
" great multitudes of papists gathering together in
" Lancashire ;" then " of secret meetings in caves,

8 the design] the treason * the king s,] the king,

OF THE REBELLION. 437

" and under ground in Surrey; letters from beyond BOOK

" sea, of great provisions of arms making there for 1

" the catholics of England ;" and the like ; which
upon examination always vanished : but for the time
(and they were always applied in useful articles of
time) served to transport common minds with fears
and apprehensions, and so induced them to comply
in sense with those, who were like soonest to find
remedies for those diseases which none but them
selves could discover. And in this progress there
sometimes happened strange accidents for the con
firmation of their credit.

Whilst they were full of clamour against the pa
pists, upon the instances of some insolences and in
discretions committed by them, during the late in
tervals of parliament, (and mentioned before,) espe
cially upon a great alacrity expressed, and contribu
tion raising, the year before, for advancing the war
with Scotland ; an order was made, " that the jus-
" tices of peace of Westminster should carefully ex
amine, what strangers were lodged within their
jurisdiction ; and that they should administer the
oaths of allegiance and supremacy to all suspected
" for recusancy, and proceed according to those sta-
" tutes." An afternoon being appointed for that ser
vice, in Westminster-hall, and many persons warned

to appear there, amongst the rest one James,

a papist, appeared, and being pressed by Mr. Hay-
ward, a justice of peace, to take the oaths, suddenly
drew out his knife, and stabbed him ; with some re
proachful words, " for persecuting u poor catholics."
This strange, unheard of outrage, upon the person
of a minister of justice executing his office by an

11 for persecuting] for his persecuting
F f 3

..

tt

438 THE HISTORY

BOOK order of parliament, startled all men; the old man
in. .

sinking with the hurt, though he died not of it.

mons.

* And though, for aught I could ever hear, it pro
ceeded only from the rage of a sullen varlet (for
merly suspected to be crazed in his understanding)
without the least confederacy or combination with
any other ; yet it was a great countenance to those,
who were before thought over apprehensive and in
quisitive into dangers ; and made many believe it
rather a design of all the papists of England, than
a desperate act of one man, who could never have
been induced to it, if he had not been promised as
sistance by x the rest.?
The in use The discovery z of the plot concerning the army

made of it. " -IT. r A

in the house being made about the middle of April, which was
the end of the earl of StrafFord s trial, they for the
present made no farther use of it than might con
tribute to their ends in that business ; reserving the
rest (as was said before) to be applied in more ne
cessary seasons : therefore, about the time that the
bill of attainder was preferred, that no interposition
from the court might discountenance or hinder that
great work, Mr. Pym one day informed the house of
commons, " that he had great cause to fear, there
" was at that time as desperate a design and con-
" spiracy against the parliament, as had been in any
" age ; and he was in doubt, persons of great quality
" and credit at court had their hands in it : that
" several officers had been treated with in London
" to raise men, under pretence that they should go
" to a Portugal ; but that the Portugal ambassador

x assistance by] assistance z The discovery] This disco-
from very

v rest.] MS. adds : But to the a go to] go for
point.

66
66

..

OF THE REBELLION. 439

being conferred with about it, professed that he BOOK
knew nothing of it : and that no person had any _ 1_
authority or promise from him to that purpose :"
(and it is true, there had been some idle discourses
in a tavern between some officers, about raising men
for Portugal, which was immediately carried to Mr.
Pym ; as all tavern and ordinary discourses were :)
" that, for the present, he might not acquaint them
with all b particulars, which might hinder their
further discovery ; only desired, that a message
1 might be sent to the lords, to desire them to ap
point a committee to examine such witnesses as
should be produced, for the discovery of a plot
against the parliament ; and that in the mean
time they would join in a message to the king, to
" desire his majesty that he would not, for some few
days, grant any pass to any of his servants to go
beyond c the seas ; saying, that he believed some
" men s consciences would tempt them to make an
" escape, when they heard of this examination."

Such a committee was appointed to examine, and
such a message sent to his majesty, as was desired.
But in the mean time, some persons who had been
at the tavern, and talked of raising men for Portu
gal ; and others who had been at the conference be
fore mentioned, where the proposition was for bring
ing up the army ; finding that what had passed so
privately, and amongst themselves/ had been dis
covered, and was like to pass a very severe inquisi
tion, from them c who made glosses and comments
as they pleased, upon what other men spoke f or

b with all] with other sorily amongst them,

r go beyond] pass beyond e from them] by them

d amongst themselves,] cur- f spoke] spake

F f 4

66
66
6i

66
66
66

66

"
"

440 THE HISTORY

BOOK did; and not knowing how much more than the
in

truth had been informed, or what interpretation

J should be made of that which was the truth ; re
solved not to trust themselves with such judges,
(whose formality was first to imprison, and after, at
their leisure, to examine,) and so fled into France.

This was no sooner known and published, than it
gave great credit and reputation to Mr. Pym s vigi-
lancy and activity ; for it now appeared, there was
some notable mischief intended, upon the discovery
whereof, such eminent men were fled. And in
this disorder and trouble of mind, men fearing ac
cording as they were directed, the bill of attainder
found the easier passage in the house of commons.

Having gotten thus h much ground ; and the bill
then depending (and like long to depend) with the
lords ; Mr. Pym told them in the house of commons,
that it appeared by the flight of such considerable
persons, that what he had before imparted to them
was of moment, and that his fears were not ground-
" less ; that it concerned their service, that he should
not yet impart the whole matter to them, since
the danger was prevented, which they should
shortly understand at large : in the mean time,
he did assure them, that God had miraculously
preserved them from a most prodigious conspi
racy, in which all their privileges and liberties
" should have been swallowed up : that though this
attempt was disappointed, yet he feared there
might be some new device ; and therefore he pro-
** posed, for the better evidence of their union and
unanimity, (which would be the greatest discou-

eminent men] eminent persons h gotten thus] gotten this

..

66

66
66
66
66
66
66

66
66

66

66
66

..
66

OF THE REBELLION. 441

" ragement to ah 1 who wished ill to them,) that some BOOK
" protestation might be entered into by the members
"of both houses, for the defence of their privileges, I641>
" and the performance of those duties to God and
the king, which they were obliged to, as good
Christians and good subjects ; and that a com
mittee might be appointed speedily to withdraw,
and prepare such a protestation."
The motion was entertained with general * appro
bation ; insomuch as they who were apprehensive
enough of the ill designs of those who advanced
this, and of the ill consequence of such voluntary
protestations, thought fit rather to watch the matter
and words, than to oppose the thing itself; which,
it was evident, it was to no purpose to do : and
therefore they were well contented with the naming
such persons for the committee, as were k not like
to submit to any unlawful or inconvenient obliga
tion. This was urged as of such consequence, that
the doors were locked, and no persons suffered to
go out of the house, till this should be concluded.
After a long debate, these words were agreed upon,
and offered to the house for the protestation.
" I A. B. do, 1 in the presence of Almighty God, pro-upcmthis
" mise, vow, and protest, to maintain and defend, protestation
" as far as lawfully I may, with my life, power, " ^^
and estate, the true reformed protestant reli- houses -
gion, expressed in the doctrine of the church of
England, against all popery and popish innova
tions within this realm, contrary to the same
" doctrine ; and, according to the duty of my al-

1 with general] with a general tion is in the handwriting of lord
k as were] who were Clarendon s secretary.

1 1 A. B. do,] This protesta-

66

66
66

442 THE HISTORY

BOOK " legiance, his majesty s royal person, honour, and
estate ; as also, the power and privileges of par-

66
66

66
66
66
66
66

" liament ; the lawful rights and liberties of the
" subject ; and every person that maketh this pro-
" testation, in whatsoever he shall do in the law-
" ful pursuance of the same : and to my power,
" and as far as lawfully I may, I will oppose, and,
" by all good ways and means, endeavour to bring
to condign punishment, all such, as shall, either
by force, practice, counsels, plots, conspiracies,
" or otherwise, do any thing to the contrary of
" any thing in this present protestation contained:
" and further, that I shall, in all just and honour
able ways, endeavour to preserve the union and
peace between the three kingdoms of England,
Scotland, and Ireland; and neither for hope,
fear, nor other respect, shall relinquish this pro
mise, vow, and protestation."
This was immediately taken by the speaker of
the house of commons, and by all the members then
present ; and sent up to the lords, who all likewise
took the same, except the earl of Southampton, and
the lord Roberts, who positively refused it, alleging,
" There was no law that enjoined it, and the conse-
" quence of such voluntary engagements might pro-
" duce effects that were not then intended :" which
without doubt was very wisely considered ; and had
not been pressed in the house of commons, for two
reasons ; it being visibly impossible to dissuade the
thing, the house being awakened by the discourse,
mentioned before, of a plot against the parliament,
the poison of which, this sovereign antidote was to m

m was to] would

OF THE REBELLION. 443

expel and discover; but especially for that well-af- BOOK

in
fected persons, who were jealous of no other design L_

than the alteration of the government of the church,
thought they had obliged those rigid reformers from
any such attempt, when they had once bound them
selves " to maintain and defend the protestarit reli-
" gion expressed in the doctrine of the church of
" England ;" there being no other scheme of the
doctrine of the church of England, than the thirty-
nine Articles, of which one is, " to preserve the go-
" vernment of the church by bishops."

Whereas the other party was abundantly gratified
with having an oath of their own making, to entan
gle the people, (so like a covenant, by which such
admirable things had been compassed by their neigh
bours,) and upon which they could make what gloss
they pleased, when they had occasion ; as they did
within two days after : for the protestation being
taken on Monday the third of May, the Wednesday
following some of their own party took occasion to
inform the house, " that it was apprehended by many
" well-affected persons abroad, who were of notable
" and exemplary devotions n to the parliament, that
" if they should take that protestation, they should
" thereby engage themselves for the defence of bi-
" shops, which in their conscience they could not
" do : and which they hoped the house did not in-
" tend to oblige them to :" whereupon, without any
great opposition, (the house being thin ; and they
who were of another opinion, believing this artifice
would, to all sober men, appear very ridiculous,) this
ensuing order was made.

1 exemplary devotions] exemplar devotion

444 THE HISTORY

BOOK "Whereas some doubts have been raised, by

1TI *

" several persons out of this house, concerning the

1 " meaning of these words contained in the protesta-

The expla

"

"

a
66

66
66

nation of tion lately made by the members of this house,
[ v * z - tne true reformed protestant religion, ex-
P resse d in the doctrine of the church of England,
commons. again st all popery and popish innovations within
" this realm, contrary to the same doctrine,] this
" house doth declare, that by those words was and
" is meant, only the public doctrine professed in the
" said church, so far as it is opposite to popery and
popish innovations ; and that the said words are
not to be extended to the maintaining of any form
of worship, discipline, or government, nor of any
rites, or ceremonies, of the said church of Eng-
" land."

This explanation being thus procured in the house
of commons, without ever advising with the house
of peers, (who had likewise taken the same protesta
tion,) and, in truth, so contrary to the intentions of
most that took it ; they ordered, " that the protesta
tion, together with this explanation, should be
printed and published ; and that the knights and
burgesses should send copies thereof to the coun
ties and boroughs for which they served ; and that
they should intimate unto the people, with what
willingness all the members of that house made
that protestation ; and that they should further
signify, that as they did justify the taking it
" themselves, so they could not but approve it in all
" such as should take it." Upon which declaration,
the emissaries of their clergy P caused the same to

Whereas] This order is in don s secretary.
the handwriting of lord Claren- P their clergy] the clergy

6(
66
66
66
66
66
66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 445

be taken in London, and the parts adjacent, within BOOK
very few days after the publishing. <i And for their

better encouragement (though their zeal would not

A biii pass-

attend such formalities) a bill was prepared, passed ed there > to

compel all

the house of commons, and was sent up to the lords, the subjects
" to compel all the subjects to take that protesta-
" tion." What the success of that bill was, and
what use was afterwards made of this protestation,
(which was then thought so harmless a thing,) and
particularly, what influence it had upon the business
of the earl of StrafFord, shall be remembered in its
proper place.

The other accident that fell out during the time The other

ciccidcnt

that the business of the earl of StrafFord was agi- that contri-
tated, and by which he received much prejudice,

was the death of the earl of Bedford. This lord t hill f at ~

tainder, was

was the greatest person of interest in all the popular the death of

the earl of

party, being of the best estate, and best understand- Bedford.
ing, of the Avhole number ; r and therefore most like
to govern the rest. He was besides of great civility,
and of much more good-nature than any of the
other. And therefore the king, resolving to do his
business with that party by him, resolved to make
him lord high treasurer of England, in the place of
the bishop of London ; who was as willing to lay
down the office, as any body was to take it up. And
to gratify him the more, at his desire, intended to
make Mr. Pym chancellor of the exchequer, as he had
done Mr. Saint-John his solicitor general, (all which
hath been touched before,) as also, that s Mr. Hollis

<i the publishing.] the pub- 8 (all which hath been touch-

lishing thereof. ed before,) as also, that] Not in

1 whole number;] whole MS.
party ;

446 THE HISTORY

BOOK was to be secretary of state, the lord Say master of
the wards, and the lord Kimbolton to be lord privy-

seal after the death of his father, who then held that
place. Others were to be placed about the prince,
and to have offices when they fell.

The earl of Bedford 1 secretly undertook to his
majesty, that the earl of Straff ord s life should be
preserved ; and to procure his revenue to be settled,
as amply as any of his progenitors ; the which he
intended so really, that, to my knowledge, he had it
in design to endeavour to obtain an act for u the set
ting up the excise in England, as the only natural
means to advance the king s profit. He fell sick
within a week after the bill of attainder was sent
up to the lords house ; and died shortly after, much
afflicted with the passion and fury which he per
ceived his party inclined to : insomuch as he de
clared, to some of near trust with him, " that he
" feared the rage and madness of this parliament
" would bring more prejudice and mischief to the
kingdom, than it had ever sustained by the long
intermission of parliaments." He was a wise man,
and would have proposed and advised moderate
courses ; but was not incapable, for want of reso
lution, of being carried into violent ones, if his ad
vice were not x submitted to : and therefore many,
who knew him well, thought his death not unsea
sonable, as well to his fame, as his fortune ; and that
it rescued him as well from some possible guilt, as

1 The earl of Bedford] In be found in the Appendix, E.

MS. B. is another account of " to obtain an act for] Not in

the death of the duke of Bed- MS.

ford, which is not even inserted x were not] would not have

in lord Clarendon s Life. It will been

it
66

OF THE REBELLION. 447

from those visible misfortunes, which men of all con- BOOK
ditions have since undergone.

As soon as the earl of Bedford was dead, the lord
Say (hoping to receive the reward of the treasurer-
ship) succeeded him in his undertaking, and faith
fully promised the king, "that he should not be
" pressed in the matter of the earl of StrafFord s
" life :" and under that promise got credit enough
to persuade his majesty to whatsoever he said> T was
necessary to that business. And thereupon, when
the bill was depending with the lords, and when
there was little suspicion that it would pass, though
the house of commons every day by messages en
deavoured to quicken them, he persuaded the king
" to go to the house of peers, and, according to cus-
" torn, to send for the house of commons, and then
" to declare himself, that he could not, with the
safety of a good conscience, ever give his consent
to the bill that was there depending before them
concerning the earl of StrafFord, if it should be
" brought to him, because he was not satisfied in
" the point of treason : but he was so fully satisfied
" that the earl was unfit ever to serve him more, in
" any condition of employment, that he would join
" with them in any act, to make him utterly inca-
" pable of ever bearing office, or having any other
" employment in any of his majesty s dominions ;
" which he hoped would satisfy them."

This advice, upon the confidence of the giver, the
king resolved to follow : but when his resolution
was imparted to the earl, he immediately sent his
brother to him, beseeching his majesty "by no

y whatsoever he said] whatsoever he told

..

..
a

448 THE HISTORY

BOOK means to take that way, for that he was most as-
iii.

" sured it would prove very pernicious to him ; and

66
it
(t

- W J>-

* " therefore desired, he might depend upon the ho-
" nour and conscience of the peers, without his ma-
" jesty s interposition." The king told his brother,
" that he had taken that resolution by the advice of
" his best friends ; but since he liked it z not, he
" would decline it." The next morning the lord
Say came again to him, and finding his majesty al
tered in his intention, told him, " if he took that
" course he a advised him, he was sure it would pre-
" vail ; but if he declined it, he could not promise
his majesty what would be the issue, and should
hold himself absolutely disengaged from any un
dertaking." The king observing his positiveness,
and conceiving his intentions to be very sincere, suf
fered himself to be guided by him ; and went imme
diately b to the house, and said as the other had ad
vised. Whether that lord did in truth believe the
discovery of his majesty s conscience in that manner
would produce the effect he foretold ; or whether
he advised it treacherously, to bring on those incon
veniences which afterwards happened ; I know not :
but many, who believed his will to be much worse
than his understanding, had the uncharitableness to
think, c that he intended to betray his master, and
to put the ruin of the earl out of question.

The event proved very fatal ; for the king no
sooner returned from the house, than the house of
commons, in great passion and fury, declared this
last act of his majesty s to be " the most unparal-

1 it] Not in MS. b went immediately] imme-

a he advised] he had ad- diately went
vised c think,] believe,

OF THE REBELLION. 449

" leled breach of privilege, that had ever happened; BOOK
" that if his majesty might take notice what bills

66

6(
6(
66
66

1 (Z. A \

" were passing in either house, and declare his own
" opinion, it was to forejudge their counsels, and
" they should not be able to supply the common-
" wealth with wholesome laws, suitable to the dis-
" eases it laboured under ; that this was the great
est obstruction of justice, that could be imagined ;
that they, and whosoever had taken the late pro
testation, were bound to maintain the privileges
of parliament, which were now too grossly d in
vaded and violated:" with many 6 sharp discourses
to that purpose.

The next day great multitudes of people came Tumults
down to Westminster, and crowded about the house house of
of peers, exclaiming with great outcries, " that they pe
" would have justice ;" and publicly reading the
names of those who had dissented from that bill in
the house of commons, as enemies to their country ;
and as any lord passed by, called, Justice, justice !
and with great rudeness and insolence, pressing
upon, and thrusting, those lords whom they sus
pected not to favour that bill; professing aloud,
" that they would be governed and disposed by the
" honourable house of commons, and would defend
" their privileges according to their late protesta-
" tion." These unheard of acts f of insolence and
sedition continued so many days, till many lords
grew so really apprehensive of having their brains
beaten out, that they absented themselves from the
house ; and others, finding what seconds the house
of commons was like to have to compass whatever

<! too grossly] so grossly f These unheard of acts] This

many] manv other unheard of net

-* *

VOL. T. G g

450 THE HISTORY

BOOK they desired, changed their minds ; and so in an af-

iii

ternoon, when of the fourscore who had been pre-

* sent at the trial, there were only six and forty lords

attainder in the house, (the good people still crying at the

hotwe d of ie doors for justice,) they put the bill to the question,

lords. ail( j e i even lords only dissenting, it passed that

house, and was ready for the king s assent.

The king continued as resolved as ever, not to

^out lts * ve h ki g consent. The same oratory then attended

Whitehall, him at Whitehall, which had prevailed at West

minster ; and a rabble of many thousand people be

sieged that place, crying out, Justice, justice ; that

they would have justice ; not without great and in

solent threats and expressions, what they would do,

if it were not speedily granted. The privy-council

was called together, to advise what course was to

be taken to suppress these traitorous riots. Instead

of considering how to rescue their master s honour

and his conscience from this infamous violence and

The privy- constraint, they press the king to pass the bill of

council .

and some of attainder, saying, "there was no other way to pre-

"
"

serve him self and his posterity, than by so doing ;

anc ^ therefore that he ought to be more tender of
bin - " the safety of the kingdom, than of any one person
" how innocent soever :" not one counsellor inter
posing his opinion, to support his master s magna
nimity and innocence : they who were of that mind,
either suppressing their thoughts through fear, upon
the new doctrine established then by the new coun
sellors, " that no man ought to presume to advise
" any thing in that place contrary to the sense of
" both houses ;" others sadly believing, the force

11 resolved as ever, not to give] resolved never to give

OF THE REBELLION. 451

and violence offered to the king would be, before BOOK
God and man, a just excuse for whatsoever he

a

6(

66

should do. 1641 -

His majesty told them, " that what had been i
" proposed to him to do, was directly k contrary to
" his conscience, and that being so, he was sure they
" would not persuade him to it, though themselves
" were never so well satisfied." To that point, they
desired him " to confer with his bishops, who, they
made no question, would better inform his con
science." The archbishop of York was at hand ;
who, to his argument of conscience, told him, " that
there was a private and a public conscience ; that
his public conscience as a king might not only
dispense with, but oblige him to do that which
was against his private conscience as a man : and
that the question was not, whether he should save
the earl of Strafford, but, whether he should perish
with him : that the conscience of a king to pre
serve his kingdom, the conscience of a husband to
preserve his wife, the conscience of a father to
preserve his children, (all which were now in dan
ger,) weighed down abundantly all the considera-
" tions the conscience of a master or a friend could
suggest to him, for the preservation of a friend, or
servant." And by such unprelatical, ignominious
arguments, in plain terms advised him, " even for
" conscience sake, to pass that act."

Though this bishop acted his part with more pro
digious boldness and impiety, others 1 of the same
function (for whose m learning and sincerity the king
and the world had greater reverence) did not what

had been] was others] the other

k directly] in a diameter m for whose] of whose

G g 2

66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66

66
66

452 THE HISTORY

BOOK might have been expected from their calling or their
trust ; but at least forbore to fortify and confirm a

1641 - conscience, upon the courage and piety of which,
the security of their persons n and their order did
absolutely, under God, depend.

During these perplexities, the earl of StrafFord,
taking notice of the straits the king was in, the
rage of the people still increasing, (from whence he
might expect a certain outrage and ruin, how con
stant soever the king continued to him ; and, it
may be, knowing of an undertaking (for such an
undertaking there was) by a great person, w r ho had
then a command in the Tower, " that if the king
" refused to pass the bill, to free the kingdom from
" the hazard it seemed to be in, he would cause his
The eari of " head to be stricken off in the Tower,") writ a

StrafFord iii r-noi

himself most pathetical letter to the king, full of acknow-
h7s majesty ledgment of his favours ; but lively representing P

to pass it. fa e dangers, which threatened himself and his
" posterity, by the king s persevering^ in those fa-
" vours ;" and therefore by many arguments conjur
ing him " no longer to defer his assent to the bill,
" that so his death might free the kingdom from
" the many troubles it apprehended."

The delivery of this letter being quickly known,
new arguments were applied ; " that this free con-
" sent of his own clearly absolved the king from

The king " any scruple that could remain with him ;" and so
in the end they extorted from him, to sign a com-
m i ss i n to some lords to pass the bill : which was as
valid as if he had passed 1 " it himself; though they

n the security of their per- <* the king s persevering] his

sons] themselves obstinacy

under God,] Not in MS. r passed] signed

P representing] presenting

c<?mmL

OF THE REBELLION. 453

comforted him even with that circumstance, "that BOOK
" his own hand was not in it." L_

It may easily be said, that the freedom of the
parliament, and his own negative voice, being thus
barbarously invaded, if s his majesty had, instead of
passing that act, come to the house and dissolved
the parliament ; or if he had withdrawn himself
from that seditious city, and put himself in the
head of his own army ; much of the mischief, which
hath since happened, would have been prevented.
But whoever truly considers the state of affairs at
that time; the prevalency of that faction in both
houses ; the rage and fury of the people ; the use
that was made by the schismatical preachers (by
whom the orthodox* were generally" silenced) of
the late protestation in their pulpits ; the fears and
jealousies they had infused into the minds of many
sober men, upon the discourse of the late plot ; the
constitution of the council-table, that there was
scarce x an honest man durst speak his conscience to
the king, for fear of his ruin ; and that those, whom
he thought most true to him, betrayed him every
hour, insomuch as his whispers in his bedchamber
were instantly conveyed to those against whom
those whispers were ; so that he had very few men
to whom he could breathe his conscience and com
plaints, y that were not suborned against him, or
averse to his opinions: that on the other side, if
some expedient were not speedily found out, to al
lay that frantic rage and combination in the people,
there was reason enough to believe, their impious

8 if] that if u generally] Not in MS.

1 the orthodox] all the or- x scarce] not
thodox y complaints,] complaint,

Gg3

454 THE HISTORY

BOOK hands would be lifted up against his own person,

and (which he much more apprehended) against the

J * person of his royal consort : and lastly, that (besides

the difficulty of getting thither z ) he had no ground

to be very confident of his own army : I say, who

ever sadly contemplates this, will find cause to con

fess, the part which the king had to act was not

only harder than any prince, but than any private

gentleman, had been exposed a to; and that it is

much easier, upon the accidents and occurrences

which have since happened, to determine what was

not to have been done, than at that time to have

foreseen, by what means to have freed himself from

the labyrinth in which he was involved.

The eari All things being thus transacted, to conclude the

beheaded, n i t -i IPII

May the fate of this great person, he was on the twelith day
i2th, i64i. brou gj lt f rom the Tower of London (where

he had been a prisoner near six months) to the scaf
fold on Tower-hill ; where, with a composed, un
daunted courage, he told the people, " he was come
" thither to satisfy them with his head ; but that
" he much feared, the reformation which was begun
in blood would not prove so fortunate to the king
dom, as they expected, and he wished :" and after
great expressions " of his devotion to the church of
England, and the protestant religion established
by law, and professed in that church ; of his loy
alty to the king, and affection to the peace and
" welfare of the kingdom ;" with marvellous tran
quillity of mind, he delivered his head to the block,
where it was severed from his body at a blow:
many of the standers by, who had not been over

z getting thither] MS. adds : alone
except he would have gone a exposed] incumbent

66
66

66

66

66

OF THE REBELLION. 455

charitable to him in his life, being much affected BOOK

in
with the courage and Christianity of his death.

^ x

Thus fell the greatest subject in power, and little *
inferior to any in fortune, that was at that time in
any of the three kingdoms ; who could well remem
ber the time, when he led those people, who then
pursued him to his grave. He was a man of great
parts, and extraordinary endowments of nature ; not
unadorned with some addition of art and learning,
though that again was more improved and illus
trated by the other ; for he had a readiness of con
ception, and sharpness of expression, which made
his learning thought more than in truth it was.
His first inclinations and addresses to the court
were only to establish his greatness in the country ;
where he apprehended some acts of power from the
lord Savile, b who had been his rival always there,
and of late had strengthened himself by being made
a privy-counsellor, and officer at court : but his first
attempts were so prosperous, that he contented not
himself with being secure from that lord s c power
in the country, but rested not, till he had bereaved
his adversary d of all power and place in court ; and
so sent him down, a most abject, disconsolate old
man, to his country, where he was to have the su-
perintendency over him too, by getting himself at
that time made lord president of the north. These
successes, applied to a nature too elate and haughty 6
of itself, and a quicker progress into the greatest
employments and trust, made him more transported
with disdain of other men, and more contemning

b the lord Savile,] the old d his adversary] him
lord Savile, e haughty] arrogant

c that lord s] his

G g 4

456 THE HISTORY

BOOK the forms of business, than happily he would have

in.

been, if he had met with some interruptions in the

1641. beginning^ and had passed in a more leisurely grada
tion to the office of a statesman.

He was, no doubt, of great observation, and a
piercing judgment, both in things f and persons ; but
his too good skill in persons made him judge the
worse of things : for it was his misfortune to be in
a time % wherein very few wise me a were equally
employed with him ; and scarce any (but the lord
Coventry, whose trust was more confined) whose
faculties and abilities were equal to his : so that
upon the matter he relied wholly h upon himself;
and discerning many defects in most men, he too
much neglected what they said or did. Of all his
passions, his pride was most predominant : which a
moderate exercise of ill fortune might have cor
rected and reformed ; and which was by the hand
of Heaven strangely punished, by bringing his de
struction upon him by two things that he most de^
spised, the people and sir Harry Vane. In a word,
the epitaph, which Plutarch records that Sylla wrote
for himself, may not be unfitly applied to him ;
" that no man did ever exceed i him, either in do-
" ing good to his friends, or in doing mischief to his
" enemies ; r> for his acts of both kinds were most
notorious. k

At the same Together with that of attainder of the earl of
m of StrafFord, another bill was passed by the king, of al-
mos t as fatal a consequence both l to the king and

act for the

continuing . .

this parlia- m things] into things l exceed] pass

meat. g in a time] of a time k notorious.] exemplar and

h relied wholly] wholly re- notorious.
lied both] Not in MS.

66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 457

kingdom, as that was to the earl, "the act for the BOOK

in.
" perpetual parliament ;" as it is since called. !

The vast charge m of the two armies was no other

The arts by

way supplied, (for I have told you before the reason which that
why they were so slow in granting of subsidies,) obtained,
than by borrowing great sums of money from the
city or citizens of London, upon the credit of parti
cular persons. The emissaries in that negociation,
about the time the act of n attainder passed the
commons, returned, " that there was no more hope
" of borrowing in the city ; that men had before
" cheerfully lent their estates, upon their confidence
" in the honour and justice of the two houses : but
they had now considered, how desperate that se
curity must prove, if the two houses should be
" dissolved." Which consideration begun to have
an universal influence upon all those who were per
sonally bound for monies already borrowed ; " for
" that their persons and fortunes must answer those
" sums which had been paid for the public benefit,
" if the parliament should be dissolved before any
act passed for their security. That their fears
and apprehensions that this might happen were
" much advanced by the late discovery of the plot
" against the parliament ; for though the particu-
" lars thereof were not yet published, they dis-
" cerned there was not that good meaning to the
" parliament, as it deserved." This was no sooner
offered, than the reasonableness of the objection
was enforced ; and the necessity of finding some ex
pedient " to satisfy the people of the gracious inten-
" tion P and resolutions of the king ;" which were

m charge] burden security.] indemnity.

n of] for p intention] intentions

a

..

6(
if

458 THE HISTORY

BOOK most unquestionable; (for in all those articles of

. time, when they were to demand some unreason-

able thing from him, they spared no dutiful men
tion of the piety and goodness of his own princely
nature ; or large promises what demonstrations of
duty they would shortly make to him.) No way
could be thought of so sure, ^ as an act of parlia
ment, " that this parliament should not be ad-
" journed, prorogued, or dissolved, but by act of
parliament; which, upon this occasion, his ma
jesty would never deny to pass."
It is not credible, what an universal reception
and concurrence this motion met with, (which was
to remove the landmarks, and to destroy the found
ation of the kingdom,) insomuch, as a committee
was immediately appointed to withdraw, and to
prepare a short bill to that purpose ; which was
within a short time (less than an hour) brought into
the house, and immediately twice read, and com
mitted ; an expedition scarce ever heard of before r
in parliament ; and the next day, with as little agi
tation, and the contradiction of very few voices, en
grossed, and carried up to the lords. With them it
had some debate, and amendments, which were de
livered at a conference, the principal whereof was,
" that the time should be limited, and not left in-
" definite, and that it should not be dissolved with-
" in two years, except by consent of both houses ;"
that time being sufficient to provide against any ac
cidents that were then apprehended.

These alterations were highly resented in the
house of commons, as argument of jealousy between

i sure,] undeniable, never before heard of

r scarce ever heard o/ before]

a
a
t(
a

OF THE REBELLION. 459

the king and the parliament, "that it should be BOOK
" imaginable the members of both houses, who re- .
sided from their houses and conveniences at great
charge for the service of the public, would desire
to continue longer together than the necessity of
that service should require ;" without considering,
that it was more unlikely that the king (who had
condescended so far to them, and had yet in truth
received no fruit from their meeting) would dissolve
them, as long as they intended that for which they
were summoned together, and contained themselves
within the bounds of duty and moderation.

But the commons stoutly insisted on their own
bill ; and the lords, in that hurry of noise and con
fusion, when the meetings of the people were so fre
quent, 8 kindly consented likewise to it: and so, by
the importunity, and upon the undertaking of per
sons he then most trusted, in the agony of the other
despatch, the king was induced to include that bill
in the commission with the act of attainder, and 1
they were both passed together.

After the passing these two bills, the temper and
spirit of the people, both within and without the
walls of the two houses, grew marvellous calm and
composed; there being likewise about that time
passed by the king, the two bills, for the taking
away the star-chamber court, and the high commis
sion : so that there was not a grievance or inconve
nience, real or imaginary, to which there was not a
through remedy applied ; and therefore all men
expected, that both armies would be- speedily dis-

s when the meetings of the the people were abroad,
people were so frequent,] when l and] and so

460 THE HISTORY

BOOK banded; and such returns of duty and acknowledg-

. ment be made to the king, as might be agreeable to

li their professions, and to the royal favours he had
vouchsafed to his people.

But what provisions soever were made for the
public, particular persons had received no satisfac
tion. The death of the earl of Bedford, and the
high proceedings in all those cases in which the
king was most concerned, left all those who ex
pected offices and preferments, desperate in their
hopes : and yet an accident happened, that might
have been looked upon as an earnest or instance of
some encouragement that way.

Besides the lord Say s being invested in the master
ship of the wards, in the place of the lord Cotting-
ton, (who was every day threatened, upon the secre
tary s paper of results, to be accused of high trea
son, tiU, like a wise man, he retired from the offices
which begot " his trouble ; and for a long time after,
till he again embarked himself in public employ
ments, enjoyed himself without the least disturb
ance,) at a committee in the house of lords, x in the
afternoon, in some debate, passion arose between the
earl of Pembroke, who was then lord chamberlain of
the household, and the lord Mowbray, eldest son of y
the earl of Arundel ; and from angry and disdainful
words, an offer or attempt of blows was made ; for
which misdemeanour, they were the next day both
The king sent to the Tower by the house of lords. The king,

triliCS tllC

staff of taking advantage of this miscarriage ; and having
beriain fmm been long incensed by the passionate, indiscreet, and
Pembroke f , i nso ^ ent carriage of the earl, sent to him, by a gen-

u begot] begat x house of lords,] lords house, y son of] son to

OF THE REBELLION. 461

tleman usher, for his staff; and within two or three BOOK
days after bestowed it upon the earl of Essex ; who,

without any hesitation, took it.

T . -.. , and gives it

It was thought this extraordinary grace to the to the eari
most popular person of the kingdom would have
had a notable influence upon the whole party, which
made him believe it depended very much on him :
but it was so far from having that effect, as they
looked upon that favour, rather as a mark of punish
ment and revenge upon the earl of Pembroke, for
his affection to them, and for giving his suffrage
against the earl of Strafford, (which he had often
professed to the king he could never in conscience
do,) than of esteem 2 and kindness to the earl of
Essex; and so they a were in truth more offended
and incensed with the disgrace and disobligation to
the one, than they were pleased with the preferment
of the other : therefore whatever concerned the king
in right ; or what he might naturally expect from
the compliance and affection of the house ; or what
was any way recommended by his majesty to them,
found little or no respect.

His revenue was so far from being advanced, (asThetmthof
had been gloriously promised,) that it was, both in tonnage
dignity and value, much lessened from what it was : * n pound "

o *

for shortly after the beginning of the parliament,
great complaint had been made, " that tonnage and
" poundage" (which is the duty and subsidy paid
by the merchant upon trade) " had been taken by
" the king without consent of parliament ;" the case
whereof in truth is this : this duty had been con
stantly given to the succeeding king, b ever since the

z esteem] estimation h succeeding king,] successive

they] Not in MS. kings,

462 THE HISTORY

BOOK reign of king Edward the Fourth, for his life, in the

! first parliament they held after their coming to the

1 crown : before that time, it had been granted for
years ; and was originally intended for the support
of the navy, whereby the merchant might be freed
from danger of pirates ; and upon the death of every
king since that time, his successor commonly re
ceived it, without the least interruption, till the next
parliament ; in the beginning whereof it was always
without scruple granted : so that, though it was, and
must always be acknowledged as the free gift of the
people, (as all other subsidies are,) yet it was looked
upon as so essential a part of the revenue of the
crown, that it could not be without it : and as the
king is not less king before his coronation than he is
after, so this duty had been still enjoyed as freely
before, as it was after an act of parliament to that
purpose ; neither had there been ever any exception
taken in parliament, (which sometimes was not in a
year after the death of the former king,) that the
crown had continued the receipt of it ; which it did, d
till the time of a new grant.

Thus, after the death of king James, his majesty
received it, till the first parliament was summoned ;
and, that and two more being unfortunately dis
solved, (as was said before,) in which his ministers
were not solicitous enough for the passing that act
for tonnage and poundage, continued the receipt of
it till this present parliament : then (that is, many
weeks after the beginning of it) it was directed,
" that a bill should be speedily prepared for the
" granting it, as had been usual, lest the crown

c commonly] always d did,] always did,

OF THE REBELLION. 463

" might, by so long enjoying, in a manner prescribe BOOK

" to it of right, without the donation of the peo- 1_

"ple;" which the king always disclaimed to do. 1641t
Shortly after (no man presuming to intimate, that
it should be granted in any other manner than of
course it had been) it was alleged, " that the bill
" could not be so speedily prepared as were to be
" wished, by reason that there were many just ex-
" ceptions made by the merchants to the book of
" rates, which had been lately made by the farmers
" of the customs, in the time and by the direction of
" the earl of Portland ;" (circumstances that carried
prejudice enough to whatsoever they were 6 applied;)
and therefore it was proposed, for the present, as the
best expedient to continue his majesty s supply, and
to preserve the right of giving in the people, " that
" a temporary bill should pass, for the granting the
" same to his majesty for two months only, in which
" time a new book of rates should be made, more
" advantageous to his majesty in point of profit,"
(which was always professed/) " and then a com-
" plete act might pass."

To this purpose a bill was accordingly brought
in, the preamble whereof " renounced and declared
" against not only any power in the crown of levy
ing the duty of tonnage and poundage, without
the express consent of parliament, but also any
" power of imposition upon any merchandises what-
" soever, and in any case whatsoever ;" which had
been constantly practised in the best times by the
crown ; had the countenance of a solemn judgment

e they were] it was f professed,] solemnly professed,

6(
S(

464 THE HISTORY

BOOK in the exchequer chamber; and, though often agi-
- ! _ tated in parliament, had never been yet declared
* against: yet this quietly passed both houses, as a
thing not worth considering s. And so, in expecta
tion and confidence, that they would make glorious
additions to the h state and revenue of the crown,
his majesty suffered himself to be stripped of all that
he had left ; and of the sole stock of credit he had
to borrow monies upon : for though, in truth, men
knew that revenue was not legally vested in the
king till an act of parliament, yet all men looked
upon it as unquestionably to pass ; and so it was not
only a competent proportion for the present support
of his house, but was understood a good security for
any ordinary sum of money upon advance, as forty
or fifty thousand pound, upon any emergent occa
sion.

The men- All good i men discerned this gross usage, and the
former plot disadvantage imposed upon his majesty by this mu-
6 tation ; and therefore expected a full reparation, by

the army suc } 1 an ac t for life as had been usual; and such an

revived in

the house improvement of the book of rates as had been pro

of com

mons. mised, as soon as the business of the earl of Strafford

was over : which had been always objected, as ne
cessary to precede all other consultations. But this
was no sooner moved, " as seasonable in order to

# not worth considering] MS. frankly given and granted to
adds: those who in duty ought him within two months, not to
to have opposed it in both enter into disputes, (upon how
houses, in relation to their ser- just claims soever,) which would
vice and trust, persuading his only delay what he so much de-
majesty, since he was sure to sired. And so, &c.
have whatsoever he or his pro- h the] his
genitors had enjoyed, fully and good] Not in MS.

. OF THE REBELLION. 465

" their own professions, and in a degree due to the BOOK
" king, after so many reiterated expressions of fa-

" vour and affection to his people, by so many ex-
" cellent laws, and other condescensions," than they
objected, " the odiousness of the late plot against the
" parliament, which was not yet fully discovered :
" that notwithstanding those gracious demonstrations
of favour from the king, in the laws and other acts
mentioned, they had great cause to apprehend,
some ill affected persons had still an influence
upon his majesty, to the disservice of the parlia
ment, and to beget jealousies in him towards them ;
for that they had plainly discovered (which they
" should in a short time be able to present fully to
the house) that there had been a design, not only
to poison the affections of the army towards the
parliament, by making them believe that they were
neglected, and the Scots preferred much before
them ; but to bring up that army to London, with
a purpose to awe the parliament : that there was a
" resolution to seize the Tower, and to make it a
curb upon the city: that there had been an at
tempt to prevail with the officers of the Scottish k
army, at least to sit still as neuters, whilst the
" others l acted this tragedy : that the confederates
in this design had taken an oath, to oppose any
course that should be advised for the removing the
bishops out of the house of peers ; to preserve and
" defend the king s prerogative, to the utmost ex-
" tent that any of his progenitors had enjoyed ; and
" to settle his majesty s revenue : that they had rea-
" son to fear his majesty s own concurrence, at least

c Scottish] Scotch l others] other

VOL. I. H h

a

(6
t(
66
66
66

66
66
66
66
66
66

66
66
66

66
66
66

466 THE HISTORY

BOOK " his approbation, in this design, (which, if not pre-
-" vented, must have proved so pernicious and fatal

a
66
a

66
66
66
(6
66

JL I

"to the kingdom,) for that, besides that the persons
principally engaged in it were of the nearest trust
about the king and queen, they had clear proof, that
a paper had passed his majesty s perusal, in which
were contained many sharp invectives against the
parliament ; a desire that they might have the ex
ercise of martial law, (the mention whereof was
the most unpopular and odious thing that could be
imagined,) and an offer of service to defend his
46 majesty s person, which was an implication as if it
" had been in danger : and that this paper should
" have been signed by all the officers of the army ;
" for their better encouragement wherein, the king
" himself had written a C. and an R. as a testimony
" that he approved of it."

This discourse, so methodically and confidently
averred, made a strange impression (without reserv
ing themselves till the evidence should be produced)
in the minds of most men ; who believed, that such
particulars could never have been with that solem
nity informed, if the proofs were not very clear ; and
served, not only to blast whatsoever was moved on
his majesty s behalf, but to discountenance what, till
then, had been the most popular motion that could
be made, which was, the disbanding both armies, and
soo,ooo/. the Scots return into their own country. For the

voted to the

scots for a better accomplishment whereof, and as a testimony

besides 7 of their brotherly affections, 111 the two houses had

monthly frankly and bountifully undertaken " to give them a

allowance. gratuity of three hundred thousand pounds, over

m affections,] affection,

OF THE REBELLION. 467

" and above the twenty-five thousand pounds the BOOK

in.

66

66

month, during the time that their stay here should .

be necessary."

After that act, the king might have been reason
ably awaked from any extraordinary confidence in
the loyalty, honour, or justice, of both houses. And
without doubt, when posterity shall recover the cou
rage, and conscience, and the old honour of the
English nation, it will not with more indignation
and blushes contemplate any action of this seditious
and rebellious age, than that the nobility and gentry
of England, who were not guilty of the treason,
should recompense an invasion from a foreign na
tion, 11 with whatever establishments they proposed
in their own kingdom, and with a donative of three
hundred thousand pounds, over and above all charges,
out of the bowels of England ; which will yet appear
the more prodigious, when it shall be considered,
that not a fifth part of those who were accessaries
to that infamous prodigality were either? favourers
of their ends, or great ^ well-wishers to their nation. 1

But 8 very many gave themselves t leave, unfaith
fully, to be absent from those debates, when the
wealth and honour of their country was to be trans
planted into a strange land ; others looked upon it as a
good purchase, to be freed of the payment of four
score thousand pounds the month, (which was the
charge of both armies,) by an entire sum of three
hundred thousand pounds ; u and some pleased x them-

n nation,] contemned nation, s But] Not in MS.
not] Not in MS. t gavethemselv 7 es]givingthem-

p either] neither selves
q great] Not in MS. " pounds ;] pound ;

r to their nation.] of their na- x pleased] pleasing
tion ;

Hh 2

468 THE HISTORY

BOOK selves with an assurance, that the scandal and un
reasonableness of the sum would provoke the peo-

* pie to a hatred and revenge, and so that the brother
hood would not be supported, but destroyed, by that
extravagant bounty : yet these y were only short
ejaculations to please themselves for the time ; for
many of those, who had no other reason to consent
to that vast sum, but that they might be rid of them,
were so inflamed and transported with the tale of
the plot, that they had then no mind to let them go ;
and had so far swallowed and digested an assurance
that it was true, that they reserved no distinguishing
or judging faculties, for the time when the evidence
and proof should be presented to them.

After they had played with this plot, and given
the house heats and colds, by applying parts of it to
them upon emergent occasions, for the space of near
three months ; and finding, that though it did them
many notable services, in advancing their own repu
tations, and calumniating the king s honour, yet,
that it had not a through effect at court for their
preferment ; they resolved to shew all their ware,
and to produce the whole evidence : for the perfect
ing whereof, they had " a late mark 2 of God s great
" favour towards them, in his furnishing them with
" evidence for the complete discovery of all the mis-
" chief, from one that was a principal contriver
of it."

We said before, that upon the first motion in the
house of commons, by Mr. Pym, " for a committee
" of examination, a and for an address to the king,

y yet these] but these a of examination,] to exa-

z mark] great mark mine,

OF THE REBELLION. 469

" that he would grant no passes to any of his ser- BOOK

" vants to go beyond seas," some persons, b of near

relation to his trust, immediately absented them
selves ; which were Mr. Peircy, and Mr. Jermyn.
Now c the latter of these, without interruption, trans
ported himself into France ; but Mr. Peircy, delay
ing his journey upon some occasions of his own, and
concealing himself in some obscure places in Sussex,
near to his brother s house, was at last discovered ;
and when he endeavoured to have escaped, was set
upon by the country people, and with great difficulty,
and not without some hurt, got from them, and was
not in some months again heard of.

It was generally believed afterwards, that finding
the seaports shut, and watches set for his apprehen
sion in all those places, whereby the transporting
himself into foreign parts was very difficult, he
found means to return to London, and to put him
self into his brother s protection ; where it is
thought he was harboured, till his hurt was cured ;
the strictness of the inquiry over ; and till he had
prepared that letter to his brother, the earl of
Northumberland, which served, as far as in him lay,
to destroy all his companions, and furnished the
committee with that which they called " a double
" evidence :" for they had no sooner received that
letter from the earl of Northumberland, than they
told the house, " they were now ready for a com-
" plete discovery ;" and thereupon produced the evi
dence of colonel Goring, and the letter from Mr.
Peircy ; both which agreed upon the relation, " of
" a meeting at Mr. Peircy s chamber ; and of a dis-

b some persons,] two persons, c Now] Not in MS.

Hh 3

470 THE HISTORY

BOOK " course of the parliament s neglect of the king s,
. " and favouring the Scottish d army; the taking an

1 /* A 1 ^^

" oath of secrecy ; and some other particulars :" all
which had been positively denied, by those of them
that were e members of the house of commons,, Mr.
Wilmot, Mr. Ashburnham, and Mr. Pollard, upon
their examinations upon oath.

It will hardly be believed hereafter, (but that the
effects of such impostures have left such deep marks,)
that the evidence then given could, in so grave and
judging an assembly, as a high court of parliament,
till then, had always been, have brought the least
prejudice upon the king ; or, indeed, damage to any
person accused : there being, in all the testimonies
produced, so little show of f proof, of a real design,
or plot, to bring up the army (which was the chiefs
matter alleged) to awe the parliament, that in truth
it was very evident, there was no plot at all ; only a
free communication between persons (the major part
whereof were of the house) " of the ill arts that were
" generally used to corrupt the affections of the peo-
" pie ; and of some expedient, whereby, in that so
" public infection, the army" (in which they had all
considerable commands, two of them being general
officers) " might be preserved from being wrought
" upon and corrupted :" in which discourse, colonel
Goring himself, as appeared by his own examination,
only proposed wild and extravagant overtures, " of
" bringing up the army, and surprising the Tower ;
" which was, by all the rest, with manifest dislike,

d Scottish] Scotch f so little show of] so far

e of them that were] Not in from any
MS. g chief] grand

OF THE REBELLION. 471

" rejected: that all this had passed at one meeting, BOOK

<f

it

..

" in which, they who met were so ill satisfied in one
" another, that they never would come together
again : that, when the bringing up the army to
London was once talked of before h the king, his
majesty would not hear of it, but only desired,
" that their affections might be kept entire for his
" service, as far as was consistent with the laws of
" the land, which were in danger to be invaded."

Yet, notwithstanding that all this appeared ; and
that this was all that i did appear, (besides a discourse
of a petition ; k for the petition itself they would not
produce, signed with C. R. which is before set down
in terms,) the specious, positive narration of the
whole by Mr. Pym, before the evidence was read ;
the denying what 1 was now proved, and confessed
by themselves, by Mr. Wilmot, Ashburnham, and
Pollard, upon the former examination ; the flight of
Mr. Jermyn, and Mr. Peircy, and some others ; the
mention of some clauses in the petition signed with
C. R. ; and some envious, dark glances, both in Mr.
Goring s examination, and Mr. Peircy s letter, at the
king and queen, as if they knew more than was ex
pressed, so transported the hearers, (who made them
selves judges too,) that, taking all that was said, to
be proved, they quickly voted, " that there was a
" design to bring up the army to force the parlia-
" ment ;" resolved to accuse Mr. Jermyn and Mr.
Peircy of high treason ; committed the three mem
bers of the house of commons to several prisons, and

h was once talked of before] k a petition ;] the petition ;
was mentioned to l denying what] denying of

that] which what

H h 4

472 THE HISTORY

BOOK put them from being members, m that in their rooms
in

they might bring in three more fit for their service,

J64i. as they shortly did; gave colonel Goring public
thanks, " for preserving the kingdom, and the liber-
" ties of parliament ;" and filled the people with jea
lousy for their security, and with universal acclama
tions of their great wisdom and vigilancy. So that
this plot served to produce their first protestation ;
to inflame the people against the earl of Strafford,
and in a degree to compass their ends upon that
great person, as hath been before observed ; to pro
cure the bill for the continuance of this parliament,
the foundation, or the fountain, of all the public ca
lamities, to hinder and cross all overtures made for
the revenue of the king, and to lessen the general
reverence and duty to both their majesties ; to con
tinue the Scottish n army within the kingdom, and
consequently to hinder the king s from being dis
banded ; to incense both houses against the bishops,
as if the design had been principally for their pro
tection, (there being one witness who said, " he had
* been told, that the clergy would raise and pay one
" thousand horse, to be employed against the parlia-
" ment,") to blast the reputation of the earl of New
castle, whose zeal to his majesty s service was most
remarkable, as if he had been to have commanded
the army ; and lastly, to advance their own credit
and estimation with the people, as if they were the
only patriots, that intended the preservation of reli
gion, law, and liberty.

And having made this use of it, (which is a suffi-

m

members,] members of par- n Scottish] Scots
liament, there] and there

OF THE REBELLION. 473

cient argument what opinion they had of their own BOOK
evidence,) they never proceeded against any of the

~ i w *- ^^ /

persons who were in their power, though they pa
tiently attended and importuned a trial above a
year after their accusation : for they well knew,
there must be then a more exact and strict weighing
of the proofs ; and that the persons accused would P
not only vindicate themselves from the aspersions
which were laid upon them, but could recriminate
upon the principal <i prosecutors with such charges, as
they would not so easily be freed from ; and this was
the reason, that, even during the heat and noise of
the accusation, they received very civil offices, visits,
and addresses, from the chief of those who were
trusted with the prosecution.

The sending that letter of Mr. Peircy s to the
house of commons ; or rather, the procuring that let
ter to be writ, (in which such insinuations were
made, to the prejudice of the king and queen,) was
the first visible instance of the defection of the earl
of Northumberland from his r majesty s service ;
which wrought several ill effects in the minds of
many : for, as the earl then had the most esteemed
and unblemished reputation, in court and country,
of any person of his rank throughout the kingdom ;
so they who knew him well, discerned, that the
greatness of that reputation was but an effect of the
singular grace and favour shewed to him by his ma
jesty ; who, immediately^upon the death of his fa
ther, had taken this earl (being then less than thirty
years of age) intojiis immediate and eminent care ;

P would] could grand

q upon the principal] their r from his] towards his

474 THE HISTORY

BOOK first made him a privy-counsellor; then knight of
the order of the garter ; then (that he might fit him s
l - by degrees for the greatest trust and employments)
sent him admiral into the narrow seas, of a royal
navy ; and, after a summer spent in that exercise,
made him lord high admiral of England ; and, to
the very minute of which we speak, prosecuted him
with all manner and demonstration of respect and
kindness ; and (as I heard his majesty himself say)
" courted him as his mistress, and conversed with
" him as his friend, without the least interrup-
" tion or intermission of any l possible favour and
" kindness." And therefore many, who observed
this great earl purchase this opportunity of disserv
ing the king, at the price of his brother s honour,
and of his own gratitude, concluded, that he had
some notable temptation in conscience, and that the
court was much worse than it was believed to be.

The truth is, that after his brother s being accused
of high treason ; and then, upon his hurt in Sussex,
coming directly to Northumberland-house to shelter
himself; the earl being in great trouble how to send
him away beyond the seas after his wound was
cured, u advised with a confident friend then in pow
er, whose affection to him he doubted not, and who,
innocently enough, brought Mr. Pym into the coun
cil, who overwitted them both, by frankly consenting,
" that Mr. Peircy should escape into France," which
was all the care the earl had ; but then obliged him,
" first to draw such a letter from him, as might by
" the party x be applied as an evidence of the reality

s fit him] apt him " cured,] recovered,

* of any] of all x by the party] Not in MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 475

".of the plot, after he was escaped;" and in this BOOK

in.
manner the letter was procured : which made a last-

ing quarrel between the two brothers ; and made
the earl more at the disposal of those persons whom
he had trusted so far, than he had been before.

After the act for the continuance of the parlia
ment, the house of commons took much more upon
them, in point of their privileges, than they had
done ; and more undervalued the concurrence of the
peers ; though y that act neither added any thing to, z
nor extended their jurisdiction : which jurisdiction
the wisdom of former times kept from being limited
or defined, there being then a no danger of excess ;
and it being much b more agreeable to the na
ture of the supreme court to have an unlimited ju
risdiction. But now that they could c not be dissolv
ed without their own d consent, (the apprehension
and fear whereof had always before kept them
within some bounds e of modesty,) they called any
power they pleased to assume to themselves, " a
" branch of their privilege ;" and any opposing or
questioning that power, " a breach of their privi-
" leges : which all men were bound to defend by
" their late protestation ; and they were the only
" proper judges of their own privileges."

Hereupon, they called whom they pleased delin
quents ; received complaints of all kinds, and com
mitted to prison whom they pleased : which had
been never done, nor attempted, f before this parlia-

y though] and though c they could] it could

z neither added any thing to,] d own] Not in MS.
added nothing to, e some bounds] the bounds

a then] Not in MS. f nor attempted,] or attempt -

b much] Not in MS. ed,

476 THE HISTORY

BOOK ment; except in some such apparent breach, as the
- arresting a privileged person, or the like : and, as
lm if theirs had swallowed up all other privileges, of
peers, and the king himself, upon the lords reject
ing a bill sent up to them, " to compel all persons"
(without distinction of quality, and without distinc
tion of punishment or proceeding, upon their refusal)
" to take the late protestation ;" and two lords of
great credit h (the earl of Southampton, and the lord
Roberts) having refused to take the same ; the house
of commons, in great fury, and with many expres
sions of contempt, by a vote declared, " that the pro-
" testation made by them was fit to be taken by
every person, that was well affected in religion,
and to the good of the commonwealth ; and there
fore, that what person soever should not take the
protestation, was unfit to bear office in the church
or commonwealth ;" and directed farther, " that
that vote should be printed, and that the knights
and burgesses should send down copies of it to the
several places for which they served :" which was
the most unparalleled breach of privilege, and the
highest and most insolent affront to the lords, to the
king, and to the justice of the kingdom, and the
most destructive to parliaments, that any age had
been guilty of. And yet, when some of the peers
nobly resented it, on the behalf of the peerage, and
the liberty of the subject, and pressed resolutely for
reparation, means was found out to engage the king
to interpose his royal mediation with those lords,
to the end they might quietly pass by that public

the] Not in MS. h great credit] great estimation

66
66

66
66
66
66
66

OF THE REBELLION. 477

violation and indignity, without further insisting BOOK

., ; III.

on it.

All this time the two armies were continued at a 1641<
vast k charge, many men whispering (but so that it
might be spoken of) " that the Scots would not re-
" tire till the bill against episcopacy was l passed :"
whereupon the king sent them word, about the be
ginning of July, " that he desired all speed might be
" used for the disbanding both armies ; for the bet-
" ter and more orderly doing whereof, he had con-
" stituted the earl of Holland general of his army,"
(the earl of Northumberland, by reason of his indis
position in health, or some other reason, having laid
down his commission,) " and intended forthwith to
" send him down thither : that his majesty himself,
" according to a m former resolution, and promise
" made to his subjects of Scotland, meant to visit
" that his native kingdom, for the better perfecting
" the peace there ; and appointed the day (about
fourteen days after) he resolved to begin his pro
gress ; and therefore wished them, against that
" time, to prepare and finish any such acts, as they
" desired might receive his majesty s approbation,
" for the good of the kingdom, if there yet remained
" any thing to be asked of him." Notwithstanding
which message, they spent most of their time upon
the bill for extirpation of bishops, deans, and chap
ters ; without either finishing 11 the act of pacification

insisting on it.] An account found in the Appendix, F.

of the progress of the bill a- k a vast] that vast

gainst episcopacy follows in MS. l was passed :] were passed :

C. which differs somewhat from m a] Not in MS.

the account taken from MS. B. n either finishing] finishing ei-

and inserted in this History, p. ther
416. The rejected part will be

66

66

478 THE HISTORY

BOOK between the two nations, or giving order for the dis-
iii

banding the army.

It was wondered at by many, and sure was a great
misfortune to the king, that he chose not rather at
that time (though the business was only to disband)
to constitute the earl of Essex general of his army,
than the earl of Holland ; for (besides that it would
have been an act of much more grace and satisfac
tion to the people, and to the soldiery ) his majesty
having lately given him so great an earnest of his
trust, as the making him chamberlain of his house,
he p ought in policy to have pursued that work, by
any seasonable accumulation of favour, till he had
made him his perfect creature ; which had been very
easy, if skilfully attempted : for his pride and ambi
tion, which were not accompanied with any habit of
ill nature, were very capable of obligations ; and he
had a faithfulness and constancy in his nature, which
had kept him always religious in matter of trust :
then, he was almost a declared enemy to the Scot
tish <i nation, and would have been very punctual in
all formalities and decencies, which had any relation
to his master s honour, or the honour of the nation.
In a word, he might have been imposed upon in his
understanding, but could not have been corrupted
by hopes or fears of r what the two houses could have
done to him : and was then more the idol of the
people, than in truth the idolater of them.

Whereas, by making the earl of Holland general,
his majesty 8 much disobliged the other, who ex
pected it, and to whom it had been in a manner

soldiery] soldier r of J Not in MS.

P he] Not in MS. * his majesty] he

q Scottish] Scotch

OF THE REBELLION. 479

offered; and made him apprehend some distrust in BOOK

the king towards him ; and that his former favour in L_

his office had been conferred on him, rather because !641.
no man else had been able to bear the envy of dis
placing the earl of Pembroke, than that his own
merit and service was valued. Besides, the earl of
Holland, upon whom he conferred that honour, had
formerly disappointed him, and often incurred his
displeasure, and wore some marks of it ; and was of
no other interest or reputation with the party which
could do mischief, than as a person obnoxious u to
them, in the misexecuting his great and terrible
office of chief justice in eyre, by which he had
vexed and oppressed most counties in England, and
the most considerable persons in those counties ; and
in other particulars ; that they knew he durst not
offend them, and would purchase their protection
and good opinion at any price : as it fell out ; for
within few days after the king was gone through
that army, in his way to Scotland, the earl x wrote a
letter, which was communicated to both houses, in
which he mystically expressed " some new design to
" have been set on foot for corrupting the army ;"
for which there was never after the least colour
given; but served then to heighten the old jea
lousies, and to bespeak a misunderstanding for what
soever should be proposed on his majesty s behalf
during his absence.

Men now believed, y that they would be very for
ward in dismissing the Scottish z army, and disband-

1 Besides, the earl of Hoi- MS. After their great end was

land,] Then the person, obtained in the execution and

u obnoxious] so obnoxious death of the earl of Strafford, all

x the earl] he men believed, &c.
y Men now believed,] Thus in T Scottish] Scots

66
66
tf

66

480 THE HISTORY

BOOK ing the other, which cost the kingdom so vast a sum
in
of money every month ; and they had already voted

1641< a brotherly assistance to the Scots of three hundred
thousand pounds, for the service they had per
formed; and an act was already prepared for the
raising the sum : but they had yet no mind to part
with their beloved brethren.

The commissioners who treated with the Scots
had agreed, " that the king should be present in his
parliament in Edinburgh/ by such a day in July,
to pass the act for pacification between the two
kingdoms, and such other acts as his parliament
there should propose to him;" and his majesty
prepared to begin his progress, soon enough to be in
Scotland by the time ; and they resolved on all sides,
that the one army should be drawn out of the king
dom, and the other totally disbanded, before the
king should arrive in the northern parts, for many
" reasons." As they had lost all confidence in the af
fections of the English army, so there were many
jealousies arisen among the Scots, both in their army,
and amongst their greatest counsellors : notwith
standing all which, instead of making haste to the
disbanding, they published much jealousy and dissa
tisfaction to remain with them of the court ; " there
were some evil counsellors still about the king,
who obstructed many gracious acts, which would
" otherwise flow from his goodness and bounty to-
" wards his people ; and made ill impressions in him
" of the parliament itself, and its proceedings."

Their design was to remove the duke of Rich
mond from the king, both because they had a mind

a in Edinburgh,] at Edinburgh,

(6

66
Si

f(
66

OF THE REBELLION. 481

to have his office of warden of the cinque-ports BOOK

in
from him, that it might be conferred on the earl of L.

Warwick ; and as he was almost the only man of
great quality and consideration about the king, who
did not in the least degree stoop, or make court b to
them, but crossed them boldly in the house ; and all
other ways pursued his master s service with his ut
most vigour and intentness of mind : they could not
charge him with any thing like a crime, and there
fore only intended by some vote to brand him, and
make him odious ; by which they presumed, they
should at last make him willing to ransom himself
by quitting that office : for which there was some
underhand treaty, by persons who were solicitous to
prevent farther inconveniences ; and, as they found
any thing like to succeed in that, they slackened or
advanced their discourse of evil counsellors.

One day they were very warm upon the argu
ment, and had a purpose to have named him di
rectly, which they had hitherto forborne to do, when
Mr. Hyde stood up, and said, " He did really believe
" that there yet remained some evil counsellors, who
" did much harm, about the king ; and that it would
" be much better to name them, than to amuse the
" house so often with the general mention of them,
" as if we were afraid to name them :" he proposed,
" that there might be a day appointed, on which,
upon due reflections upon those who had been
most notorious in doing mischief to the public, we
might most probably find, who they were who trod
" still in the same paths, and might name them ac-
" cordingly ; and that for his part, if a day were ap-

b make court] make love c their discourse] that discourse
VOL. I. I i

(t

6t

482 THE HISTORY

B ?i? K " pointed for that discovery, he would be ready to
- " name one, who, by all the marks we could judge
" by, and by his former course of life, might very
" reasonably be believed to be an evil counsellor."

They were exceedingly apprehensive 11 that he
meant the marquis of Hamilton, (who, for the rea
sons aforesaid, was very dear to them,) and thence
forward, though they desisted not from prosecuting
the duke, till at last they had compelled him to quit
the cinque-ports to the earl of Warwick, they no
more urged the discovery of evil counsellors. And
all the familiar friends of Mr. Hyde were importuned
to move him, " not to endeavour to do any prejudice
" to the marquis of Hamilton ;" and even the king
himself was prevailed with to send to him to that
purpose : so industrious was that people to preserve
those whom for private ends they desired to pre
serve, as well as to destroy those who they desired
should be destroyed.

sir Edward When every body expected that nothing should

Dccri n^s

bin for tt ex- be mentioned in the house but the despatch of the
eucopacy treaty of the pacification, by the commissioners of

revived m ^th e s {d es w hich was the only obstruction to the

the house *

of com- discharge of the armies, and which could be done in

raons, and . n *

committed, two days, if they pursued it ; they called in a morn
ing " for the bill" (that had so long before been
brought in by sir Edward Deering) " for the extir-
" pation of episcopacy," and gave it a second read
ing ; and resolved, " that it should be committed to
" a committee of the whole f house, and that it
" should be proceeded upon the next morning." It

d apprehensive] MS. fields: e of both] on both
(as they had cause) f whole] Not m MS.

OF THE REBELLION. 483

was a very long debate the next morning, after the BOOK

speaker had left the chair, who should be in the

chair for the committee ; they who wished well to
the bill having resolved " to put Mr. Hyde into the
" chair, that he might not give them trouble by fre-
" quent speaking, and so too much obstruct the ex-
" pediting the bill ;" they who were against the bill
pressed and called loud to s Mr. Crew to be in the
chair : but in conclusion, Mr. Hyde was commanded
to the chair ; they who were enemies to the bill be
ing divided in opinion, many believing, that he would
obstruct the bill more in that place, than if he re
mained at liberty; and they found it to be true.

The first day the committee sat full seven hours,
and determined, " that every day, as soon as the
" house was resumed, the chairman should report
" the several votes of that day to the house, which
" should determine them before it rose ;" which was
without any precedent, and very prejudicial to the
grave transaction of the business : for, besides that
it was a prejudging 11 the house in its judgment,
^ho, upon report of the committee, should have
regard to the whole bill in the amendments made
by them, which they were precluded from, by hav
ing confirmed the several days votes ;> it was so late
every day before the house was resumed, (the speaker
commonly leaving the chair about nine of the clock,
and never resuming it till four in the afternoon,) that
it was very thin ; they only, who prosecuted the bill
with impatience, remaining in the house, and the

loud to] loud for votes ;] Thus in MS. : when

h prejudging] preengaging the bill engrossed should be put
who, upon report days to the question ;

I i 2

484 THE HISTORY

BOOK others, k who abhorred it, growing weary of so tire
some an attendance, left the house at dinner-time,

1641. an( j afterwards followed their pleasures : so that the
lord Falkland was wont to say, " that they who
" hated bishops, hated them worse than the devil ;
" and that they who loved them, did not love them
" so well as their dinner."

However, the chairman gave some stop to their
haste; 1 for, besides <that at the end of his report
every day to the house, before the house put the
question for the concurrence in the votes, he always
enlarged himself against every one of them, and so
spent them much time ; when they were in the heat
and passion of the debate, they oftentimes were en
tangled in their questions:" 1 so that when he re
ported to the house the work of the day, he did fre
quently report two or three votes directly contrary
to each other, which, in the heat of their debate,
they had unawares run into. And after near twenty
days spent in that manner, they found themselves
very little advanced towards a conclusion, and that
they must review all that they had done ; and the
king being resolved to begin his journey for Scot-
The bin land, they were forced to discontinue their beloved

laid aside.

bill, and let it rest ; sir Arthur Haslerig declaring in
the house, " that he would never hereafter put an
" enemy into the chair :" nor had they ever after the
courage to resume the consideration of the bill, till
after the war was entered into.

k the others,] the other, m they oftentimes were en-

1 gave some stop to their tangled in their questions :] he

haste ;] perplexed them very often ensnared them in a ques-

much ; tion :

OF THE REBELLION. 485

The time being come, within two or three days, BOOK

in.

(according to his former declaration,) for the king s -
journey into Scotland, the house of commons thought 1641>
it time to lay aside their disputes upon the church,
which every day grew more involved, and to intend
the perfecting the act of pacification, and the order
for disbanding ; both which were thought necessary
to be despatched, before his majesty should begin
his progress ; and might have been long since done.
On a sudden, the house of commons grew into a per
plexed debate, concerning the king s journey into
Scotland, (which had been long before known, and
solemnly promised by his majesty to the commis
sioners of Scotland ; where preparation was made for
his reception, and the parliament summoned there
accordingly,) and n expressed many dark and doubt
ful apprehensions of his safety ; not without some
glances, " that if his majesty were once with his
" army, he might possibly enter upon new counsels,
" before he consented to disband it ;" and in the
end concluded, " to desire the lords to join with
" them in a request to the king, to defer his journey
" into Scotland, till the act of pacification was passed,
" the armies disbanded, and till such other acts were
" prepared, as should be thought necessary for the
" good of the kingdom ;" without mentioning any
time, against which those things should be ready :
which, though it was an unreasonable request, yet
most men having no mind the king P should go into
Scotland, it was consented to by both houses ; and
thereupon an address was made to his majesty to
that purpose : who returned his answer, " that he

n and] Not in MS. it] Not in MS. P the king] he

486 THE HISTORY

BOOK " was sorry, the houses, having had so long notice of

"

"
"

"
"

" his intentions 1 for that journey, (which could not

1 I? /i 1 9r w \ ^

" but appear very reasonable 1 " to them,) had neg-
" lected to prepare all such things, as were necessary
to be despatched by him before he went; that,
though his presence in Scotland was depended
upon by such a day, and the disappointment might
beget some prejudice to him, yet, he was content
to satisfy their desires so far, as to defer his journey
" for fourteen days ; within which time they might
" make all things ready that were of importance,
" and beyond which time it would not be possible
" for him to make any stay."

This time being gotten, they proceeded but slowly
in the directions s for disbanding, (though the earl of
Holland was gone down to the army,) or in the act
of the pacification ; but continued their mention
of fears and jealousies of the peace of the king
dom ; of an invasion from foreign parts ; and an in-
" surrection of the papists in England : against all*
" which, they said, there was not yet sufficient pro-
" vision, by the laws and constitution of the king-
sir Arthur dom." And therefore one day, sir Arthur Hasle-

Hasleng J

prefers a rig (who, as was said before, was used by that party,

bill for set- J ......

tiingthe like the dove out of the ark, to try what footing
there was) preferred a bill " for the settling the mi-
" litia of the kingdom, both by sea and land, in such
" persons as they should nominate ;" with all those
powers and jurisdictions, which have been since
granted to the earl of Essex, or sir Thomas Fairfax,
by land, or to the earl of Warwick, by sea. There

( i intentions] intention s directions] direction

T reasonable] necessary l against all] for all

"

"

OF THE REBELLION. 487

were in the bill no names, but blanks to receive BOOK
them, when the matter should be passed; though

x- .. \^s

men were assured, that the earl of Essex was their 1641
confident by land, and the earl of Northumberland
by sea : and yet the inclination to the earl of War
wick would have begot some disturbance, if the mat
ter had come then to be pressed.

When the title of this bill was read, it gave so ge- The
neral an offence to the house, that it seemed inclined j im se-
to throw it out, without suffering it to be read ; not c
without some reproach to the person that brought it
in, " as a matter of sedition ;" till Mr. Saint-John,
the king s solicitor, rose up, and spoke u to it, and
(having, in truth, himself drawn the bill) said, " he
" thought that passion and dislike very unseason-
" able, before the bill w r as read ; that it was the
" highest privilege of every member, that he might
" propose any law, or make any motion, which, in
" his conscience, he thought advantageous for the
" kingdom, or the place for which he served. As x
" for the matter, which by the title that bill seemed
" to comprehend, he was of opinion, that somewhat?
" was necessary to be done in it ; for he was sure,
" that such power, as might be necessary for the se-
" curity of the kingdom, over the militia, was not
" yet by law vested in any person ; or in the crown
" itself: that they had lately by their votes blasted
" and condemned the power of lords lieutenants,
" and their deputies, which had been long exercised,
" and submitted to by the people ; that, since that
" was determined, it was necessary to substitute
" such in their room, 7 as might be able to suppress

u spoke] spake y somewhat] something

x As] Not in MS. z in their room,] in the room,

I i 4

488 THE HISTORY

BOOK "any insurrection, or resist any invasion: a and
therefore, that it was fit to hear the bill read ; and

1 "if any fitting expedient was proposed 13 in it to that
" purpose, to embrace it ; otherwise, to think of a

..

a

66

66
66
66

better. For the nomination of persons, it would
not be seasonable to speak of it, till the power and
jurisdiction were first settled and constituted : and
then, if it seemed too great for any subject, it
might be devolved upon the crown ; which yet was
not sufficiently possessed of a legal power to the

" purposes aforesaid."
The bin Upon this discourse, by a person of the king s

read once f

and no sworn council, the bill was read ; but with so uni
versal a dislike, that it was never called upon the
second time, but slept, tiU long after the matter of it
was digested in ordinances.

The peremptory day again drawing very near, for
the king s journey into Scotland, and very little done
towards the public, since the time they had pre
vailed with his majesty to suspend it, on a Saturday
in the afternoon (the progress being to begin on
Monday) they again fell into violent passion against
the king s going into Scotland : the which they
thought of so great importance to be hindered, that
they resolved (and prevailed with the lords to do the
like) to sit the next day, being Sunday; which had
scarce ever d before been known, since the first institu
tion of parliaments ; and which they thought fit to
excuse by a short declaration, that the people might
not be thereby encouraged to profane the sabbath.

a any invasion :] an invasion : passion] they fell into unusual

b was proposed] were pro- passion again
posed d scarce ever] never

c they again fell into violent

OF THE REBELLION. 489

When they found the king constant to his former BOOK

HI
resolution, and that all they could allege could pre-

9f \^J J.

vail no farther with him, than, whereas he intended
to go on e Monday after dinner, to stay till Tuesday
morning, they very earnestly proposed, " that he
" would leave a commission with some persons, to
" pass such acts as should be prepared and pass
" both houses in his absence ; and to make a custos
" regni, to supply the place of government till his
" return :" with many other extravagancies, which
themselves understood not. But when they found
that no such commission could be legaUy granted,
to consent to any acts that were not consented to
by both houses at the date of the commission ; and
that both the person and the power of a custos
regni would be duly weighed, and would take up
much consideration, if the king were willing to sa
tisfy them ; they were contented with a commission
to the earl of Essex, of lieutenant-general on f that
side Trent: which his majesty having granted; and The act of
confirmed the act of pacification between the two
kingdoms, (which in great haste was transacted in

o ~ ~

both houses, as if it had been only matter of form.) ? ins his

, journey to

ne took his journey from London towards Scotland yards

toward the middle of August, leaving both houses
sitting at Westminster.

The unexpected passion and importunity to hin
der his majesty s journey into Scotland was not well
understood; and the less, for that the governing
party was divided upon it: some of them, with
trouble equal to what they had at any time ex
pressed, insisting upon his not going ; others alleg-

e on] Not in MS. { on] of

490 THE HISTORY

BOOK ing, " that his majesty was so far engaged in it, that
" he could not in honour recede from it :" whilst

J< the Scottish commissioners, who were often ap
pealed and referred to in the debate, answered so
mysteriously, as argued rather a conveniency, and
expectation of the journey itself, than any necessity
in point of time. Neither was the ground of his
majesty s so positive and unalterable resolution of
going thither, sufficiently clear to standers by ; who
thought he might have transacted the business of
that kingdom (where he could not reasonably ex
pect any great reverence to his person) better at a
distance ; and that his presence might be more ne
cessary in this.

But, as his majesty s impatiency to see both ar
mies disbanded, and this kingdom freed from the
invasion, (both which he heartily desired,) and his
desire to refresh himself, from the vexation which
the two houses, or one of them, or some in one of
them, daily gave him ; hurried him to that expedi
tion, without well weighing and preparing how to
comport himself through it : so, no doubt, that op
position, and instance against it (besides the con
tinued 11 desire they had to remove the king from
any fixed resolution) was designed i partly, to pro
cure an excuse for the hasty passing the bill of pa
cification ; which they had purposely retarded (fore
seeing there were many particulars in it, that, if
weighed, would never have been consented to) till
they might be so straitened in time, that whoever
objected against what was offered, might seem to
hinder the disbanding, and to necessitate the king s

* Scottish] Scotch was designed] proceeded

h continued] natural

OF THE REBELLION. 491

longer stay: but principally they hoped, k that his BOOK
majesty, rather than defer his journey, on which l he

was resolved, would consent to any unreasonable ]
qualifying such persons m whom they should name,
with power in his absence ; and moreover probably
there was n some real jealousy of the Scots at that
time, and between the Scottish commissioners
themselves, (as was conceived by some,) by reason
of great addresses made to the king by the earl of
Rothes, the principal and governing person of that
nation, and some insinuation of favour from his ma
jesty to him ; so that they did in earnest desire to
put off that journey, for fear of disturbance there.

The truth is, the king was well satisfied with the
promises made to him by that earl ; who desired to
live in this court, and was to have? been shortly
made gentleman of the bedchamber, and was in
hope i to marry a great and wealthy lady : and it is
certain, the king expected, by his help and interest,
to have found such a party in Scotland, as would
have been more tender of his honour than they after
expressed themselves; and did always impute the
failing thereof to the absence of that earl, who be
ing sick at the king s going from London, within
six weeks after died. But others believed, he had
been so far guilty of what had been done amiss,
that he would neither have been able nor willing to
preserve the foundation of that power, which might 1 *
hardly have forgotten by what means it had been
oppressed.

k they hoped,] hoping, Scottish] Scotch

1 on which] to which P was to have] should have

ra persons] person <i was in hope] had himself

n and moreover probably there a hope
was] except there were r might] could

492 THE HISTORY

BOOK I must not omit here, the disbanding another

in

army, about the same time; the circumstances where-

J641. o f W ere very remarkable, and the cause of much
army diL trouble that ensued. The king perceiving that he

was not now like to have any use of the new army
time. j n Ireland ; at least not that use for which it was
raised, (which was, to have visited Scotland,) and
finding often mention, enviously and maliciously,
made of that army in the house of commons ; and
having from thence (by the advice of the committee
for Ireland) received some addresses for that purpose ;
resolved to disband them ; and, to that end, signified
his pleasure to the lords justices of Ireland, and to
the earl of Ormond, his lieutenant-general of that
army ; directing withal (according to the last advice
he had received from the earl of Strafford) "that
" any officers of the army should have free leave to
" transport what men they s could get of that army,
" for the service of any prince in amity with this
" crown :" and shortly after, upon the earnest desire
of don Alonzo de Cardinas, ambassador from the
king of Spain, his majesty consented, that four thou
sand soldiers of that army should be transported for
the service of that king into Flanders ; at the same
time permitting as many as desired the same, to be
transported for the service of the French king. This
was no sooner known, but the house of commons in
terposed, with their accustomed confidence and dis
temper, " to beseech his majesty to revoke that li-
" cence :" and, by impertinent and slight reasons,
boldly urged and insisted on, as they did in every
thing else, prevailed with the king " to inhibit the

9 they] he

OF THE REBELLION. 493

" transporting any of those soldiers out of that king- BOOK
" dom, for the service of any prince whatsoever."

Many were of opinion that this activity in a busi
ness of which they had not the least connusance, pro
ceeded from the instigation of the ambassador of the
French king; who was very conversant with the
principal persons of that faction, and no doubt fo
mented those humours out of which the public cala
mities were bred ; and some said boldly, and one or
two t have since affirmed it, as upon their knowledge,
" that Mr. Pym received five thousand pound from
" that French minister, to hinder that supply to
" Spain." Others believed, that it proceeded only
from that proud and petulant spirit which possessed
them, to lessen the reputation of the king; and to
let the king of Spain and all other princes see the
power they had, to oppose and cross his resolutions
in the most pure acts of sovereignty. But I believe,
though there might be a mixture of both the other
reasons, the principal motive that induced them to
that interposition, was the advice and desire of the
committee from the parliament of Ireland, whose
counsel was entirely followed in whatsoever con
cerned that kingdom ; and who, no doubt, might
have some prospect of u the rebellion that shortly af
ter broke x out, which could hardly have taken effect,
if that body of men had been removed out of the
kingdom, according to the king s direction. But of
that more in its place.

As soon as the king begun y his journey for Scot
land, all orders, and what else was necessary, were

* one or two] an obscure per- of] had then designed
son or two * broke] brake

11 might have some prospect y begun] began

THE HISTORY

BOOK despatched for the disbanding; and a resolution
taken, " to send a committee of lords and commons

1641. a t a ttend his majesty (that is, to be a spy upon him)
" in Scotland, and to be present when the act of pa-
" cification should be transacted in that parliament,
" and to preserve the good intercourse and corre-
" spondence which was begun between the two na-
" tions :" but in truth, to lay the scene how the next
year should be spent ; and to bespeak new laws for
this kingdom, by the copies of what should be con
sented to for that.

In this errand two lords, and four of the commons,
were appointed to go ; but for the two lords, the lord
Howard of Escrick served the z turn ; who was
ready a to be governed by Mr. Fiennes, and Mr.
Hambden, who, together with sir William Armyn,
made up the committee. Which being despatched,
they thought it time to breathe a little, and to visit
their countries, b for whom they had done such no
table service : and so, towards the latter end of Au
gust, (having first constituted a committee to sit dur
ing the recess for the despatch of any important oc
currences, and qualifying them with power they
could not depute ; such a committee, and such a qua
lification, having never before been c heard of in par
liaments,) both houses adjourned themselves till the
middle of October following, by which time they pre
sumed the king would be returned from Scotland ;
having, from the time that they were first convened,
which was about nine months, (longer time than
ever parliament had before continued together in one

the] not in MS. b countries,] counties,

ready] naturally c before been] been before

OF THE REBELLION. 495

session,) besides all the d extraordinary acts of blood BOOK
and power, procured the king s assent to these fol- _ !
lowing important laws ; by some of which, 6 the king- Th *
dom might have received ample benefit and advan- P ass <i sin -

the bein-

the begin
ning of this

" A bill for triennial parliaments : f " which took ^
up a long debate ; there being many clauses, in case trie nial
the crown should omit the sending out of writs, ments;
derogatory to majesty, and letting the reins too
loose to the people : yet, since it was evident, that
great 11 inconveniences had befallen the kingdom by
the long intermission of those conventions ; and
that that intermission could not have happened, if
there had not been some neglect of what had been
settled by former laws ; therefore i there was some
colour of k reason for those clauses, by which the
crown could in no case suffer, but by its own de
fault. At last 1 it found an easy passage through
both houses ; and by his majesty (who was satisfied
that such a frequency of meeting with his people,
as once in three years, might be more convenient
than prejudicial to his service ; and believed, that,
by his consenting to this act, the proceedings in
the m parliament would be more moderate) it had a
favourable reception, 11 and was enacted by him the
next day after it had passed both houses.

" An act for the taking away the high commis- An act for
" sion court :" which comprehended much more than

commission

cl the] their * therefore] and therefore court;

e by some of which,] by k colour of] Not in MS.

which, i At last] Not in MS.

for triennial parliaments :] m in the] in this

for the triennial parliament : n it had a favourable recep-

should] Not in MS. tion,] had an equal reception,

h great] unspeakable had] Not in MS.

496 THE HISTORY

BOOK was generally intended. That jurisdiction was erect
ed by a statute in the first year of queen Elizabeth,

10 instead of a larger power which had been exercised
under the pope s authority, then abolished ; and,
whilst it was exercised with moderation, was an
excellent means to vindicate and preserve the dig
nity and peace of the church : though, from the be
ginning, it was murmured P against by the non-con
formable party of the kingdom.

But of late, it cannot be denied, that, by the
great power of some bishops at court, it had much
overflowed the banks which should have contained
it; not only in meddling with things that in truth
were not properly within their connusance ; but ex
tending their sentences and judgments, in matters
triable before them, beyond that degree that was
justifiable; and grew to have so great a contempt
of the common law, and the professors of it, (which
was a fatal unskilfulness in the bishops, who could
never have suffered whilst the common law had
been preserved,) that prohibitions from the supreme
courts of law, which have, and must have, the su-
perintendency over all inferior courts, were not only
neglected, but the judges reprehended for granting
them, (which without perjury they could not deny,)
and the lawyers discountenanced for moving for*!
them, (which they were obliged in duty to do ;) so
that thereby the clergy made almost a whole profes
sion/ if not their enemies, 5 yet very undevoted to
them.

P murmured] not unmur- fessign,] made a whole nation,

mured that is, almost a whole profes-

<i for] Not in MS. sion,
r made almost a whole pro- 8 enemies,] enemy,

OF THE REBELLION. 497

Then, it was grown from an ecclesiastical court, BOOK
for the reformation of manners, to a court of re- 1IL
venue, and imposed great fines upon those who were
culpable before them ; sometimes above the degree
of the offence, had the jurisdiction of fining been
unquestionable: which it was not. Which course
of fining was much more frequent, and the fines
heavier, after the king had granted all that revenue
(whatsoever it should prove to be) to be employed
for the reparation of St. Paul s church ; which,
though it were a glorious work, and worthy the
piety of those who advanced it, and the greatness
of his mind who principally intended it, made the
grievance the heavier. 1

By these means (besides the conflux and influ
ence u of that part of the clergy then in town,*
which had formerly been obnoxious, and suppressed
by the bishops : which I do not mention as any
piece of their exorbitancy ; for I do not know that
ever any innocent clergyman suffered by any eccle
siastical censure ; though, it may be, the guilty were
more severely proceeded against, and with less po
litic circumstances, than the nature of that time re
quired) that court had very few friends ; and having
many enemies, the proposition for abolishing it was
easily hearkened to; of which the violent party
easily taking notice, they who prepared the bill in
serted clauses, that not only took away the high
commission court, which Was intended, but, upon
the matter, the whole ecclesiastical jurisdiction ;
and, under pretence of reforming the great abuses
by the oath ex officio, and excommunication, de-

t the heavier.] less popular. x then in town,] Not in

u influence] reputation MS.

VOL. I. K k

498 THE HISTORY

BOOK stroyed and cancelled all coercive power whatsoever

in those courts, which was never intended : yet, in

16 4l. that Murry, it made a progress through both houses,
and attended the royal assent. But, when his ma
jesty understood the extent thereof, and how far the
body of the bill exceeded the title ; and that, instead
of reformation, it was opening a door to the most
scandalous offences, and leaving adultery and incest
as unpunishable, as any other acts of good fellow
ship ; he made a pause in the consenting to it, till
both houses might review whether the remedy y
were proportionable to the disease.

Immediately the fire was kindled against the bi
shops, as the only obstacles to any reformation ;
with some passionate insinuations, " that, since they
" opposed a due regulation of their power, there
" would be no way but to cut them off root and
" branch." And thereupon some bishops themselves
were again made instruments ; and others, who pre
tended to take care of the church, persuaded the
king, " for the bishops sake, to confirm that bill :"
whilst the designers were much pleased to find that
logic prevail ; little doubting, but when z they had
taken away their jurisdiction in the church, by that
bill, and their dignity in the state, by removing
them out of the house of peers, they should find it
no hard matter to abolish their names and titles out
of the kingdom ; and to enjoy the a goodly lands
and revenues, which could only make the reforma
tion perfect and complete. And in this manner that
law was enacted.
An act for A bill for taking away the star-chamber court."

taking away

y the remedy] their remedy a enjoy the] enjoy their

z but when] that when

OF THE REBELLION. 499

The progress of which bill was this. The exorbi- BOOK
tances of this court had been such (as hath been be

fore touched) that there were very few persons of t j
quality who had not suffered, or been perplexed, by chamber
the weight or fear of those censures and judgments.
For, having extended their jurisdiction from riots,
perjury, and the most notorious misdemeanours, to
an asserting all proclamations, and orders of state ;
to the vindicating illegal commissions, and grants of
monopolies, (all which were the chief groundworks
of their late proceedings,) no man could hope to be
longer free from the inquisition of that court, than
he resolved to submit to those, and the like extraor
dinary courses. And therefore there was an entire
inclination to limit and regulate the proceedings of
that court : to which purpose, a bill was brought in,
and twice read, and, according to custom, committed.
It being returned after by the committee, and the
amendments read ; it was suddenly suggested, (by
a person not at all inclined to confusion, or to the
violent party that intended that confusion,) "that
" the remedies provided by that bill were not pro-
" portionable to the diseases ; that the usurpations
" of that court were not less in the forms of their
" proceedings^ than in the matter upon which they
proceeded ; insomuch that the course of the court
(which is the rule of their judging) was so much
" corrupted, that the grievance was as much there
by , in those cases of which they had a proper
connusance, as it was d by their excess in holding
pleas of that, in which, in truth, they had no ju-
" risdiction : and therefore he conceived, the proper

b their proceedings,] their c thereby] Not m MS.
proceeding, d it was] Not in MS.

K k 2

if

66

66
66

66

500 THE HISTORY

BOOK " and most natural cure for that mischief would be,
" utterly to abolish that court, which it e was very

66
66

66
66

1641. "Difficult, if not impossible, to regulate; and, in
place thereof, to erect and establish such a jurisdic
tion as might be thought necessary." Hereupon,
the same bill was re-committed, with direction, " so
far to alter the frame of it, as might serve utterly
to take away and abolish that court :" which was
accordingly done ; and again brought to the house,
and engrossed, and sent up to the lords. So that
important bill was never read but once in the house
of commons, and was never committed; which, I
believe, was never before heard of in parliament.

It could not meet with any opposition in the
house of peers : all who had been judges there hav
ing their several judgments hanging like meteors
over their heads ; and the rest, being either grieved
or frighted by it : and so, being brought to his ma
jesty, received his royal assent.

Thus fell that high court, a great branch of the
prerogative ; having rather been f extended and con
firmed, than founded, by the statute of the tenth
year of king Henry the Seventh : for, no doubt, it
had both a being and a jurisdiction before that time,
though vulgarly it received date from thence ; and,
whilst it was gravely and moderately governed, was
an excellent expedient to preserve the dignity of
the king, the honour of his council, and the peace
and security of the kingdom. But the taking it
away was an act very popular ; which, it may be,
was not then more politic, than the reviving it may
be thought hereafter, when the present distempers
shall be expired.

e it] Not in MS. f rather been] been rather

OF THE REBELLION. 501

" An act for the certainty of the meets, bounds, BOOK
" and limits of all the forests in England :" which

was a great benefit and ease to the people ; who had ,

An act for

been so immoderately vexed by the justice in eyre s the cer -

. , . taintyof

seat, (exercised with great rigour by the earl of meets,
Holland, and revived by Mr. Noy, when he was at- and limit*
torney general,) that few men could assure them- Forests;
selves their estates and houses might not be brought
within the jurisdiction ofs some forest; the which
if they were, it cost them great fines : and there
fore, to ease them of their future fears, the king
departed with his own unquestionable right (which
would, a year before, have been purchased at the
price of at least h two hundred thousand pounds)
without any murmur. 1

" An act, that no clerk of the market of his ma- An act,
" jesty s house should execute his office in any part
" of the kingdom, but only within the verge of the

" court : and the execution of that office granted to P f hi f ma ~

jesty s

" mayors and bailiffs of towns corporate ; and to the
" lords of liberties and franchises, and to their de-
" puties." By which, the people through England
were freed from many petty vexations and extor
tions, which the deputies and agents for that office
(who commonly farmed the perquisites of it, k with
in several limits) exercised over them. And let no
man say, that this was but an act of justice, for the
redress of visible misdemeanours which his own of
ficers were guilty of; and that his majesty parted
with nothing of profit to himself, by that act : for the
misdemeanours of any office may be prevented, and

g jurisdiction of] Not in MS. verity.

h at least] Not in MS. k perquisites of it,] perqui-

murmur.] murmur for se- sites of that office,

Kk3

502 THE HISTORY

BOOK punished, and redressed, without the taking away,
or suppressing, the office itself; which is an instance

* of power, and prerogative. And the other was used
as an argument heretofore (which few have since
approved) for the passing away most of the old rents
of the crown, " that they yielded little profit to the
" crown, being always swallowed by the many of-
" ficers incumbent upon that l service ;" without con
sidering, that even those many officers are of the es
sential honour and greatness of princes. But, as that
computation was very erroneous in point of thrift,
so it is much more scandalous in point of power;
and he, that thinks the king gives away nothing
that is worth the keeping, when he suffers an office,
which keeps and maintains many officers, to be abo
lished and taken away, does not consider, that so
much of his train is abated, and that he is less
spoken of, and consequently less esteemed, in those
places where that power formerly extended; nor
observes, how m private men value themselves upon
those lesser franchises and royalties, which espe
cially keep up the power, distinction, and degrees
of men.

An act for " An act for the prevention of vexatious proceed-
vexltiou" g " ings touching the order of knighthood :" by which,
touching to ex piate the trespasses which had been lately com-
the order niitted by the rigorous circumstances of proceeding
hood;" upon that claim, the king parted with, and released
to his people, a right and duty, as unquestionably
due to him by the law, as any service he can lay
claim to ; and such, as the subject received the dis
charge of it, as a singular benefit and advantage. 11

1 upon that] to that n advantage.] advantage to

how] how much him.

OF THE REBELLION. 503

" An act for the free making saltpetre and gun- B o o K
" powder within the kingdom :" which was a part

of the prerogative; and not only considerable, as it
restrained that precious and dangerous commodity
from vulgar hands; but, as in truth it brought a saltpetre
considerable revenue to the crown; and more tO
those, whom the crown gratified and obliged by that

^~"^

licence. The pretence for this exemption was, " the
unjustifiable proceedings of those (or of inferior
persons qualified by them) who had been trusted in
that employment ;" by whom, it cannot be denied.
many men suffered : but the true reason was, that
thereby they might be sure to have in readiness a
good stock in that commodity, against the time their
occasions should call upon them.

" An act against divers encroachments and op- An act

. ii against

" pressions in the stannery courts : the logic or divers e

6(
t(
(t

which act extended itself to all inferior courts,
manner of proceedings throughout the kingdom ;
though the full measure of that benefit seemed to ner y courts
be poured out upon the two counties of Cornwall
and Devonshire ; the people whereof had been so
much oppressed by the jurisdiction of that court,
(supported and extended with great passion and fury
by the earl of Pembroke, the lord warden of those
stanneries,) that both prohibitions, and habeas cor
pus s from the king s bench, had been disobeyed and
neglected; not without some personal affront, and
reproach to all the judges of that court : and there
fore, it could not but be great ease of heart to those

parts, to be freed from the exorbitancy of that op
pression.

"An act, whereby all the proceedings in the bu-

proceedings] proceeding

K k 4

504 THE HISTORY, &c.

BOOK " siness of ship-money were adjudged void, and dis-
- " annulled ; and the judgments, enrolments, and
" entries thereupon, vacated and cancelled :" which

against (how just and necessary soever) was a frank depar-
ture from a right, vindicated by a judgment in the
exchequer-chamber, before all the judges in Eng
land; and therefore deserved a just acknowledg
ment ; besides that, some clauses in that statute as
sert the subject s liberty and property, beyond what
was done by the petition of right ; which needed an
additional establishment.

These acts of parliament, finished and enacted in
the time we speak of; besides the quitting the long
used right of laying impositions P upon foreign trade,
in the preamble of the bill for tonnage and pound
age ; and besides that fatal bill for the continuance
of this parliament; will be acknowledged,^ by an
incorrupted posterity, to be everlasting monuments
of the king s princely r and fatherly affection to his
people ; and such an obligation of repose and trust
from his majesty s in the hearts of his subjects, that
no expressions of piety, duty, and confidence, from
them, could have been more than a sufficient return
on their parts : which how they performed, is to fol
low in the next place.

P laying impositions] impos- r of the king s princely] of a

ing princely

* acknowledged,] hereafter 5 his majesty] the king
acknowledged,

THE END OF THE THIRD BOOK.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX, A.

REFERRED TO IN PP. 137. 248.

J. HAT which in the consequence was worse than all this,
that is, which made the consequence of all the rest the
worse, was, that by all those vast receipts and disburse
ments by the people, the king s coffers were not at all, or
not considerably replenished. Whether by the excess of the
court, (which had not been enough contracted ;) the unapt-
ness of ministers ; or the intentness of ministers upon their
own, more than the public profit; the maintaining great
fleets at sea, more for the glory than benefit of the king, in
a time of entire peace, and when his jurisdiction in the deep
was not questioned, at least not contested ; or, which was a
greater, and at that time thought a more unnecessary charge,
the building of many great ships ; or whether the popular
axiom of queen Elizabeth, that as her greatest treasure was
in the hearts of her people, so she had rather her money
should be in their purses than in her own exchequer, (which
she never said but at the closing of some parliament, when
she had gotten all she could from them,) was grown current
policy ; or whether all these together contributed thereunto,
I know not ; but I am sure, the oversight or the misfortune
proved very fatal. For as the crown never advanced itself
by any remarkable attempt, that depended wholly upon the
bounty of the people ; so it never suffered from abroad or
at home, when the exchequer was plentifully supplied, what
circumstances soev.er had accompanied or attended that
plenty. And without doubt, if such provision had been
made, the disjointed affections and dispositions of that time
had not been too apt to lay hold and countenance the first

508 APPENDIX, A.

interruption : and the first possible opportunity of interrup
tion they did lay hold of.

About the year 1634 (there being as great a serenity in
England as had been ever known) the king visited his na
tive kingdom of Scotland, where he had not been (other
wise than in his princely favours, which he had every day
showered upon them) since he was two years old, and with
much magnificence and splendour was crowned there ; and
amongst other ceremonies was assured, (which, it is true, they
had reason to believe would be very acceptable to his ma
jesty,) that they would, for their decency and union in God s
service, receive a set form and liturgy, if his majesty would
be pleased to enjoin it to them : and about the year 1637
such a liturgy was sent to them, with canons and orders for
their church government. Whether that liturgy was com
piled with care and circumspection, whether it were recom
mended to the people with discretion and prudence, or whe
ther the people were prepared by due circumstances to re
ceive it ; whether the bishops of that kingdom or this were
more passionate and unskilful in the prosecution, than for
the time they ought to have been ; or whether the supreme
minister of state employed and trusted by the king there
were friend to the church, and so concerned enough in the
disorders in the bud, I determine not ; but leave all men to
their own judgments, upon the books of that time, written
by both parties, and still extant. Sure it is, it was so far
from a general reception, that occasion was from thence
taken to unite the whole nation in a covenant against it ;
and when so much way was given to their fury, as that
both liturgy and canons were laid by, and assurance given
that neither should be pressed upon them, the animosity
continued, and grew so great against the church, that no
thing would satisfy them but a total abolition of bishops
throughout that kingdom : for the better compassing where
of, all things were prepared there for a war ; colonel Lesley,
a man of good command formerly under the king of Swe
den, and distasted here, (that is, denied somewhat he had
a mind to have, which was always to that people the high-

APPENDIX, A. 509

est injury,) chosen to be their general ; and all provisions of
arms and ammunition from foreign parts, and horses from
the north of England, were procured with all possible care
and diligence. To chastise these insolencies, and to preserve
his interest in that kingdom, visibly then in issue, his ma
jesty raised an army, fit for the quarrel, and about May, in
the year 1639, advanced in person towards the north ; hav
ing sent before the earl of Essex, lieutenant general of his
army, to secure Berwick : which he did with very great dili
gence and dexterity.

The pomp of this journey of his majesty (for it was ra
ther a progress than a march) was the first error committed,
and was in truth the ground of all the errors and misfor
tunes that ensued. His majesty had summoned all the nobi
lity of England to attend upon him in this expedition; which
increased his train, but added nothing to his strength. Whe
ther the ground of that counsel was an apprehension that
the indisposition of the people might attempt in his absence,
and so that it were safest to have the great men with him ;
or whether there were an opinion and intention of raising
money upon those who would buy their ease, and so be ex
cused from that trouble and expense ; or whether it was
thought the drawing all the nobility together in that man
ner would look more like a union of this nation in the quar
rel, and so make the greater impression upon that, I could
yet never learn : but affairs do only succeed well, when will
ing instruments are engaged in the prosecution; and he
that is used against his inclination is not to be trusted in
a capacity of doing hurt. At the first rendezvous at York,
it was thought fit to unite the court and army by a counter-
covenant, to be taken by every person, for the defence of the
king, and to renounce any intelligence with the enemy. This
being taken by all the rest of the nobility, was absolutely
refused by the lord Say and the lord Brooke; who were
thereupon committed to prison, and so freed from farther
attendance. By this time it was very visible, that the fac
tious and discontented party in England had close corre
spondence with these covenanters; to which purpose Mr.

510 APPENDIX, A.

Nathaniel Fiennes, son to the lord Say, was then in Scotland,
making it his way home from the Low Countries : and the
defection of that nation was so entire, that, saving some few
persons of honour, (whose friends, children, and allies, were
likewise in rebellion,) there were no Scotchmen in the
court or army. The king advanced beyond Berwick three
miles upon the river of Tweed, where he pitched his camp,
being above sixteen thousand horse and foot, which (if a
number of lords and gentlemen, unwillingly brought thither,
had been away) had been a very good army. Whether the
Scots were at that time ready to have received such a
strength, or whether they were in truth ever after strong
enough to have encountered it, I cannot say, having heard
several persons, who might be presumed to know much, se
verally discourse it ; and therefore I shall neither now or
hereafter mention the actions or affairs of that kingdom

o

more than is absolutely necessary to continue the thread of
this relation, and then in such particulars as I have had a
clear knowledge or a clear information in, the main being
fit for a work by itself, and a workman more conversant in
the mysteries of that people. Certain it is, from the time that
the Scotch army (such as it was) drew near the borders, the
purpose and desire of fighting every day lessened in ours ;
the nobility and gentry working so much upon the soldiers,
that his majesty found it necessary to entertain the first
overture of a treaty, which was almost as soon concluded as
begun, and thereupon both armies disbanded ; his majesty
intending, and having so declared, to be himself shortly with
his parliament in Scotland to put an end and determination
to all particulars : sending in the mean time the marquis of
Hamilton (who had been the only person trusted by his
majesty in that grand affair) thither. The resolution for
his majesty s personal repair into Scotland, which should
have been within twenty days after the pacification, was
quickly altered ; and the earl of Traquaire, then lord trea
surer of that kingdom, sent thither to hold the parliament
. as his majesty s commissioner, the king himself returning
by ordinary journeys in progress to London. This altera-

APPENDIX, A. 511

tk>n, which they presently called a receding from the agree
ment, gave them a very great advantage, and was very
prejudicial to the king ; and if he had gone thither in per
son, he would very probably have disposed them to a rea
sonable conformity, (for they had both the terror of the
army they had seen so near them, and the trouble and
charge of their own, before them,) or have broken upon
some accident or new occasion, which might have been no
reproach to the former counsels at the pacification : whereas,
as it fell out, the rupture seemed to proceed from a review
of the same considerations and conclusions; and so was
thought a tax upon the former counsellors, who, the more
they had reason to be ashamed of what they had advised,
had the more reason to be angry at contrary resolutions.
That which in truth was and reasonably might be the ground
of that alteration from the king s going thither, was an ap
prehension of danger to his person, or rather, that his resi
dence there might be compelled to be longer than either
was necessary, or he had a mind to make it : and infusions
of this nature can only be broken through by the magna
nimity of the prince himself; for where there is the least
hint of his safety, the most bold seemed the least careful ;
and so all men conform their counsels, let the reason be
what it will, and the necessity what it will, (for where great
enterprises are to be undertaken, great hazards are to be
run,) to what is most secure, rather than to what is most
fit. Experience tells us, worse could not have befallen, than
hath happened : and therefore (if for no other reason) we
may soberly believe, his presence there, at that time that was
designed, would have produced better effects, both in that
kingdom and in this; which upon the commerce of that
-treaty, began to continue the traffick of intelligence.

Next to his majesty s not going, the sending the earl of
Traquaire as his commissioner was thought by many of
the worst consequence ; for though he was a wise man, (the
wisest to my understanding that I have known of that na
tion,) he was not a man of interest and power with the
people, but of some prejudice ; and though he might be

512 APPENDIX, A.

solicitous enough for that which he thought his master s
sovereignty against that anarchy the people s fury seemed to
set up, yet he was not thought at all a friend to .the church,
but rather to connive at many extravagances and exorbi
tances, (even after the time of his commission,) to the end
that an alteration in the ecclesiastical might seem the more
reasonable price for a reformation in the temporal state;
though I know he dissembled that inclination so well, that
he procured and received that trust under the notion espe
cially of being a stickler for, if not a patron of the bishops :
whereas the fault or misfortune was, nothing succeeded in
that parliament according to expectation ; and the earl, with
out dissolving it, returned into England, leaving them sit
ting, choosing immediately a commissioner themselves in the
king s right, and shortly after summoning the castle of Edin
burgh (which was honestly and stoutly defended and kept
by general Ruther for the king) to be delivered into their
hands.

The fire brake not out faster in Scotland, than the reso
lution was taken in England by some more prosperous at
tempt to repair the faults of the last summer, and either to
reform or reduce that people, upon a full representation of
the state of those affairs at the council-board, shortly after
the king s return to London, by marquis Hamilton, who
came since the raising a new army was intended with all
vigour and expedition; and men being now at a greater
distance from danger, the advice was not less unanimous for
a new war, than it had three months before been for the
pacification ; (a proclamation issuing out by the full advice
of the lords of the council for the public burning the articles
of the pacification ;) though they were willing shortly after
to lay the guilt of this counsel upon three or four men, who
bore the burden, and paid the price of the misfortune. The
lord Wentworth, then deputy of Ireland, was about that
time here, and to him the advice was acknowledged of calling
a parliament, whereby his majesty might be enabled to wage
that war. Whoever gave the counsel, the resolution was taken
in December, 1639, for the calling a parliament in April fol-

APPENDIX, A. 513

lowing ; to which purpose writs immediately issued out, to
the singular and universal joy of the people. The deputy
of Ireland, having with marvellous dexterity, between De
cember and April, passed into Ireland, called a parliament
in that kingdom, procured four subsidies to be given, and
a declaration very frankly made against the Scots, formed
an army of eight thousand foot and one thousand horse, to
be ready within three months, to march into Scotland ; and
returned hither again before the day of the meeting, which
was on the 13th of April, 1640 ; when, with the usual full
solemnity, his majesty came to Westminster, and acquainted
the lords and commons, that he had principally called them
thither, to assist him against the rebellion of his subjects of
Scotland; and informed them of many particulars in that
business ; very earnestly pressing despatch, in respect of the
season of the year, the forwardness of the preparation in
Scotland, and their activity with foreign princes ; there being
then a letter produced, signed by many noblemen of Scot
land, amongst whom the lord Lowden (then a prisoner in
the Tower of London for that offence) was one, to the king
of France, in plain and express words desiring relief and
protection from him against their native king. That par
liament, assembled on the 13th of April, (as I said before,)
was, to the extreme grief and amazement of all good men,
dissolved the fifth of May following, being in truth as com
posed and as well disposed a house, as, I believe, had met
together in any time ; and therefore having never passed the
least action or word of irreverence or disrespect toward his
majesty during the time they continued together. A better
instance cannot be given of the modesty and temper, than
that a member of the house of commons (Mr. Peard, who
brought himself afterwards to a bold dialect) was forced to
explain, that is no less than to recant, for saying, in a frank
debate of our grievances, that ship-money was an abomina
tion ; which was within seven months voted little less than
treason. It will be very little time spent to look over the
particular passages in that short parliament; which when
we have done, we shall conclude the evil genius of the king-
VOL. i. L 1

514 APPENDIX, A.

dom wrought that dissolution, which was the most imme
diate cause (that is, the contrary had been the most im
mediate cure) of all that hath since gone amiss. Within few
days after the beginning, at a conference between both
houses in the painted chamber, the lords (as the whole sub
ject-matter of that conference) desired the commons, with
all possible speed, to enter upon the consideration of supply,
by way of subsidy ; which was no sooner reported in the
house, but resented, as a great breach of privilege, that bu
siness of supply and subsidy being, by the fundamental rules
of parliament, always to begin in the house of commons.
More time was not spent, nor more warmth expressed, in this
debate, than might have been reasonably expected. The
king afterwards, by a message delivered in the house of com
mons by sir H. Vane, (then secretary of state, and treasurer
of the household,) again pressed a supply ; and offered, for
twelve subsidies, to quit any claim he had to ship-money for
the time to come ; (that tax of ship-money being at that time
levying throughout the kingdom ;) a great instance of the
prosperity the court at that time took itself to be in. This
message was delivered on Saturday the 2d of May, about
ten of the clock in the morning, and the debate thereof was
continued till four of the clock that afternoon ; which was
then thought an extraordinary matter, the house usually in
those times, and by the course of parliament, rising at twelve.
The subject of the debate was upon three particulars. First,
for the house to be pressed in matter of money in the begin
ning, before any redress was given, or so much as a consul
tation entered upon of those pressures and grievances, which
had been sustained for at least a dozen years, seemed very
unusual : and though the time of the year, and the activity
of the Scots, were urged as motives to expedition, it was as
obvious, that the season of the year was an argument rather
made than found, and that it had been as easy to have had
the parliament the 13th of March as the 13th of April ; and
therefore that consideration rather administered matter of
jealousy than satisfaction to equal and indifferent persons.
Secondly, men were somewhat startled to hear a composi-

APPENDIX, A. 515

tion proposed (setting aside the proposition, which was then
thought prodigious) for ship-money, which they expected
should have been disclaimed in the point of right, and were
sure would be declared against in the first debate : and they
who out of several considerations had been always content
to pay it, were nevertheless as unwilling, by making a pur
chase of it, to confess what they never believed, especially
since they who had declared it to be a right, (the judges,)
had likewise declared it to be a right so inherent in the
crown, that even an act of parliament could not dissolve it.
I mention not the discourses upon the proportion of twelve
subsidies, proposed as a recompense, and required to be
paid in three years ; five the first, four the second, and three
the third year ; which was then sadly alleged by grave men
to be more than the stock of the kingdom could bear in so
short a time ; and without doubt was so believed : but we
are reformed in that learning, and find, that, besides all vio
lence by the soldiers, and extraordinaries by fines and delin
quency, the very contribution, settled and cheerfully sub
mitted to in most countries, amount to above forty subsidies
in a year, which is only an argument that the wealth of the
kingdom was much greater than it was understood to be.
Thirdly, though there was not then any declared faction for
the Scots, nor in truth any visible inclination to them ; yet
the demanding a supply in that manner, and always upon
that ground to raise an army against the Scots, looked like
an engagement in or for the war ; which reasonably could
not be expected from men, to whom no particulars of those
affairs had been communicated. And as the same was crafti
ly insinuated by men who, it may be, were favourers of their
proceedings ; so the consideration of it took place, or at least
made pauses, in the most sober men, and made them wish,
that the supply had been only desired, without giving other
reason than the general occasions. But that had not so well
complied with the ends of the king, who, it may be, looked
upon the united declaration of both houses against the Scots
as more in order towards the preventing a war, than all the
supply they were like to give him would be to support it ;

516 APPENDIX, A.

but this was the fitter to be wished, than attempted : yet in
all this debate there was not the least objection made
against the war, nor excuse made for the Scots ; only one
member cast out an envious word, that he heard it was
bellum episcopate. This debate (the gravest, and most void
of passion, and the fullest of reason and ingenuity that
ever I have known) upon those three weighty points took
up Saturday and Monday, and about six of the clock at
night was adjourned till Tuesday morning, the temper and
inclination of the house (for I speak of the house of com
mons, the work was upon them) being most apparent pre
sently to consent to give subsidies, though the number pro
posed was not like to be agreed unto. But on Tuesday
morning, his majesty, having sent for the speaker before the
sitting of the house, and carried him with him to West
minster, sent for both houses, and dissolved them, to the
most astonishing grief of all good men that I ever beheld.
Though it was as observable, that those who had been the
greatest promoters of the troubles and ruin we have since
suffered, were the most visibly satisfied and delighted with
that morning^s work that can be imagined : and one of
them, of principal reckoning, observing a cloudiness in me,
bade me be of good comfort ; all would go well ; for things
must be worse, before they could be better.

The ground and reason of that counsel, for dissolving
the parliament, (for the resolution was taken in full and so
lemn council,) was upon a misrepresentation of the temper
and disposition of the house by sir Harry Vane, who con
fidently averred, that they would not give a subsidy; but
instead thereof would pass some such vote against ship-
money, and other acts of power, as would render those
courses, and so the benefits accruing from thence, for the
future more difficult : which was a strange averment from
a person who had been the only cause that a supply was
not voted the day before, by his hindering such a question
to be put, and affirming with much passion, that to his
knowledge fewer subsidies than were proposed by his ma
jesty, and paid in any other manner than was proposed,

APPENDIX, A. 517

would be absolutely rejected by him ; which was most con
trary to the instructions he had received. Whether this un
heard of boldness in one place and the other proceeded
from any intelligence or combination with that faction,
whose ends were advanced by it, (his son lying then in the
bosom of those people;) or whether in truth he thought
himself less secure, having trod those high ways as furi
ously as any ; or whether his contracted venom and malice
against the earl of Strafford obliged him to endeavour to
dissolve it, and thereby to reproach the council of conven
ing it ; or whether a mixture of all these, as this last might
naturally beget a greater compliance with the first, and a
greater solicitation upon the second consideration, I deter
mine not : but observed it was, and very worthy to be ob
served it is, that though the dissolution of that parliament
was the ground or cause of all the mischief that followed,
and therefore always inserted as the most odious aggrava
tion in the highest charge against any man they meant to
destroy, as against the earl of Strafford and the archbishop
of Canterbury, yet they never proceeded in the examina
tion and proof of that part, which they could have done as
well as they did in more secret discoveries, if they had not
known it would most have concerned some to whom they
meant not to be severe : and though this connivance might
have been in the archbishop"^ trial, upon the merit of his
late services and sufferings, yet at the time of the earl of
Stratford 1 s arraignment (which was before notice was taken
of the robbing of the cabinet) it could not have been for
borne, especially when it might possibly have added some
what to his guilt, which might have been thought necessary
to be improved by such an unpopular addition, if it had
not been for some extraordinary service, which was not
then acknowledged. However, it seemed strange to many
standers by, that this untrue information given by sir Harry
Vane could produce so fatal a resolution, when there were
two other counsellors then of the house, besides many other
persons of interest, whose testimony might have been
equally considered : which no doubt it would have been, if

518 APPENDIX, A.

it had been as confidently alleged, and if the others con*
formation had not received much confirmation and credit by
the concurrence of sir Edward Herbert, then solicitor ge
neral, a man that gives as much reason to other men, and
as little to himself, as most I know.

The hopes and expectations of money and assistance
from that parliament being determined, the lords of the
council (according to their declaration at that meeting,
when the summoning a parliament was agreed upon in De
cember before, that if by any refractoriness in that conven
tion, the king should not receive the fruit and aid he pur
posed, they would assist him any extraordinary way) gave
direction for the more vigorous execution of the writ, and
instructions for ship-money ; committed four members of
the late parliament for somewhat said or done there ; and
searched the chambers and closets of others, (which always
gave credit to the persons, never contributed to the work
in hand, whatever it was,) and for a foundation for raising
an army, which the preparations in Scotland, and the pro
ceedings there, (for they had taken in or besieged all the
castles which were in the hands of men trusted by the
king,) made very necessary. The lords themselves under
took presently to lend great sums of money to his majesty,
many, twenty thousand pounds apiece, and by their ex
amples to invite (and the invitation of such examples was
well understood) other men to do the like : and to that pur
pose all great officers, and all men notoriously known to
have money, or to be able to procure any, were sent for
and treated with at the council-table ; by which means in
very few days near three hundred thousand pounds were
not only provided, (which gave present reputation to the
action,) but really paid into the exchequer, A general was
appointed. See. as in page 248,

APPENDIX, B.

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 295.

the opening of the parliament, (which was on the
third day of November, 1640,) the king very frankly de
livered himself to the lords and commons, that he put his
whole affairs into their hands, and was resolved to follow
their advice, both in order to an agreement with the Scots,
and in repairing the grievances at home, which he con
fessed the necessities of the times had brought upon his
people. All those, whether in church or state, he was willing
should be removed, and desired that all things might be
reduced to the good order and practice of queen Elizabeth;
which to the people of England were sure looked upon
with the greatest reverence : and so left them, the house of
commons being in the first place to choose a speaker. And
in this first entrance there was an ill accident, (though then
by many not valued, by wise men considered as of great
moment, and an ill presage.) As soon as his majesty had
resolved upon the calling of a parliament, he considered of
a fit speaker, (the election of whom in all times had been
by the designation of the king,) and resolved upon sir
Thomas Gardiner, then recorder of London, a man very
affectionate to his service, and very fit to have moderated
in such an assembly. This was no sooner known, (which
according to custom was as soon published as resolved, that
he might make his provisions accordingly,) than the leaders
of that people expressed much trouble at it ; presuming he
would never be induced to comply with their purposes; and
used their utmost endeavours to keep him from being re
turned a member of the house, without which it was not
possible to be chosen speaker. So, in the election of the

520 APPENDIX, B.

four members for the city of London, they carried it, that
he was rejected ; which affront had been seldom offered to
their recorder. Then they so wrought upon the earl of
Pembroke, whose interest in many places was so great, that
many burgesses were chosen by his recommendation, that
notwithstanding he was a person of near trust with that
earl, and promised a place by him, he was likewise there
disappointed : so that the morning before the appearance
of the lords and commons, (which was to be in the after
noon,) sir Thomas Gardiner, being not returned a member,
the king was put to a new consideration for a speaker ; and
was in that sudden distress persuaded to design Mr. Len-
thall, (a lawyer of good practice, and no ill affections, but a
very weak man, and unequal to such a task,) who was
chosen speaker, and afterwards in the usual form presented
to his majesty, and by him accepted. These ceremonies
were no sooner over, than the house of commons (which
meant to govern) fell briskly to their business, and spent
the two first days in very sharply discussing the general
state of the kingdom, mentioned the miscarriages in church
and state with great bitterness ; and the third day, after a
debate of seven or eight hours, resolved to accuse the earl
of Strafford of high treason. Though the earl was as un
loved a person in that house as can be imagined, yet there
wanted not some, who desired, for the dignity of the house,
that a charge of so high a nature, against a person not like
to be easily oppressed, should be very warily weighed and
considered. On the other side, it was confidently under
taken, that an impeachment should within few days be
brought in, by which his guilt would be very manifest. In
the mean time the ground and necessity of their proceed
ing they declared to be these : that the earl had an inten
tion, and endeavoured to overthrow the fundamental go
vernment of the kingdom by the law, and to introduce an
arbitrary power ; and to that purpose, that he had an army
ready in Ireland, which should have been brought over
into this kingdom, which some persons undertook upon
their reputations to prove, though (they said) the particu-

APPENDIX, B.

lars at that time were not fit for many reasons to be disco
vered. Then many exorbitant speeches and actions in Eng
land and Ireland, said and done by him, were remembered.
But two particulars, one as a ground, the other as a reason,
were especially given, for the speedy accusing him of high
treason, which prevailed over many. a To those who were
known to have no kindness for him, and seemed to doubt
whether all the particulars alleged, being proved, would
amount to high treason, it was alleged, that the house of
commons were not judges, but only accusers; and that the
lords were the proper judges, whether such a complication
of enormous crimes in one person did not amount to the
highest offence the law took notice of; and therefore that it
was fit to present it to them. In the next place, that it was
most necessary immediately to accuse him of high treason,
by which probably the lords would think fit to remove him
from the king s presence : whereas, if that were not, his in
terest and activity was such, as he would be able to render
all their good endeavours for the commonwealth fruitless.
With these reasons, and the warmth of six or seven hours
debate, in which many instances were given of most ex
travagant power exercised by him, (which being so unlike
any thing they had before heard of, men the more easily
called treason,) it was concluded, that an accusation of high
treason should be immediately sent up against him ; which
was by Mr. Pym (accompanied by very many of the house
of commons) carried up to the lords bar about four of the
clock in the afternoon, that house sitting then by instinct,
though the doors of the house of commons had been shut,
and no member suffered to go out during the whole agita
tion. The accusation was no sooner delivered, and the mes
sengers retired to expect an answer, than the earl (who
came in that article into the house) was commanded to
withdraw, and presently brought to the bar on his knees,
and from thence committed to prison to the gentleman

* At this part of the manuscript C. this part is taken, and directing that

is a mark apparently by lord Claren- this paragraph should be, as it is, in-

don, answering to a similar mark in serted in that particular part of the

MS, B. from whence the history in history. See Hist. p. 304. line 24.

APPENDIX, B.

usher of the black rod, without so much as a pause, whe
ther a bare accusation of treason, without any particular
charge, were ground enough to commit a member of their
own body ; which was not then thought fit to be doubted.

[The subsequent proceedings of the house of commons, with
respect to the lord keeper Finch and archbishop Laud, in
the printed history, are taken from the same manuscript
as the above extract. The following relation of the same
transactions is copied from MS. B. p. 105.]

It began now to be observed, that all the public profes
sions of a general reformation, and redress of all the griev
ances the kingdom suffered under, were contracted into a
sharp and extraordinary prosecution of one person they
had accused of high treason, and within some bitter men
tion of the archbishop ; that there was no thought of dis
missing the two armies, which were the capital grievance
and insupportable burden to the whole nation; and that
instead of questioning others, who were looked upon as the
causes of greater mischief than either of those they pro
fessed so much displeasure against, they privately laboured,
by all their offices, to remove all prejudice towards, at
least all thoughts of prosecution for, their transgressions;
and so that they had blanched all sharp and odious men
tion of ship-money, because it could hardly be touched
without some reflection upon the lord Finch, who had
acted so odious a part in it, and who, since the meeting in
the great council at York, had rendered himself very gra
cious to them, as a man who would facilitate many things
to them, and therefore fit to be preserved and protected.
Whereupon the lord Falkland took notice of the business
of ship-money, and very sharply mentioned the lord Finch
as the principal promoter of it; and that being then a
sworn judge of the law, he had not only given his own
judgment against law, but been the solicitor to corrupt all
the other judges to concur with him in their opinion : and
concluded, that no man ought to be more severely prose-

APPENDIX, B. 523

cuted than he. It was very visible that the leading men
were much troubled at this discourse, and desired to divert
it ; some of them proposing, in regard we had very much
great business upon our hands, and in necessary preparation,
we should not embrace too much together, but suspend the
debate of ship-money for some time, till we could be more
vacant to pursue it ; and so were ready to pass to some
other matter. Upon which Mr. Hyde insisted, upon what
the lord Falkland had said, there was a particular of a very
extraordinary nature, which ought to be examined without
delay, because the delay would probably make the future
examination to no purpose. And therefore proposed, that
immediately, whilst the house was sitting, a small com
mittee might be appointed, who, dividing themselves into
the number of two and two, might visit all the judges, and
ask them apart, in the name of the house, what messages
the lord Finch, when he was chief justice of the court of
common pleas, had brought to them from the king in the bu
siness of ship-money, and whether he had not solicited them
to give judgment for the king in that case. Which motion
was so generally approved by the house, that a committee
of eight, whereof himself was one, was presently sent out of
the house, to visit the several judges, most whereof were at
their chambers. And j ustice Crook, and some other of the
judges, being surprised with the questions, and pressed ear
nestly to make clear and categorical answers, ingenuously
acknowledged, that the lord chief justice Finch had fre
quently, whilst that matter was depending, earnestly soli
cited them to give their judgments for the king, and often
used his majesty s name to them, as if he expected that
compliance from them. The committee, which had divided
themselves to attend the several judges, agreed to meet at
a place appointed, to communicate the substance of what
they had been informed, and agree upon the method of
their report to the house, which they could not make till
the next morning, it being about ten of the clock when
they were sent out of the house.

That committee was no sooner withdrawn, which con-

524 APPENDIX, B.

sisted of all men of more temperate spirits than the princi
pal leaders were possessed with, but, without any occasion
given by any debate, or coherence with any thing proposed
or mentioned, an obscure person inveighed bitterly against
the archbishop of Canterbury ; and there having been a
very angry vote passed the house two days before, upon a
sudden debate of the canons which had been made by the
convocation, after the dissolution of the last parliament, (a
season in which the church could not reasonably hope to do
any thing that would find acceptation,) upon which debate
they had declared by a vote that those canons were against
the king s prerogative, the fundamental laws of the realm,
the liberty and property of the subject; and that they con
tained divers other things, tending to sedition, and of dan
gerous consequence; Mr. Grimston took occasion, from
what was said of the archbishop, to put them in mind of
their vote upon the canons; and said, that their presumption
in sitting after the dissolution of the parliament, contrary
to custom, if not contrary to law, and the framing and con
triving all those canons, which contained so much sedition,
was all to be imputed to the archbishop; that the Scots had
required justice against him for his being a chief incen
diary and cause of the war between the two nations ; that
this kingdom looked upon him as the author of all those
innovations in the church which were introductive to popery,
and as a joint contriver with the earl of Strafford to involve
the nation in slavery: and therefore proposed that he might
be presently accused of high treason, to the end that he
might be sequestered from council, and no more repair to
the presence of the king, with whom he had so great credit,
that the earl of Strafford himself could not do more mis
chief by his counsels or infusions. This motion was no
sooner made, but seconded and thirded, and found such a
general acceptation, that without considering that, of all the
envious particulars whereof he stood reproached, there was
no one action which amounted to treason, they forthwith
voted that it should be so, and immediately promoted Mr.
Grimston to the message : who presently went up to the

APPENDIX, B. 525

house of peers ; and being called in, in the name of all the
commons of England accused the archbishop of Canter
bury of high treason, and other misdemeanours : and con
cluded in the same style they had used in the case of the
lord lieutenant of Ireland. Upon which the poor archbi
shop (who stoutly professed his innocence) was brought to
the bar upon his knees, and thence committed to the cus
tody of Maxwell, the gentleman usher of the black rod,
(from whence the earl of Strafford had been sent few days
before to the Tower;) where he remained many months
before they brought in a particular charge against him.

Notwithstanding which brisk proceeding against the arch
bishop, when the committee the next morning made their
report of what the several judges had said concerning the
lord Finch, they were wonderfully indisposed to hear any
thing against him : and though many spake with great
sharpness of him, and how fit it was to prosecute him in
the same method and by the same logic they had pro
ceeded with the other two ; yet they required more particu
lars to be formally set down of his miscarriage, and made
another committee to take further examinations, in which
committee Mr. Hyde likewise was. And when the report
was made, within few days, of several very high and im
perious miscarriages, besides what related to ship-money,
upon a motion made by a young gentleman of the same
family, who pretended to have received a letter from the
lord keeper, in which he desired to have leave to speak in
the house, before they would determine any thing against
him, the debate was suspended for the present, and liberty
given him to be there, if he pleased, the next day. At which
time, having likewise obtained the permission of the peers to
do what he thought good for himself, he appeared at the bar;
said all he could for his own excuse, more in magnifying
the sincerity of his religion, and how kind he had been to
many preachers, whom he named, and whom he knew were
of precious memory with the unconformitable party; and con
cluded with a lamentable supplication for their mercy. It
was about nine of the clock in the morning when he went

526 APPENDIX, B.

out of the house : and when the debate could no longer be
deferred what was to be done upon him, and when the sense
of the house appeared very evidently, notwithstanding all
that was said to the contrary, by those eminent persons who
promoted all other accusations with the utmost fury, that
he should be accused of high treason in the same form the
other two had been, they persisted still so long in the de
bate, and delayed the putting the question, by frequent in
terruptions, (a common artifice,) till it was twelve of the
clock, and till they knew that the house of peers was risen,
(which they were likewise easily disposed to, to gratify the
keeper ;) and then the question was put, and carried in the
affirmative, with very few negatives; and the lord Falk
land appointed to carry up the accusation to the house of
peers ; which they knew he could not do till the next morn
ing : and when he did it the next morning, it appeared that
the lord Finch had sent the great seal the night before,
and wisely withdrawn himself; and was soon after known to
be in Holland.

There was another accident about the same time, very
memorable, and fit to be inserted in this place : the raising
as much jealousy as was possible against the papists, and
making them as odious as formidable, was a principal part
of the design, and was to serve for several purposes, and so
was a part of every day s exercise. The voluntary collec
tion and contribution made by them, upon the queen s re
commendation, upon the king s first expedition against the
Scots, was urged, with all the bold reflections which could
be made upon that argument ; the public resort to Somerset-
house, to hear mass ; the late perversion of some persons of
honour to the Romish religion ; the reception of Con, and
after him of Rosetti, (who was then about the court, or
newly gone,) under a formal commission from the pope to
the queen; and the liberty given AVall, Jesuit and priest,
to resort into the kingdom, and to exercise their functions
here, was a part of every set discourse that was made. And
as much of this was intentionally to reflect upon secretary
Windebank, (who lay under the reproach of favouring

APPENDIX, B. 527

and protecting the Roman catholics, and for that and many
other reasons was very unpopular ;) so an unlucky occasion
brought him quickly upon the stage, which administered
somewhat of mirth. There was one Stockdale, a messenger
of the chamber, whose office is to wait upon the secretaries
of state, and to be sent and employed by them, who was
notorious for his zeal against the Romish priests, and for a
great dexterity in the discovery and apprehension of them.
This man had come to the secretary for his warrant to carry
one to some prison, who he said was a priest, who

did pervert very many, and of a very turbulent nature,
and did much mischief: that he knew where he lay, and to
what place he most resorted ; and so with great pains and
diligence apprehended him, and would carry him to the
gaol as soon as he had his honour s warrant : the man pre
suming that he should have been very welcome to the se
cretary for the discovery. But he quickly found the con
trary ; for the secretary in much passion called him blood
sucker, and told him he was a fellow taken notice of to be
of great cruelty, and to lie in wait for the blood of honest
men, who lived quietly, and gave no offence, and forbade him
to trouble him more in such occasions : upon which the terri
fied messenger was well content his prisoner should go whi
ther he would. Some months after, the priest was arrested,
and taken in execution for a greater debt than he was able,
or his friends willing to pay for him, and so put into prison,
there being no suspicion that he was a priest. But his friends
apprehended that discovery would be quickly made, and
that he would be then prosecuted with the utmost severity,
(he being a very active man, and obnoxious above others ;)
and so resorted to the secretary, to lament the poor man^s
condition, and so bespeak his favour, if the worst should
happen. The secretary sent for Stockdale, and asked him
what was become of such a priest, who was his prisoner :
he answered him, that his honour had been so angry with
him for the apprehension of him, that he durst no longer
detain him, and had so suffered him to dispose of himself.
The secretary replied, that answer would not serve his turn ;

528 APPENDIX, B.

that he had not been angry with him for his apprehension ;
but he remembered that he had spoken with him about it
at a time that he was very busy upon some despatch the
king had enjoined him, and so was unwilling to be inter
rupted, and might possibly from thence speak angrily to
him. That he had received new information that that priest
was a dangerous man, and therefore that he should be very
solicitous to find him, and take him into his custody ; which
if he should fail to do, he would commit him to gaol for
him, for suffering him to escape ; for, having been his pri
soner, he was to answer for him ; and he knew what a priest
was by the law, and consequently what would become of
him for discharging him. The poor messenger, thus terri
fied, said, he would use all the means he could to find him
out: and within a short time had intelligence (as there
never want false brothers to make these discoveries) that
the man was in such a prison; where he found him, and
seized upon him as his prisoner. And the keeper of the
prison, when he knew he was a priest, and sent for by a se
cretary of state, suffered him to take him away ; who went
with great joy to the secretary with his prisoner ; who com
mended his diligence, and told him, he would take care to
lay the man fast enough from running away : and the mes
senger being so discharged, the prisoner was likewise left
to look better to himself. It was not long before the cre
ditor, at whose suit the priest had been taken in execution,
missed his debtor ; and thereupon brought his action against
the gaoler for an escape; and he for his own indemnity
sued the messenger for rescuing his prisoner ; and the mes
senger complained by petition to the house of commons, and
set out the whole proceedings. The petition was very ac
ceptable, and read with great delight: and the secretary
himself, being then in the house, and hearing it read, gave
so ill an account of himself, (as he was a bashful speaker,)
that he was called upon to withdraw ; and so, according to
custom, retired into the committee-chamber : and the house
was scarce entered upon the consideration how they should
proceed against him, when a message came from the house

APPENDIX, B. 529

of peers for a present conference ; which being consented
to, the house was adjourned : and the conference taking up
some time, the house being resumed, the managers desired
time till the morning to make their report : and thereupon
the house resolved to rise, and adjourned accordingly;
friends and enemies being well contented to suspend for the
present any further proceeding against the secretary ; who
took the opportunity, as soon as the house was up, to go to
his own house. And knowing well, that the house meant not
to give him over, and that the committee, who had made
inquiry into his actions, were furnished with many grievous
particulars, which he knew not how to answer, and amongst
the rest, that they had in their hands, which the keeper of
Newgate had delivered to them, some warrants under his
hand for the discharge and release of one or more priests,
after they were attainted, and after judgment had been
given against them, which must have been very penal to
him, it being neither of his office nor in his power to grant
such warrants, nor in the gaoler s to have obeyed them; which
he had done, and so the men escaped : and so he lost no
time in withdrawing himself: so that when the house sent
for him, he was not [to] be found ; and within few days it
was known that he was landed at Calais. And so, within
less than two months from their first day of the sitting, the
parliament had accused and imprisoned the two greatest
ministers of state, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the
lord lieutenant of Ireland, under a charge of high treason ;
forced the lord keeper of the great seal and the principal
secretary of state, to avoid the penalty of the like charge, to
leave their offices and the kingdom, and to fly into foreign
parts ; terrified all the privy-council, and very many of the
nobility and of the most considerable gentlemen of the
kingdom, with their votes upon commitment, and decrees
of the star-chamber, and upon lord lieutenants and deputies
lieutenants ; and frighted the bishops and all the cathedral
clergy with their arraignment of the canons. So that it was
no wonder that nobody appeared with courage enough to
provoke them by any contradiction.
VOL. T. Mm

APPENDIX, C.

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 849.

i HERE cannot be a better instance of the unruly and
mutinous spirit of the city of London, which was the sink
of all the ill humour of the" kingdom, than the triumphant
entry which some persons at that time made into London,
who had been before seen upon pillories, and stigmatized as
libellous and infamous offenders : of which classis of men
scarce any age can afford three such as Pryn, a lawyer,
Bastwick, a physician, and Burton, a preacher in a parish
of London, names very well known to that time ; who had
been all severely sentenced in the star-chamber, at several
times, for publishing seditious books against the court, and
the government of church and state : and having undergone
the penalties inflicted upon them by those sentences, con
tinued the same practice still, in the prisons where they
were kept, and still sent out the most bitter and virulent
libels against the church, and the persons of the most emi
nent bishops, that their malice could invent. For which,
being again brought into the star-chamber, ore tenus, they
with great impudence acknowledged what they were charged
with, and said they would justify the truth of all they had
said or writ, and demanded that none of the bishops, who,
they said, were parties, and their declared enemies, might
sit in the court as their judges; and committed many inso-
lencies, which enough provoked the court to be severe to
them ; which, upon a day set apart only for that debate,
with great solemnity most of the lords declared their parti
cular judgments against them in set and formed discourses ;
so that there was never a greater unanimity in any sen
tence; and they were judged to undergo corporal punish
ment, and to remain prisoners during their lives; which
sentence was executed upon them with the utmost rigour.
And afterwards, upon the resort of persons to them in pri
son, and by that means they finding still opportunity to

APPENDIX, C. 531

spread their poison, they were all removed to several pri
sons, Pryn to the Isle of Jersey, Bastwick to a castle in
North Wales, and Burton to the Isle of Scilly ; where they
remained unthought of for some years. This parliament
was no sooner met, but a petition was delivered by Bast-
wick s wife on the behalf of her husband, which brought on
the mention of the other two, and easily procured an order
for the bringing them to the town, to the end they might
have liberty to prosecute their complaints ; and orders were
signed by the speaker of the house of commons to the seve
ral governors of the castles where they were in custody, for
their safe sending up. Whether it were by accident or
combination, Pryn and Bastwick met together in the same
town and the same inn, two days short of London, and
were received and visited by many of the town and places
adjacent, as persons of merit, and to whom much kindness
and respect was due. The next night they came to Cole-
brook, where they were met by many of their friends from
London, and were treated with great joy and feasting; and
being to come to London the next day, they were met by
multitudes of people, on horseback and on foot, who with
great clamour and noise of joy congratulated their reco
very. And in this manner, about two of the clock in the
afternoon, they made their entry into London by Charing-
cross; the two branded persons riding first, side by side,
with branches of rosemary in their hands, and two or three
hundred horse closely following them, and multitudes of
foot on either side of them, walking by them, every man on
horseback or on foot having bays or rosemary in their hats
or hands, and the people on either side of the street strew
ing the way as they passed with herbs, and such other
greens as the season afforded, and expressing great joy for
their return. Nor had any minister of justice, or magistrate,
or the state itself, courage enough to examine or prosecute
in justice any persons who were part of that riotous assem
bly, whereof there were many citizens of good estates ; so
low the reputation of the government was fallen, and so
heartless all who should have supported it.

M m 2

APPENDIX, D.

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 361.

lllTHERTO the vast burden of fourscore thousand
pounds a month for the two armies was supported by par
ticular loans and engagements of particular persons, no bill
of subsidies being yet preferred; and in those loans and
engagements, no men so forward as the great reformers be
fore mentioned : and their policy in this was very notable.
If subsidies had been granted at first, proportionable to the
charge, (as naturally was expected,) a stock of credit would
have been raised, whereby monies might have been had for
the disbanding both armies, which they had not mind to, as
Mr. Stroud once said, when that point was pressed, and
that the Scots might return ; that they could not yet spare
them, for the sons of Zeruiah were too strong for them.
Then, they made their own merit and necessary use appear,
that the great occasions of the kingdom, and the preserving
it from two great armies, depended upon their interest and
reputation ; and therefore they suffered the Scots 1 commis
sioners sometimes in great disorder to press for money,
when none was ready, and to declare, that if it were not re
turned by such a day, their army must necessarily advance
to change their quarters ; that so their dexterity might ap
pear in suppressing or supplying that importunity. In the
last place, the task of borrowing of money gave them op
portunity of pressing their own designs to facilitate their
work ; as, if any thing they proposed in the house was
crossed, presently the city would lend no more money, be
cause of this or that obstruction : the particulars whereof,
and the advantages they had by it, will be mentioned sea
sonably. At last, rather for the support of their own ere-

APPENDIX, D. 533

dit, than the supply of the kingdom, a bill was prepared
for six subsidies, to be received by persons appointed by
themselves, without ever passing through the king s exche
quer ; for which there was a natural excuse, that it would
hardly discharge the present engagements, and so was pro
perly to be received by them who had before advanced the
money ; yet, according to the formality of parliament, and
as if &c. as in Hist, page 367, line 10.

APPENDIX, E.

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 446.

W ITHIN two or three days after this time, the earl of
Bedford, who was the only man of that authority with the
leaders, that he could to some degree temper and allay
their passions, as being most privy to their ambitions, fell
sick of the small-pox, and in few days died ; which put an
end, at least for the present, to all treaties at court. For
though the lord Say, (who was already master of the wards,
in the place of the lord Cottington, who wisely withdrew
from that office to accommodate him, as he had done before
from the chancellorship of the exchequer for the accommo
dation of Mr. Pym,) that he might succeed him in his
pretence to the treasurer s staff, was very willing to succeed
him in the moderate pretences, and would have been con
tented to have preserved the life of the earl of Strafford ;
yet neither his credit with the king, nor his authority with
his confederates, was equal to the other s : and so they pro
ceeded with all imaginable fury against that unfortunate
great man, till they had taken away his life. The manner of
that trial, and the proceeding afterwards against him by
bill of attainder, and the drawing down the tumult to
Westminster, for the facilitating the passage of that bill in
the house of peers ; the fixing up the names of those who
dissented from it in the house of commons, as enemies to
their country; the application to the king by the bishop of
Lincoln, (then made archbishop of York,) to satisfy him in
point of conscience; the drawing down the tumults again
to Whitehall, to cry out for justice; the king s unwilling
consent to that bill ; and the behaviour and courage of the
earl at his death ; the advantage the governing party had

APPENDIX, E. 535

from the discovery of a senseless combination, or rather a
foolish communication between some officers of the army,
who betrayed each other, upon which Wilmot, Ashburn-
ham, and Pollard, three members of the house, were com
mitted to prison, Perry, Jermin, and some others, fled the
kingdom; the protestation that thereupon was entered
into by the house of commons for the defence of the privi
leges of parliament, which was taken throughout the king
dom, though it was rejected by the house of peers ; the mis
chievous use that was made of that protestation; are all
particulars worthy to be mentioned at large, in the history
of that time, though they do not properly belong to the
discourse a we are now engaged in.

a This extract, it will be perceived, is taken from the original manuscript
of the Life.

APPENDIX, F.

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 477.

ABOUT the same time, another bill sent to the lords
from the commons had the same fate with that for the pro
testation, and were the two only acts the lords to that time
had refused to concur in. The government of the church
by bishops was of that general reverence, that notwith
standing the envy and malice that the persons of many of
them had contracted, and notwithstanding the malignity
the Scotch nation had expressed even to the function,
there appeared not in many persons of consideration any
intention to extirpate that order; but very many who seemed
to be friends to that, (and some that really were so,) both of
the house of peers and commons, were importunate (and
had entered into a combination to that purpose) to remove
the bishops from sitting in the house of peers : and to that
end a bill was prepared and brought into the house of
commons; where, though it received some opposition, by
many who well foresaw that the taking away that essential
part of their dignity would be a means, in a short time, to
confound what was left, and that they who were in truth
enemies to them would never compound for less than an
abolition, but would hereafter urge this as an argument for
the other, whatever pretences they made, as some of the
most violentest of them then, and who have since pursued
them to the death, did publicly profess, and the principal
of them protested to the king, that they would never at
tempt or wish any other alteration, than the removing them
out of the house of peers; and although it was informed
by those who well enough understood what they said, that
the passing such a law would make a great alteration in tin-

APPENDIX, F. 537

frame and constitution of parliaments, by reason that the
bishops were the representative body of the clergy, and so
made up the third estate ; yet that last substantial and un
answerable argument being understood by few, and having
been formerly too peremptorily and unskilfully rejected by
the clergy themselves, who would have found out and fan
cied another title of sitting there ; and many really believing
that this degradation would abate the edge of that po
pular envy which otherwise threatened to cut off the order
by the roots: others in truth thinking that twenty-four
voices declared upon the matter for the crown, did or might
too much prejudice the commonwealth in the house of
peers, some being so angry with particular bishops upon
matter of interest and title, that they sacrificed their reason
and their conscience to their revenge : whilst they who had
vowed their utter destruction and extirpation, well knew
that this progress was most necessary for their end ; and
that the only way to rid them out of the church was first to
rid them out of the house, that so there might be twenty-
four voices less to oppose the other. The bill passed the
house of commons, and was transmitted to the lords, where
it received several solemn debates ; and at last, after very
grave agitation, about the time that the bill for the pro
testation was cast out, by the consent of above three parts
of four, it was likewise rejected : the which was no sooner
known, than the house of commons let themselves loose
into as great passion as they had formerly done upon the
protestation, expressing great indignation that the lords
should refuse to concur with them in any thing they pro
posed. And thereupon they caused a short bill to be pre
pared for the utter abolition of archbishops, bishops, deans
and chapters out of the church of England, which was
brought into the house of commons within three days after
the other was refused above, he that preferred it using
these verses of Ovid, after some sharp mention of the lords
non-concurrence ;

Cuncta prius tentanda, sed immedicabile vulmis

Ense recidendum est, &c.
VOL. i. x n

538 APPENDIX, F.

which bill was shortly after committed, and took up the
whole time of the house for near eight weeks together, till
they found it was easier to resolve to destroy the govern
ment that was, than to agree upon any other in the place
of it ; and till their own clergy, who most passionately and
seditiously laboured to overthrow bishops, deans, and chap
ters, declared publicly at the bar, (where they were licensed
to speak in answer to what some cathedral men alleged for
their corporation,) that though it was very fit and just to
take away the lands of the church from the bishops, deans,
and chapters, which now enjoyed them, yet that it was not
lawful to alien those lands to any profane or lay use : which
being so contrary to their ends who principally pursued
the extirpation, caused them for a time to give over that
violent prosecution, and to suffer the bill to sleep.

END OF VOL. I.

^

t

535

Clarendon, Edward Hyde DA
1st earl of 1609- 1674 400

.C4.2*:

The history of the v.l
rebellion and civil Wars in
England :