England under the Yorkists, 1460-1485; illustrated from contemporary sources

•NRLF

i^g^^gss

GIFT OF
JANE KoSATHER

ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS
1460-1485

UNIVERSITY OF LONDON INTERMEDIATE
SOURCE-BOOKS OF HISTORY.

No. I. ILLUSTRATIONS OF CHAUCER'S
ENGLAND.

Edited by Dorothy Hughes, M.A.

With a Preface by A, F. Pollard, M.A., Litt.D.,

Fellow of All Souls, and Professor of English History

in the University of London.

Crown Svo, ys. td. net.

No. IL ENGLAND UNDER THE
YORKISTS, 1460-1485.

Illustrated from Contemporary Sources.

By IsoBEL D. Thornley, M.A.

With a Preface by A. F. Pollard, M.A., Litt.D.

No. III. ENGLAND UNDER THE
LANCASTRIANS, 1399-1460.

[In preparation.
Other volumes are being arranged.

THE REIGN OF HENRY VII FROM
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.

Selected and Arranged with an Introduction. By A. F.
Pollard, M.A., Litt.D., etc.

In Three Volumes. Crown ^vo.
Vol. I. Narrative Extracts.

Vol. II. Constitutional, Social, and Economic History.
Vol. III. Diplomacy, Ecclesiastical Affairs and Ireland.

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.,
London, New York, Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras.

ENGLAND UNDER
THE YORKISTS

1460-I485
ILLUSTRATED FROM CONTEMPORARY SOURCES

ISOBEL D. THORNLEY, M.A.

ASSISTANT IN THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON

WITH A PREFACE BY

A. F. POLLARD

[UNIVERSITY OF LONDON INTERMEDIATE SOURCE-
BOOKS OF HISTORY, No. II]

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON

FOURTH AVENUE & 30th STREET, NEW YORK

BOMBAY, CALCUTTA, AND MADRAS

1920

-^

iX

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y^'

PREFACE.

The general scope and object of the series of Inter-
mediate Texts, of which the present is the second
volume, have been indicated in the preface to
Miss Dorothy Hughes's " Illustrations of Chaucer's
England ". The first object is to supply University
students of history with some means of appreciating
and understanding the materials out of which
English history is, or should be, constructed ; and
the second is to provide a different if not a wider
public with a sort of introductory library of English
historical sources, particularly with a view to illus-
trating those periods which are commonly but
erroneously supposed to be poor in original records.
The two objects are not incompatible. There is
no reason, apart from the limitations of editoiial
scholarship, why collections of sources intended
for use in schools and colleges should be limited
to extracts from printed authorities. There are
materials as appropriate in manuscript as in print,
far more abundant, and often more apt ; and it is
quite feasible, while catering primarily for the
needs of junior students, to multiply the printed
sources available for their elders.

V

414549

vi PEEFACE

'' England under the Yorkists " does not make
quite the same appeal to students of literature as
^' Illustrations of Chaucer's England ". But for
those in search of fresh historical truth it has
greater attractions. The stereotyped commonplace
that, with the decline of the Middle Ages, the
sources of English history diminish in quantity and
deteriorate in quality is no more than a hasty
generalisation from the facts that the monastic
chronicles, which form the bulk of the Rolls Series,
dwindle, and that the Rolls Series still constitutes
for many students the ne plus ultra of historical
research. It would be as rational to think that
the sources of English history grow worse in the
eighteenth century because the golden age of poli-
tical pamphleteering then passed away ; and this,
too, would have become a commonplace, did there
exist a corpus of political pamphlets so compre-
hensive, and so exclusive of other sources, as the
Rolls Series of chronicles. The decline of monastic
historiography is a symptom of a general failure in
outlook and intelligence in monastic orders ; but it
was accompanied by a wider development outside
their walls which we call the Renaissance. The
tree does not die because new buds sap the old
leaves, and the withering of monastic records was
followed by an efflorescence of other growths.
Town chronicles supplant those of the monasteries,
lay minds supersede ecclesiastical intelligence, and
the activities of the State surpass those of the
Church. All these intellectual phenomena, which

PEEFACE vii

necessarily preceded the cluinges of the sixteenth
century, left their mark on the fifteenth and pro-
duced fresh categories of historical material. Until,
however, the New Monarchy had done its work,
England remained locally-minded and English
history a matter largely of local record. Hence
the importance of those town chronicles, some of
them unprinted and none of them collected into
a body of historical evidence, upon which Miss
Thornley has frequently drawn.

The bulk of historical material does not in fact
diminish during this period. It changes its form
and direction, but it rapidly increases as a whole,
in spite of gaps caused by the anarchy of the Wars
of the Roses ; and its multifarious variety is ex-
emplified in these pages. A striking instance of
the neglect of materials is afforded by the Calendars
of State Papers. Historians of the sixteenth cen-
tury have drawn freely upon them, but medi^cvalists
have apparently been under the impression that
such sources throw no light upon any period prior
to 1485, although the first volume of the Venetian
Calendar has been in print for fifty years. There
is more excuse for the neglect of the numerous
MS. sources from which Miss Thornley has drawn
much of her material. Their abundance makes the
task of selection arduous ; but few, even among
specialists, will fail to find some fresh light on the
Yorkists and their kingdom, and Miss Thornley
has, in her " Brief Account of Sources," provided

viii PEEFACE

students with better guidance than has hitherto
been available for the Yorkist period.

This volume, like its predecessor, is not in-
tended to supplant the teacher's comment or the
student's thought ; its purpose is to supply the
teacher with material for his discourse and the
student with food for historical reasoning. For
help in interpreting this evidence they must have
recourse to histories like the relevant volumes in
Longmans' and Methuen's series, Ramsay's ''Lan-
caster and York," the later chapters in Stubbs' " Con-
stitutional History," and Gairdner's ''Richard III,"
and introduction to the " Paston Letters ". Every
student should have at hand the " Index and Epi-
tome " to the Dictionary of National Biography ;
and even those who possess the ' Dictionary ' itself
will find in these two hundred documents material
for correcting and supplementing that monumental
work.

A. F. POLLARD.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Preface r

A Brief Account of Sources li

Note on the Translations xix

List of Abbreviations xx

Book I. Political 1

Book II. Constitutional lo6

A. Parliament 137

B. Councils 144

C. Royal Revenue 151

D. Lawlessness and Justice ....... 157

Book III. Ecclesiastical 180

Book IV. Economic and Social 198

A. Commercial Treaties and External Trade . . . 198

B. Industry and Internal Trade 218

C. Social Conditions, Manners, and Customs . . . 227

D. Education 247

Book V. Ireland 253

Index 263

A BKIEF ACCOUNT OF SOURCES.^

The standard bibliography of the Yorkist period is Dr. C. Gross's
'* Sources and Literature of English History from the Earliest
Times to about 1485". (2nd ed., 1915.) It includes both
secondary authorities and printed collections of sources ; but as
many of the records of this period are still unprinted and un-
calendared, a brief survey of the more important classes may
be useful as indicating the extent and nature of the material
from which these extracts are partly drawn.

Professor Tout, in the appendix to Vol. Ill of '' Longmans'
Political History," says, " The record far excels the chronicle
in scope, authority and objectivity, and a prime characteristic
of modern research is the increasing reliance on the record
rather than the chronicle as the sounder basis of historical
investigation. ... Of special importance for the political his-
torian are the records of the Chancery and Exchequer."

The records of these two great government departments are
preserved at the Public Eecord Office, and, with the other
records there, have been catalogued and described in S. R.
Scargill-Bird's " Guide to the Public Records ". (3rd ed., 1908.)
Among the more important classes of Chancery documents
are the Patent Rolls, Close Rolls, Charter Rolls, Fine Rolls,
Treaty Rolls, Inquisitions, Parliament Rolls, Statute Rolls,
Ancient Petitions, and Warrants for the Great Seal. The
Patent Rolls,* i.e. the official enrolments of documents — com-
missions, appointments, grants, pardons, licences, renewals of
charters, royal mandates and many other instruments — cast in

^ Chronicles or collections of records from which extracts appear in
this volume are marked with an asterisk.

xii A BEIEF ACCOUNT OF SOUKCES

a certain form and passed under the Great Seal, have been
calendared for the Yorkist period in three volumes, and many
extracts have been printed in Rymer's " Foedera ".^ The ex-
tracts printed in this volume have been taken from the rolls
themselves, a reference to the calendar being added. The Close
Rolls,* i.e. the enrolments of mandates, letters, and writs of a more
private nature, addressed to individuals, the Charter Rolls,
enrolments of charters granted or confirmed, and the Fine
Rolls, the records of agreements with, and payments to, the
Crown for licences and grants of land or privileges, have
not yet been calendared for the Yorkist period ; but extracts
from the Close Rolls have been printed by Rymer. Of the
Treaty or Foreign Rolls, three series, the French,* Scottish
and Gascon, extend to the Yorkist period. The French and
Gascon Rolls, which had formerly been concerned with English
possessions in France, contain treaties and diplomatic docu-
ments relating to European countries generally ; they have not
been calendared, but extracts from the French Rolls have been
printed by Rymer. The Scottish Rolls, which contain docu-
ments relating to preparations for war and peace with Scotland,
have been printed, with some omissions, by the Record Com-
mission (" Rotuli Sootiae," 1814-8), and extracts also appear in
Rymer.

The Chancery "Inquisitions" include (a) Inquisitions 2^ost-
mortem, held on the death of tenants in chief to enquire what
land the tenant held and by what services, and the name and
age of the heir (calendared by the Record Commission, 1806-
28, and now being re-calendared) ; {b) Inquisitions ad qiiod
damnum, to ascertain whether a proposed grant or licence was
prejudicial to any interests already existing (calendared in the
Record Office Series of *' Lists and Indexes," 1904-6) ; (c)
criminal inquisitions relating to murder and felony ; and a great
variety of others.

The Parliament Rolls, together with petitions and other

1 When extracts, reprinted in this volume from Rymer, were taken
by him from enrolments, the fact has been noted ; when no note is
given, Rymer's text is from the original document

A BKIEF ACCOUNT OF SOUKCES xiii

Parliamentary documents, have been printed (" Kotuli Parlia-
mentorum," * 1767-77). They are extremely valuable, not only
for the light they throw on constitutional history in general and
Parliament in particular, but also for the information they give
incidentally on almost every aspect of English history. The
Statute Eolls exist down to 1468 ; after 1483 the statutes were
enrolled on the Parliament Roll only. The gap is filled by
transcripts of the statutes among the Exchequer records and
elsewhere. From these sources the collection known as the
"Statutes of the Realm " ■**■ has been printed (Record Com-
mission, 1810-9).

The Ancient Petitions, a large class of petitions to the King,
the King and Council, the Council, Parliament, the Chancellor
in his executive capacity, and other officers of state, have been
indexed in the Record Office Series of " Lists and Indexes "
(1892). The Early Chancery Proceedings,* petitions to the
Chancellor in his judicial capacity, have been summarily
calendared in the "Lists and Indexes" (1901-12), and printed
examples for this period appear in " Select Cases in Chancery "
(Selden Society, 1896), and at the beginning of " Proceedings in
Chancery in the Reign of Elizabeth" (Record Commission,
1832). They give valuable information on many sides of na-
tional life — the lawlessness of the time, land tenure, social and
economic conditions and customs, and the attitude to the
Church ; their statements must not be regarded as necessarily
accurate, but they represent what the petitioners regarded as
being the truth of the matter, or at least what they hoped would
be accepted as such, and they therefore show what the people
of the time would have thought reasonable.

The " Warrants " for the Great Seal, which are usually docu-
ments authenticated by the Privy Seal or the King's signature
reciting a grant, licence or other document to be made out
under the Great Seal, contain much more than a mere duplicate
of the documents found in their final form on the Patent Roll.
They often have prefaces explaining why the grants are desired,
or may be simply petitions for a grant, which are valuable
for social histor}-. They also record many grants which the
grantees did not trouble to have formally enrolled.

xiv A BKIEF ACCOUNT OF SOUKCES

The Exchequer records for the Yorkist period naturally in-
clude many classes of documents connected with finance —
accounts of collectors of customs, escheators, sheriffs, and other
officials, issue rolls and warrants for issue, receipt rolls, subsidy
rolls, and others. Very little of this material has been printed,
but the Wardrobe Accounts of Edward IV for 1480 were edited
by Sir H. Nicolas (1830), and a few scraps of financial records
were printed by Eymer. The Exchequer records include many
other classes of documents ; some, like the Forest Accounts and
Proceedings — inquisitions, pleas, and perambulations of royal
forests — and the Memoranda Rolls relating to money due to
the Crown, are connected more or less directly with the royal
revenue ; others, such as the classes of diplomatic and Scottish
documents, were originally deposited in the Treasury, a depart-
ment of the Exchequer.

The Public Record Office also contains large classes of docu-
ments of every kind relating to the Palatinate of Durham, the
Palatinate and Duchy of Lancaster, and the Courts of Wales
and Chester, many of which belong to the Yorkist period.

Another considerable class of documents consists of judicial
records, very few of which have been calendared. They include
(a) "Coram Rege" Rolls or rolls of proceedings in the court of
King's Bench; (b) Ancient Indictments, which comprise many
other judicial documents besides indictments,"^ such as coroners'
inquisitions, warrants for arrest, jury panels, and rolls of sessions
of the peace ; * (c) the *' Baga de Secretis " or records of State
trials, calendared in the ''3rd Report of the Deputy Keeper of
the Public Records " (1842) ; (d) Assize, Eyre and Gaol Delivery
Rolls ; Essoin Rolls, or excuses for non-appearance ; (e) '* Placita
de Banco " or rolls of the Court of Common Pleas ; (/) fines or
settlements of suits, and others. A few Star Chamber Proceed-
ings "^ for the period remain, and some have been printed in
" Select Cases in the Star Chamber " (Selden Society, 1910),
" Proceedings in the Court of Star Chamber " (Somerset Record
Society, 1911), and " Yorkshire Star Chamber Proceedings "
(Yorks Archaeological Society, 1909). It is convenient to
mention the Year Books* here, though they are not public

A BKIEF ACCOUNT OF SOUKCES xv

records ; they are notes of discussions and decisions on obscure
and interesting legal and constitutional points in cases which
arose in the law-courts or on questions officially referred to the
judges. Those of the Yorkist period are printed in sixteenth
and seventeenth century editions only.

In addition to these and many other records of the central
government, local records of the period survive in many places.
Towns often have large collections of records ; some have been
printed or calendared wholly or in part, like those of London,*
Leicester,* Nottingham,* York,* and Coventry.* Dr. Gross's
"Bibliography of Municipal History" (1897) is the standard
work on the subject, but much has been done since the date
of his book, chiefly by local record societies. The archives of
a number of towns have been calendared by the Historical
Manuscripts Commission. Besides the corporations, other town
bodies such as gilds have left records ; a number for this period
have been printed (" English Gilds," * ed. Toulmin Smith,
E.E.T.S., 1870).

Ecclesiastical records are another important source of history.
Of bishops' registers, which record the official acts of a bishop
during his term of office and often preserve copies of official
letters and other documents addressed to him, only those of
Bishops Stanbury* and Milling of Hereford have yet been
printed in full for this period (Cantilupe and Canterbury and
York Societies, 1918-9). Extracts from others, especially those
of Canterbury and York,* are printed in Wilkins' " Concilia
Magnse Britannise et Hibernige " (1737). Extracts from the
register of Bishop Chedworth of Lincoln have been printed in
"Lincoln Diocese Documents" (E.E.T.S., 1914). Printed ex-
amples of other classes of ecclesiastical records for this period
are " Wills and Inventories from the Registers of the Com-
missary of Bury St. Edmund's and the Archdeacon of Sud-
bury" (C.S., 1850); "Records of the Northern Convocation"
(Surtees Society, 1906) ; " Mediaeval Records of a London City
Church" (E.E.T.S., 1904-5), which includes churchwardens'
accounts and memoranda and inventories of church furniture ;
** Visitations and Memorials of Southwell Minister "* (C.S., 1891) ;

xvi A BEIEF ACCOUNT OF SOURCES

and "Collectanea Anglo-Premonstratensia " "^ (C.S., 1904-6), the
visitations of the houses of the Premonstratensian Order in
England. Many cartularies of monasteries, which contain
copies of their deeds and charters, particulars of their estates,
letters, bulls and other documents received by them, some of
w^hich relate to this period, have been printed in the Rolls
Series and by local record societies.

Manorial records, which survive largely in private hands,
consist chiefly of court-rolls and documents dealing with land,
rents, and customs. " A List of Printed Original Materials for
English Manorial and Agrarian History" (Radcliffe College
Monographs, no. 6 ; by F. G. Davenport, 1894), gives the account
rolls, court rolls, customaries, rentals and extents of the Yorkist
period printed down to 1894, but much has been done since by
local record societies (e.g., " Court Rolls of Carshalton " * Surrey
Record Society, 1916).

Distinct from the " records " of the official activity of the
Government are the State Papers which contain its correspon-
dence with its agents at home and abroad. The series of
"Domestic" State Papers does not begin until after the Yorkist
period, and the Government's correspondence with foreign
countries is meagre and has to be sought in scattered sources.
But the correspondence of foreign Governments with their
agents in England is more abundant and accessible. These
State Papers in foreign archives are an important source of
English history. Two printed series which cover the Yorkist
period are the Venetian* and Milanese* "Calendars of State
Papers," abstracts or transcripts of Ambassadors' despatches
and other letters and papers relating to English affairs preserved
in Italian archives. The Venetian series (Vol. I, 1864) at first
included papers from other archives in northern Italy, but the
wealth of material soon necessitated its being confined to Venice
alone. When a separate series to deal with the archives of
Milan was begun (Vol. I, 1913) the few Milanese papers in-
cluded in the Venetian Calendar were found to have been calen-
dared from very faulty transcripts, so they were re-calendared
from the originals. In cases where a letter reprinted in this

^ A BKIEF ACCOUNT OF SOUKCES xvii

volume is included in both calendars, it has therefore always
been copied from the Milanese Calendar.

The chronicles, letters, ballads, and other literary materials
for the history of the period have been fully discussed and
criticised in '' English Historical Literature in the Fifteenth
Century, with an Appendix of Chronicles . . . hitherto un-
printed," by C. L. Kingsford (1913) ; and the town chronicles
in more detail in "Chronicles of London," ed. C. L. Kingsford
(1905), and " Six Town Chronicles," ed. R. Flenley (1911). It
is therefore only necessary to mention the more important
chronicles and collections.

A large number of letters of the period are in print. The
Paston* (ed. Gairdner, 1872-5 ; reprinted, 1901; 1904; 1910);
Cely* (C.S., 1900), Stonor (C.S., 1919), and Plumpton* (C.S.,
1839) are the most important collections of family letters which
fall partly within it. Other collections are the " Literae Cantuari-
enses " or letterbooks of the monastery of Christ Church, Can-
terbury (R.S., 1887-9), "Christ Church Letters"* (C.S., 1877),
and " Epistolae Academicae " of Oxford (Oxford Historical Society,
1898). Detached letters are printed in Ellis's " Original Letters "
(1825-40), Halliwell's " Letters of the Kings of England " (1846),
Wood's " Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies " (1846),
Champollion Figeac's '' Lettres des Rois " (1839-47), " Letters and
Papers of Richard III and Henry VII"* (R.S., 1861-3), and
elsewhere, and many of them would, at a later time, have been
classified as domestic or foreign State Papers. There are a few
unpublished letters of the period in the " Ancient Correspond-
ence " * at the Record Oflice (catalogued in " Lists and Indexes,"
1902), and Mr. Kingsford has printed in " English Historical
Literature in the Fifteenth Century " a calendar of the letters
of the period specifically mentioned in the Reports of the
Historical Manuscripts Commission. Many others remain un-
noticed, and neither this short summary nor Mr. Kingsford's
more elaborate treatment exhausts the subject.

The more important printed collections of songs and ballads,
containing some which are valuable for the history of the Yorkist
period, are " Political Poems and Songs " * (R.S., 1859-61),

xviii A BKIEF ACCOUNT OF SOUECES

George Ashby's "Poems"* (E.E.T.S., 1899), and Vol. Ill of
"Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript" (ed. Hales and Furnivall,
1868).

The line of monastic chronicles had almost reached its end
by 1461 ; it is represented, however, by the two continuations
of the Croyland Chronicle * (printed in Gale's " Scriptores I,"
1684), the Eegister of Abbot Whethamstede * (E.S., 1872-3), and
a few scraps issuing from other monasteries such as those of
Gloucester * (Kingsford, " English Historical Literature ") ; Ely
("Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles," C.S., 1880); Bury St.
Edmunds ("Memorials of St. Edmund's Abbey," E.S., HI,
1896) ; and Tewkesbury (Kingsford, "English Historical Litera-
ture"). The place of chronicles written by ecclesiastics had
been taken by the town chronicles, those of London being by
far the most important. Foremost of these comes the Great
Chronicle of London,* which is being edited by Mr. E. H.
Bring ; it is the best surviving representative of a main stock
from which most of the London chronicles were derived. Next
to it comes the chronicle contained in Cotton MS. Vitellius,
A., XVI* ("Chronicles of London/' ed. Kingsford, 1905).
Gregory's Chronicle* ("Historical Collections of a London
Citizen," C.S., 1876), the Short English Chronicle ("Three
Fifteenth Century Chronicles," C.S., 1880), and MS., Gough,
London, 10 * (" Six Town Chronicles," ed. Flenley, 1911), likewise
belong to this period. Chronicles of other towns, on a much
less ambitious scale, are also to be found for this period ; printed
examples are a chronicle of Lynn (Bodleian MS. Western 30745
in "Six Town Chronicles"), and the "Mayor of Bristol's
Calendar" (C.S., 1872).

Of other chronicles of the period, not connected with a par-
ticular place, the most important are those of Warkworth*
(C.S., 1839), William Worcester* ("Wars of the English in
France," II, R.S., 1864), the Latin Continuation of the Brut*
("Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles," C.S.), the Fragment,*
printed by Hearne with Sprott's "Chronicle" (1719), and the
"Historia Regum Angliae" of John Rous (ed. Hearne, 1729).
The end of Hardyng's "Chronicle" (ed. Ellis, 1812), and some

A BEIEF ACCOUNT OF SOUECES xix

brief Yorkist Notes (Kingsford, " English Historical Literature ")
also belong to this period. Besides the chronicles written by
private persons, official accounts of certain events were written
and circulated; examples of these are the "Chronicle of the
Rebellion in Lincolnshire" (C.S., 1847), and the "Historie of
the Arrivall of Edward IV" * (C.S., 1838).

Of foreign contemporary works the most important is the
" M^moires " of Philippe de Comines * (Soci6t6 de I'Histoire de
France, ed. Dupont, 1840-7. Ed. B. de Mandrot, 1901-3), who
was in turn the trusted servant of Charles the Bold and Louis
XI ; the Memoires extend to 1498, the part dealing with the
years 1464 to 1483 being written between 1489 and 1491. Two
French chronicles which extend to 1471 are those of Waurin *
(Soci6t6 de I'Histoire de France, ed. Dupont, 1858-63, R.S.,
1864-91) ; and Chastelain (ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, 1863).

Two English works not written till the sixteenth century, but
valuable because their authors were able to obtain information
from actors in the events of the last years of the Yorkist period,
are Polydore Vergil's " Historia Anglica " * (C.S., 1844), and Sir
Thomas More's "History of Richard III"* (ed. Lumby, 1883).
With the latter the art of writing history, as distinct from
chronicles and annals, has been said to begin.

The editor's warmest thanks are due to Mr. E. H. Dring, who
placed his transcript of the Great Chronicle of London at her
disposal, and allowed extracts to be printed from it; to Dr.
Rachel R. Reid for help in selecting and annotating the docu-
ments dealing with the Council in the North; and to Miss
E. Jeffries Davis for advice often asked and always generously
given.

NOTE ON THE TRANSLATIONS.

The translation of the Acts of Parliament included in this
volume is the one printed in the Record Commission's edition
of the Statutes of the Realm side by side with the French
original. The translation of the Irish Annals of Ulster and
Loch C6 is that made by their editors in the Rolls Series.

XX A BKIEF ACCOUNT OF SOUKCES

The translation of Fortescue's Commendation of the Laws of
England is that made in the eighteenth century by Francis
Grigor from the Latin original. The documents included in
the Venetian and Milanese Calendars are always translated by
the editors, except in a few cases in the Milanese Calendar,
when a letter is printed in its original Latin. The use of one
or two other translations is indicated in the head-notes to the
appropriate extracts. For all other translations the editor is
responsible.

ABBEEVL\TIONS USED IN THE EEFEEENCES.

C.S. = Camden Society.

O.S.P. = Calendar of State Papers.

E.E.T.S. = Early English Text Society.

Kingsford = Chronicles of London, ed. C. L. Kingsford, 1904.

R.P. = Rotuli Parliamentorum.

R.S. = Rolls Series.

Rymer = Foedera, Conventiones, Literae . . . inter Reges Angliae
et alios . . . collected by T. Rymer, 2ud edition,
1727-36.

S.R. = Statutes of the Realm.

BOOK I. POLITICAL.
1.

[The Duke of York lays claim to the throne in Parliament. October,
1460. ^'R. P." V. 37b etseqq.]

Memorandum, that the xvi day of Octobre, the ix^^
daye of this present Parlement, the Counseill of the
right high and myghty Prynce Kichard Due of York,
brought into the Parlement Chambre a writyng, con-
teignyng the clayme and title of the right, that the seid
Due pretended unto the Corones of Englond and of
Fraunce, the lordship of Irelond, and the same writyng
delyvered to the Bight Eeverent Fader in God George
Bisshop of Excestre, Chauncellor of Englond, desiryng
hym that the same writyng myght be opened to the Lordes
Spirituelx and Temporelx assembled in this present Parle-
ment, and that the seid Due myght have brief and ex-
pedient answere therof : wheruppon the said Chauncellor
opened and shewed the seid desire to the Lordes Spirituelx
and Temporelx, askyng the question of theym, whither
they wold the seid writyng shuld be openly radde before
theym or noo. To the which question it was answered
and agreed by all the seid Lordes : In asmuche as every
persone high and lowe, suyng to this high Court of Parle-
ment, of right must be herd, and his desire and Petition
understande, that the said writyng shuld be radde and
herd, not to be answered without the Kyngs commaunde-
ment, for so moche as the mater is so high, and of soq

1

2 ' : : .ENGL A^Np. . "CJISTDEE THE YOEKISTS

grete: wy.ght and poyse-.*' Which writyng there than
was i^\!fde*; th*e tbhoiir' ^herof foloweth, in these wordes : —

[The descent of the Duke of York from Henry III through Lionel,
Duke of Clarence, third son of Edward III, is set forth. Henry
IV, son of Edward Ill's fourth son John of Gaunt, was a
usurper.]

To the which Eichard Due of York, as sonne to Anne>
doughter to Eogier Mortimer Erie of Marche, son and
heire to the seid Phelippe, doughter and heire to the
seid Leonell, the third goten son of the seid Kyng Edward
the third, the right, title, dignite roiall and estate, of the
corones of the realmes of Englond and of Fraunce, and of
the lordship and land of Irelond, of right, lawe and
custume apperteyneth and belongeth, afore eny issue of
the seid John of Gaunt, the fourth goten son of the same
Kyng Edward.

And afterward, the xvii day of October, the x^^ day
of this present Parlement, the seid Chaunceller shewed
and declared to the said Lordes Spirituelx and Temporelx
beyng in the same Parlement, howe that the Counseill
of the seid Due of York, gretely desired to have answere
of such writyng, as uppon the xvi day of October last
passed was put into this present Parlement, on the behalf
of the seid Due, and theruppon asked the seid Lordes,
what they thought was to be doon in that matier. To
the which question it was answered and thought by all
the seid Lordes, that the matier was so high and of such
wyght, that it was not to eny of the Kynges Subgetts to
enter into communication therof, withoute his high com-
maundement, agreement and assent had thereto. And
ferthermore, for asmoch as the seid Due desired and
required bref and undelaied answere of the seid writyng,
and in eschuyng and avoidyng of grete and manyfold
inconveniences that weren lykly to ensue, yf hasty pro-

POLITICAL 3

vision of good answere in that behalf were not had, it
was thought and agreed by all the Lordes, that they all
shuld goo unto the Kyng, to declare and open the seid
mater unto his Highnes, and to understond what his good
grace wuld to be doon ferther therin. And theruppon
incontynent all the seid Lordes Spirituelx and Temporelx
went to the Kyngs high presence, and therunto opened
and declared the seid mater, by the mouth of his seid
Chaunceller of Englond. And the same matier by the
Kynges Highnes herd and conceyved ; It pleased hym to
pray and commaunde all the seid Lordes, that they shuld
serche for to fynde in asmuch as in them was, all such
thyngs as myght be objecte and leyde ayenst the cleyme
and title of the seid Due. And the seid Lordes besaught
the Kyng, that he wuld remember hym, yf he myght fynde
any resonable mater that myght be objected ayenst the
seid cleyme and title, in so moche as his seid Highnes had
seen and understouden many dyvers writyngs and Cronicles-
Wheruppon, on the morn the xviii day of October, the xi^^^
day of this present Parlement, the forseid Lordes sent for
the Kyngs Justices into the Parlement Chambre, to have
their avis and Counsell in this behalf, and there delyvered
to theym the writyng of the cleyme of the seid Due, and
in the Kyngs name gave theym straitely in commaunde-
ment, sadly to take avisament therin, and to serche and
fynde all such objections as myght be leyde ayenst the
same, in fortefying of the Kynges right.

Wherunto the same Justices, the Monday, the xx day
of Octobre then next ensuyng, for their answere uppon
the seid writyng to theym delyvered seiden, that they were
the Kyngs Justices, and have to determyne such maters
as com before theym in the lawe, betwene partie and
partie, and in such maters as been betwene partie and
partie they may not be of Counseill ; and sith this mater
was betwene the Kyng and the seid Due of York as two

4 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

parties, and also it hath not be accustumed to calle the
Justices to Counseill in such maters, and in especiall the
mater was so high, and touched the Kyngs high estate and
regalitie, which is above the lawe and passed ther lernyng,
wherfore they durst not enter into eny communication
therof, for it perteyned to the Lordes of the Kyngs blode,
and th' apparage of this his lond, to have communication
and medle in such maters ; and therefore they humble
bysought all the Lordes, to have theym utterly excused
of eny avyce or Counseill, by theym to be yeven in that
matier.

[The lords then sent for the King's Sergeants and Attorney, and com-
manded them to seek for objections to the Duke's claim.]

Wherunto the seid Sergeaunts and Attourney, the
Wensday than next ensuyng, answered and seiden, that
the seid mater was put unto the Kynges Justices ; and
howe, . . , the same Justices seiden . . . that the seid
mater was soo high and of soo grete wight, that it passed
their lernyng, and also they durst not entre eny com-
munication in that maitier, to yeve eny avyce or Counseill
therin ; and sith that the seid matier was so high that it
passed the lernyng of the Justices, it must nedes excede
their lernyng, and also they durst not entre eny com-
munication in that matier, and prayed and besought all
the Lordes to have theym excused of yevyng eny avice or
Counseill therin.

To whome it was answered, by th' avis of all the Lordes,
by the seid Chaunceller, that they myght not so be excused,
for they were the Kynges particuler Counseillers, and
therefore they had their fees and wages. And as to that
the seid Sergeaunts and Attourney seiden, that they were
the Kynges Counseillers in the lawe in such things as
were under his auctorite or by commission, but this mater
was above his auctoritp^ wherein they myght not medle,

POLITICAL 5

and humbly besought the said Lordes, to have theym
excused of yevyng eny Counseill in that matier : And it
was answered agayn, that the Lordes wuld not hold theym
excused, but let the Kynges Highnes have knowleche
what they said. And theruppon the seid Chaunceller
remembered the Lordes Spirituelx and Temporelx of the
seiynges and excuses of the Justices, and the seying and
excuses of the Sergeaunts and Attourney, and also the
grete commaundement of the Kynges Highnes ... and
. . . desired all the Lordes, that every of theym shuld sey
what he cowede sey in fortefiyng the Kyngs title, and in
defetyng of the clayme of the seid Due. And than it was
agreed by all the Lordes, that every Lord shuld have his
fredome to sey what he wuld sey, withoute eny reportyng
or magre to be had for his seiyng. And theruppon, after
the seiyng of all the Lordes, every after other, it was con-
cluded, that the maters and articles hereunder writen, shuld
be alegged and objecte ayenst the seid clayme and title of
the seid Due.

[The fii'Bt objection was that the lords, and also the Duke of York, had
sworn allegiance to Henry VI.]

Item, it is thought also, that it is to be called to re-
membraunce, the grete and notable Acts of Parlements,
made in dyvers Parlements of dyvers of the Kynges Pro-
genitours, the which Acts be sufficient and resonable to
be leyde ageyn the title of the seid Due of York : The
which Acts been of moche more auctorite than eny
Cronycle, and also of auctorite to defete eny manere title
made to eny persone. . . .

Item, it is to be allegged ageyn the title of the seid Due
that the tyme that Kyng Herry the fourth toke uppon
hym the Corone of Englond, he seid he entred and toke
uppon hym the Corone, as right enheriter to Kyng Herry
the third, and not as a Conquerour.

6 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

[The Duke of York answered that every man is bound to obey God's
law and to observe truth and justice, and no act or oath can dis-
charge him from this bond. The Duke's claim was grounded on
truth and justice, and truth, right and justice in this matter ought
to be considered, in accordance with the will of God, rather than
any oath to the contrary. By the law of the Church, an oath
contrary to truth is invalid. The lords ought, by the law of God
and man, to assist him.

The only act of Parliament against the Duke's title is one of the sixth
year of Henry IV settling the crown on him and his heirs. Had
Henry IV obtained the crown by descent and inheritance, he
would not have needed or obtained this act, which is of no eflFect
against the right inheritor according to the law of God and of
nature.

Henry IV's claim to be right heir to Henry III is untrue, and was
merely made to cover his usurpation, ]

Item, the Saturday, the xvii day of this present Parle-
ment, it was shewed unto the Lordes . . . that the seid
Due of York called besily, to have hasty and spedy
answere to such maters as touched his title abovesaid ;
and howe that for asmoche as it is thought by all the
Lordes, that the title of the seid Due can not be defeted,
and in eschuyng of the grete inconvenients that may ensue,
a meane was founde to save the Kyngs honour and astate,
and to apease the seid Due, yf he wuld ; which is this :
That the Kyng shall kepe the Corones, and his astate and
dignite Eoiall, duryng his lyf ; and the seid Due and his
heires to succede hym in the same : exhortyng and steryng
all the seid Lordes, that yf eny of theym cowde fynde eny
other or better meane, that it myght be shewed. . . . And
forthwith they went towardes the Kyng, where he was in
his chambre within his palice of Westminster. . . .

All these premisses thus shewed and opened to the
Kynges Highnes, he, inspired with the grace of the Holy
Goost, and in eschuyng of effusion of Cristen blode, by
good and sad deliberation and avyce had with all his
Lordes Spirituelx and Temporelx, condescended to accord

POLITICAL 7

to be made betwene hym and the seid Due, and to be
auctorized by th'auctorite of this present Parlement.

[A document embodying the Duke of York's title and the agreement
arrived at was drawn up, and the Duke and his sons were to swear
not to do or permit to be done anything to shorten the life or
reign of Henry VI. The Duke was declared heir-apparent to
the crown, and Henry IV's act of settlement was repealed.]

Memorandum, that after the agreement of the seid Acte
of accord, by the Kyng and three Estates, in this present
Parlement assembled : The seid Due of York, and Erles
of Marche and Kutlonde, in the Vigill of All Halowes,^
come personelly into the Chambre of the same Parlement,
before the Kyng, in the presence of the Lordes Spirituelx
and Temporelx : and there and then, everyche of the seid
Due and Erles, severally made promesse and ooth, accord-
yng to the seid agrement and accord, with protestation
that if the Kyng for his partie duely kept and observed
the same accord, and Act theruppon made, which the
Kyng at that tyme promysed so to doo : And then the seid
Due and Erles, instantely desired that this her protestation,
and also the seid promesse made by the Kyng, myght be
entred of Kecord.

[The Duke of York proclaims himself Protector, and the Lancastrians
concentrate their forces in the North. *' Gregory's Chronicle"
(C.S.), pp. 208-10.]

The kynge remevyde unto London a-gayne hys wylle,
to the byschoppe ys palys of London, and the Duke of
Yorke com unto hym that same nyght^ by the torche-
lyght and toke a-pon hym as kyng, and sayde in many
placys that thys ys owrys by very ryght. Ande thenn the
queue hyrynge thys she voydyde unto Walys. . . . The
lordys wolde fayne hadde hyr unto Lundon, for they

1 31 October.

8 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

knewe welle that alle the workyngys that were done growe
by hyr, for she was more wyttyer then the kynge, and
that apperythe by hys dedys, etc.

Then the Quene . . . sende unto the Duke of Somersett,
at that tyme beynge in Dorset schyre at the Castelle of
Corffe, and for the Erie of Devyschyre, and for Elysaundyr
Hody, and prayde hem to com to hyr as hastely as they
myght, with hyr tenantys as stronge in hyr harnys as men
of warre, for the Lorde Eosse, the Lorde Clyfforde, the
Baron of Grestocke, the Lorde Nevyle, the Lorde Laty-
mer, were waytyng a-pon the Duke of Exceter to mete with
hyr at Hulle. And thys mater was not taryd but fulle
prevely i-wrought ; and she sende letters unto alle hyr
chyffe offycers that they wold doo the same, and that they
shulde warne alle tho servantys that lovyd hyr or purposyd
to kepe and rejoyse hyr offysce, to wayte a-pon hyr at
Hulle by that day as hit a-poynted by hyr.

[The battles of Wakefield and Mortimer's Cross, 1460-1. William
Worcester, "Annales" (R.S.), pp. 774-6. (Latin.)]

The Earl of Northumberland, the lords of Clyfford,
Dakyrs and Nevylle, held a council at York ^ and destroyed
the tenants of the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury.
And the Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Devon, with
many knights and gentlemen of the west parts, fully
armed, came through Bath, Cirencester, Evesham and
Coventry to York.

. . . And the Duke of York, with the Earl of SaHsbury and
many thousands of soldiers, started from London towards
York. ... On the twenty-first day of December the Duke
of York and the Earl of Salisbury with six thousand
fighting men, came to Sandal Castle, where they kept the

^November, 1460.

POLITICAL 9

feast of Christmas, while the Duke of Somerset and the
Earl of Northumberland with the opposite party lay at
Pontefract. King Henry with the Earl of Warwick and
others kept the feast of Christmas in the Bishop of London's
palace at St. Paul's. Edward Earl of March kept the
feast of Christmas in the town of Shrewsbury in the house
of the Friars. On the twenty-ninth day of the month of
December at Wakfelde, while the Duke of York's people
were wandering about the district in search of victuals,
a horrible battle w^s fought between the said Duke of
Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland and Lord Nevylle
with a great army, and the other party ; where there fell
on the field the Duke of York, Thomas Nevil, son of the
Earl of Salisbury, Thomas Haryngtone . . . and also
many other knights and squires, and two thousand of the
common people. And in the flight after the battle the
Lord Clyfforde killed the Lord Edmund, Earl of Kutland,
son of the Duke of York, upon the bridge at Wakefelde.
And the same night the Earl of Salisbury was taken by
a servant of Andrew Trolloppe. And next day the Bastard
of Exeter slew the said Earl of Salisbury at Pontefract,
where by the counsel of the lords they beheaded the dead
bodies of the Duke of York and the Earls of Salisbury and
Rutland, Thomas Nevyle . . . and set their heads upon
divers parts of York. Also in contempt they crowned the
head of the Duke of York with paper.

After the said battle Queen Margaret came from Scot-
land to York, where by the advice of the said lords there
it was decided to march with all possible strength to
London and take King Henry out of the hands of his
enemies. . . .

On the vigil of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin ^
a battle was fought near Wigmore at Mortimer Cross,

^ 1 February.

10 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YORKISTS

where the Earl of March with fifty-one thousand men
attacked the Earl of Pembroke with eight thousand ; where
the Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Wiltshire and many
others fled from the field. And Owen Tedere (father of
the said Earl of Pembroke) and John Throgmertone,
esquire, with eight other captains were beheaded at
Herforde.

4.

[The battle of St. Albans, 17 February, 1461, and the events which
followed it: (a) '' Whethamstede's Register" (R.S.), pp. 388-92.
(Latin.)]

[The northern men] with the Queen and Prince took
their way towards the southern parts, and advanced with-
out interruption by a good route till they came to the town
and monastery of the English protomartyr Alb'an ; and in
every place through which they came on both sides of the
Trent, but especially on this side, they robbed, despoiled
and devastated, and carried off with them whatever they
could come upon or discover, whether garments or money,
herds of cattle or single animals, or any other thing what-
soever, sparing neither churches nor clergy, monasteries
nor monks, chapels nor chaplains. . . .

The northern men, coming to the town of the said pro-
tomartyr, and hearing that the King, with a great army
and some of his lords, was lying near, immediately entered
the said town, desiring to pass through the middle of it
and direct their army against the King's army. However,
they were compelled to turn back by a few archers who
met them near the Great Cross, and to flee with disgrace
to the west end of the town, where, entering by a lane
which leads from that end northwards as far as St. Peter's
Street, they had there a great fight with a certain small
band of the people of the King's army. Then, after not
a few had been killed on both sides, going out to the heath

POLITICAL 11

called Barnet Heath, lying near the north end of the town,
they had a great battle with certain large forces, perhaps
four or five thousand, of the vanguards of the King's
army. . . . The southern men, who were fiercer at the
beginning . . . were broken very quickly afterwards, and
the more quickly because looking back, they saw no one
coming up from the main body of the King's army, or pre-
paring to bring them help, whereupon they turned their
backs on the northern men and fled. . . .

And the northern men seeing this . . . pursued them
very swiftly on horseback ; and catching a good many of
them, ran them through with their lances. . . .

■[(6) " Gregory's Chronicle " (C.S.), pp. 212-15.]

And in the myddys of the batayle Kynge Harry wente
unto hys Quene and for-soke alle hys lordys, ande truste
better to hyr party thenne unto hys owne lordys. And
thenn thoroughe grete labur the Duke of Northefolke and
the Erie of Warwycke a schapyd a-waye ; the Byschoppe
of Exceter, that tyme Chaunceler of Ingelond, and brother
unto the Erie of Warwycke, the Lorde Bouser,^ whythe
many othyr knyghtys, squyers and comyns fledde, and
many men slayne in bothe partys. . . . The lordys of
Kyng Harrys party pycchyd a fylde and fortefyd hyt fulle
stronge, and lyke unwyse men brake hyr raye and fyld
and toke a-nothyr, and or that they were alle sette a
buskyd to batayle, the Quenys parte was at bond whythe
hem in towne of Synt Albonys, and then alle thyng was to
seke and owte of ordyr, for hyr pryckyers come not home
to bryng no tydyng howe ny that the Quene was, save one
come and sayd that she was ix myle of. And ar the
goners and borgeners couthe levylle hyr gonnys they were
besely fyghtyng, and many a gynne of wer was ordaynyd
that stode in lytylle a-vayle or nought ; . • .

Ande the Kynge and Quene toke hyr jornay unto Yorke
^ Bourchier.

12 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOEKISTS

wardys, for they demyde that the Northeryn men wolde
have ben to crenelle in robbyng yf they hadde come to
London. But by the a-vyse of Docter Morton they sende
certayne knyghtys and men unto London and Weste-
mynster, but they myght not be sufferde to entery in to
the towne. Ande sum of hyr mayny were slayne for hyr
cursyd longege. And the mayre ordaynyd bothe brede
and vytayle to be sende unto the queue, and a certayne
sum of money with alle. But whenn men of London and
comyns wyste that the cartysse shulde goo to the Queue,
they toke the cartys and departyde the brede and vytayle
a-monge the comyns. . . . But as for the mony, I wot not
howe hit was departyd ; I trowe the pursse stale the
mony.

Then come tydyngys of the comynge of the Erie of
Marche unto London; thenn alle the cytte were fayne,
and thonkyd God, and sayde that

He that had London for sake
Wolde no more to hem take.

5.

[The accession of Edward IV. MS. Gough London 10, in ' Six Town
Chronicles," ed. R. Flenley, pp. 161-2.]

[On 28 February, 1461] the Erie of Marche and the Erie
of Warwik come to london wyth a grett puisshaunce and
on Sonday after ^ all the host mustred in Seynt Johannis
ffelde and there was redde among theym certeyne articles
and poyntys that kyng harry the VI had offended in
ayenst the realme. And then it was demanded of the
people whether the said harry was worthy to regne still
and the peopill cried nay : and than was axed iff they
wolde have the Erie of Marche to theire kyng and they
cryed yee: and then certeyne capitaynes went to the
Erie of Marches place at Baynardis Castell and muche

' 1 March.

POLITICAL 13

people w^ hem and tolde hym that the people had chosen
hym for kyng and he thanked theym and by the advyce
of the bisshop of Countorbury and Bisshop of Excestre
and the Erie of Warwik w* other graunt it to take it
upon hym : and on tewesday after made cryes that all
maner people shiilde mete him on the morn that was
the iiii day of Marche at powles at ix of the clokk and
so they did : and thidder come the Erie of Marche w^ the
lordis in goodly array and there went on procession thurgh
the toune w^ thee letanye : and after procession doon the
bisshop of Excestre Chaunceler made a sermon : and at
the Ende of the Sermon he declared the Erie of Marches
right and title to the crowne and demaunded the people
yff they wolde have hym to her kyng as his right axed
and they cryed yee: than all the people were prayed to
goo w^ hym to Westmynster to see him taake his posses-
sion and so the people did : and than the Erie of Marche
w* the lordis spirituell and temporell roode thidder and
whan he come at the halle he alighted and went in and
so up to the chauncery and there he was Sworn afore the
bisshop of Caunterbury and the Chanceller of Englond
and the lordis that he shulde truly and justly kepe the
realme and the lawes there of maynteyne as a true and
a Juste kyng : and than they did on hym kynges roobis
and the cappe of Estate and than [he] went and satt
in the See as kyng : and than it was axed of the people
yff they wolde have hym to kyng and hym maynteyne
supporte and obeye as true kyng and the people cried
yee : and then he wente thorowe the paleys to West-
mynster chirche : and the abbot w* procession boode hym
in the chirche hawe w* Seynt Edwardis Septure and there
tooke it hym and so went into the Chirche and offered at
the high awter w^ grett Solempnitee and after at Seynt
Edwardis shryne : and than cam doune into the Quere and
satt there in the see whiles Te Deum was songe solemply :

14 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

and thanne went into the paleys ayene and chaunged
his array ; and after com doune by water and went to
ponies to the paleys and there logged and dyned. And
the maier and the aldremen and comons in Westminster
hall besought thee kyng to be goode and gracious lorde
to the cytee and to the fraunchies theroff that they myght
enjoye hem as they did afore his tyme : and theere he
graunted hem goode lordeship and all theire fraunchises
as they were graunted them and promitted to afferme
them and charged the maier aldremen and comons to kepe
the cytee to his behoffe and honoure.

6.

[The battle of Towton. Fragment of a chronicle printed by Hearne at
the end of "Sprott's Chronicle," pp. 286-7.]

The viage determynid by the nw elect King, Edward
the IIIP^^ of the name, to folowe his ennemyes, King Harry
the Sixte and his Queene, northward ; first, on the
morow,^ John Duke of Norfolke went in to his countrey
with all diligence to prepaire for the warre on the party
of King Edward. And on the Satursday next folowing,
the Erie of Warwick with a grete band of men departid
oute of London north warde ; where as on the Wednisday
next folowing the Kinges footmen [assembled] in a grete
numbre, of the which the moost parte were Wallsshmen
and Kentisshmen. Then the Fryday enswing, the King
Edward isswid out of the cite in goodely ordre, at Bus-
shoppisgate, then being the XIF^ day of Marche, and
helde on his journayis, folowing thois othir ; and when
the fore prickers cam to Ferrybrigghe thiere was a grete
skarmusshe, where as John KatcHff, then Lorde Fitzwatir,
was slayne ; and theruppon they ever avaunced theime self
til thay cam to Towton, viii myles owte of Yorke, upon

^ I.e. of Edward's assumption of the throne on 4 March.

POLITICAL 15

a Friday at night, abyding the residw of theire cumpany,
the which were assembhd in goode ordre on the Satursday,
then being Pahnesondayis evin ^ : and aboute iiii of the
clokke att night the ii batailes joynid, and faught all night,
till on the morow att aftir noone, when aboute the noone,
the forsaide John Duke of Northfolke, with a fressh band
of goode men of warre, cam in to the ayde of the new
electe King E[dward]. This feelde was sore foughten.
For there were slayne on bothe partyes xxxiii M^. men,
and all the season it snew. There were slayne therlis of
Northumberland and Westmerland,^ with othir, and Sir
Andrew Troloppe; and takin, therlis of Devinshire and
Wiltshire, and behedid there : and the deposid King Harry,
his Queene, with Harry Duke of Somersett and othir, in
grete hast fledde in to Scotland.

7.

[Extracts from "The Rose of Rouen". Edward IV was so called
because he was born at Rouen. '* Archseologia/' xxix., 344-7.]

Be-twix Cristmas and Candelmas, a Htel before the Lent,
Alle the lordes of the northe thei wrought by oon assent ;
For to stroy the sowthe cuntre thei did alle hur entent,
Had not the Eose of Kone be, al Englond had be shent.^
I-blessid be the tyme, that ever God sprad that floure !

Upon a Shrof Tuesday, on a grene leede,^

Be-twix Sandricche and Saynt Albons many man gan

blede ;
On an Aswedynsday we levid in mykel drede,
Than cam the Kose of Kone downe, to halp us at oure

nede.
Blessid be the tyme, that ever God sprad that floure !

^ 28 March. "^ Really Westmorland's brother, Lord John Neville.
* Ruined, disgi'aced. * Plain.

16 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

The northe[r]n men made her host, whan thei had done

that dede,
" We wol dwelle in the southe cuntrey, and take al that

we nede ;
These wifes and hur doughters, oure purpose shal thei

spede," —
Than seid the Eose of Eone, ** Nay, that werk shal I for-

bede ".
Blessid be the tyme, that ever God sprad that floure !

For to save al Englond the Eose did his entent,

With Calays and with Londone, with Essex and with

Kent ;
And al the southe of Englond, unto the watyr of Trent,
And whan he saw the tyme best, the Eose from London

went.
Blessid be the tyme, that ever God sprad that floure !

The way into the northe cuntre the Eose ful fast he sought,
With hym went the Eagged Staf,^ that many man dere

bought ;
So than did the White Lyon,^ ful worthely he wrought,
Almighti Jhesu blesse his soule, that tho armes ought !
And blessid be the tyme, that ever God sprad that floure !

The Fisshe Hoke ^ cam into the felde, with ful egre mode,
So did the Cornysshe Chowghe,^ and brought forthe alle

hir brode ;
Ther was the Blak Eagged Staf,^ that is bothe trewe and

goode.
The Brideld Horse, the Watyr Bouge ^ by the Horse stode.
Blessid be the tyme, that ever God spred that floure !

1 The Earl of Warwick. 2 The Duke of Norfolk.

3 Lord Fauconberg. ^ Probably John, Lord Scrope of Bolton.

s Edmund, Lord Grey of Ruthin.

^Probably Henry, Viscount Bourchier.

POLITICAL 17

. . . The Wolf cam fro Worcetre, ful sore he thought to

byte,
The Dragon cam fro Glowcestre, he bent his tayle to

smyte ;
The Griffon cam fro Leycestre, fleyng in as teyte,
The George cam fro Notyngham, with spere for to fyte.
Blessid be the tyme, that ever God spred that fioure !

. . . The northen party made hem strong with spere and

with shelde,
On Palmesonday, affter the none, thei met us in the felde ;
With in an owre thei were right fayne to fle, and eke to

yelde,
xxvii thousand the Eose kyld in the felde.
Blessid be the tyme, that ever God spred that fioure !

The Eose wan the victorye, the feld, and also the chace,
Now may the housband in the southe dwelle in his owne

place ;
His wif and eke his f aire dough tre, and al the goode he has,
Soche menys hath the Eose made, by vertu and by grace,
Blessid be the tyme, that ever God sprad that floure !

The Eose cam to London full ryally rydyng,
ii erchebisshops of England thei crouned the Eose kyng ;
Almighti Jhesu save the Eose, and geve hym his blessyng,
And al the reme of England ioy of his crownyng,
That we may blesse the tyme, that ever God sprad that
floure !

Amen, pur charite.

18 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

8.

[Letter from the Milanese ambassador at the French Court to the
Duke of Milan, 18 April, 1461. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 91.]

The reputation of Edward and Warwick is great owing
to their good conduct, and their popularity from having
conquered is enormous. To-morrow they say two younger
brothers of March, son of the Duke of York, are coming
here, and the Duke of Burgundy has given notice for great
honours to be shown to them. . . .

If the King and Queen of England with the other
fugitives mentioned above are not taken, it seems certain
that in time fresh disturbances will arise, nor are the people
disinclined to these, since the storm falls equally on the
heads of the princes as on their own, and the less nobles
there are the better they are pleased, and think that they
are nearer a chance for liberty ; and from what I have
been told the people of London have great aspirations.

If, however, they are taken, then that kingdom may be
considered settled and quiet under King Edward and the
Earl of Warwick ; and then, as they are well affected to
the Dauphin and the Duke of Burgundy, it seems likely,
both from the unexpected things that the King of France
has done to the Duke of Burgundy, as well as out of re-
spect for the Dauphin, who considers that things cannot
continue thus, that they will pursue the plan to pass to
France, especially if the Dauphin did not happen to be
in accord with the King of France. . . .

I have observed the great importance that the Duke of
Burgundy attaches to England. Thus he has kept in with
the Earl of Warwick, and his son with the Queen of
England, so that whatever happens England will have
friendship in the house of the Duke of Burgundy.

POLITICAL 19

9.

[Letter from the Milanese ambassador at the French court to the
Duke of Milan, 2 June, 1461. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 109.]

King Henry, the queen, their son, the Duke of Somer-
set and Lord Eos, his brother,^ have taken refuge in Scot-
land. It is said that they are negotiating for a marriage
alhance between the sister of the late King of Scotland
and the Prince of Wales. . . . They also say that King
Henry has given away a castle called Berwick, which is
one of the keys of the frontier between England and Scot-
land. This place is said to have anciently belonged to
Scotland of right, and was occupied by England a long
time ago by superior force.

The force of 20,000 Frenchmen has left Normandy
and gone to England. ... It is said that they have taken
the route outside the island in the Gulf of Bristol and ac-
cordingly it is thought to assemble the people of Wales,
who are said to love the Queen. Nevertheless, Bristol is a
strong city, and for coasting along the island from thence
towards Scotland, it is not easy to navigate any vessels
besides the small ships for transit of the country, owing
to a tide that lasts six hours. Accordingly it is thought
that they cannot get any nearer to Scotland from that di-
rection. In the direction of the strait of Dover and Calais,
which is eighteen miles ['? wide], Warwick is said to have a
fleet, not so much to give battle to the French one in the
open sea, but merely to prevent them from landing in the
island and to guard that passage.

Owing to the favour and kinship of the Scots and this
strong encouragement from the French, they are afraid
here that there may be some attack and battle. ... In
any case. King Edward and Warwick have the whole of

^ Probably a mistake for the brother of Lord Roe ; Ros was not
Somerset'! brother.

{2*

20 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

the island and kingdom in their power, and are attending
to such provisions as are necessary. King Edward is at
present going to London, I fancy in order to make arrange-
ments for consolidating the kingdom and to strengthen
himself against the dangers which may crop up. It is
true, most illustrious lord, that these English have not
the slightest form of government, unless they have it in
some leader, and this they have in King Edward and the
Earl of Warwick.

[Extract from a letter from the same to the same, dated 6 June, 1461.
C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 110.]

We hear by letters of merchants of London to those
here how the fleet of the French has struck at the coast of
Cornwall. It did some damage by pillage and burning,
and then sailed back towards Normandy, as they were
short of eighteen bertons, which had not joined the fleet
up to that moment.

10.

[Letter, dated 31 July, 1461, from a member of the Milanese
embassy in England to the Duke of Milan. C.S.P., Milan, I,
no. 117.]

The king yesterday rode to a castle of his called Windsor
for hunting ; we shall go there to-morrow. The king's
desires seem to me to be directed towards having some
sort of pleasure. It is true that he tries to afford every
kind of pleasure that he can to the earl [of Warwick] both
festivities of ladies and hunting. . . . They say that every
day favours the Earl of Warwick, who seems to me to
be everything in this kingdom, and as if anything lacked,
he has made a brother of his, the archbishop, Lord
Chancellor of England.

POLITICAL 21

11.

[Letter from the Milanese ambassador to England^ at Bruges, to the
Duke of Milan, 30 August, 1461. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 120.]

I have returned from England ... I was well received,
and as much honour as possible was done me by the King
and the lords and gentlemen of his court. All the Italian
merchants in London who came to visit me, Venetians,
Genoese, and Florentines, told me that at no time was
so much honour paid to any embassy. King Edward
loves you as if you were his father. ... On my departure
he came from London as far as Sandwich, the passage
seaport, a distance of seventy miles, visiting on the way
his towns, whose inhabitants bear him so much love,
that they adore him like a God, so that his affairs proceed
daily from good to better. The lords adherent to King
Henry are all quitting him, and come to tender obedience
to this King.

12.

[Letter from Margaret Paston to John Paston, 7 January, 1462.
'' Paston Letters," II, 82-3.]

Pepyll in this contre begynyth to wax wyld, and it is seyd
her that my Lord of Clarans and the Dwek of Suthfolk
and serteyn jwgys with hem schold come downe and syt
on syche pepyll as be noysyd ryotous in thys contre.
And also it is seyd here, that there is retornyd a newe
rescwe up on that that was do at the scher. I suppose
swyche talkynge comyth of false schrewys that wold
mak a rwmor in this contre. The pepjdl seyth here that
they had levyr go up hole to the Kynge and compleyne
of siche false screwys as they have be wrongyd by a fore,
than they schold be compleynyd of with owt cause and
be hangyd at ther owne dorys. In good feyth men fere

22 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

sore here of a comone rysyng but if ^ a bettyr remedy may
be had to a pese the pepyll in hast, and that ther be sent
swyche downe to tak a rewyll as the pepyll hathe a fantsy
in, that wole be indeferent. They love not in no wyse
the Dwke of Sowthfolk nor hys modyr. They sey that
all the tretourys and extorsyonerys of thys contre be
meynteynyd by them and by syche as they get to them
with her goodys, to that intent to meynten suche extorsyon
style as hathe be do by suche as hathe had the rewyll
undyr them be fore tyme. Men wene, and the Dwke of
Sowthfolk come ther scholl be a schrewd reuell but if ^
ther come odyr that be bettyr belovyd than he is here.
The pepyll feryth hem myche the more to be hurt, because
that ye and my cosyn Barney come not home ; they sey
they wot welle it is not well with yow and if it be not
well with yow, they that wole do yow wronge wole sone
do them wronge, and that makyth them all most mad.
God for Hys holy mersy geve grace that ther may be set
a good rewyll and a sad in this contre in hast, for I herd
nevyr sey of so myche robry and manslawter in thys
contre as is now within a lytyll tyme. And as for gady-
ryng of mony, I sey nevyr a werse seson, for Eychard
Calle seyth he can get but lytyll in substans of that is
owyng, nowthyr of yowyr lyvelod nor of Fastolfys th'e3^r.
And John Paston seyth, they that may pay best they pay
werst ; they fare as thow they hopyd to have a newe werd.^

13.

[Queen Margaret's invasion of England, 1462-3. Kingsford,
pp. 177-8.]

In thisyere, the third day of November, Queue Margaret
came owte of ffraunce in to Scotland with a strength of
people ; and so entred into England and made opyn warr.
Then the kyng went Northward with a grete people ; and

POLITICAL 23

the xiii day of Novembrethe Quene, heryng of his comyng
with his greate Oste, anoon brake her feeld and fled. And
in a kervyle, wheryn was the substaunce of her goodes,
she fled ; and as she sailed ther came upon her suche a
tempeste that she was fayne to leve the Kervyll and take
a ffysshers bote, and so went a lond to Berwyk ; and the
said kervyll and goodes were drowned. And the same
day CCCC of ffrenshemen or ther abowte beyng of her
Oste, were dryven a lond aboute Branborgh ; wher as
when they sawe they myght not have away their Shippis
for the Tempest, they set fier in theym and brent theym,
and so went into an lie-land of Northumberland, wher
they were encountred with one Manors, a Squyer, and the
Bastard of Ogill with CC men, which slewe and took
prisoners the said CCCC ffrenshemen. And when the
kyng had knowledge of hir departur, he entended to have
pursued to have taken hir : but then it fortuned hym to be
visited with the Sykenesse of masyls, where thrugh his
purpose was letted. And upon the xii*^ day in Crystemasse
the Scottes cam to Kescue the Castell of Awnewyke, but
it. was yolden to the kyng or they cam. And abowte the
same season the Castelles of Branbourgh and Dunstan-
burgh were yolden to the kyng also. And the Duke of
Somyrset and Sir Eaaf Percy submytted theym to the
kynges grace, whom the kyng admytted to his grace.
And abowte Shrovetyde the kyng came Sowthward.

14.

[The war in the North, 1463-4. " Gregory's Chronicle " (C.S.),
pp. 219 et seqq.]

Bamborowe and Dunsterborowe were yoldyn be Syr
Eaffe Percy and Syr Harry Beuford, late Duke of Somer-
sett, to the Kyngys wylle, whythe the condyscyons that
the sayde Eaffe Percy schulde have the kepynge of the
ii castellys. . . . The sayde Syr Eaffe Percy and Syr Harry

24 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

Beuforde, late Duke of Somersett, were sworne to be trewe
and faythefull as trewe lege men unto owre kynge and
soverayne lorde Edwarde the IllPi^e.

But within schorte tyme aftyr the sayde Syr Kaffe
Percy by fals colysyon and treson he lete the Fraynysche
men take the Castelle of Bamborowe fro hym nolens
volo. . . . And thenne aftyr that come Kyng Harry that
was, and the Queue to the Kynge of Schottys, Syr Perys
de Brasylle/ with iiii^x M^. Schottys, and layde a sege un-
to the Castelle of Norham, and lay there xviii dayes.
And thenn my lorde of Warwycke and hys brother the
Lorde Montegewe put them in devyr to rescewe the sayde
Castelle of Norham, and soo they dyd, and put bothe
Kynge Harry and the Kyng of Schotys to flyghte. And
Queue Margarete whythe alle hir consayle, and Syr Perys
de Brasey whythe the Fraynysche men, fledge a-wey by
water with iiii balynggarys ; and they londyd at the Scluse
in Flaundyrs, and lefte Kyng Harry that was be hynde
hem, and alle hyr hors and hyr barneys, they were so
hastyd by my lorde of Warwycke. . . .

Thenn the Kynge Edwarde the IIII purposyd to make
an arme into Schotlonde by londe and by water. . . .
And thenn was ordayned a grete navy and a grete armye
bothe by watyr and by lond. And alle was loste and in
vayne, and cam too noo purposse, neyther by water ne by
londe. . . .

And thys same yere a-boute Crystysmas the fals Duke
of Somersett, with owte any leve of the kyng, stale owte
of Walys with a prevy mayny towarde the Newecastelle,
for he and hys men were confeteryde for to have be-trayde
the sayde Newecastelle. And in the wey thedyrwarde he
was aspyde, and lyke to have ben takyn be syde Dereham
in hys bedde. Notwithstondynge he aschapyde, a-way in
hys schyrt and barefote. . . . And whenn that hys men

^ Pe Breze.

POLITICAL 26

knewe that he was aschapyd, and hys fals treson aspyde,
hys men stale from the Newecastelle as very fals traytourys,
and sum of hem were take and lost hyr heddys for hyr
labur, etc.

And thenn the kynge . . . sende a grete feleschippe of
hys housolde men to kepe the towne of Newecastelle, . . .
and soo they kepte hyt surely alle that wyntyr. Ande a-
boute Ester nexte aftyr the Schottys sewyd unto our
soverayne lorde the kynge for pes. And the kynge or-
daynyde commyssourys to mete whythe the Schottys. . . .

The poyntement was that they Schottys and they shulde
mete at Yorke. And thenn was my lorde of Mountegewe
assygnyd to fecche yn the Schottys pesseably. . . . Ande
in the wey thedyrwarde there met with hym that fals
Duke of Somersette, Syr Kaffe Percy, the Lorde Hunger-
forde, and the Lorde Koos, whythe alle hyr company, to
the nombyr of v M^. men of armys. And thys metynge ^
was a pon Synte Markys day ^ ; and that same day was Syr
Kaffe Percy slayne. And whenn that he was dede alle the
party was schomfytyd and put to rebuke. Ande every man
avoydyd and toke hys way with fulle sory hertys. And
thenn my lorde of Mountegeue toke hys hors and roode to
Norham, and fecchyd yn the Schottys, and brought hem
unto the lordys commyssyonourys. And there was con-
cludyd a pes of xv yere. . . .

Ande the xiiii daye of May nexte aftyr, my lorde of
Mountegeue toke hys jornaye toward Hexham from the
Newecastelle. And there he toke that fals Duke Harry
Beuford of Somersett, the Lord Eoos, the Lorde Hunger-
ford e, Syr Pylyppe Wenteworthe, Syr Thomas Fyndorne,
whythe many othyr.

^ I.e. the battle of Hedgeley Moor. ^ 25 April.

26 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOBKISTS

15.

[Anglo-French negotiations. Extract from instructions to ambas-
sadors sent by the Duke of Brittany to certain French nobles,
August, 1464. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 134.]

The king [of France], the better to further his enter-
prise against the duke [of Brittany] . . . has made a
promise to the English, in order to have a truce, peace
or a league with them, and to give them one of the duchies
of Normandy or Guienne, or a part thereof ; and he has
asked help of the King of England to conquer the lord-
ships of some of the said lords of his realm [to whom this
embassy is sent], in order to make up his own dominions
by so much as he offered to give to the EngHsh.

To give colour to the conduct of his enterprise the
king decided to negotiate the marriage of his eldest
daughter to King Edward's brother, the terms being that
King Edward should give his brother the duchy of
Clarence, and the king should give his said daughter one
of the said duchies of Guienne or Normandy or some
portion thereof. In return for this King Edward was
to promise the king to help him conquer the Duchy of
Brittany, and some other lordships. ... It is a very
strange thing, and might be the cause of rousing all
France against the king, if the thing was really carried
out, considering the lives of so many notable men which
the kingdom has lost in recovering what the English
held so long by force.

16.

[Letter from the Milanese ambassador at the French court to the
Duke of Milan, 6 February, 1465. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 142.]

The Queen, wife of King Henry, has written to the
king here that she is advised that King Edward and the

POLITICAL 27

Earl of Warwick have come to very great division and
war together. She begs the King here to be pleased to
give her help so that she may be able to recover her
kingdom or at least allow her to receive assistance from
the lords of this kingdom. . . . The king remarked, Look
how proudly she writes.

17.

[The marriage of Edward IV, 1465. " Warkworth's Chronicle "
(C.S.), pp. 3-4.]

Also the iiiie yere of Kynge Edwarde, the Erie of War-
wyke was sent into Fraunce for a maryage for the Kynge,
for one fayre ladye, suster-doughtere to the Kynge of
Fraunce, whiche was concludede by the Erie of Warwyke.
And whiles the seyde Erie of Warwyke was in Fraunce,
the Kynge was wedded to Elisabethe Gray, wedow, the
qwiche Sere Jhon Gray that was hyre housbonde was
slayne at Yorke felde in Kinge Herry partye ; and the
same Elisabeth was doughtere to the Lorde Kyvers ; and
the weddynge was prevely in a secrete place, the fyrste
day of Maye the yere above seide. And when the Erie
of Warwyke come home and herde hereof, thenne was
he gretely displesyd withe the Kyng ; and after that rose
grete discencyone evere more and more betwene the Kyng
an^i hym, for that and other, etc. And thenne the Kyng
put oute of the Chaunceler-schepp the Bysshope of Excetre,
brother to the Erie of Warwyke, and made the Bysshoppe
of Bathe Chaunceler of Englonde. After that the Erie
of Warwyke toke to hyme in fee as many knyghtys,
squyers and gentylmenne as he myght, to be stronge ; and
Kyng Edwarde dide that he myght to feble the Erles
powere. x\nd yett thei were acorded diverse tymes ; but
thei nevere loffyd togedere aftere.

28 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOEKISTS

18.

[The capture of Henry VI, 1465. '' Wark worth's Chronicle "
(C.S.),p. 5.]

Also in the same yere, Kynge Herry was takene bysyde
a bowse of religione in Lancaschyre, by the mene of a blacke
monke of Abyngtone, in a wode called Cletherwode, besyde
Bungerly Hyppyngstones, by Thomas Talbott, sonne and
heyre to Sere Edmunde Talbot of Basshalle, and Jhon
Talbott his cosyne of Colebry, withe other moo ; whiche
disseyvide, beyngne at his dynere at Wadyngtone Halle,
and caryed to Londone on horse bake, and his lege
bownde to the styrope, and so brought thrugh Londone
to the Toure, where he was kepte longe tyme by two
squyres and ii yomen of the crowne, and ther menne ;
and every manne was suffred to come and speke withe
hym, by licence of the kepers.

19.

[Treaty between Edward IV and King Henry IV of Castile, August,
1466. Rymer, xi, 569-71. From the French Roll. (Latin.)]

Since in this disturbed condition and most grievous mis-
fortune of Holy Mother Church, which is daily afflictr '•
in miserable wise by the fury and madness of the un-
behevers, so that she seems to cry for succour with a loud
voice to Christian princes, there appears to be no more
suitable or convenient remedy to destroy the power of the
enemies of the faith . . . than that Christian kings and
princes should unite their powers, and arrange peace and
concord, and mutually bind themselves together by a per-
petual treaty of friendship and bond of love . . .

We, therefore, Edward, King of England and of France
and lord of Ireland, diligently considering the premises, and
the connection and nearness of blood which there is between
us and the most illustrious prince our dearest cousin Henry

POLITICAL 29

King of Castile and Leon, and in addition desiring as far
as we can to amend and renew those ancient treaties and
old friendships made long ago between our progenitors of
famous memory the kings of England and the kings of
Castile and Leon, which lately by the wickedness of the
times are said to have been broken and violated in many
ways . . . have made ... a certain real and perpetual
peace, friendship, alhance and confederation for us, our
heirs and successors, realms, lands, dominions and sub-
jects present and future, with the aforesaid most illustrious
prince the lord King Henry.

[Provision for mutual help against enemies if necessary. If the King
of Castile or his successors ask for English help, they shall have
it upon paying the expenses of the men-at-arms and archers sent.
Castile was in rebellion against the King at this time.]

Also, it is agreed and concluded that merchants and
other subjects of the aforesaid lord King Henry shall and
may buy and sell any merchandise or thing whatsoever,
freely and without hindrance, in our kingdoms, lands and
dominions, and that they shall be treated and held ... as
far as hospitality, usual payments and customs and rights
Y-i^atsoever are concerned, in all things and by all persons,
as if they were natives, and our proper and natural
subjects.

20.

[Letter from the Milanese ambassador in France to the Duke of Milan,
giving an account of a conversation between Louis XI and Duke
John of Calabria, Queen Margaret's brother. 14 February, 1467.
C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 146.]

When they went on to speak of the Earl of Warwick,
the duke angrily rejoined that he was a traitor ; he would
not say or suffer any good to be said of him ; he only
studied to deceive, he was the enemy and the cause of

30 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOBKISTS-

the fall of King Henry and his sister the Queen of Eng-
land. His Majesty would do better to help his sister to
recover her kingdom than to favour the Earl of Warwick,
and many other exaggerated and approbrious words.

His Majesty replied that he had more reason to speak
well of the Earl of Warwick than of many others, not
excepting his own relations, as the earl had always been
a friend to his crown and had advised against making war
on this realm. King Henry, on the other hand, had been
a mortal enemy and had waged many wars against him,
and therefore this friendship is worth preserving.

As the king persisted in his praise of the Earl of War-
wick, the duke said that as he was so fond of him he ought
to try and restore his sister in that kingdom, when he
would make sure of it as much as he was sure at present
and even more so.

The king asked what security they would give or if they
would offer the queen's son as a hostage. This boy, though
only thirteen years of age, already talks of nothing but of
cutting off heads or making war, as if he had everything
in his hands or was the god of battle or the peaceful
occupant of that throne.

21.

[Anglo-French relations. Letter from the Milanese ambassadors at the
French Court to the Duke of Milan, 18 April, 1467. C.S.P.,
Milan, I, no. 149.]

[The French king] had and still has a secret understand-
ing with King Edward of England by means of the Earl
of Warwick, and they have arranged that between this
and the 8^^ of May next the said earl shall be with his
Majesty. . . .

They have already agreed for the most part, in this
manner, that King Edward and the King of France hence-
forth and for ever become brothers in arms, and will live

POLITICAL 81

as brothers together, making perpetual peace between the
reahns of England and France. King Edward will yield,
quit and renounce all rights, actions and claims which
belong to him, and which pertain or may pertain upon the
kingdom of France. His Majesty will give his second
daughter to the second brother of King Edward, to wife,
because the first is married to the daughter of the Earl of
Warwick, giving them as dowry a part of the territory of
the Duke of Burgundy and of Charolais, upon whom they
have agreed to wage a war of extermination, dividing the
state of those lords between them. Thus, King Edward
is to have the lordship of Holland, Zeeland and Brabant
for his brother aforesaid. . . . The better to prevent
Charolais from having any deaHngs with the EngHsh, . . .
as he was trying to have King Edward's sister in marriage,
they are negotiating to give her to Philip of Savoy. . . .
Once this arrangement is concluded they say that on the
day following the agreement they will begin war on the
said lords of Burgundy, who with such effrontery have
sought to drive out his Majesty.

22.

[Letter from the Milanese ambassadors at the French Court to the
Duke of Milan, 19 May, 1467. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 151.]

There is a fresh report that M. Charolais has again
opened secret negotiations to take King Edward's sister to
wife, confirming once more the old league with the English.
If this takes place, they have talked of treating with the
Earl of Warwick to restore King Henry in England, and
the ambassador of the old queen of England is already here*

32 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

28.

[Letter from the Milanese ambassador at the French Court to the
Duke of Milan, 12 September, 1467. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 154.]

The king's ambassadors have lately returned from Eng-
land and as the Earl of Warwick met with many opponents
to his plan, they found him unable to effect what he had
promised on his departure. They therefore returned
without any positive arrangement, nor are matters adjusted
between the King of England, who seems very averse to
France, and Warwick ; they are constantly at strife. The
Welshmen have taken up arms against King Edward,
and proclaim Henry, whose next brother ^ [Jasper Tudor
Earl of Pembroke] late resident here, is going over there,
and the late queen is sending him some of her followers
to make their party take the field if possible. King Louis
complains bitterly that the Earl of Warwick has made so
many promises without fulfilling anything. According to
report, the earl has retired to his estates to raise troops.

24.

[The Earl of Warwick's popularity. Stow, *'Annales," ed. 1631,
p. 421. Stow has copied this passage from the Great Chronicle
of London, ff. 1796-180.]

This yeere, [1468] many murmurous tales r&nne in the
City, betweene the Earle of Warwicke and the Queenes
blood, the which Earle was ever had in great favour of the
commons of this land, by reason of the exceeding hous-
hold which bee daily kept in all countries where ever he
soiournied, or lay ; and when bee came to London, bee
held such an house, that sixe Oxen were eaten at a breake-
fast, and every Taverne was full of his meate, for who
that had any acquaintance in that house, bee should have

^ Henry's half brother.

POLITICAL 33

had as much sodden and rost, as he might carry upon a
long dagger.

25.

[Letter from Sir William Monypeny, the French ambassador to
England, to Louis XI, appended to Waurin, "Cronicques," ed.
Dupont, ITT, 186-95, 16 January, 1468. (French.)]

Sire, master Kobert Neville and I landed at Sandwich
in England the Thursday before Christmas, for the wind
was so strongly contrary to us that we could not go by
sea to the place where my lord of Warwick was ; and
from there we took our way to London, where we found
the council of my said lord of Warwick. . . . They asked
me if it was true that an embassy from Burgundy had
gone to you and your brother. I said yes, that I had seen
at Honfleur monsieur Olivier de la Marche and others
of tha council of the said Duke of Burgundy. They
replied that it was the best news they could have for
the good of my said lord of Warwick. . . . Also they
said they had heard that there was much talk of a marriage
between one of my ladies your daughters and the Prince
of Wales: about which everybody here was as alarmed
as people could be ; saying in all the London taverns
and throughout the country that those traitors ought
to be beheaded who had advised their king to neglect
to make any arrangement with you and to ally with the
Duke of Burgundy.

Also, sire, by their advice, I went to the place where
the King was : who, immediately I arrived, sent to ask
me to speak with him, and asked me for news of you,
enquiring if I had any letters addressed to him.

With regard to news, I answered that, thanks be to
God, the King was in great prosperity . . . and that I
had left you as well accompanied with lords and men-at-
arms as ever a King of France was.

3

34 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

As regards letters, I answered that none had been sent
addressed to him. . . . He enquired if any had been sent
addressed to my lord of Warwick : I said yes. He asked
me if anything was known of their contents : I said that
I thought nothing, except that you were greatly surprised
that he had not sent to you concerning the answer that
he ought to give upon the proposal of your last embassy,
seeing that he had sent you word by your ambassadors
and also by letters that he would speedily send an embassy
to you to answer you upon that proposal.

He answered that it was his intention to send someone
to you soon, with the advice of his Council and of my
said lord of Warwick, to treat with you : ... he told
me ... in the presence of his chamberlain and Lord
Scales and five or six others, that he would aid you
against your brother. ... As far as I can hear, it seems
to me that he is not very sure of any of the promises
made to him by lords of your kingdom, the more so since
my said lord of Burgundy has informed him by a secretary
of his who came after I arrived, that, concerning the
conclusion of the marriage of the said Duke of Burgundy
and the sister of the said King, he would give him a full
answer at the end of the present month, when his em-
bassy to the Pope should have returned, saying that he
was greatly harmed touching the dispensation at the
court of Eome.

Sire, if any way can be found with the Pope to defer
the said dispensation for the said marriage, I have no
doubt at all that, with God's will, you will set the whole
of this kingdom of England against the said Duke of
Burgundy; for they will think that all that he does is
only dissimulation, and in this way you will destroy all
those here who have held to his party. Sire, it seems
to me, under correction, that you should, by such means
as seem good to you, carry on negotiations with my said
lord of Burgupdj, without concluding anything. . . ,

POLITICAL 35

Also, sire, on the morrow of the Three Kings,^ the
King of England sent a messenger to my said lord of
Warwick and commanded him to come to him, to which,
after long deliberation of his comicil, he replied shortly
that he would not go. . . .

Also, sire, on New Year's Day, a party of the commons
of Kent rose and went to a place which the Treasurer,
father of the Queen, holds in the said county of Kent,
and threw down his parks and killed the deer that he
had there; . . . Also, in another county, named " Sur-
forchier," ^ there have risen full three hundred archers
and have made a captain hke Kobin [of Bedesdale ?] and
have sent to my lord of Warwick to know if it is time
to act, and that all their neighbours were ready. He
has commanded them to return home, and that it is not
yet time to act but that he will let them know when there
is need of it.

Also, sire, my lord of Warwick keeps master Eobert
Neville with him until he has spoken and arranged with
his brother the Earl of Northumberland . . . and after-
wards he will send him to you in all haste . . . but do
not cease to negotiate with my lord of Burgundy and
to hinder the marriage as far as you can. And when
that is broken off, there will not be a woman or child
in England who will not attack him. . . .

Also, sire, the Duke of Brittany has lately sent here
to the King of England, offering him fourteen or fifteen
places which he said he had taken from you in the duchy
of Normandy, on condition, however, that three thousand
archers should be sent to him to aid him and defend the
said places and his country.

Also, sire, my lord of Warwick leaves to-morrow .
for the Scottish frontier, where his brother the Earl of
Northumberland and all the men of the frontier will
1 7 January. 2 South Yorkshire ?

36 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

come to him, and he intends, if the King comes northward,
to defend himself against him. It is a question of who
is to be master and who servant . . . and upon my soul
I think there is no man in this world more loyal to you
than he has been.

26.

[Defensive alliances. The breach between the King and Warwick was
steadily widening, and Edward's policy was becoming correspond-
ingly more hostile to France. In 1468 he allied with the Dukes
of Burgundy and Brittany, both enemies of the French King and
in league with his rebellious brother the Duke of Berri. Each of
these alliances was accompanied by a commercial treaty {infra,
pp. 203-6). (a) The alliance with Burgundy, 24 February, 1468.
Rymer, XI, 615. (Latin.)]

Charles by the grace of God Duke of Burgundy. . .
Since there was discussion between . . . ambassadors of
the most illustrious . . . lord Edward, by the grace of God
King of England and lord of Ireland, and some of our
councillors, in considering the arrangement of the marriage
between us and the most illustrious lady Margaret, sister
of the aforesaid king our cousin, among other things, con-
cerning the giving of mutual aid for the defence and safe-
guard of countries and dominions, and the making of
authentic letters thereupon.

Hence it is that, wilHng that the aforesaid discussion
may be made effectual, we offer and promise ... to pro-
tect and defend for ever, to our power, the realm of
England and the lands and dominions of the King and his
successors.

[(&) The alliance with Brittany, 23 March, 1468. Ihid. From the
French Roll. (French.)]

Edward by the grace of God King of England and of
France and lord of Ireland, to all those who shall see
these present letters, greeting. We let you know that we

POLITICAL 37

have taken and made . . . alliance and intelligence with
the high and mighty prince. . . . Francis Duke of
Brittany, by which we have promised ... to be to him,
from this day forward, a good and loyal friend, to guard
his estate and person against all men, and not to aid any
of his enemies against him.

27.

[Louis Xl'b efforts to prevent the marriage of Margaret and the Duke
of Burgundy by getting the Pope to refuse the dispensation
necessary because of their relationship. Letter from the Milanese
ambassador at the Papal court to the Duke of Milan, 21 April,
1468. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 159.]

I have offered assistance to Master Olivero, ambassador
of the King of France, to prevent the dispensation be-
tween the Duke of Burgundy and the King of England
from being accorded. I also offered, if my efforts did not
sutHce, to bring in the other ambassadors of our most
serene league.

28.

[Edward IV's project to allay discontent and unrest by a foreign war.
Extract from the Chancellor's speech to Parliament, 17 May, 1468.
R.P., V, 622-3. The treaties and alliances which the King had
made with Castile, Denmark, the Hanse, Scotland, Naples, Bur-
gundy and Brittany were mentioned.]

And all these labours and matiers he had used and
done at his propre charge, as meanes to a principall en-
tent, that is to sey, to mynnyssh and lesse the power of
his olde and auncient adversary of Fraunce, the Frensshe
Kyng, whereby his seid Highnes shuld mowe the lightlyer
and rather recovere his right and title to the crowne and
londe of Fraunce, and possession of the same. Wherefore
his seid Highnes was fully sette and purposed, with the
myght and helpe of Allmyghty God, and with advis and
assistens of his Lordes Spirituell and Temporell, and also

38 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

of the Common of this londe, to procede and perfonrme
his seid principall entent, for the defence of this londe,
that is to sey, to goo over the see into Fraunce, and to
subdue his grete rebell and adversary Lowes, usurpaunt
kyng of the same, and to recovere and enjoy the title and
possession of the seid reame of Fraunce forthwith, his
duchies and lordships of Normandie, Gascoyn, Guysen,
and other ; and to that ende and purpose, his Highnes
is dailly called uppon, and also writen and send unto by
outward princes, as the Duke of Burgoyn . . . and the
Duke of Bretayn, and other, seiyng and promittyng that
and he wold come and procede unto the recovere of his
seid right and title, they wold goo and labour with hym
in their owne persones, for the recovere of the same, at
their costes and expenses ; for they sey and certifie daily
unto the Kynges Highnesse, that in their conceytes, there
was never noon of the Kynges progenitours or predecessours
that ever had such a convenient season for the recovere
thereof as he then had, yf it were used in tyme. . . . Con-
sideryng also the disposition of the people of this lond,
ho we that they must be occupied, and also that the dispo-
sicion and extent of his seid adversary was to londe, and
entre this reame. . . . These causes and thinges, and
meny other, moeved the Kynges Highnes ... to procede
and folowe the recovere of his reame of Fraunce, and lord-
ships be yonde the see, for the wele, suerte, peas and de-
fence of this lond, with the grace of God.

29.

[Reasons for the marriage of Charles of Burgundy and Margaret
of England, (a) Waurin, " Cronicques," ed. Dupont, II, 368.
(French.)]

The last day but one of June in the year 'sixty-eight,
Margaret, sister of King Edward of England, arrived at
the port of Sluys in Flanders ; and she was married to

POLITICAL 39

duke Charles of Burgundy, notwithstanding the objections
or hindrances that the King of France would have liked to
interpose, for he had striven with all his might to make
alliance with the English, to strive to destroy this duke of
Burgundy, as it was commonly said : and the king had pro-
ceeded in such wise that he had on his side the Earl of
Warwick, who was favoured by almost all the commons of
England : and he made them think that, if the Duke of Bur-
gundy had not made this alliance with King Edward's sister,
that he would have had against him, both at once, the king-
doms of France and England, so that, in order to avoid
such great dangers, the duke had consented to make this
marriage.

[(6) De Comines, ^' Memoires," ed. Dupont, I, 230.]

I have spoken elsewhere of the reasons which moved
the Duke of Burgundy to marry the sister of King Edward,
which was chiefly to strengthen himself against the King
[of France] : for otherwise he would never have done it,
because of the great love he bore to the house of Lancaster,
to which he was closely related through his mother (who
was a daughter of Portugal ; but her mother was daughter
of the Duke of Lancaster) ; and just as much as he per-
fectly loved this said house of Lancaster, he hated that of
York. Now at the time of this marriage, that of Lan-
caster was totally destroyed and there was no further talk
of that of York : for King Edward was king and duke of
York, and was entirely peaceful : and during the wars of
these two houses, there had been in England seven or
eight great battles, and cruel death of sixty or eighty
princes and lords of the royal houses, as I have said before
in these memoirs : and those who were not dead were
fugitives in the house of the said Duke of Burgundy, all
young lords, for their fathers had died in England : and
the Duke of Burgundy had received them into his house,

40 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

as his relations of Lancaster, before the marriage. And
I saw them in such great poverty, before the said Duke
had knowledge of them, that those who ask alms are not
so poor ; for I have seen a Duke of Exeter go on foot
without stockings, after the said Duke's train, begging his
bread from house to house, without telling his name. He
was the nearest relative of the house of Lancaster : and
had married King Edward's sister. Afterwards he was
known, and had a little house to maintain himself. The
Duke of Somerset and others were there. All have died
since in these battles. Their fathers and relatives pillaged
and destroyed the realm of France, and possessed the
greater part of it for many years ; they have all killed each
other. Those who were alive in England, and their
children, have ended as you see.

30.

[The Lancastrians in Wales, 1468, and the fall of their last stronghold.
" Gregory's Chronicle " (C.S.), p. 237.]

Alle so that yere the Lorde Herberd of Walys gate the
castelle of Hardelowe in Walys ; that castylle ys so stronge
that men sayde that hyt was impossybylle unto any man to
gete hyt, but [by] poyntment hit was gotyn. And sum of
the pety captaynys were be-heddyd at Towre Hylle at
London, for that castelle was fortefyd and vytaylyd by
suche as lovyd Kyng Harry ; one of the men was callyd
John Treublode.

Alle soo that yere, a lytylle be-fore the sege of that
castelle, the olde Lorde Jesper and sum tyme Erie of Pem-
broke was in Walys ; and he roode ovyr the contraye and
helde many cessyons and cysys in Kyng Harrys name.
But men wene that he was not owte of Walys when
the Lord Herberde come with hys oste; but favyr at sum
tyme dothe grete ese, as hit ys prevyd by the hydynge of
that lorde sum tyme Erie of Penbroke.

POLITICAL 41

31.

[Anglo-French relations, (a) Letter from the Milanese ambassador
in France to the Duke of Milan, 31 August, 1468. C.S.P., Milan,
I, no. 163.]

Two days ago an embassy of the English arrived here.
Yesterday they went to the king, and, from what I hear,
they have come to negotiate a truce with his Majesty
and say that they are content to have an understanding
and friendship together, and also to treat about the
marriage of that sovereign's second daughter ... to King
Edward's brother. The origin of this is that the King
here, by indirect ways, has succeeded in getting these
proposals brought forward, so that he may not have so
many enemies to meet, so that they might have reason
to consent to the truce, and not send 6000 archers to
Brittany to help the Duke there, as they proposed to
do. . . . The French King, in his own interests, wishes
to attend to the truce, but he will dissimulate about the
marriage aUiance until he sees how things are going.

[(h) The same to the same, 1 October, 1468. Ibid., no. 165.]

The English ambassadors . . . have returned home
without effecting anything for which they came. They
were content to make a long truce and have an under-
standing with the king here. His Majesty refused them
certain lands of this realm of importance which they
claimed. . . . The negotiations I wrote of having ceased,
his Majesty now gives out that he means to help the
old queen of England.

32.

[Robin of Redesdale's rebellion, 1469. '* Wark worth's Chronicle,"

pp. 6-7.]

And in the ix yere of the regne of Kyuge Edwarde,
at myssomere, the Duke of Clarence passede the see to

42 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

Caleis to the Erie of Warwyke, and there weddede his
doughter by the Archebysshoppe of Yorke the Erie of
Warwyke brothere, and afterwarde come overe ayene.
And anone aftere that, by ther assignment, there was
a grete insurreccyon in Yorkeschyre, of dyvers knyghtes,
squyres, and comeners, to the nowmbere of xx^i Ml. ;
and Sere William Conyars knyghte was therre capteyne,
whiche callede hym self Kobyne of Eiddesdale ; and agens
hem aroose, by the Kynges commawndement, Lorde Har-
barde, Erie of Penbroke, withe xliii Ml of Walschemenne,
the beste in Wales, and Humfray StafForde, with vii M^.
of archers of the weste countre ; and as thei went togedere
to mete the northemenne at a towne, there felle in a
varyaunce for ther logynge, and so the Erie of Devonschyre
departed from the Erie of Penbroke withe alle his menne.
And Eobyne of Eiddesdale came uppone the Walschemenne
in a playne byyonde Banbury tonne, and ther thei faughthe
strongly togedere, and ther was the Erie of Penbroke
takene, and his brother withe hym, and two Ml. Walsch-
menne slayne, and so the Walschmen loste the felde
the xxvi day of Juylle the same yere. . . . And at that
tyme was the Lorde Eyvers takene, and one of his sonnes,
in the forest of Dene, and brought to Northamtone, and
the Erie of Penbroke and Sere Eichard Herbarde his
brother were behedede at Northamtone, alle iiii by the
commawndement of the Duke of Clarence and the Erie
of Warwyke ; and Thomas Harbarde was slayne at
Brystow, etc. And at the same tyme was Stafford,
that was Erie of Devynschyre but half a yere, take at
Bryggewatere by the comons ther in Somersettschyre,
and ther ryghte behedede. And after that the Arche-
bysschoppe of Yorke had understondynge that Kynge
Edwarde was in a vilage bysyde Northamptone, and alle
his peple reysyd were fiedde fro hym ; by the avyce of
the Duke of Clarence and the Erie of Warwyke he rode

POLITICAL 43

with certayne horsmenue harneysed withe hym, and toke
K3^nge Edwarde, and had hym unto Warwyke castelle
a ly telle whyle, and afterwarde to Yorke cite.

33.

[Another rising in the north, 1469. " Brief Latin Chronicle " (C.S.),
p. 18o. (Latin.) Edward took the opportunity which this
rising offered of weakening the Nevilles' power in the north ;
he "promoted" the Neville Earl of Northumberland to be
Marquis Montague, and re.^tored the earldom to the heir of
the Percies.]

And immediately after [Robin of Redesdale], another
rose in rebellion, named Robin of Holdernes, with his
accomplices, asking for the earldom of Northumberland
to be restored to the rightful heir ; and the Earl of
Northumberland that then was captured him and had
him beheaded, and his followers were dispersed.

34.

[The King's escape, and his preparations against the Earl of War-
wick. Letter from the Milanese ambassador in France to the
Duke of Milan, 20 November, 1469. O.S.P., Milan, I, no. 177.]

The last news received by his Majesty here was that
the Earl of Warwick had gone to the North to take pos-
session of the castles and estates of those lords whom he
had caused to be beheaded. The King of England was
with him, going freely to amuse himself by hunting wher-
ever he chose. One day, being in the country, he took the
road towards London, and entered the city, where he was
very gladly and cordially received, as it seems that the king
is much beloved by the men of that city, while the earl is
hated, and the king is making efforts to raise as large a
force as he can to go against the Earl of Warwick.

His Majesty's correspondent upon this matter an-
nounces that the King of England already has a large

44 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YORKISTS

force, and says that I know not what lords and mihtary
commanders have fled from the earl and gone to meet the
king, in order to help him. Also that the earl and the
Duke of Clarence are mustering all the men they can, to
go and find the king and fight a fresh battle.

35.

[Edward's escape from the power of Warwick. Letter from Sir John
Paston to Margaret Paston, October, 1469. "Past on Letters,"
II, 389.]

The Kynge is comyn to London, and ther came with
hym, and roode ageyn hym, the Duke of Glowcestr . . .
and many other knyghtys and sqwyers, the Meyr of Lon-
don, xxii aldremen, in skarlett, and of the crafftys men
of the town to the nombre of CC, all in blewe. The
Kynge come thorow Chepe, thowe it wer owt of hys weye,
be cawse he wold not be seyn, and he was accompanyed
in all peple with Ml horsse, som harneysyd and som nat.
My Lorde Archebysshop com with hym from Yorke, and
is at the Moor, and my Lorde of Oxenfford roode to have
mett the Kyng, and he is with my Lorde Archebysshop at
the Moor, and come nat to town with the Kynge ; some sey
that they wer yesterdaye iii myle to the Kyng wards from
the Moor, and that the Kyng sent them a massangr that
the scholde com when that he sent for them. I wot not
what to suppose therin ; the Kyng hymselffe hathe good
langage of the Lords of Clarance, of Warwyk, and of my
Lords of York [and] of Oxenford, seyng they be hys best
frendys ; but hys howselde men have other langage, so that
what schall hastely falle I cannot seye.

POLITICAL 45

36.

[The rebellion in Lincolnshire, 1470. " Warkworfch's Chronicle"
(C.S.), pp. 8-9.]

And in the x yeve of Kynge Edwardes regne, in the
moneth of Marche, the Lorde Willowby, the Lorde Welles
his Sonne, Thomas Delalond knyght, and Sere Thomas
Dymmoke knyght, the Kynges Champyon, droff oute of
Lyncolneschyre Sere Thomas a Burghe, a knyght of the
Kynges howse, and pullede downe his place, and toke alle
his goodes and cataylle that thei myghte fynde, and thei
gaderid alle the comons of the schyre to the nombre of
XXX Ml., and cryed " Kynge Herry," and refused Kynge
Edwarde. And the Duke of Clarence and the Erie of
Warwyke causede alle this, lyke as thei dyde Kobyne of
Eiddesdale to ryse afore that at Banbury felde. And
whenne Kynge Edwarde herde hereof, he made oute his
commyssyons, and gaderyd a grete peple of menne, and
sent his pardone to the Lorde Wyllowby, and a commaunde-
ment that thei schuld come to hym, and so he dyd. And
whenne the Kynge was sure of hym, he and alle his oste
went towarde Lyncolneschyre, the Lorde Welles, and alle
the othere peple [who] were gaderd togedere, and commawn-
dede Lorde Wyllowby to sende a lettere to hys sonne and
to alle the peple that he gaderyde, that thei schulde yelde
them to hym as to ther sovereyne lorde, or ellys he made
a woue that the Lorde Willowby schuld lese his hede ;
and he wrote and sent his lettere forthe, and therfor they
wulde noght ceysse ; wherfor the Kynge comawndyde the
Lorde Wyllowhby hede for to be smyten of, notwithstond-
ynge his pardone. And so the Kynge toke his oste and
went towarde his enemyes, and losyde his gonnys of his
ordynaunce uppone them, and faught with them, and
anone the comons fledde away ; but ther was many manne
slayne of Lyncolneschyre, and the Lorde Wellys, Sere
Thomas Delalond, and Sere Thomas Dymmoke, knyghtys,
takene and beheddede.

46 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

37.

[The confession of Sir Robert WoUea concerning the Lincoln^shire
rebellion. "Camden Miscellany," I, 21-3.]

Aboute Candelmasse last, a chapelein of my lordes of
Clarence, called maister John Barnby, and with him Sir
John Clare, prestes, came to my lord my fadir and me to
Hellow, with letres of credence yeven to the sayd maister
Johan, which he opned in this wyse; that my lorde of
Warwike was at London with the kinge, wherupon for
thaire bothe suerties he praid us in both thaire names to
be redy with alle the felaship we couth or might make and
assemble of the comons, what tyme so ever my sayd lord
of Clarence shuld send us word. Nathelesse he willed us
to tary, and nott stur, to suche time as my lord of "War-
wike were come agayne from London, for doubte of his
destruccion. . . .

The cause of oure grete risinge at this time was grounded
upon this noise raisid amonges the people, that the kinge
was coming downe (and with him Sir Thomas Borogh)
with grete power, into Lincolnshire, where the kinges
jugges shulde sitte, and hang and draw grete noumbre of
the comons. "Wherfore, with as many as we might make
be alle meanes possible, we came to Lincoln upon the
Tuseday ; and upon the Wenesday a servaunt of my said

lord of Clarence, called Walter , yoman of his

chawmbre, by his commaundment, told us the same, and
that the gentilmen of the contre shuld passe upon us in
such wyse that nedely gret multitud must dye of the
comons ; therupon desiring us to arise and procede in oure
purpose, as we loved ourselves. ...

The said Walter , servaunt of my lorde of Clarence,

went with me to the feld, and toke grete parte of guiding
of our boost, nott departing from the same to the end.
And afore that, as aone as I came to Lincolne, I sent Sir

POLITICAL 47

John Clare to my lord of Warwike, to have understanding
from him how he wold have us guidid forthwardes ; but,
for us semed he taried long, we sent hastily after him oon
John Wright, of Lincolne, for the same cause ; and there-
upon I departed with oure hoost towardes Grantham ; and
in the way, aboute Temple Brewere, Sir John Clare mett
with me, saing of my lord of Warwikes behalfe, that he
grett us welle, and bade us be of gode comforth, for he and
my said lord of Clarence wold araise alle the peple they
couth in alle hast, and come towardes us, and utterly take
suche parte as we shuld take. . . .

The Sunday after came John Wright to Grantham, and
broght me a ring from my said lord of Warwike, and
desired me to go forward, bidding me and us alle be of
gode comfort, for he was in araising alle that he might
make, and wold be at Leycestre on Monday night with
XX Ml men, and joyne with us. . . .

Also, my lord of Clarence servaunt Walter , that

cam to us at Lincolne, stured and meved often times our
hoost, and in many places of the same, that att such tyme
as the matir shuld come nerre the point of batelle they
shuld calle upon my lord of Clarence to be king, and to
distroye the kinge that so was aboute todistroye them and
alle the realme : . . .

Also, I have welle understand by many mesagges, as
welle fro my lord of Clarence as of Warwike, that they
entended to make grete risinges, as forforthly as ever I
couth understand, to th'entent to make the due of Clarence
king : and so it was oft and largely noised in our hoost.

Also, I say that ne had beene the said due and erles
provokinges, we at this tyme wold ne durst have maid
eny commocion or sturing, but upon there comfortes we
did that we did.

48 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

38.

[An anonymous letter " to my cosyu, J. Paston ". " Paston LefcterB,"
II, 395-6, 27 March, 1470.]

The King camme to Grantham, and ther taried Thores-
day all diiy ^ ; and ther was headed Sir Thomas Dalalaunde,
and on John Neille, a greate capteyn ; and upon the Monday
next after that at Dancastr, and ther was headed Sir Kobert
Wellys, and a nothr greate capteyn ; and than the King
hadde warde that the Duk of Clarence and the Erie of
Warwick was att Esterfeld,^ xx mile from Dancastre.

And upon the Tewesday att ix of the bell, the King toke
the feld, and mustered his people ; and itt was seid that
wer never seyn in Inglond so many goodly men, and so
well arreiyed in a feld. And my Lord was whorsshupfully
accompanyed, no lord ther so well ; wherfor the King
gaffe my Lord a greate thanke.

And than the Duk of Clarence and the Erie of War-
wik harde that the King was comyng to them warde,
in contynent they departed and wente to Manchestre in
Lancasshire, hopyng to have hadde helpe and socour of
the Lord Stanley, butt in conclucion ther they hadde litill
favour, as itt was enformed the King, and so men sayn
they wente westward, and sommen demen to London.
And whan the King harde they wer departed and gon, he
went to York, and came theder the Thoresday next aftrj
and ther camme in to hym all the gentilmen of the shire ;
and uppon our Lady Day [he] made Percy Erie of
Northumberland, and he that was Erie affore Markeys
IVIuntakew. And so the King is purposed to come south-
warde, God send hym god spede.

1 15 March. ^ Chesterfield.

POLITICAL 49

39.

[The flight of Clarence and Warwick. " Wark worth's Chronicle "

(C.S.), p. 9.]

And whenne the Duke of Clarence and the Earl of
Warwike herde the felde was loste, and how there cown-
selle was dyscoverede, thei fledde westwarde to the see
syde, and toke there here schippys, and sayled towarde
Southamptone, and entendet there to have a grete schyppe
of the seid Erie of Warwykes, callyde the Trinite ; but
the Lorde Scales, the Queues brother, was sent thedere
by the Kynges commawndement, and other withe hym,
and faught with the seide Duke and Erie, and toke there
dyverse schyppes of theres and many of ther men therein ;
so that the Duke and the Erie were fayne to flee to the
Kynge of Fraunce, where thei were worschipfully re-
ceyved.

40.

[Edward IV's stratagem to detach Clarence from Warwick. Comines,
"Memoires," ed. Dupont, I, 241-2. (French.) While War-
wick and Clarence were in France, a lady came from England to
attend upon the Duchess of Clarence. Ostensibly she brought
offers of peace to the confederates from Edward IV, but her
real business was a secret overture to Clarence.]

The secret that this woman bore was to set forth to
my lord of Clarence that he ought not to wish to destroy
his family in order to help and restore to authority that
of Lancaster, and that he should consider their ancient
hatreds and offences : and that he might well believe that,
since the said earl had married his daughter to the prince
of Wales, that he would try to make him king of England :
and that already he had done homage to him. This
woman carried out her plan so well, that she won over
the lord of Clarence so that he promised to change over
to the side of the King his brother, as soon as he should
be in England.

4

50 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

41.

[Reoouciliation of Queen Margaret and the Earl of Warwick. Letters
from the Milanese ambassador in France to the Duke of Milan.
C.S.P., Milan, I.]

[(a) No. 186. 2 June, 1470.]
His Majesty . . . is fco meet the Earl of Warwick, who
comes to make him reverence. It is considered certain
that they will arrange a marriage between a daughter of
the earl and the Prince of Wales, King Henry's son, and
by thus raising up once more the party of that king the
earl will return forthwith to England. . . . His Majesty
assists him with money and men, nothing being omitted
to render him victorious, and he is very hopeful.

[(6) No. 188. 12 June, 1470.]

The Duke of Clarence and the Earl of Warwick arrived
in this place [Amboise] on the S^h inst. , and were received
by the Most Christian King in the most honourable
and distinguished manner imaginable. . . . Every day his
Majesty has gone to visit them in their rooms and has
remained with them in long discussions, while he honours
and feasts them, giving them tournaments and dancing
and everything else of distinction.

To-day they have left and gone away . . . until the
arrival of the queen, wife of King Henry, and the Prince
of Wales, her son. . . . The Earl of Warwick does not
want to be here when that queen first arrives, but wishes
to allow his Majesty to shape matters a little with her
and induce her to agree to an alliance between the prince,
her son, and a daughter of Warwick, and to put aside
all past injuries and enmities. That done, Warwick will
return here to give the finishing touches to everything,
and immediately afterwards, according to all accounts,
he will return to England with a great fleet, taking with
him the said prince. . . . For the present his Majesty

POLITICAL 51

will give Warwick 25,000 crowns and, according to what
they say here, 25,000 more two or three months hence.

For the greater security of his said Majesty, the Duke
of Clarence, his wife, as well as Warwick's wife, and
other daughter, the future princess, will stay away from
these parts.

[(c) No. 189. 29 June, 1470.]

The Queen of England, wife of King Henry, and the
prince, her son, arrived in this place on the 25*1^ inst.,
and were received in a very friendly and honourable
manner by His Majesty the king and the queen. His
Majesty has spent and still spends every day in long
discussions with that queen to induce her to make the
alliance with Warwick and to let the prince, her son,
go with the earl to the enterprise of England. Up to the
present the queen has shown herself very hard and difficult,
and although his Majesty offers her many assurances,
it seems that on no account whatever will she agree to
send her son with Warwick, as she mistrusts him.
[(d) No. 190. 20 July, 1470.]

The Queen of England, wife of King Henry, has been
induced to consent to do all that his Majesty desires,
both as regards a reconciliation with Warwick and the
marriage alliance. The said queen and Warwick are ex-
pected here [Angers] in a day or two, to arrange everything
finally, and then Warwick will go to England without
losing time. The Prince of Wales will not go with him
this first time. . . .

The Duke of Burgundy, with all his power, has sent as-
sistance in ships and troops to King Edward, in order to
prevent Warwick from descending again upon England,
but it is thought he will not be able to prevent it because
Warwick will go to land in the country of Wales, where it
is presumed he will be gladly received, because all the

52 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

men of that part are thorough-going partisans andiservants
of King Henry and his brother, and these last months they
have already been in rebellion against King Edward.

[(e) No. 191. 24 July, 1470.]

The Queen of England and the Prince of Wales, her son,
arrived here [Angers] the day before yesterday, and on the
same day the Earl of Warwick also arrived. The same
evening the king presented him to the queen. With great
reverence Warwick went on his knees and asked her
pardon for the injuries and wrongs done to her in the past.
She graciously forgave him and he afterwards did homage
and fealty there, swearing to be a faithful and loyal sub-
ject of the king, queen, and prince as his liege lords unto
death.

42.

[Edward IV's carelessness after Warwick's expulsion. Comines,
" Memoires," I, 239-40. (French.)]

King Edward was not a man of great foresight, but a
very handsome prince, more so than any I have ever seen
in his time, and very valiant. He was not so much con-
cerned about the invasion of the Earl of Warwick as the
Duke of Burgundy was ; for he knew the movements in
England in favour of the said Earl of Warwick, and often
warned King Edward of them ; but he had no fear (it seems
to me folly not to fear one's enemy and not to wish to be-
lieve anything) seeing the resources that he had : for the
King [of France] had armed all the ships he could pro-
cure, and put many men in them ; and had provided equip-
ment for the EngHsh. He had arranged the marriage of
the Prince of Wales to the second daughter of the said
Earl of Warwick. . . . And all this huge train was ready
to descend upon England.

POLITICAIi 53

43.

[A letter to Sir John Paston, written at the beginning of August,
1470. *' Paston Letters," II, 406.]

Ther be many ffolkes uppe in the northe, soo that
Percy is not able to recyst them ; and soo the Kynge
hathe sente ffor hys ffeeodmen to koom to hym, for he
woU goo to putt them downe. And soom seye that the
Kynge sholde come ageyn to London, and that in haste,
and as it is sayde Cortenayes be londyd in Devenschyr,
and ther rewle.

Item, that the Lordes Clarance and Warwyk woU as-
saye to londe in Inglonde evyrye daye, as ffolkes ffeer.

44.

[The Earl of Warwick's invasion, flight of Edward IV, and restoration
of Henry "VI. '' Wark worth's Chronicle," pp. 10-12.]

In the same x yere aforeseide, [1470] a lytelle before
Michaelmesse, the Duke of Clarence and the Erie of War-
wyke londede in the west countre, and gadered there
a grete peple. The lorde Markes Montagu had gaderyd
vi Ml. men, by Kynge Edwardes commysyone and com-
maundement, to the entente to have recistede the seide
Duke of Clarence, and the Erie of Warwyke. Nevere the
lattere, the seide Markes Montagu hatyde the Kynge, and
purposede to have taken hym ; and v^henne he was withein
a myle of Kynge Edwarde, he declarede to the peple that
was there gaderede with hym, how Kynge Edwarde hade
fyrst yevyne to hym the erledome of Northumberlonde,
and how he toke it from hym and gaff it Herry Percy,
whos fadere was slayne at Yorke felde ; and how of late
tyme hade he made hym Markes of Montagu, and yaff
a pyes neste to mayntene his astate withe : wherefor he
yaff knoleage to his peple that he wulde holde withe the
Erie of Warwyke, his brothere, and take Kynge Edwarde
if he myght, and all© tho that wolde holde with hym. But

64 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

anone one of the oste went oute frome the fellawschippe,
and tolde Kynge Edwarde alle manere of thynge, and bade
hym avoyde, for he was noght stronge enoghe to gyff
batayle to Markes Montagu ; and then anone Kynge
Edwarde haysted hym in alle that he myght to the towne
of Lynne, and ther he toke schyppynge one Michaelmesse
day, in the x yere of his regne, with Lorde Hastynges,
that was the Kynges Chamberleyne, Lorde Say, withe
dyverse other knyghtes and squyers, passed and saylede
overe the see into Flaunders, to his brother-in-lawe the
Duke of Burgeyne, for socoure and helpe, etc.

Here it is to knowe, that in the begynnynge of the
moneth of Octobre, the yere of oure Lorde a MCCCCLXX,
the Bisshoppe of Wynchestere, be the assent of the Duke of
Clarence and the Erie of Warwyke, went to the toure of
Londone, where Kynge Herry was in presone by Kynge
Edwardes commawndement, and there toke hyme from
his kepers, which was noght worschipfully arayed as a
prince, and noght so clenly kepte as schuld seme suche
a Prynce ; thei hade hym oute, and newe arayed hym,
and dyde to hyme grete reverens and brought hyme to the
palys of Westmynster, and so he was restorede to the
crowne ageyne. . . . Whereof alle his goode lovers were
fulle gladde, and the more parte of peple. Nevere the
lattere, before that, at he was putt oute of his reame by
Kynge Edwarde, alle Englonde for the more partye hatyd
hym, and were fulle gladde to have a chounge ; and the
cause was, the good Duke of Glouceter was put to dethe,
and Jhon Holonde, Duke of Excetre, poysond, and that
the Duke of Suffolke, the Lorde Say, Danyelle Trevyliane,
and other myscheves peple that were aboute the Kynge,
were so covetouse towarde them selff, and dyde no force of
the Kynges honour, ne of his wele, ne of the comone wele
of the londe, where Kynge Herry trusted to them that
tbei schuld do, and labour in tyme of innocence evere for

POLITICAL 55

the comone wele, whiche thei dyde contrary to his wille ;
and also Fraunce, Normandy, Gasgoyne, and Guyane was
lost in his tyme. And these were the causes, withe other*
that made the peple to gruge ageynshym, and alle bycause
of his fals lordes, and nevere of hym ; and the comon
peple seyde, yf thei myghte have another Kynge, he schulde
gett alle ageyne and amende alle manere of thynges that
was amysse, and brynge the reame of Englond in grete
prosperite and reste. Nevere the lattere, whenne Kynge
Edwarde Illlth regnede, the peple looked after alle the
forseide prosperytes and peece, but it came not ; but one
batayle aftere another, and moche troble and grett losse of
goodes amonge the comone peple ; as fyrste, the xv of alle
there goodes, and thanne ane hole xv, at yett at every
batell to come ferre oute there countreis at ther awne
coste ; and these and suche othere brought Englonde
ryght lowe, and many menne seyd that Kynge Edwarde
had myche blame for hurtynge marchandyse, for in his
dayes thei were not in other londes, nore withein Englonde,
take in suche reputacyone and credence as thei were afore,
etc.

45.

[Advice on government, addressed to the son of Henry VI (1470 ?).
Extracts from George Ashby's poem, "The Active Policy of a
Prince ". (George Ashby's Poems, E.E.T.S.) It reflects the evils
of government prevailing under Henry VI, and to a lesser ex-
tent under Edward IV.]

The Wiseman saithe do all thinge with counseil,
Not biddynge youre counsail do al thing,
Right so if ye go youre selfe to batail,
All folk woll folowe you in youre helpyng.
Do youre selfe and all shall be obeying,
Truste to no man is execucion,
So wele as to youre oune inspeccion,.

56 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YORKISTS

And paie youre men theire wages and dutee,
That thei may lyve withoute extorcion,
And so wol god trouthe and equitee,
And therfore take hertili this mocion,
And in their nedys be their proteccion.
And so shal youre fame encrece and rise,
And every man youre pleasire accomplise.

... Be wele ware by discrete provision
For to suppresse youre false conspiratours,
Aftur the lawe and constitucion,
Established ayenst opyn traiterous,
Being circumspect as youre progenitom's,
In suche caas have bene to the preserving,
Of their royal estate and preservyng.

Wolde to god that ye wolde provide sadly

To subdewe al maner rebellyon,

Namely of suche countreies that gladly

Be disposed to insurreccion,

Wherof ye may have intelleccion

Redyng cronicles, and then ye may fynde

Whiche places bene to thair deue kyng unkynde.

. . . Provide that your Communes may be welthy,

In richesse, goodes and prosperite,

And to occupacion theim applye,

Undur drede of the lawe is rigourstee,

For of what condicion that he be,

And he be of goodes right plentuous,

He dar not be to law contrarious.

. . . Provide that lawe may be excercised,

And executed in his formal cours,

Aftur the statutes autorised

By noble kynges youre progenitoars,

Yeving therto youre aide helpe and socour.

So shall ye kepe folk in subjeccion

Of the lawe and trewe dispocision.

POLITICAL 57

Yif ye wol bryng up ay en clothe makyng,

And kepe youre Comyns oute of ydelnesse,

Ye shull therfore have many a blessyng

And put the pore people in busynesse,

Bi the whiche thei shal come to grete swetnesse,

And robbery lafte by that excercise,

And strumpery als by this entreprise.

Lete nat the pouer Comyns be dysguised

Nee have precious clothe in theire vesture,

But in thair excesse be ther supprised

And observe a resonable mesure

In their arraye, with oute chaunge but tend are,

Accordyng to degree of laborours,

Aftur statute of youre progenitours.

. . . Also gentilmen shuld nat yeve clothyng
But to their hov^shold meyne, for surance
That no man be their pov^er excedyng,
Ne maynteine no people, by youre puissance,
Ner false quarels take thorough maintenance,
But everry man lyve of his owne in rest.
And that pleasithe god and man most best.

... By lawe every man shold be compellede
To use the bowe and shetyng for disport,
And al insolent pleies repellede,
And iche towne to have buttes for resort
Of every creature for their comfort,
Especially for al oure defence
Establisshed before of grete prudence.

. . . And als ever amonge cherisshe straungers,

Marchandes, pilgrymes and great clerkes.

In especial suche as be makers.

Thise may exaltat youre name and werkes,

Aftur the oolde dogge the yonge whelpe barkes ;

Study ever to have men is favour

By vertue, or elles lost is youre labour.

68 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

. . . Make knyghtes, squiers and gentilmen riche,

And the pore Comyns also welthy,

But to youre richesse make never man liche,

If ye wol stande in peas and be set by.

So wol god and polled sykerly,

Lyke as ye in estate other excelle,

In propre richesse ye sholde here the belle.

Yf god send you children plentuously,

As I truste to god he wole right wele,

Do theim to be lettred right famously

Wherby thei shall reule bi reason and skele,

For leude men litle discrecion fele.

Who that is lettred sufficiantly,

Kulethe meche withoute swerde obeiceantly.

46.

[Edward IV in exile, and the policy of the Duke of Burgundy.
Coraines, I, 245-56. (French.)]

So fled King Edward . . . with the two hulks and a
little ship of his own, and some seven or eight hundred
persons with him, who had no other clothing than their
habiliments of war, and they had not a penny, and hardly
knew where they were going. . . . He arrived in Fries-
land, near a httle town called Alkmaer, and anchored his
ship, because the tide was out and they could not enter
the harbour, but they came as near to the town as they
could. . . .

By chance the lord of Gruthuyse, governor for the
Duke of Burgundy in Holland, was then at the place
where the King of England wished to land, and he, as
soon as he was informed of it (for they sent men ashore)
. . . went on board the ship in which the said King was,
and received him, and he landed, and full fifteen hundred
men with him: and there was with him the Duke of

POLITICAL 59

Gloucester, his brother, who afterwards had himself called
King Kichard. And the said King had not a penny ; and
gave a robe furred with fine marten to the master of the
ship, promising to reward him better in time to come.
Never was there such a poor company ; but the said lord
of Gruthuyse acted honourably, for he gave several robes,
and defrayed all expenses to the Hague in Holland, where
he took him : then he informed my lord of Burgundy of
this occurence, and he was marvellously afraid at this
news, and would much have preferred his death : for he
was very anxious about the Earl of Warwick, who was
his enemy and had the mastery of England. . . .

The day that the Duke of Burgundy had the news that
King Edward had arrived in Holland, I had come to him
from Calais, and found him at Boulogne, and as yet I
knew nothing of this, nor of the King of England's
flight. The Duke of Burgundy had, at first, news that he
was dead. This did not trouble him at all, for he pre-
ferred the house of Lancaster to that of York. And he
had then in his household the Dukes of Exeter and Somer-
set and several others of the said King Henry's party :
wherefore it seemed to him that he would ally with this
house ; but he greatly feared the Earl of Warwick ; and
also he did not know how he could satisfy him who had
fled to him, whose sister he had married, and to whom he
was made a brother in Orders ; for he bore the Fleece,
and the said Duke bore the Garter. . . .

The said Duke immediately sent me back to Calais, and
one or two gentlemen of Henry's party with me : and told
me what he wished me to do in this changed state of
affairs, and begged me very earnestly to go, saying that he
had need to be served in this matter. . . .

I went to Calais. . . . Every man wore the Hvery of my
lord of Warwick. At the door of my lodging and of my
room they had painted more than a hundred white crosses,

60 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOKKISTS

and rhymes, saying that the King of France and the Earl
of Warwick were united. . . . The said Lord Wenlock
[Governor of Calais] invited me to dinner, and he was well
accompanied; and he had a golden ragged staff in his
bonnet (which was the said Earl's livery, which was a
black staff) and all the others similarly ; and he who could
not have it in gold had cloth. And it was told me at
dinner, that as soon as the messenger who brought them
this news arrived from England, in less than a quarter of
an hour everyone wore the said livery, so hasty and sudden
was this change. . . .

I told them in answer to all questions that King Edward
was dead, and that I was well assured of it, although I
well knew the contrary ; and that if he should not be, the
aUiances which my lord of Burgundy had with the King
and kingdom of England were such, that they could not
be broken by what had happened; and that he whom
they should take for their king we would acknowledge
also. On account of past changes there had been inserted
these words, '* with the king and kingdom " ; . . . It was
agreed between us that the alliances which we had made
with the kingdom of England should stand, save that we
should name Henry in place of Edward.

This arrangement greatly pleased the Duke of Bur-
gundy : for the Earl of Warwick sent four thousand
Enghshmen to Calais, purposely to make war on him, and
no way of conciliating him could be found. However the
great merchants of London, several of whom were at
Calais, turned him from it, because it is the staple of their
wools ; . . . and their principal market is in Flanders and
Holland. And so the merchants helped greatly in the
making of this arrangement, and in holding back my lord
of Warwick's people. This was very fortunate for the
Duke of Burgundy, for it was just at this time that the
King [of France] had taken Amiens and St. Quentin ; and

POLITICAL 61

if the said Duke had been at war with the two kingdoms
at once, he would have been destroyed. He endeavoured
as far as he could to conciliate the Earl of Warwick, say-
ing that he never wished to do anything against King
Henry, and that he was of this house of Lancaster, and
all such things serving his end.

47.

[Louis XI was determined to unite England with him in war on the
Duke of Burgundy. Extract from the instructions of the am-
bassadors sent by Louis XI to Henry VI and Warwick, 13 Nov-
ember, 1470. Document appended to Waurin, " Cronicques," ed.
Dupont, III, 199-200. (French.)]

The said ambassadors are charged and have power from
the king to treat for and conclude with the king of
England and my said lord of Warwick a special aUiance
against the Duke of Burgundy, and that the said alliance
should be such and so well and surely made, that none of
the parties can ever make treaty, peace, accord or appoint-
ment, truce or abstention from war with the said duke
of Burgundy . . . without the other . . . but each of the
parties shall be bound to pursue to the uttermost, conduct
and continue the war until the final conquest of the said
Duke of Burgundy and of all his countries, lands and lord-
ships. . . .

Also the said ambassadors are charged and have power
to conclude and appoint what share and portion each shall
have of the conquests which shall be made from the said
Duke of Burgundy, and they shall make offer that my
said lord of Warwick shall have for his share, the
countries and lordships of Holland and Zealand.

62 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOEKISTS

48.

[A treaty of oflFensive alliance against Burgundy was sealed between
England and France on 28 November, 1470. The Duke of Bur-
gundy, despite his desire for peace with Henry VI and Warwick,
was thus forced to help Edward IV. Comines, I, 256-8.
(French.)]

King Edward came to the Duke of Burgundy at St.
Pol, and earnestly begged for his aid to enable him to re-
turn, assuring him that he had a strong party in the realm
of England ; and that, for the love of God, he would not
abandon him, seeing that he had married his sister and
that they were Order brothers. The Dukes of Somerset
and Exeter urged the contrary and for King Henry's party.
The said Duke did not know with which to comply : . . .
Finally he made an agreement with the said Duke of
Somerset and the others above mentioned, taking of them
certain promises against the Earl of Warwick, whose old
enemies they were. Seeing this. King Edward, who was
there, was much disturbed : however, he was encouraged
as far as possible, being told that there must be dissimula-
tion so as not to have war with two kingdoms at once :
for if the said Duke were destroyed, he could not after-
wards easily help him. However the said Duke, seeing
that he could not restrain the said King Edward from
going to England, and for several reasons not daring to
anger him on all points : pretended publicly not to give
him any help, and made proclamation that none should
aid him ; but underhand and secretly he lent him five
thousand St. Andrew florins, and suppHed him with three
or four large ships which he had fitted out for him at the
port of Veer in Holland, where is a port where everyone
is received ; and hired for him secretly fourteen Easterling
ships well armed, which promised to serve him until he
had passed to England, and for fifteen days after. This
help, considering the times, was very great.

POLITICAL 63

49.

[The return of King Edward IV, 1471. Extracts from the '' Historie
of the Arrivall of Edward IV in England " (C.S.). He embarked
at Flushing on 2 March, but on account of bad weather was
unable to sail until 11 March ; he landed at Ravenspur on
14 March.]

As to the folks of the countrye there came but right
few to hym, or ahnost none, for, by the scuringe of suche
persons as for that cawse were, by his said rebells, sent
afore into thos partes for to move them to be agains his
highnes, the people were sore endwsed to be contrary
to hym, and not to receyve, ne accepe hym, as for theyr
Kynge ; natwithstondynge, for the love and favour that
before they had borne to the prince of fulnoble memorye,
his father, Duke of Yorke, the people bare hym right
great favowr to be also Duke of Yorke, and to have that
of right apartayned unto hym, by the right of the sayde
noble prince his fathar. And, upon this opinion, the
people of the countrie, whiche in greate nombar, and
in dyvars placis, were gatheryd, and in harnes, redye to
resiste hym in chalenginge of the Royme and the crowne,
were disposyd to content them selfe, and in noo wyse to
annoy hym, ne his felowshipe, they affirmynge that to
such entent were [they] comen, and none othar. Where-
upon, the hoole felowshipe of the Kyngs comen and
assembled togethar, he toke advise what was best to doo,
and concludyd brifely, that, ... for as longe as he shuld
be in passynge thrughe and by the contrye, and to the
tyme that he myght, by th'assistaunce of his trew ser-
vaunts, subiects and lovars, whiche he trustyd veryly in
his progres shuld come unto hym, be of suche myght
and puissaunce as that were lykely to make a sufficient
party, he, and all thos of his felowshipe, shuld noyse, and
say openly, where so evar they came, that his entent
and purpos was only to claime to be Duke of Yorke, and

64 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

to have and enioy th'enheritaunce that he was borne
unto, by the right of the full noble prince his fathar, and
none othar. Thrwghe whiche noysynge the people of
the contrye that were gatheryd and assembled in dyvars
placis, to the number of vi or vii thowsand men, by the
ledinge and gwydynge of a priste the vycar of [blank] in
one place, and a gentleman of the same contrye, callyd
Martyn of the See, to th'entent to have resisted and lettyd
hym his passage, . . . toke occasyon to owe and beare
hym favowre in that qwarell.

[Edward went to York, where he was allowed to enter and pass a
night. He went from there to Tadcaster and on to Wakefield,
passing Pomfret Castle, which was held by the Marquis Montague,
without hindrance.]

Trouth it is, that he [Montague] ne had nat, ne cowthe
not have gatheryd, ne made, a felashipe of nombar sufficient
to have openly resistyd hym in hys qwarell, ne in Kyng
Henries qwarell; and one great caws was, for great
partie of the people in thos partis lovyd the Kyngs person
well, and cowthe nat be encoragyd directly to doo agayne
hym in that qwarell of the Duke of Yorke, which in
almannar langage of all his fellawshipe was covertly
pretendyd, and none othar. An othar grete cawse was,
for grete partye of [the] noble men and comons in thos
parties were towards th'Erle of Northumbarland, and
would not stire with any lorde or noble man other than
with the sayde Earle, or at leaste by his commandement.
And, for soo muche as he sat still, in suche wise that
yf the Marques wolde have done his besines to have as-
sembled them in any manier qwarell, neithar for his love,
whiche they bare hym non, ne for any commandement
of higher auctoritie, they ne wolde in no cawse, ne qwarell,
have assisted hym. Wherein it may right well appere,
that the said Erie, in this behalfe, dyd the Kynge right
gode and notable service, and, as it is deemed in the

POLITICAL 65

conceipts of many men, he cowthe nat hav done hym
any beter service, ne not thowghe he had openly declared
hym selfe extremly parte-takar with the Kynge in his
rightwys qwarell, and, for that entent, have gatheryd
and assemblyd all the people that he might have made ;
for, how be it he loved the Kynge trewly and parfectly,
as the Kynge thereof had certayne knowledge, and wolde,
as of himselfe and all his power, have served hym trwely,
yet was it demyd, and lykly it was to be trewe, that many
gentlemen and othar, whiche would have be araysed by
him, woulde not so fully and extremly have determyned
them selfe in the Kyng's right and qwarell as th'Erle
w^olde have done hymselfe ; . . . his sittynge still caused
the citie of Yorke to do as they dyd, and no werse, and
every man in all thos northe partes to sit still also, and
suffre the Kynge to passe as he dyd, nat with standynge
many were right evill disposed of them selfe agaynes the
Kynge, and in especiall, in his qwarell. . . .

Abowte Wakefylde, and in thos parties, came some
folks unto hym, but not so many as he supposed wolde
have comen ; nevarthelesse his nombar was encreasyed.
And so thens he passyd forthe to Doncastar, and so
forthe to Notyngham. And to that towne came unto
hym two good Knyghts, Syr Wilham Parre, and Ser
James Harington, with two good bands of men, well
arrayed, and habled for warr, the nombar of vie men. . . .

At Leycestar came to the Kynge ryght-a-fayre felaw-
shipe of folks, to the nombar of m^\ men, well habyled for
the wers, suche as were veryly to be trustyd, as thos that
wowlde uttarly inparte with hym at beste and worste in
his qwarell, withe all theyr force and myght to do hym
theyr trew service. And, in substaunce, they were such as
were towards the Lorde Hastings, the Kyngs Chambar-
layne, and, for that entent above sayd, came to hym, stiryd

5

66 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOBKISTS

by his messages sent unto them, and by his servaunts,
f rinds, and lovars, suche as were in the contrie.

And so, bettar accompanyed than he had bene at any
tyme aforne, he departyd from Leycestar, and cam before
the towne of Coventrie, the xxix day of Marche. And
when he undarstode the sayde Earle [of Warwick] within
the towne [was] closyd, and with hym great people, to the
nombar of vi or viim men, the Kyng desyred hym to come
owte, with all his people, into the filde, to determyne his
qwarell in playne fielde, whiche the same Earle refused to
do at that tyme, and so he dyd iii dayes af tar-ensuinge con-
tinually. The Kynge, seinge this, drwe hym and all hys
hooste streght to Warwike, viii small myles from thens,
where he was receyvyd as Kynge, and so made his pro-
clamations from that tyme forthe wards.

[Warwick ojffered to treat with Edward, but no agreement was reached.]

Here it is to be remembride how that, at suche season
aforne, as when the Kynge was in Holand, the Duke of
Clarence, the Kyngs second brothar, consyderinge the
great inconveniences whereunto as well his brother the
Kynge, he, and his brother the Duke of Glocestar, were
fallen unto, thrwghe and by the devisyon that was betwixt
them, whereunto, by the subtyle compassynge of th' Erie
of Warwike, and his complices, they were browght and
enduced ; as, first to be remembred, the disheritinge of
them all from the Eoyme and Crowne of England, and
that therto apperteynyd ; . . . And, in especiall, he con-
sidred well, that hymselfe was had in great suspicion,
despite, disdeigne and hatered, with all the lordes, noble-
men and othar that were adherents and full partakers with
Henry the Usurpar ... he sawe also, that they dayly
laboryd amongs them, brekynge theyr appoyntments made
with hym, and, of lyklihed, aftar that, shuld continually
more and more fervently entend, conspire and procure

POLITICAL 67

the distruction of hym, and of all his blode, , . . and for
othar many and great considerations, that by right wyse
men and virtuex were layed afore hym, in many behalfs,
he was agreed to entend to some good apointment for this
pacification. By right covert wayes and meanes were
goode mediators, and mediatricis, the highe and myghty
princis my Lady, theyr mothar ; my lady of Exceter, my
lady of Soiithfolke, theyre systars ; my Lord Cardinall of
Cantorbery ; my Lord of Bathe ; my Lord of Essex ;
and most specially, my Lady of Bourgoigne . . . which
at no season ceasyd to send hir sarvaunts and messengars
to the Kynge, wher he was, and to my sayd Lorde of
Clarence, into England ; and so dyd his verrey good de-
vowre in that behalfe my Lord of Hastings, the Kyng's
Chambarlayne, so that a parfecte accord was appoyntyd
. . . betwixt them ; wherein the sayde Duke of Clarence
full honorably and trwly acquited hym ; for, as sune as
he was ascertaygned of the Kyngs arivali in the north
parties, he assembled anon suche as would do for hym,
and assone as he godly myght, drew towards the Kynge, hym
to ayde and assyste agaynste all his enemyes, accompanied
with mo than iiii«i.

50.

[The return of King Edward IV. '' Warkworth's Chronicle," pp.

13-16.]

In the secunde weke of Marche, the xlix yere of the
regne of Kynge Herry the VI*©, and in the x yere of the
regne of Kynge Edwarde the Illlte, the same Kynge
Edwarde toke his schippynge in Flaunders, and hade withe
hym the Lorde Hastynges and the Lorde Say, and ix. c.
of Englismenne and three hundred of Fiemynges with
hande-gonnes, and sailed toward Englonde, and had grete
troble uppon the see with stormys, and lost a schyppe withe
horse ; and purpost to have londede in Northfolke, and one

5*

68 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOBKISTS

of the Erie [of] Oxenfordes brother withe the comons of
the cuntre arose up togedere, and put hym abake to the
see ageyne. And after that, at he was so trobled in the
see, that he was fayne to londe in Yorkeschyre at Kavenys-
spore; and there rose ageyns hym alle the cuntre of
Holdernes, whose capteyne was a preste, and a persone
in the same cuntre called Sere Jhon Westerdale, whiche
aftyrwarde for his abused disposycion was casten in presone
in the Marchalse at Londone by the same Kynge Edwarde :
for the same preste mett Kynge Edwarde and askede the
cause of his landynge ; and he answeryde that he came
thedere by the Erie of Northumberlondes avyce, and
schewede the Erles lettere y-send to hym, etc. undere his
seale; and also he came for to clayme the Duchery of
Yorke, the whiche was his inherytaunce of ryght, and so
passed forthe to the cite of Yorke, where Thomas Clyfford
lete hym inne, and there he was examynede ayenne ; and
he seyde to the mayre and aldermenne and to alle the
comons of the cite, in likewyse as he was afore in
Holdernes at his landyng : that was to sey, that [he] nevere
wulde clayme no title, ne take uppone honde to be Kynge
of Englonde, nor wulde have do afore that tyme, but be^
excitynge and sturinge of the Erie of Warwyke; and
therto afore alle peple, he cryed '' A ! Kynge Herry ! A I
Kynge and Prynce Edwarde!" and wered ane estryche
feder, Prynce Edwardes lyvery. And after this he was
suffered to passe the cite, and so helde his wey southwarde,
and no man lettyd hym ne hurtyde hym.

Afterward e that, he came towarde Notyngham, and ther
came to hym Sere WiUiam a Stanley with CCC men, and
Sere William Norys, and dy verse other menne and
tenauntes of Lorde Hastynges, so that he hade Ml Ml.
menne and moo ; and anone aftere he made his proclama-
cyone, and called hym self Kynge of Englonde and of
Fraunce, Thenne toke he his wey to Leycetre, where

POLITICAL 69

were the Erie of Warwyke and the Lord Markes his
brother with iiii Ml. menne and moo. And Kynge
Edwarde sent a messyngere to them, that yf thai wulde
come oute, that he wulde feght withe them. But the
Erie of Warwyke had a letter from the Duke of Clarence,
that he schulde not feght withe hym tylle he came hym
self ; and alle was to the distruccion of the Erie of War-
wyke, as it happenede aftyrwarde. Yet so the Erie of
Warwyke kept stille the gates of the toune schet, and suf-
frede Kynge Edwarde passe towarde Londone; and a
litelle oute of Warwyke mett the Duke of Clarence with
Kynge Edwarde, with vii M^. men, and ther thei were
made acorde. . . .

Kyng Herry thenne was in Londone, and the Arche-
bysshoppe of Yorke, withein the Bysschoppys of Londone
palece. And on the wennysday next before Ester-day,
Kynge Herry and the Archebysschoppe of Yorke with hym
roode aboute Londone, and desirede the peple to be trew
unto hym ; and every manne seide thei wulde. Nevere
the latter, Urswyke, recordere of Londone, and diverse
aldermen, suche that hadereule of the cyte, commaundede
alle the peple that were in harnes, kepynge the cite and
Kynge Herry, every manne to goo home to dynere : and
in dyner tyme Kynge Edwarde was late in, and so went
forthe to the Bisshoppes of Londone palece, and ther toke
Kynge Herry and the Archebisschoppe of Yorke, and put
theme in warde, the thursday next before Ester-day.

51.

[The battle of Barnet. " Historie of the Arrivall of Edward IV in
England," pp. 17-21.]

Th' Erie of Warrewike . . . isshued owt of Coventrie
with a great puissaunce, the lords, and all that he might
make with hym, and, by Northampton, tooke theire way
aftar the Kynge, supposinge verrely to have had right

70 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YORKISTS

great advantage upon hym by one of the two waies ; eithar,
that the citie [of London] shuld have kepte the Kynge
owte, whiche failed ; or els, in caas he were received in,
he shuide there [have] kepte and observyd the solempnitie
of Estar, and, yf he so dyd, he thowght sodaynly to come
upon hym, take hym, and distroy hym, and his people [to
have] disceaveyed, but the Kyng, well advartised of this
yvell and malicious purpos, dyd grate diligence to recountre
hym, or he might come nere to the citie, as ferre from it
as he goodly myght ; and, therefore, with a great armye,
he departyd out of the citie of London towards hym, upon
the Saturdaye, Ester's even, the xiii day of Aprell. And
so he toke in his companye to the felde, Kynge Henrye ;
and soo, that aftar none, he roode to Barnete, x myles
owte of London, where his aforne-riders had founden the
afore-riders of th' Erles of Warwikes hooste, and bet them,
and chaced them out of the towne, more some what than
a halfe myle ; when, undre an hedge-syde, were redy
assembled a great people, in array, of th' Erls of Warwike.
The Kynge, comynge aftar to the sayde towne, and undar-
standing all this, wolde [not] suffre one man to abyde in
the same towne, but had them all to the field with hym,
and drewe towards his enemies, withoute the towne. And,
for it was right derke, and he myght not well se where his
enemyes were enbataylled afore hym, he lodged hym, and
all his hoste, afore them, moche nere[r] then he had sup-
posed, but he toke not his ground so even in the front
afore them as he wolde have don yf he might bettar have
sene them, butt somewhate a-syden-hande, where he dis-
posed all his people, in good array e, all that nyght ; and
so they kept them still, withowt any mannar langwage,
or noyse, but as lytle as they well myght. Both parties
had goons, and ordinaunce, but th' Erie of Warwike had
many moo then the Kynge, and therefore, on the nyght,
weninge gretly to have anoyed the Kinge, and his hooste

POLITICAL 71

with shot of gonnes, th' Erls fielde shotte gunes almoste all
the nyght. But, thanked be God! it so fortuned that
they alway ovarshote the Kyngs hoste, and hurtyd them
nothinge, and the cawse was the Kyngs hoste lay muche
nerrar them than they demyd. . . . The Kynge suffred
no gonns to be shote on his syd, all that nyght, or els
right f ewe, whiche was to hym great advauntage, for ther-
by they myght have estemed the ground that he lay in,
and have leveled theire gunns nere.

On the morow, betymes. The Kynge, undarstandinge
that the day approched nere, betwyxt four and five of the
cloke, natwithstandynge there was a greate myste and
letted the syght of eithar othar, yet he commytted his
caw'se and qwarell to Allmyghty God, avancyd bannars,
dyd blowe up trumpets, and set upon them, firste with
shotte, and than and sone, they joyned and came to hand-
strokes, wherein his enemies manly and coragiously
receyved them, as well in shotte as in hand-stroks whan
they ioyned ; whiche ioynynge of theyr bothe batteyls was
nat directly frount to frount . . . and that of lyklyhod
cawsed the bataile to be the more crewell and mortall ;
for, so it was, that the one ende of theyr batayle ovar-
rechyd th* end of the Kings battayle, and so, at . . . the
west ende . . . they had a gretar distres upon the Kyngs
party, wherefore many flede towards Barnet, and so forthe
to London, or evar they lafte ; and they fell in the chace
of them, and dyd moche harme. But the other parties, and
the residewe of neithar bataile, might se that distrese ; ne
the fleinge, ne the chace, by cawse of [the] great myste.
. . . And, in lykewise, at the est end, the Kyngs batayle,
whan they cam to ioyninge, ovarrechyd theyr batayle, and
so distresyd them theyr gretly, and soo drwe nere towards
the Kynge, who was abowt the myddest of the battayle,
and susteygned all the myght and weight thereof. . . .
He, with great violence, bett and bare down afore hym all

72 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOEKISTS

that stode in hys way ... so that nothing myght stande
in the syght of hym and the welle asswred f elowshipe that
attendyd trewly upon hym ; so that, blessed be God ! he
wan the filde there, and the perfite victory remayned unto
hym, and to his rebells the discomfiture of xxx^. men, as
they nombrid them selves.

In this battayle was slayne the Erie of Warwyke, some-
what fleinge. . . . Ther was also slayne the Marques
Montagwe. . . .

This battayle duryd, fightynge and skirmishinge, some
tyme in one place and some tyme in an othar, ryght
dowbtefully, becawse of the myste, by the space of thre
howrs, or it was fully achivyd. . . . And, albe hit the
vyctorye remayned to the Kynge, yet was it not without
grete danger and hurt, for ther were slayne in the filde the
Lorde Cromwell, the Lord Say, the Lord Mountjoies sonne
and heyre, and many othar good Knyghts, and squiers,
gode yemen, and many othar meniall servaunts of the
Kyngs. . . .

On the morow aftar, the Kynge commandyd that the
bodyes of the deade lords, th' Erie of Warwicke, and hys
brothar the Marques, shuld be browght to Powles in
London, and, in the churche there, openly shewyd to all
the people . . . for, dowbtles ells the rumore shuld have
bene sowne abowte, in all contries, that they bothe, or els,
at the leaste, th* Erie of Warwyke, was yet on lyve, upon
cursed entent therby to have cawsyd newe murmors, in-
surrections, and rebellyons, amongst indisposed people.

52.

[The Yorkist custom in battle. Comines, " Memoires," I, 245, 260.

(French.)]

King Edward told me that in all the battles he had won
before his exile, he mounted a horse, and cried out that
they should spare the people and kill the lords : for none
or very few of these escaped. . . .

POLITICAL 73

[At Barnet] the discomfiture was very great : for King
Edward had decided, when he set out from Flanders, that
he would no longer use the custom of crying out that they
should spare the people and kill the men of quality, as he
had formerly done in earlier battles : for he had conceived
a great hatred against the English people for the great
favour that he saw they bore to the Earl of Warwick, and
also for other reasons : wherefore at this time they were
not spared.

53.

[The brittle of Tewkesbury. " Warkworth's Chronicle," pp. 17-19.]

And Queue Marget, and Prince Edwarde hire sonne,
with other knygtes, squyres, and other menne of the Kyng
of Fraunce, hade navy to brynge them to Englond : whiche,
whenne thei were schipped in Fraunce, the wynde was so
contrary unto fthem xvii dayes and nyghtes, that [thei]
myght not come from Normandy with [it] unto Englonde,
whiche withe a wynd myght have seylede it in xii oures ;
whiche at the xvii dayes ende one Ester day at the evyne
the[i] landed at Weymouthe, and so by lande from Wey-
mouthe the[i] roode to Excetre ; and mette withe hire, at
Weymouth, Edmunde Duke of Somersett, the Lorde Jhon
his brother, brother to Herry Duke of Somerset slayne at
Exham, and Curteney the Erie of Devynschyre, and many
othere. And on Ester mounday was brought tithingys to
them, that Kynge Edwarde hade wonne the felde at
Barnett, and that Kynge Herry was put into the Toure
ayene. And anone ryghte thei made oute commaunde-
mentes, in the Queues name and the Prynce, to alle the
weste countre, and gaderet grete peple, and kepte hire wey
towarde the toune of Brystow. And when the Kynge herd
that thei were landede, and hade gaderede so myche peple,
he toke alle his hoste, and went oute of Londone the

74 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

wennysday in Ester weke, and manly toke his waye to-
warde them ; and Prynce Edwarde herd therof ; he hastede
hym self and alle his oste towarde the towne of Glouceter,
hut he enteryd noght into the towne, but held forthe his
wey to the towne of Teukesbury, and ther he made a felde
noght ferre from the ryver Saverne ; and Kynge Edwarde
and his oste came uppone hym, the Saturday the fourth day
of Maii, the yere aforeseide of oure Lorde a Mi.CCCCLXXI,
and the xi yere of Kynge Edwarde. And Edmunde Duke
of Somersett, and Sere Hugh Curteneye, went oute of the
felde, by the whiche the felde was broken ; and the moste
parte of the peple fledde awaye from the Prynce, by the
whiche the feld was loste in hire party. And ther was
slayne in the felde, Prynce Edward, whiche cryede for
socoure to his brother-in-lawe the Duke of Clarence.
Also ther was slayne, Curteney the Erie of Devynschyre,
the Lorde Jhon of Somersett, the Lorde Wenloke, Sere
Edmunde Hampden, Sere Kobart Whytyngham, Sere
William Vans, Sere Nicholas Hervy, Sere Jhon Delvis,
Sere William Feldynge, Sere Thomas Fiztharry, Sere
Jhon Leukenore, knyghtes ; and these were taken and
behedede afterwarde, where the Kynge hade pardoned
them in the abbey cherche of Teukesbury, by a prest that
turnyd oute at his messe and the sacrament in his handys,
whanne Kynge Edwarde came with his swerde into the
chirche, requyrede hyme by the vertu of the sacrament
that he schulde pardone alle tho whos names here folowe j
the Duke of Somersett, the Lorde of Seynt Jhones, Sere
Humfrey Audeley, Sere Gervis of Clyftone, Sere William
Gremyby, Sere William Gary, Sere Thomas Tresham,
Sere William Newbrugh, knyghtes [and seven others] ;
whiche, uppone trust of the Kynges pardone yevene in the
same chirche the Saturday, abode ther stille, where thei
myght have gone and savyd ther lyves ; whiche one mon-
day aftere were behedede, noghtwhitstondynge the Kynges
pardone.

POLITICAL 75

54.

[The Bastard Fauconberg'a attack on London, May, 1471. "Political
Poems" (R.S.), II, 277-9.]

In Sothwerke, at Bambere heth, and Kyngston eke,
The bastarde and his meane in the contre abowte,^
Many grett men in London they made seke,
Man, wyff, ne childe there durst non rowte.
Oxin, shepe, and vetayle, withowtyn any dowte,
They stale away and carrid ever to and froo.
God suffirs moche thyng, his wille to be doo.

Moche sorow and shame the wrecchis thay wroughte,
Fayre placis thay brend on the water side.
Thayre myschevus dedis avaylid ham nought,
Schamfully thay wrougte, and so thaym betyd.
Thay wolde not leve ther malice, but therin abyde,
Thay cryed kynge Edward and Warwicke also.
Thus the wille of God in every thynge is doo.

At Londone bry gge thay made asawte, sham to see,

The utter gate on the brygge thay sett on fyre ;

Into Londone shott arows withowte pete.

With gunnus thay were bett that sum lay in the myre.

Thay askyd wage of the brygge, thay paid them thayre

hire.
Ever amonge they had the worse, then wakynd thaire woo.
False men most be poyneshyd, the will of God is soo.

At Londone brige anodyr sawte thay made agayne,

Wyth gunpowdir and wildefire and straw eke ;

Fro the gate to the drawbrygge thay brent down playne,

That X myle men myghte se the smeke.

Thay were not of thayre entent the nere of a leke.

For into the cite thay myghte not com for wele ne for woo ;

God restid thayre malice, the wille of hym was soo.

^ Abode.

76 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

At Algate thay sawtid in an ill seasoun ;
Thay brente fayre howsis, pete was to se.
Thus these false men did opyne tresoun,
Supposynge evermore to enture the cite.
God and good seyntes thereof had pite.
Thayre malice was sesid and turned hem to woo.
Thus in every thynge, Lorde, thy wille be doo.

The erle of Esex, and also the aldurmen,

At Bysshopus gate togedder thay mette,

And owte therat sewde like manly men.

Thay bete hem down, no man myghte hem lett ;

Freshely on thayre enmyes that day did thay fyghte.

Thayre false treson broughte theym in woo ;

Thus in every thynge, Lorde, thy wille be doo.

. . . God wolde the erle Eevers there shulde be ;

He purchesid grett love of the comyns that seasoun ;

Lovyngly the cetysens and hee

Pursuyd thayre enmyes, it was but reason.

And kyllid the peple for thayre false tresoun.

Or the chase were do, CO and moo.

Thus in every thynge, Lorde, thy will be do.

55.
[The death of Henry VI. (a) '' Warkworth's Chronicle," p. 21.]

The same nyghte that Kynge Edwarde came to Lon-
done, Kynge Herry, beynge inwarde in presone in the
Toure of Londone, was putt to dethe, the xxi day of Maii,
on a tywesday nyght, betwyx xi and xii of the cloke,
beynge thenne at the Toure the Duke of Gloucetre,
brothere to Kynge Edwarde, and many other; and one
the morwe he was chestyde and brought to Paulys, and
his face was opyne that every manne myghte see hyme ;
and in hys lyinge he bl«dde one the pament ther; and

POLITICAL 77

afterward at the Blake Fryres was broughte, and ther he
blede new and fresche ; and from thens he was caryed to
Chyrchesey abbey in a bote, and buryed there in oure
Lady chapelle.

[(6) Kingsford, p. 185.]
Also upon Ascencion Evyn kyng Henry was brought
from the Tower thrugh Chepe unto Powlys upon a here ;
and abowte the beere more glevys and stayvs than torches ;
who was slayne, as it was said, by the Duke of Glowcetir ;
but howe he was deed, thedir he was brought deed ; and
in the Chirch the Corps stode all nyght. And on the
morne was conveyed to Chertsey, where he was buryed.

[(c) The official account of Henry's death. * ' Historie of the Arrivall
of King Edward IV," p. 38.]

The certaintie of all whiche [i.e. the total downfall of
the Lancastrian party] came to the knowledge of the sayd
Henry, late called Kyng, being in the Tower of London ;
not havynge, afore that, knowledge of the saide matars, he
toke it to so great dispite, ire, and indingnation, that, of
pure displeasure and melencoly, he dyed the xxiii day of
the monithe of May.

56.

[Feelint? in France and Burgundy about Edward IV 's restoration.
Letter from the Milanese ambassador at the French court to the
Duke of Milan, 2 June, 1471. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 218.]

Yesterday his Majesty here heard with extreme sorrow,
by clear and manifest news from England, so it appears,
that King Edward has recently fought a battle with the
Prince of Wales, towards Wales, whither he had gone to
meet him. He has not only routed the Prince but taken
and slain him, together with all the leading men with
him. He has also taken the Queen and sent her to London
to keep King Henry company, he also being a prisoner
there ; and so at length King Edward remains the peaceful

78 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

lord and dominator of that kingdom of England without
having any further obstacle whatever.

Your Excellency may imagine the great joy and satisfac-
tion of the Duke of Burgundy at these affairs. He has shown
it by pubHc demonstrations, constant processions, ringing
of bells and bonfires so that one would imagine the whole
country to be on fire. It is expected to make him so
haughty that he will no more consent to a year's truce.

57.

[Expectations of au EngHsh invasion of France. Letter, dated 19 June,
1471, from the Milanese ambassador in France to the Duke of
Milan. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 221.]

Rumours and advices continue to increase that the
English are getting ready to come at present and land in
Normandy and Guienne. They are very anxious about it
here, and their suspicions are strengthened by this new
attitude of the Duke of Burgundy in refusing to accept
the truce as arranged by his ambassadors by his order.
The king on his side does not relax any of his preparations
for war. . . . The war will doubtless be sharp and terrible
if the English come, as expected. God rule all for the best.

58.

The attitude of Louis XI to Edward IV. {a) Letter from the Milanese
ambassador in France to the Duke of Milan, 16 July, 1471.
C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 229.]

His Majesty thoroughly approves of the suggestion of
your Highness, about it being desirable to try and keep up
some disturbances in England. He says he is doing so
with all his might. He still has there the Earl of Pem-
broke, brother of the late King Henry on his mother's side,
who has a good number of places in Wales . . . which is
in constant opposition to King Edward, with the help of
the Scots. He has arranged to give assistance to this

POLITICAL 79

Earl and to the Scots also, and to do what he can for
them, so that they may keep up the war and disturbance.
However, his Majesty does not appear to place any great
reliance on this. . . .

[{b) The same to the same, 11 September, 1471. Ibid., no. 231.]
His Majesty still continues the negotiations for an
understanding and marriage alliance with the King of
England, which I reported in my previous letter had been
begun ; especially since the capture of the said Earl ^ took
place, and I feel sure there will be no failure on his side to
carry it into effect, though there is considerable doubt as
to whether the King of England may not break it off. It
is thought that he may have started the proposals in order
to lull his Majesty to sleep to prevent him from sending
help to the said Earl of Pembroke, or to any other of his
opponents, so as to secure himself thoroughly in that
kingdom of England and then snap his fingers at his
Majesty. It may also be that he is acting in good faith,
since he is ill content with the savage treatment meted
out to him by the Duke of Burgundy, when he was driven
out of England by him.

59.

[Report of Anglo-French relations, dated 23 October, 1475. C.S.P.,
Milan, I, no. 317.]

About three years ago the King of England had com-
munication with the King of France . . . the reason why
the King of England held this intercourse was because
he was dissatisfied with the Duke of Burgundy for two
chief reasons ; one because when he was driven out by
King Henry and took refuge in the duke's lands he had a
very poor reception ; the other, that after he became king
he deciphered some letters of the duke . . . professing his

^ The Earl was not captured, but escaped to Brittany.

80 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YORKISTS

friendship with King Henry and offering to hand King
Edward over to him. Subsequently when the Duke of
Burgundy saw that this way would not succeed, he
changed his tack and almost by compulsion helped King
Edward. For this reason King Edward has always been
a secret enemy of the duke and entered upon this inter-
course with the King of France.

60.

[Attempts to ensure the succession of Prince Edward, (a) R.P., VI,
234 ; entry on the Close Roll of 1471. (First paragraph in Latin.)]

Memorandum, that the third day of July, the eleventh
year of the reign of King Edward IV, at Westminster in
the ParHament Chamber, the venerable father Thomas
Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury, and other lords
spiritual and temporal, and also certain knights, whose
names are underwritten, made recognition and swore an
oath to Edward eldest son of our said lord King Edward
IV, illustrious Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall and Earl
of Chester, in form following ; and in corroboration of the
premisses, every one of them subscribed their names with
their own hands.

" I . . . knowledge, take and repute You, Edward Prince
of Wales ... to be verey and undoubted Heyre of oure
seide Sovereigne Lord, as to the Corones and Keames of
England and of Fraunce, and Lordship of Irland ; And
promitte and swere, that in cas hereafter it happen You,
by Goddis disposicion, to outleve our said Sovereigne Lord,
I shall then take and accepte You for true, veray and
rightwis Kyng of Englond, etc. And feith and trouth to
You shall here : And yn all thyngs truely and feithfully
behave me towardes You, and youre Heyres, as a true and
feithfull subject oweth to behave hym to his Sovereigne
Lord, and rightwys Kyng of Englond, etc. So help me
God and Holidom, and this holy Evaungeliste,"

POLITICAL 81

[This is signed by 10 prelates, 10 temporal peers including the Dukes
of Clarence and Gloucester, the Prior of St. Johns, and 26
knights.]

[(6) Similar oath taken by the Mayor and aldermen of Coventry,
1474. "Coventry Leet Book " (E.E.T.S.), pp. 393-4.]

Also tlie Hide day of May the Meire and his Brethren
were sende fore to com afore my lorde prynce, and there
were desired to be sworen unto hym in hke wyse as here is
under written. And also oure seid lorde chargyng the
meyre to swere the comente [commonalty] of the Cite
after the same fforme as ffoloweth : —

I knowledge, take and repute you, Edward, Prynce of
Wales . . . to be verray and undoubted heire of oure seid
soveraign lorde [as in the oath of the peers and others].
And feithe and trowthe to you schall here, and in all
thynges truly and feithfilly behave me toward you and
your heires, as a true and feithfull subgett oweth to be-
have to his soveraign lorde and rightwys kyng of England
and of flPraunce and lorde of Irland. And I schal-be redye
at all tymez accordyng with my duete to com at your
callyng and to geve you attendaunce ; and, yf the case so
require, to leve and to dye in your lawful quarell. And
from hensforth I schall eschewe and forbere to geve, take
or resceyve any lyveree, reteigndour or cognesaunce, other-
wyse then may accorde with the lawe and the statutes in
that behalfe made.

61.

[The quarrel between the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, 1472.
Second Continuation of the " Croyland Chronicle," ap. Gale,
p. 557. (Latin.)]

After the son of King Henry, to whom the Lady
Anne, younger daughter of the Earl of Warwick, was
man-ied, fell in the aforesaid battle of Tewkesbury, Eichard
Puke of Gloucester asked that the said Anne might be

6

82 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS *

given him to wife ; but this desire did not correspond to
the wishes of his brother the Duke of Clarence, who had
previously married the Earl's elder daughter: therefore
he had the girl hidden away, so that his brother might
not discover where she was, fearing division of the inherit-
ance, which he wished to be given to him only in right of
his wife, rather than to divide it with anyone whatsoever.
But the cunning of the said Duke of Gloucester so far pre-
vailed, that the girl was found in the city of Londonjn the
disguise of a kitchenmaid, and he had her taken to St.
Martin's sanctuary. After this, great discord arose be-
tween the brothers, so many of the wisest reasons being
brought forward by both sides in the presence of the King,
who sat as judge in the Council chamber, that all those
present were astonished, even the lawyers, at the great
number of arguments brought forward by those princes
in their own causes. . . . Their most loving brother the
King at length intervened, and lest the quarrel of such
great princes should hinder the royal proposals in the
matter of France, the dispute was settled thus, that upon
the marriage of the Duke of Gloucester with the aforesaid
Anne, he should have such and so much of the lands as
should be agreed between them by means of arbitrators,
all the rest remaining in the possession of the Duke of
Clarence, so that little or nothing was left at the disposal
of the true lady and heiress, the Countess of Warwick, to
whom during her life all that noble inheritance of War-
wick and the Despencers should have belonged.

62.

[Edward IV's preparations for war with France. Letter from the
Milanese ambassador at the French court to the Duke of Milan,
12 May, 1473. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 249.]

The King of England is devoting his attention to the
expedition begun many days ago to cross to this country.

POLITICAL 83

. . . And the said King never ceases to urge the marriage
alliance on the King of Scotland, of which I wrote some
days ago, and to get the clause excepting the King of
France removed from the existing truce between the two
Kings. . . .

The ambassadors of the King of Scotland have been here
some time, with offers to wage active war on the King of
England, if he chooses to land in this kingdom, and they
promise his Majesty that they will adhere to their ancient
league and confederation, but that they must have what
his predecessors have received from the crown of France
in the past, to wit, a pension of some 60,000 crowns a
year, so that they may be able to oppose the King of Eng-
land in favour of his Majesty. They are not yet despatched,
but they are given good hope.

This matter is being pondered, and it causes much
vexation that the Scots are in effect asking for money,
protesting that if they do not get it they will leave the
English safe on their side.

[In July the Scottish Parliament remonstrated successfully against
James Ill's intrigues with Louis XI, and the plan to attack
England was abandoned.]

63.

[The intrigues of the Duke of Clarence. Letter from Sir John Paston
in London to John Paston, 6 November, 1473. " Paston Letters,"
III, 98. The King was in the Midlands.]

Wyrshypfull and well belovyd brother, I comand me to
yow, letyng yow weet that the worlde semyth qweysye ^
heer; ffor the most part that be abowt the Kyng have
sende hyddr ffor ther barneys, and it [is] seyd ffor serteyn,
that the Duke off Clarance makyth hym bygge in that he
kan, schewyng as he wolde but dele with the Duke of
Glowcester ; but the Kyng ententyth, in eschyewying all

^ Troubled, uneasy.

84 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

inconvenyents, to be as bygge as them bothe, and to be a
styffeler atweyn them ; and som men thynke that undre
thys ther sholde be som other thynge entendyd, and som
treason conspyred ; so what shall falle, can I nott seye.

64.

[The Earl of Oxford's expedition, 1473-4. " Wark worth's Chronicle,"

pp. 26-7.]

Also in the xiii yere of [the] regne of Kynge Edwarde,
Sere Jhon Veere, Erie of Oxenforde, that withdrewe hym
frome Barnet felde, and frome thens into Fraunce asailed,
and ther he was worschipfully received. And in the same
yere he was in the see withe certeyne schippes, and gate
grete good and rychesse, and afterewarde came into weste-
countre, and, with a sotule poynte of werre, gate and en-
teryd Seynt IVEichaels Mount in Cornwayle, a stronge place
and a mygty, . . . and he and his menne came doune into
cuntre of Cornwale, and hade riyhte good chere of the
comons, etc. The Kynge and his counselle sawe that
therof myche harme myght growe, etc. ; comawndyd
Bodrygan, scheff reulere of Cornwayle, to besege the seid
mount. And so he dyd ; and every day the Erie of Oxen-
fordes menne came doune undere trewis, spake with
Bodrygan and his menne ; and at the laste the seid Erie
lacked vytayle, and the seyde Bodrygan suffryd hyme to
be vytailed ; and anone the Kynge was put in knowlache
therof ; wherefor the seide Bodrygan was discharged, and
Eichard Fortescu, squyere for the body, by auctoryte of
the Kynge, toke uppone honde to lay sege to the forseide
mount, etc. . . . and the seide Fortescu leyed sege, etc. . . .
and for the most party every day eche of theme faughte
withe othere, and the seide Erles menne kylled dyverse of
Fortescu menne ; . . . The Kynge and his counselle sent
unto dyverse that were with the Erie of Oxenforde prevely
there pardones, and promysede to them grete yeftes and

POLITICAL 85

landes and goodes, by the whiche dyverse of them were
turned to the Kynge ayens the Erie ; and so in conclusione
the Erie hade noght passynge ane viii or ix menne that
wolde holde withe hym ; the whiche was the undoynge of
the Erie, . . . whiche was fayne to yelde up the seyde
mount, and put hyme in the Kynges grace ; if he hade
noght do so, his owne menne wulde have brought hym
oute. . . . And so was the Erie aforseyd, the Lorde
Bemonde, two brotheres of the seide Erles, and Thomas
Clyfforde, brought as a presonere to the Kynge ; and alle
was donne by ther oun foly, etc.

65.

[Extracts from the treaties made between Edward IV and the Duke
of Burgundy, July, 1474. (Latin.) They first made treaties
of perpetual friendship and alliance with each other, and then
proceeded to arrange for the conquest of France, (a) " Con-
cerning the help to be given by the Duke of Burgundy for
the recovery of the kingdom of France," 25 July. Rymer, XI,
806-7.]

Since the most famous realm of France is at present
oppressed, alas ! by intolerable tyranny, so that no place
is left for piety, right, justice or religion, but there appears
everywhere robbery, violence, slaughter, treason, poison-
ings ... all which things take their rise from Louis,
usurper of the aforesaid realm . . . and since also it
greatly concerns us that that kingdom shall be well and
justly governed in the fear of God, especially by him to
whom it belongs by hereditary right, that is, by the most
excellent and powerful prince and lord our honourable
brother Edward King of France and England ... we
make it known that we, desiring to help the people
oppressed by the aforesaid Louis, and to exalt justice in
the realm of France, whence it is exiled . . . have agreed
. . . with the same lord our brother concerning these
matters. ...

86 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

First, the most serene lord Edward ... for the recovery
of his duchies of Normandy and Aquitaine and his reahn
of France, shall splendidly and fittingly equip and pre-
pare himself and his army to the number of ten thousand
armed men or more, to be transported . . . before the
first day of the month of July next coming. . . .

Also that the most illustrious lord Charles . . . shall
take . . . the King's part in person and with his army
until he obtains the right and title which the lord King has
and puts forward to the realm and crown of France. . . .

Also, that the lord King will not from henceforth
negotiate with the aforesaid Louis, nor with anyone
occupying or who shall in future occupy the realm and
crown of France or any part of it, nor with any other
person whatsoever representing Louis or the aforesaid
persons, nor will he by any means hear ambassadors or
messengers from them, nor reply to their letters, without
the knowledge of the lord Duke ; but as often as such
an occasion arises, he wall take care diligently to inform
the lord Duke, who may then depute others to hear,
understand and discuss, with the lord King or his deputies,
whatever shall be put forward in the name of Louis or
the aforesaid persons.

[Similar pledges are given by the Duke of Burgundy.]

[(6) Edward IV's assignment of the Duke of Burgundy's share of the
spoils, 26 July. Ibid., 811. From the French Roll.]

Desiring to show our gratitude to him from whom we
have received and expect so many benefits . . . we . . .
after mature deliberation of our Council, have granted,
given up and handed over for ever to the aforesaid Duke
Charles our brother, in recompense for the aforesaid, . . .
the principalities, lands, dominions and rights which are
written below. . . .

First, the duchy of Barrisi, commonly called Bar.

POLITICAL 87

The county of Champagne.

The county of Nivernais, called in French Nevers.

The county of Eethell.

The county of Eu.

The county of Guise.

The barony of Douzi.

The city of Tournai, with the bailliwick, territory and
district of Tournai.

The city of Langres, with the county, bailliwick and
appurtenances.

The castle and town of Pequigny.

The towns and dominions on both sides of the river
Somme formerly pledged to our brother. . . .

And, moreover, all the lands and dominions which
Louis of Luxemburg, called Count of St. Pol, at present
possesses ; provided that they are not of the ancient
demesne and patrimony of the duchies of Normandy and
Aquitaine or the crown of France.

All and singular which dominions . . . our aforesaid
brother and his heirs and successors shall hold and possess
for ever, free and exempt from us and our crown of France,
with all right of superiority ;

So that neither for the aforesaid dominions nor for the
duchy of Burgundy nor by reason of the county of
Flanders ... or any other places and dominions what-
soever at present in our brother's possession, shall the
same our brother and his heirs and successors ever be
bound by any means to pay to us or our successors or
any other person any homage, fee, service or oath of
fealty ; but they shall be true, sole, direct and supreme
lords and princes in those their dominions, recognising
and being bound to recognise no superior or superiors.

88 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

[(c) '* That the King may be crowned and anointed at Rheims, not-
withstanding the donation made to the Duke of Burgundy."
Ibid., S13A. 27 July.]

Charles by the grace of God Duke of Burgundy. . . .
Since . . . Edward by the grace of God King of France
and England has granted ... to us the county of Cham-
pagne. . . . And the Kings of France are accustomed,
at their accession, to receive the crown and royal unction
at Eheims, which is a city of Champagne, and belongs
to us by virtue of the aforesaid donation. . . .

We make it known that we, desiring to please the
aforesaid lord King our brother in this matter, have willed
and consented . . . that he and his heirs and successors in
the realm of France may, according to the custom of their
ancestors and predecessors, receive the royal crown and
unction in the aforesaid city of Eheims, and for the re-
ceiving of it have free and safe access, entry and departure,
if they shall choose to be crowned there ; and this without
any prejudice to our rights either of superiority or other-
wise, which we do not intend to diminish by this. . . .

And if the aforesaid lord our brother or his heirs and
successors in the realm of France arrange to receive the
crown and unction elsewhere in another city or town of
that kingdom and not in Eheims, then we will and con-
sent that they may carry away from the aforesaid city
of Eheims the vessel or ampulla appointed for this pur-
pose, but after the unction they shall be bound to restore
this (since it is holy) to the usual place of custody ordained
in the same city of Eheims.

66.

[Edward's negotiations with France, and preparations for war. Letter
from the Milanese ambassador at the French court to the Duke
of Milan, 18 August, 1474. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 267.]

A herald has been here from King Edward of England.
, p . He has already been twice to very intimate discus-

I

POLITICAL 89

sions with his Majesty, at which no one else was present
but my lord of Concressault.^ The subject of these
discussions is a marriage alliance which King Edward
asks for, between his daughter and my lord the Dauphin,
showing that he is inclined to return again to those designs
which were suggested upon other occasions against the
Duke of Burgundy and for the ruin of his state. . . .

Notwithstanding all this, there comes most authentic
news that these same English are equipping a great
force all the same, and are already lading the artillery
upon their ships. Accordingly many are led to make
various conjectures, which resolve themselves into two
suspicions : either that this King Edward suggests this
marriage alliance as a sham and pretence so that he may
afterwards be able to claim that he tried the way of peace
and concord before war, and by this negotiation see to
cooling and delaying the provisions and preparations of
his Majesty against the English ; or else that King Edward
is proceeding sincerely in this alliance, owing to some
hidden indignation and wrath he may have against the
Duke of Burgundy, because of the constant incitement
with which he stirs up the English people to make war
on this kingdom to recover their ancient rights. And as
King Edward is by his nature more inchned to quiet and
peace than to war, many adhere to the latter opinion.

The purport of these transactions against the Duke of
Burgundy is as follows : the King of France is to give to
the Enghsh a part of Guienne or Normandy, on the under-
standing that they shall assist to destroy the Duke of
Burgundy, and from the Duke's state the King will after-
wards give the English an equivalent for what they claim
pertains to them of this kingdom. The English will then
give back to his Majesty what they hold of his, and further
surrender to him all the rights which they claim over this

kingdom.

' Sir William Monyp«nj.

90 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

67.

[Edward secured himself on the northern frontier by a truce and mar-
riage treaty with the King of Scotland. Rymer, XI, 825-7.]

This indentur maid at Edinburgh, the xxvi day of
October, the zer of oure Lord God MCCCCLXXIV, wit-
nesseth that, quhare amang certane appunctiments passit
betueyn certane commissaris of the King of England of
the o syde, and uthir send fro the King of Scotland of the
othir syde, at Westmenstire, the xxx day of July last
passit, concerning aliancez be waye of mariage betueyn
the sonn and aier of Scotland and the zongest dochtir of
the King of Ingland, and uthir gud and resonnable con-
ventions for the wele and prosperite of both the realms,

It wes in ane article expressit that the King of Ingland
suld send his ambassiatouris into Scotland, at the ferrest
be the viii day of this month of October, for a perfite con-
clusionn to be takin and had in the samyn.

[English ambassadors were sent to Edinburgh and made with deputies
of the King of Scotland the following treaty.]

Foralsmekil as this nobill ile, callit Gret Britanee,
can nocht be kepit and mainteinit bettir in welth and
prosperite than such thingis to be practizit and concludit
betueyn the Kinges of boith the realmes of Scotland and
Ingland, quharby thai and thare subjectis micht be asso-
verit to lefe in peax, luf and tendirnes to grow and incres
ymangis thame, it hath be aggreit, accordit and concludit
that, considerit the long continewyt trublis, discentions
and debattis betuen the boith realmes, with gret and
mortell werre that haith followit thar uppon, for the ap-
peasing and setting apart of the samyn, a nerrar and a
most especiale weye is to be fundin and had than only the
trust of the trew and abstinence of werre that is nowe, or
ony uthir trew that couth be divisit betuix boith the
parties.

POLITICAL 91

Item, it is aggreit, accordit and concludit that the most
convenient and next meyne to this, is to appoint and con-
clud upponn a mariage, to be maid betuix James the oonly
first begottin sonne and aire of the richt hie and michti
prince James King of Scotland and Ceciie the zoungast
dochtire of the richt excellent and michti prince Edward
King of Ingland, etc. . . .

It is aggreit and accordit that, for the moir souerte of
boith the partys, the instant trewis, takin first at Zork,
and than after prorogit and amplifyt at the toune of New-
castell, the xii day of December, the zere of our Lord
MCCCCLXV zeris, to indure unto the zere of our Lord
MDXIX ... sal be in substance affermit and ratifiet be
uthir letters indentit, bering dat lik to this present.

[Neither King is to support the rebels of the other, but on demand is
to give help against them. Since the prince is not yet two years
old and the princess only four, so that no marriage can be con-
tracted, the two Kings bind themselves to carry out the arrange-
ment as soon as they reach the legal age.]

Item, it is appointit, accordit and concludit that, for
the said mariage and doure, the said King of Ingland
sail gif, with his dochtir, to the King of Scotland, xx Mil,
markis Inglis money, to be pait in this maner.

First, eftir the making and establishing of this conven-
tioun, within thre monethis nixt enseuyng, two mil.
markis Inglis, and every zere of two zeris than next
folouyng . . . two mil. markis Inglis, and fra thyne furth
zerli every zere a thousand mark IngHs. . . .

Item, it is forrhir in this part comonit . . . and accordit,
that is to saye, in caise (that God forbeide) the zoung
prince and princes befor nemit, or the on of thame, suld
fortoune to decese . . . zit, quhensoever the King of Scot-
land suld hap to have a sone his aier, the same that is now
or uthir, and the King of Ingland a dochtir of hk aige . . .
the said tua Kingis sail do and procure, alsmekill as in

92 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOKKISTS

thame sal be, such two personns ... to be maryt togiddir
in maner and forme, and with all the appartenances and
charges before rehersit.

68.

[The expedition to France. Comines, I, 335-77. (French.) Comines
was with the French King throughout this time, and was present
at Pequigny.]

Now we must speak of the King of England, who
brought his army to Dover to cross the sea to Calais ; and
this army was the greatest that ever a King of England
brought over ; and all the men were mounted, and the
best appointed and armed that ever came to France ; . . .

[The Duke of Burgundy's] army was so broken, so badly
equipped and so poor, that he dare not show it them : for
he had lost, before Neuss, four thousand mercenaries, and
among them died the best men he had. . . .

When King Edward was at Dover, the Duke of Bur-
gundy sent him, for his passage, full fifteen hundred boats
from Holland and Zeeland, which are flat and low at
the sides, and very suitable for carrying horses, and are
called " sertes " : and they came from Holland ; and not-
withstanding this great number, and all that the King of
England could do, it took more than three weeks to cross
between Dover and Calais, and it is only seven leagues :
see how difficult it is for a King of England to cross to
France. And if the King our master had understood war-
fare by sea as well as he understood land warfare, King
Edward would never have crossed, at least that season ;
but he did not understand it at all.

[Edward sent a herald to the King of France with a letter of defiance,
written " in fine language and good style, and I think no English-
man had written it ". Louis pointed out to the herald that the season
was already far advanced, that the Duke of Burgundy was in no
position to help the English, and many other reasons to persuade
Edward to make peace with him. The herald promised to work

POLITICAL 93

for an agreement, and suggested that Louis should approach Lords
Howard and Stanley. The Duke of Burgundy came to Edward
at Calais with a very small company.]

The King of England departed from Calais, and the said
Duke in his company, and passed by Boulogne and came
to Peronne, where the said Duke received the English
very badly : for he had the gates guarded, and only a small
number entered, and they camped in the fields ; and they
could v^ell do so, for they were well provided with all that
they needed for this undertaking. . . .

The King of England . . . left Peronne, and the Duke
of Burgundy, who had no men, with him : for they had
all gone into Bar and Lorraine, as I have told you ; and
they approached St. Quentin, and a great number of
Englishmen went on ahead, who, as I heard later, expected
that the bells would ring at their coming, and the cross
and holy water be carried out to meet them. As they
approached the town, artillery began to fire, and skir-
mishers sallied out on foot and on horseback ; and two or
three English were killed, and several taken.

[The Duke of Burgundy then took leave of Edward. The English
captured a gentleman of Louis' household, but set him free again,
and Howard and Stanley bade him recommend them to his
master. On hearing this, Louis sent a messenger to the
English army.]

When our man arrived in the English host with his
coat of arms on his back, he was at once arrested and
taken before the King of England's tent. He said that he
came from the King, to speak with the King of England,
and that he was charged to address himself to my lords
Howard and Stanley. When the King of England, who
was dining when the herald arrived, rose from the table,
the said herald was brought before him, and he heard him.
His credence was founded on the desire that the King had
long had to be friendly with him, and that the two king-
doms might live in peace, and that never, since he had

94 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

been King of France, had he made war or enterprise
against the King or the kingdom of England ; excusing
himself concerning what the Earl of Warwick had formerly-
received, saying that this had only been against the Duke
of Burgundy, and in no wise against him. Also he showed
the King how the said Duke of Burgundy had only called
him in because he thought to make a better treaty with
the King by reason of his coming ; and that if there were
others who had a hand in the matter, it was only in order
to try to improve their affairs and work for their private
ends ; . . . Also he drew his attention to the time of year,
and that winter was already approaching ; and that he well
knew that he had incurred great expence, and that there
were many people in England who desired war there, both
nobles and merchants ; and if it happened that the King
of England was willing to endeavour to make a treaty, the
King on his side would so arrange, that he and his realm
should be well content ; . . .

The King of England, and a party of his nobles, found
these overtures very acceptable ; and a safe conduct was
given to our man [for French ambassadors] . . . and the
next day, at a village near Amiens, the ambassadors
met. . . .

The King . . . held a council about this matter, and I
was present. Several were of opinion that this was only
a deceit and a dissimulation on the part of the EngHsh.
The King thought the contrary, and alleged the state of
the time and the season, and that they had not got pos-
session of a single place, and also the bad turns which the
Duke of Burgundy had done them ; and he had already
departed from them ; and was sure that the Constable
[whom Edward had expected to join him] would not hand
over any places : for the King sent to him hourly to keep
him occupied and pacify him and keep him from doing ill.
Also the King well knew the King of England's personal

POLITICAL 95

characteristics, and that he was very fond of ease and
pleasure. . . . And the King concluded that there was
nothing in the world he would not do to get the King of
England out of the realm, except that he would never on
any account consent that they should have land ; . . .

The Duke of Burgundy, hearing this news [of negotia-
tions], came from before Luxemburg, where he was, in
great haste, to the said King of England ; and he had
only sixteen horses when he reached him. The King of
England was much taken aback at this sudden coming,
and asked him what brought him; and knew very well
that he was angry. The said Duke replied that he came
to speak with him. The King asked him whether he
wished to speak to him in private or in public. Then the
said Duke asked him if he had made peace ; the King of
England rephed that he had made a truce for nine years,
in which he and the Duke of Brittany were included,
and begged him to agree to it. The said Duke was furious,
and spoke in English (for he knew the language) ; and
quoted many great deeds that past kings of England had
done in France, and the trouble they had taken to win
honour there ; and he censured this truce, saying that he
had never sought to bring over the English for any need
that he had of them, but to recover what belonged to
them ; and that they might know that he had no need of
their coming, he would make no truce with our King until
the King of England had been three months at home;
and after these words, he left, and returned whence he had
come. The King of England and those of his council took
these words very ill. Others, who did not like this peace,
praised what the Duke had said. . . .

Then it was decided that, to bring matters to a close,
the place where the two kings should meet must be chosen,
and people sent to inspect it. . . . We decided that the
best and safest place was Pequigny, three leagues from

96 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YORKISTS

Amiens, a strong castle belonging to the Vidame of Amiens,
though it had been burnt by the said Duke of Burgundy.
The town is low, and the river Somme passes there, which
is not fordable, and at this point is not wide. . . . Orders
were given to make a bridge there, very strong and wide,
and we provided carpenters and materials ; and in the
middle of this bridge was made a strong wooden trellis,
such as is made for lions' cages ; and the holes between
the bars were only large enough to put one's arm through
easily. The top was covered with planks only, on account
of rain, far enough for ten or twelve persons to get under-
neath on each side. ... In the river there was only one
little boat, with two men, to carry across those who wished
to go from one side to the other. . . .

Our barriers being thus made, as you have heard, the
two kings came next day. . . . The King had about eight
hundred men-at-arms with him, and arrived first. On the
side where the King of England was, there was the whole
of his army in battle array : and although we could not
see the whole of it, yet we saw a marvellously great
number of horsemen and footmen assembled. Those
whom we had on our side appeared to be nothing beside
them. ... It had been arranged that there should be
twelve men with each of the kings. . . .

The King of England came . . . very well accompanied,
and he looked very much a king. With him were the
Duke of Clarence, his brother, the Duke of Northumber-
land, and some other lords, his chamberlain, called my lord
Hastings, his chancellor, and others ; and only three or four
were dressed in cloth of gold, like the King. The King
wore a black velvet cap on his head, and in it there was a
large fleur de lys set with stones. He was a very tall and
handsome prince, but beginning to grow stout ; and I had
seen him look more handsome in former times, for I can-
not remember ever having seen a handsomer man than

POLITICAL 97

he was when my lord of Warwick drove him out of
England. As he approached the barrier, four or five feet
away, he took off his cap and bent his knee to within a
few inches of the ground. The King, who was already
leaning against the barrier, also made him a deep reverence.
And as they were about to embrace each other through
the holes, the King of England made another reverence.
The King spoke first, and said: ''Cousin, you are very
welcome : there is no man in the world whom I desire
to see so much as I desire to see you ; and God be praised
that we are met together here with such good purpose ".
The King of England replied suitably, in fairly good French.
Then the said Chancellor of England, a prelate, named
the Bishop of Ely,^ began to speak ; and he began with
a prophecy (with which the EngHshare never unprovided),
which said that in this place of Pequigny a great peace
should be made between France and England ; and after-
wards were exhibited the letters which the King had sent
to the said King of England, touching the treaty which
was made ; and the said Chancellor asked the King if
he had ordered such letters, and if he agreed to them.
To which the King answered yes, and also to those which
were sent on the King of England's behalf. And then
the missal was brought and opened, and the two Kings
put each a hand upon it, and their other hands upon
the True Cross ; and both swore to keep what had been
promised between them ; that is to say the truce for nine
years, including their allies, and to accomplish the marriage
of their children, as it was contained in the said treaty.
After the oath was sworn, our King, who was ready of
speech, began to say to the King of England, laughingly,
that he must come to Paris, and that he would entertain
him with ladies ; and that he would give him my lord
the Cardinal of Bourbon as confessor, who would very
1 A mistake for Lincoln.

7

98 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOEKISTS

willingly absolve him from sin, if he committed any. The
King of England was delighted ; and spoke smilingly, for
he knew that the Cardinal was a good fellow.

When this talk had lasted for a little while, the King,
who showed that he had authority in this gathering, made
us and those who were with him draw back, telling us
that he wished to speak to the King of England alone.
Those with the King of England likewise retired, without
waiting to be told. When the two Kings had spoken
together for a little, the King called me, and asked the
King of England if he recognised me. He answered yes,
and mentioned the places where he had seen me ; and
that formerly I had taken much trouble to serve him at
Calais, at the time when I was with the Duke of Burgundy.
The King asked him if the Duke of Burgundy did not
wish to keep the truce, because he had replied to it so
haughtily, and what it would please him that he should
do. The King of England answered that he should offer
it to him again, and that if he would not accept it, it
should be a matter for them both. Afterwards the King
happened to speak of the Duke of Brittany, who was the
man who had been the origin of this conversation, and
made a similar request. The King of England answered
that he begged him not to make war on the said Duke
of Brittany, and that in his necessity he had never found
so good a friend. The King was content with that ; and
with the most amiable and gracious words possible, re-
calling his company, he took leave of the King of England
and said some gracious word to each of his people. And
so they retired from the barrier simultaneously or almost
so, and mounted their horses. The King went to Amiens,
and the King of England to his host : to which was sent
from the King's house all that they needed, even to
torches and candles. The Duke of Gloucester, brother of
the King of England, and some others, were not at this

POLITICAL 99

discussion, being ill pleased with this truce ; but after-
wards they came back ; and then the said Duke of
Gloucester came to the King at Amiens, and the King
made him very fine presents, as of vessels and horses
well accoutred.

[Louis' bribes to English lords. Ibid., p. 360.]

Sixteen thousand crowns were promised as pensions
to the King of England's private officials : to my lord
Hastings, two thousand crowns a year (he would never
give a receipt for it) ; to the chancellor, two thousand
marks ; to Lord Howard, to the chief esquire, to Chal-
enger, to my lord Montgomery and others attending him ;
and much money and silver vessels were given to King
Edward's said servants.

69.

[Edward IV's provision againsfc a rising in England while he was in
France. Letter from the Milanese ambassador at the Burgundian
Court to the Duke of Milan, 26 July, 1475. C.S.P., Milan, I,
no. 292.]

His Majesty . . . has brought with him all of whom
he had suspicion in the realm, even to the old Queen,
wife of the late King Henry, whom he has left a prisoner
at Calais.

70.

[Extracts from the documents known collectively as the Treaty of
Pequigny, 29 August, 1475. Rymer, XII, 15-21. (Latin.)]

I. . . . First, we consent . . . that all suits, questions,
complaints and demands at present pending undiscussed
between us and the same our cousin of France aforesaid
shall be entrusted to and arbitrated upon by the most
reverend father Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury,
Cardinal, our uncle, and our dearest brother George Duke
of Clarence, for us and our behalf, and the most reverend

7*

100 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

Father Charles Archbishop of Lyons and John Count of
Dunois for our said cousin and on his behalf . . . Promis-
ing and binding ourselves to abide by the decision, arbitra-
ment and determination of the said arbiters upon the
premisses, under penalty of three thousand thousand
crowns on him who shall not abide by their said de-
cision, . . .

Also, we will, promise, agree and conclude that, after
we shall have received from our aforesaid cousin of France
seventy-five thousand crowns ... we will withdraw our
army and the forces which we now have here with us,
without deceit, altogether ceasing from war against our
said cousin and his subjects. . . .

II. . . . We make it known that . . . we have concluded
with the most illustrious prince Louis of France a good,
sincere, true, firm and perfect truce, abstinence from war,
league, understanding and confederation, between us, our
realm of England, our countries and dominions, heirs,
successors, vassals, subjects present and future, our allies
and confederates whatsoever (who may wish to be in-
cluded in this truce) and the aforesaid most serene prince
Louis of France our dearest cousin, his countries and
dominions ... to endure for seven years next after the
date of these presents.

[Each king appended a list of allies whose right to be included in the
treaty he wished specially to reserve. Edward's list included
the King of the Romans, the Dukes of Burgundy and Brittany,
and the Hanse towns ; Louis' list was headed by the Emperor.]

III. . . . That there shall be between the most illustrious
prince the King of England and the most illustrious
prince Louis of France his dearest cousin, a true, sincere
and perfect amity, to endure from the date of these presents
as long as either of the princes shall live ; so that, while
they live, battles, wars and hostilities between them shall
altogether cease. ...

POLITICAL ; ; 101

Also, that the aforesaid most illustrious prince oi Firahce
shall help and assist the King of England against Enghsh
subjects who shall invade in arms and make rebeUion in
his realm of England, countries or dominions : and in the
same way the most serene king of England shall help and
assist his said cousin of France against subjects who
invade in arms and make rebellion in his countries and
dominions.

Also, that neither of the said princes of England and
France shall in any wise give or afford help or assistance to
subjects of the other making armed invasion and open war
against their prince in his countries and dominions ; nor
receive and uphold in his countries or dominions, to the
prejudice of the other prince, such subjects so making
invasion.

Also, if it shall happen that either of the said princes be
expelled from his coimtries and dominions (which God for-
bid) by the guile, cunning and disobedience of a subject or
subjects of either of them, and on this account ask help of
the other prince, . . . that then that prince so required
and appealed to shall receive the prince so expelled with
all kindness, and uphold him and his with all his might
. . . that he may be replaced in and restored to his own
former estate. . . .

Also, that, within a year from the date of these presents,
a new diet shall be instituted by the aforesaid princes, in
which their legates and deputies shall appoint and settle
such a system of reckoning and valuation of the lawful
coin and money of either kingdom of England and France,
that by it those kingdoms and the subjects of the said
princes may the more abound in wealth and prosper the
better to their common good. . . .

Also, for the inviolate observation of the said amity, it
is concluded . . . between the aforesaid princes that a
marriage shall be contracted between the most illustrious

102 fiNGLANi) UNPEB THETOEKISTS

prince "Chaf'les, son 'of the said most powerful prince of
France, and the most serene lady Elizabeth, daughter
of the said most invincible King of England, when they
shall reach marriageable age. . . . And if it shall happen
that the lady Elizabeth die before the aforesaid marriage
is contracted, (which God forbid) that then a marriage
shall be contracted between prince Charles and the most
serene lady Mary, another daughter of the aforesaid King
of England. . . .

IV. Louis, by the grace of God King of the French, to
all who shall see these present letters, greeting. We make
it known that we have granted, promised and bound our-
selves ... to pay and really and effectually to deliver to
the most illustrious prince Edward, by the same grace
King of England, our dearest cousin, every year, in the city
of London, during the life of either of us, fifty thousand
crowns of gold. . . .

We will pay and deliver, or cause to be paid and delivered,
to the same our cousin the King of England, twenty-five
thousand crowns of gold ... at the feast of Easter next
coming, and twenty-five thousand crowns of gold ... at
the feast of St. Michael the Archangel next after that, and
so, from year to year, we will pay and deliver . . . fifty
thousand crowns of gold ... at the said two terms of
Easter and Michaelmas each year, by equal portions, as is
aforesaid .

71.

[As a pendant to the Treaty of Pequigny, Louis XI ransomed Margaret
of Anjou. Letter from the Milanese ambassador at the Burgundian
court to the Duke of Milan, 21 April, 1476. C.S.P., Milan, I,
no. 328.]

We Ifear that the King of France has bought, for
24,000 or 30,000 crowns. Queen Margaret of England,
daughter of King E6n6, widow of King Henry and prisoner
of King Edward in England, and has fetched her to France,

POLITICAL 103

it is supposed in order to get her to give up her claims to
Provence as the daughter of King Kene.

72.

[The Duke of Burgundy's attitude to the Treaty of Pequigny. Letter
from the Milanese ambassador at the Burgundian court to the
Duke of Milan, 22 October, 1475. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 316.]

By my last of the 22"^^ and 23^'*^^ August . . . I announced
the negotiations of the English for an agreement v^ith
France, and that they had already sent to acquaint the
Duke here with the proposed articles, of which I sent
a copy. The Duke was in despair at their so basely mak-
ing an agreement without drawing the sword, nor does he
mean to be a party to this treaty, but to wage the war as
he is doing, after joining his Burgundian men-at-arms.

He sent the Bishop of Tournai and three other Knights
of the Golden Fleece as his ambassadors to the King of
England, to endeavour to dissuade him from this peace,
and assure him that they would obtain much better terms
if they kept the j&eld. Despite this the treaty has been
made and the ambassadors were too late.

The King of England, to the great disgust of his king-
dom, has returned with his army to England. He
apologised to the Duke for the treaty, and expressed a wish
to be friends. . . .

More than 2000 Englishmen have come to serve the
Duke, who has accepted them, saying that he well knows
they will be cutting one another's throats in England, and
it will be better for them to fight against the French. In
the opinion of intelligent persons there is hkely to be dis-
turbance in England, because the King exacted a great
treasure and did nothing. The Duke here foments this
all he can.

The King of France is trying his utmost to come to
terms with the Duke. He got the King of England to

104 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

send an ambassador to his lordship to urge him to enter
the truce for seven years, but the Duke made them
a spirited reply such as they deserved for the deed done.

[In spite of his show of bravado, the Duke had already made a truce
With France on 13 September. A letter from the same ambas-
sador, dated 27 August ("Milanese Calendar," I, no. 301) reported
that he could not refuse to accept the Treaty of Pequigny for fear of
incurring English hostility by so doing, but that he would probably
remain armed and behave haughtily in order to exact better terms
from Louis XI.]

73.

[The end of the Duke of Clarence, 1476-7. " Croyland Chronicle/'
second continuation, pp. 561-2. (Latin.)]

This glory of the most prudent King was greatly dis-
turbed by a fresh dissension again arising between him
and his brother the Duke of Clarence. For it was noticed
that gradually the Duke absented himself more and more
from the King's presence, scarcely spoke a word in council,
and would not willingly eat or drink in the King's house.
Many attributed this faUing off of earher intimacy to
the fact that the Duke had been angered because on the
occasion of that general resumption which the King had
lately made in Parliament, the Duke had lost the honour
and lordship of Tutbury and many other lands which
he had previously obtained by royal grant.

Meanwhile Charles Duke of Burgundy . . . fell in
battle. ... It was spread abroad after the death of this
Charles that the Lady Margaret his widowed duchess,
whose heart was set on her brother of Clarence above
all other relatives, was working with all her powers and
zeal that Mary, the only daughter and heiress of the said
late Duke Charles, should be married to the Duke of
Clarence, whose wife was lately dead. Such a projected
exaltation of his ungrateful brother displeased the King.
Wherefore he interposed what hindrances he could, so

POLITICAL 105

that the projected marriage should not be carried into
effect ; but he favoured rather that the heiress should be
given in marriage to Maximilian, son of the Emperor,
as afterwards happened.

[John Stacy and Thomas Burdet, the latter a servant and friend of
Clarence, were tried and executed on charges of sorcery. They
died protesting their innocence.]

The following day the Duke of Clarence came into the
council chamber at Westminster, bringing with him a
renowned Doctor of the order of Friars Minor, Master
William Godard, that he might rehearse before the lords
assembled in council the aforesaid confession and declara-
tion of innocence ; he did so, and withdrew. The King
was at this time at Windsor. And when this matter
became known to him, the deed displeased him greatly ;
and recalling to his mind representations made to him
against his brother, which he had long kept in his heart ;
the Duke was summoned to appear on a certain day in
the royal palace of Westminster, in the presence of the
mayor and aldermen of the city of London, and the King
with his own mouth began most vehemently to upbraid
among other things the Duke's aforesaid deed, as censur-
ing the laws of the realm and exceedingly dangerous to
the judges and juries of the kingdom. So the Duke was
placed in custody, and from that day until his death was
never at liberty.

The mind shrinks from relating what followed in the
next Parliament : the disputation held there between
two brothers of such qualities seemed so sad. For no
one spoke against the Duke, except the King; no one
answered the King, except the Duke. Some persons
were produced, concerning whom it was very doubtful
whether they performed the office of accusers or witnesses.
For both offices at once are not suited to the same persons
in the same case. The Duke accounted for all the charges

106 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

by corruption, offering if he might be heard, to maintain
his cause with his body. Why am I so lengthy ? Parlia-
ment, holding the information it had heard to be sufficient,
formulated sentence of condemnation against him, which
was to be pronounced by the mouth of Henry Duke of
Buckingham, newly created Seneschal of England for
the time being. Afterwards execution was delayed for
a while, until such time as the Speaker of the Commons,
coming with his fellows into the upper House, should
have made a fresh petition for the accomplishment of
the matter : and consequently within a few days the thing
was done secretly, whatever was the manner of execution,
within the Tower of London. . . .

After this act many people left the King fully persuaded
that he could rule his whole realm according to his will,
all those idols being now destroyed, to whose faces the
eyes of the people, ever desirous of new things, were in
times past accustomed to turn. They considered as such
idols the Earl of Warwick, the Duke of Clarence, and any
other great person in the kingdom who withdrew himself
from the King's intimacy. But the King although
secretly repenting of his deed (as I think), yet from that
time forward filled his office so magnificently that he
seemed to be dreaded by all the people, he himself fearing
no one. For his most trusted servants were scattered
through all parts of the kingdom, as keepers of castles,
manors, forests and parks, and nothing could be attempted
by any man whatsoever, no matter how cunningly, in
any part of the kingdom, which was not immediately
and openly resisted.

74.

[The death of the Duke of Clarence, 18 February, 1478. Kiugsford

p. 188.]

Also the xviiitii day of ffebruary was George, Duke of
Clarence and brother unto kyng Edward, put to the deth
with yn the Tower as prisoner. Drowned in malvesay.

POLITICAL 107

75.

[The policy of Louis XI towards England after the death of the Duke
of Burgundy in 1477 in his war against the Swiss. Louis at once
seized Burgundy, Artois, Picardy, and other parts of Charles'
dominions. The heiress Mary of Burgundy then married Maxi-
milian, son of the Emperor, who championed her rights. Louis'
aim was to keep England from actively supporting her. Comines,
"Memoires," II, 166-73.]

[The King of France] attempted especially, amongst all
his other affairs, to content the King of England, or to
occupy him by embassies, presents, and fair words, so that
he should not interfere with our affairs. For the said lord
well knew that the EngHsh, both nobles, commons and
churchmen, are always inclined to war against this realm.
. . . And so the said lord saw clearly that he must come
to an agreement with the said King of England and with
those about him, whom he knew were inclined to make
peace and to take the good things he had to offer : there-
fore he regularly paid the pension of fifty thousand crowns
which he delivered to them at London, and they called it
tribute ; and to his most intimate servants he paid some
sixteen thousand ; that is to say to the Chancellor,^ to the
Master of the Kolls^ (who is now Chancellor), to the great
Chamberlain, Lord Hastings (a man of good sense and
virtue, and of great authority with his master, and not
without cause : for he had served him well and loyally),
to Sir Thomas Montgomery, to Lord Howard (who after-
wards became, under that bad King Kichard, Duke of
Norfolk), to the great esquire, called monsieur Cheney,
to Master Challengier, to the marquis, son of the Queen of
England by a former marriage, and gave very great gifts
to all those who came to him. ... He had given presents
to all these, besides their pensions : and I am sure that in

^ Bishop Rotherham of Lincoln.

'' John Morton, Bishop of Ely in 147S).

108 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YORKISTS

less than two years he gave my lord Howard, besides his
pension, twenty-four thousand crowns, what with money
and plate : and to the chamberlain, lord Hastings, he gave
at a single gift a thousand marks of silver in plate. And
the receipts of all these personages are in the exchequer at
Paris, save those of Lord Hastings, great chamberlain of
England. . . .

Thus did our King live with the English : however the
King of England was often asked and importuned for help
by the supporters of this young princess [the Duchess
Mary of Burgundy] ; and presently the said King of England
sent to the King to remonstrate with him in this matter
and to urge him to make peace, or at least a truce. For
there were in his council, and especially in his Parliament
(which is hke the Three Estates) many wise and far-seeing
men, who had no pensions as the others had. These,
and also the Commons, greatly desired that the King of
England would help the said lady ; and said that people
here were deceiving them, and would not complete the
marriage ; and that that was plain ; for in the treaty made
at Pequigny between the two kings, it had been sworn
and promised that within a year they would send to fetch
the King of England's daughter, whom they had already
styled " madame la Dauphine," and that the fixed time was
long past.

Whatever remonstrance his subjects made to him, he
would not pay any attention to it, for several reasons.
He was a corpulent man and greatly loved pleasure and
could not have borne the burden of war here, and to see
himself attacked by great adversities. On the other hand
avarice of the fifty thousand crowns, paid every year in
his castle in London, softened his heart : and also when
his ambassadors came, they were so well entertained and
given so many fine presents that they went away content,
and no answer was ever made to them, so as always to

POLITICAL 109

gain time ; but they were told that in a little while the
King would send great personages to the King their master,
who would give him such assurance in the matters about
which he was in doubt that he should be well satisfied.

And so . . . the King sent, and always people who had
never been with the previous embassy, so that if the former
had made some overture, the effect of which had not been
followed up, these would not know what answer to make.
And thus those who went there took pains in every way to
give such surety in France to the said King of England,
that he would still have patience and not move: for he
and the Queen his wife so greatly desired this marriage,
that that, with the other reasons I have mentioned, made
him dissimulate that which a party of those in his council
said was to the great harm of his kingdom. . . . For with-
out doubt, had it not been for the hope of the said
marriage, the King of England would never have allowed
him to take places so near him [xirras, Boulogne, Hesdin
and Ardres] without attempting to defend them : and if,
at the beginning, he had declared for the said lady of Bur-
gundy, the King, who feared to put things in doubt and
to the venture, would not have weakened this house of
Burgundy so greatly as he did.

76.

[France and Scotland. Letter from the Milanese ambassador at the
French court to the Duke of Milan, 29 October, 1480. C.S.P.,
Milan, I, no. 368.]

The Scots have attacked the EngHsh, and I think it is
the handiwork of the king here, in order that others may
have to think more of their own affairs than of those of
others. I am confirmed in this opinion because I chance
to have seen a letter of the King of Scotland to the
king here, in which he advises him that the EngHsh . . .
had made an incursion into his country, but his people

110 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

had forthwith cast them out. ... In conclusion, he
asks for one or two gunners or bonabardiers and some
artillery, saying that he has need of both. This makes
me practically certain that the king here has a hand in
it, since he asks him for help against the Enghsh, who
are in league and close affinity with his Majesty.

77.

[The Scottish war. Polydore Vergil's " Historie of England " (C.S.),
pp. 169-70. In June, 1480, James Ill's intriguiug brother the
Duke of Albany promised, if England would aid him to win the
Scottish throne, to do all that Edward Balliol had done.]

The Scottishe king . . . brake treuce with England,
and molestyd the borders therof with suddaine incursions ;
wherfor King Edward, with great indignation, determynyd
to make warre uppon Scotland ; yeat afterward, whan
King James excusyd the fact as doone by the arrogancy
of soome his subjectes without his pryvytie, the matter
might have bene easyly appeasyd, yf in thend King Edward
had not bene laboryd by King James owne broother to
enterpryse the same warre : for King James, being a
man of sharp wytt, and trusting more than mete was to
his owne head and opynyon, gave lyttle care to good
advyse ; and because he wold not be fownd fa wit withall,
he therfore tooke to be his cowncellers men of meane
cauling, and becam so offensyve to the nobylytie by
appeaching soome dayly of haynous crymes, and punish-
ing others by the purse, that he causyd them ether to go
willingly in exyle, or fayning soome busynes, to fly soome
other wher. Of which number was his brother, Alexander
Duke of Albany, who, as he travalyd into France, tarying
with King Edward, ceassyd not to incense him to revenge
his honor, and augment his desire that way. Therfor
whan Kinge Edward had in mynde, as sayd ys, to revenge
the late injurye, and was also eggyd on to armes by the

POLITICAL 111

Duke, who promysyd great ayd, he fynally determynyd
with good will so to do, both because King James, besydes
the late breache of treuce, had relevyd King Henry the
Vltb and those of his faction with all thinges necessary,
and also for that he had good hope the Duke wold be
faythfull unto hym, yf, his brother being expulsyd, he
might enjoy the crowne ; and therfore he addressyd furth-
with agaynst the Scottes, Eicherd his brother, Duke of
Glocester, Henry the fourth Erie of Northumberland,
Thomas Stanley, and the said Duke of Albany, with an
army royall. King James the meane whyle advertysyd
of thinglishe mens approche, furnisshyd furthwith in
readynes suche forces as he presently could levy, and
going agaynst his enemyes, cam unto Berwicke for defence
of hys borders ; but whan he understoode that the Enghshe
men excedid him both in force and number, and perceavyd
also that his owne soldiers was scarce well to be trustyd,
removing therfor abowt midnight, he retyryd to Eden-
browgh, ther to abyde thennemy. The Duke of Glocester,
entring Scotland, wastyd and burr yd all over the countrie,
and marchyng further into the land, encampyd himself
not farre from his enemyes ; whan as, perceaving that
not one man of all the Scottishe nation resortyd to the
Duke of Albany, he suspected treason, not without cause ;
wherfor he tooke treuce with King James, and returnyd
the right way to Berwicke, which in the meane time
Thomas Lord Stanley had woone, without losse of many
[of] his men. And King James, whose subjectes bare him
no good will, was forcyd by ne[ces]sitie, after treuce taken,
to disgest that displeasure of winning the towne.

[The Scottish nobles revolted against James III and rendered him
powerless, and won over Albany from the English. They then
offered Edward favourable terms, which were accepted. Albany
soon renewed his intrigues and was obliged to flee to England,
but after Edward IV's death he was powerless.]

112 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOBKISTS

78.

[Mary of Burgundy died in 1482, and the struggle between France and
Burgundy was then ended by the Treaty of Arras, by which the
daughter of Mary and Maximilian was to marry the Dauphin, the
lands seized by Louis XI being regarded as her dowry. The
treaty was both injurious and insulting to Edward IV, but he died
before he had time to give active expression to his displeasure.
Comines, "Memoires," II, 235-6. (French.)]

I must come to the conclusion of the treaty of marriage
made between our present King, then called the Dauphin,
and the daughter of the Duke and Duchess of Austria,
by the people of Ghent, to the great displeasure of the
King of England, who considered himself deceived of the
hope of the marriage of his daughter with the Dauphin,
now king of France : and he and the Queen his wife had
desired this marriage more than anything in the world,
and would never beheve anyone who warned them of the
contrary, whether their own subjects or others : for the
council of England had remonstrated with him several
times, when the King was conquering Picardy, which is
near Calais, and told him that if he should conquer that
district, he would certainly try to conquer Calais and
Guines. The ambassadors who were continually in
England on behalf of the Duke and Duchess of Austria,
and the Bretons and others, told him as much ; but he
would beheve nothing of all this, and took it very ill.
But I firmly believe that he did not act so much from ig-
norance as from avarice, so as not to lose the fifty thousand
crowns that the King gave him, nor to leave his ease and
his pleasures, to which he was greatly addicted.

POLITICAL 113

79.

[The death of Edward IV. Kingsford, p. 189.]

This yere [1483] dyed kyng Edward the Illlth at West-
mynster, the ix day of Aprill, when he had raygned xxii
yere. . . . And from Westmynster the corps was caried
solempnely unto Wyndesor, and there buryed, where be-
fore he had provided his buryell. Upon whos sowle God
have mercy.

80.

[The Duke of Gloucester's behaviour. " Croyland Chronicle," second
continuation, p. 565. (Latin.)]

The Duke of Gloucester wrote most kind letters to con-
sole the Queen ; he promised attendance, obedience, fealty,
and his whole duty to his king and lord Edward V, eldest
son of his dead brother the King and of the Queen. And
so coming to York with a fitting retinue, all clothed in
mourning garb, he celebrated the King's solemn and tear-
ful obsequies. He compelled all the nobility of those parts
to take the oath of fealty to the King's son : and he him-
self swore first of all.

81.

[The Duke of Gloucester and Edward V. Kingsford, pp. 189-90.]

And anoon aftir [Edward IV's] deth Edward his son,
than beyng abowte the age of xii yer, undir the guydyng
of his uncle by the moders side, callid lord Marquys Dorset,
was proclaymed kyng by the name of Edward the Y^^.
And comyng to London ward, awaytyng upon hym the
said lord Marques with other dyvers gentilmen, at a towne
named Stonyng Stratford met with hym the Duke of
Glowcetir, the Duke of Bokyngham, with a greate com-
pany, and anoon dischargid the lord Marques and suche as
were abowte the kyng, and took the guydyng of hym
theym silf. And so from thens brought hym unto London ;

8

114 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOKKISTS

and the iiiit^ day of May he cam thrugh the cite, ffet and
met by the Mayr and the citezeins of the cite at Harnsy
park, the kyng ridyng in blew velvet, and the Duke of
Glowcetir in black cloth, like a mourner ; and so he was
conveid to the Bysshoppys palaes in London, and there
logid. And Queue Elizabeth was in Westmynster in
sayntuary, with the Duke of York and the remenaunt of
her childer, beyng dough ters.

82.

[The Duke of Gloucester made Protector, May, 1483. " Croyland
Chronicle," second continuation, p. 566. (Latin.)]

The said Eichard Duke of Gloucester took upon himself
that solemn office which formerly belonged to Duke
Humphrey of Gloucester during the minority of King
Henry, that he should be called Protector of the realm.
Therefore he used that authority by the consent and good-
will of all the lords, issuing orders and prohibitions in
all matters like another King, as circumstances required.
And the feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist ^ being
fixed as the day on which the coronation of the aforesaid
King should without fail be performed, all men hoped for
and expected the peace and prosperity of the kingdom.

83.

[Gloucester's proceedings, June, 1483. Hastings was executed on
13 June, and the Duke of York was taken to the Tower three
days later. Kingsford, p. 190.]

The Duke of Glowcetir went to Westmynster, and took
with hym tharchebisship of Caunterbury ; where by fayre
means, and for trust that the Queue had in tharchebisshop,
which said Bisshop thought nor entended none harme,
she delyvered to theym the Duke of York, a child abowte
the age of vii yere ; whom the said Duke conveyed unto
the Tower, and there caused hym to be kept with the

^ 24 June.

POLITICAL 115

prynce, his brother. And this doon, was provicion made
for the coronacion of the kyng, which men demed to have
been th eld est son of kyng Edward the 1111*^. And this
tyme of provysion for the coronacion was the lord Kyvers,
which before tyme had the prynce in guydyng, the lord
Eichard the Queenes son, and Thomas Vaughan, with
Eichard Hawte, knyghtes, beheded at Pounfret.^ And the
xiii^^ day of Jun the Duke of Glowcetir, sodeynly with
oute jugement, cawsid the lord Hastynges, Chamberlayne
of England, to be beheded within the Tower. And forth-
with sent the Bisshoppis of Ely and York in to Walys,
there to have been prysoned.

84.

[The Duke of Gloucester summons men from the north to aid him
against the Queen and her party, 16 June, 1483. Davies, *' York
Records," pp. 151-4.]

. . . For as moch as my lord of Gloucestre gude grace
hath writtyn to the Cite [of York] whow that the Qwhen
and hyr adherantes intendyth to distrew hys gude grace,
and odir of the blod riall, it [is] agreid [by the mayor and
aldermen] that Thomas Wrangwysh, William Wells,
Eobert Hancok, John Hag, Eichard Merston and William
White, with CC horsmen, defensably arayd, shall ryd upp
to London to asyst my said lord gude grace.

[Richard's proclamation read in York on 19 June,]

Eichard, Brodyr and Unkill of Kynges, Duce of Glou-
cestre, Protectour . . . streitly charges and commandes
that all maner of men, in their best defensabill araie, in-
contenent aftir this proclamation maid, do rise and on up
to London to his highnes . . . ther to aide and assist hym
to the subdewyng correctyng and punysshyng of the
Whene, here blode, and othir hyr adherentes, which haith
intendyd, and dayly doith entend, to murther and utterly

^ 26 June.

116 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

distroi his roiall person, his cosyn the duke of Bukkyng-
ham, and other of the old roiall blode of this realme, and
also the nobill men of their companyes, and as it is notably
knawn, by mony subtile and dampnabill ways forcastyd
the same, and also the speciall distruction and disheryson
of theym, and of all other thenheritors and men of haveour,
as Weill of theis North parties as of other contrees that
belongen to tham, and therefor in all deligence prepare
yourself and come up, as ye love their honours weles and
surties, and the surties of yourself and the common weil of
this said realme.

85.

[Events after Hastings' execution, down to the coronation of Richard
III, 13 June-6 July. "The Great Chronicle of London," ff.
207-8.]
Then was tharchbysshop of York doctour Rotherham
and the Bysshopp of Ely doctour Morton sett in a suyrte
for a tyme. And fforthwyth were a Crewe of men Arerid
In the North, and Commaundid to spede theym toward
london. And afftyr this were the prince and the duke
of York holdyn more streygth And than was pryvy talkyng
In london that the lord Protectour shuld be kyng. Ac-
cordyng wherunto upon the Soneday ^ next ffolowyng the
daye of excecucion of the lord Hastynges, at Paulys Crosse
beyng present the said lord protectour And the duke of
Bukkyngham wyth a huge Audience of spirituell and
Temporall, was there Declarid by Doctour Eauff Shaa
brothyr unto this mayer. And provid by such Eeasons
as he there and then made that the Childyr of Kyng
Edward were not Eightfull enherytours unto the Crowne,
And that kyng Edward was not the legytymat sone of
the Duke of York as the lord protectour was By the which
declaracion and othir many allegacions and obprobrious
Eeportes he then alledgyd That the lord protectour was
i 22 June, the second Sunday after Hastings' execution.

POLITICAL 117

moost worthy to be kyng and noon othir. The which
sermon soo dyscontentid the more party of that Audience,
that where the said doctour Shaa before dayes was ac-
comptid moost ffamous and moost allowyed In the
Common peplys meyndys, he afftyr this daye was lytill
Reputid or Regardyd. . . . Than upon the Tuysday next
ensuyng the fforesaid Soneday, The duke of Bukkyngham
cam unto the Guyld-halle, where agayn his commyng
The mayer with his brethir, And a ffayer multitude of
Cytyzyns In theyr lyvereys were Assemblyd, To the
whiche Assemble the said duke than made an Oracion
In Rehercyng the grete excellency of the lord protectour
and the manyfold vertuys which God hadd endowid hym
with, And of the Rightfull Tytle which he hadd unto
the Croune, That it lastid a good half howyr, And that
was soo well and eloquently uttyrd And with soo Angelyk
a contenance. And every pauze and tyme soo well ordorid.
That such as hard hym mervaylid and sayd that nevyr
to ffore that daye hadd they hard any man lernyd or
unlernyd make such a Rehersayll or oracion as that was.
The which when he had ffynysshid, and goodly exortid
the sayd Assemble to admyfct the said lord protectour ffor
theyr lyege lord and kyng, and they to satysfye his myend
more ffor ffere than ffor love, Cryed In small numbyr Ye
Ye, He soo departid. Wheruppon The thurs[day] next
ensuyng (beyng the xix day off June ^) the sayd lord pro-
tectour took possescyon At Westmynstyr In the grete
halle, where he beyng sett In the kynges cheyer or place
where alle kynges take ffyrst possescion, The duke of
Norfifolk syttyng upon his Right hand that beffore dayes
was callid lord Howard, And upon his lyfftly hand the
duke of Suffolk he calhd beffore hym the Juges Com-
maundyng theym In Right streygth maner that they
Justly and duly shuld mynystir his lawe withowth delay

* 26 June,

118 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOEKISTS

or ffavour. Afftyr which Commandement soo to theym
govyn and othyr Ceremonyes there ffynysshid, he than
yood In to the Abbay where at the chirch dore he was
mett wyth procescion, And by the Abbot or hys Depute
there delyvered to hym the Ceptre of Seynt Edward, he
then yood unto the Shryne and there offyrd, And then
was conveyed Into the Quere and there was sett while
Te Deum was ffeynydly sungyn by the munkys, Afftyr
which Ceremonyes thus ffynyd, he Eetournyd Into the
kynges Palays and there was lodgid. . . . Then was hasty
provicion made ffor his Coronacion, Soo that upon the
Yi^^ daye of JuHi he and Queue Anne his wyfe were at
oon Messe Solempnely Crownyd, and afftyr was the
ffest Accustomyd wyth alle Cyrcumstances therunto be-
longyng kept In Westmynstir halle. The which ffest
soo beyng ffynysshid The kyng sent hoom the lordys
Into theyr Cuntrees, holdyng wyth hym styll therle of
Derby (the lord Stanley) ffor a seson, And alsoo unto
such as went hoom he gave streygth Comandementes
that they shuld see the Cuntrees where they dwellid well
guydid and that noon extorcions were doon to hys Sub-
gectes. And thus he tawgth othyr to excercyse Just and
good which he wold not do hym sylf.

[Act of Parliament settling the crown upon Richard III and his de-
scendants. R.P., VI, 240-2. The act recites that a large number
of lords and commons had '' on the behalve and in the name of the
thre Estates of this Reame " presented a petition to Richard, to
which he had assented. These persons, however, were not " as-
sembled in fourme of Parliament/' which has caused doubts to
arise. The petition is now ratified by Parliament and entered on
the Parliament Roll. It begins with an account of the peace and
prosperity of the realm under former kings who ' ' used and
followed the advice and counsaill of certaine Lords Spirituelx and
Temporelx, and othre personnes of approved sadnesse, prudence,
policio and ©xpsrieno* ". Later rulers " folowed th* counsaill of

POLITICAL 119

personnes insolent, vicious, and of inordinate avarice . . . soo that
felicite was turned into miserie, and prosperite into adversite."
This state of things was at its worst after the marriage of Edward
IV]:-

And here also we considere, howe that the seid pretensed
Manage bitwixt the above named KingiEdward and EHza-
beth Grey, was made of grete presumption, without the
knowyng and assent of the Lords of this Lond, and also
by Sorcerie and Wichecraf te, committed by the said Ehza-
beth, and her Moder Jaquett Duchesse of Bedford. . . .
And here also we consider, howe that the said pretensed
Mariage was made privaly and secretely, without Edition
'of Banns, in a private Chamber, a prophane place, and not
openly in the face of the Church, aftre the Lawe of Godds
Churche, hot contrarie thereunto, and the laudable Custome
of the Church of Englond. And howe also, that at the
tyme of contract of the same pretensed Mariage, and bi-
fore and longe tyme after, the seid King Edward was and
stode maryed and trouth plight to oone Dame Elianor
Butteler, Doughter of the old Earl of Shrewsbury, with
whom the said King Edward had made a precontracte of
Matrimonie, longe tyme bifore he made the said pretensed
Mariage ... it appeareth and foloweth evidently, that
the said King Edward duryng his lif, and the seid Eliza-
beth, lived together sinfully and dampnably in adultery.
. . . Also it appeareth evidently and followeth, that all th'
Issue and Children of the seid King Edward been Bastards
and unable to inherite or to clayme any thing by Inherit-
ance, by the Lawe and Custome of Englond.

Moreover we considre, howe that afterward, by the thre
Estates of this Keame assembled in a Parliament holden at
Westminster, the xviith yere of the Eegne of the said King
Edward the IIW'^ . . . by an Acta made in the same Parlia-
ment, George Due of Clarence, Brother to the said King
Edward nowe deceased, was convicted and attainted of

120 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

High Treason ... by reason wherof, all the Issue of the
said George was and is dishabled and barred of all Right
and Clayme that in any wise they might have or chalenge
by Enheritance, to the Crown and Dignite Roiall of this
Eeame, by the auncien Lawe and Custome of this same
Reame.

Over this we considre, howe that Ye be the undoubted
Son and Heire of Richard late Duke of Yorke, verray en-
heritour of the seid Crowne and Dignite Roiall, and as in
right Kyng of Englond, by wey of Inheritaunce ; and that
at this tyme, the premisses duely considered, there is noon
other persoune lyvyng but Ye only, that by Right may
clayme the said Coroune and Dignite Royall by way of
Enheritaunce, and howe that Ye be born within this Lande ;
by reason whereof ... Ye be more naturally enclyned to
the prosperite and commen wele of the same ; and all the
thre Estatis of the Lande have, and may have, more certayn
knowlage of youre Byrth and Filiation aboveseid. Wee
considre also the greate Wytte, Prudence, Justice, Princely
Courage, and memorable and laudable Acts in diverse
Batalls, whiche as we by experience knowe Ye heretofore
have done, for the salvacion and defence of this same
Reame. . . .

Wherfore . . . we . . . choise You, high and myghty
Prynce, into oure Kyng and Soveraigne Lorde etc., to whom
we knowe for certayn it apperteygneth of Enheritaunce
soo to bee chosen. And herupon we humbly desire, pray,
and require youre seid Noble Grace, that accordyng to this
Eleccion of us the Thre Estates of this Lande, as by youre
true Enherritaunce, ye will accepte and take upon You
the said Crown and Royall Dignite ... so that, after
great cloudes, troubles, stormes and tempestes, the Son of
Justice and Grace may shyne uppon us, to the comforte
and gladnesse of all true Englishmen.

Albeit that the Right, Title and Estate whiche oure

POLITICAL 121

Souveraigne Lorde the Kyng Eichard the Third hath to and
in the Crown ... is grounded upon the Lawes of God
and of Nature, and also upon the auncien Lawes and
laudable Customes of this said Eeame. . . . Yit neverthe-
lesse, forasmoche as it is considred, that the most parte of
the people of this Lande is not suffisantly lerned in the
abovesaid Lawes and Customes, wherby the trueth and
right in this behalf of liklyhode may be hyd, and nat clerely
knowen to all the people, and thereupon put in doubt and
question. And over this, howe that the Courte of Parlia-
ment is of suche auctorite, and the people of this Lande of
suche nature and disposicion, as experience teacheth, that
manifestacion and declaration of any trueth or right, made
by the Thre Estates of this Eeame assembled in ParHa-
ment, and by auctorite of the same, maketh, before all
other thyngs, moost feith and certaynte; and, quietyng
mens myndes, remoeveth the occasion of all doubts and
seditious langage. Therefore . . . bee it pronounced, de-
creed and declared, that oure said Soveraign Lorde the
Kyng was, and is, veray and undoubted Kyng of this Eeame
of Englond ... as well by right of Consanguinite and
Enheritaunce, as by lawefull Elleccion. . . . And . . .
that the said Crown . . . rest and abyde in the persoune
of oure said Soveraigne Lorde the Kyng, duryng his Lyff,
and, after his Decesse, in his heires of his Body begotten.
And in especiall . . . that the High and Excellent Prynce
Edward, Son of oure said Soveraign Lorde the Kyng, be
Heire Apparant ... to succede to hym.

87.

[Letter from the Bishop of St. David's to the Prior of Christ Church,
Canterbury. '' Christ Church Letters " (C.S.), p. 46. August?
1483.]

I trust to God sune, by Michelmasse, the Kyng shal
be at London. He contents the people wher he goys

122 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOBKISTS

best that ever did prince ; for raany a poor man that hath
suffred wrong many days have be relevyd and helpyd by
hym and his commands in his progresse. And in many
grete citeis and townis were grete summis of mony gif hym
which he hath refusyd. On my trouth I lykyd never the
condicions of ony prince so wel as his ; God hathe sent
hym to us for the wele of us al.

88.

[The Princes in the Tower, (a) " Croyland Chronicle," second con-
tinuation, pp. 566-8. (Latin.)]

They came in a boat to Westminster with a great mul-
titude with swords and staves ; and compelled the Lord
Cardinal of Canterbury with many others to enter the
sanctuary, in order to appeal to the Queen's goodwill,
that she would allow her son Eichard Duke of York to go
out and come to the Tower for the comfort of the King
his brother. She, willingly assenting by words, sent the
boy, who was taken by the said Lord Cardinal to the King
in the said Tower of London. . . .

[Eichard III, after his coronation] departed from the
royal city of London ^ : and journeying by Windsor, Ox-
ford and Coventry, at length rested at York. There on the
day appointed for his second coronation ^ in the Metropolitan
Church, his only son Edward was shown publicly and on
the same day he made him Prince of Wales, with insignia
of a golden staff and a circlet on his head. And he made
and organised ostentations and most sumptuous festivals
and banquets, to entice the affections of the people to him-
self. . . .

In the meantime and while these things were going on,
the aforesaid two sons of King Edward remained in the
Tower of London under certain appointed guard, and the
people of the southern and western parts of the kingdom

1 22 or 29 July. 2 g September.

POLITICAL 123

began to murmur greatly for their release from captivity,
and to make gatherings and assemblies ; and many were
known to be working secretly, and some openly, for this
end, especially those who for fear were scattered in
franchises and sanctuaries. Also there was a rumour, that
it was said by those men who had fled to sanctuary, that
several of the King's daughters had departed from West-
minster in disguise to places beyond the sea, so that if
anything happened to the said boys in the Tower, never-
theless by the safety of the daughters the kingdom might
hereafter return to the true heirs. . . .

And when at length the people all round the City of
London, in Kent, Essex, Sussex, Hampshire, Dorset, Devon,
Somerset, Wiltshire and Berkshire, and many other south-
ern counties of the realm, began to think of avenging the
aforesaid matters, pubHc proclamations having been made
that Henry Duke of Buckingham, who at that time was
staying at Brekenok in Wales, repenting of his deed, was
chief leader in this matter, it was spread abroad that King
Edward's said sons were dead, by what manner of violent
death it was unknown. Wherefore all those who had
begun that disturbance . . . bethought them of Henry
Earl of Eichmond, who had now dwelt as an exile in
Brittany for many years.

[(6) Speech by the Chancellor of France at the opening of the States-
General at Tours, 15 January, 1484. Documents Inedits sur
I'histoire de France : " Journal des Etats, G^n^raux/' 1484, pp.
36-8. (Latin.)]

If I wished to bring forward special proofs of your love
to your prince and the treachery of others, a whole day
would not be suihcient for me. It will be enough to cite
the example of the neighbouring English. Behold, I
pray you, what happened in that land after the death of
King Edward, how his children, already full-grown and
noble, were put to death with impunity, and the royal

124 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

crown transferred by the favour of the people to their
murderer.
[(c) More'a "History of King Riohard III," ed. Lumby, pp. 80-4.]

As [Eichard] finished his time with the beste death,
and the most righteous, that is to wyt his own ; so began
he with the most piteous and wicked, I meane the lament-
able murther of his innoocent nephewes, the young king
and his tender brother. Whose death and final infortune
hathe natheles so far comen in question, that some remain
yet in doubt, whither they were in his dayes destroyde or
no. ... I shall rehearse you the dolorous end of those
babes, not after every way that I have heard, but after that
way that I have so hard by suche men and by such meanes,
as me thinketh it wer hard but it should be true. King
Eicharde after his coronacion takyng his way to Glou-
cester . . . forasmuch as his minde gave him that, his
nephewes living, men woulde not recken that hee could
have right to the realm, he thought therfore without delay
to rid them. . . . Whereuppon he sent one John Grene,
whom he specially trusted, unto Sir Eobert Brakenbery
constable of the Tower, with a letter and credence also,
that the same Sir Eobert shoulde in any wise put the two
children to death. . . . Who plainely answered that he
would never putte them to death to dye therfore, with
which answer Jhon Grene returning recounted the same
to Kynge Eicharde at Warwick. . . . Wherfore on the
morow he sent [Sir James Tyrrel] to Brakenbury with
a letter, by which he was commaunded to deliver Sir
James all the kayes of the Tower for one night, to the
ende he might there accomplish the kinges pleasure, in
such thing as he had geven him commaundement. After
which letter delivered and the kayes received. Sir James
appointed the night nexte ensuing to destroy them, devys-
ing before and preparing the meanes. . . . For Sir James

POLITICAL 125

Tirel devised that thei shold be murthered in their beddes.
To the execucion wherof, he appointed Miles Forest, one
of the foure that kept them, a felowe fleshed in murther
before time. To him he joyned one John Dighton, his
own horsekeper, a big brode square strong knave. Then
al the other beeing removed from them, thys Miles Forest
and John Dighton, about midnight (the sely children
lying in their beddes) came into the chamber, and sodainly
lapped them up among the clothes, so bewrapped them
and entangled them, keping down by force the fetherbed
and pillowes hard unto their mouthes, that within a while
smored and stifled, theyr breath failing, thei gave up to
God their innocent soules into the joyes of heaven, leav-
ing to the tormentors their bodyes dead in the bed.
Whiche after that the wretches parceived, first by the
strugling with the paines of death, and after long lying
styll, to be throughly dead ; they laide their bodies naked
out uppon the bed, and fetched Sir James to see them
Which upon the sight of them, caused those murtherers
to burye them at the stayre foote, metely depe in the
grounde under a great heape of stones. . . . Very trouthe
is it and well knowen, that at such time as Syr James
Tirell was in the Tower, for treason committed agaynste
the moste famous prince king Henry the seventh, bothe
Dighton and he were examined, and confessed the murther
in maner above writen.

89.

[The Duke of Buckingham's rebellion, October, 1483. Polydore
Vergil's "Historie" (C.S.), pp. 194-201. Polydore says that the
cause of the Duke's rebellion was his anger at the King's refusal
to give him the half of the old Bohun inheritance which had passed
to the Crown.]

The duke thus affectyd accompanyed king Richerd not
long after as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto Glocester,

126 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

from thence with his consent he repayred into Wales,
wher a great part of his lyvings lay. Heare the while
of his tary, provokyd partly by freshe memory of the
late receavyd injury, partly repenting that hitherto of
himself hee had not resystyd king Eichardes evell enter-
pryse ... he resolvyd to seperate himself from him . . .
and so he began to discover his intent to John bishop
of Ely, whom ... he had in Brechnoch castle. . . . The
duke unfoldyd all thynges to the bisshop of Ely, and dys-
coveryd himself wholy, showing how he had devysyd the
meane wherby both the bloode of king Edward and of
Henry the Sixt that yeat was remaining, being conjoignyd
by affinytie, might be restoryd to the domynion dew unto
both ther progenyes. The meane was this, that Henry
erle of Eichemond . . . might be sent for in all hast
possyble, and assystyd with all that they might do, so
that he wold promyse before by solemne othe, that after
he had once obtaynyd the kingdom he wold take to wyfe
Elyzabeth, king Edwards eldest dawghter.

The bishop of Ely alowyd as well the dukes devyse
as the maner of performing the same, and procuryd
one Eenold Bray, servant to Margaret erle Henry his
mother ... to coome unto the duke into Wales, and
his pleasure knowen to returne spedely unto the said
Margaret, and certify hir of all thinges which had bene
delyberatyd betwixt him and the duke. . . .

Now before the duke all in a rage had begun to be
alyenate in mynde from king Eicherd, the same very
time a plot of new conspiracy was layd at London betwixt
Elyzabeth the queue, wyfe to king Edward, and Margaret
mother to erle Henry, in this sort : this Margaret for
want of health usid thadvyse of a physition namyd Lewys,
a Welsheman born. . . . And she, being a wyse woman,
after the slaughter of king Edwardes children was knowen,
began to hope well of hir soones fortune, supposing that

POLITICAL 127

that dede wold withowt dowt proove for the profyt of
the commonwelth, yf yt might chaunce the bloode of
king Henry the Sixth and of king Edward to be inter-
menglyd by affynytie, and so two most pernicious factions
should be at once, by conjoynyng of both the howses,
utterly taken away. Wherfor . . . she utteryd to Lewys
that the time was now coom when as king Edwardes eldest
dowghter might be geaven in maryage to hir soon Henry,
and that king Kycherd . . . might easyly be dejectyd
from all honor and bereft the realme, and therfor prayd
him to deale secretly with the quene of suche affayre ;
for the quene also usyd his head. . . . Lewys . . . made
up the matter easyly betwyxt the two women. . . . Thus
Margaret being browght in good hope apoyntyd Kaynold
Bray her servyteur, a man most faythfuU and trustie,
to be the chief dealer in this conspyracy, and commanded
him to drawe unto her partie, as secretly as might be,
soom such noble or woorshipfuU men as wer wyse, fayth-
fuU and actyve, who were hable to make help in the
cause. Eaynold within few days gathered into the
socyetie of that conspyracy Gyles Dawbney knight,
Eicherd Gylfoord, Thomas Kamney, John Cheney, and
many mo. . . . The quene also maketh hir frindes par-
takers of this devyse.

[Margaret then heard of Buckingham's plan ; and together they
entered into communications with Henry. Meanwhile the pre-
parations for a rising went forward.]

While these thinges wer a doing king Eicherd was
informyd of the conspyracy of these noble men, . . . And
because he knew the duke of Buckingham to be the
head of the conspyrators, therfor first of all he thowght
best, ether by fraude or force, to cut of the same; and
therfor he sent exceding curteous letters unto the duke
that he wold coome unto him. . . . The duke, alledging
infyrmytie of stomake, awnsweryd the messenger that

128 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOKKISTS

presently coome he cowld not. King Eycherd wold admyt
none excuse, but sent for him agane with threatening
woords. Than the duke openly denyed that he wold coom
to his enemy, and withall made ready for warre, and
perswadid his confederates furthwith, soom one wher
soom^ other, to rase the people. So almost at one moment
and time Thomas marquyse Dorset, who was gone owt
of sayntuary and preservyd from all danger by meane of
Thomas Eowell, in Yorkshire, Edward Courtney, with
Peter his broother, bisshop of Excester, in Devonshire,
Kicherd Gylfoord, with certane of great reputation, in
Kent, rasyd upp the commons every wher to armor,
and made a begynning of warres. But king Richerd
the meane season having gatherid an huge host of armyd
men, because he wold not dissypate his forces, the while
he was willing to pursew every of the conspyrators,
resolvyd to omyt the resydew, and turne his whole army
agaynst the head, that was the duke, who removing from
London tooke his journey towardes Salsbury, to thintent
he might dyvert owt of that way agaynst the duke wher-
soever he could learne that he wer encampyd. And now
was he coomyd within two days journey of the towne,
whan the duke with great force of Walse soldiers, whom
he, as a sore and hard dealing man, had brought to the
feild agaynst ther wills, and withowt any lust to fight
for him, rather by rigorus commandment than for
money, . . . went earnestly abowt to encownter the
king, but he was forsaken suddaynly of the more part of
his soldiers, and compellyd thereby to fly, during which
flight ... he got himself into the howse of a certane
servant of his namyd Humfrey Banyster. . . . But whan
his confederates, who had now begoon warre, knew that
the duke was forsaken of his people, and fled no man
wyst why ther, they wer suddainly dismayd, every man
fled without hope of safetie, and other got into sayntuaryes

POLITICAL 129

or wyldernes, or assayed to sayle over the seas, wherof
a great part came safe soone after into Brytayne.

[Richard took vigorous measures to capture the fugitives, and offered
large rewards for Buckingham's arrest.]

Humfrey Bannister, whether for feare or money yt
is soom dowt, betrayed his guest Henry the duke [to
Eichard's messengers], who brought him furthwith to
Salsbury unto king Richerd. The duke was dilygently
examynyd, and what he knew uppon demand he tould
without torture, hopynge because he frely confessyd, that
therfor he showld have lybertie to speake with king
Richerd, which he most sore desyryd ; but after he had
confessyd thoffence he was beheadyd.^ . . .

Whyle these thinges were doone in England, Henry
erle of Richemoond had preparyd an army of v. M.
Bryttaynes, and furnyshyd a navy of xv shipps, and now
was approchyd the day of his departure, who began to
sayle with prosperous wynd. . . . But a Httle before even
suddayn tempest arose, wherwithall he was so afflyctyd
that his shipps wer constraygnyd by force of a crewell gale
of wynde to turne ther course from one way from another ;
divers of them wer blowen bak into Normandie, others into
Bryttany. The ship wherin Henry was, with one other,
tossyd all night long with the waves, cam at the last . . .
agaynst the haven caulyd Pole. From hence erle Henry,
viewing afur of all the shore beset with soldiers whiche
king Richerd . . . had every wher disposyd, . . . sent
owt a bote to try whether they wer his frindes. . . . Than
those who wer sent wer earnestly desyryd by the soldiers
from the shore to come a land. . . . But erle Henry sus-
pecting yt to be a trayn, as yt was in dede, after that he
dyd see none of his owne ships within view, hoysyd upp
sale, and with prosperus wynde came into Normandy.

1 2 November.

9

130 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

90.

[Opinion in the north of the Duke of Buckingham's rebellion, 18
October, 1483 ; letter from Edward Plumpton to Sir Robert
Plumpton. *' Plumpton Correspondence," pp. 44-5.]

Peple in this country be so trobled, in such comand-
ment as they have in the Kyngs name and otherwyse,
marvellously, that they know not v^hat to doe. My lord
Strayng goeth forth from Lathum upon munday next v^ith
X m^ men, whether we cannot say. The Duke of Buck :
has so mony men, as yt is sayd here, that he is able to goe
where he wyll ; but I trust he shalbe right withstanded
and all his malHce : and els were great pytty. Messengers
commyth dayly, both from the King's grace and the Duke,
into this countrj^

91.

[The death of Richard Ill's son. " Oroyland Chronicle," second con-
tinuation, pp. 570-1. (Latin.)]

During this supreme council of the realm [the Parlia-
ment of January, 1484] and after Queen Elizabeth, being
moved to do so by the frequent entreaties and terrible
threats made to her, had sent all her daughters to King
Eichard out of the aforesaid sanctuary of Westminster, it
happened that one afternoon in the month of February,
almost all the lords spiritual and temporal of the kingdom,
and the greater knights and squires of the King's house-
hold, amongst all of whom John Howard, newly created
Duke of Norfolk by that King, appeared at that time the
greatest, being assembled by the King's special command
in a certain lower room near the corridor which leads to
the Queen's apartments . . . they took a new oath of ad-
herence to the King's only son Edward as supreme lord, if
his father should die, each of them subscribing his name.

... In the following month of April, on a day near the
anniversary of King Edward's death, [Richard's] only son,

POLITICAL 131

upon whom by such oaths all hope of the royal succession
rested, died at the Castle of Middleham after a very short
illness. . . . You may well imagine that the father and
mother, when they heard this news at Nottingham, where
they then were, were almost distracted with this sudden
grief.

92.

[Richard Ill's exaction of a benevolence, and his reported plans
to marry Elizabeth of York, Christmas, 1484-5. " Croyland
Chronicle," second continuation, pp. 571-2. (Latin.)]

Shrewdly considering that money, which he now be-
gan greatly to lack, is the sinews of war, he returned to
the exactions of King Edward, which he had condemned
in open Parliament, altogether rejecting the name of be-
nevolence ; and he sent specially instructed men . . . who
by prayers and threats, by lawful and unlawful means,
should extort the greatest possible sums of money from
the treasuries of almost all the estates of the kingdom.
And there are many other things which are not written in
this book, and of which one is ashamed to speak ; never-
theless this cannot be kept silent, that at these Christmas
festivities the dances, and vain changes of raiment of
Queen Anne and the Lady Elizabeth, eldest daughter of
the late king, made of the same colour and fashion, were
much remarked upon ; . . . and many said that the King,
either looking for the Queen's death, or because he thought
he had sufficient cause to obtain a divorce, was applying
his thoughts in every way to marrying the said Elizabeth.
There seemed no other way for the kingdom to be con-
firmed to him, or for the hope of his rival to be de-
stroyed.

And not long after this, the Queen fell dangerously ill.
. . . About the middle of the following March, on the day
of a great eclipse of the sun which happened at that time,

132 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

the aforesaid Queen Anne died, and was buried at West-
minster, with all the honour with which a Queen ought
to be buried. ^

And then the King's said proposal and intention to
marry his aforesaid relative Elizabeth becoming known to
some who did not wish for this, the King was obliged to
summon his council and excuse himself with many 'words,
saying that this thing had never entered his mind.

93.

[Richard Ill's attempts to protect himself against the Earl of Rich-
mond. Polydore Vergil, pp. 205-7.]

King Eicherd, as yeat more dowtynge than trusting in
his owne cause, was vexyd, wrestyd and tormentyd in
mynd with feare almost perpetually of therle Henry and
his confederates returne ; wherfor he had a myserable lyfe,
who to ryd himself of this inward gryefe, determynyd
fynally to pull up by the rootes all matter of feare and
tumult. . . . And so after suche resolution taken he
thought no way more fytt or commendable than to solycit
agane the Duke of Brytayne, for money, prayer and re-
ward, because yt lay in his hand to dispatche him quyte
of all perill, and therefore he sent furthwith specyall mes-
sengers to the Duke, who, besydes great gyftes which they
caryed with them, showld promise to geave him yerely the
whole revenues of all the lands appertaining to Earle
Henry, and the resydew of thinglishe nobylyte that wer
with him, yf he wold from thencefurth kepe them with
him in ward. The messengers being gone with this
maner message could not deale this matter with the Duke,
for that he was becoome feble . . . wherfor Peter Lan-
dofe his treasurer, a man both of sharpe wit and great
authorytie, rewlyd all matters as himself lyst. . . . Peter,
who was in great hatryd of his owne countrymen, suppos-
ing that yf he showld satisfy King Kicherd he showld be

POLITICAL 133

more mightie againe his adversaryes, awnsweryd that he
wold do the thing which King Eicherd 'requyryd . . .
whyle that many messengers and often letters dyd fly to
and fro betwixt Peter and the King, for dispatche of the
busynes, John Bysshop of Ely, who lyvyd in Flanders,
being certyfyed of that practyse from his fryndes owt of
England, gave inteUigence to Henry furthwith of the plot
that was layd, by Christopher Urswyke, who was coomyd
to hym owt of England abowt the same time, and advysyd
therle that he showld get himself and thother noble men
as soone as might be owt of Brytayne into France. . . .

[The Earl] accompanied with fyve onely servantes,
feignyd to go unto a frind . . . but whan he had jour-
nayed almost five myles he withdrew hastely out of the
highe way into the next wood, and doing on a serving
mans apparell, he as a servant folowyd one of his owne
servants (who was his guyde in that journay) as thowghe
he had bene his maister, and . . . made no stay anywhere,
except yt were to bate his horses, before he had gotten
himself . . . within the bounds of Angeow.

94.

[The Earl of Richmond's invasion. Polydore Vergil, p. 216, et seqq.]

Henry . . . lowsyd from the mowth of Seyne with two
thousand onely of armyd men and a few shippes, the
calends of August, and with a soft suthren wynde. The
weather being very fayre he came unto Wales the 7^^ day
after, a lyttle before soone set, wher, entring thaven caulyd
Milford and furthwith going a land, he took first a place
wherof the name ys Dalley . . . and from thence ... he
went to Haverf orde . . . wher he was receavyd with great
goodwill of all men.

[He marched across England, gathering reinforcements as he went.
The night before the battle he had a secret interview with the
Stanleys.]

134 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOKKISTS

In the meane time King Eichard, hearing that thennemy
drew neare, came first to the place of fight, a Httle beyond
Leycester (the name of that village ys Boswoorth), and
ther, pightching his tentes, refresshyd his soldiers that
night from ther travale, and with many woords exhortyd
them to the fyght to coome.

. . . [Henry's army] making suddanely great showtes
assaultyd thennemy first with arrowes, who wer nothing
faynt unto the fyght but began also to shoote fearcely ;
but whan they cam to hand strokes the matter than was
delt with blades. . . . Whyle the battayll contynewyd
thus bote on both sides betwixt the vanwardes, King
Eichard understood, first by espyalls wher erle Henry was
a farre of with smaule force of soldiers abowt him ; . . .
wherfor, all inflamyd with ire, he strick his horse with the
spurres, and runneth owt of thone syde withowt the van-
wardes agaynst him. . . . Henry abode the brunt longer
than ever his owne soldiers wold have wenyd, who wer
now almost owt of hope of victory, whan as loe WiUiam
Stanley with thre thowsand men came to the reskew :
than trewly in a very moment the resydew all fled, and
King Eicherd alone was killyd fyghting manfully in the
thickkest presse of his enemyes.

95.

[The end of Richard III. " The Great Chronicle of London," f. 214.]

Eychard late kyng as gloriously as he by the mornyng
departid ffrom that Toon [Leicester], soo as Inreverently
was he that afftyr noone browgth Into that toon, ffor hys
body Dyspoylid to the skyn, and nowgth beyng lefft abouth
hym soo much as wold covyr his pryvy membr he was
trussyd behynd a pursevant callid Norrey as an hogg or an
othyr vyle beest, And soo all to besprung wyth myyr and
ffylth was browgth to a church In leycetyr ffor all men

POLITICAL 135

to wondyr uppon, And there lastly Inreverently buried.
And thus endid this man with dys honour as he that
sowgth It, ffor hadd he contynuyd styll protectour and
have suffyrd the childyr to have prosperid accordyng to
his Alegeance and ffydelyte, he shuld have been honour-
ably laudyd ovyr all, where as now his ffame is dyrkid and
dyshonourid as fferre as he was knowyn, but God that ys
all mercyffull fforgyve hym hys mysdedys.

BOOK II. CONSTITUTIONAL.

[Extracts from Sir John Fortescue's '^ Commendation of the Laws of
England," trans, by F. Grigor. The book takes the form of a dia-
logue between Fortescue and Prince Edward, son of Henry YI.]

Chap. IX. A King of England cannot, at his pleasure,
make any alterations in the laws of the land. . . . He can
neither make any alteration, or change in the laws of the
realm without the consent of the subject, nor burthen
them, against their wills, with strange impositions, so that
a people governed by such laws as are made by their own
consent and approbation enjoy their properties securely,
and without the hazard of being deprived of them, either
by the King or any other.

Chap. XIII. [The king] is appointed to protect his sub-
jects in their lives, properties and laws ; for this very
end and purpose he has the delegation of power from the
people ; and he has no just claim to any other power but
this.

Chap. XVIII. [The statute law of England] does not
flow solely from the mere will of one man, as the laws
do in those countries which are governed in a despotic
manner ; . . . But the Statutes of England are produced
in quite another manner : not enacted by the sole will of
the Prince, but with the concurrent consent of the whole
kingdom, by their representatives in Parliament . . . they
are the result, not of one man's wisdom only, or an hun-
dred, but such an assembly as the Eoman Senate was of
old, more than three hundred select persons ; . . . And,
if any bills passed into a law . . . should happen not to

136

CONSTITUTIONAL 137

answer to the intention of the legislators ; they can im-
mediately be amended and repealed, in a whole or in part,
that is, with the same consent and in the same manner,
as they were at first enacted into a law.

A. Pabliament.

[Regulations for the election of members of Parliament, amongst the
ordinances " made by the kynges comaundement and by hole as-
sent of the citesens inhabitantes in the Cyte of Worcester, at
their yeld merchaunt," 14 September, 1467. "English Gilds"
(E.E.T.S.), p. 393.]

Also, that every election of citezens for to come to
the Parliament, that they be chosen openly in the yelde
halle, of suche as ben dwellynge withyn the ffraunches,
and by the moste voice, accordynge to the lawe and to the
statutes in suche case ordeyned, and not privyly. And he
or thay that retorneth hem in other wyse, lese to the
comen tresour, c. s. And that fro hensforth, the citezens
that shalbe chosen for the parliament, be of good name
and fame, not outlawed, not accombred in actyons, as
nygh as men may knowe, for worshipp of the seid cite.
And that he be of frehold yerly, at the leste, xl. s. And
that the seid persones so chosen for the parliament, that
they ben att it to the ende of the parliament, and that
they be served of hur wages accustumed, aftur hur com-
mynge home, withyn a quarter of a yere next folowynge.
And he that refuseth to pay, after he ys assessed to the
seid expensis, to lese to the comyn tresour, xx. d. And
the constable that doth not his devour for the levey of
the same, to lese to the seid comyn tresour, vi. s. viii. d.

138 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOBKISTS

2.

[Illustrations of Parliamentary elections, (a) Letter from John
Berney to John Paston about the election of knights of the shire
for Norfolk, 17 July, 1461. " Paston Letters," II, 31.]

As for my playn dysposyssyon towards the undyr-
shrewe, I wyll hym no bodyli hurt, nor [he] shal not be
hurt by me nor by noo man that I may rewle. But the
comynnes throw all the schyer be movyd agayn hym, for
cause of his lyght demeanyng towards them for this
elexsyon of knygtts of the shyer for the Parlement. And
I suppose yf that he wyll, he may be hastyh easyd as
thus : lat hym make notys unto the seyd comynnes that
this theyr eleccyon shall stande, or ellys lat hym purchas
a new wryt, and lat hym make wrytyng unto them what
day they shall come, and they to make a new eleccyon ac-
cordyng unto the law.

[(6) Letter from Thomas Playter to John Paston about the same
matter, December, 1461. Ibid., p. 77.]

At the last shire [court] was moche pepoll and ille
governed, for they wold not be rewled be no body, they
had almost a slayne the underschref, for they told hym
wryttes of eleccion was sent down and l^e kept it on syde
to be gyle hem.

3.

[Letters illustrating the attempt to get Sir John Paston into Parlia-
ment, 1472. "Paston Letters," Vol. 111,61-5. (a) Letter from
James Arblaster to the Bailiff of Maiden. ]

Eyght trusty frend, I comand me to yow, preying yow
to call to your mynd that, lyek as ye and I comonyd of, it
were necessary for my Lady and yow all, hyr servaunts and
tenaunts, to have thys Parlement as for one of the burgeys
of the towne of Maldon, syche a man of worchep and of
wytt as wer towardys my seyd Lady ; and also syche on

CONSTITUTIONAL 139

as is in favor of the Kyng and of the Lords of hys consayll
nyghe abought hys persone. Sertyfying yow, that my
seid Lady for hyr parte, and syche as be of hyr consayll
be most agreeabyll, that bothe ye, and all syche as be hyr
fermors and tenauntys, and wellwyllers, shold geve your
voyce to a worchepfull knyght, and one of my Ladys con-
sayll. Sir John Paston, whyche standys gretly in favore
with my Lord Chamberleyn ; and what my seyd Lord
Chamberleyn may do with the Kyng and with all the
Lordys of Inglond, I trow it be not unknowyn to yow most
of eny on man alyve. Wherefor, by the meenys of the
seyd Sir John Paston to my seyd Lord Chamberleyn,
bothe my Lady and ye of the towne kowd not have a
meeter man to be for yow in the Perlement, to have your
needys sped at all seasons. Wherfor, I prey yow labor all
syche as be my Ladys servauntts, tenaunts, and well-
wyllers, to geve ther voyseys to the seyd Sir John Paston,
and that ye fayle not to sped my Ladys intent in thys
mater, as ye entend to do hyr as gret a plesur, as if ye
gave hyr an Cli.

[(b) John Paston to Sir John Paston.]

Kyght worchepfull sir, I recomand me to yow, letyng yow
wet that your desyer as for the Knyghts of the Shyer was
an impossoybyl to be browght abowght ; ffor my Lord of
Norffolk and my Lord of Suffolk were agreid i mor then a
fortnyght go to have Sir Kobert Wyngfeld, and Sir Ky chard
Harcort, and that knew I not tyll it was Fryday last past*
I had sent or I rod to Framlynham, to warne as many of
your frends to be at Norwyche as thys Monday, to serve
your entent as I koud ; but when I cam to Framlynham,
and knew the apoyntment that was taken for the ii knyghts,
I sent warnyng ayen to as many as I myght to tery at
hom ; and yet ther cam to Norwyche thys day as many as
ther costs dreave to ixs. id. ob., payid and reknyd by

140 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

Pekok and K. Capron, and yet they dyd but brak ther fest
and depertyd. And I thankyd hem in your name, and
told them that ye wold have noo voyce as thys day, for ye
supposyd not to be in Inglond when the Perlement shold
be, and so they cam not at the sherhous ; for if they had,
it was thought by syche as be your frends here, that your
adversarys wold have reportyd that ye had mad labor to
have ben one, and that ye koud not bryng your purpose
abowght.

I sent to Yermowthe, and they have promysyd also to
Doctor Aleyn and John Eusse to be [burgesses] mor then
iii wekys goo.

Jamys Arblaster hathe wretyn a lettyr to the Bayle of
Maldon, in Essex, to have yow a bergeys ther ; . . . If ye
mysse to be burgeys of Maldon, and my Lord Chamberleyn
wyll, ye may be in a nother plase ; ther be a doseyn
townys in Inglond that chesse no bergeys, whyche ought
to do, and ye may be set in for one of those townys, and
ye be frendyd.

4.

[Proceedings at the opening of Parliament, R.P., VI, 196-7. 1483.

(Latin.)]

Memorandum, that on Monday, the twentieth day of
January, in the twenty-second year of the reign of King
Edward the Fourth after the conquest, that is to say on
the first day of Parliament, our lord the King himself being
seated on his royal throne in the Painted Chamber, called the
Chamber of Saint Edward, in his palace of Westminster ;
there being then present many Lords spiritual and temporal
and Commons of the realm of England, called to the aforesaid
Parliament by command of the King ; the venerable father
Thomas Archbishop of York, Chancellor of England, pro-
nounced and declared in notable manner the causes of the

CONSTITUTIONAL 141

summons of the aforesaid Parliament ; taking as his text,
'' The Lord is my light and my salvation, etc."

After the conclusion of this pronouncement and declara-
tion, the same Chancellor straitly charged the aforesaid
Commons in the King's name, that they should assemble
on the morrow in their common and accustomed house,
and elect for themselves a Speaker; and after electing
him they should present him to our lord the King. The
same Chancellor also declared that our said lord the
King, v^ishing justice to be most speedily done as well to
natives as to strangers wishing to complain in the said
ParHament, had constituted and assigned certain receivers
and triers of petitions exhibited in the same Parliament, in
the following form.

[The names of the committees to receive and try petitions follow.]

Also, on Tuesday, the second day of Parliament, the
aforesaid Commons, by certain of their number, declared
to the Chancellor of England and the rest of the Lords
spiritual and temporal in the present Parliament, that they,
executing with all diligence our lord the King's command
given to them the day before, had chosen a certain John
Wood as their Speaker ; very humbly begging that there
might be a respite of the presentation of their said Speaker
to our lord the King until the morrow ; which was granted
to fchem.

Also, on Wednesday, the third day of Parliament, the
aforesaid Commons appearing before our lord the King in
open Parliament,^ presented to our lord the King the afore-
said John Wood their Speaker, with whom our lord the
King was well content. And the same John, after making
his excuse in the presence of our lord the King, because
that his excuse was not admitted by our lord the King,
very humbly prayed our lord the King that all and singular

^ In pleno Parliamento.

142 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

matters to be uttered and declared in the aforesaid Parlia-
ment in the name of the said Commons, he might set forth,
utter and declare under such conditions, that if he declared
anything enjoined upon him by his fellows otherwise than
they had agreed, either by addition or omission, that matter
so declared might be corrected and amended by his afore-
said fellows ; and that this his protestation might be en-
tered on the roll of the aforesaid Parliament. And reply
was made to him by the aforesaid Lord Chancellor by our
lord the King's command, that the said John should have
and enjoy such protestation, as other Speakers in the time
of our said lord the King and his noble progenitors had
been accustomed to have and enjoy in Parliament.

5.

[The King's power to add provisos to acts of Parliament, and to give
a qualified assent to them, (a) Assent to the act declaring his
title to the throne and giving certain people the right to enter
upon lands formerly held by the house of Lancaster. R.P., V,
467. 1461. (First paragraph in Latin.)]

Which petition having been read, heard and fully under-
stood in the aforesaid Parliament, by the advice and assent
of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal being in the same
Parliament, and at the request of the aforesaid Commons,
answer was given to the same in the manner and form
hereunder noted.

" The Kyng, by the advis, and assent of the Lordes
Spirituell and Temporell in this present Parlement as-
sembled, at the request of the Commyns beyng in the
same, agreeth and assenteth to this petition, and hit ac-
cepteth, with certeyn moderacions, provisions and excep-
tions, by his Highnes theruppon made, and in certeyn
cedules writen, and in the same Parlement delyvered, the
tenours of which hereunder folowen " [eight and a half large
folio pages of additions and exceptions made by the King
to this and other acts of this ParHament follow].

CONSTITUTIONAL 143

[(6) From the royal assent to an Act of Resumption in 1473. Ibid.,

VI, 74.]

As touchyng this Bill of Kesumption . . . the Kyng's
Highnes hath well conceyved and understoud the same ;
and by th'advis and assent of the Lordes Spirituelx and
Temporelx, and the Commens, beyng in this present Par-
lement, and by the auctorite of the same, theym hath ac-
cepted and aggreed : Soo alwey, that such provisions and
acceptions, as by his Highnes be or shall be made and
aggreed ... be goode and effectuell.

[(c) The King's assent to 4 Edward IV, c. 5 (1464), prohibiting the
importation of merchandise from the lands of the Duke of Bur-
gundy until the restrictions on the import of English cloth there
are removed. Ibid., V, 566.]

The Kyng agreeth to this bille, except the penaltee in
the seid bille leid upon the denysyen or alien ; that is to
sey, that . . . accepteth or taketh eny maner of licence of
his Highnes, in breking of this ordenaunce. . . .

Provided alwey, that nouther this acte, nor eny other
acte, statute or ordenaunce, made or to be made in this
present Parlement, doo eny hurt, prejudice or derogation
unto Merchauntes of Almayn.

[(d) The King's assent to 7 Edward IV, c. 3 (1467), prohibiting the
export of woollen yarn and unfulled cloths. Ibid., V, 622.
(French.)]

The King wills it ; so that the ordinance made in this
matter shall begin to be in force at the feast of the As-
sumption of Our Lady,^ which shall be in the year of Our
Lord MCCCCLXVIII.

' 15 August.

144 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

6.

[Comines' remarks on Parliament. "Memoires," I, 314-5. (French.)
The comment follows a statement that the Duke of Burgundy and
his array were ready to join Edward IV's projected French expedi-
tion in 1474.]

But things go slowly in England : for the king cannot
undertake any such enterprise without caUing his Parlia-
ment (which is equivalent to saying the Three Estates)
which is a very just and good thing : and kings are stronger
and better served when they act thus in such matters, for
voluntary gifts are not small. When the estates are as-
sembled, he declares his intention, and asks for help from
his subjects : for no aids are raised in England, except to
pass over to France or go to Scotland, or other similar
expenses ; and they grant them very willingly and Hber-
ally, especially to pass over to France. And it is a prac-
tice of these kings of England, when they want to amass
money, to make pretence of going to Scotland or France,
and to raise armies : and to get a great deal of money, they
make a three months' payment, and then disband their
armies and go home ; and they have received money for a
year. And this King Edward was an adept at this prac-
tice, and often did it.

B. Councils.

1.

[Fortescue's suggested reorganisation of the King's Council. *' Cer-
teyne advertisementes sente by my lorde prince to therle of
Warrewic his fadir in lawe, for to be shewed and comuned by
hym to king Henry his fader and his counseile, to thentente
that the same advertisementes . . . mow be practised and put in
use." Printed as Appendix B to Plummer's edition of Fortescue's
'* Governance of England ".]

It is thoughte good that it shulde please the king
testablysshe a counseill of spiritual men xii, and of tern-

CONSTITUTIONAL 145

porel men xii, of the mooste wise and indifferente that can
be chosen in alle the londe. And that ther be chosen to
theime yerly iiii lordis spirituelx, and iiii lordis temporelx,
or in lasse numbre. And that the king do no grete thing
towching the rewle of his reaume, nor geve lande, ffee,
office or benefice, but that firste his intente therinne be
communed and disputed in that counseill, and that he
have herde their advises ther upon ; whiche may in no
thing restreyne his power, Hbertee or prerogatiff. And
thanne shall the king not be counseled by menn of his
chambre, of his housholde, nor other which can not
counsele hym ; but the good publique shal by wise men
be condute to the prosperite and honoure of the land, to
the suretie and welfare of the kyng, and to the suretie of
alle theyme that shal be aboute his persone, whome the
peopull have oftyn tymes slayne for the myscounceling of
their soveraigne lorde. But the forsaide xxiiii^^ counseyl-
lours may take noo fee, clothing, nor rewardis, or be in
any manes service, otherwyse than as the Justices of the
lawe may doo. Many other articles neden to be addid
hereto whiche now were to longe to be remembrid hereinne.
Neverthelesse it is thoughte that the grete officeres, as
Chaunceller, Thresorer, and prive seale, the Juges, barons
of theschequer, and the Gierke of the Eolles, may be of
this counseill whanne they wil come therto or whan the
seyde xxiiii^^ and viii^^ lordis will desire them to be with
theyme.

And for asmoche as it may be thoughte that thestablisshe-
mente of suche a counsele shalbe a newe and a grete charge
to the kyng, hit is to be considered, how that the olde
counsell of Englonde, which was mooste of grete lordis
that more attended to their owne matieres thanne to the
good universall profute, and therfore procured hemselfe
to be of the counsell, whiche was nere hand of as grette
charge to the king as this counsell shalbe and no thing of

10

146 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

suche profute. Ffor this counsell shall almost contynuelly
studye and labour upon the good politike wele of the londe,
as to provide that the money be not borne oute of the
reaume, and how bolyon may be broughte inne, how
merchandizes and comoditees of the lande may kepe
theire prices and vaKwe, how estraungeres caste not downe
the price of the commodites growing in the londe, and
suche other poyntys of policee. And also how the lawe
may be fourmely kepte and refourmed ther as it is de-
fectife, to the grettest good and suretie of the welthe of
the londe that hathe bene sene in any lande. And trewly
ther hath bene gevun in late daies to somme oon lorde
temporell much mor lyvelode in yerly value than woll paye
the wages of alle the newe counseill. . . .

And also that no patente be made in inheritaunce of
any partie of the kinges lyveloode . . . withoute thas-
sente of his parliamente, nor for terme of lyfe, or yeres
countervaihng terme of lyffe, withoute thadvice of his
counsale.

2.

[The Council in the North, (a) Indenture between Richard Duke of
Gloucester and the Earl of Northumberland, 1474. Printed by
De Fonblanque, "Annals of the House of Percy," I, 549. Lands
and power in the North had been divided between the Percy and
Neville factions, which took opposite sides in the war. The
power of the Percies, and with it the Lancastrian cause in the
North, was overthrown at Towton, and the Nevilles became su-
preme in the North. When Edward IV broke with the Nevilles,
he restored the heir of the Percies to the earldom of Northumber-
land as a counterpoise to the Neville influence (cf. pp. 43 n., 48); but
he did so too late to prevent his own expulsion from the kingdom.
Percy, however, held the North quiet oa Edward's return, and
so made his victory possible. But Edward resolved to strengthen
his held on the North by making supreme there some one whom
he could thoroughly trust ; so his brother Richard, Duke of
Gloucester, was married to Anne Neville and by the King's in-
fluence obtained with her all the Earl of Warwick's lands north

CONSTITUTIONAL 147

of the Trent. Further grants of lands and offices made him the
greatest landowner and official in the North. Finally his power
and influence became so great that the Earl of Northumberland
engaged to be his retainer in the following document.]

This endenture made the xxviiith daie of July in the
xiiiith yere of the Keigne of our soveraine Lorde King
Edward the fourthe bitwix the Eight High and mighty
Prince Kichard Due of Gloucestre on the oon partye and the
Eight Worshipful! Lorde Henry Erie of Northumberland
on the other party. Witnesseth that the said Erie by
thies presents promitts and grants unto the said Due to
be his faithful servant, the said Due being his good and
faithfull Lorde. And the said Erie to do service unto the
said Due at all tymes lawfuU and [conjvenient, v^han he
therunto by the said Due shal be lav^fuly requyred, the
duetie of the alegeunce of the said Erie to the Kings High-
nes, the Queue, his service and promise to Prince Edward,
thair first begoten son, and all the King's issue begoten
and to be begoten first at all tymes reserved and hadd.
For the which service the said Due promitts and grants
unto the said Erie to be his good and faithfull Lorde at
all tymes. And to sustene hym in his Eight afore all per-
sonnes except to fore except. Also the said Due promitts
and grants to the said Erie that he shal not aske chalenge
nor clayme any office or offices or Fee that the said Erie
hath of the King's grant or any other personne or per-
sonnes at the making of thies presents nor interupt the
said Erie nor any of his servunts in executing or doing of
any the said Office or Offices by hym or any of his servuntz
in tyme to come. And also the said Due shal not accept
nor reteigne into his service any servunt or servuntz that
was or any tyme seth hath ben with the said Erie reteigned
of Fee clothing or promise according to thappoyntment
taken betwix the said Due and Erie by the Kings High-
ness and the Lords of his Gounseil at Nottyngham the xii*^

10*

148 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

dale of May in the xiiitli yere of the Eeigne of the said
soverain Lorde except John Wedryngton. In witnes
wherof the said Due and the said Erie to thies endenturs
entrechungably have sett thair seahs the daye and yere
abovesaid.

[(6) The Duke of Gloucester's council. Every great landowner had a
council which helped him to manage his lands and household.
Extract from the accounts of the Chamberlains of York, 1475 ;
Davies, "York Records," p. 41.]

. . . And paid for three gallons of red wine, given to
the Lord Baron of Graystok, Edward Hastyngs, knight,
and Thomas Wytham, and others of the council of the
Lord Duke of Gloucester, bringing letters from the Lady
Duchess of Gloucester, directed to the mayor and alder-
men.

[(c) Richard Ill's reorganisation of the Council which had assisted him
in the government of his lands in the North ; it now became the
King's Council in the North. " Letters and Papers of Richard
III and Henry VII " (R.S.), I, 56-9. July, 1484.]

Thise Articles folowing be ordeyned and stablisshed by
the kinges grace, to be used and executed by my lord of
Lincolne, and the lordes and other of his counselle in the
North Parties for his suertie and welthe of thenhabitantes
of the same.

. . . Item, that no maner mater of gret weght or sub-
staunce be ordered or determyned within the said counselle
enlesse that two of thise, that is to say [blank] with our
said nepveu be at the same, and they to be eommissioners
of our peax thoroughout these parties.

Item, that the said counselle be, hooly if it may be,
onys in the quarter of the yere at the leste, at York, to
here, examyne and ordre alle billes of compleyntes and
other there before theym to be shewed, and oftyner if the
case require.

CONSTITUTIONAL 149

Item, that the said counselle have auctorite and power
to ordre and direct alle riottes, forcible entres, distresse
takinges, variannces, debates and other mysbehavors
ayenst our lawes and peas committed and done in the
said parties. And if any suche be that they in no wise
can thoroughly ordre, than to referre it unto us, and
therof certifie us in alle goodly hast therafter.

Item, the said counselle in no wise determyn mater of
land without thassent of the parties.

Item, that our said counselle for great riottes done and
committed in the gret lordships or otherwise by any per-
sone, committe the said persone to warde to oon of our
castelles nere where the said riott is committed. . . . And
if noo suche castelle be nere, than the next common gaole.

. . . Item, that alle lettres and writinges by our said
counselle to be made for the due executing of the pre-
misses be made in our name, and the same to be endoced
with the hande of our nepveu of Lincolne undre nethe by
thise wordes Per Consilium Eegis.

Item, we wolle and streitly charge alle and singuler our
officers, true liegemen and subgiettes in thise North Parties
to be at alle tymes obeieng to the commaundementes of
our said counselle in our name. . . .

Memorandum, that the kinges grace afore his departing
do name the lordes and other that shalbe of his counselle
in these parties.

3.

[The Council of Wales and the Marches. King Edward had kept the
lands of his earldom of March separate from the other crown
lands, and administered them by a council such as had assisted
him to manage them before he became king. When Prince
Edward was born he was invested with the principality of Wales,
the duchy of Cornwall and the earldom of Chester ; in July, 1471,
and again in February, 1473, a single council was appointed for

150 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOBKISTS

all three. In 1478 he became Earl of March, and the Councils
for Wales and the Marches were amalgamated. This Council, in
addition to the equitable jurisdiction enjoyed by the councils of
other lords over their itenants and retainers, had two commis-
sions of oyer and terminer, one for civil and one for criminal
causes, which gave it throughout the Marches and the four border
shires of Salop, Hereford, Gloucester and Worcester a civil and
criminal jurisdiction even more extensive than that of the King's
own Council, since it could deal with treason and felony, while
the King's Council could not.
The following case is given as an illustration of the Council's work.
In 1480 quarrels arose in Coventry, a town which belonged to the
earldom of Chester, relative to the enclosure of common pastures.
The Chamberlains complained to the Prince against the Prior
and Recorder, and representatives of the parties were ordered to
come before the Council at Ludlow. The Mayor brought counter-
charges of insubordination against Laurence Saunders, one of the
Chamberlains. " Coventry Leet Book " (E.E.T.S.), pp. 440-1.]

And forasmoch as uppon the examinacion of the pre-
missez afore the highnesse of my said lord Prynce and
his honorable Counceill there and at that tyme had, ther
appered divers variance to be betwixt the Prior and the
Town and also Briscow^e and the Town for comon of
pasture, etc., whech to appese hit was there condescended
be the assent of the seid parties, that Sir Eic. Croftez,
knyght, Tresorer of my seide lorde Prince, chosen for the
parte of the Town, Joh. Catesby, seriant of the la we, for
the seid prior, and Kenelme Dicas for the partie of Bris-
cowe, shulde uppon communicacion, etc., undir stand the
ryght in the premissez ; and theruppon to make relacion
in that partie to my seid lord and his Counceill that he
theruppon myght make decre under his honorable seal!
finally to endure, etc. And be-cause the seid Laurens, in
shewyng of the premissez, entended not only reformacion
of theym, but feyned maters to thentent to have be venged
for the due punysshement yeven to hym be the seid Maire
for his obstynacy and disobesaunce etc., as openly there

CONSTITUTIONAL 161

was preved, the seid Laurens was therfore be my seid
lorde and his Counceill, sent home to the seid Meire to
resceyve suche correccion as the seid Maire be thadvice of
his Counceill wold leye unto hym, etc.

C. KoTAL Kevenub.

1.

[Fortescue on the problem of the royal revenue, ** Governanoe of
England," ed. Plummer.]

Chap. V. The harme that comyth off a kynges poverte.

Ffirst, yff a kynge be pore, he shall bi necessite make
his expences, and by all that is necessarie to his estate, by
creaunce and borowynge ; wher through his creauncers
wolle Wynne upon hym the iiii*^ or the v^^ pene of all that
he dispendith. And so he shall lese whan he payith, the
iiii*^ or the v*^ pene of his revenues, and thus be ther by
alway porer and porer, as user and chevisaunce encressith
the poverte off hym that borowith. His creauncers shul
alway grucche ffor lake of thair paymente, and defame his
highnes off mysgovernance, and defaute of kepynge of
days ; wich yf he kepe, he most borowe also much at the
dayis, as he didd firste ; ffor he shalbe thann pouerer than
he was by the value of the iiii*^ or v^^ parte of his first ex-
pences, and so be alway pouerer and pouerer, unto the
tyme he be the pouerest lorde of his lande. . . . It is most
to his unsuyrte. For his subgettes woll rather goo with a
lorde that is riche, and mey pay thair wages and expenses,
then with thair kynge that hath noght in his purse, but
thai most serve hym, yf thai will do so, at thair owne dis-
penses. . . . And often .tymes for lake of money the kynge
shall be fayne to gyf awey his lande ... to the grete
abatynge of his revenues and depopolacion of his reaume.
But the grettest harme that comyth of a kynges poverte
is, that he shal bi necessite be arted to fynde exquysite

152 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

meanes of geytinge of good ; as to putt defaute in some of
his subgettes that bith innocentes, and upon the riche men
more then the pore, by cause that he mey better pay ; and
to shew rigoure ther as favour awght to be shewid, and
favour ther as rigour shuld be shewid, to perversion of
Justice, and perturbacion of the peas and quiete of the
reaume.

[Chap. VI. The king's expenses are divided into ordinary and extra-
ordinary. The ordinary revenue should be large enough to meet
ordinary expenditure, with a margin " for doute of soden cases ".
The '^ordenarie charges " are the king's household and wardrobe,
wages and fees of great oflBcers, courts and counsel, the keeping
of the Marches and of Calais, and "the kynges werkes " (i.e.,
building and repairs). Naval expenditure is not reckoned one of
the '* ordenarie charges," as tunnage and poundage are appro-
priated to it.]

Chap. VII. The kynges extraordinarie charges.

The kynges extraordinarie charges bith so casuelle, that
no man mey knowe hem in certaynte. But yet he may
esteme what somme thai bith not hke to excede, but yff
ther ffall a case over moch exorbitant ; and than it shalbe
reasone, and also necessarie, that all the reaume beyre ffor
that case a synguler charge.

[The extraordinary charges are the sending and receiving of ambas-
sadors, rewards for services — ** this charge woll all wey be grete "
— buildings, clothes and jewels, furnishings, horses and personal
expenses ; commissioners and judges sent ** to represse and punysh
riatours and risers " ; and preparations to repel sudden invasion.]

Chap. VIII. Yff the kynges livelode suffice not, his
subgettes aught to make hit sufficient.

. . . Ffor his reaume is bounde by right to susteyne
hym in every thyng necessarie to his estate. Ffor, as
Seynt Thomas saith, Eex datur propter regnum, et non
regnum propter regem. Wh erf ore all that he do the owith
to be referred to his kyngdome. Ffor though his estate

CONSTITUTIONAL 153

be the highest estate temporall in the erthe, yet it is an
office, in wich he mynestrith to his reaume defence and
justice. And therfore he mey say off hym selff and off his
reaume, as the pope saith off hym selff and off the churche,
in that he writithe, servus servorum Dei. By wich reason,
ryght as every servant owith to have is sustenance off hym
that he serveth, so aught the pope to be susteyned by the
chirche, and the kyng by his reaume. . . .

Chap. IX. Here he shewith the perellis that mey come
to the kyng by over myghtye subgettes.

. . . Diverse lordis off Englande have also moch livelode
off thair owne. . . . For than such a lord mey dispende
more then the kynge, consideringe that he is charged v^ith
no such charges extraordinarie or ordinarie as is the kyng.
. . . Wherfore ... it shalbe necessarie, that ther be pur-

veyid ffor the kyng moch gretter livelod than he hath yet

When a subget hath hade also gret Hvelod as his prince, he
hath anon aspired to the estate of his prince, v^ich by such
a man mey sone be gote. . . . Such an enterprise is the
more ffeseable, v^hen such a rebell hath more riches than
his soverayne lorde. Ffor the peple will go with hym that
best mey susteyne and rewarde ham. . . .

Chap. X. How that the croune is beste to be indowed.
. . . Yff the kynge myght have is livelod ffor the sus-
tenance off his estate in grete lordshippes, maneres, ffee
ffermys, and such other demaynes, his people not charged,
he shulde kepe to Rym hollych thair hertes, excede in
lordshippes all the lordes off his reaume, and ther shulde
non off hem girowe to be like unto hym, wich thynge is
most to be fered off all the worlde.

154 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

2.

[Unparliamentary methods employed by Edward IV to fill his treasury.
** Croyland Chronicle," second continuation, p. 559, under 1477.
(Latin.)]

It cannot be doubted that the perplexity of this matter
sank very deeply into the King's heart, for he was not
ignorant of the disposition of his people and how easily
they might be drawn into insurrections and fresh move-
ments, if they should find a captain. Therefore seeing
himself to have now come to such a point that he dared
not exact subsidies from the English people for his needs ;
and that for lack of money (and that was most true) the
French expedition had quickly come to nothing ; he con-
centrated his attention on how in future to gather treasure
suitable to the royal estate of his own substance and in-
dustry. Therefore he resumed by Act of Parliament
almost all the royal patrimony, to whomsoever it had been
granted, and applied the whole of it to the support of the
burdens of the Crown. He appointed as supervisors of
tolls in all the ports of the kingdom very shrewd men who,
as rumour said, were excessively hard on the merchants.
And the King himself, having prepared merchant ships,
loaded them with the finest wool, cloth, tin, and other
commodities of the kingdom, and bartered them through
his factors, merchandise for merchandise, both with Italians
and Greeks, as if he were one of the men who live by trade.
The filling up of vacant bishoprics, which according to
Magna Carta may not be sold, was settled by him for a
sum of money, nor would he release them from his hands
by any other agreement. He carefully searched the regis-
ters and rolls of Chancery, and from those, whomsoever
they were, whom he found to have intruded themselves
into inheritances without the formal prosecution required
by law, he exacted heavy redemptions for the mesne pro-

CONSTITUTIONAL 165

fits. These and similar ways of getting money, more than
can be devised by any inexperienced man ; in addition to
the yearly tribute of ten thousand pounds due from France,
and frequent ecclesiastical tenths from which the prelates
and clergy might not be excused, in a few years made that
prince extremely wealthy.

[A benevolence, (a) " Coventry Leet Book," pp. 4.10-11, 21 December,
1474. The King, in a letter under the Privy Seal to the Mayor
and others, says that Parliament has decided that the best way to
restore the kingdom to its old fame and prosperity is to wage a
war to recover Normandy, Guienne, and France. The Lords and
Commons have made a grant to pay the soldiers' wages, but money
is needed for artillery, food, shipping, and other matters.]

Therfore it is that at this tyme we directe thees oure
present lettres unto you with certein articules of instruc-
tions, praying and neverthelesse charging you by the same
that ye these our consideracions, will and entent, shewe
and opene unto all such personez of our cite of Coventre,
singularly and severally, as to your discressions shal-be
thought best wilhng to the prosperouse estate of oure
persone . . . except only such persones as have, in oure
presence, to our right singuler plesur, shewed largely unto
us thair benivolence in this behalf, whose names with
their grauntes ben comprised in a cedule her-in-closed,
and that by all liefuU and convenient meanes ye sturre
and move the same persones, oure feithfull subgettes and
well-willers ... to shewe by wey of their good will and
benivolence with what somes of money or otherwise it
schall please tham to help and assiste us, takyng of everich
of tham a bille . . . sealed with thair seales, of such
grauntes as theim schall like severally to make in this be-
half, and at whatt daye or terme it shal-be paied, the wich
billes from tyme to tyme [we] will that [they] be send up

156 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

unto us with your writyng, to thentent that every such
persona may, accordyng to his good wille and merites,
have of us his speciall thanke, and stande in the more ample
favour of oure good grace.

[(6) Letter from London to a counsellor of the Duke of Milan, 17
March, 1475. C.S.P. Milan, I, no. 282.]

This autumn the king went into the country, from
place to place, and took information of how much each
place could pay. He sent for them all, one by one, and
told them that he wished to cross to conquer France and
deluded them with other words. Finally, he has so con-
trived that he obtained money from everyone who had the
value of 40Z. sterling and upwards. Everyone seemed to
give wilHngly. I have frequently seen our neighbours here
who were summoned before the king, and when they went
they looked as if they were going to the gallows ; when
they returned they were joyful, saying that they had spoken
to the King and that he had spoken to them so benignly
that they did not regret the money they had paid.

From what I have heard some say, the king adopted
this method. When anyone went before him he gave him
a welcome as if he had known him always. After some
time he asked him what he could pay of his free will to-
wards this expedition. If the man offered something
proper he had his notary ready, who took down the name
and the amount. If the king thought otherwise he told
him, Such a one, who is poorer than you, has paid so
much ; you who are richer can easily pay more, and thus
by fair words he brought him up to the mark and in this
way it is argued that he has extracted a very large amount
of money.

CONSTITUTIONAL 167

4.

[Act against benevolences, 1484. " S. R." II, 478.]

The King remembryng howe the Commens of this his
roialme by new and unlawfull invencions and inordinate
covetise, ageynst the law of this roialme, have be put to
gret thraldome and importable charges and exactions, and
in especiall by a newe imposicion named a benevolence,
wherby dyverse yeres the subgettes and comens of this
lande agaynst their willes and fredome have paid greate
sommes of money to their almost utter destruction ; . . .
Therfore the King woU it to be ordeigned . . . that his
subgiettes and the comynalte of this his roialme from hens-
furth in nowise be charged by none suche charge exaction
or imposicion called benevolence, nor by suche lyke charge
. . . but it be dampned and anulled for ever.

D. Lawlessness and Justice.
1.

[Extracts from Sir John Fortescue's "Commendation of the Laws of

England".]

Chap. XX. "Where any have a controversy depending
before a Judge, and they come to a trial upon the matter
of fact, . . . the issue of such plea, by the rules of the
Civil Law, is to be proved by the deposition of witnesses,
and two witnesses are held sufficient : but, by the Laws
of England, the truth of the matter cannot appear to the
Judge, but upon the oath of twelve men of the neighbour-
hood where the fact is supposed to be done.

Chap. XXV. The Justices . . . write to the Sheriff
of the County, where the fact is supposed to be, that
he would cause to come before them, at a certain day,
by them appointed, twelve good and lawful men of the
neighbourhood, where the fact is supposed, who stand in

158 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

no relation to either of the parties who are at issue, in
order to inquire and know upon their oaths, if the fact be
so as one of the parties alleges.

. . . And every one of the Jury shall have lands, or re-
venues, for the term of his life, of the yearly value at least
of forty shillings.

This method is observed in all actions and causes,
criminal, real, or personal.

Chap. XXVI. Twelve good and true men being sworn,
. . . neither suspected by, nor at variance with either of
the parties ; all of the neighbourhood ; there shall be read
to them in Enghsh, by the Court, the Becord and nature
of the plea, . . . and the Issue thereupon shall be plainly
laid before them, concerning the truth of which, those who
are so sworn are to certify the Court : which done, each of
the parties, by themselves or the Counsel, in presence of
the Court, shall declare and lay open to the Jury all and
singular the matters and evidences, . . . after which each
of the parties has a liberty to produce before the Court all
such witnesses as they please. . . .

The whole of the evidence being gone through, the
Jurors shall confer together ... in a place assigned them
for that purpose, lest anyone should attempt by indirect
methods to influence them as to their opinion, which they
are to give in to the Court. Lastly, they are to return
into Court and certify the Justices upon the truth of the
issue so joined.

Chap. XXVII. . . . Who then in England can be put
to death unjustly for any crime ? since he is allowed so
many pleas and privileges in favour of life : none but his
neighbours, men of honest and good repute, against whom
he can have no probable cause of exception, can find the
person accused, guilty. . . .

Neither can there be any room for suspicion, that in
such a course and method of proceeding, a guilty person

CONSTITUTIONAL 159

can escape the punishment due to his crimes ; such a
man's life and conversation would be restraint and terror
sufficient to those who should have any inclination to ac-
quit him : in a prosecution, carried on in this manner,
there is nothing cruel, nothing inhuman ; an innocent
person cannot suffer in life or hmb : he has no reason to
dread the prejudices or calumny of his enemies, he will not,
cannot, be put to the rack, to gratify their will and pleasure.
In such a Constitution, under such laws, every man may
live safely and securely.

[Resistance to royal officers. Patent Roll, 1 Ed. IV, pt. 2, m. lOd.
1461. (Latin and English.) "Calendar," p. 67. The Castle of
Bokenham and certain lands in Norfolk had come to the Crown
by an inquisition before the escheator, but they had then been
seized by John and William Knyvet, and the attempt of the royal
officials to take possession of them had failed.]

You the aforesaid Gilbert [Debynham] John Twyer and
Kichard Southwell have certified to us in our Chancery
that you . . . went to and in virtue of our letters patent
aforesaid entered the outer ward of the aforesaid castle as
far as the outer end of a bridge called '* a draght brigge "
lying and leading across deep waters there into the afore-
said castle. And further you then and there saw the
aforesaid bridge raised and entirely drawn up, so that you
could not at that time cross over further into the aforesaid
castle on account of the water and the raising [of the
bridge], and that then there appeared within a certain little
tower above the inner foot of the bridge. . . . Alice, the
wife of the aforesaid John Knyvet, keeping the aforesaid
castle at that time in warlike manner . . . and that there
were then and there assisting and adhering to the said
Alice . . . William Toby of Old Bokenham in the County
of Norfolk, " gentilman," and divers other persons named

160 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

in the aforesaid certificate and many other malefactors and
disturbers of our peace to the number of fifty persons. . . .
And on account of certain words addressed to you the
aforesaid John Twyer by the aforesaid Alice in English,
and specified in the aforesaid certificate, the tenor of which
follows word for word : " Maister Twyer, ye be a justice of
the pees and I require you to kepe the peas for I woll nott
leve the possession of this castell to dye therefore, and if
ye begyn to breke the peas or make any warre to gete the
place of me I shall defende me, for lever I had in suche
wyse to dye than to be slayne when my husbond cometh
home, for he charget me to kepe it " : you . . . nor any of
you, by reason of fear of death and mutilation, did not dare
to enter the aforesaid castle further than the outer ward or
to seize it at that time into our hands.

[Commissioners, headed by the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, are
therefore appointed to take the castle into the King's hands by
whatever means they can, and to arrest John and William Knyvet
and their adherents.]

[Persons who wish to avoid justice riotously prevent sessions of the
Peace being held at Cambridge. Extract from roll of sessions
held there on the Monday after St. Valentine, 1464. P.R.O.
Ancient Indictments, bundle 8. (Latin and English.) Twelve
jurors present that the Justices of Peace sat at Cambridge on
Wednesday after Epiphany, and one John Troys, late of Ely, and
others, was presented for assault and robbery] : —

And upon this Thomas Persons, late of Ely in the county
of Cambridge, "gentilman," taking upon himself royal
power, with the intention that the aforesaid sessions of our
lord the King should not be held there by the aforesaid
Justices . . . sent John Cokeyn and others to move and
incite John Smyth at the Brygge late of Saham in the
county of Cambridge "husbondman "... and all men in-
habiting the aforesaid town of Saham, Fordeham, Wykyn

CONSTITUTIONAL 161

Sneywell, and Colyngham . . . that they should assemble
in warlike and riotous manner . . . and come to the town
of Cambridge on the said Wednesday to prevent the afore-
said Justices from holding the aforesaid sessions there.
And so the same Thomas Persons nor any other person of
the aforesaid towns . . . might in any wise be brought to
justice. Whereupon the aforesaid John Troys and others
on the said Wednesday . . . having gathered to them
many other malefactors and disturbers of the King's peace
to the number of forty persons, with force and arms . . .
came to the aforesaid town of Cambridge and then and
there the said John Troys and others said in English :
** That all tho that were enpanelled to be att Camnbrige be-
fore the seid Justice that endited the said Thomas Persons
or any of them of any tresons, felonyes or trespasses by
them don thei wolde seke them in their houses and smyte of
theire hedes. And furthermore thei sent theire messangeres
to the seid Justice seyng, with that condicon that the seid
Thomas Persons nor none of them of the seid tresons in-
surreccons and trespasses shuld be indited, thei wold that
the seid sessions by the seid Justice shuld be holden, or
ell[es] thei wold put them in devoire to lette the seid
Justice to kepe any sessions." And thereupon the said
John Troys and others . . . sent a certain Andrew Tebawde
and Simon Gore to the aforesaid town of Cambridge to
hear and see whether the aforesaid sessions should be held
there by the aforesaid Justices or not. And that the same
Andrew and Simon gave notice to the same malefactors
that they should prevent the aforesaid Justices from hold-
ing the same sessions, through which our lord the King's
people coming to the same sessions . . . withdrew for fear
of the aforesaid malefactors. And the aforesaid [five
Justices of Peace] seeing and perceiving the malice of the
aforesaid malefactors . . . were not able to hold the afore-
said sessions. So that the aforesaid sessions were delayed

11

162 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

to be then and there held by the aforesaid Justices, in con-
tempt of our lord the King, his crown and regality.

[Troys was tried at the next sessions for his original offence, and
acquitted ; for the insurrection he put himself on the King's grace
aud was pardoned. Persons was sent to the Court of King's
Bench.]

4.

[The siege of Caistor Castle, 1469. This was the culmination of a
lengthy quarrel between the Duke of Norfolk and the Paston
family. ** Paston Letters," II, 371-2. Margaret Paston to Sir
John Paston.]

I grete you wele, letyng you wete that your brother and
his felesshep stand in grete joperte at Cayster, and lakke
vetayll ; and Dawbeney and Berney be dedde, and diverse
other gretly hurt ; and they f ayll gunnepowder and arrowes,
and the place sore brokyn with gonnes of the toder parte,
so that, but thei have hasty help, thei be like to lese bothe
ther lyves and the place, to the grettest rebuke to you that
ever came to any jentilman, for every man in this countre
marvaylleth gretly that ye suffre them to be so longe in so
gret joperte with ought help or other remedy.

The Duke . . . hath sent for all his tenaunts from every
place, and other, to be ther at Cayster at Thorysday next
comyng, that ther is than like to be the grettest multitude
of pepill that came ther yet. And thei purpose them to
make a gret assaught — for thei have sent for gannes to
Lynne and other place be the seeys syde — that, with ther
gret multitude of gannes, with other shoot and ordynaunce,
ther shall no man dar appere in the place. Thei shall hold
them so besy with ther gret pepill, that it shall not lye in
their pore ^ within to hold it ageyn them with ought God
help them, or have hasty socour from you.

Therfor, as ye wull have my blyssyng, I charge you and

* Power.

CONSTITUTIONAL 163

require you that ye se your brother be holpyn in hast.
And if ye can have nomeane, rather desire writyng fro
my Lord of Clarens, if he be at London, or ell[es] of my
Lord Archebusshop of York, to the Duke of Norffolk, that
he wull graunte them that be in the place her lyfes and
ther goodes ; and in eschewyng of insurreccions ... be
cause of such conventicles and gaderyngs within the seid
shire for cause of the seid place, thei shall suffre hym to
entre up on such appoyntment, or other like takyn be the
advyse of your councell ther at London, if ye thynk this
be not good, till the law hath determyned otherwyse ; and
lete hym write a nother letter to your brother to deliver
the place up on the same appoyntment. And if ye think,
as I can suppose, that the Duke of Norffolk wull not aggre
to this, be cause he graunted this aforn, and thei in the
place wuld not accept it, than I wuld the seid massanger
shuld with the seid letters bryng fro the seid lord of
Clarence, or ell[es] my Lord Archebusshop, to my Lord of
Oxenford, other letters to rescue them forth with, thowghe
the seid Erie of Oxenford shuld have the place duryng his
lyfe for his labour.

5.

[Interference by a great lord with the course of justice, 1464.
" Coventry Leet Book," pp. 331-2. A dispute having arisen be-
tween Will. Bedon and Will. Huet, the matter was examined by
the Mayor and then referred to the King, who appointed four
arbitrators, men of Coventry, by whose decision the parties agreed
to be bound. The arbitrators failed to agree, and the Mayor,
acting by the King's orders as umpire and with the advice of the
town council, ordered Huet to ask Bedon's forgiveness and pay
him 40s. damages, or, if he refused to do so, ten marks. Huet
refused to obey the Mayor, and was imprisoned. The King wrote
giving the Mayor *' right good and special thank " for his action,
and ordering Huet to be kept in prison till he submitted to the
orders.]

11 •

164 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

Memorandum that alle- though the seid Will. Huet were
so obstinatly disposed . . . that he wold not obey the
decree of the Mair ... for the which . . . the Mair
commyttid hym to warde ; wherof the kyng right specially
thankyd hym for that so doyng, and wold and charged
that he shold be there kept with-out any deliverance un-to
the tyme he had fulfylled his seyde decree and receyved
such punicion for his riottous demeanyng as shal-be ac-
cordyng with his lawes ; the seid Will. Huet then seyng
that he most in any wyse obey the seide decre or abyde
yn warde stylle, and to suffer als such punicion for his
obstinacy in the premisses as the seid Mair wyll deme hym
to do ; he then be the meane of his frendes labored un-to
my lord of Warrewyk for favour and ease to be had yn
the said decree at my lordes instaunce. . . . And theruppon
the seid Mair ... at the seid instaunce leyng rightwesnes
apart and folowyng mercy, made his laude and decre thus :
that the seid Will. Huet shuld be of good seying and be-
havyng fro that tyme fourth, and that he shuld yeve the
seid Will. Bedon x marc, to amendes toward his costes ;
and so he did ; which amountid not to the thryd peny that
he had made hym to spende. And yette further at my
seid lordes instaunce my worshipfull brethern and I so
effectuelly entretyd the seid Will. Bedon that he yave the
seid Will. Huet agayn v nobles of the seid x marc.

6.

[A partial magistrate. " Paston Letters/' II, 238. Margaret Paston
to John Paston, 27 September, 1465.]

I was at Sudbury and spake with the schreve. ... And
I and Ric[hard] informyd hym of the demenyng of hys
undrchryf , how parciall he hade be with the other partye,
bothe in that mater, and also for the accionnys beyng in
the scher; and he was nothyng wel plesyd of the de-

CONSTITUTIONAL 165

menyng of his undreschef, and he hat wretyn to hym that
he choulde be indeferent for bothe partyes accordyng to
the lawe, bothe for that materys and for alle other.

7.

[Examples of the efforts made to suppress livery and mainteuance
(a) Royal proclamation in 1461. E.P., V, 487.]

For asmoch as by yevyng of lyverees and signes, con-
trarie to the statutes and ordenaunces therof made afore
tyme, mayntenaunce of quarels, extorcions, robberies,
murdres been multiplied and contynued within this reame,
to the grete disturbaunce and inquietation of the same.

The Kyng wyllyng to have remedy of such incon-
venients, and his lawes to have his cours, chargeth and
commaundeth, that noo lord, spirituell or temporell, from
hensforth yeve any lyveree of signe, marke or token of
compaignie, but oonly in such tyme as he hath speciall
commaundement by the Kyng to reyse people for th'as-
systyng of hym, resistyng of his ennemyes, or repressyng
of riottes within his lande : . . . upon the peyne con-
teyned in the statutes made in that behalf ; and to renne
in the Kynges grete displesure.

And also that noo lorde, or other persone of lower
astate or degree, spirituell or temporell, yeve any lyveree
of clothyng to any persone save to his houshold and
menyall men, officers, and counsaillers lerned, spirituell
and temporell ; nor that any man . . . take uppon hym to
were any lyveree of clothyng of any lord . . . uppon the
peynes comprised in the statutes made in that partie ; and
over that, to renne in the Kynges grete displeasure.

And . . . that noo lorde . . . wityngly receyve, hold in
houshold ne maynteigne pillours, robbers, oppressours
of the people, mansleers, felons, outelaws, ravyshours of
wymmen, and other open and famous mysdoers ayenst the

166 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

lawe . . . uppon payne of the Kynges grete displeasure,
and the perell that may ensewe therof.

[(6) Privy seal letter from the King, dated 11 February, 1472, to the
mayor and sheriffs of Coventry, against livery and maintenance
and consequent injustice and disorder. " Coventry Leet Book"
(E.E.T.S.), pp. 373-4.]

Trusty and wel-beloved, we grete you wel. Callyng to
our remembraunce and consideracion the gret tempestes,
divisions and troubles that in late daies have be in this
our reaume, and gret wyldenesse and indisposicion also
that hath folowed by occasion wherof, and consequently
by embracerye,^ corupcion, might and maintenaunce that
hath be and daily is used thurgh this our lond, both by
yeving of tokenys, lyverees, signes, makyng of reteigndres
and otherv^yse, v^e have understand the cours and order
of our lawes hath be letted, and might have noo place as
it ought to have, nor execucion of justice be ministred,
v^herof grete extorcions, robberies, mordres and othir gret
exorbitaunces and mischeves have ensued unto gret offense
and displeasir of God and unto greet hurt of us, of alle our
subgittes and the comune wele and policie of all this
reaume. And v^^e, entending by alle meanes to us possible
to ordeigne and provide for the pacificacion, defence and
suretee of the same our land and subgittes, both inv^ardes
and outwardes, and that ministracion of justice may evenly
and indifferently be doon as wel unto poure as unto riche
withouten any favour or accepcion of persone or persones,
have had a ripe comunicacion herein with the lordes of
this our reaume, the whiche, everyche and all have ac-
corded, aggreed and also promitted unto us that they woll
doo their trewe devoir, labour and effectuell diligence that
ministracion of justice have due place, and be putte in due
execucion acordyng to our lawes, alle suche absurditees,

^ Influencing a jury corruptly or illegally.

CONSTITUTIONAL 167

mischeves and misuses laide apart ; and that thei shall
noo thing doo or attempte nor suffre to be doo or at-
tempted by theym, any of theirs, or othir-wyse howe-
soever it be, in favour of any cause or persone, be it of
their owyne servauntes or tenauntes or any othir by any
colour or occasion whatsoever it be, v^herby the due order
and cours of our lawes or ministracion and execucion of
justice in any wyse may be deferred, hurted or letted.
Wherfore we signifie unto you thees thinges to thentent
that among your self ye also ordeigne and see that alle
thinges that hath be and is used contrarie to our said
lawes, and our said entente and purpose be corrected,
amended and putte aparte, and soo we charge youe to doo
with alle diligence ; and also that noo reteindres, lyverees,
signes ne tokenys of clothing, nor othir wyse be taken,
had nor used by thinhabitauntes of our citie of Coventre
contrarie to our lawes and statutes ordeigned and provided
in suche behalf, and if any presume or take upon hym to
doo or attempte the contrarie and woll not be refourmed,
we woll and charge you that withoute any excuse or
delaye ye expelle and putte hym oute of the same our citie,
and in noo wyse suffre him to abide there, certifying us in
alle possible hast what he is, whoos lyveree he usith, and
whoo susteigneth hym, not sparyng any persone whatso-
ever he be. And over this wher ther be divers and many
vagabundes, and ungoodly and ille disposed persones,
entending commocion and trouble of this our lande and
quiet and pees of the same, renne thurgh the same oure
lande sowyng sede of discord and division in making and
telling of tithinges, fals lesing and tales to thentent above-
said, we woll and straitly charge you that whan and as oft
[MS. torn] persone or persones within our said citee of
jurisdiccion of the same, ye with [MS. torn] in all hast
certifie us therof to thentent we may provide for the [MS.
torn].

168 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOKKISTS

[The King's attempts to have the laws kept and to redress grievances.
1461. (a) "Paston Letters," II, 76.]

Yelverton lete the pepoU understand that the Kyng
wold have his lawes kept, and that he was dysplesed with
the maner of ther gaderyng, and that he wold have it
amendyd; for he conceyveth . . . that ther mysdoyng
growyth not of ther owyn dysposysyon but of the abbette-
ment and steryng of sum ille dysposed persones whiche is
understand and knowe to the Kynges hygthnesse. Item,
he lete hem wete that the Kyng had commandyd hym to
sey if ther were any man, pore or ryche, that had cause to
complayne of any person that he schuld put up his bylle
to the shref and hym, and they schuld set a reule be twyx
hem ; and if he wold not abyde ther reule they schuld de-
lyver the sayd bylle of compleynt to the Kynges hignesse,
and he schuld set the rewle and suche dyreccion that the
party compleynaunt or defendaunt schuld be punysshed
for his dysobeysauns of the said rewle if the case requyred ;
and also more over, if ther were ony person that put up
ony suche bylle, and it myght apere to them by ther ex-
aminacion or other wyse fals or untrewe, or elles be cause
of malyce, that than suche compleynaunts schuld sharpely
be punysshed.

[(&) Stow's " Annales," p. 416&. 1462.]

In Michaelmas Tearme, King Edward sate in the king's
bench three dales together, in open Court, to understand
how his lawes were executed.

[(c) The severity of the King's justice. " Croyland Chronicle," second
continuation, p. 559. (Latin.)]

[After the Treaty of Pequigny] some persons immedi-
ately began to condemn this deed ; wherefore suitable

CPNSTITUTIONAL 169

punishment was given to their presumption. Others re-
turning home betook themselves to theft and robbery, so
that no road in England was safe for merchants and pil-
grims.

Therefore the King himself was compelled to travel
through his realm with his justices, sparing none even of
his own household, but rather that they should be hanged,
if they were caught in theft or murder. And by the exe-
cution everywhere of this stern justice, highway robbery
soon ceased.

9.

[Un-English methods of trial : (a) the use of torture. A certain
Hawkins tried to borrow money for Queen Margaret from Sir
Thomas Cooke, formerly Lord Mayor of London, who refused to
lend. Stow, " Annales," p. 4206, from the Great Chronicle of
London, f. 178.]

Which so rested two or three yeeres after, till the
said Hawkins was cast in the Tower, and at length
brought to the brake, called the Duke of Excesters
daughter (because hee was the deviser of that torture) by
meanes of which paine, hee shewed many things, among
the which, the motion he had made to Sir Thomas Cooke
was one.

[(6) A trial in the Constable's court by Roman law, termed "law
padowe" from its being taught at the University of Padua.
Warkworth's " Chronicle," p. 5.]

And in the V^^ yere of Kynge Edwarde,^ the Erie of
Oxenforde, the Lord Abrey his sonne, and Sere Thomas
Todenam knyght, were taken, and brought into the Toure
of Londone, and there was leyde to them hye tresone ; and
aftyrwarde thei were brought before the Erie of Worscetre,^
and juged by lawe padowe that thei schuld be hade to the
Toure Hylle, where was made a scaffolde of VIII fote
^ Really 1462. ^ Constable of England.

170 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOEKISTS

hyght, and ther was there hedes smyten of, that alle menne
myght see ; whereof the moste peple were sory.

10.

[The Court of Star Chamber, (a) Exemplification of a decree, made
on 13 November, 1471, at the request of the plaintiffs in a case de-
cided by the Court. "Records of the Borough of Nottingham/'
II, 384-6.]

Edward by the grace of God King of England and of
France and Lord of Ireland, to all to whom these present
letters shall come greeting. We have seen the tenor of an
act before us and our Council remaining amongst others
in the office of our Privy Seal in the Chamber of our
Council called *' le Sterre Chambre " within our palace of
Westminster, issued and made the twenty-fourth day of
October last past in these words : —

In the matier of complaint of the Maire, Aldermen and
Communalte of the town of Notingham purposed afore the
King oure sovveraigne Lorde and his Counsail ayenst
Kobert Hamson, Bichard Alestre, Thomas Shaw, Thomas
Hudson, and othir, upon grete riottis, excesses and mys-
governances surmised to be committed by the seid Eobert
and othir, as alle at large is expressed in the saide bille of
complainte : after the answere of the seid Eobert, Eichard,
Thomas, and Thomas, being personelly present, yeven
unto the seid compleinte, the replicacion also therto of
the seid Maire, Aldermen and Comminalte, and alle that
coulde be saide and allegged by either partie in that behalf,
with alle other peticions and requestis upon either partie
made, herde and understande, and grete deliberacion there
upon taken by oure saide sovveraigne Lorde, by thavis of
his saide Counsail, the xxiiii day of Octobre, the xi© yere of
the regne of the same oure sovveraigne Lorde, in the
Sterre Chambre at Westminster, in plaine Counsail, the
Kinges Highnesse being present, and afore hym bothe the

CONSTITUTIONAL 171

parties abovesaid, it was, by his high commandement,
shewed, opened and declared by the mouthe of his Chaun-
celler of Englande in fourme as foloweth : —

[The plaintiffs had asked that the defendants should be committed to
Nottingham goal ; this is refused, as it is not supported by any
matter of record, but if such record exists, the plaintiffs may pro-
ceed in the matter according to law. Other persons mentioned in
the complaint, who have not appeared, shall be arrested and dealt
with according to law. The plaintiffs shall find surety for good
behaviour for twelve months, and shall then re-appear before the
King and Council.]

And over this, oiire said sovveraigne Lorde by his owne
mouthe asked and questioned Henre, Lord Grey, thenne
present, whethir alle the othir persones named in the seid
complainte and articles of the same were his servantes and
towardes hym, and whether he wold bringe them in or
noo to answere ; the same Lord Grey thenne answering
to oure said sovveraigne Lorde that they were nat his ser-
vantz, and that he coude nat bringe them in to answere.
And theruppon oure said sovveraigne Lorde gaf the same
Lord Gray in straite commaundement and iniunction, that
he shuld nat supporte, favour ne mayntene them or any
[of] them contrarie to his lawes from thensforth, as he
wold answere to oure said sovveraigne Lorde, and upon
the peyne that wold falle theruppon, and over that, that
from thensforth the seid Lorde Grey, his servantes ne
tenantes, ne noon other persone or persones by or for hym,
his servantes ne tenantes, schulde do or attempte to doo
any thing ayenst the seid Maire, Aldermen and Cominalte,
ne the inhabitantes of the seid towne of Notingham, con-
trarie to the lawes and peas of oure said sovveraigne Lorde,
and that the same Lord Grey schulde relesse and discharge
alle persones of the seid towne of Notingham as ben with-
olde and towardes hym, if any be, by reteneur or promisse
of service by them, or any of them, made to hym, contrarie

172 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOKKISTS

to the lawes and Statutes of oure said sovveraigne Lorde,
and no more to make any suche reteneur, ne to give any
lyvere or signe to any persone of the seid towne ageyns the
lawe . . . alle which commaundementes of oure said sov-
veraigne Lorde the seid Lord Grey saide that he wold kepe
and obeie them according to his commaundement. . . .

[(&) A case before the Court of Star Chamber in 1473. Year Books,
13 Edward IV, Easter Term, ff. 9, 96. (French.) The Chan-
cellor and several judges were present.]

In the Star Chamber before the King's Council a certain
matter was shown and debated, in which one man had a
bargain with another to carry certain bales with etc., and
other things to Southampton ; he had taken and carried
them to another place, and broken open the bales, and
feloniously taken the goods contained in them, and con-
verted them to his own use. . . . And it was moved by
some to the Chancellor that this matter ought to be deter-
mined at common law, and not here. TJie Chancellor :
This suit is taken by a merchant alien who has come here
under safe-conduct, and he is not bound to sue according
to the course of the law of the land and abide the trial of
twelve men and other solemnities of the law of the land,
but is to sue here.

11.

[Grant to the Bishop of Norwich, on petition for confirmation of the
liberties and franchises granted by the King's predecessors, and
by Henry VI by Letters Patent, dated 27 November, 1460, of the
right of appointing Justices of Peace in his town of Lynn. Patent
Roll, 1 Edward IV., pt. 3, m. 16, " Calendar," p. 81. 8 December,
1461.]

Know ye that of our special grace we have granted to
the venerable father in God the Bishop of Norwich that
he and all his successors bishops of that place shall have
power of assigning, constituting and making by their com-

CONSTITUTIONAL 173

missions within their town or borough of Bishop's Lynn
from time to time as often as they shall see needful and
necessary their Justices of Peace to exercise, do, hear and
determine all and singular matters in that town which
belong in any wise to Justices of Peace. . . . And that no
Justice of Peace of us our heirs or successors within any
county of our realm of England shall in any wise enter
the aforesaid town or borough or any part of the same to
exercise any office there nor shall he have any cognisance
of jurisdiction in any affairs . . . arising within the same
or any part of it . . . and that the aforesaid Bishop and
his successors shall have all and singular fines, issues and
amercements before the Bishop's aforesaid Justices of
Peace.

12.

[Extracts from the Court Rolls of the Manor of Carshalton. " Surrey
Record Society," pp. 76-80. (Latin.) View of frank pledge was
part of the sheriff's jurisdiction in the hundred court, but the
right to hold it in particular manors was often in private hands .
It dealt with petty criminal and administrative business, while in
the manorial court properly so called, copyhold land was trans-
ferred and small law-suits between tenants were settled. The
sums entered against the names represent the fines imposed.]

View of frank pledge with court held there on Wednes-
day after Hockday in the twenty-second (?) year of King
Edward IV.

William Punchon [and three others] tithing-men there,
being sworn, present that John Wever (ii d.) [and five
others, each fined twopence] make default of suit at this
view. Therefore they are in mercy. And that John Buk-
lond (xii d.) and William Bedford (xii d.) are millers and
take excessive tolls, etc. And that John Burnet is a baker
of bread and sells bread weighing less than the assize,
therefore he is in mercy. And that Augustus Subborne
(iiii d.) William Bedford and John Skinner are common

174 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

breakers of hedges to the common harm, therefore they
are in mercy. . . .

Thomas Christemas and William Aglond, ale-tasters
there, being sworn, present that John Bukley (ii d.) [and
eight others] brew and break the assize of ale, therefore
they are in mercy.

John Burnet, William Punchon and Adam Aillot came
there and gave their fines to the lord for brewing ale until
Michaelmas next coming.

Verdict. Inquisition taken concerning all articles
touching this view and presented above by the tithing-
men, by the oath of twelve sworn freemen . . . who say
and confirm all things presented above and have concealed
nothing from their notice, etc.

The Court.

Excuses. Edmund Bukley of the common by William
Say.

The homage there sworn present that Thomas Burgh
(iiii d.) John Eandolf (iiii d.) and Thomas Wodlond (iiii d.)
are free tenants and make default of suit at this court.
Therefore they are in mercy.

[View and court held on 30 September in the same year.]

WilHam Ponchon [and three others] were there [i.e.
at the view] relieved from the office of tithingmen. And
Eichard Cotes [and three others] were elected in their
places, and remain sworn thereupon.

Thomas Carter was there relieved from the office of
constable, and William Ponchon was elected in his place,
and remains sworn thereupon.

The Court.

To this court came WilHam Say and Anne his wife,
and she alone being examined in court by the Seneshall,
they surrendered into the lord's hand a toft of land
called Colswaynes containing one acre of land, with one

CONSTITUTIONAL 175

[blank] of land containing by estimation six acres of land
lying on the west side of the same toft, for the use of
Nicholas Gainsford esquire, John Gainsford and Walter
Gainsford sons of the said Nicholas. [The Seneshall]
granted to them and their heirs and assigns to have
seisin at the lord's will according to the custom of the
manor for rent [blank] by year at the usual terms and
other services therefrom due and accustomed. And they
give the lord two capons as fine for having the position.
And they swore fealty to the lord and were admitted as
tenants.

[View of frank pledge held on Wednesday after the Invention of the
Cross (3 May), 1484.]

[The tithingmen present] that John Fox (ii d.) chaplain
wrongfully and against the King's peace assaulted John
Merkely with a ' chip ' of no value, therefore he is in
mercy. And that the same John Fox (ii d.) chaplain
wrongfully, etc., assaulted William Pounchon with a knife
price one penny. And that the same William Pownchon
justly drew blood from the same John to the hurt of the
same John Fox (iiii d.) with a bill, etc. . . . And that
Henry Lee incurs a penalty of six shiUings and eightpence
because he has not repaired nor mended the king's road
to the fuUingmills pond. [At the last view he had been
ordered under this penalty to mend it.] And nevertheless
he was ordered to amend and repair it before the next
view on pain of six shillings and eightpence. And that
Eobert Hedeleygh (viii d.) allows his ditches to he un-
cleaned on each side of the king's way leading from Long-
croft to Oldefeld Gate, therefore he is in mercy. And he
is ordered to amend this before the next view on pain of
forty pence.

176 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

13.

[Benefit of clergy, RR.O., Ancient Indictments, bundle 110. Boll of
sessions of the Justices of Peace at Winchester, 1475. (Latin.)
The jury presented several persons for assault and robbery, among
them William Wodeward, yeoman, who had assaulted a man and
robbed him of 40s. After several of the other prisoners had been
found guilty] : —

The aforesaid "William Wodeward says that he is a clerk
and asks for clerical benefit to be allowed to him in that
behalf, etc. And upon this comes a certain Master Edward
Hanyngton, deputy of WiUiam by divine permission Bishop
of Winchester ordinary of that place, and vicegerent of the
Bishop to claim and receive whatsoever clerks are here
impleaded or accused before the aforesaid Justices of what-
soever crime [here follows a copy of letters patent of the
Bishop giving him authority to do so, and to take such
clerks to the Bishop's prison]. And a book having been
given to the aforesaid William Wodeward by the court,
the same William reads as a clerk and the said deputy
asks that he shall be delivered as a clerk to the aforesaid
ordinary, etc. Wherefore it is considered that the same
William Wodeward shall be delivered to the aforesaid
ordinary by reason of the aforesaid, to be safely kept until,
etc., under penalty that may fall, etc.

14.

[A frequent result of benefit of clergy : pardon to a bishop for the escape
of clerks convict from his prison, 1 May, 1463. Patent Roll,
3 Edward IV, pt. 1, m. 16. (Latin.) '' Calendar," p. 263.]

Know ye that ... we have pardoned, remitted and re-
leased to the venerable father John Bishop of Worcester the
evasions and escapes of John Waughan, Koger Glover and
Walter ap John, attainted clerks, who broke the prison of
the palace of the said Bishop in the town of Worcester
and escaped ; and all manner of evasions and escapes made

CONSTITUTIONAL 177

and effected before the date of these presents of whatso-
ever prisoners attainted or convicted of felony or felonies
and lately being in the aforesaid prison in the custody of
the said Bishop.

15.

[The right of sanctuary. A fugitive from justice was safe for forty
days if he fled to a church, and during that time he might send
for a coroner, confess his crime, and swear to leave the realm for
ever. He was then allowed to go to the nearest port, wearing
distinctive dress, and take ship abroad. There was also another
type of sanctuary, depending on the existence of private rights of
jurisdiction which made it impossible for the King's law and the
King's officers to reach the offender who fled to it. This protection
was permanent. One of the places which could give it was the
county palatine of Durham, which had its own judicial system and
was quite independent of royal justice. Case at Durham, printed
from the episcopal registers in " Sanctuarium Dunelmense " (Sur-
tees Society), p. 8, no. XVIII. (Latin.)]

James Kipling, late of Baldersdale in the parish of
Kombalekirk, in the diocese of York, on Christmas Day,
in the year of Our Lord 1479, came to the Cathedral
Church of Durham and in the presence of me Edv^ard
Bell, clerk, notary pubHc, and the underwritten witnesses,
rang the bell, earnestly begging the immunity of the said
church and the Hberty of St. Cuthbert, because he the said
James, together with Kalph Hogon, on Sunday next before
the feast of St. Mary Magdalene last past [22 July], at
Baldersdale aforesaid, assaulted a certain WiUiam Wight-
man, and feloniously struck the same William on the left
shin and left arm with a club ; of which, and of other
wounds, the same William died within three days after-
wards, as it is said. For which felony, and all others before
this time committed by the same James, the said James
begged the aforesaid immunity. William Symson, Henry
Masse and Christofer More, witnesses called and specially
required for the aforesaid.

12

178 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

16.

[The abuse of privilege of eanctuary. Extracts from the Duke of
Buckingham's speech to the Council on the question of taking the
Duke of York out of sanctuary at Westminster, 1483. More's
"History of King Richard III," ed. Lumby, p. 28 et seqq.
Westminster was one of the permanent sanctuaries depending on
the possession of jurisdiction.]

Verelye sithe the privileges of that place and other lyke,
have been of long continued, I am not he that woulde bee
aboute to breake them. And in good faith if they were
nowe to begynne, I woulde not bee he that shoulde bee
aboute to make them. Yet wyll I not saye naye, but that
it is a deede of pitie, that suche menne, as the sea or theyr
evill dettours have broughte in povertye, shoulde have
somme place of libertye, to keepe their bodies oute of the
daunger of their cruell creditours. And also yf the crowne
happen (as it hathe done) to comme in questyon, whyle
eyther parte taketh other as traytours, I wyll well there
bee somme places of refuge for bothe. But as for theeves,
of whiche these places bee full, and which never fall fro
the crafte, after thei once falle thereto, it is pitie the saintu-
arye shoulde serve them. And muche more mannequellers,
whome Godde badde to take from the aulter and kyll them
yf theyr murther were wylfull. . . .

Nowe unthriftes ryote and runne in dette, uppon the
boldenesse of these places ; yea and ryche menne runne
thither with poore mennes goodes, there they builde, there
thei spende and bidde their creditours gooe whistle them.
Mens wyves runne thither with theyr housebandes plate,
and saye thei dare not abyde with theyr housebandes for
beatinge. Theves bryng thyther theyr stollen goodes, and
there lyve thereon. There devise thei newe roberies,
nightlye they steale out, they robbe and reve and kyll,
and come in again as though those places gave them not
onely a safe garde for the harme they have done, but a
hcence also to dooe more. . . ,

CONSTITUTIONAL 179

And with that divers of the clergy that wer present,
whither thei said it for his pleasure, or as thei thought,
agreed plainly, that by the law of God and of the church
the goodes of a saintuarye man shoulde be delivered in
paiment of his dets, and stollen goodes to the owner, and
onelye Hbertie reserved him to geat his lyving with the
labour of his handes.

12

BOOK III. ECCLESIASTICAL.
1.

[The monasteries, (a) Visitation of Titchfield by Bishop Redman of
St. Asaph, 22 July, 1478. ^' Collectanea Anglo-Premonstratensia "
(C.S.), Vol. Ill, 126. (Latin.)]

We have visited the monastery of Techfelde, of our
Order, in the diocese of Winchester ; where we have found
nothing worthy of our correction or of report to the general
Chapter. But for the reformation of certain matters
we have ordered and strictly enjoined, that the whole
convent shall in time of fasting eat together in the re-
fectory, that they may be bound by the true obligation,
and there and in other appointed places they shall keep
perfect silence. Also we prohibit a certain abuse of genu-
flection, that neither the deacon nor subdeacon shall genu-
flect at the time of elevation at mass, nor the priest, save
only once before the elevation of the Sacrament, And
from the beginning of the elevation of the Sacrament
until the end, one of the larger bells shall be rung con-
tinuously, with separate strokes, both at matins and at
high mass. Also we have commanded that all the brothers
shall always wear almuces both under and over their capes,
under a penalty for contempt. At the last visitation the
said monastery owed forty pounds, but now practically
nothing ; by the praiseworthy foresight of the authorities
all things within and without are provided for abundantly.

[(6) Visitation of Welbeck by Bishop Redman and the Abbot of Beau-
chief, 1482. Ibid., pp. 184-5. (Latin.)]

We have visited the monastery of Welbeck, of the
Premonstratensian Order, both in head and members.

m

ECCLESIASTICAL 181

In which visitation, having made diligent inquiry and
heard all depositions and complaints and also had very
accurate information from all and singular canons and
brothers of the said monastery, we clearly discovered there
great enormities and disgraceful things, the scandal of
which is spread abroad ; especially that the abbot of the
aforesaid monastery was extremely wasteful of all goods,
not only of movables but of immovables ; he has allowed
tenements to fall entirely into ruins for lack of repair ; he
has alienated to great men the lands, woods, and tithes of
his monastery, many by letters of obhgation sealed with
the common seal and that of his office, to the utmost dis-
tress of the said monastery, contrary to the will and plain
opinion of his brethren.

In addition he has pledged and absolutely dissipated all
the jewels and vessels of the monastery by his lack of
prudence, in so much that at the present time he had not
in his own possession a single silver cup to set before us
in our present visitation ; nor one dish, napkin, silver salt-
cellar or any other vessel, to his great confusion.

And in addition the aforesaid monastery is in great ruin
and the greatest misery ; because he did no repairs there
during the time of his rule. In the woods, he cut down
and sold a great number of his trees and bushes, and left
it so unhedged and unditched, that he absolutely destroyed
all those things. He sold and bartered away all the oxen,
all the sheep, indeed all the animals. In addition the ser-
vice was often omitted or diminished through entire lack
of oil, wax and wine.

And further we found in the same our visitation, that
the said abbot lived and lives most incontinently, having
immoral relations with divers women, by whom he has
had several children at present living; who have been
supported hitherto out of the goods of the said monastery.
He has not paid to his convent the stipends assigned by

182 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOBKISTS

the general Chapter for their clothing. He has not been
ashamed to play at tables and other games the whole day
and night with buffoons and other such persons, having no
consideration for his own dignity ; and with the aforesaid
persons he has in various ways squandered and wasted the
goods of the monastery.

Wishing to find a remedy for these and many other
matters (kept from our ears by certain persons) ... we
have relieved the said abbot of the administration and
possession of the temporalities ; and ... we have charged
him to go to the monastery of Barlings ; and we have com-
manded him to remain there until our next visitation : . . .

And further we have extended to WiUiam Bradford and
Crystophor Hesylla, brothers of the same monastery, de-
tected before us of incontinence, apostacy and rebellion
against the abbot, a similar sentence and judgment, until
our aforesaid next visitation. The house is in most ab-
ject poverty with regard to corn and other necessaries, in
so much that the brethren bewail their lot.

2.

[Lawlessness among the secular clergy, (a) Letter from Margaret
Pastonto John Paston, 18 July, 1461. " Paston Letters," II,
p. 32.]

Eyth worchepful husbond, I recomawnd me to yow.
Plesyt yow to wete that I am desyrid be Sir John Tatersale
to wryte to yow for a comyssion . . . for to be sent down
into this cuntre to sit uppon the parson of Snoryng, and on
soche as was cause of Thomas Denyssys dethe, and for
many and gret horebyl robbryys ; and as for the costs ther
of the cuntre wele pay therfor, for they be sor aferd but ^
the seyd dethe be chastysed, and the seyd robbryys, they
are aferde that mo folks xal be servyd in lyke wyse.

As for the prest and vi of hese men that be takyn, they
' UnUw.

ECCLESIASTICAL 183

be delyveryt to Twer [Twyer] and iiii be with hem of the
cuntreys cost, for to be sent with to the Kyng ; and yf they
be browt up, at the reverens of God do your parte that
they schape^ not, but that they may have the jugement of
the lawe, and as they have deservyd, and be comytyt to
prison, not to departe tyl they be inqueryd of her forseyd
robery be soche a comyssion that ye can get, that the
Keng and the lords may hondyrstonde wat rewle they have
be of, not hondely for the moderys and the robbryys, but
as wele for the gret insurrexsin that they were lyke [to]
amade within the shyre.

[(6) P.R.O. Aucient Indictments, bundle 311, no. 2. Inquisition taken
before the Justices of Pecace at Deptford, Kent. 1465. (Latin.)]

[15 jurors] say upon oath that John Mallery, vicar of
the parish church of Leuesham in the aforesaid county,
on Sunday next after the quindene of Holy Trinity [1465],
purposing to disobey the laws and customs of the realm
of the king of England and all good rule, and not willing to
justify himself according to law, at Leuesham in the afore-
said church, openly in the pulpit there, all his parishioners
being then and there present, spoke with a loud voice and
incited them that whensoever the sheriff of Kent, his
undersheriff or any official of our said lord the king should
attempt to execute any writ, precept or mandate on behalf
of our said lord the king within the town of Leuesham
aforesaid, that then immediately upon this the great bell
of the aforesaid church should be rung, and that upon that
ringing all the inhabitants of the aforesaid town should
gather themselves together and should capture and kill
the said sheriff, undersheriff or other official of our said
lord the king, wishing to execute such writ, precept or
mandate ; and the same John Mallery, intending to carry
out his aforesaid wicked proposal, on Tuesday next after

184 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOBKISTS

the said Sunday upon the coming of Thomas Styvour, one
of the baihffs of our lord the king in the aforesaid county,
into the aforesaid town to exercise his office there and to
execute the mandate directed to him by John Bygges es-
quire then sheriff of Kent on behalf of our said lord the
king, rang the great bell of the aforesaid church there.
Whereupon the same John Mallery and the greater part
of the inhabitants of the aforesaid town to the number of
a hundred persons unknown, in the manner of a new in-
surrection, with force and arms that is to say with swords,
clubs, bows, arrows . . . gathered themselves together to
kill the said Thomas Styvour if he should wish to execute
any writ, precept or mandate there on behalf of our said
lord the king, against the peace of our lord the king etc.

3.

[A monastic quarrel. "Gloucester Annals," printed in Kingsford,
English Historical Literature in the Fifteenth Century^ p. 357.
(Latin.) About 1463. A similar quarrel at the abbey of Buck-
land, Devon, may be traced in the Calendar of Patent Rolls,
1467-77.]

Great discord arose between John Schoyare prior of
Lanthony and John Heywarde late prior of the same
place. On account of it the foresters rose in arms on
behalf of John Schoyare to strengthen his party. On the
other side was the community of Gloucester with the local
gentry in support of John Heywarde. A great fight took
place between the two parties. For the foresters and the
community of Gloucester meeting at Lanthony, many
were wounded on both sides and several killed, as it was
said. Wherefore the canons of the aforesaid place, being
greatly frightened, left their house and fled to the Earl of
Warwick, and carried away the goods of the monastery
with them. And so they stayed for eight months at Han-
ley Castle, performing rehgious duties and divine service
there, and for fear of the foresters of their prior, namely

ECCLESIASTICAL 185

John Schoyer, they dared not dwell in their own house.
But afterwards the aforesaid prior John Schoyere was
compelled to return to his own house by king Edward IV.
So after long disturbance between him and John Heywarde
late prior, and the expenditure of much money, the canons
of the aforesaid house were again gathered together and
returned home with all that they had. But that Schoyer
persevering in his malice again imprisoned certain of the
canons. And for this cause fearing the people, who did not
love him but abused him the more, he despoiled his monas-
tery of Lanthony and carried off the goods with him.

[Quarrel between the regular and secular clergy, 1465. *^ Gregory's
Chronicle," pp. 228-32.]

Alle soo that yere be-ganne a gre[at] cyssym by twyne
fryers and prystys, but the Fryer Charmys,^ that ys to
saye the Whyte Freers, be-ganne hyt fyrste at Poules
Crosse. He that be-ganne thys matyr was borne in Flete
Strete, a skyner ys sone, and hys name ys Syr Harry
Parker; he blamyd men for there grete copy^ of hyr
goodys, and in specyalle he blamy[d] benefysyd men that
had grete benyficys and prestys that had temporalle
lyffelod. For he sayd and affermyd that non of the xii
Apostolys nor Cryste hadde no thyng in propyr ^ but alle
in comyn, and sayd and affyrmyd by hys connyng, as strong
as he cowthe, that Cryste was a begger and had nought
but by way of almys. And that made men to groge and
to muse passyng soore.

But the Sonday aftyr there was a docter of devynyte,
Maystyr Wylliam Ive, the mayster of Whytyngdon ys Col-
lege, sayde agayne the fryer, and prevyd that Cryste was
poore and kepte noo grete tresoure, but as for beggyng he

^ Carmelites, ^ Amount. ^ Private ownership.

186 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

utterly denyde hyt, and by hooly scrypture prevyd hit soo
that men undyrstode that the fryer erryd sore agayne Hooly
Chyrche; and thenne the fryers gan malyngne a gayne
thys docter. Thenne in Advente they prevyde a docter of
the Whyte Fryers, Mastyr Thomas Haldon, and that he
schulde preche agayne the Mayster Wylliam Ive before
sayd, and there he talkyd moke of the beggyng of Cryste,
and put the pepylle [in hope] that the same mater schulde
ben determenyd in there scholys by twyne hym and a
Grey Fryer at the White Fryers in Flete Strete the Wanys-
daye vii nyght aftyr. And the Sonday folowyng, a docter
of devynyte, Mayster Edwarde Story, person of Alle Halowys
the More in London, and aftyr confessor unto the Queue,
and aftyr that Byschoppe of Carlylle, prechyd at Poulys
Crosse, and as moche as he myght wolde have passefyde
the mater, and sayde that hyt [was] blasphemy soo to re-
herse and say by oure Lord Cryste. But that same Sonday
the fryers set uppe byllys at every chyrche dore that the
docter sayde nott trought, but the trought shulde be
schewyd and sayd by Docter Mayster John Mylverton, the
pryor of the same place, and he was provyncyalle of the
same ordyr. And that aftyr noone in hys sarmon he
raylyd soore and grevysly to fortefy hys bretheryn ys
sayyngys, that sum laye men were wrothe with the fryers
and whythedrewe hyr almys from them ; and sum men
were not plesyd with hyr curettes, and sayde that they
hadde noo ryght to have any offerynge but lyffe by almys
as Cryste dyde ; and thys men were devydyd, sum welle
and sum ylle.

[The quarrel continued for some time, and finally came to the Pope's

knowledge.]

Thenn the Pope . . . inqueryde of suche men as come
late owte of Inglonde of the mater ; and whenne he undyr-
stode the mater, he wrote downe to the Arche Byschoppe

ECCLESIASTICAL 187

of Cauntyrbury and to the Byschoppe of London, and
thonkyd hem that they were so trewe to Cryste and Hooly
Chyrche, and desyryd to have alle the hoole mater and
proscesse i-sende unto hym by wrytynge. And so hyt was,
every thyng as ny as they couthe ymageny, puttyng alle
favyr and parcyallyte and malysce a syde. . . .

And the kynge toke a grete party on thys mater, for
thes fryers hadde causyd moche trobylle a monge hys
pepylle, and therefore he desyryd that holy fadyr the Pope
to chastysse suche trespasserrys and brekers of the pesse,
and send forthe a letter with the othyr letters.

Thenne the Pope ressayved thes letters, and undyrstode
alle the hoole processe, and made hys cardynallys to ex-
ampne the fryer, and by hys answerynge they found ix
moo poyntys that he erryd on, and sone aftyr he was put
into the castylle of Angylle in stronge preson, and laye
there yn alle moste iii yere. . . . And then he lackyd mony
and frende schyppe, [and] submyttyd hym to the Pope.

[The King's attitude towards Papal taxation. From the Register of
Archbishop Boothe of York. Wilkins, « Concilia, " III, 598.
(Latin.)]

In order that a subsidy for the expedition against the
Turks might be collected in England, the pope sent bulls
thither ; but king Edward, studying how to anticipate
their execution, asks the archbishop to call together a
synod to obtain a certain subsidy to be sent to the pope.
The tenor of the royal letters directed to the archbishop,
drawn up in the English idiom, is this :

** The king sends a letter to the archbishop in EngHsh,
dated at York the 11*^ day of June, wherein he gives him
to understand, that the pope determining to put his person
into the blessed viage, by his holiness proposed, against
the Turks, desired to have a disme laid upon the clergy of

188 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

England toward the socour of the said viage, and had to
that effect sent his bulls into this kingdom. To prevent
the inconveniences that might follow by the examples of
such impositions hereafter, whereof the Hke hath non
been in times put in ure in the days of his noble progenitors,
being right loth to suffer such new impositions take effect
in his days, he was advised to raise such a subsidy, by his
own authority, as might satisfie the pope, and prevent the
execution of the said bulls ; and therefore he desires, ex-
horts and prays the archbishop to write to his suffragans
to call their clergy together, and exhort them to grant him
such a subsidy to be levyed in all haste, as mowt honorably,
reasonably and thankfully please and content our said holy
fader, and appoints and names six commissioners to receive
at the hands of such collectors, as shall be appointed by the
clergy to levy it." Having received these letters, the arch-
bishop directs a mandate to the prelates and clergy of his
diocese, dated 23 June, a.d., 1464, the twelfth year of his
translation, to assemble in the parish church of Doncaster
on Friday, 13 July ; in which synod a subsidy of six pence
in the pound was granted to the King.

6.

[Anti-papalism in England. Letter written from Gravelines to the
Duke of Milan by Pietro Aliprando, his servant and envoy, 25
November, 1472. C.S.P., Milan, I, no. 240.]

I will set forth briefly what has happened to me of late
with the English. In the morning they are as devout as
angels, but after dinner they are like devils, seeking to
throw the pope's messengers into the sea.

I had experience of this these last months when I was
at the port of Calais to pass to London, in the company of
the ambassadors of the Duke of Burgundy and those of
the King of Scotland, who came from the Duke's camp.
I was arrested as a messenger of the pope. They said that

ECCLESIASTICAL 189

I brought briefs and bulls in favour of the Archbishop of
York, Warwick's brother, detained by the king, who had
sent them to prevent me from crossing, or any other person
who came from Kome. When I perceived this, I protested
that I had not come direct from Eome, and had nothing
against the King. I offered to show them my letters and
commissions, or else asked them to allow me to return,
but they would not, saying that I should send for a safe-
conduct from the king. I showed them this and told them
how I had been well received by his Majesty in England for
more than forty days. At last, as the shortest way, I brought
a horse to Bovere, and then with some servants and in dis-
guise, I crossed the stream to this place of the duke on the
frontiers of England. . . .

Although I have sent to the king for a placet to cross, I
shall reflect a long time before I put myself in the hands
of the English again. I mean to excommunicate them
and send the interdict, so that they may go to Eome for
the trick they have played upon me.

It is reported that they have also arrested at Calais that
cavalier, ambassador of the King of Scotland, to whom
they had given a safe-conduct. Thus they do not keep
faith and are evil islanders, who are born with tails. . . .
This ambassador was desperate because those English
have broken his safe-conduct, and will not allow him to
pass and return. I have been assured that if he had
passed the sea he would have been murdered, not because
the king intended it, but because some thought that he
went to collect tenths.

... 0 my lord, when I speak of the EngHsh, your
Excellency must understand those old prelates, abbots or
other fat priests who rule the Council, and have repre-
sented to the king that he must have all who come from
Eome arrested, with great shame of the Court.

190 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOBKISTS

[{h) Letter from the same to the same, 6 December, 1472, from Abbe-
ville. Ibid., no. 242.]

The English are trying for a council against the pope,
who keeps a commissioner here who is the cause of the
mischief.

7.

[Oath administered to an abbot before going abroad. " Literee
Cantuarienses " (R.S.), III, 243-4.]

Ye shall no thyng sue or procure to be sued in the
Court of Eome, nor in noon other place beyond the see,
any thyng that may be hurtyng or prejudiciall to the King
our Soverain Lord or hys corowne, nor to any of hys sub-
gettez ; nor any thyng doe or attempt that ys or may be
contrary to the lawes of his lande. Ye shall faithfully
and stedfastly abyde his true liegeman, and noo communi-
cacyon have with the kynges rebelles, nor them, or any of
them, in any wyse asciste. And yf ye happe in any wyse
to know any thyng that may be hurtyng or prejudiciall to
hys sayd Hyghnesse, thenne ye shall, in all the hast that
ye canne or may, certyfye hys sayd Hyghnesse or his
counseill. So God yow help and all hys holy sayntz and
by thys booke.

8.

[Popular contempt of a Papal bull, 1468. "Gregory's Chronicle"
(O.S.), p. 238.]

Alle so that yere the Pope sende a bulle for the
Cordyners,^ and cursyd thoo that made any longe pykys
passynge ii yenchys of lengthe, and that no Cordyner
shuld not sylle no schone a pone the Sonday, ne put no
shoo a pon no man ys fote, ne goo to noo fayrys a pon the
Sonday uppon payne of cursynge. And the kynge
grauntyd in a Conselle and in the Parlement that hyt

^ Shoemakers.

ECCLESIASTICAL 191

shulde be put in excecussyon, and thys was proclajrmyd
at Poulys Crosse. And sum men sayd that they wolde
were longe pykys whethyr Pope wylle or nylle, for they
sayde the Popys curse wolde not kylle a flye. God amend
thys. And with in schorte tyme aftyr sum of the Cordyners
gate prevy selys and proteccyons to make longe pykys,
and causyd tho same men of hyr crafte that laboryd to the
Pope for the dystruccyon of longe pykys to be trobelyd
and in grete donger.

9.

[Opposition to clerical fees and exactions, (a) P.R.O., " Early Chancery
Proceedings," bundle 31, no. 163.]

Mekely besechith and piteously compleyneth unto your
gracious lordeship John Gody, person of the parysshe
cherche of Lannyvet in the counte of Cornnwaylle, that
. . . oon Thomas Harry of the seide parishe, tynner, with
many other evell disposid people to the nombre of a C and
mo . . . acompanyed and confederyd a yens all good feith
and consiens the first Sonday of the moneth of January in
the first yere in the reigne of our most dred liege lord kyng
Edward the Fourth riottouslye entrid into the seyd churche
of Lannyvet, your seyd oratour [being] at highe masse,
and then and ther lete make an opyn proclamacyon by
oon John Oppy then wardeyn of the seyde churche
charchyng that no man shuld fro thens forth offerre with
any corse comyng to the same churche excepte oonly the
masse peny uppon a gret peyne by them to be putte, all be
it the contrarie ther of ever was used be forne. And also
that no maner of man shuld be so hardy to save or bye
any tethyng corne of your seyde besecher.

[(6) Extract from a similar petition by the parson of Padstow. Ibid.,
bundle 33, no. 210.]

Thomas Schapton hath openly said that hyt suffisith
on Good Fryday a man to offre on to the Crosse a heire

192 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

of his heed and that a woman offre a pyn . . . and
that hit is foly to offre for dede bodeis for hit doith non
other good but makith the prustis riche, whiche wordis
have so sterid symple folk that thay myche with draw
here dewteis and devocions froe the said cherche.

[(c) The heretic Wyllys {infra, no. 10) said, in explaining his views
about offerings made to images] : —

That the saints being in Heaven do not need the goods
of men on earth, and he says that they are not adored by
such offerings so made to the same images, but those
priests are adored by the receiving of such offerings. And
he says further that it would be more suitable and requisite
to expend and distribute the money so offered among the
poor and needy than so to offer it as is aforesaid.

10.

[The trial of James Wyllys for heresy before the Bishop of Lincoln,
JLuguat, 1462. " Lincoln Episcopal Registers," Chedworth,
f. 57b, et seqq. (Latin.)]

First the aforesaid James was asked where he was
born, and he said in reply, in the town of Bristol ; being
asked further how old he was, he said that he is sixty
years of age, one year only excepted. Also being asked
where he dwelt and carried on his occupation, he said that
he was apprenticed in the town of Bristol to the art of
weaving and dwelt there by the space of thirteen years
continuously and more, and so departing from the same
town for some time and returning to the same during
several years following.

Also being asked further if he knew the Epistles of St.
Paul and the Apocalypse, he says that he does. Namely
that he had read through those books, translated into his
mother tongue, and also the Gospel of St. Luke translated
into the English tongue. Being asked further who and
what manner of man was his teacher, he said in reply that

ECCLESIASTICAL 193

he was a certain William Smyth of the town of Bristol
aforesaid, from whom he bought those books and who
taught him the doctrine which he holds, which same
William Smyth was judged by the Bishop of Worcester
on account of his opinions, and was handed over to the
secular power and burnt. . . .

Being asked further whether he had confessed and com-
municated as a faithful Christian, he said that last Lent
he had confessed twice to the parish chaplain of Lokynge,
and had communicated on Easter Day with others as a
faithful Christian, but he said that he had not received
that sacrament except in spirit, thinking over within him-
self during this reception the passion of Christ. He also
says that he received this sacrament another time in the
town of Spyne, but he obstinately says and holds that he
received nothing at that time except material bread. . . .

Also being further asked in what parts of England he
had chiefly dwelt, he said in the town of Bristol and the
city of London, and he said that he was for some time in
the hostelry of a certain William Webster in the parish
of St. Martin in the Fields, near the town ho^e of the
Bishop of Norwich.

Also he confessed before the court that he was accused
of the crime of heresy before the reverend father Lord
Thomas Bishop of London and imprisoned for this crime
and also was abjured by the suffragan of the said Bishop
of London and Master Thomas Leseux then Dean of the
church of St. Paul's in London [and the Bishop's chan-
cellor and registrar] and that he then abjured before the
same commissioners of the lord Bishop of London all . . .
heresies and opinions contrary to the orthodox belief.

[He was questioned in detail as to his beliefs, which are summed up
in the Bishop's judgment as follows :]

Concerning the sacrament of the altar, that after the

words of oonsecration pronounced in the time of mass by

13

194 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YORKISTS

the priest, the substance of bread remains there, and that
it is not the true body of Christ. Also that the Apostles
had not the power to consecrate and make the body of our
Lord, far less have priests the power now so to make and
consecrate it in the time of mass. Also that a sinful
priest has not the power of absolving anyone in confession
from the stains of his sins, nor does it profit a man to
confess to a priest, but only to God, because man offends
only against God. Also that images are not to be adored,
nor ought anyone to place candles or lights before such
images or make offerings to them, because these images
are stocks and stones. Also that there is no place of
purgatory. Also that the mass is of no value. Also that
the singing of the divine offices, music and organs or ring-
ing of bells in the church are to be altogether reviled.

[Another opinion elicited in examination but omitted from this

summary.]

That a child standing in no danger, brought by the
priest to brooks or ponds and baptised in that water only
by the priest in the name of the Father and of the Son
and of the Holy Ghost, was as well baptised as it would
be with all the ceremonies ordained and constituted in the
Church.

[Wyllys again recanted and was absolved, but was handed over to the
secular arm as a relapsed heretic and burnt.]

11.

[Heresy in the diocese of London, (a) " Gregory's Chronicle," pp.
233-4. 1467.]

Alle soo thys same yere there was an herryke i-brende
at the Towre Hylle, for he dyspysyd the sacrament of the
auter ; hys name was WylHam Balowe, and he dwellyd at
Walden. And he and hys wyffe were abjuryd longe tyme
be-fore. And my Lorde of London kepte hym in preson

ECCLESIASTICAL 195

longe tyme, and he wolde not make noo confessyon unto
noo pryste, but oonly unto God, and sayde that no pryste
had noo more pouer to hyre confessyon thenn Jacke Hare.
And he had noo consyence to ete flesche aftyr Estyr, as
welle as thoo that were bothe schryffe and houselyd.

At the tyme of hys brennynge, a Doctor, Mayster Hewe
Damelet, person of Syn Petrys in the Cornehylle, laboryd
hym to be-leve in the hooly sacrament of the auter. And
thys was the herytyke ys sayyng : '' Bawe! bawe! bawe !
What menythe thys pryste ? Thys I wotte welle, that on
Goode Fryday ye make many goddys to be putte in the
sepukyr, but at Ester day they can not a ryse them selfe,
but that ye moste lyfte them uppe and here them forthe,
or ellys they wylle ly sty He yn hyr gravy s." Thys was
that tyme of hys departyng from that worschipfulle doctor.

Alle soo that same yere there were many chyrchys
robbyd in the cytte of London only of the boxys with the
sacrament. And men had moche wondyr of thys, and sad
men demyd that there had been sum felyschippe of here-
tykys assocyat to gederys. But hyt was knowe aftyr that
it was done of very nede that they robbyd, wenyng unto
the thevys that the boxys hadde ben sylvyr ovyr gylt, but
was but copyr. And by a copyr smythe hit was a spyde
of hyr longe contynuans in hyr robbory. At a tyme, alle
the hole feleschippe of thevys sat at sopyr to gedyr, and had
be fore hem fulle goode metys. But that copyr smythe
sayde, " I wolde have a more deynty mosselle of mete, for
I am wery of capon, conynge, and chekyns, and suche
smalle metes. And I mervyl I have ete ix goddys at my
sopyr that were in the boxys." And that schamyd sum
of them in hyr hertys.

[(6) The burning of John Goose as a relapsed heretic, 1474. Kings-
ford, p. 186.]

Also in this yere was oone John Goose, a lollor, brent
at the Tower hill.

196 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

12.

[Letter from Edward IV bo Pope Sixtus IV. C.S.P., Venice, I, no.
451, 24 February, 1476.]

Shortly before we assumed this sceptre there arose
a monstrous promoter of iniquity and perdition, one
Keginald Pecock, of yore considered Bishop of Chichester,
against whose folHes and new doctrine, which tended to
subvert the decorum and dignity of the Church, and which
he did not scruple to din into the ears of mankind every-
where, the prelates of this kingdom instituted legal pro-
ceedings and consulted the apostolic see and Pope Pius
about taking stronger and ulterior measures by their
authority.

Concerning the same matter, Pope Sixtus's immediate
predecessor issued letters, of which a copy is enclosed.^
But as other national disturbances supervened, and in con-
sequence of the death of him who gave the letters, they
did not receive due execution. Moreover, after the death
of the said Keginald, the writings and treatises composed
by him multiplied in such wise that not only the laity but
churchmen and scholastic graduates scarcely studied any-
thing else, so that the pestiferous virus circulated in many
human breasts, and ere long would have spread immensely,
had not the Almighty revealed the confessions of certain
penitents for the easier dispersion of the remaining fol-
lowers of that sect. We beseech you, therefore, to dispatch
other apostolic letters, by whose authority proceedings may
be instituted from time to time against all holders of books
and treatises edited by the said Keginald, and of any other
erroneous books soever. We promise to employ all our
care, diligence and solicitude for the perpetual expulsion
from the confines of our realm of all novelties and con-
demned dogmas of this sort. We have commenced doing

^ The enclosure does not now exist.

ECCLESIASTICAL 197

so to our utmost, as Nicolo de Firmo, your Holiness' ser-
vant, who was present at this commencement, and is the
bearer, can explain more fully.

Given in our castle of Windsor, 24 February, in the year
of grace, according to the English reckoning, 1475.

BOOK IV. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL.

A. COMMEECIAL TeBATIES AND EXTERNAL TeADE.

1.

[Extracts from poem " On England's Commercial Policy ". " Political
Poems"(R.S.), II, 282-5.]

Ffor ther ys no reme in no maner degree,
Butt they have nede to our Englysshe commodyte ;
And the cawse theroff I wylle to yow expresse,
The wiche ys soth as the gospelle of the masse.

. . . Ffor thow thei have met, drynke, in every kyngges

londe,
Yet they lacke clothe, as y undyrstonde ;
And for to determyn that the trouthe ys soe,
Lestyn wel to me, and ye moste acord therto.

Ffor the marchauntes comme oure wollys for to bye.
Or elles the cloth that is made theroff sykyrly,
Oute of dyverse londes fer byyond the see,
To have thyse merchaundyss into theyr contr^.

. . . Therfor let not owre woole be sold for nowghte,
Neyther oure clothe, for they must be sowth ;
And in especyalle restrayne strayttly the wool,
That the comyns of thys land may wyrke at the fulle.

198

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 199

... A ordynaunce wolde be maad for the poore porayle,^
That in thyse dayes have but lytyll avayle,
That is to sey for spynners, carders, wevers also,
Ffor toukers, dyers, and schermyn thereto.

Ffor in thyse dayes ther is a hewsaunce,^

That puttyth the pore pepylle to grett hynderaunce.

By a strange mene that is late in londe

Bygun and usyd as y undyrstonde

By merchaundes and cloth-makers, for Godys sake take

kepe,
The wyche makythe the poreylle to morne and wepe ;
Lytyll thei take for theyre labur, yet halff ys merchaundyse ;
Alas ! for rewthe, yt ys gret pyte.

That they take for yi^, yt ys dere ynow of iii,
And thus thei be defrawdyd in every contre,
The pore have the labur, the ryche the vs^ynnyng ;
This acordythe nowghte, it is a hevy partyng.

2.

[Act concerning the export of wool, and deceits in winding wool, 1463.
S.R., II, 392-1]

[The King] hath ordained and established, That no
parcel of the said wools ... be shipped or carried to any
other place out of the said realm [of England] or Wales,
but only to the town of Calais ; [Wool grown in Nor-
thumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland, Durham, Alder-
tonshire and Eichmondshire is excepted ; but such wool
may only be shipped from Newcastle].

... No merchant of the said staple of Calais . . . shall

sell . . . any wools . . . but that he before, or upon the

delivery of the same, receive and take ready payment and

contentation . . . whereof the half part shall be in lawful

^ Poor people. ^ Usage.

200 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

money of England, plate or bullion of silver or gold ; and
all the same money duly to bring into this realm of Eng-
land, and the plate and bullion so received do duly to be
coined at the Mint of Calais ; and all the money thereof
made and coined duly bring into England v^ithin three
months next after the aforesaid sale. . . . And that no
merchant of the said staple . . . shall sell ... his pro-
perty of the said merchandises of the Staple ... at any
other place out of this realm, other than at the said Staple
of Calais. . . .

And moreover, because that daily great deceit is done
in the winding, wrapping and making of fleeces of wool
within this realm, by the owners of the same wool, by
putting in fleeces locks of wool, and pieces of much worse
wool than the fleece is, and also putting in the same fleeces
tar, stones, sand, grass or dirt, to the great damage of the
buyer of the same wool within this realm of England, and
to the great reproof and damage of the merchants of this
realm of England, which carry the same wools out of the
said realm ; [those who do so to forfeit sixpence for every
fleece], . . .

... No person inhabiting within this realm of Eng-
land, other than merchants strangers . . . shall freight
nor charge . . . any ship or other vessel of any alien or
stranger with any merchandise to be carried out of the
said realm ... if he may have sufficient freight in the
ships or vessels of the denizens of this realm.

3.

[A corn law, 1463. S.R., II, 395. Cf. Gras, "Development of
the Corn Market in England," 1914.]

Whereas the labourers and occupiers of husbandry
within this realm of England be daily grievously en-
damaged by bringing of corn out of other lands and parts
into this realm of England, when corn of the growing of

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 201

this realm is at a low price, [it is enacted] That no person
. . . shall bring or convey into any place or port of this
realm . . . any wheat, rye or barley which is not of the
growing of this land, or of . . . Ireland or Wales, at any
time that the quarter of wheat doth not exceed the price
of six shillings and eight-pence, the quarter of rye four
shillings, and the quarter of barley three shillings . . .
within the place or port where such wheat, rye or barley
shall happen to be brought.

[Act against importing manufactured articles, 1463. S.R., II, 396.]

Whereas in the said Parliament, by the artificers of
manual occupations, men and women, inhabiting and
resident in the city of London, and other cities, towns,
boroughs and villages within this realm of England and
Wales, it hath been piteously shewed and complained, how
that they all in general, and every one of them, be greatly
impoverished, and much hindered and prejudiced in their
worldly increase and daily living, by the great multitude
of divers commodities and wares pertaining to their
mysteries and occupations, being fully wrought, and ready
made for sale, as well by the hands of strangers being the
King's enemies as other in this realm and Wales, fetched
and brought from beyond the sea . . . whereof the greatest
part in substance is deceitful, and nothing worth in regard
of any man's occupation or profit ; by which occasion the
said artificers cannot live by their misteries and occupa-
tions, as they have done in times past, but divers of them
... be at this day unoccupied, and do hardly five in great
misery, poverty and need.

[The importation of many articles is prohibited, including, e.g. woollen
cloth, laces, ribbons, fringes, embroidered silk, saddles and har-
ness, locks, fire-tongs, tennis balls, purses, gloves, girdles, shoes,
leather articles, knives, scissors, hats and brushes.]

202 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

5.

[Treaty between Edward IV and Christian I of Denmark and Norway,
1465. Rymer, XI, 565. From the French Roll. (Latin.) The
commerce of Denmark was almost entirely in the hands of the
Hanse merchants, and this alUance was part of Christian's plan
to break down their monopoly.]

First, it is agreed that the leagues, confederations
and friendship between the aforesaid most famous kings
shall endure as long as they live, without any violation,
and when either of them shall die, those leagues . . . shall
nevertheless continue irrevocably for two years from the
day of the death of that king ; and also after those two
years, until they shall have been expressly and lawfully
revoked by any one of the kings of those kingdoms.

Also, all men of either kingdom may sail upon the sea,
rivers, fresh and salt waters whatsoever of the other, and
enter the ports, realms, lands and dominions, and trade in
all and all manner ports, cities and towns of the realms,
lands and dominions aforesaid, and with all men whatso-
ever (of what nation, manner or condition soever) ; free
from the customs and tolls usually paid.

Also, the most serene king of England will take care
that his subjects shall never sail to, approach or enter the
land of Iceland, to the prejudice of the lord king of Nor-
way, without special licence asked and obtained of the
lord king of Norway, on pain of loss of life and goods : . . .

Also, all merchants and subjects of the lord king of
England in the realms, lands and dominions of the lord
king of Denmark : and conversely all merchants and sub-
jects of the lord king of Denmark and Norway in the king-
dom and dominions of the lord king of England, shall use
and enjoy fully all and singular such privileges, liberties,
franchises and free customs as they have used and en-
joyed before this time.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 203

6.

[Commercial treaty for thirty years between Edward IV and the Duke
of Burgundy, January, 1468. Rymer, XI, 692-7. From the
French Roll. (French.)]

First, that all merchants, as well of the realm of Eng-
land, of Ireland, and of Calais, as the merchants of the
duchy, county and country of Brabant, Flanders, the town
and lordship of Mahnes, and other countries of our said
cousin the Duke, be they merchants of wool, leather or
victuals, or of any other merchandise, their factors and
servants, may go in safety by land, on foot, on horseback
or otherwise, passing on and over the water of Gravelines,
from Calais into Brabant, Flanders, Malines and the other
above-mentioned countries, and from Brabant, Flanders
and MaHnes ... to Calais, with their goods and mer-
chandise, keeping their road between the sea and the
castles of Mark and Oye, to trade with one another with
all manner of merchandise except armour, artillery, canon,
powder, and other similar and warhke goods. . . .

Also, that all merchants of England, Ireland, and Calais
. . . their factors and servants, masters of ships and
mariners, may go by sea, pass, return, hold intercourse,
come, be and remain in safety in the said duchy . . . and
in the ports and harbours of the same, with all their goods,
merchandise and ships, and trade with all merchants of
Brabant, Flanders and Malines, and of all the said coun-
tries, and other merchants whatsoever.

[Reciprocal arrangement for Flemish merchants in English dominions
"in ports and harbours where customers and other oflBcers are
ordained to attend to and receive notice of the coming in and
going out of ships and merchandise, and not in others ".]

. . . paying, with regard to the merchants of England,
Ireland, and Calais in the countries of Brabant, Flanders,
Malines, and other above-mentioned countries, on the

204 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

merchandise which they import and export there, and
similarly with regard to the merchants of Brabant,
Flanders, and Malines ... in England, Ireland, and
Calais, on the merchandise which they import and export
there, the rights, tolls and duties due and accustomed
when there was mercantile intercourse in times past be-
tween the above-mentioned kingdom and countries com-
prised in this present arrangement, without being obliged
to pay others :

And, with regard to the merchants of both sides, touch-
ing the merchandise which they bring and carry, each on
his own side, they shall pay for it the tolls and duties
ordained by their prince and lord, and according to those
which have course in their country. . . .

Among these conditions it shall be lawful for the said
merchants of both sides ... to have with them in their
ships armour and artillery, for the protection and safety
of their bodies and goods while going by sea, and to bring
them with them into any harbours where they arrive ;
which armour . . . they shall leave in their said ships or
vessels ; except knives, dagger or sword, which they may
carry, if it seems good to them, as far as their hostels,
where they shall be bound to leave their said swords : . . .

And also that the said English merchants . . . may
enter the fortified towns of the other party, without asking
permission, save the first time only, each time that they
come from one country to the other ; provided that at the
gates of the aforesaid towns where it is necessary for the
aforesaid merchants ... to enter to ask leave, there shall
be set certain people who shall have power to give them
leave to enter ; and, in case they do not find any such per-
sons at the gates, they may lawfully and without any
hindrance enter, and ride or go to their hostels, and there
remain until their hosts have notified their coming to the
captains or officers of the said towns ; which hosts or their

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 205

servants, after they have been so required, shall be bound,
immediately upon the coming of the said merchants, to
give notice of their coming to the said captains or officers :
and in case, by negligence or otherwise, the said notice is
not given, the merchants may, within two hours after their
coming, depart, go, and pass on upon their road about their
business, and, if they find any person or persons at the
said gates, and enter the said walled towns by their per-
mission, they shall forfeit nothing. . . .

Also, that all pilgrims of both sides going on pilgrimage,
and also clerks of England, Ireland, and Calais, or any
other persons, of what estate or condition soever they be,
ecclesiastics or others, going to the Court of Eome or the
General Council, and returning, may enter by sea or land
. . . the country of the other party, and pass and return
peaceably through them, and be there in safety and free-
dom . . . provided that, on entering fortified towns, they
shall ask leave to enter of the guards at the gates, and
remain only one night in a walled town . . . and ... if
they are required, upon entering the said walled towns,
those of one party shall take an oath to the other party
that they do not pass that way to do evil to or to attack
the other party.

[The regulations for merchants unable to ask permission apply to
these travellers also.]

Also that all fishermen as well of England, Ireland, and
Calais as of the countries of Brabant, Flanders, and other
lands of my said lord Duke, whosoever they be, may
peaceably go anywhere upon the sea, to fish and get their
living, without hindrance or disturbance of either party,
and without it being necessary for them to ask or obtain
any licence, permission, or safe conduct. . . .

Also, that the EngHsh merchants shall and may have
and hold, in the towns of the said Brabant, Flanders, and

206 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

Malines, and other countries of my said lord Duke, hostels
for themselves, and enjoy there all such and such like
franchises as they have enjoyed at any time during the
last fifty years, when there has been mercantile intercourse
between England and the said countries . . . and shall
be treated as kindly and graciously as the other nations
frequenting those countries and towns; and equally the
merchants of the said countries . . . shall and may have
and hold, in the towns of the said kingdom of England
and the town and marches of Calais, hostels for them-
selves, and enjoy the said franchises, and also shall be
treated as is said above concerning the merchants of Eng-
land.

7.

[Commercial treaty for thirty years between Edward IV and the
Duke of Brittany, July, 1468. Rymer, XI, 618-23. From the
French Roll. (French.)]

First, that all merchants, both of our said realm of
England, of Ireland and of Calais, and also the mer-
chants of the country and duchy of Brittany, be they mer-
chants of wool, cloth, linen, wines, fruit, leather, victuals,
harness, armour, artillery, horses or other animals, or of
other merchandise whatsoever, their factors or servants,
may go in safety by sea, rivers, fresh water, and by ship,
and by land, on foot, on horseback or otherwise, passing
from England, Ireland, or Calais into the country and duchy
of Brittany, and from . . . Brittany to England, Ireland,
or Calais.

[The treaty closely resembles that made a few months earlier with
Burgundy, supra, no. 6 : merchants are similarly to have free
intercourse, paying "the customs, tolls and duties at present and
formerly due and accustomed ". They may arm their ships in
self-defence, but may not carry arms ashore except to their hostels,
and except the "harness, armour and artillery" included among

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 207

their wares. They may enter fortified towns under the same con-
ditions, shall have hostels, and shall be treated " as kindly and gra.
ciously as the other nations frequenting that country ". Breton
merchants, however, may not have hostels at Calais, Winchelsea,
Southampton, Dartmouth, and Plymouth, if the town authorities do
not think it desirable. The privileges allowed to pilgrims and
travellers to Rome are extended to those going to Universities.]

8.

[The settlement of trade disputes with the merchants of the Hanse.
After several years of bickering, a provisional treaty was signed
at Utrecht on 19 September, 1473. In October this was confirmed
by the following act of Parliament. R.P., VI, 65-6.]

The Kyng, callyng unto lais tendre remembraunce, howe
tliat in tymes passed unto nowe of late, the merchauntes
and people of the nation of Almayn, beyng under and of
the confederation, ligue and company called the Duchie
Hanze . . . have had and used free and frendely com-
munication and intercurse of marchaundise with his sub-
getts of this his noble reame of Englond, and they with
theym, to th'encresce, availe and commen wele of both
parties, as experience evydently hath proved : and howe
that sithen that the oon partie toke displeasure ayenst that
other, grete inconveniencez, losses and damages have
ensued, not oonly by mean of open werre doon and excer-
cised by either uppon other, but also in withdraw3nig the
accustumed avauntages and commoditeez, which elles
shuld have comen to hym, his seid subgetts, and theym
also, by free entercourse, they here in his said reame, and
his seid subgetts in their parties and contreys, . . .

In consideration whereof, and to th' entent that, by
Godd's grace, the werre and hostihte that hath be betwixt
both parties may utterly seasse and be avoided, and oold
frendelyhode also betwixt theym to be renovelled in such
wise, as it may abide and endure for ever, by th' advis and
assent of the Lordes Spirituelx and Temporelx, and the

208 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

Commens, . . . wolle of his gracious and bounteuous dis-
position, that it be ordeyned . . . that noon of the seid
marchauntes ... be graved, charged, empeched or letted
in tyme to come, in their persones, shippes, goodes, mer-
chaundises or any other thyng, by reason or occasion of
any sentence, jugement, margue or reprisale, decreed or
graunted, by his Highnes and his Counseill, any tyme
afore the xix day of Septembre, the xiii*^ yere of his
reigne. . . . And that all maner plees ... by wey of
margue, reprisale or otherwise, moved . . . betwixt any
his subgetts of the oo syde, and the seid marchauntes or
persones of the Hanze on the other syde, for the takyng
of eny persones shippes or merchaundisez . . . duryng
the tyme of this last trouble and hostihte that fell betuixt
both parties, that is to sey, fro the xxi day of November,
the viii*^ yere of the reigne, unto the said xix day, sesse
and be sette asyde ; . . . And for the wele publique that
may ensue to the Kyng and his said land, by the recon-
siliation of the merchauntes of the saide Hanze, and by
that that the Kyng's subgetts shall mowe as of te as theym
shall like, repare, and resorte, unto the londe of Pruce,
and other places of the Hanze, freely and suerly entre the
same, there abide, and departe fro thens at their pleasure,
to bye and selle with all maner persones, as frely and
largely as any tyme heretofore they have be wonte to doo,
with enjoying all and everyche their liberties and free
custumes, which they have used and enjoyed resonably
eny tyme passed ; and that no prises, exactions nor presta-
tions, shal be sette uppon their persones or goodes, other-
wise then have be sette uppon theym, any tyme afore this
C yere nowe last past or above : wherunto the seid mer-
chauntes of the Hanze, by their oratours have assented
and agreed. The Kyng . . . wolle . . . that all maner
privileges, hbertees, fraunchises and free usages, graunted
unto the merchauntes of the seid Hanze . . . stond in full
strength,! force and effect.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 209

9.

[Grant of further privileges to the Hanse merchants, February, 1474.
Rymer, XI, 796-9. From the French Roll. (Latin.)]

Also, it is appointed, convened, agreed and concluded
that the most serene King of England, for the better
satisfaction and compensation for all and singular harms,
injuries and insults, of the doing and perpetration of
which by the subjects of the Crown complaint has many
times been made by the men of the Hanse . . . will
appropriate or cause to be appropriated, to be held and
possessed for ever by them and their successors, certain
houses and dwelhng places ; that is to say, a certain court,
situated in London, called the Staelhoef or Stylgerd, with
the buildings belonging to it, and all the rights of the
same, extending as far as and including the Teutonic
Guildhall : also, in the town of Boston the court of the
Staelhoeff otherwise called the StyHerd : and that in the
town of Lynn a similar house, near the water, shall be
ordained for the use and profit of the said merchants of
the Hanse, and similarly appropriated by the said lord
King, to be possessed by them and their successors for
ever. . . .

Also ... in satisfaction for all and singular harms done
by Englishmen to merchants or any other men of the
Hanse whatsoever up to the present time, and to root out
and abolish all and singular hatreds and displeasures
against the subjects of the English Crown from the minds
of the men of the Hanse, the same lord King, of his royal
grace and bounty, has granted to the Hanse towns, over
and above the houses and dwelling-places aforesaid, a
certain notable sum of sterling money, the payment of
which shall take place during successive years to come
from all and singular customs belonging to the King, of
their merchandise lawful and not prohibited, which shall
happen to be imported into or exported from the said

14

210 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOBKISTS

realm, so and in such manner that the merchants of the
Hanse residing in London shall receive those customs in
payment of the aforesaid sum until the whole payment
shall be completed.

[The sum of money is fixed at ten thousand pounds sterling.]

Also . . . that the merchants of the Hanse shall be
given possession and custody of a certain gate of London,
commonly called Bishopsgate, according to the meaning,
form and effect of the treaty formerly made between the
same City and those merchants.

. . . Also . . . that provision shall be made that the
same merchants may in future sell Rhenish wine in small
quantities and by retail, as they were anciently used and
accustomed to do.

10.

[Letters illustrating the wool-trade, taken from the '' Cely Papers '*
(C.S.). The Celys were a London firm of wool-merchants, one
member of whom was usually at Calais to superintend the sale of
the wool, (a) From Richard Cely the elder, in London, to George
Cely at Calais, 25 August, 1478. Cely Papers^ no. 10.]

I grete the wyll and I have resayvyd from the a lecter
WTyte at Caleys the xiii day of Auguste the weche lecter I
have wyll understande and ye have solde vi sarplerys ^ of my
good cottyswolde woll pryse the sacke xix marke to Peter
van de Rade and Danyell van de Bade marchantys of
Bregys ^ the poyse the argent and the dayys ^ I clerely under-
stande and also I understand ye have solde to John Delopys
and Cornelys van Dome and Gysheryhrt van Dehnysbarge
marchauntys of Bregys vi sarplerys of my good woll
cottyswolde pryse the sacke xix marke the poyse argent
and dayys I understande wyll for the weche I am wyll
plesyd,

^ Sarpler, a large sack or bale of wool, weighing about a ton.

'^ Bruges. ^ Weight, price and days of payment.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 211

[(6) Memorandum by Richard Oely of the purchase of wool at North-
leach, Gloucestershire, 1478. Ibid., no. 11.]

Item the xxiiii day of November I have bogwyt of
Wyllyam Medewynter of Norlache xl sacke of good cottys-
wolde woll good woll and medell woU of the same xl sacke
pryse the sacke of bothe good woll and medell woll xii
marke the refus woll for to be caste to Wyllyam Mede-
wynter be the woll packer at the packyng of the forsayd
woll at Norlache.

[(c) From Richard Cely the elder, in London, to George Oely at Calais,
2 June, 1480. Ihid., no. 31. J

I grete you wyll and I have resayvyd a lecter from you
wryt at Caleys the xxix day of May the weche I have wyll
understand and that ze have solde vi sarplerys and pok of
my medell woll cottyswolde to John de Solermer of Gante
pryse the sacke xiii marke for the weche I am wyll plesyd
were for I have schepyd at London the laste day of May
xvii sarplerys of my cottyswolde woll were of be vi clotys
medell woll in grete haste for the cokyys were made the
same day and the schepys depertyd ii day of Jun and my
lord levetenant he depertyd the same day and I pray God
send my lorde and the woll schepys wyll to Caleys Kychard
Cely hath be in Cottyswolde and hath bogwyt xv C fellys
for you and him seve and xv C for me of Wylliam Med-
wynter the weche cam to London thys same day I wyll ye
bye for me v or vi C of canvase at the marte for to packe
woll wyt of a good brede.

[(d) From Richard Cely the younger, in London, to George Cely at
Calais, 12 December, 1480. Ibid., no. 49.]

Kiught whell belovyd Syr I recomend me harttely wnto
yow plesythe yow to wndyrstonde that I have schypyd at
London in the Grase a Dew of Calles John Markes beyng
master MIIII^XIII felles qwherof be IIII^^XL VI Cottyso-
wllde on markyd and the rembnant be somer and whynter of

212 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

London and thay be markyd with an O aull iii sortys lyes
togyddyr whon with anothyr before the maste wndyr the
hachys.

[(e) Letter from William Cely to Richard and George Cely in London.
13 August, 1482. Ibid., no. 96.]

Kyght worshyppffull masters affter dew recomendaschon
I lowly recomend me unto yowre masterschyppys. Furder
more plese hit yowre masterschyppys to understond that
thys day I receyved an letter from yowre masterschyppys
wherein ys wrytten the numbyr and poyse of yowre woU
and the tale of yowre fellis whych ze hawe schyppyd at
London in thys flete and the namys of every schypp, etc.
Item Syrs I understond be the sayd letter that yowre
masterschyppys woll hawe yowre wull howssyd in yowre
wull howsse be the est wache howsse and yowre felles in
yowre howsse by sent Nycolas chyrche whych at the
ryvyng alond shall be howssyd acordyng, etc.

[(/) The same to the same, 16 August, 1482. Ibid.y no. 97.]
Plese hit yowr masterschyppes to be enfformyd that
thys day the xvi day of Auguste the wull flete came to
Callez bothe off Lundon and Ypysweche yn saffte thanckyd
be Godd.

11.

[Calais, and the wealth of the Staple. Comines, "M^moires," I,
235-6. (French.)]

[Calais] is the greatest treasure of England and the
fairest captaincy in the world, in my opinion, or at least
in Christendom : for I was there several times during these
differences [between Edward IV and Warwick]: and it
was told me for certain, at the time I speak of, by the
mayor of the Staple of Calais, that he would give the king
of England fifteen thousand 6cus as farm from it. For he
takes all the profit of that which they have on this side of

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 213

the sea and of the safeconducts, and puts the captain [and]
the greater part of the garrison at their posts.

12.

[The Iceland brade. (a) Regulations for ships trading to Iceland,
23 February, 1484. The fish trade with Iceland was of great
importance. Printed in Letters, etc., of Richard III and Henry
VII (R.S.), II, 287, from MS. Harl. 433, f. 1596.]

Kichard etc. to all maner awners, maisters and mariners
of the naveye of our counties of Norffolk and Suffolk
aswele fisshers as other entending to departe into the parties
of Island and to every of theim greting. Forasmoche as
we understande that certain of you entend hastely to de-
parte towardes Island not purveied of waughters ^ for your
suertie in that behalve, we for certain gret causes and
consideracions us moving woU and straitly charge you all
and every of you that ye ne noon of you severelly depart
out of any of our havens of this our realme towardes the
said parties of Island without our licence furst had soo to
do, and therupon that ye gadre and assemble your selff in
suche one of our havens or poortes in our said counties of
Norffolk and Suffolk as ye shall thinke most convenient,
wele harnysshed and apparelled for your owne suertie, and
so forto departe all togider toward Humbre to attende ther
upon our shippes of Hull as your waughters for the suertie
of you all. And that ye dessevere not without tempest of
weder compelle you, hot that ye kepe you togeder, aswele
going into the said parties as in your retourne into this our
realme, without any wilfull breche to the contrarie, upon
payn to forfaitur of your shippes and goodes in the same.

[(6) Appointment of a *' fishing admiral" to control the Iceland
traders, 6 July, 1484. MS. Harl. 433, f. 1806.]

Richard etc. to all maner merchauntes,fissherm en, maister
mariners and othre our subgiettes now being in the parties

^ Wafters, pilots.

214 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

of Island and to every of thaym greting. We late you wite
that ... we have appounted and commanded our trusty
servaunt William Combreshall, captain of our ship named
the Elizabeth, to departe with the same towardes you and
to be your conveier and wafter to suche place or places as
he shall thinke convenyent aswele for your sureties as for
odre gret causes concernyng our pleasure. Wherefor we
woU and straitly charge you all and every of you that
whensoever ye shall fortune to mete with our said servaunt,
ye dispose you to be ordered and guyded by him.

13.

[Anglo- Venetian trade, (a) Decree of the Venetian Senate relating to
the Venetian factory in London, 24 February, 1464. C.S.P.,
Venetian, I, no. 393.]

Bernardo Giustinian, consul of their merchants in
London, announces that the factory there is so burdened
with debts, that unless a speedy remedy be appKed, it must
relapse into its former difficulties. Put to the ballot, that
cloths and other English merchandise exported by Venetian
merchants, either in their own names or in the names of
aliens in Venetian galleys or ships, from any place soever,
for Spain, Barbary, Majorca, and Italy, do pay fivepence
for every pound sterling to the factory, in like manner as
paid by goods imported into Venice from England.

[(b) Another decree of the Venetian Senate, 26 September, 1480.
Ibid., I, no. 473.]

By letters from Ferigo di PriuH, consul in London, are
assured that the factory there is so burdened with debts,
that unless a remedy be applied . . . that voyage must be
abandoned, this being caused by the very heavy expenses
incurred, and by the renitency of the debtors who have by
no means cared to pay.

[Provisions made to enforce th« payment of customs.]

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 215

[(c) Extracts from the Doge's commission appointing a Captain of the
Flanders galleys, 1485. C.S.P., Venetian, I, no. 492.]

Salary for the voyage 600 golden ducats, with which,
besides servants, he is to keep a clerk, priest, notary, an
admiral — for whose board, and not his pay, he is alone
responsible — and two physicians. The salaries of the
captain, admiral, musicians, physicians and others to be
paid as usual by the masters. For the present year, each
galley to have ... 30 good arbalest men . . . with a
monthly salary of 19 Hvres . . . and galley rations as
usual, hke the oarsmen. . . .

On making the island of England, the captain to dismiss
the two galleys bound to London; and should there be
more spices for Sluys than contained in the two galleys
destined for that port, in that case one of the two London
galleys ... to go to Sluys, and after landing the spices
return to London as customary of late years. The galleys,
on going to any place in England, not to load or unload
anything soever under penalty of 600 ducats. . . .

The London galleys being dismissed, the captain is then
to go with the others to Sluys, there to remain for 60
days, those of arrival and departure not included ; and on
their expiration, he is to proceed either to Sandwich or
Hampton, as shall seem best to him ; and in the port thus
selected he is to remain and load for 60 days,^ and then
return to Venice. . . .

Of the two London galleys, one ... to return by the
coast of Barbary ; shipping first of all in England fine
cloths and merchandise. . . . The cloths called Bastards,
Lowestoft, white '' Gotifaldi " wools, and block tin, to be
loaded for Venice alone, and nat for intermediate ports. . . .

Prohibition against stowing on deck either chests or
wrought pewter ; nor may currants or molasses be stowed
in the hold.

Gross spice to pay freight at the rate of four ducats ;
^ Eliewhere the document wys 90 days.

216 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

small spice and Levant sugar, five ducats ; cottons, raw
and spun, 12 ducats ; currants, lambskins and undressed
hides, 18 ducats; wax of every sort, 10 ducats; dressed
hides, 10 ducats for every 1,000 ; paper, one ducat and a
half for every bale containing 12 reams; silks of every
sort, 20 ducats per thousand-weight Troy. Foreign fus-
tians may be imported under the usual restrictions. Cloths
valued at 25 ducats and under, half a ducat per piece, and
of higher value, one ducat ; household utensils, half a ducat
per 100 ; and should any one smuggle raw silk, or cloth of
silk, or pass them as spices, substituting one sort of mer-
chandise for another, the goods to be forfeited.

The freights of merchandise and goods loaded for the
intermediate ports to belong to the masters ; but all goods
loaded in Flanders, Malaga, England, and Sicily, whether
on deck or below, to pay freight to the Signory.

14.

[An Act touohinge the Marchauntes of Italy, 1484. S.R., II, 489-93.]

Because our said Sovereign Lord the King, upon peti-
tion made to him in his Parliament, by the Commons of
England, hath conceived and understanden, that whereas
Merchauntes Straungiers of the Nacion of Italie ... in
greate noumbre been enhabited and kepe householdes
aswell within his Citee of London as in other Citees and
Burghes within this his realme, and take warehouses and
cellers, and therein put their wares and merchaundises
the whiche they bryng into this his said roialme, and
theym in their said warehouses and cellars deceyvably pak
medle and kepe unto the tyme the prices therof been
greatly enhaunced for their most lucre, and the same
wares and merchaundises than selle to all maner people
aswell within the portes wherunto they bryng their said
wares ... as in other dyvers and many places generali

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 217

withyn this realme as well by retaille as otherwise ; And
also bye in the said portes and other places at their liberte
the commoditees of this Eealme and sell theym agayne at
their pleasure within the same realme. . . . Also the said
merchauntes of Italie bye in diverse places within this
realme greate quantities of woll wollen cloth and other
merchaundises . . . and part of theym they selle agayne
. . . and moche of the saide woUes they delyver unto
clothiers therof to make clothe after their pleasures;
Moreover artifycers and other straungiers not born under
the King's obeysaunce . . . use makyng of clothe and
other handcraftis and easy occupacions, and brynge and
convey from the parties of beyonde the see greate sub-
staunce of wares . . . unto faires and merkettis . . . and
there selle the same aswell by retaille as otherwise as frely as
any of the King's subgiettes . . . and in no wise woll
suffre nor take any of the King's subgiettes to werk with
theym, but they only take in to their service people born
in their owne countreis, . . . And whan the merchauntes
and artificers straungiers above reherced have gotyn within
this realme . . . greate substans of goodes they departe
out of this said roialme . . . and . . . spende the same
goodes oftentymes amonge the King's adversaries. . . .
[It is therefore enacted] that all the said merchauntes of
Italie, the whiche after the fest of Ester next commynge
shall bryng any merchaundises or wares into this realme
. . . selle or bartre the said wares ... in grose and not
by retaile unto the King's subgiettes . . . within viii
monethes next after their first arryvall. . . . And the
money comynge of or by the said sales . . . enploy and
therewith bye the commoditees or merchaundises of this
said realme of Englond, within the said viii monethes,
in the said porte or portes where they shall fyrst arryve.
. . . Also that none of the said merchauntes . . . shall
selle or bartre any wolle wollen clothes or other mer-
chaundise within this said realme, whiche the same

218 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOBKISTS

merchauntes . . . shall bye within the same realme ; nor
that the said merchauntes nor eny other for theym shall
delyvere any wolle to any persone to make clothe of within
the same realme. . . . Also that no persone not borne
under the King's obeisaunce nor made deinseyn beyng an
artificer . . . drape or make any clothe . . . within the
said realme. . . . Also that no persone not borne under
the King's obeisaunce . . . take any apprentice servaunt
or any other persone to wirke with hym or to his use, but
if he be his sone or his doughtier . . . but if the same
apprentices . . . ben the King's subgiettes born. . . .
Provided alwey that this acte ... in no wise extende
or be prejudiciall ... to any artificer or merchaunt
straungier of what nacion or contrey he be or shalbe of,
for bryngyng into this realme, or selling by retaill or
otherwise, of any maner bokes wrytten or imprynted, or
for the inhabitynge within the said realme for the same
intent, or to any scrivener allumynour reader or printer of
suche bookes ... or for their abode in the same reame
for the excercisyng of the said occupacions.

B. Industry and Internal Trade.
1.

[Extracts from the regulations made by the Craft of Brewers of Lon-
don and allowed by the Mayor and Alderman, 5 December, 1482.
Archives of the Corporation of the City of London, Letter-book
L, fi. 182-46. (" Calendar of Letter-book L," pp. 200-2.)]

Ffirst that every persone occupiyng the craft or feet
of bruyng within the ffraunchese of the said Citee make
or do to be made goode and hable ale and holesome for
mannys body, convenable and accordyng in strength and
fynesse to the price of the malt for the tyme being, and
that no maner ale after it be clensed and sett on jeyst ^

^ A balk of timber, benoh,

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 219

be put to sale nor born oute to any custumers hous till that
it have fully spourged,i and also be tasted and aviwed by
the Wardeyns of the said Craft of bruers for the tyme
being or by their deputie thereto by theym assigned. . . .

Also that no maner persone as is aforesaid occupiyng
the saide craft of bruyng within the said ffraunchese in
any maner wise entice or labour to taak awey any cus-
tumer or custumers afore tyme belongyng to any othere
persone or persones as is aforesaid occupiyng the said craft
of bruyng, uppon payn of x s. at every tyme that he dothe
the contrary. . . .

Also that no maner persone as it is abovesaide, serve or
do to be served any typler ^ or huxter as to hym a newe be
comen custumer, of any maner ale for to be retailed, till
he have verrey knowlage that the said typler or huxter
standeth clerely oute of dett and daunger for ale to any
other persone or persones occupiyng the saide crafte of
bruyng within the saide ffraunchese. . . .

Also that every persone kepyng an house and being a
Brother of Bruers . . . pay or do to be paied unto the
Wardeyns and cominaltie of the ffraternite of the said
Craft for the tyme being yerely iiii s. sterlinges for their
quarterages,^ fcowardes the grete charges and costes of the
same, yerely to be supported and maynteyned concern yng
the wirship of the said Citee and the honeste and good rule
of the said craft and ffraternite. . . .

Also furthermore that every third yere, ayenst the day
of the eleccion of the newe Wardeyns of the Craft . . .
the lyverey of the same be chaunged and renewed. And
that every persone thereto admitted by the said Wardeyns
than being, thereof be provided and have it redy made and
be present in it, as gowne and hode, on the said day of
eleccion at the offeryng at the masse, in the parissh chirch
of our Lady Seint Mary in Aldermanbury. . . . And also

^ Fermented. ^ Retailer. • Contribution to gild funds.

220 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YORKISTS

to be present the same day in the said lyverey at dyner in
the comon hall of the said ffraternite as of old tyme it hath
been used and accustumed. And that every suche persone
kepe his said lyverey by the space of vi yeres than next
folowyng for diverse assembleys of the ffeolaship. . . .
And if any suche persone as is abovesaid have received of
the said Wardeyns for the tyme being an example or patron ^
of the said lyverey and so to be licenced to provide and bye
his cloth for his said lyverey where it shall pleas hym, and
the colour of the cloth so bought and provided be not ac-
cordyng to the colour of the said example and patron, that
than he pay at every suche tyme a fyne of iii s. iiii d. . . .

Also that no maner persone . . . occupiyng the said
craft of bruyng . . . take receyve or sett av^erk in the said
occupacion of bruyng any servaunte or servauntes but
onely suche as been bounde apprentices to suche as occupie
bruyng and suche as have ben bounde apprentice . . . and
v^ele and truely have served their termes of apprentishode
within the said Citee, and than made ffremen of the said
Citee. . . .

Also that no maner persone occupiyng the said occupa-
cion . . . take receive or kepe in his house any mo ap-
prentises at ones to be lerned in the said craft than ii or
iii at the moste, such as shalbe necessary unto hym and as
he may honestly guyde and sett awerk in his owne service.
And that every suche apprentice or ^ he be bounde or sett
awerk in the said occupacion be presented by his maister
to the Wardeyns of the said Craft for the tyme beyng in
the comon hall of the said craft, there openly to be seen
and examyned of and uppon their birthe and clenesse of
their bodies and othere certeyn poyntes for the wirship of
the said Citee and honeste of the ffeolaship of the said Craft
of bru^rs, like as the rule and custume is in diverse other
Craftes of the said Citee.

^Pattern. ""Beiove.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 221

2.

[Extract from the ordinances of the Gild of Cordwainers or shoe-
makers of Exeter, 1481-2. '* English Gilds " (E.E.T.S.), pp. 331-2.]

Ffirste, that the saide Maister and Wardenz, with iii
othere men of the saide crafte convenient, schall make due
serche, att alle tymys, of every thyng necessary perteynyng
to there saide crafte, as by sufferaunce they have used
within the jurisdiction of the saide cite; that is to wete,
of all wete lethere and drye botez, botwez,^ schoez, pyn-
couz,2 galegez, and all other ware perteynyng to the saide
crafte, made and unmade, whiche is desceyteously wrought,
as in tannyng, coryyng, cuttyng, or sowyng, or in any other
wyse made, where-thrugh the kynges lege peopell scholde
be discevyd ; that then suche ware, so founde defectyf, to
be by the saide Maister and Wardenz forfet and seased ;
and that to be preysed lawfully in the Yeldehall of the
saide cite ; half of the same to be to the behough of the
saide cite, and the other halfe to the behough of the saide
fraternyte.

3.

[Examples of control by the " flfraternyte of crafte of Taylorys of the
cyte of Exceter," 1480. '' English Gilds " (E.E.T.S.), pp. 321-2.]

Memorandum, that John Kartor received iii yerdes of
brod clothe, russet, to make a longe gowne to Sir John
Walkyngton ; apoun the whiche the sayde Sir John com-
playned to the Master and Wardons of lackyng of hys
clothe. And ther the gowne wasse send for; and ther
wasse fownd of that cloth not stolen, but ther wasse
fow[n]den cloth wasted a quarter of brod cloth for lacke
of konnyng. And so hit ys juged, by the Master and
Wardons, that the sayde John Kartor shall paye for the

^ Long boots.

- Probably high unsoled thin shoes, worn with patteus or '* galege? "

222 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

cloth to Sir John Walkyngton, xi a., and the gowne shall
remayne with the sayde Kartor.

[Award made in 1481 by the Master and Wardens] bi-
twene William Peeke and John Lynch his servaunt ; for
that the said William un-lawfulli chasted hym, in brusyng
of his arme and broke his hedd. And for that it was
chuged, hi the said master and wardons, that the said
William Peeke shuld pay, for his leche-craifte, vs.; and for
his table, for a moneth, iii s. iiii d. ; and for amendis, xv s. ;
and to the craift, xxd., for a fyne for his mysbehaveng
aynst the craift.

4.

[(a) Ordinance concerning the Passion Play at Leicester. " Records
of the Borough of Leicester," ed. Bateson, II, 297.]

At a comon halle holden at Leycestre on the xxvi* day
of Marche [1477] at the which comon halle the players the
which pleed the passion play the yere next afore brought
yne a byll the whiche was of serten deutes of mony, and
wheder the passion shulbe put to craftes to be bounden or
nay, and at that tyme the seid pleyers gaff to the pachentes ^
their money which that thei had getten yn playng of the
seid play ever fore to that day, and all the raymenttes
withal other maner of stuff that they had at that tyme ;
and at the same comon halle, be the advyse of all the
comons, was chosen thes persones after named for to have
the gydyng and rulle of the seid play.

[19 persons named, and two '^ bedalls ".]

[(6) Extract from the ordinances made by the Corporation of York for
the shipmen of York, 1478. "York Memorandum Book"
(Surtees Soc), II, 215-6.]

First, that every man occupiyng eny shipping at the
stahe ^ of this worshupful cite and is fraunchest, whether
he be denisen or forant dwellyng, be contributori to the
^ Pageant-masters ? ^ Staithe, wharf.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 223

said shipmen, that is to say, every man salyng as maister
with a freman pay yerely ii d. ; and he that salys as a
felowe, pay i d., to the sustentacion andupholdyng as well
of the pageant of Noe as of the bringing furth and beryng
ef certan torches before the shryne of Corpus Christi
yerely. And he that is rebell and wilnot pay his duety,
as it is above rehersed, to rynne in the contempt of xx d.
. . . And also that the said shipmen yerelie from this yere
forward elect and chuse thame seircheours and pageant
maisters. . . . And that the olde pageant maisters yerelie
yelde and yif accompt to the olde seirchours and all the
said feliship of shipmen. . . .

[Punishment for selling light bread and bad butter in London, 1476.
Archives of the Corporation of the City of London, Letter-book
L, f. 119. {'' Calendar of Letter Book L," p. 141.)]

Fforasmuche as John Mondue of Stratford atte Bo we in
the Shire of Middlesex the which here stondeth nowe of late
at the Cartes in the Chepe of London there solde unto
certein liege people of the kyng oure soveraigne lorde
certeyn loves of breade whereof diverse of theym lakked
in weight xii unces in a peny loof, to the grete disceite of
the said people, whereof he is lawfully attaynt. Therefore
it is awarded by the Maire and Aldremen of the Citie of
London in such case of olde tyme in the saide Citie used,
that the saide John be set here uppon the pillorie by the
space of an houre in example of all other that shall hapne
in like wise to traspasse within the said Citie hereafter.

Fforasmoche as Agnes Deyntee of Northhawe that here
standeth hath sold diverse disshes of butter within the
Citee of London, the which butter hath be withoute
goode and newe butter to the sight of the biers, and
within stuffed and medled with corrupte and olde butter
not holesom for manys body, to the grete disceyte of the

224 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

comon people as it oppenly appereth. Therefore it is con-
sidred by my lord the Maire and the Aldremen of this
Citee that the said Agnes be ledde from the Yeldhull to
this pillory with certeyn of the said disshes abowte hir
nek, and there to stonde under the same pillory uppon a
stole by the space of half an houre and then avoide oute
of this Citee.

6.

[An act against deceits in the making of cloth, 1465. S.R., II,

403-7.]

Our Lord King Edward the Fourth ... by the advice
and assent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and at the
special request of his Commons being in the said Parlia-
ment, hath ordained and established certain statutes and
ordinances in form following. First, whereas many years
past, and now at this day, the workmanship of cloth, and
things requisite to the same, is and hath been of such
fraud, deceit and falsity, that the said cloths in other
lands and countries be had in small reputation, to the
great shame of this land.

[It is enacted that all cloth shall be of fixed lengths and breadths ;
cloth conforming to the standard shall be sealed by persons
appointed by the Treasurer of England. Faulty cloths shall also
bear a distinctive mark.]

Also whereas before this time in the occupations of
cloth-making, the labourers thereof have been driven to
take a great part of their wages in pins, girdles and other
unprofitable wares " as streccheth not to thextent of
their lefull wages," and also have delivered to them wools
to be wrought by very excessive weight, whereby both
men and women have been discouraged of such labour ;
Therefore it is ordained . . . That every man and woman
being cloth-makers . . . shall pay to the carders, spinsters,
and all such other labourers in any part of the said trade^

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 225

lawful money for all their lawful wages . . . and also
shall deliver wools to be wrought according to the faithful
delivery and due weight thereof. . . . Also it is ordained
. . . That every carder, spinster, weaver, fuller, shearman
and dyer shall duly perform his duty in his occupation.
. . . Also it is ordained . . . That all manner of woollen
cloths made in any other region, brought into this realm
of England and set to sale . . . shall be forfeit to our said
sovereign lord the King.

7.

[Prohibition of the use of fulling mills in the manufacture of hats and
caps. R.P.,VI, 223. January, 1483.]

Prayen youre Highnes the Comons of this present Parlia-
ment assembled. That where huers, bonettes and cappes,
aswele sengle as double, were wonte truly to be made,
wrought, fulled and thikked, by the myghte and strengh
of men, that is to sey, with hande and fote ; and they that
so have made, wrought, fulled and thikked such huers,
bonettes and cappes, have wele and honestly afore thys
goten their lyvyng therby, and therupon kept apprentices,
servauntes and good housholdes. It is so, that there is a
subtile mean founde nowe of late, by reason of a fullyng
mille, wherby mo cappes may be fulled and thikked in one
day, then by the myght and strenghe of iiii^ men by hand
and fote may be fulled and thikked in the same day : the
which huers, bonettes and cappes, so as it is aforeseid by
the said milles fulled and thikked, ben brosed, broken and
deceyvably wrought, and may in no wise by the mean of
eny mille be truly made, to the grete hurt of youre seid
Highnesse, and of all youre subjetts which daily use and
occupie the same.

[It is enacted that fulling-mills should not be used, nor caps made
in them offered for sale, under a penalty of forty shillings. Tho
act ii to last for two years.]

15

226 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

8.

[The position of women in commercial life, (a) Ordinances of Wor-
cester, 1467. " English Gilds," p. 382.]

Also yf eny mans wyf becom dettour or plegge, or by
or sylle eny chaffare^ or vitelle, or hyre eny house by
hur lyf, she to answere to hym or hur that hath cause to
sue, as a woman soole marchaunt ; and that an action of
dette be mayntend ayenst hur, to be conceyved after the
custom of the seide cite, without nemyng hur housbond in
the seid actyon.

[(6) "York Memorandum Book," II, pp. 241-2. 1481.]

Memorandum that . . . cam personalie into the counsel!
chaimbre of Ousebrigg on Johannet Loksmyth, the wiffe
of John Loksmyth of Burghbrig . . . and thare and then
from the right worshipful Sir William Tankerd, the steurd
of Burghbrigg, a letter broght and shewid unto Eobert
Amyas, than beyng maire of the cite of Yorke, the which
letter shewid that the said John Loksmyth and Johannet,
his wiffe, was burges of the said town of Burghbrigg, and
aght for to have and resave the priveHge thereunto belong-
ing. . . . The which letter so redd and understond, the
said maire admit the said John and Johanna his wiffe as
a fre burges . . . thai soo stondyng to be fre and discharged
in paying of tolles . . . within the cite of Yorke.

9.

[Changes in the coinage, 1464. " Gregory's Chronicle " (C.S.), p. 227.]

And thys yere was hyt ordaynyd that the noubylle of
vi s. viii d. shulde goo for viii s. iiii d. And a new cune was
made. Fyrste they made an Angylle and hit went for
vi s. viii d., and halfe ande Angyl for xl d. ; but they made
non farthyngys^ of that gold. And thenne they made a

^ Merchandise. ^ Quarter angels.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 227

gretter cune and namyd hyt a ryalle, and that wentte for
X s., and halfe the ryalle for vs., and the farthynge for
ii s. vi d. And they made newe grotys not soo goode as the
olde, but they were worthe iiii d. And then sylvyr rosse
to a grytter pryce, for an unce of sylvyr was sette at iii s.,
and better of sum sylvyr. But at the be-gynnynge of
thys mony men grogyd passynge sore, for they couthe not
rekyn that gold not so quyckely as they dyd the olde golde.
And men myght goo thoroughe owte a strete or thoroughe
a hoole parysche or that he myght chonge hit. And sum
men sayd that the newe golde was not soo good as the olde
golde was, for it was alayyd.

C. Social Conditions, Manneks, and Customs. ^

1.

[Sir John Fortescue's account of English social conditions. '' Com-
mendation of the Laws of England," chap, xxxvi.]

The inhabitants are rich in gold, silver, and in all the
necessaries and conveniences of life. They drink no water,
unless at certain times, upon a rehgious score, and by way
of doing penance. They are fed, in great abundance,
with all sorts of flesh and fish, of which they have
plenty everywhere ; they are clothed throughout in good
woollens ; their bedding and other furniture in their houses
are of wool, and that in great store : they are also well
provided with all other sorts of household goods and neces-
sary implements for husbandry : every one, according to
his rank, hath all things which conduce to make life easy
and happy.

[Extract from Fortescue's "Governance of England," chap. xii. :
" Here is shewid what harme wolde come to England, yfi the
commons theroff were pouere ".]

Some men have said that it were good ffor the kyng,
that the commons off Englande were made pore, as be the

15*

228 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

commons off Ffraunce. Ffor than thai wolde not rebelle,
as now thai done of tentymes ; wich the commons off
Ffraunce do not, nor mey doo ; ffor thai have no wepen,
nor armour, nor good to bie it withall. . . . Ffor soth theis
ffolke consideren litill the good off the reaume off Englond,
wheroff the myght stondith most uppon archers, wich be
no ryche men. And yff thai were made more pouere than
thai be, thai shulde not have wherwith to bie hem bowes,
arroes, jakkes, or any other armour off defence, wherby
thai myght be able to resiste owre enymes. . . . Wherfore
the makyng pouere off the commons, wich is the makyng
pouere off owre archers, shalbe the distruccion of the gret-
test myght off owre reaume. Item, yff pouere men mey
not lightly rise, as is the openion of thes men, wich ffor
that cause wolde have the commons pouere ; how than yff
a myghty man made a rysinge shulde he be repressed,
whan all the commons ben so pouere, that aftir such
openyon thai mey not ffeght, and be that reason not helpe
the kyng with ffeghtynge? And whi makith the kynge
he commons every yere to be mustered ; sithen it weret
god thai hade non harnes nor were able to flight? 0,
howe unwyse is the oppenyon off thes men ; ffor it mey
not be mayntened be any reason ! Item, whan any rysinge
hath be made in this londe be ffor theis dayis by commons,
the pouerest men theroff have be the grettest causers and
doers ther in. And thryfty men have ben loth therto, ffor
drede off lesynge off thair gode. . . . What than wolde
ffall, yff all the commons were pouere ? Trewly it is lyke
that this lande then shulde be like unto the reaume of
Boeme, wher the commons ffor poverte rose apon the
nobles, and made all thair godis to be comune. . . . Item,
the reaume off Ffraunce givith never ffrely off thair owne
gode will any subsidie to thair prince, be cause the com-
mons theroff be so pouere, as thai mey not give any thyng
off thair owne godis. . . . But owre commons be riche,

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 229

and therfore thai give to thair kynge, at somme tymes
quinsimes and dessimes, and ofte tymes other grete sub-
sidies, as he hath nede ffor the gode and defence off his
reaume. . . . Item, we se dayly, how men that have lost
thair godis, and be ffallen into poverte, be comme anon
robbers and theves ; wich wolde not have ben soche, yff
poverte hade not brought hem therto. Howe many a theft
then were hke to be in this lande, yff all the commons were
pouere. The grettest surete trewly, and also the most
honour that mey come to the kynge is, that is reaume be
riche in every estate. Ffor nothyng mey make is people
to arise, but lakke off gode, or lakke off justice. But yet
sertanly when thay lakke gode thai woU aryse, sayng that
thai lakke justice. Never the les yff thai be not pouere,
they will never aryse, but yff ther prince so leve justice,
that he give hym selff all to tyranne.

2.

[A sumptuary law, 1463. S.R., II, 399-401. Another and even more
stringent act was passed in January, 1483, but excepting from its
operation all women except the wives of servants and labourers.]

Item, prayen the Commons in the said Parliament as-
sembled, to our said sovereign lord the King, to reduce to
his gracious remembrance that in the times of his noble
progenitors divers ordinances and statutes were made in
this realm of England for the apparel and array of the
commons of the same realm, as well of men as of women,
so that none of them ought to use or wear any inordinate
and excessive apparel but only according to their degrees ;
which statutes and ordinances notwithstanding, for default
of punishment and putting them in due execution, the
commons of the said realm, as well men as women, have
worn and daily do wear excessive and inordinate array and
apparel, to the great displeasure of God and impoverishing
of this realm of England and to the enriching of other

230 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

strange realms and countries, to the final destruction of
the husbandry of this realm : our said sovereign lord the
King . . . hath ordained and established, that no knight
under the estate of a lord, other than lords' children, nor
no wife of such knight . . . shall wear any manner cloth
of gold, or any corses wrought with gold, or any fur of
sables ; and if any such knight do the contrary . . . then
he shall forfeit for every such default xx li. to the King.
And also that no bachelor knight, nor his wife, . . . shall
wear any cloth of velvet upon velvet . . . upon pain to
forfeit . . . twenty marks. And also that no person under
the state of a lord . . . wear any manner cloth of silk,
being of the colour of purple; upon pain to forfeit . . .
X li. And also that no esquire nor gentleman, nor none
under the degree of a knight, nor none of their wives . . .
shall wear . . . any velvet, satin branched, nor any counter-
feit cloth of silk resembling to the same, or any corses
wrought like to velvet or to satin branched, or any fur of
ermine ; upon pain to forfeit . . . ten marks. . . . And
also that no esquire nor gentleman under the degrees above
rehearsed shall wear . . . any damask or satin, except . . .
officers of the King's house . . . and esquires and gentle-
men having possessions to the yearly value of xlli. and
their wives. ... No man but such as have possessions to
the yearly value of forty pounds or above, shall wear . . .
any fur of martens, letuse ^ pure grey or pure minever. . . .
And also he hath ordained and established, that no yeoman,
nor none other person under the same degree . . . shall
use nor wear in array for his body any bolsters nor stuffing
of wool, cotton nor cadas, nor any stuffing in his doublet,
but only lining according to the same ; upon pain to for-
feit ... six shilHngs and eightpence. ^

[The length of gowns, cloaks, and the pikes of shoes is regulated.]

^ A kind of wliitish-grey fur.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 231

Also he hath ordained . . . that no servant of husbandry,
nor no common labourer nor servant nor any artificer
dwelling out of a city or borough . . . shall use nor wear
in their clothing any cloth, whereof the broad yard shall
pass the price of two shillings ; nor . . . suffer any of
their wives to wear . . . any clothing of higher price
than before is limited . . . nor that none of the same
servants nor labourers . . . shall wear any close hosen
whereof the pair shall pass in price fourteen-pence ; nor
that the same servants nor labourers, nor none of their
wives . . . shall wear any girdle garnished with silver ;
upon pain to forfeit . . . three shiUings four-pence.

3.

[Remission of part of the fee-farm of Winchester because of the town's
decayed and impoverished condition. Patent Roll, 1 Richard
III, pt. 2, m. 20. " Calendar," 1476-85, p. 376. (Latin.) Many
ancient towns were decaying at this time, as is shown by similar
remissions in the Patent Rolls to Gloucester, Northampton,
Oxford, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Yarmouth, York, etc.]

The King to all to whom etc. greeting. Know ye that
whereas the lord Edward the third after the Conquest, late
king of England, our noble progenitor, by his letters patent
granted and confirmed to the then citizens of the city
of Winchester and their successors the aforesaid city
with its appurtenances, to be held of the said king and
his successors at fee-farm, paying therefrom to him and
his heirs and successors a fine of one hundred marks yearly
at his Exchequer. . . . And now from the humble sup-
plication of the present mayor and citizens of the said city
we have heard that . . . the same city afterwards, by
pestilence of our lieges and others, withdrawal of mer-
chants formerly dwelling and trading there, the ruin of
eleven streets, twenty-seven parish churches and nine
hundred and eighty-seven messuages within the last

232 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

eighty years . . . is so diminished and imppverished that
it is not able in these days to bear and make payment
of the said farm of one hundred marks . . . and sixty
shiUings yearly to the master or warden of the hospital of
the blessed Mary Magdalene beside the aforesaid city,
granted by our progenitors, and divers rents payable to
us by the hands of our sheriff of Southampton for the time
being, of fifty-one pounds, ten shilHngs and four pence for
each whole fifteenth granted, and the repair of the walls
and gates of the aforesaid city and other necessary burdens
... as we have understood by trustworthy information.
We, considering the aforesaid, of our special grace have
pardoned, remitted and released ... for us, our heirs and
successors, to the present mayor and citizens of Winchester
and their successors, twenty pounds yearly for ever of the
said farm of one hundred marks.

[The foundation of a gild. Patent Roll, 1 Richard III, pt. 2, M. 8,
20 February, 1484. Calendar, p. 386. (Latin.)]

Know that of our special grace and at the humble
prayer of the venerable father John Bishop of Lincoln our
Chancellor, and of our dearest cousin John Duke of
Suffolk, and of our beloved and faithful cousin Francis
Lovell Viscount Lovell knight, our Chamberlain, and of
the whole community of the town of Abingdon ... we
have granted and given licence ... to the aforesaid
bishop, duke and viscount ... to the praise, glory and
honour of God and St. Helen and the exaltation of the
Holy Cross, to found ... a certain perpetual fraternity or
gild of twelve masters, secular persons, and other persons
our lieges ... of either sex, spiritual or temporal, wish-
ing to be of that fraternity or gild, within the church of
St. Helen at Abingdon aforesaid, and that they may re-
ceive, admit and accept persons as brothers and sisters of

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 233

the same fraternity or gild . . . according to the ordinances
and rules to be made ... in that behalf by the aforesaid
bishop, duke and viscount . . . or their assigns. . . . And
that that fraternity . . . shall be named and called for
ever the fraternity or gild of the Holy Cross of Abingdon
in the county of Berkshire, and the said masters and
brothers and sisters of the fraternity . . . and their suc-
cessors shall similarly be named and called the masters
and brothers and sisters of the fraternity or gild of the
Holy Cross of Abingdon in the county of Berkshire. . . .

[By this name they are incorporated and made capable of holding
property and appearing in law-suits.]

And that as often as and whensoever the aforesaid
fraternity or gild shall happen to be destitute of any one
or more of the aforesaid twelve masters by death, departure,
removal, expulsion, or surrender, another of the most
experienced and honourable men of the fraternity . . .
shall be chosen . . . according to the ordinances . . .
made ... in that behalf by the aforesaid bishop, duke
and viscount. . . . And that the masters for the time
being may assemble lawfully and honourably in any con-
venient place within the aforesaid town and there take
counsel concerning the good rule and other business re-
lating to the welfare of the said fraternity or gild, and
settle and make and perpetually estabhsh ordinances,
statutes and rules, and duly reform and correct those
breaking them . . . when and as often as there shall be
need. . . . And further and of our more especial grace we
have granted . . . that after the fraternity or gild afore-
said has been thus founded . . . the masters and brothers
and sisters and their successors may acquire and hold
lands, tenements, annuities, revenues and other posses-
sions whatsoever which are held otherwise than of us, to
the value of one hundred pounds a year, to be held by

234 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

them and their successors for the upkeep and repair of
our high way which extends from the said town of
Abingdon to Dorchester in Oxfordshire and goes across
the river Thames through Burford and Culhamford, lying
between the said two towns . . . and for the perpetual
support of thirteen poor, feeble and impotent men and
women, and of two chaplains to celebrate divine service
every day in the aforesaid church, for the good estate of
ourself and our dearest consort Anne Queen of England
and our dearest son Edward Prince of Wales, while we
live, and for the aforesaid Bishop John, Duke and Vis-
count, and for all the brothers and sisters of the fraternity
or gild aforesaid while they live, and for our souls when
we shall have departed this life.

[Warrant from the mayor to the alderman for keeping an armed
watch in London at night. Archives of the Corporation of the
City of London, Letter-book L, f. 7, 1461. (" Calendar of Letter-
book L," p. 12.)]

The King our sovereign lord, for diverse causes and con-
sideracions his highnesse moving, hath straitely comaunded
us to see that sufficient wacche be nyghtly kept within
this Citee. Wherfore we woll and charge you as ye wol
answere unto his highnesse, that ye provide and ordeyn
[blank] goode honest and likely men sufficiently harneised
and arayed to wacche by nyghtertale in your Warde, from
the hour of ix of the bell in the nyght, till iiii of the belle
in the morowe after. And this to endure till ye have
otherwise in comaundment. ...

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 235

6.

[Proclamation for the lighting of London, and forbidding the throwing
of rubbish into the streets. Archives of the Corporation of the
City of London, Letter-book L, f. 66, 1461. (" Calendar of Letter-
book L," p. 11.)]

Fforasmyche as diverse tymes before this grete hurtes
perils and jeopardies in sundry wises have fallen emonges
the kinges liege people V7ithin the Cite for lak of hangyng
oute of lanteones or othere light by nightertale, and myche
more is hke to growe, if it shuld so lenger contynue, as
God defende, the Mair and thaldermen of the saide Citee
V7ith thassent of the comons of the same, straitely chargeth
and comaundeth that from hensforth every sufficient fre-
man of this Cite havyng an hous into the opyn stretes, at
the hour of vii of the bell in the nyght hang oute a lanterne
at his wyndowe or dore, with a candell Hght theryn, of xii
to the pound atte lest, hit so to brenne still till it be con-
sumed and doon, upon that will falle therof. Also the said
Mair and aldermen with thassent forsaid straitely chargeth
and comaundeth for the honeste of this Citee, that no
maner persone herafter ley ne suffre to be leyd any dung
rubbous nor othere noysant thing in the opyn stretes nor
lanes of this Cite, upon peyne of forfaiture and lesing at
every tyme iiii d.

[Extracts from borough ordinances made at Leicester, 1467. " Records
of the Borough of Leicester," ed. M. Bateson, II, 291-4.]

For wasshynge of clothes. Also that no woman use
to wasshe no clothes ne none other corripcion at the
comon wellys of the town ne in the hye strete in payne of
inprisonment.

For scoldys. Also that alle maner scholdys that are
dwellyng withinne this town, man are woman, that are

236 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

founde defectyf by sworne men before the Maire presented,
that than hit shall be lefull to the same Mayre for to
ponyssh them on a cukstool afore there dore as long as
hym lyketh and thanne so to be caried forth to the iiii
gates of the town.

For clensyng the strettes. Also that all men and
women that been inhabitauntes in this town that they
dense the Kynges stretes every man before his place, as
well withinne the gates as in the subberbys of the same.
And they that hath muk and swepynges and othere fylthes
and corripcions withinne them do ordeyne a carte therfore
to carye hit awey, and that they leye non owte at there
dors past iii dayes at the most, in payne of inprisonment
as long as the Mayre lykes and fyne and raunsom to the
Kyng.

. . . Catall abrode. Also that no man latt no swyne ne
neet goo a brode, neythere before the herde goo afylde ne
after he come hom, but kepe them inne tyll the herde
come, in payne of losyng of every best ii d. . . .

... Of dukkes. Also that no dukkys be letyn abrode
in any strete withinne the iiii gates of the town, on payne
of forfeture of every duk ob.^ . . .

. . . For oppynnyng of shoppe wyndows. Also hit is
ordeyned that yf eny persone, of what craft or scians so
[ever] he be off, presume or take uppon hym to open or
sett up eny shope for hym self withinne this town or
withinne the subberbys of the same or ^ he be entrid into
the Chappman Gylde, every siche person so openyng eny
shope yerly shall pay iii s. iiii d., unto the tyme that he
be entred in to the seid Chapman Gylde, that to be levyed
by the chamberlayns for the tym beyng to the use of the
comons.

^ Obolus, halfpenny. ^ Ere.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 237

8.

[Visitations of plague, (a) Letter from Sir John Paston to John Pas-
ton, 15 September, 1471. "Paston Letters," III, 14-5.]

Item, I praye yow sende me worde iff any off owr
ffrendys or wellwyllers be dede, ffor I feer that ther is
grete dethe in Norwyche, and in other borowgh townese
in Norffolk, ffor I ensur you it is the most unyversall dethe
that evyr I wyst in Ingelonde ; ffor by my trowthe, I kan
not her by pylgrymes that passe the contre, nor noon
other man that rydethe or gothe [into] any contre, that
any borow town in Ingelonde is ffree ffrom that sykenesse ;
God sease it whan it pleasyt Hym. Wherffor, ffor Goddy-
sake, let my moodre take heede to my yonge brytheren that
they be not in noon place wher that sykenesse is regnyng,
nor that they dysport not with noon other yonge peple
whyche resortythe wher any sykenesse is, and iff ther be
any off that sykenesse ded or enffect in Norwyche, ffor
Goddes sake, lete hyr sende them to som ffrende off hyrse
in to the contre, and do ye the same by myn advyce ; late
my moodre rather remeve hyr howsesolde in to the contre.

[{h) "Warkworth's Chronicle," p. 23. 1473.]

Also in the xiii yere of Kynge Edwarde, ther was a gret
hote somere, bothe for manne and beste ; by the whiche
ther was gret dethe of menne and women, that in feld in
harvist tyme men fylle downe sodanly, and unyversalle
feveres, axes,^ and the blody flyx, in dyverse places of Eng-
londe.

^ Fit, ague.

238 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

9.

[Proclamation excluding lepers from London, 28 April, 1472. Archives
of the Corporation of the City of London, Letter-book L, f. 83.
("Calendar of Letter-book L," p. 102.)]

Fforasmoche as divers hospitals, solitary placis nere
adioynyng unto the Citee of London, hath ben edified and
bilded by many devote and v^eldisposed persones to the
pleasure of God for thabitacion and dwellyng of people
infecte v^ith the contagious and perilous siknesse of lepour,
the whiche people soo enfecte, refusyng to abide contynu-
elly in the saide places, ben vagrant and walkyng contrary
to the wille and entente of the edifiers and bilders of the
same aswel aboute in this Citee and suburbes of the same,
comenyng and medelyng daily with other people whiche
ben of clene compleccion and not enfecte with the saide
sikenes, whiche if it shulde be suffred shulde cause grete
hurte ieobardye and perell to persones of clene compleccion
comenyng or medelyng with suche persones soo enfecte as
it is aforsaide with the saide sikenesse. Ffor it is certaynly
understond that the saide sikenesse dayly groweth and
encreseth by suche medelyng and comynycacion more
thanne it hath don in daies passed, wherfore the kyng our
soveraigne lord hath directe his writte to the Maire and
Shereffes of this Citee commaundyng theym, the premisses
considred, to avoide almaner people enfecte with the sik-
nesse of lepour aforsaide oute of this Citee of London,
not suffryng theym in any wise to entre or come within
the libertee of the same, upon a grevous payne in the same
writte expressed more at large. Therfore my lord the
Maire of this Citee chargith and commaundeth upon the
kyng oure soveraigne lordes behalf that no lepour nor any
persone enfecte with the same sikenesse of lepour entre or
come within the libertee of this Citee of London, upon
payne of lesyng of his horse if he com ridyng on horse bake

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 239

and of his gown or upper garment of his body, accordyng
to the lawes and usages of this Citee. . . . And if they
come thider a foote and not on horsebak, that [the City
officers] take away their gown or upper garment and in no
wise delyver it unto theym ayene upon peyne that may
falle accordyng to the saide olde lawes and usagez etc.

10.

[Manumission of a man and his family, born in bondage. Register of
Abbot Whethamstede of St. Alban's (R.S.), II, 47 (Latin), and
introd. pp. xxxiii-xxxv. The fine paid for this manumission was
13s. 4d.]

The 28th day of July, the year of Our Lord 1465, the
Lord Abbot manumitted and freed from all yoke of servi-
tude, villeinage or bondage Thomas Crystmes, of Eedborne,
senior, and Thomas Cristmes, John Cristmes and William
Cristmes his sons, and Helena and Agnes, daughters of the
aforesaid Thomas the elder, with all their family born and
hereafter to be born.

11,

[The state entry of Prince Edward into Coventry, 1474. " Coventry
Leet Book " (E.E.T.S.), 391-3.]

Memorandum. That the xxviii^i day of the moneth of
Aprill cam oure lorde prince Edward out of Walys so by
Warrewik to Coventre, and the Meire and his brethern
with the divers of cominalte of the seide Citie, clothed in
grene and blewe, metyng oure seid lorde Prince, upon
horsbake by-yonde the Newe Crosse, in a chare, beyng of
age of iii yere, there welcomyng hym to his Chaumber and
yevyng hym there a C mark in a gilt coppe of xv ouncez
with a kerchyff of plesaunce upon the seid coppe ; and
then comyng in-to [the] Citie. And at Babulake yate there
ordeyned a stacion, therin beyng kyng Kichard [II] with
xiii other arrayed lyke as dukes, markises, erles, vicouns,

240 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOKKISTS

and barons, and lordis with mynstrallcy of the waytes of
the Cite, and kyng Kichard there havyng this speche here
folowyng :

Eex Eichardus. Welcom, full high and nobull prince, to

us right special],
To this your chaumbre, so called of antiquite !
The presens of your noble person reioyseth our hartes all ;
We all mowe blesse the tyme of your nativite.
The right lyne of the royall blode ys now as itt schulde be ;
Wherefore God of his goodnes preserve you in bodily

helth,
To us and your tenauntes here perpetuall ioy ; and to all

the londis welth 1

Also at the condite afore Eichard Braytoft the elder,
a-nother stacion with iii patriarkes there stondyng upon
the seid condite, with Jacobus xii sonnes with mynstralcy
of harpe and dowsemeris,^ and there rennyng wyne in on
place ; and there on of the seid patriarkes havyng this
speche under writtyn : . . .

Also at the Brodeyate a pagiont ; and seint Edward
beyng therin with x a-states with hym, with mynstralcy
of harpe and lute, and kyng Edward havyng this speche
next foloyng : . . .

Also at the Crosse in the Croschepyng, were iii pro-
phettes standyng at the crosse seynsyng,^ and upon the
Crosse a-boven, were Childer of Issarell syngyng and
castyng out whete obles ^ and floures, and iiii pypis rennyng
wyne.

Also in the Croschepyng a-fore the Panyer, a pagent and
iii Kynges of Colen therein with other divers arraied and
ii knyghts armed with mynstralsy of small pypis, and one
of the Kynges havyng this speche under writtyn : . . .

Also upon the condite in the Croschepyng, was seint

^ Dulcimers. ^ Burning incense. ^ Cakes.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 241

George armed ; and a kynges doughter knelyng a-fore hym
with a lambe ; and the fader and the moder, beyng in
a toure a-boven, beholdyng seint George savyng theire
doughter from the dragon ; and the condite rennyng wyne
in iiii placez, and mynstralcy of orgonpleyinge, and seint
George havyng this speche under writtyn :

[Saint George.] 0 myghty God ! Oure all socour celestiall !
Wich this Eoyme hast geven to dowere
To thi moder, and to me, George, proteccion perpetuall,
Hit to defende from enimies ffere and nere ;
And as this mayden defended was here,
Bi thy grace, from this dragon devoure,
So, Lorde, preserve this noble prynce, and ever be his
socoure !

12.

[Edward IV's entertainment of the Lord of Gruthuyse, the Duke of
Burgundy's ambassador, at Windsor, September, 1472. Record of
Bluemantle Pursuivant, printed in Kingsford, " English Histori-
cal Literature," pp. 386-8.]

Memorandum, that the Kjmge did to be impareled on
the far syde of the quadrant ii chambres richeley hanged
with clothes of Arras, and with beddes of astate ; and
when [the lord of Gruthuyse] had spoken with the Kinges
good grace and the quene, he was accompanied to his
chamber by me lorde Chamberlein [and] Syr John A Parre,
with dyvers moo, which soopt with hym in his chamber :
also there sopt his servauntes. When they had sopte, my
lord Chamberleyn had hym againe to the Kinges chamber,
and incontinent the Kinge had hym to the queues chamber,
wher she sat plainge with her ladyes at the morteaulx,^
and some of her ladyes and gentlewomen at the closheys ^
of yvery and daunsing. And some at dyvers other games

^ A game resembling bowls. ^ Ninepins.

16

242 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

accordinge. The whiche sight was full plesant to them.
Also the Kinge daunsed with my lady Elizabethe, his
eldest doughter. That done, the night passed over, they
wente to his chamber. The lord Gruthuse toke leve, and
my lorde Chamberleyn with dyvers other nobles accom-
panied hym to his chamber, where they departed for that
night. And in the morninge, when Matens was done,
the Kinge herde in his owne chappel Our Lady masse,
which was melodyously songe, the lorde Grutehuse
beinge there presente. When the mas was done, the
Kinge gave the sayde lorde Grutehuse a cup of golde,
garneshed with perrye, and in the mydest of the cup is a
grete pece of unicornes home ^ to my estimacyon vii ynches
compase. And on the cover was a grete safyre. Then he
wente to his chamber where he had his brekefaste.

[The day was passed in hunting deer in the park. The royal party
dined at a lodge.]

By that tyme it was nere night, yet the Kinge shewed
hym his garden and vineyard of plesyre, and so tourned
into the Castell agayne, where they herde evensonge in
theire chambers.

The queue dyd order a grete banket in her owne chambre.
. . . And when they had sopt, my lady EHzabeth, the
Kinges eldest doughter, daunsed with the Duke of Boking-
ham : and dyvers other ladyes also. And aboute ix of the
clocke the king and the queue with her ladies and gentle-
women brought the sayde lorde Grutehuse to iii chambers
of pleasance, all hanged and besyne with whyt sylke and
lynnen-clothe, and all the flowers covered with carpettes.
There was ordeined a bed for hym selff of as good downe
as coulde be thought, the shetes of raynes,^ also fyne

^ As an antidote to poison.

"^ Cloth of fine linen or lawn, made at Rennes in Brittany.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 243

fustyan,^ the counterpoynt cloth of gold furred with
ermyne, the tester ^ and the seler ^ also shyning clothe of
gold, curtens of whyt sarsenette : as for his bed shete and
pelowes [they] were of the quenes owen ordinaunce. In
the ii*^6 chamber was an other of astate, the which was
alle whyt. Also in the same chamber was made a couche
with f ether beddes, hanged with a tent knit lyke a nett ;
and there was the coberd. Item, in the iii^^ chamber was
ordeined a bayne or ii, which were covered with tentes of
whyt clothe. And when the Kinge and the Quene, with
all her ladyes and gentlewemen, had shewed hym these
chambres, they turned againe to theire owne chambres,
and lefte the said lorde Grutehuse there, accompanied with
my lorde chamberleyn, which dispoyled hym and wente
bothe to gether in the bane. . . . And when they had
been in theire baines as long as was theire playsir, they
had grene gynger, dyvers cyryppes,* comfyttes and ipocras,^
and then they wente to bedde.

13.

[The arrangement of a marriage. Letter from John Paston to
Margaret Paston, 3 February, 1478. " Paston Letters," III, 219.]

Also, modyr, I herd whyle I was in London wher was
a goodly yong woman to mary, whyche was doughter to
one Self, a merser, and she shall have CC. h. in money
to hyr maryage, and xx mark by yer of lond aftyr the
dyssease of a steppe modyr of hyrs, whiche is upon L. yer
of age ; and or I departyd ought of London, I spak with
some of the maydys frendys, and have gotyn ther good
wyllys to have hyr maryed to my brodyr Edmund. Not-
withstandyng, those frendys of the maydys that I comond
with avysyd me to get the good wyll of one Sturmyn,

^ Blanket. ^ Canopy. ' Hangings. * Syraps.

^ A cordial drink of wine flavoured with spices.

16*

244 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

whyche is in Mastyr Pykenhamys danger ^ so myche that
he is glad to please hym ; and so I mevyd thys mater to
Mastyr Pykenham. And incontinent he sent for Sturmyn,
and desyred hys good wyll for my brodyr Edmund, and he
grantyd hym hys good wylle, so that ^ he koud get the good
wyll of the remenaunt that wer executours to Seff, as well
as the seyd Sturmyn was ; and thus ferforthe is the mater.
Wherfor, modyr, we must beseche yow to helpe us forward
with a lettyr fro yow to Mastyr Pykenham to remembyr
hym to handyll well and dylygently thys mater now thys
Lent.

14.

[The custom of sending boys and girls of the better class to be brought
up in other families than their own. Fortescue, " Commendation
of the Laws of England," chapters 44 and 45.]

The Ghancellor : . . . Who can be supposed better
qualified to instruct him in deeds of arms, which, in virtue
of his tenure, he is obliged to perform for the lord of the
fee, than the lord himself, to whom such service is due
from his minor ; and who is supposed to have a superior
interest to advance his ward in the world, in this and other
parts of education, than any of his own relations or friends.
The lord, in order to have the better service from his
tenant, will use his utmost care. . . .

The Prince. ... By this means, our young nobility
and gentry cannot so easily degenerate ; but will rather,
in all liklihood, go beyond their ancestors in probity and
courage, and in every thing that is virtuous and praise-
worthy, being brought up in a superior and more honorable
family than that of their parents : nay, though their fathers
may have had the good fortune to be educated in the like
manner before, yet the father's house, even with this ad-

1I^ his debt. ^If.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 245

vantage, cannot be compared with that of the superior
lord ; to whom both, in their turns, have been in ward.
Princes of the realm, being under the same regulation, like
as other lords, who hold immediately from the king, cannot
so soon run into debaucheries, or a downright ignorance :
because, during the time of their minority, they are brought
up at court. Upon which account I cannot but highly
commend the magnificence and state of the king's palace,
and I look on it as an academy for the young nobility of
the kingdom to inure and imploy themselves in robust and
manly exercises, probity and a generous humanity.

15.

[Extracts from "The Babees Book" (Early English Meals and
Manners, E.E.T.S.), p. 254 et seqq., to illustrate the standard of
good manners, especially for pages in great households. About
1475.]

Now must I telle in shorte, for I muste so,

Youre observaunce that ye shalle done at none ;

Whenne that ye se youre lorde to mete shalle goo,

Be redy to fecche him water sone,

Summe helle ^ water ; summe holde to he bathe done

The clothe to him, and from him yee nat pace

Whils ^ he be sette, and have herde sayde the grace.

Byfore him stonde whils he komaunde yow sytte,
Withe clene handes ay redy him to serve ;
Whenne yee be sette, your knyf withe alle your wytte
Unto youre sylf bothe clene and sharpe conserve.
That honestly yee mowe your own mete kerve.
Latte curtesye and sylence withe yow duelle,
And foule tales looke noone to other telle.

1 Clear. « Until,

246 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

Kutte withe your knyf your brede, and breke yt nouhte ;

A clene trenchour byfore yow eke ye lay,

And whenne your potage to yow shalle be brouhte,

Take yow sponys, and soupe ^ by no way,

And in youre dysshe leve nat your spone, I pray,

Nor on the borde lenynge be yee nat sene,

But from embrowyng ^ the clothe yee kepe clene.

. . . Whanne ye shalle drynke, your mouthe clence withe

a clothe ;
Youre handes eke that they in no manere
Imbrowe the cuppe, for thanne shulle noone be lothe
Withe yow to drynke that ben withe yow yfere.^
The salte also touche nat in his salere
With nokyns mete, but lay it honestly
On youre trenchoure, for that is curtesy.

Youre knyf withe mete to your mouthe nat here,
And in youre hande nor holden yee yt no way,
Eke yf to yow be brouhte goode metys sere,*
Luke curteysly of ylke ^ mete yee assay.
And yf your dysshe withe mete be tane away
And better brouhte, curtesye wole certeyne
Yee late yt passe and calle it nat ageyne.

. . . Whanne that so ys that ende shalle kome of mete,
Youre knyffes clene, where they ouhte to be,
Luke yee putte uppe ; and holde eke yee your seete
Whils yee have wasshe, for so wole honeste.
Whenne yee have done, looke thanne goodly that yee
Withe-oute lauhtere, japynge,* or boystous worde,
Eyse uppe, and goo unto youre lordis borde,

1 Sup. 2 Soiling. ^ Companions.

* Several. • Eftoh. ' Jesting.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 247

And stonde yee there, and passe yee him nat fro

Whils grace ys sayde and brouhte unto an ende,

Thanne somme of yow for water owe to goo,

Somme holde the clothe, somme poure uppon his hende.

Other service thanne this I myghte comende

To yow to done, but, for the tyme is shorte,

I putte theym nouhte in this lytyl reporte.

D. Education.
1.

[Examples of grammar schools existing during the Yorkist period,
(a) A grammar school at Coventry, which was probably sup-
ported by the Trinity gild. It seems to have been founded in
1425, by the following order of the Leet. " Coventry Leet Book "
(E.E.T.S.), p. 101, and Introd., p. xxx. (Latin.)]

Also, they will and it is ordained, that John Barton
may come to the city of Coventry to keep a grammar
school, if he will, and if he knows well how to teach boys
and keep a school.

[The Prior of Coventry Cathedral Priory apparently tried to compel
the townsfolk to send their children to the school provided for
the almonry boys or charity choir-boys maintained by the Priory.
Cf. A. F. Leach, "The Schools of Mediaeval England". Leet
orders in 1439. Ibid., p. 190.]

They orden that they Meire with vi off hys Councell
go unto the prior and comien the matier, wyllyng hym to
occupye a skole of gramer, yffe he like to teche hys brederon
and childerun off the aumbry, and that he wol-not gruche
ne meve the contrari, but that every mon off this Cite be
at hys ffre chosse to sette hys chylde to skole to what
techor off gramer that he likyth, as reson askyth, etc. . . ,

248 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

[(6) Free school supported by the Gild of St. Nicholas at Worcester.
Report of the Commissioners at the confiscation of the property
of the gild in 1548. '* English Gilds " (E.E.T.S.), pp. 204-5. The
property was confiscated and the school therefore destroyed.]

Memorandum: hit was presented by John Callowe,
Maister of the said Guylde, Thomas Wylde and Eicharde
Dedycote, baylyfes of the said Citie [and four others] that
there hath byn, tyme owt of mynde, a ffree scole kept
within the said Citie, in a grete halle belongyng to the said
Guylde, called the Trynite halle ; the scolemaster wherof
for the tyme beyng hath hade yerely, for his stypend, ten
poundes ; whereof was paid, owt of the reveneus of the
said landes, by the Master and Stewardes of the said
Guylde for the tyme beyng, vi li. xiii s. iiii d. ; and the resy-
dewe of the said stypend was collected and gathered of the
devocioun and benyvolence of the brothers and systers of
the said Guylde.

[Owing to the great need of money to repair the city
wall and a bridge and houses belonging to the Gild, the
school had been discontinued for four or five years at the
end of the reign of Henry VHI. When the repairs were
finished, the school was revived.]

. . . they, before the ffeaste of seynt Michelle tharchaungell
last past, provyded and have founde an honest lerned scole-
master withiu the said halle, in lyke maner as they before
tyme dyd ; that is to sey, one John Olyver, bacheler of
Arte ; who hathe there, at this present tyme, a-bove the
number off a hundred scolers.

[(c) Extract from a private Act of Parliament, giving an account of
the founding of Acaster Grammar School. R.P., VI, 256. 1484.]

Sheweth to youre moost noble grace, youre humble and
feithfull subgietts and continuall orators, the Provost and
Felowes of the Chapell Collegeat of Seint Andrew the
Apostle, of Netheracaster in the countie of the cite of

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 249

Yorke, late founded, erected and stablished by the reverend
fader in God, Eobert Bisshop of Bath and Welles . . .
The said Kobert, Bisshop, fundatour and patron of the
same Chappell, by his ordynaunce and statuts, hath charged
the Provost and Felawes of the same College for tyme
beynge, amonge other thyngs, to ordaine and fynde ther
for ever, with the fruites, rents, proventes, and revenues
of the same Chappell, three divers maisters and informa-
tours in the facultees underwritten ; that is to witt, oon of
theym to teche grammer, another to teche musyk and song,
and the third to teche to write, and all suche thyng as be-
longed to scrivener craft, to all maner of persons of what-
soever cuntre they be within the reame of Englond, desiryng
to be informed in the seid iii facultees ... all the seid iii
masters and informatours to teache the seid iii facultees
severally, openly and freely, without exaction of money
or other thyngs of any of their suche scholers and dis-
ciples.

2.

[A chantry school. In 1445 Joanna, widow of Kobert Greyndore,
founded a chantry and school at Newland in the diocese of Here-
ford. In 1465 she for the second time amended the rules of the
foundation. " Register of John Stanbury, Bishop of Hereford "
(Cantilupe Society), pp. 105-7. (Latin).]

I, the aforesaid Joanna . . . have lately erected, made,
founded and established a perpetual chantry of one chap-
lain, competently learned in the art of grammar, at the
altar of St. John the Baptist and St. Nicholas in the
parish church of All Saints of Newlond, etc., which I have
willed and decreed to be called for all time to come Eobert
Greindour's chantry. . . . First I will and decree that
WiUiam Philippes, the present chaplain of the aforesaid
chantry, and all his successors, chaplains in the same, shall
inform, teach and rule, or maintain at their own costs and

250 ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOBKISTS

charges one scholar or literate person competently learned
in the science of grammar, in a certain house called Blake-
broke near the church of Newlond deputed by me in per-
petuity for the habitation of the aforesaid chantry chaplain
for the time being, to inform, teach and rule in his stead
all persons whatsoever coming to the i town of Newlond in
order to learn, taking for his stipend fourpence for the term
of each year at the hands of each of those who learn the
alphabet, matins and psalms, and eightpence at the hands
of each of those learning grammar. Also, I will, ordain
and constitute that the rule and teaching of the said
scholars shall cease at no time of the year except from the
Saturday next before Palm Sunday until the octave of
Easter, and from the vigil of Pentecost until the morrow
of Holy Trinity, and from the feast of St. Peter ad
Vincula i until the morrow of the feast of the Exaltation of
the Holy Cross,^ and from the feast of St. Thomas the
Apostle^ until the morrow of Epiphany,* for ever.

[The scholars are to say certain psalms and prayers daily after morning
and afternoon school] : —

for the soul of Bobert my late husband, and for my good
estate while I live and for my soul after I have departed
this hfe, and for the souls of all the faithful departed.

3.

[Thanks of the University of Cambridge to Thomas Rotherham, Bishop
of Lincoln, Chancellor of England and of the University, for bene-
factions to the University. 13 May, 1475. "Early Yorkshire
Schools " (Yorkshire Archaeological Society : Record Series), ed.
A. F. Leach, II, 102-3. (Latin.)]

Since reason and courtesy evidently require that we
should render thanks to our noble benefactors, although not

^ 1 August. ^ 15 September. ^ 21 December.

* 7 January.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 251

worthy, at least whenever fitting, and according to our
small power give deserved praise to them as we are able.
Hence it is, that by merit, both of uprightness and the
showing forth of good works, the reverend father in God,
and lord, Lord Thomas Rotherham, by divine compassion
Bishop of Lincoln, Great Chancellor of England, chief and
worthy Chancellor and singular patron of this our Uni-
versity, both for the honour of God, the increase of study
and the profit of our University, has built schools, and a
new Hbrary above them, of poHshed stone, costly magni-
ficence and noble architecture, and for its fitting adornment
in all things, has generously given books not few nor mean,
and in addition has procured many other good things for
this University.

[The Univeisities at the end of the Yorkist period. Letter of Erasmus
to Henry Bullock, August, 1516. "Epistles of Erasmus," trans.
F. M. Nichols, II, 331.]

About thirty years ago nothing was taught at Cam-
bridge but Alexander, the Parva Logicalia, as they are
called, those old " dictates " of Aristotle, and questions
from Scotus. In process of time Good Letters were
introduced ; the study of Mathematics was added, and a
new or at least a renovated Aristotle. Then came some
acquaintance with Greek, and with many authors, whose
very names were unknown to the best scholars of a former
time.

5.

[Epilogue to Caxtou's first printed book, "The Recuyell of the His-
tories of Troye," finished in 1471. Cited by E. Gordon Duff in
'' William Caxton," pp. 20-1.]

Thus ende I this book whyche I have translated after
my auctor as nyghe as God hath gyven me connyng to

252 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOKKISTS

whom be gyven the laude and preysyng. And for as
moche as in the wrytyng of the same my penne is worn,
myn hande wery and not stedfast, myn eyen dimmed with
overmoche lokyng on the whit paper, and my corage not
so prone and redy to laboure as hit hath ben, and that age
crepeth on me dayly and febleth all the bodye, and also
because I have promysid to dyverce gentilmen and to my
frendes to addresse to hem as hastely as I myght this sayd
book. Therefore I have practysed and lerned at my grete
charge and dispense to ordeyne this said booke in prynte
after the maner and forme as ye may here see. And it is
not wreton with penne and ynke as other bokes ben to
thende that every man may have them attones.^ For all
the bookes of this storye named the recule of the historyes
of Troyes thus enprynted as ye here see were begonne in
oon day, and also fynysshed in oon day.

[(6) Verses by Caxton at the end of the " Morale Proverbes of
Cristyne," 1478. Cited by Duff, pp. 39-40.]

In Frenssh languaige was writen this sentence

And thus Enghshed dooth hit rehers

Antoin Widevylle therl Eivers.

Go thou litil quayer and recommaund me

Unto the good grace of my special lorde

Therle Eyveris, for I have enprinted the

At his commandement, followyng evry worde

His copye, as his secretaire can recorde.

At Westmestre, of Feverer the xx daye

And of kynd Edward the XVII yere vraye.

^ At once.

BOOK V. lEELAND.
1.

[Letter from the Irish Parliament to Edward IV on behalf of the Earl
of Desmond, 1463. Desmond, a strong supporter of the house of
York, and Deputy of Ireland, had been accused by an enemy of
various crimes. The Irish Parliament wrote to the King on his
behalf, recalling his services against the Irish Lancastrians led by
the Ormond family. "Statute Rolls of Ireland" (R.S.), III,
184-7.]

Advertisyng your highnesse of the full grete and not-
able service that your faithfull subiect . . . Thomas Erie
of Dessemond depute unto . . . your moost derrest brothir
of Clarence Heutenaunt of this your land of Irland hath
doon aswel unto your highnesse as to the right noble
and famouse prince your fadre of blessed memorie whom
God rest, of thimportable charges and costes by the same
depute aswel afore thoffice of depute lieutenauncie of this
your said land as after unto the said Erie committed hath
daiely susteigned, he therof not faylyng but daiely con-
tynuyng his faithful service right ordinate and worshipful!
at al tymes . . . the saide depute guydyng and reulyng
himself with all your true liege people accordyng unto
your lawes ... he hath applied him to set and put tran-
quillite peix and rest among your subiectes and true liege
people of this your said land in suche wyse as by Goddis
grace and his said labour pollitique wit reule manhode
wisdome and streyngthe couth reche your said land resteth
in reisonable peas and tranquilitie at this tyme aswel with
your rebelx as Irissh enemyes. Moreover pleas it your

263

254 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

moost excellente mageste roiall to have notice of the grete
ieopertie whiche the saide depute with his kynnesmen and
othres his waget men and adherentes with their bodyes
and godes stode in by force of werre and bataile hadde
betuixt him and your grete rebel John of Ormond and his
adherentes at the said Johns furst arrivale in to this your
said land at the which bataile by the fortune and gracieux
disposicion of our blissed Creator and your vray true just
title of your full noble corone were slayne of your said
adversarie and rebell Ormondis adherentes and sequele ^ so
grete a nombre that for certaine it may not be knowen
and the said Ormond by bataile sconfuted ^ and put to
flight. And also the continuel werre al the last somer had
betuixt the said depute and the said Ormond and his
adherentes. . . . Also it wold pleas your highnes to have
notice howe the comens of your counte of Mithe to the
nombre of v M^. made insurreccion and risyng ayenst the
said depute ... he by his high pollitique wit ... in
presence of your right worshipfuU and right discrete
counseil of this your said land of Irland cesed the said
insurreccion and risyng withoute eny hurte off eny persone
and by your moost gracieux auctorite and power roial
toke the said comens unto your moost gracieux pardone
and noble good grace. ... It might like your moost
excellente mageste roial the premisses tendrely to be con-
sidered and the circumstances therof to be emprented in
your moost noble and gracieux remembraunce, wher-
through the said depute may stand in the tendrenesse and
right especiale favour of your moost excellente good grace
and him to thank hertely, so that therby he may have
occasion and courage to continue and persever in your
moost notable service the better in tyme to come. . . .
Moreover it might like your nobley and good grace to have

^ Following. ^ Discomfited,

IKELAND 255

in tendre respect howe your Irishe enemyes traitours and
English rebelx usen yerely to goo to werre in the somer
season whos malice streyngth and grete power may not
be resisted neither your true subjectes defended without
a notable sume of gode. Wherfor we beseche your moost
excellent magest roial that it wold like therunto in tendre-
nes of your said land and sauf garde of the same neither
to yeve ne graunte noo parte of your revenuz growing
within your land to eny maner persone or persones, but
that the said revenuz may remayne to be imploied by the
said depute upone the defense and sauf garde of the same
your land and subiectes therof.

2.

[Attempt to Anglicise the Irish of the Pale, 1466. 5 Edward IV,
c. 16. " Statute Rolls of Ireland " (U.S.), HI, 291.]

It is ordained . . . that every Irishman who dwells
among Englishmen in the counties of Dublin, Meath,
Uriell and Kildare, go like unto an Englishmen in apparel,
and shaving off his beard above the mouth ; and that he
be within one year sworn the liege man of the King at
the hands of the Lieutenant or Deputy . . . and take unto
himself an English surname of a town, as Sutton, Chester,
Trim, Skreen, Cork, Kinsale ; or a colour, as White, Black,
Brown ; or an art, as Smith or Carpenter ; or an office, as
Cook, Butler ; and that he and his issue use that name
under pain of forfeiture of his goods.

[The end of the Earl of Desmond, 1468. " Book of Howth," pp. 186-7.
This book is a late sixteenth century compilation.]

John Typtofte, Earl of Worcester, being Lord Lieu-
tenant in Ireland, the Queen, King Edward's wife, did
hear say and credently was informed that the Earl of

256 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

Warwicke and the Earl of Desmound was greatly offended
and also was grieved with the marriage of the Queen, and
said openly that better it were for the King to follow his
friends' counsel, which went about to prepare for him a
convenient and a meet marriage, not inconvenient for his
estate, rather than to marry a traitor's wife, which thing
at length said they were assured should come to an evil
end and a success.^ The Queen, offended with these say-
ings, often did move the King thereof, which little he did
regard, considering it was spoken for very love they bare
to their assured friend and prince.

When that the Queen did so perceive that the King did
make no more account thereof, she sought all the means
she could to bring the Earl of Desmound to confusion.
She feigned a letter which the King should have sent to
the Earl of Worcester, being in Ireland, and she, resting
with the King in his bed a night, did arise before day, and
conveyed his Privy Signet, which was in the King's purse,
and did assign the letter withall, and after went to bed ;
within which letter was the Earl of Desmound should
have been apprehended and taken, and his head struck off
in example of others which rebelliously would talk of the
Queen as he did ; which fact was done accordingly, and so
executed at Dublinge,^ then being called thereunto for a
ParHament for the foresaid cause.

4.

[Letter from the Lords of Ireland to Edward IV, 28 June, 1468.
P.R.O. " Ancient Correspondence," LVIII, no. 50. In revenge
for the Earl of Desmond's execution the Fitzgeralds of Munster
ravaged Meath and Kildare.]

Advertising your highnesse howe that nowe late Gerot
of Dessemond accompanyed unto him your Irishe enemyes
called Galloglaghes to the nombre of xx°^ and horsmen

^ Sic. ^ 14 February,

lEELAND 257

to the nombre of xx'^iiii as it appereth by his wrytyng,
came in to your counte of Mithe and ther your owen
propre landes* beyng in the marche spoyled and rubbed,
and diverse of your townes enhabited upon the same
brante wasted and destrued and brake certaine piles as
well in the frontures of the marches of Westmyth as of
your counte of Kildare, through conforte wherof Thomas
Erie of Kildare, then beyng in warde within your citte of
Divelin, was conveyed fromthens by Sir Eoulande fitz
Eustace knyght your Tresourer of your lande of Irlande in
to your saide counte of Kildare, and so thei with suche
felowship as they couthe make went in to the said Gerot
to eide and supporte him. Thise understanding the right
mightie and oure full good and gracieux lord John Erie of
Worcestre depute lieutenaunt of your lande of Irlande
arredied him with all celerite possible to have mette and
resist the saide Gerot. And when he undrestode your
saide depute lieutenaunt comyng to your town of Trym, he
withdrewe him and his host to a place within your counte
of Mithe called the forde of Athgane. . . . Neverthelasse
your saide depute lieutenant folowed with his retenue unto
the tyme he putte him to rebuke. After whos departire
the saide Erie of Kildare and Tresourer offred to submitte
them to your saide depute lieutenaunt for thoffense by
them commised and to come in to him, the which offre so
largely assured by grete othes your saide depute con-
sideryng that your subiectes shoulde continue in the more
tranquiUite and peas from the daiely sautes of your Irishe
enemyes and EngHshe rebelx suche as was bounden in
affinite to the saide Erie of Kildare thenn beinghe received
and admitted to your moost noble grace. Moreovere
moost excellent Christen prince, duryng the tyme that
your saide depute lieutenaunt was occupied in your full
notable service as it is beforesaide, James Savage called
Seneshall of your counte of Ulster and oon Conn Oneell

17

258 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

amightie capitaigne of the north beyng at werre, the saide
James assembled to guydre your subiectes of your counte
of Lecale in Ulster with divers othres as well Scottes as
your Irishe enemyes and yede in to the saide Connes
contre with a grete multitude of people, the same Conn
having notice thereof made him redy with all the defensible
men he might gette and sende in to the saide James dis-
similing to have peix. And while thei were in trete
thereof, the same James es felowship, beyng a gretter
multitude then that othre partie, trustyng that peix
shoulde have been concludet betwixt them, the dissimila-
cion forsaid not prudently considered, kepte nat their
array, and so of infortune the said James and othre your
subiectes of your saide counte of Lecale to the nombre of
v« were distrussed and slayne by the saide Conn, to the
uttermost perdicion of your said counte of Ulster without
that remedy by your high wisdome and your worshipfull
Consaille be the more hastier founden and executed.
Wherfor considering the smalle nombre of your trewe
subiectes that resteth with your saide depute lieutenaunt
in comparison to the grete nombre of your Irish enemyes
and Englishe rebelx, and howe the werres ben so diverse
sourding^ in every shire and the grete labor costes and
expenses that your saide depute lieutenaunt so outrageouse
and intoUerable withstanding your saide enemiez, to pro-
vide and sende unto him souldiars and goode withall, with
whiche your saide lande may be conserved and your
subiectes therof defendet. And without that our saide
goode lorde your depute lieutenaunt be assured therof in all
hast possible we can not undrestande howe your saide
lande may be conserved and defendet, for yf he departe
out of this your saide counte of Ulster, considering in as
muche as the werres ben so grete and diverse upon your

1 Rising.

lEELAND 259

iiii shires, that is to sey Divelin, Kiklare, Mithe, and
Uriele, and the nown assuraunce of your Irish enemyes of
Leynster as yet unto your peas, the which may not be
withstande ne defendet but oonly by the presence of your
saide depute Heutenaunt, to fynde a remedie suffisaunt by
your high wisdome and mooste discrete counsaille, and it
execute in all hast possible for the conservation of your
saide lande as it is abovesaide.

5.

[Illusfcration of tribal wars in Ireland. *' Annals of Loch Ce " (R.S.),

II, 171.]

The kalends of January ; ^ the age of the Lord one thou-
sand, four hundred and sixty-nine years. O'Cerbhaill, i.e.
Donnchadh, son of Tadhg, son of Tadhg, son of Euaidhri,
died. Brian Mainech, son of Donnchadh, son of Aedh
MagUidhir, was killed by Edmond MagUidhir, and by
the sons of Philip Mag Uidhir. Eoghan, the son of Aedh
Mag Uidhir, was slain by the sons of the same Philip. A
hosting by O'Domhnaill, i.e. Aedh Euadh, into Lower
Connacht, and their hostages were received by him ; and
he took the army of Lower Connacht with him towards
Mac William Burk ; and they all went from thence to
Clan-Eickard, and the Machaire-riabhach, and Baile-an-
chldir, i.e. Mac WiUiam's town, were burned by them.
Mac William and O'Briain came up with them, and the
son of O'Conchobhair of Corcumruaidh was slain by them ;
and O'Domhnaill went home in triumph.

^ 1 January.

17

260 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

6.

[Remission of au annuity, to the city of Waterford, 1474. Patent
Roll, 14 Edward IV, pt. 1, m. 4. "Calendar/' 1467-77, p. 459.
(Latin.)]

Know ye that we have understood from our beloved
and faithful lieges and subjects the present mayor, bailiffs
and citizens of our city of Waterford in our land of Ireland,
that whereas the same mayor, bailiffs and citizens of the
aforesaid city have and hold the same city of us by a fee-
farm of one hundred marks a year, and the said city within
the six years last past, by commercial misfortunes and loss
of goods and chattels belonging to the citizens of the same
city, and by the death of divers merchants of the city,
some of them murdered and slain by land and sea, and
some taken prisoner and ransomed, is greatly impoverished,
and there is no law, justice or good government in any
part around the said city, but rebellion, extortion, murder,
slaughter, robbery and open war are made by our Irish
enemies and English rebels against the said city, so that
the present mayor, bailiffs and citizens of the same city
are scarcely able to keep the same city or repair and main-
tain the walls and harbour of the same, without great
reHef given by us in this behalf. We, inwardly considering
not only the premisses but also how the mayor bailiffs and
citizens of the aforesaid city have remained our true lieges
without fault during the whole time of our reign, of our
special grace and for the repair of the aforesaid city and of
the walls and harbour of the same, have given and granted
to the aforesaid present mayor baiHffs and citizens and
their successors the reversion of that annuity ... of
ten pounds which Nicholas Strangwisshe had and received
or has and receives from the fee-farm of our said city of
Waterford . . . and that they . . . shall be exempt and
quit of the said annuity of ten pounds, part of the said
hundred marks.

IRELAND 261

[Illustrations of Irish culture, (a) "Anuals of Ulster" (R.S.), III,

209. 1462.]

Thomas Cusin, namely, the Master of Law who was the
best that was in Ireland in his time, was in Ard-Macha
and kept a school [there] this year.

[(6) " Annals of Loch 06 " (R.S.), II, 177. 1477.]

O'h Uiginn, i.e. Brian, son of Ferghal Ruadh, head of
the schools of Erinn and Alba, died this year.

[(c) " Annals of Ulster " (R.S.), III, 269. 1480.]

MagUidhir died this year, namely, Thomas junior, son
of Thomas Mor, son of Phihp, son of Aedh the Red : to
wit, a man who was of the greatest charity and piety and
hospitality that was in his own time and a man that de-
fended his territory against its neighbours and a man that
made churches and monasteries and Mass chalices, and
was [once] in Rome and twice at the city of St. James on
his pilgrimage. And full were Ireland and Scotland of
the fame of that Thomas.

[(d) ^'Annals of Loch Ce " (R.S.), H, 181. 1481.]

Mac Conmidhe, i.e. Conchobhar Ruadh, an eminent poet,
died this year. . . . Slaine, daughter of O'Briain, wife of
Mac WiUiam of Clann-Rickard . . . the general patroness
of the learned and destitute of Erinn, died.

8.

[Project for an Irish University, 1465. 5 Edward IV, c. 46. *^ Statute
Rolls of Ireland " (R.S.), III, 369.]

Forasmuch as the land of Ireland has no University
or general study within the same, which if it had, would
cause as well the increase of knowledge, riches and good

262 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOKKISTS

government, as the avoidance of riot, misgovernment and
extortion v^ithin the said land existing : it is ordained . . .
that there be a University at the town of Drogheda, in
which University may be made Bachelors, Masters and
Doctors in all sciences and faculties, as they are in the
University of Oxford.

INDEX.

Abbot, oath of, on going abroad,
190.

— of St. Albans, 239.

— of Westminster, 118.
Abingdon, gild founded at, 232-4.
Acaster (Netheracaster), school at,

248-9.
Aglond, William, 174.
Aillot, Adam, 174.
Aldertonshire, 199.
Alestre, Richard, 170.
Ale-tasters, 174.

Alexander, Duke of Albany, 110-11.
Alexander (of Hales), 251.
Aleyn, Doctor. .40.
Alkmaer, 58.
Amiens, CO, 94, 96, 98, 99.

— Vidame of, 96.
Amyas, Robert, 226.
Anjou, 133.

Anne, wife of Richard III, see

Neville, Anne.
Aquitaine, 86, 87.
Arblaster, James, 140 ; letter from,

138-9.
Archers, 29 n., 35, 41, 42, 75, 228 ; at

Bosworth, 184.
Archery, practice of, 57.
Avd-Macha, 261.
Ardres, 109.
Aristotle, 251.
Arras, 109 ; cloth of, 241 ; treaty of,

112 n.
Artillery and guns, 11, 45, 70-1, 75,

89, 110, 155 n., 204, 206.
Assize of ale, 174.

— of bread, 173.
Athgane, ford of, 257.
Attorney, the King's, 4, 5.
Audley, Sir Humphrey, 74.

Baldersdale, 177.
Balowe, William, 194-5.
Bamborough, 23 ; and see Castles,
Bannister, Humphrey, 128, 129.

Bar, duchy of, 86, 93.
Barbary, 214, 215.
Barlings, see Monasteries.
Barnby, John, 46.
Barnet, 70 ; and see Battles.

— Heath, 11.
Barton, John, 247.
Bath, 8.

— Bishop of, see Stillington, Robert

(1466-91).
Battles ; Banbury, 42, 45.

— Barnet, 70-2, 73, 84.

— Bosworth, 134.

— Ferrybridge, 14.

— Hedgeley Moor, 25.

— Hexham, 25.

— Mortimer's Cross, 9-10.

— St. Albans, 10-11, 15.

— Tewkesbury, 74, 77.

— Towton (York field), 15, 17, 27,

53, 146 n.

— Wakefield, 9.

Beauchamp, Anne, Countess of War-
wick, daughter and heiress of
Richard Beauchamp, Earl of War-
wick, and Isabel, heiress of Thomas
Baron Despencer, 82.

Beaufort, Edmund, Duke of Somer-
set, 40, 59, 73, 74.

— Henry, Duke of Somerset, brother

of the preceding, 8, 9, 15, 19,
23, 24, 25.

— John, brother of the preceding,

74.

— Margaret, mother of Henry Tudor,

126, 127.

Beaumoat, William Viscount (1460-
1507), 85.

Bedou, Will, 163 n., 164.

Bell, Edward, 177.

Benefit of clergy, 176, 177 ; not ap-
plicable, 175.

Benevolences, 131, 155-6 ; act against,

157.
I Berkshire, 123, 233.

263

264 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

Berney, John, 22, 162; letter from,
138.

Berwick, 19, 23, 111.

Blount, William, son of Lord Mount-
joy, 72.

Bodrugan, Henry, 84.

Bohemia, 228.

Books, may be freely imported, 218.

Boothe, William, Archbishop of
York, 17, 187-8.

Boston, Steelyard at, 209.

Boulogne, 59, 93, 109.

Bourbon, Cardinal of, 97.

Bourchier, Henry, Viscount, 11 ; as
Earl of Essex, 67, 76.

— Humphrey, Lord Cromwell, son

of the preceding, 72.

— Thomas, Cardinal, Archbishop of

Canterbury, brother of Henry

Bourchier supra, 13, 17, 67, 80,

99, 114, 122, 186.
Bovere, 189.
Brabant, 203, 204, 205.
Bradford, William, 182.
Brakenbury, Sir Robert, 124.
Bray, Reginald, 126, 127.
Braytoft, Richard, 240.
Brecknock, 123 ; and see Castles.
Brez6, Sir Piers de, 24,
Bridge water, 42.
Briscow, — , 150.
Bristol, 19, 42, 192, 193.
Brittany, 26, 129, 133 ; exports of,

206 ; and see Treaties.

— Francis II, Duke of (1450-88),

26, 38 ; asks help of Edward
IV, 35 ; allies with him, 36-7 ;
Edward IV proposes to send
him archers, 41; included in
Treaty of Pequigny, 95, 98,
100 n. ; warns Edward IV, 112 ;
asked to imprison Henry Tudor,
132.

Bruges, merchants of, 210.

Buckingham, Duke of, see Stafford,
Henry (1460-83).

Buckland, see Monasteries.

Bukley, Edmund and John, 174.

Buklond, John, 173.

Bullionist theory, 146, 199-200.

Bulls, papal, 187-8, 189; English
contempt of, 190-1.

Bimgerly Hippiugstones, 28.

Burdet, Thomas, 105 n.

Burford, 234.

Burgh, Sir Thomas a, 45, 46.

— Thomas, 174.
Burghbrig, 226.

Burgundy, exports of, 203; and see
Treaties.

— Dukes of : (1) Philippe le Bon

(1419-67), 18. (2) Charles le
T^meraire, Count of Charolais,
son of the preceding (1467-77),
18, 31, 33, 54, 188, 189; ne-
gotiates for the hand of Edward
IV's sister Margaret, 31 ;
marriage hindered by Louis
XI, 34, 35, 37, 39; marriage,
88-9 ; Edward IV's alliance with
him unpopular, 33, 34 ; friend-
ship for the Lancastrian party,
18, 39-40, 59 ; policy in 1470-1,
61, 52, 59-62, 79-80 ; joy at the
news of Tewkesbury, 78 ; rela-
tions with Prance, 33, 60-1, 78,
98, 103-4 ; connection with Ed-
ward IV's French expedition,
85-8, 92-6, 100 n., 103; Ed-
ward IV negotiates with Louis
XI against him, 31, 79-80, 89 ;
foments disturbances in Eng-
land, 103 ; Englishmen in his
service, ib. ; death, 104.

— Mary, Duchess of, daughter of

the preceding (1477-82), her
marriage, 104-5, 107 n. ; rela-
tions with England, 108, 109 ;
death, 112 n.

Burnet, John, 174.

Butler (Talbot), Eleanor, daughter of
John Talbot, Earl of Shrews-
bury, and Lady Elizabeth
Butler, 119.

— James, Earl of Wiltshire and

Ormond, 10, 15.

— John, Earl of Ormond, brother

of the preceding, 254.
Bygges, John, 184.

Calabria, John, Duke of, brother of
Margaret of Anjou, 29-30.

Calais, 10. 19, 42, 59, 60, 92, 93, 98,
99, 112, 188, 189, 203, 204, 205,
206, 210, 211, 212; condition of,
after Edward IV's expulsion, 59-
60; wool-staple at, 60, 199, 200,
212; mint at, 200; Comines, ac-
count of, 212-3.

INDEX

265

Calle, Richard, 22.
CalJowe, John, 248.
Cambridge, 160 n., 161, 231 n. ; and

see Universities.
Cambridgeshire, 160.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, see Bour-
chier, Thomas (1454-86),

— Christ Church, see Monasteries.
Capron, R., 140.

Cardinals, 187 ; and see Bourbon ;
Bourchier, Thomas.

Carhsle, Bishop of, see Story, Edward
(1463-78).

Carpenter, John, Bishop of Worces-
ter, 176-7.

Carshalton, extracts from the court-
rolls of the manor of, 173-5.

Carter, Thomas, 174.

Cary, Sir William, 74.

Castile, see Treaties.

Castles, 149.

— Alnwick, 23.

— Bamborough, 23, 24.

— Baynards, 12.

— Brecknock, 126.

— Buckenham, 159-60.

— Caistor, 162-3.

— Corfe, 8.

— Duustanborough, 23.

— Hauley, 184.

— Harlech, 40.

— Mark and Oye, 203.

— Middleham, 131.

— Norham, 24.

— Pomfret, 64 n.

— St. Augelo, 187.

— Sandal, 8.

— Warwick, 48.

— Windsor, 20.
Catesby, John, 150.
Caxton, William, 251-2.

Cely letters, extracts from, 210-12.
Challenger, Master, see Saint Leger.
Champagne, county of, 87, 88.
Chancellor, 145; and see Neville,

George (1460-7, 1470-1) ; Stilhng-

ton, Robert (1467-70, 1471-3) ;

Rotherham, Thomas (1474-83) ;

Russell, John (1483-5).
Chancery at Westminster, 13.

— extracts from proceedings in, 191-

2.

— rolls of, 154.

Charolais, Count of, see Burgundy,
Charles le T^m^raire, Duke of.

Chertsey, see Monasteries.
Chesterfield, 48.

Cheyne, Sir John, " the great es-
quire," i.e. master of the horse, 99,
107, 127.
Chichester, Bishop of, see Pecock,

Reginald (1450-7).
Christemas, Thomas, 174.
Chronicles, 3, 5, 56 ; extracts from : —
Arrival of Edward IV, 63-7, 69-72.
Brief Latin, 43.
Croylaud, 81-2, 104-6, 113, 114,

122-3, 130-2, 154-5, 168-9.
Hearne's Fragment, 14-15.
Gregory's, 7-8, 11-12, 23-5, 40,

186-7, 190-1, 194-5, 226-7.
Irish, 255-6, 259, 261.
London : MS. Gough, London, 10,
12-14; Great Chronicle, 116-8,
134-5 ; Stow's use of, 32-3, 169 ;
Cotton MS. Vitelhus, A., XVI
(Kingsford), 22-3, 77, 106, 113,
113-4, 114-5, 195.
Stow's Annales, 32-3, 168, 169.
Warkworth's, 27, 28, 41-3, 45,
49, 53-5, 67-9, 73-4, 76-7, 84-5,
167-70, 237.
Waurin's, 38-9 ; documents ap-
pended to, 33-6, 61.
Whethamstede's Register, 10-11,

239.
Worcester's, 8-10.
Cicely, third daughter of Edward IV,

91.
Cirencester, 8.
Clanrickard, 259, 261.
Clare, Sir John, 46, 47.
Clarence, Duke of, see Plantagenet,

George (1461-78).
Clifford, John, Lord, 8, 9.
— Thomas, 68, 85.
Chfton, Sir Gervase, 74.
Clitherwood, 28.
Cloth, 154, 206, 217, 218 ; export of,

198, 215; import of, prohibited,
201 n., 225.

Cloth-makers, paid partly in kind,

199, 224 ; this prohibited, 225.
Cloth-making, 57, 199; act against

deceits in, 224-5,
Close Rolls, extract from, 80.
Coinage, changes in, 226-7.
Cokeyn, John, 160.
Colyngham, 161.
Combreahall, William, 214.

266 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

Gomines, Philippe de, extracts from
his Memoires, 39-dO, 52, 58-61, 62,
72-3, 92-9, 107-9. 112, 144, 212-3.
Compostella (the city of St. James),

261.
Concressault, Lord, see Monypeny,

Sir WilHam.
Connaught, 259.
Constable, 137, 174 ; of England, 169

n. ; of France, 94.
Consuls, Venetian, in London, 214.
Conyers, Sir William (Robin of

Redesdale), 35, 42, 43.
Cooke, Sir Thomas, 169.
Cordwainers, 190, 191 ; gild of, at

Exeter, 221.
Corn-law, 200-1.
Cornwall, 20, 84, 191.
Cotes, Richard, 174.
Cotswold, 210.

Council, the King's, 34, 55, 84, 86,
95, 104, 105, 108, 109, 112, 132,
139, 147, 170, 190, 208, 258;
plan for the reorganisation of,
144-6 ; in the Star Chamber,
170, 172 ; Milanese envoy's de-
scription of, 189.

— in the North, 146-9.

— of Wales and the Marches, 149-

51.

— the Duke of Burgundy's, 33.

— Queen Margaret's, 24.

— "my Lady's" (Duchess of Nor-

folk's), 139.

— Earl of War\vick's, 33, 35.

— against the Pope, 190; General,

205.
Council chamber, 82, 105.

called the Star Chamber, 170.

of Ousebrigg, 226.

Courtenay, Edward, 128.

— Sir Hugh, 74.

— John, Earl of Devonshire, son of

Thomas Courtenay infra, 74.

— Peter, Bishop of Exeter, 128.

— Thomas, Earl of Devonshire, 8,

15.

Courtenays, landing in Devonshire
reported, 53.

Coventry, 8, 66, 69, 122, 150 n., 155,
167 ; extracts from the Leet-Book
of, 81, 150-1, 155-6, 166-7, 239-41,
247 ; Mayor of, 150 n., 151, 155 n.,
163 n., 164, 239, 247; town council
of, 151, 163 n., 247; Prior of, 150,

247 ; Prince Edward's state entry
into, 239-41 ; schools at, 247.

Cristmes, Thomas, villein, and his
family, 239.

Croftes, Sir Richard, 150.

Cromwell, Lord, sea Bourchier, Hum-
phrey (1461-71).

Culhamford, 234.

Cumberland, 199.

Cusin, Thomas, 261.

Customs duties, 29, 154, 202, 204,
206 n. ; grant to the Hanse mer-
chants from, 209-10 ; of Venice,
214.

Dacre, Lord, see Fiennes, Sir

Richard (1458-83).
Dalley, 133.
Damelet, Hugh, 195.
Dauphin, see France.
Dawbenev, — , 162.

— Sir Giles, 127.
Dean, forest of, 42.
Debynham, Gilbert, 159.
Dedycote, Richard, 248.
Delalaund, Sir Thomas, 45, 48.
Delves, Sir John, 74.

Denmark and Norway, see Treaties.

Denyss, Thomas, 182.

Deptford, 183 n.

Derby, Earl of, see Stanley, Thomas,

(1485-1504).
Desmond, Earl of, see Fitzgerald,
Thomas (1462-8).

— Gerot of, see Fitzgerald, Gerald.
Devonshire, 53, 123, 128.

— Earls of, see Courtenay, Thomas

(1458-61) ; Courtenay, John,
(1470-1); Stafford, Humphrey
(xMay-August, 1469).

Deyntee, Agnes, 223-4.

Dicas, Kenelm, 150.

Dighton, John, 125.

Doncaster, 48, 65, 188.

Dorchester, Oxon., 234.

Dorset, 123.

— Marquis, see Grey, Thomas (1475-

1501).
Douzi, barony of, 87.
Dover, 92; fleet in the Straits of, 19.
Drogheda, 262.
Dublin, city of, 256, 257 ; county of,

255, 259.
I Dunois, John, Count of, 100.

INDEX

267

Durham, 177, 199.
Dymmock, Sir Thomas, 45.

Easterling ships, 62.
Edinburgh, 90, 111.
Edward III, 2, 231.
Edward IV, passim, and see Planta-
genet, Edward, Earl of March ; re-
lations with Brittany, 35, 36-7, 41 ;
with Burgundy, 18, 31, 36, 39, 51,
62, 79, 85-8, 89 ; with France, 26,
30-1, 32, 33-4, 37-8, 41, 79-80, 88-9,
107-9, 112 ; with Scotland, 24, 25,
83, 90-2, 110-11 ; friendship with
Milan, 21 ; and see Treaties. Con-
ditions on which will renounce
French claims, 31, 89 ; plans war
with France, 37-8 ; preparations
for, 78, 82 ; expedition, 92-9, 103 ;
wins battle of Towton, 14-15 ; ex-
ploits celebrated, 15-17; crowned,
17 ; England in his power, 19-20 ;
progress in the south, 21 ; cam-
paign in the north, 22-3 ; marriage,
27; relations with Warwick, 20,
26-7, 32, 35, 36 ; Welsh in arms
against him, 32, 52 ; captured by
the Nevilles, 42-3; escapes, 43-4;
puts down Lincolnshire rebellion,
45, 48; wins over Clarence, 49;
expulsion from England, 52-5, 58 ;
return, 63-9 ; wins battle of Barnet,
70-2; custom in battle, 72-3 ; \vins
battle of Tewkesbury, 74, 77 ;
arbitrates between Clarence and
Gloucester, 82,83-4; quarrel with
Clarence, 104-6 ; death, 113 ; char-
acter, 20, 52, 89, 95, 108, 112; ap-
pearance, 52, 96-7, 108 ; popularity,
18, 21, 43, 64; household men,
feedmeu and servants, 25, 44, 53,
106; methods of getting money,
131, 144, 154-6 ; attempts to en-
force order, 165-9, 171 ; Gloucester's
allegations against his legitimacy,
116; against bis marriage, 119;
his daughters, 114, 123, 130; and
see Elizabeth, Cicely, Mary; his
mother and sisters, 67 ; settles a
monastic quarrel, 185 ; attitude to
the friars, 187; attitude to papal
taxation, 187-8 ; letter to the Pope,
196-7 ; entertains the Lord of
Gmthuyse, 241-3.

Edward V, son of Edward IV, 147,
149 n,, 150 ; oaths to him as heir
to the throne, 80-1 ; state entry
into Coventry, 239-41 ; as Ed-
ward V : proclaimed, 113 ;
seized by Gloucester, ibid. ;
enters London, 114 ; coronation
preparations, 114, 115; in the
Tower, 114-5, 116, 122; his
death reported, 123-4; More's
account of, 124-5.

— son of Henry VI, 10, 19, 136 n.,

144 n., character, 30; marriage
projects, 19, 33; marriage, 49,
50, 52 ; livery, 68 ; landing in
England, 73 ; slain at Tewkes-
bury, 74, 77, 81.

— son of Richard III, 234 ; declared

heir to the throne, 121 ; made
Prince of Wales, 122; allegi-
ance sworn to, 130 ; death, 131.
Ehzabeth, wife of Edward IV, see
Woodville, Elizabeth.

— eldest daughter of Edward IV,

242 ; marriage projects to the
Dauphin, 102, 108; to Henry
Tudor, 126, 127 ; to Richard
III, 131-2.
Ely, 160; Bishop of, see Morton,

John (1479-86).
Embracery, 166.

England, king of, his power and its
limitations, 136, 145, 146 ; financial
problems and methods, 144, 151-3 ;
perils from over-mighty subjects,
153.
English, translations of the Scrip-
tures into, 192-3.

— people, character of, 18, 38, 121,

154; cited as an example of
treachery, 123-4 ; faithless and
have tails, 189 ; have no form
of government except a leader,
20; never unprovided with a
prophecy, 97 ; always inclined
to war with France, 107, 144 ;
disgusted at the Treaty of Po-
quigny, 103, 168, anti-papal,
188-91 ; Fortescue's account of
their social conditions, 227-9.
Episcopal registers, extracts from :

Durham, 177; Hereford, 249-50;

Lincoln, 192-4 ; York, 187-8.
Erasmus, extract from his letters,

251.

268

ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

Essex, 16, 123 ; Earl of, see Bourchier,

Humphrey (1461-83).
Estate, the King's, 151, 152, 155; is
above the law, 4 ; is an office,
153.

— beds of, 241, 243.

— cap of, 13.

Estates, 229, 240 ; of the realm, 131 ;

in Parliament, ?ee Parliament.
Eu, county of, 87.
Evesham, 8.
Exeter, 73 ; gilds of, 221-2.

— Bishops of, see Neville, George

(1456-65) ; Courtenay, Peter
(1478-87).

— Dukes of, see Holland, Henry

(1447-75) ; Holland, John (1443-
7).

— Bastard of (son of John Hol-

land ?), 9.

Fastolf, Sir John, 22.
Pauconberg, Lord see Neville, Wil-

Ham (1426-63).
Feldynge, Sir William, 74.
Fiennes, James, Baron Say de Sele,
54.

— Richard, Lord Dacre, 8.

— William, Baron Say de Sele, 54,

67, 72.
Fifteenths, 55, 229, 232.
Firmo, Nicolo de, 197.
Fishermen, 205 ; going to Iceland,

213-4.
FitzEustace, Sir Roland, 257.
Fitzgerald, Gerald, of Desmond,

256, 257.

— Thomas, 7th Earl of Kildare, 257.
8th Earl of Desmond, deputy

of Ireland, 253-5 ; executed,
256.

Fitzharry, Sir Thomas, 74.

Fitzwalter, Lord, see Ratcliffe, Sir
John, of Attleborough (1444-61).

Flanders, 38, 67, 73, 87, 133, 216;
Queen Margaret flees to, 24 ; Ed-
ward IV flees to, 54 ; wool-market,
60 ; Venetian trade with, 215 ;
and see Merchants,

Fleet, an English, 19, 24 ; a French,
attacks England, 19, 20 ; wool-
fleets, 212.

Ford ham, 160.

Forest, Miles, 125.

Fortescue, Sir John, Chief Justice of
the King's Bench under Henry
VI, extracts from his Com-
mendation of the Laws of Eng-
land, 136-7, 157-9, 227, 244-5 ;
from his Governance of Eng-
land, 151-3, 227-9 ; plan for reor-
ganisation of the Council, 144-6.

— Richard, 84.
Fox, John, 175.
Framlingham, 139.

France, 22, 27, 73, 84, 85, 95, 102,
103, 109, 110, 133, 144, 155 u.,
228 ; English always inclined
to war with, 107, 144 ; hard for
a king of England to cross to,
92 ; tribute from, 155 ; speech
by the Chancellor of, 123-4;
suggestion for perpetual peace
with, 31 ; plans for invasion of,
18, 37-8 ; preparations for in-
vasion of, 78, 82, 89, 155 n.,
156 ; invasion of, 92-9.

— Kings of : (1) Charles VII (1422-

61K 18; (2) Louis XI (1461-
83) as Dauphin, 18 ; as King,
37, 38, 100, 101, 102; connec-
tion with Queen Margaret, 26-
7, 30, 31, 33, 41; connection
with Warwick, 30, 34, 36, 49,
61 ; reconciles Margaret and
Warwick, 49-51 ; fits out their
expedition, 49, 50, 52 ; sorrow
at news of Tewkesbury, 77 ;
connection with Edward IV,
26, 27, 30-1, 41, 79, 80, 107-9,
112 ; anxious to keep up dis-
turbances in England, 78-9;
Pequigny negotiations, 92-8 ;
pensions to English lords, 99,
107 ; ransoms Margaret of An-
jou, 102-3 ; hostile to Burgundy,
31, 34, 37, 39, 60, 61, 62 n.,
107 n., 108, 109, 112 ; tries to
make terms with Burgundy,
78, 98, 103-4 ; connection with
Scotland, 83, 109-10; his am-
bassadors, 32, 33, 37 ; report of
ambassadors to, 33-6,

— Dauphin of, later Charles VIII,

102, 112.
Frankpledge, view of, 173, 175.
French, attack England, 19,20; in

Queen Margaret's armies, 23, 24,

73.

INDEX

269

French Rolls, extracts from, 28-9,

36-7, 202, 203-6, 209-10.
Friars, quarrel with secular clergy,

185-7.
Friesland, 58.
Fullingmills, 175, 225.
Fyndorne, Sir Thomas, 25.

Gainsford, Nicholas, and his sons,

175.
Garter, Order of the, 59.
Gascony, 38, 55.
Ghent, 112, 211.
Gilds, 218-23, 232-4, 236, 247 n.,

248.
Giustinian, Bernardo, 214.
Gloucester, 74, 124, 125, 184, 231 n. ;
banner of, at Towton, 17.

— Duke of, see Plantagenet, Richard

(1461-83).
Glover, Roger, 176.
Godard, William, 105.
Gody, John, 191.

Golden Fleece, Order of the, 59, 103.
Goose, John, 195,
Gore, Simon, 161.
Grantham, 47, 48.
Graveliues, 188 n., 203.
Great Britain, 90.
Greek at Cambridge, 251.
Greindour, Robert, chantry and

school founded by his widow,

249-50.
Gremyby, Sir WilHam, 74.
Grene, John, 124.

Grey, Henry, Lord, of Codnor (1444-
96), 171-2.

— or Gray, Sir John, first husband

of Ehzabeth Woodville, 27.

— Sir Richard, second son of Sir

John, 115.

— Thomas, Marquis of Dorset, eldest

son of Sir John 107, 113, 128.
Greystock, Ralph, Lord (1436-87), 8,

148.
Gruthuyse, the Lord of, 58, 59 ; his

son (?), 241-3.
Guienne, 26, 38, 55, 78, 89, 165 n.
Guilford, Richard, 127, 128.
Guise, county of, 87.
Guisnes, 112.

Hag, .John, 115.
Hague, the, 59.
Hal don, Thomas, 186.

Hampden, Sir Edmund, 74.
Hampshire, 123.
Hamson, Robert, 170.
Hancok, Robert, 115.
Hanse, 37 n. ; and see Merchants.
Hanyngton, Edward, 176.
Harcourt, Sir Richard, 139.
Harrington, Sir James, 65.

— Thomas, 9.
Harry, Thomas, 191.
Hastings, Sir Edward, 148.

— Wilham.Lord (1461-83), Edward

IV's chamberlain, 34, 54, 67,
96, 116, 139, 140, 241, 242, 243;
his retainers join Edward IV,
65, 68 ; pensioned by Louis XI,
99, 107-8; executed, 115.

Hats, 201 n. ; not to be fulled in
mills, 225.

Haverford, 133.

Hawkins, — , 169.

Hawte, Sir Richard, 115.

Hedeleygh, Robert, 175.

Hellow, 46.

Henry III, 2 n., 5, 6 n.

— IV, 2n., 5, 6n.,7n.

— VI, 3, 6, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 18, 19,

21,24, 26, 30,31,49, 50, 51,59,
60,61,64, 66, 68, 70, 77,78, 79,
80, 99, 102, 111, 114, 126, 127,
144 n., 172 n. ; promises to ob-
serve the accord with the Duke
of York, 7 ; joins Queen Mar-
garet at the battle of St. Albans,
11 ; deposed by the Londoners,
12 ; captured, 28 ; proclaimed
in Wales, 32, 40 ; proclaimed in
Lincolnshire, 45; restored, 54;
reasons for his deposition, 54-5 ;
captured, 69; death, 76-7.

— VII, see Tudor.

Herbert, Sir Richard, brother of
William Herbert, infra, 42.

— Thomas, 42,

— William, Lord, captures Harlech,

40 ; as Earl of Pembroke ; de-
feated and executed, 42.

Hereford, 10.

Heresy, 192-7.

Hert, Walter le, Bishop of Norwich,
172-3.

Hervy, Sir Nicholas, 74.

Hesdin, 109.

Hesylla, Christopher, 182.

Hexham, 26.

270

ENGLAND UNDEB THE YOEKISTS

Heyward, John, 184, 186.

Hillyard, Eobert (Kobin of Holder-

ness ?), 43.
Hody, Alexander, 8.
Hogon, Ka]ph, 177.
Holderness, 68.

Holland, 58, 59, 62, 66, 92; market
for English wool, 60.

— and Zeeland, 61, 92.

— Zeeland and Brabant, 31.

— Henry, Duke of Exeter, son of

John Holland, infra, 8, 40, 59;
his wife, Edward TV's sister,
67 ; inventor of the brake, 169.

— John, Duke of Exeter, 54.
Honfleur, 33.

Hornsey (Harnsy), 114.

Howard, John, 93 n., 99, 107, 108 ;

as Duke of Norfolk, 117, 130.
Hudson, Thomas, 170.
Huet, Will, 163 n., 164.
Hull, 8, 213.
Humber, 213.
Hungerford, Robert, Lord (1459-64),

25.
Huntingdon, 231 n.

Iceland, trade with, 213-4 ; English
not to go to, without licence, 202.

Ipswich, wool-fleet of, 212.

Ireland, 201, 203, 204, 206, 206;
annual war in, 255 ; tribal wars
in, 259 ; English Pale in, 255,
269 ; and see Chronicles, Parlia-
ment, Universities.

— Deputy of, ses Fitzgerald, Thomas,

Earl of Desmond (1463-7);
Tiptoft, John, Earl of Worcester
(1467-8).

— Lieutenant of, see Plantagenet,

George, Duke of Clarence

(1462-70; 1471).
Italy, 214 ; and see Merchants.
Ive, WilHam, 185-6.

Jaquetta, Duchess of Bedford, 119.

John, Walter ap, 176.

.Jury, 157-8, 172.

Justices or Judges, the King's, 3, 4,
146, 167, 158, 169 ; exhorted to
do justice by Richard III, 117-8.

— of peace, 160, 172-3 ; extracts from

rolls of their sessions, 160-2,
176; inquisition taken before,
183-4.

Kartor, John, 221-2.

Kempe, Thomas, Bishop of London,
187.

Kent, 16, 123, 128, 183 ; riot against

the Woodvilles in, 35.
! Kentishmen, 14.

I Kildare, Earl of, see Fitzgerald,
' Thomas (1427-77).

— county of, 255, 256 n., 257, 269.

Kipling, James, 177.

Kny\'et, Alice, 159, 160.

Lancashire, 28.

Landofe (Landois), Peter, 132, 133.

Langres, 87.

Langstrother, John, Prior of the

Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem

in England, " the lord of St.

John's," 74.
Lannyvet, Cornwall, 191.
Lanthony, see Monasteries.
Lathom, 130.
Latimer, Lord, see Neville, George

(1432-69).
Law of England, 56, 136-7, 146, 157,
159. 172.

— of nature, 121.

— Roman or civil, 157, 169.
Lecale, county of, 258.
Lee, Henry, 175.

Leicester, 47, 65, 66, 68, 134 ; banner
of, at Towton, 17 ; Mayor of, 236 ;
passion play at, 222 ; extracts from
the records of, 222, 235-6.

Leinster, 259.

Lepers, 238-9.

Leseux, or Lisieux, Thomas, Dean
of St. Paul's (1441-56), 193.

Letters : from the Bishop of St.
David's, 121-2 ; from Erasmus,
251 ; from the Irish Parliament,
263-5 ; from the lords of Ireland,
266-9 ; and see Cely, Paston,
Plumpton,

Leuesham (Lewisham), 183.

Leukenor, Sir John, 74.

Lewys, Welsh physician, 126, 127.

Lincoln, 46, 47 ; Bishop of. see Rus-
sell, John (1480-96) ; Earl of, see
Pole, John de la (1467-87).

Lincolnshire, see Rebellions.

Livery, 81, 172 ; attempts to suppress,
166-7 ; clothing; 67, 145, 147 ; the
Earl of Warwick's, 59-60; Prince

INDEX

271

Edward's, 68 ; Londoners', 44, 117 ;
craft of Brewers of London. 219-
20 ; citizens of Coventry, 239.
Lockings (Lokynge), 193.
Loksmyth, John and Johannet, 226,
Lollard, 195.

London, 7, 9, 12, 16, 17, 21, 28, 32,
33, 43, 44, 46, 48, 53, 69, 70,
71, 73, 77, 82, 107, 108, 113, 114,
115, 116, 121, 122, 123, 127, 128,
163, 188, 193, 195, 210, 211, 216,
223, 243.

— Aldgate, 76.

— Baynard's Castle, 12.

— Bishopsgatc, 14, 76, 210.

— Blackfriars, 77.

— Chepe, 44, 77, 223.

— Churches : All Hallows the More,

186; St. Martin-le-Grand, 82
St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, 219
St. Paul's, 13, 72, 76, 77, 193
St. Peter's, Cornhill, 195.

— Fleet Street, 185 ; White Friars

in, 186.

— Guildhall, 117, 224.

— London Bridge, 75.

— Marshalsea prison, 68.

— Bishop of Norwich's house, 193.

— Paul's Cross, 116, 185, 186, 191.

— St. John's Field, 12.

— Steelyard, 209.

— Tower, 28, 54, 76, 77, 106, 114,

115, 122, 123, 124, 125, 169.

— Tower Hill, 40, 169, 194,- 195.

— Venetian factory, 214.
Whittington's College, 185 ; see

aho Palaces.

— Bastard Fauconberg's attack on,

75-6.

— Bishop of, see Kempe, Thomas

(1450-89).

— Church robbing in, 195.

— Craft of Brewers of, 218-20.

— Extracts from the records of, 218-

20, 223-4, 234, 235, 238-9.

— Heresy in the diocese of, 194-5.

— Mayor of, 12, 14, 44, 105, 114, 116,

117, 169 n., 223, 224, 234 n.,
235, 238.

— Nightly watch to be kept in,

234.

— Petition of artisans of, to Parlia-

ment, 201.

— Proclamation excluding lepers

from, 238-9.

London, Proclamation for the light-
ing of, 235.

— Punishment for selling light

bread and bad butter in, 223-4.

— Sheriffs of, 238.

— Venetian galleys sent to, 215.

— Wool-fleet of, 212.
Londoners, seize the mayor's presents

to Queen Margaret, 12; rejoice at
the coming of the Earl of March,
ibid. ; depose Henry VI and elect
Edward IV, 12-13; political as-
pirations of, 18 ; love Edward IV
and hate Warwick, 43.

Lorraine, 93.

Lovell, Francis, Viscount Lovell
(1483-7), Chamberlain of Richard
III, 232-4.

Luxemburg, 95,

Lynch, John, 222.

Lynn, 54, 162 ; Bishop of Norwich
may appoint J.P.s in, 172-3;
Hansc merchants shall have a
house at, 209.

Lyons, Charles, Archbishop of, 100.

MacWilliam, family of, 259, 261.

Magna Carta, 154.

Maguire (MagUidhir), family of, 259,
261.

Maintenance, 22, 57 ; Lord Grey com-
manded in the Star Chamber to
refrain from, 171 ; attempts to
suppress, 165-7.

Majorca, 214.

Malaga, 216.

Maiden, 138, 140.

Mallery, John, 183, 184.

Manchester, 48.

Manners, — . 23.

Manorial court, 173 n. ; transfer of
laud in, 174-5.

March, Earl of, see Plantagenet,
Edward, Earl of March (1442-61).

Marche, Oliver de la, 33.

Margaret of Anjou, wife of Henry VI,
8, 12, 14, 19, 30, 41, 99; flees to
Wales, 7 ; gathers her partisans, 8 ;
marches south, 9-10; withdraws
northwards after St. Albans, 11-12;
flees to Scotland, 15; evils if not
captured, 18 ; invades England,
22-3; flees to Flanders, 24; asks
help from Louis XI, 26-7, 31 ; sends
help to Jasper Tudor, 32; recon-

272

ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

ciled to Warwick, 49-51 ; lands in
England, 73 ; captured, 77 ;
prisoner at Calais, 99 ; ransomed,
102-3.
Margaret, sister of Edward IV,
Charles, Count of Charolais, ne-
gotiates for her hand, 31, 34, 3G ;
efforts of Louis XI to prevent the
marriage, 34, 35, 37, 39; to be
married to Philip of Savoy, 31 ;
married to Charles of Burgundy,
38-9 ; tries to arrange marriage
between Clarence and Mary of
Burgundy, 104.
Martin of the Sea, 64.
Mary, second daughter of Edward IV,

102.
— Duchess of Burgundy, see Bur-
gundy.
Masse, Henry, 177.
Mathematics, 251.
Maximilian of Austria, 105, 107 n.,

112.
Meath, county of, 255, 256 n.,' 257,

259 ; insurrection in, 254.
Merchants, 67, 154, 169, 199, 200,
202-6 ; Edward IV blamed for not
protecting, 55; prevent Warwick
from attacking Burgundy, 60 ; said
to desire civil war, 94 ; hostels for,
in foreign lands, 204, 206, 207 n. ;
merchant aliens, 200, 217, 218 ; sue
in the Star Chamber, 172 ; come
to England for wool and cloth,
198 ; of Brittany, 206 ; of Brabant,
Flanders, and Malines, 203-6 ; of
Bruges, 210 ; of Castile, 29 ; of
Denmark and Norway, 202; of
Ghent, 211 ; Greek, 154 ; Hanse or
Almain, 143, 202 n. ; settlement
of disputes with, 207-8 ; grant of
privileges to, 209-10; of Ireland,
203-6 ; of Waterford, 260 ; Italian,
21, 154 ; restrictions on, in Eng-
land, 216-8; Venetian, 21, 214; of
London, 20, 60; of the Staple at
Calais, 199, 203-6 ; woman, 226.
Merkely, John, 175.
Merston, Richard, 115.
Midwinter, William, 211.
Milan, extracts from the Calendar
of State Papers preserved at, 18,
19-21, 26-7, 29-32, 37, 41, 43-4, 49-
51, 77-80, 82-3, 88-9, 99, 102-4, 109-
10, 166, 188-90.

Milford Haven, 133.

Military system, 55, 228.

Monasteries :
St. Albans, 10.
Barlings, 182.
Buckland, 184 n.
Chertsey, 77.

Christ Church, Canterbury, ex-
tracts from the letter-books of,
121-2, 190.
Lanthony, 184-5.
Titchfield, visitation of, 180.
Welbeck, visitation of, 180-2.

Mondue, John, 223.

Montagu, Marquis, see Neville, John,
(1470-1).

Montgomery, Sir Thomas, 99, 107.

Monypeny, Sir William, Lord Con-
cressault, 89 ; report as French
Ambassador to England, 33-6.

Moor Park, 44.

More, Christopher, 177.

— Sir Thomas, extracts from his
History of Richard III, 124-5,
178-9.

Morton, John, Master of the Rolls,
Bishop of Ely, 12 ; pensioned by
Louis XI, 107 ; imprisoned by
Gloucester, 115, 116 ; concerned
in Buckingham's rebellion, 126;
in exile in Flanders, 133.

Mountjoy, see Blount.

Mowbray, John, Duke of Norfolk,
160 n. ; escapes after St. Albans,
11 ; helps Edward IV in Towton
campaign, 14-15; share in choosing
M.P.s, 139 ; besieges Caistor Castle,
162-3.

Municipal records, see Coventry,
Leicester, London, Nottingham,
York.

Mylverton, John, 186.

Navigation law, 200.

Neille, John, 48.

Netheracaster, see Acaster.

Neuss, 92.

Nevers, county of, 87.

Neville, Anne, second daughter of
the Earl of Warwick, her mar-
riage to the son of Henry VI, 49,
50, 52; Duke of Gloucester
marries her, 81-2 ; as Duchess
of Gloucester, 148 ; crowned, 118 ;

INDEX

278

grief at her son's death, 131 ; dies,

131-2.
Neville, George, Bishop of Exeter,
Chancellor, brother of the Earl
of Warwick, 1, 2, 3, 5, 20, 1G3,
189 ; flees after St. Albans, 11 ;
advises the Earl of March to ac-
cept the crown, and publicly
declares his title, 13 ; removed
from Chancellorship, 27 ;
marries Clarence to Isabel
Neville, 42 ; captures Edward
IV, 42-3 ; accompanies Edward
IV to London, 44; captured
and imprisoned, 69.

— George, Lord Latimer, uncle of

the Earl of Warwick, 8.

— Isabel, elder daughter of the

Earl of Warwick, 42, 82.

— John, Lord Neville de Montagu,

Earl of Northumberland, Mar-
quis Montagu, brother of the
Earl of Warwick, 85, 54, 69;
relieves Norham, 24 ; wins

dale's rebellion, 35, 42, 45 ; un-
popular in London, 43 ; de-
serted by many, 44 ; connection
with Lincolnshire rebellion,
45-7 ; retreats west, and flees
to France, 48-9; reconciled to
Queen Margaret, 50-2; move-
ments in England in his
favour, 52 ; lands in England,
53 ; enemy of the Duke of Bur-
gundy, 59, 60, Gl ; fights battle
of Barnet and is slain, 70-2 ;
his Hvery, 16, 59-60 ; popularity,
18, 32 ; household, 32-3 ; coun-
cil, 33, 35 ; interferes with the
course of justice, 164.
Neville, Robert, agent of the preced-
ing, 32, 35.

— Sir Thomas, brother of the Earl

of Warwick, 8, 9.

— Thomas, Bastard Fauconberg,

son of the following, attacks
London, 75-6.

— William, Baron Fauconberg,
brother of the Earl of Warwick,
his livery, 16.

Newcastle, 24, 25, 199.

Newland, chantry and school at,

249-50.
Norfolk, 67, 159, 213; plague in,
237.

■e Mowbray, John
Howard, Thomas

see Talbot, Lady

battles of Hedgeley Moor and

Hexham, 25; puts down Robin m«„,u^//° iL^^c^^'virViij^w, nA

of Holderness,^43; made Mar- ^ewburgh, Sir Wilham, 74.

quis Montagu, 43 n., 48;

deserts Edward IV, 53 ; un-
popular in the North, 64 ; slain,

72.
Lord John, brother of the Earl

of Westmorland, 15.
Richard, Earl of Salisbury in

right of wife, father of the

Earl of Warwick, 8, 9.
Richard, Earl of Warwick, son

of the preceding, 9, 11, 14, 19,

20, 29, 33, 34, 39, 43, 44, 54,

59, 62, 66, 68, 69, 73, 81, 94, 97,

106, 144 n., 184 ; advises the

Earl of March to accept the

crown, 13 ; relations with

Edward IV, 20, 27, 32, 35, 36 ;

relations with Louis XI, 30,

31, 32, 34, 36, 61 ; relieves siege

of Norham, 24 ; negotiates

French marriage for Edward

— Dukes of, s
(1461-76)
(1483-5).

— Duchess of,
Ehzabeth.

Norham, 25 ; and see Castles.
Normandy, 19, 20, 26, 35, 38, 55, 73,

78, 86, 87, 89, 129, 155 n.
Norroy, pursuivant, 134.
Northampton, 42, 69, 231 n.
Northawe, 223.
Northleach, 211.
Northumberland, 199.

— Earls of, see Percy, Henry (1455-
61); Neville, John (1464-70);
Percy, Henry (1470-91).

Norwich, 139 ; plague in, 237.

IV, 27 ; angered by Edward \ — Bishop of, town house, 193 ; and

IV's marriage, i6irf., 256 ; hated
by Queen Margaret's brother,
29-30; his daughter married to
Clarence, 31, 42 ; at enmity
\vith the Woodvilles, 32 ; con-
nection with Robin of Redes-

see Hert, Walter le (1446-72).
Norys, Sir William, 68.
Nottingham, 65, 68, 131, 147, 170,

171; banner of, at Towton, 17;

Mayor of, 170; extract from

records of, 170-2.

18

274 ENGLAND UNDEE THE YOEKISTS

O'Brian, 259, 261.

O'Donnell (O'Domlinail), 259.

Ogle, Bastard of, 23.

Old Buckenham, 159.

Olyver, John, B.A., 248.

O'Neil, Con, 257-8.

Oppy, John, 191.

Ormond, Earl of, see Butler, John

(1476-8).
Ousebrigg, 225.

Oxford, 122, 231 n. ; and &ee Uni-
versities.

— Earls of, see Vere, John de, II

(1417-62) ; Vere, John de. III
(1462-1513).
Oxfordshire, 234.

Padstow, 191 n.

Palaces, academies for young nobles,
245.

— Bishop of London's at St. Paul's,

7, 9, 14, 69, 114.

— Westminster, 6, 13, 14, 54, 105,

118 ; Painted Chamber in, 140 ;
Queen's apartments in, 130.

Pale, see Ireland.

Par, Sir William, 65.

Paris, 97, 108.

Parker, Sir Harry, 185, 187.

Parliament, 104, 105, 108, 119, 130,
131, 146, 190, 201, 216; pro-
ceedings at opening of, 140-2 ;
proceedings in, about the Duke
of York's claim to the throne, 1-
7 ; allegiance sworn to Prince
Edward in, 80 ; condemns Clar-
ence, 106; authority of, 121;
Comines on, 144 ; every person
suing to it must be heard, 1;
its legislative power, 136-7 ;
three estates in, 7, 119, 120,,
121 ; like the Three Estates in
Prance, 108, 144; legislative
formula, 142, 224.

— House of Commons, Speaker of,

106 ; his election, 141-2 ; regu-
lation for election of citizens
to, and their payment, 137 ;
illustrations of elections of
knights of the shire to 138,
139 ; influence of lords on
elections, 139 ; rotten boroughs,
140.

— acts of, their authority, 5; how

made, 136-7; king's power to

add provisos to, 142-3 ; extracts
from, 119-21, 157, 199-201, 216-
8, 224-5, 229-31.
Parliament, rolls of, extracts from,
1-7, 37-8, 119-21, 140-2, 143,
165-6, 207-8, 225, 248-9 ; oath
taken in, 80.

— Chamber, 1, 7, 80.

— of Ireland, 256; letter to Edward

IV from, 253-5 ; extracts from
acts of, 255, 261-2.

Parre, Sir John a., 241.

Paston Letters, extracts from : to
John Paston, 164-5, 168, 182-3 ; to
Margaret Paston, 44, 243-4 ; from
her, 21-2, 162-3, 164-5, 182-3; to
Sir John Paston, son of the two
preceding, 53, 139-40, 162-3 ; from
him, 44, 83-4, 237 ; illustrating his
attempts to get into Parliament,
138-40 ; to John Paston, brother of
the preceding, 48, 83-4, 237 ; from
him, 139-40, 243-4.

Patent Rolls, 184 n. ; extracts from,
159-60, 172-3, 176-7, 231-4, 260.

Pecock, Reginald, Bishop of Chi-
chester, 196.

Peeke, William, 222.

Pekok, — , 140.

Pembroke, Earls of, see Tudor, Jasper
(1453-61, 1485-95); Herbert, Wil
liam (1468-9).

Pequigny, 87, 95 ; meeting of Edward
IV and Louis XI at, 96-8 ; see also
Treaties.

Percy, Henry (VII), Earl of North-
umberland, 8, 9 ; killed at
Towton, 15, 53.

— Henry, son of the preceding, 53,

68 ; restored to the earldom of
Northumberland, 43 n., 48, 53,
146 n. ; holds the north quiet
on Edward IV's return, 64-5,
146 n. ; at Pequigny, 96 ; fights
against Scotland, 111; engages
to be Gloucester's retainer,
147-8.

— Sir Ralph, brother of Henry

Percy VII, supra, 23-5.
Peronne, 93.
Persons, Thomas, 160-2.
Philip of Savoy, 31.
Philippes, William, 249.
Picardy, 107 n., 112
Pilgrimage, 261.

INDEX

275

Pilgrims, 57, 169, 205, 207 n., 237.

Pillory, 223, 224.

Plague, 231, 237.

Plantagenet, Edmund, Earl of Rut-
land, brother of Edward IV, 7,
9.

— Edward, Earl of March, 7, 9 ;

wins battle of Mortimer's Cross,
10; enters London, 12; elected
king, 12-13 ; see Edward IV.

— George, brother of Edward IV,

18 ; as Duke of Clarence, 21, 54,
163 ; projected French marriage,
26 ; alliance ^vith Warwick,
41-2, 44, 45-9; connection with
Lincolnshire rebellion, 45-7 ;
scheme to make hitn king, 47 ;
flees to France, 49 ; won over
by Edward IV, 49, 66-7 ; in-
vades England with Warwick,
53; joins Edward IV, 69; at
Tewkesbury, 74 ; quarrel with
Gloucester, 81-3 ; at Pequigny,
96; appointed to arbitrate be-
tween Prance and England, 99 ;
quarrels with Edward IV, 104-
6; death, 106; attainted, 119-
20 ; lieutenant of Ireland, 253.

— Humphrey, " the good Duke of

Gloucester," 54.

— Richard, Duke of York, father of

Edward IV, 120, 253; claims
the throne in Parliament, 1-7 ;
makes himself Protector, 7 ;
slain, 9.

— Richard, Duke of Gloucester,

brother of Edward IV, 18, 44,
66, 76, 114; project for a
French marriage for, 31 ; flees
to Holland with Edward IV,
59 ; said to have murdered
Henry VI, 77 ; marries Anne
Neville, 81-2, 146 n. ; quarrels
with Clarence, 81-3 ; dislikes
Treaty of Pequigny, 98-9 ; ac-
cepts presents from Louis XI,
99 ; leads an army against
Scotland, 111 ; swears fealty to
Edward V, 113 ; makes himself
Protector, 114 ; gets the Duke
of York out of sanctuary, 114 ;
has Hastings beheaded, 115;
summons troops from the
North, 115-6; "privy talking"
that he should be king, 116;

speeches on his title, 116-7;
takes possession of the throne,
117 ; crowned, 118 ; act of Parlia-
ment settling the crown on,
119-21 ; indenture with the Earl
of Northumberland, 1487
council, 148 ; and see Richard
HI.
Plantagenet, Richard, Duke of York,
son of Edward IV, 116 ; in sanctu-
ary at Westminster, 114 ; taken out
and sent to the Tower, 114, 122 ;
reports of his death, 123 4 ; More's
account of it, 121-5.
Plays, 222-3.
Plumpton correspondence, extract

from, 130.
Poems, extracts from : —
Rose of Rouen, 15-17.
George Ashby's, 55-8.
On Fauconberg's attack on Lon-
don, 75-6.
On England's Commercial Policy,

198-9.
The Babees Book, 245-7.
Pole, John, de la, Duke of Suffolk,
son of William dela Pole, infra,
21, 117, 160 n., 232, 233, 234 ;
unpopularity, 22 ; married to
Edward's IV's sister, 67 ; share
in choosing M.P.s, 139.

— John de la. Earl of Lincoln, son

of the preceding, 148-9.

— William de la, Duke of Suffolk,

54.
Polydore Vergil, extracts from his

History, 110-11, 125-9, 132-3, 133-

4.
Pontefract, 9, 115.
Poole harbour, 129.
Pope, the, 34, 153 ; interferes in

clerical quarrel, 186-7; attempts

to tax Enghsh clergy, 187 ;

English hostility to, 188-90, 191 ;

Edward IV writes to, 196-7.
Priuli, Ferigo de, 214.
Privy seal, keeper of, 145.

— seals, 191.
Provence, 103.
Prussia, 208.

Punchon, William, 173, 174, 175.
Pykenham, — , 244.

Ramney, Thomas, 127.
Randolf, John, 174.

18

276 ENGLAND UNDER THE YORKISTS

Ratcliffe, John, styled Lord Fitz-

walter in right of wife, 14.
Ravenspur, 68.

Rebellions, 56, 154, 228-9; one
feared in East Anglia, 21-2, 183.

— Duke of Buckingham's, 126-9, 130.

— Lincolnshire, 45-8.

— in Meath, 254.

— in the North, 53.

— Robin of Holderness', 43.

— Robin of Redesdale's, 42, 45.

— in " Surforchier," 35.

— in Wales, 32.
Redborne, 239.
Redford, William, 173.

Redman, Richard, Bishop of St.
Asaph, visits monasteries, 180-2.

Ren^ of Anjou, father of Queen
Margaret, 102, 103.

Rethel, county of, 87.

Rheims, 88.

Rhenish wine, 210.

Richard II, 239-40.

Richard III, see also Plantagenet,
Richard, Duke of Gloucester ; 107,
125, 126, 129, 130; popularity,
121-2 ; progress northwards, 122 ;
arranges murder of Edward V,
124 ; discovers Buckingham's con-
spiracy, 127 ; leads forces against
him, 128 ; death of his son, 130-1 ;
extorts money, 131; question of
marriage to EHzabeth of York,
131-2 ; attempts to render Earl of
Richmond harmless, 132-3 ; killed
at Bosworth, 134 ; buried, 135 ; re-
organisation of the Council in the
North, 148-9 ; act against benevo-
lences, 157.

Richmond, Earl of, see Tudor, Henry
(1457-85).

Richmondshire, 199.

Rivers, Earls, see Woodville, Richard
(1466-9) ; Woodville, Anthony
(1469-83).

Robin of Holderness, see Hillyard,
Robert.

— of Redesdale, see Conyers, Sir

William.
Rombalekirk, 177.
Rome, 189, 207 n., 261; court of,

190, 205; castle of St. Angelo at,

187.
Ros or Roos, Thomas, Lord de, 8, 19,

25.

Rotherham, Thomas, Bishop of Lin-
coln, Chancellor ; at Pequigny,
96, 97 (called Bishop of Ely by
mistake) ; pensioned by Louis XI,
99, 107 ; preaches at opening of
Parliament, 140-1 ; thanks of the
University of Cambridge to, for
benefactions, 250-1 ; as Archbishop
of York, imprisoned by Gloucester,
115, 116.

Rowell, Thomas, 128.

Russe, John, 140.

Russell, John, Bishop of Lincoln,
Chancellor, 232, 233, 234.

Rutland, Earl of, see Plantagenet,
Edmund (1445-60).

Saffron Waldon, 194.

Soham (Saham), 160.

St. Albans, 10; and see Battles.

St. Cuthbert, liberty of, 177.

St. Edward (the Confessor), 240;

sceptre of, 13, 118 ; shrine of, ibid.
St. George, 241.
St. James, see Compostella.
St. John's, Lord of, see Langstrother.
St. Leger, Sir Thomas, 99, 107.
St. Martin's in the Fields, 193 ; and

see London, Churches.
St. Michael's Mount, 84.
St. Pol, 62; Louis of Luxemburg,

Count of, Constable of France, 87,

94.
St. Quentin, 60, 93.
Salisbury, 128, 129.

— Earl of, see Neville, Richard (1428-

60).

Sanctuary, 123, 128 ; violated by
Edward IV after Tewkesbury, 74 ;
Anne Neville in, at St. Martin-le-
Grand, 82 ; Queen Elizabeth and
her children in, 114 ; Duke of
Buckingham's speech against,
178-9 ; at Durham, 177 ; and see
Westminster.

Saudridge, 15.

Sandwich, 21, 33, 215.

Saunders, Laurence, 150-1.

Savage, James, Seneschal of Ulster,
257-8.

Say, William, 174.

— Lords, see Fiennes, James (1447-

51), and Fiennes, William
(1451-71).

INDEX

277

Scales, Lord, see Woodville, Anthony
(1461-73).

Schapton, Thomas, 191-2.

Schools, 247-50; of the Friars, 186;
in Ireland, 261.

Schoyer, John, 184, 185.

Scolds, punishment of, 235-6.

Scotland, 9, 22, 144, 261 ; Lancas-
trians flee to, 15, 19 ; Edward
IV plans an invasion of, 24 ;
Duke of Gloucester invades,
111.

— James III, King of (1460-88), 188,

189 ; character, 110 ; Edward
IV allies with, 83, 90-2; re-
lations with France, 83, 110;
attacks England, 109, 110-1;
accepts a truce, 111.
Scots, attempt to relieve Alnwick,
23 ; besiege Norham, 24 ; sue for
peace, 25 ; help Lancastrians in
Wales, 78, 79.
Scotus, Duns, 251.
Sefi, — , 243, 244.
Seine, 133.

Seneschal, 106, 174, 257.
Serjeants-at-law, 4-5.
Severn, 74.

Shaa, Doctor Ralph, 116-7.
Shaw, Thomas, 170.
Sheriff, 157, 164, 168, 183, 184, 232,

238.
Ships:

balingers, 24.
bertons, 20.
EasterUng, 62.
sertes, 92.

the Grace d Dieu, 212.
the Trinity, 49.
and see Fleet.
Shire court, 138.

— house, 140.
Shrewsbury, 9.
Sicily, 210.
Skinner, John, 173.

Sluys, 24, 38; Venetian trade with,

215.
Smyth, William, 193.

— at the Brygge, John, 160.
Snailwell (Sneywell), 161.
Snoryng, 182.

Somerset, 42, 123.

— Dukes of, see Beaufort, Henry

(1455-64); Beaufort, Edmund
(1464-71).

Somme, 87, 96.

Southampton, 172, 215; sheriff of,
232.

Southwark, 75.

Southwell, Richard, 159.

Spain, 215.

Speen (Spyne), 193.

Stacy, John, 105 n.

Stafford, Henry, Duke of Bucking-
ham, 106, 113, 116, 242 ; speech
on the Duke of Gloucester's
title to the throne, 117 ; against
sanctuary, 178-9 ; leader of
agitation for release of the
Princes in the Tower, 123 ; re-
bellion, 126-9, 130; beheaded,
129.

— Humphrey, Earl of Devonshire,

42.
Stanley, George, Lord Strange, son
of Thomas Stanley, iiifra, 130.

— Thomas Lord, 48 ; helps to bring

about Treaty of Pequigny, 93
n. ; takes Berwick, 111 ; as Earl
of Derby, 118.

— Sir William, brother of the pre-

ceding, 68, 134.
Staple, see Calais.
Star Chamber, proceedings in the

Court of, 170-2.
State Papers, extracts from, see

Milan, Venice.
Statutes, 56, 136 ; extracts from, see

Parliament, acts of.
Steelyard, 209.
Stilhngton, Robert, Bishop of Bath,

67 ; as Chancellor, 172 ; founds a

school, 248-9.
Stony Stratford, 113.
Story, Edward, later Bishop of Car-
lisle, 186.
Strange, Lord, see Stanley, George

(1482-1503).
Strangwisshe, Nicholas, 200.
Stratford atte Bowe, 223.
Streets, cleaning of, 235, 236.
Sturmyn, — , 243-4.
Styvour, Thomas, 184.
Subborne, Augustus, 173.
Sudbury, 164.
Suffolk, 213.

— Duke of, see Pole, John de la

(1455-91).
Sumptuary laws, 57, 229-31.
Symson, William, 177.

278 ENGLAND UNDEK THE YORKISTS

Talbot, Sir Edmund, 28.

— Lady Eleanor, see Butler, Eleanor.

— Lady Elizabeth ("my Lady"),

wife of John Mowbray, Duke
of Norfolk, 138-9.

— John, 28.

— Thomas, 28.
Tankerd, Sir William, 226.
Tatersale, Sir John, 182.
Tebawde, Andrew, 161.
Temple Brewer, 47.
Tenths, 229 ; ecclesiastical, 155.
Thames, 23i.
Throgmerton, John, 10.
Tin, 154, 215 ; tinner, 191.
Tiptoft, John, Earl of Worcester,

169 ; as Deputy of Ireland, 255-9.
Titchfield, see Monasteries.
Tithingmen, 173-5.
Toby, William, 159.
Todenham, Sir Thomas, 169.
Tofi, 174.

Torture, unknown to English law,
159 ; use of, 169 ; Duke of Bucking-
ham confesses without, 129.
Tournai, 87 ; Bishop of, 103.
Treaties of alliance, 37 n. : —

with Brittany, 36-7.

with Burgundy, 36, 60, 85-8.

with Castile, 28-9.

with Scotland, 90-2.

Pequigny, 99-102, 108, 168.

— commercial :

%vith Brittany, 206.
with Burgundy, 203-6.
with Castile, 29.
with Denmark and
202.

Trent, 10, 16.

Tresham, Sir Thomas, 74.

Trevelyan, Daniel, 54.

Trim, 257.

Troloppe, Sir Andrew, 15.

Troys, John, 160 n., 161, 162 n.

Trueblood, John, 40.

Tudor, Henry, Earl of Kichmond,
afterwards Henry VII, 123,
125, 126 ; attempts to join
Buckingham's rebellion, 129 ;
in Brittany, 132 ; flees to
France, 133 ; lands in Engl and,
ibid, ; at Bosworth, 134.

— Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, uncle

of the preceding and half-
brother of Henry VI, defeated !

Norway,

at Mortimer's Cross, 10 ; in
Wales, 32, 40, 78 ; rumour of
his capture, 79.

Tuder, Owen, father of the preceding,
10.

Turks, 187.

Tutbury, honour of, 104.

Twyer, John, 159, 160, 183.

Tyrrel, Sir James, 124, 125.

Ulster, 257, 258.
Undersheriff, 138, 164, 165, 183.
Universities, 207 n. :

Cambridge, teaching at, 251 ;
schools and libraries built at,

ibid. ;
Oxford, 262 ;

act for foundation at Drogheda,
261-2.
Uriel, county of, 255, 259.
Urswick, Thomas, recorder of Lon-
don, 69.
Urswyke, Christopher, 133.

Vagabonds, 167.
Vaughan, John, 176.

— Sir Thomas, 115.
Vaux, Sir William, 74.
Veer, 62.
Venice, 214, 215 ; trade with England

and Flanders, 214-6 ; extracts
from Calendar of State Papers pre-
served at, 196-7, 214-6 ; and see
Consuls, Merchants.
Vere, Aubrey de, eldest son of John
de Vere, II, infra, 169-70.

— John de, II, Eiarl of Oxford, 169-
70.

— John de, III, Earl of Oxford,
second son of the preceding,
44, 163 ; seizes St. Michael's
Mount, 84; surrenders, 85 ; his
brother, 68.

Vergil, Polydore, see Polydore Vergil.
Villein, manumission of, 239.
Visitations, see Monasteries.

Waddington Hall, 28.

Wakefield, 64 n.. 65 ; and see Battles.

Waldon, see Saffron Waldon.

Wales, 7, 24, 42, 77, 115, 123, 126,
199, 201, 239 ; Lancastrian, 19, 40,
51, 78 ; Jasper Tudor in, 32, 40,
78 , and see Welshmen.

INDEX

279

Walkyngton, Sir John, 221-2.
Walter, servant of Clarence, 46-7.
Warwick, 66, 69, 124, 239 ; and see
Castles.

— Countess of, see Beaucbamp,

Anne (1449-93).

— Earl of, see Neville, Richard

(1449-71).
Wateiford, 260.

Waynfiete, William, Bishop of Win-
chester, 54, 176.
Webster, William, 193.
Wedryngton, John, 148.
Welbeck, see Monasteries.
Welles, Richard, Lord, styled Lord

Willoughby in right of wife,

45.

— Sir Robert, son of the preceding,

45, 48; his confession, 46-7.

Wells, William, 115.

Welshmen, in Edward IV's army,
14 ; in rebellion, 32, 52 ; defeated
by Robin of Redesdale, 42 ; in
Buckingham's army, 128.

Wenlock, John, Lord, 74.

Wentworth, Sir Philip, 25.

Westerdale, Sir John, priest, 64,
68.

Westminster, 6, 12, 13, 14, 80, 90,
113, 114, 117, 119, 122, 123, 130,
132, 252; Abbey Church at, 13,
118; chancery at, 13; council
chamber at, 105 ; great hall at, 13,
117, 118; sanctuary at, 114, 122;
Star Chamber at, 170; and see
Palaces.

Westmorland, 199.

Wever, John, 173.

Weymouth, 73.

White, William, 115.

Whittingham, Sir Robert, 74.

Wicken ( Wykyn), 160.

Wightman, William, 177.

Wigmore, 9.

Willoughby, Lord, see Welles, Sir
Richard.

Wiltshire, 123.

— Earls of, see Butler, James (1419-

61).
Winchester, 231-2 ; diocese of, 180.

— Bishop of, see Waynfiete, William

(1447-86).
Windsor, 105, 113, 122, 197, 241 n.
Wingfield, Sir Robert, 139.
Wodeward, William, 176.

Wodlond, Thomas, 474.

Wood, John, Speaker of the House
of Commons, 141-2.

Woodville, Anthony, Baron Scales in
right of Vfiie, son of Richard
Woodville, infra, 34, 49 ; as
Earl Rivers, 76 ; executed, 115 ;
patron of Caxton, 252.

— Elizabeth, daughter of Richard
Woodville, infra, widow of Sir
John Grey, wife of Edward IV,
113, 114, 147, 186, 241, 242,
243; man-ies Edward IV, 27;
desires the marriage of her
daughter to the Dauphin, 109,
112 ; sons of her first marriage,
107, 115 ; in sanctuary, 114 ;
surrenders the Duke of York to
Gloucester, 114, 122; Glou-
cester's accusations against her,
115-6; his allegations against
her marriage, 119 ; she plots
with Margaret Beaufort against
him, 126-7; sends her
daughters out of sanctuary to
him, 130 ; supposed share in
the death ^f the Earl of Des-

Rivers, 27, 35,

mond, 255-

— Richard, Earl

42.
Wool, 154, 203, 206, 217, 218, 224,
225 ; Cotswold, 210, 211 ; ex-
port of, 198, 199-200, 211-2; de-
ceits in packing, 200 ; letters il-
lustrating the wool-trade, 210-2.
Worcester, 226 n. ; banner of, at

Towton, 17; school at, 248;

regulations for elections of

M.P.s at, 137.

— Bishop of, 193 ; and see Carpen-

ter, John (1444-76).

— Earl of, see Tiptoft, John (1449-

70).
Wrangwysh, Thomas, 115.
Wright, John, 47.
Wykyn, see Wicken.
Wylde, Thomas, 248.
Wyllys, James, heretic, his opinions,

192-4.
Wytham, Thomas, 148.

Yarmouth, 140, 231 n.
Yearbooks, extract from, 172.
Yelverton, William, 168.

280

ENGLAND UNDEK THE YOEKISTS

York, 8, 9, 11, 14, 25, 43, 44, 48, 64
n., 66, 68, 113, 122, 125, 148, 187,
226, 231 n. ; diocese of, 177 ; mayor
of, 68, 115, 148, 226 ; mystery play
at, 223 ; extracts from the records
of, 115-6, 148, 222-3, 226. '

— Archbishops of, see Boothe,
William (1452-64) ; Neville,

George (1465-76) ; Rotherham,
Thomas (1480-1500).
York, Dukes of, see Plantagenet,
Richard, father of Edward IV
(1426-60), Plantaganet, Richard,
son of Edward IV (1474-83).
Yorkshire, 128, 249.

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