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THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
IN INDIA
1642-1645
A CALENDAR OF DOCUMENTS IN THE
INDIA OFFICE, WESTMINSTER
BY
WILLIAM FOSTER, CLE.
EDITOR OF 'letters RECEIVED BY THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, 1615-17'
'THE EMBASSY OF SIR THOMAS ROE TO THE GREAT MOGUL', ETC.
PUBLISHED UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF HIS MAJESTY'S
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA IN COUNCIL
OXFORD >^
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1913
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK
TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY
HUMPHREY MILFORD M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY
PREFACE
The documents here dealt with number one hundred and
fifty-seven, and they are spread fairly evenly over the four
years comprised in the present volume. Except for one
letter on p. 183 (of slight importance), which comes from
the Egertou MSS. at the British Museum, they are all
drawn from the India Office archives. Neither the Public
Record Office at home nor any of the Indian Record Offices
has been able to contribute to the collection.
The period synchronizes roughly with the first phase of
the Civil War in England, from the raising of the royal
standard at Nottingham in August, 1642, to the battle of
Naseby in June, 1645 j ^^^ the consequent difficulty with
which the East India Company's operations were carried
on at home of course affected to some extent the proceed-
ings of their servants in the East. Yet on the whole the
embarrassment caused to the latter was smaller than miofht
have been expected. Each year ships arrived from England,
though with reduced cargoes, and each year one or more
went back ; and the most startling effect of the war on the
Company's trade was the loss of the John, which in 1644
was betrayed to the royalists by her commander. In India
itself the factors, though much hampered by debt and the
lack of sufficient supplies from home, managed to keep
going the trade with Mokha, Basra, Gombroon, Achin,
iv THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Bantam, and other places ; while in addition they dispatched
ships from Surat to Macao and Manilla — the latter a pioneer
venture which met with less success than it deserved. On
the Coromandel Coast and in Bengal English commerce
was making little headway ; but this was largely due to the
disturbed state of the Vijayanagar kingdom, now tottering
to its fall.
The frontispiece consists of a map of the Malabar and
Coromandel Coasts at this period, intended to supplement
the map of Northern India given in the first volume of the
present series (i 6 18-21).
The index has been compiled by Mr. H. G, Bull, of the
Record Department of the India Office.
INTRODUCTION
The position of English commerce in the East at the beginning
of 1642 went far to justify the pessimistic tone of most of the letters
of that time here printed. From every factory came complaints of
financial embarrassments. Alike at Bantam, Fort St. George, and
Surat, the English merchants were deeply in debt, while the heavy
interest — amounting in the case of Bantam to 4 or 5 per cent, per
month (p. 34) — and current expenses were draining away what little
cash they were able to procure. Both in the sale of their wares
and in the purchase of Eastern products they had to face a formid-
able competition on the part of the Dutch, who were far better
equipped both with goods and funds. The recent extension of the
Company's sphere of action to Bengal, Sind, and Basra had not
produced results answering to the sanguine anticipations of the
promoters. Sind, it is true, seems to have yielded a fair return
both in indigo and calico ; but Basra had proved disappointing
(p. 23), while Bengal had swallowed up large sums and returned
little or nothing. Every letter to England implored a supply of
money ; but money the Company was finding it increasingly
difficult to procure. The threatening aspect of public affairs at
home had much to do with this ; so had the competition of the
group of interlopers known as Courteen's Association. An attempt
to raise a Fourth Joint Stock in the spring of 1640 had failed
miserably ; and it was only with difficulty that in the autumn of
the following year a sum of about 105,000/. (p. 41) was got together
for the purpose of a (First) ' General Voyage ', i.e. a venture for one
year only. With this money the Hopewell was equipped and dis-
patched to the Coromandel Coast at the end of 1641, with a stock
of over 17,000/. : the Blessing was sent to Bantam : and the O'w-
piana and Aleppo Merchant (the latter a hired vessel) to Surat with
nearly 60,000/. (p. 61).
At the last-named settlement President Fremlen and his Council
managed, with the help of a further loan from a wealthy Hindu
vi THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
merchant, Virjl Vora, to fill the London with calico, sugar, cotton
yarn, cinnamon, &c., and dispatched her to England at the close of
January, 1642. A few days later the Swan^ which had arrived
from Bantam in the previous November, started on her return
voyage to that port ; and on her way she called at Goa to land two
factors, who were to be stationed there to prevent the intrusion of
Courteen's merchants. In the middle of February two pinnaces,
the Seahorse and the Prosperous^ left Swally for Gombroon, whence
the Prosperous continued her voyage for Basra ; while a little later
the Supply followed them to Persia with freight goods, arriving at
Gombroon on March 19. Their calicoes were disposed of without
difficulty and at a good profit, as the depredations of the Malabar
pirates had deterred many of the Indian junks from venturing to
that port j but the customs revenue (and consequently the English
share of it) suffered in proportion (p. 32). In addition, the Discovery
and a small pinnace named the Francis were dispeeded by the
President and Council to the Red Sea, partly to trade, partly to
guard the Indian junks against piratical attacks,^ and partly to
capture Malabar rovers. The Francis sailed on February 5, arrived
at Mokha about a month later, left again for Gombroon on July 12,
and finally reached Swally, in company with the Seahorse and
Prosperous, at the end of October. The Discovery did not make
a start until March 12, and consequently did not reach Mokha till
April 13. The markets proved so bad that Wylde, the merchant
in charge, decided to remain there to sell the goods at leisure. The
vessel therefore sailed without him on August 22. She was much
delayed by bad weather, with the result that she did not get to
Swally until the last day of October The English merchants
were very glad to see her back, for sinister rumours were circulating
in the Surat bazaars that, finding a large amount of treasure on
board belonging to native merchants, the crew had carried her off
to England (pp. 92, 144).
The Company's servants at Basra wrote home in September an
interesting letter (p. 57) describing their experiences of that city as
a place of trade. They had been extremely well treated ; but there
^ The importance of the trade between Surat and Mokha is well shown by the fact,
mentioned on p. 17, that the junks returning from the latter port in the autumn of 1641
brought upwards of 1,700,000 rials of eight. ,
INTRODUCTION vii
was small demand for their broadcloth or indeed for any oth?r
goods 'in these barren tymes '. They had, however, realized
nearly 18,000/., and were now about to return to India in the Sea-
horse and Prosperotis. These two vessels reached Swally on
October 29, and the former was then sent to examine the island of
Salbet, off the coast of Kathiawar (p. 93).
The two ships from England, viz. the Crispiajia and the Aleppo
Merchant y anchored at Swally on September 31, 1642. On board
the former was Edward Knipe, an old servant of the Company,
who had returned to his allegiance after spending some time in the
service of Courteen. He had now been engaged as a special factor
for this voyage, and was to go back to England in whichever ship
should be the last to leave. No time was lost at Surat in dis-
patching him with the Aleppo Merchant to Goa and Cochin, to sell
broadcloth, lead, and coral, and to procure cinnamon, cardamoms,
and pepper. He was also to fetch away from the former place the
two factors (Pitt and Hill) who had been left there by the Sivan
early in the year. Knipe sailed on October 13, and ten days later
his ship anchored in Goa Road, where he found a Dutch blockading
squadron under Jan Dirksz. Galen. The latter was already much
annoyed because Courteen's ship the Hester had slipped into Goa
and sold sulphur to the Viceroy, while the Swan ^, which (as he
alleged) had been permitted to go into the port under promise not
to trade there, had nevertheless embarked a quantity of cinnamon.
After some dispute, however, he permitted Knipe to send into Goa
for the English factors and any merchandise they might have in
hand. This done, the Aleppo Merchant sailed again on the last
day of October, and after visiting Calicut and Ponnani, anchored
off Cochin on November 8. There Knipe sold most of his goods
and obtained a quantity of cinnamon at cheap rates. Returning,
he bought some pepper and cardamoms at Calicut, paid a pioneer
visit to Basrur (p. 109), and got back to Svvaliy three days before
Christmas.
The Crispiana and Aleppo Merchant left Swally on their home-
ward voyage about the middle of January, 1643, carrying a letter
which contained, among other items of interest, the news that Shah
^ On her return voyage from Bantam to Surat. She reached the latter port on
November 9, 1642 (p. 94).
viii THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Safi of Persia was dead and had been succeeded by a boy of ten,
under the title of Shah Abbas II (p. 83). At the end of the month
the Discovery and Supply were dispatched to Gombroon, whence
the former was to continue her voyage to Mokha while the latter
returned to Surat. In the meantime the Francis was sent direct
to the Red Sea in March, with a few freight goods and some stores
for the Discovery. The Seahorse sailed for Gombroon and Basra
towards the end of the same month, and returned in November
with an encouraging report. The Francis got back from Mokha
in September, and the Discovery (by way of Cochin) at the begin-
ning of November. John Wylde, the factor in charge, had died at
Mokha in October, 164^, and thereupon some English goods, which
Cranmer had been sent to sell at Jiddah, were seized and were only
released on payment of a considerable sum. The Governor of
Mokha promised to obtain restitution ; but nothing resulted, and
the English were forced to leave with their grievances unredressed
(p. 161).
Knipe's success in selling coral, &c. on the Malabar Coast
encouraged the President and Council at Surat to send a further
quantity in that direction under the charge of Thurston and Pynn,
who were landed at Cochin by the Swan^ which sailed from Swally,
bound for Bantam, on February 25, 1643. ^^^ factors found that
the country was in a disturbed state, owing to wars between the
Portuguese and a neighbouring Raja ; but they managed to secure
a quantity of pepper, with which they returned to Surat in the
Discovery.
In April, 1643, the Surat factors sent the Supply to Achin, laden
chiefly with freight goods belonging to Indian merchants. The
venture was not entirely successful, owing to the hold the Dutch
had upon the trade ; but the prospects appeared sufficiently
encouraging to warrant a factory being established there under
Maximilian Bowman. On her way back the Supply secured a
quantity of cinnamon at Cochin, with which she returned to Swally
in the middle of December.
In the autumn of 164:^ the East India Company had succeeded
in starting a Fourth Joint Stock, with a capital which was ultimately
made up to 105,000/. ; and had prepared for the East a fleet con-
sisting of the Dolphin^ Hind, and Scajlozucr — all for Surat — apd the
INTRODUCTION ix
Hart for the Coast. In addition, the Mary was sent out to Bantann
on account both of the First General Voyage and of the new Joint
Stock. These ships sailed in the spring of 1643. The Dolphin
and Hznd re3iched Swally on September 18 ; while the Scajiower^
which had called on her way at Mozambique and Bombay, did not
arrive until ten days later. On November 10 the Dolplihi was sent
to Rajapur and Goa, returning just before Christmas; and in the
meantime the Hind made a voyage to Sind to fetch certain goods
which were there awaiting shipment, while the Seaflower went to
Gombroon for a like purpose. On her return she was dispatched
to Bantam (April 20, 1644).
The pepper brought from Achin by the Supply^ together with
a quantity received by the Expedition from Bantam in November,
and the usual investments in India itself, enabled the President and
Council to dispeed the Dolphin and Discovery for England on
January 29, 1644, with good cargoes. On the former vessel
William Fremlen embarked, having made over his post as Presi-
dent to Francis Breton. The voyage proved a disastrous one.
Want of water forced the two vessels to make for Mauritius, and on
their way they encountered a fearful storm. The Discovery was
never heard of again, and presumably went down with all hands.^
The Dolphin narrowly escaped the same fate ; but by cutting away
her mainmast and bailing incessantly her crew managed to keep her
afloat and get her to Mauritius (April 6). There they found the
Hopewell^ homeward bound from Bantam ; she too had suffered
much from the winds and waves, and the repair of the two ships, in
which the Dutch settlers lent a helping hand, took until June 22,
when they sailed in company for Madagascar and the Comoros.
At the latter islands they were joined by the Crispiana from
England ; and, as it was judged unsafe for the DolpJiin and Hope-
well to attempt the voyage home in their crazy condition, all three
sailed for Surat on August 17, and anchored there a month later.
Fremlen had now to spend three months in India before making
^ The loss thus occasioned was variously stated at 46,000/. {Court Minutes y 1644-49,
p. 96), 30,000/. {Ibid., p. 163), and about 52,000/, (Sambrooke's report on the East India
trade, in Home Miscellaneous, vol. xl.). As the value of the cargoes of both vessels was
only about 46,000/. (p. 159), the second figure (allowing for the ship and stores) seems
nearest the mark.
X THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
a fresh attempt to reach his native land ; and his anomalous position
as ex-President raised some awkward questions at home as to the
pay which he was entitled to draw for this period.
One of the latest events of Fremlen's administration was the dis-
patch of presents to Agra for the Emperor and his sons. A Dutch
mission to court in 1642 had resulted in a favourable settlement
of the question of the rating for customs purposes of goods exported
by them. The calculation of exact values in such cases left an
opening for extortion of which the officials were not slow to avail
themselves ; and it was an obvious advantage to have a definite
scale laid down, based upon the actual cost of the goods, plus
certain allowances supposed to represent the expense of getting
them to the coast. Naturally, the English were eager to obtain
a similar concession; and a change of Governors at Surat, which
occurred in December, 1643, offered a suitable opportunity, as the
late Governor, Jam Qui! Beg, was going to court and had promised
his active assistance. Letters were therefore written to Shah Jahan
and his son Dara Shikoh ; and with these were sent handsome
presents for both and for Prince Murad Bakhsh, the cost of which
amounted to about 9,000 rupees, or rather over 1,000/. (p. 160).
The actual negotiations were left to John Turner and the other
factors at Agra, who were to enlist the help of Islam Khan, the
then Wazir. The results were eminently satisfactory. The presents
produced a very favourable impression (p. 162), and the Emperor
issued ^ far man complying with the wishes of the English in the
matter of the rating of their goods (p. 214). In addition he sent
to the President a jewelled dagger (p. 230) ; while his son, Dara
Shikoh, forwarded a valuable jewel, and granted several nishdns to
facilitate English trade in Sind (p. 215).
Breton's accession to the post of President was signalized by
a decision to extend the area of English operations by dispatching
two vessels to Macao and Manilla respectively. In the case of the
former, the concurrence of the Viceroy of Goa was necessary, but
this was readily forthcoming. The Hind was designated for the
employment, and, warned by the fate of Courteen's Bona Spcranza
(p. xx), it was determined that no Portuguese goods should be
carried, lest the Dutch should be given a pretext for interfering.
Thurston was placed in charge of the venture, with three assistants
INTRODUCTION xi
(p. 165). The venture to Manilla was prompted by the hope of
profiting by the rupture which had taken place between the Portu-
guese and the Spaniards, and the consequent cessation of the usual
trade between the Philippines and Macao ; and the instigator of the
attempt was a Portuguese half-caste named De Brito, who had
lived for some years at Manilla. The Seahorse was therefore fitted
with a cargo, consisting largely of piece-goods, and Edward Pearcc,
Thomas Breton (brother of the President), and two other factors,
accompanied by De Brito, were entrusted with the management of
the enterprise. She sailed in the middle of February, 1644 ; and
was followed by the Hind on April 26. The two met at Goa and
proceeded on their voyage together, accompanied for part of the
way by the Siipply, which was bound for Achin. Soon after starting
they overhauled a Malabar junk, but her crew baulked them of their
prey by running the vessel ashore.
It had been intended to send a fresh consignment of goods to
Mokha by the Dutch Valkeiibtirg^ which was preparing for a voyage
to that port ; and the proceeds were to be fetched away at the end
of the season by the Supply and Francis, these vessels spending
the interim in endeavouring to capture Malabar traders at the
entrance of the Straits. But at the last moment the Dutch declined
to accept any freight goods, as their ship had enough lading of her
own ; and the consignment was therefore put aboard an Indian junk,
the Saldmatl, which sailed at the end of March, 1644. The result
was anything but satisfactory ; for, after battling for seventy days
against contrary winds, the junk was forced to abandon the voyage
and make for Gombroon, where she arrived on June 5. The goods
on board were forwarded to Basra for sale (p. 266).
At the end of March, likewise, the Francis and a small pinnace
were dispatched to Basra, carrying Robert Cranmer and two other
Englishmen. They reached their destination on June 23. The
place fully maintained its reputation of being a more profitable mart
than either Mokha or Gombroon (p. 208) ; and when, in the middle
of January, 1645, the factors returned in the Francis to Surat, they
brought with them a handsome sum of money as the proceeds
of the season's sales (p. 248).
Spiller, the head of the Tatta factory, spent the whole of the
rainy season of 1644 in the upper districts of Sind, investigating
xii THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
the conditions of production and seeking for suitable places as
centres for the purchase of indigo and calico. He reported that
the latter was rapidly deteriorating in quality, owing to the great
demand that had arisen for it of late years. As regards the former,
he found that * the people are so exceedingly opprest and kept so
miserably poor that, notwithstanding the soil is fertile and propper
and would produce large quantities of good indicoes,they have neither
will nor means to manure and sow the ground ' ; and the com-
petition of the local dyers for the small quantity produced (p. 203)
made it unprofitable for the English to buy there during that
season, though it was determined to make a renewed attempt the
following year.
In England the Company, notwithstanding the general disloca-
tion of trade produced by the Civil War, had succeeded in dispatching
five ships to the East, viz. the Endeavour (a pinnace specially
built for service in Indian waters) to the Coromandel Coast, the
William and Blessing to Bantam, and the Crispiana and John to
Surat. All these were the Company's own vessels, it having been
found by experience that it was cheaper to build than to hire
(p. 173). The three last-named left the Downs early in April,
1644, and proceeded for some time in company. Then the Loyalty ^
one of Courteen's ships, was encountered, bound for Mozambique
and the Malabar Coast. The Company had arranged that the
John, which, being a new ship, was an excellent sailer, should visit
both places on her way to Surat, while the Crispiana was to go
straight to the latter port ; it was therefore agreed that, in order to
anticipate the Loyalty^Xh^ John should leave the other two behind
and make for Mozambique as rapidly as possible, rejoining the
Crispiana at Johanna (one of the Comoro Islands). The separation
took place on May 22. During the tedious weeks that followed
there was much friction between the principal men on board the
John. Mucknell, the master, was a man of violent temper and
much addicted to drink ; like most of the Company's sea com-
manders he had risen from the ranks, and he was inclined to be
conceited and jealous of interference. Edward Knipe, the chief
factor, soon aroused Mucknell's resentment by urging the other
officers of the ship to remonstrate with him on his dissolute
behaviour ; and their relations were not improved when Knipe
INTRODUCTION xiii
dropped hints that he might be obliged to ask, on reaching India,
that Mucknell should be deprived of his post. Henry Garry ^, the
second factor, who had grievances of his own against Knipe, was
accused afterwards of fomenting the discord between the other two
by sympathizing with Mucknell ; but this does not appear to have
been a serious element in the quarrel. Mozambique was reached
on August II, and quitted ten days later. While there, Knipe
arranged to provide passages for a Portuguese official, with his wife
and a large suite ; and this, though it brought some personal profit
to the master, was magnified by him into a fresh grievance. The
ship was now speeding towards Johanna, where the Crispiana — and
possibly others of the Company's vessels — would be found ; and
Mucknell was manifestly ill at ease regarding Knipe's intentions
towards him. The factors, on their side, suspected the master of
scheming to miss the island ; and they accordingly sent him
a written order to put in there without fail — a step which roused
him to fury, and confirmed him in his half-formed resolution of
running away with the ship if the opportunity occurred. He after-
wards boasted that he had intended to do this from the first. He
had personally suffered at the hands of the Parliamentary Govern-
ment (pp. 199, 262), and the idea of carrying over his fine new
vessel to the royalist side was an attractive one. In his maudlin
moments he may have dreamed of being knighted by the King
(p. 265), and in any case he might count upon being handsomely
rewarded for his daring action. But, vehement as he was, he was
evidently somewhat irresolute in character ; and in all probability
he would not have ventured upon so risky a step had he not been
goaded to it by his fear of losing his post as the result of Knipe's
intended complaints. Even now, he put off all action for the present
and obediently anchored his vessel at Johanna on August 25.
The fact that the Crispiana had already quitted the rendezvous
favoured the carrying out of Mucknell's scheme, which he now pro-
ceeded to put in force. Craftily pretending to be desirous of a
reconciliation with Knipe, he arranged for a dinner on shore, at
which all the factors and those of the officers whom he mistrusted
* Remembered in Bombay history as having been in later years Governor of that island
(for King Charles) when the transfer to the East India Company took place {_see p. 245).
His name is often written ' Gary *
xiv THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
were to be present, to celebrate a mutual forgiveness of all offences.
Knipe and his associates fell easily into the trap. At the dinner
(August 2^9) all was cordiality and friendliness ; but immediately
after Mucknell made an excuse to leave the company for a short
time, and when the rest, tired of waiting for his return, made their
way down to the shore to re-embark, they saw to their amazement
that the ship was under sail. The master had slipped on board
and harangued the crew, begging their assistance in averting his
impending disgrace, and had then proceeded to announce his inten-
tion of carrying the ship back to England and handing her over to
King Charles. The sailors were easily persuaded to agree, espe-
cially when promised a share in the money that was on board. The
Portuguese passengers were therefore sent on shore, and the John
sailed away.
Vivid narratives by eyewitnesses of these events will be found on
pp. 196, 238, f?6i, 16%, and we must leave to them all details of the
homeward voyage. It must suffice here to record that the JoJm
reached the English coast in safety and was carried into Bristol,
which was then being besieged by the Parliamentary forces. Her
cargo, consisting chiefly of coral, was taken ashore, and being found
intact when the city was stormed by Fairfax's troops, was to a
great extent regained by the Company. The vessel herself was
dispatched under Mucknell to prey upon Commonwealth shipping,
and did considerable damage before her career was ended by ship-
wreck while endeavouring to evade some of the Parliament's
cruisers. Mucknell himself, according to a letter from the Company
to Surat in March, 1646, ' escaped to doe future misc[h]iefe, untill
Gods hand or the gallowes make an end of him ' ; and this is the
last glimpse we have of the disloyal commander of the JoJin.
Meanwhile the Crispiana, as already related, had met the battered
Dolphin and Hopewell at Johanna, and all three had proceeded to
Surat, arriving vSeptember 18. A month later, the Crispiana sailed
for Sind to fetch the goods provided there for England. The
Hopezvell was sent down the coast to Cochin, and on her return was
sentenced to be broken up as past repair ; while the Dolphin was
refitted with a view to her speedy dispatch once more for England.
She departed accordingly at the end of November, 1644, with
Fremlen on board, and reached the Thames the following July.
INTRODUCTION xv
Fremlen, it may be noted, did not long enjoy the fruits of his
Indian service, for he died in March, 1646 (see Court Minutes of
the East India Company, 1644-49, p. ix). Apparently he had not
amassed a fortune, for Methwold, who acted as his executor, pressed
the Company to pay full salary for Fremlen's last year in India, on
the ground that, unless this were done, he could not discharge
a legacy of 500/. to the Company's Hospital at Black wall {Ibid.^
p. 155). Probably Fremlen had sustained some loss by the disaster
to the Discovery and the damage to the Dolphin in his first attempt
to get to England ; while another unlucky venture of his is related
by Tavernier {Les Six Voyages, ed. 1676-77, vol. ii. p. 308).
According to this story, Fremlen and Breton had combined with
a Jew named ' Edouard Ferdinand ' — doubtless the Duarte Fer-
nandez Correa of the text — to purchase a large diamond, which was
then entrusted to the Jew for sale when he went to Europe early in
1644 {infra^ p. 159). On his arrival at Leghorn he was offered
a sum of about 5,600/. for it, but this he refused as insufficient. He
then took the stone to Venice to get it cut. This was successfully
accomplished ; but when the diamond was placed upon the wheel
for polishing, it broke into nine pieces.
Early in January, 1645, the Crispiana in her turn set sail for
England. In the letter she carried home (p. 227) Breton and his
colleagues expressed their astonishment at the non-appearance of
the John, concerning which they had only heard that she had been
at Mozambique. Towards the end of the same month their appre-
hensions of disaster were verified by the appearance of Knipe and
his associates, who, after remaining at Johanna until September 30,
had then been taken off by Courteen's Thomas and John, bound
for Karwar on the Malabar Coast. Easterly winds, however,
forced the vessel out of her course, with the result that she was
obliged to put into Kishm, in Southern Arabia, for water and pro-
visions. Proceeding along the coast, a Dutch ship was met with,
which was making for Surat ; and Knipe and his companions gladly
accepted her captain's offer to carry them thither. Thanks to this
friendly assistance, they at last reached their destination and
reported to the President and Council the loss of their ship and
their own subsequent sufferings.
Hardly knowing what to do with so highly-paid a merchant as
FOSTER VII b
xvi THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Knipe, the Surat Council determined to make him chief of the
Agra factory ; and an interesting account of his proceedings there
will be found on p. 399. It will be noted that the operations of the
English at this time extended over a considerable area, including
Lucknow, though Agra remained their only permanent settlement
in those parts.
The blow dealt to English interests in India by the defection of
the John was a severe one (p. 249). Breton and his colleagues had
been counting upon her money and goods not only for the partial
discharge of their heavy debt, but for the provision of means for
the many enterprises they had in hand. They were now besieged
on all sides with demands for the payment of their obligations, and
no fresh credit could be obtained. Fortunately, on March 4 the
Hind and the Seahorse returned from the Far East ; and when it
became known that their voyages had proved * reasonable pros-
perous \ the clamour of the Company's creditors somewhat abated.
The Hmd had reached Macao on August 7, 1644, and found there
Courteen's ship William. The factors received at first ' respective
enterteinement ' at the hands of the Portuguese authorities ; but
this friendliness did not extend to consideration in the matter of
port dues, and the rapacity of the officials, combined with the stag-
nation of trade, due in part to a rebellion in China (p. 250), much
reduced the profits on the voyage. The Seahorse had been hardly
more successful in her pioneer voyage to Manilla. That city was
found to be suffering likewise from poverty, and there was little or
no market for the goods the English had brought ; while the Spanish
authorities, preoccupied with the war with Holland, were displeased
to find that neither iron for guns nor saltpetre for gunpowder
formed part of the vessel's lading. Further, a change of Governors
was impending, and the arrival of the new chief had perforce to be
awaited. Jealousy on the part of the local traders and indifference
on the part of the authorities still further impeded the factors'
efforts. Moreover, suspicions were not wanting that they were
acting either as agents for the Portuguese or spies for the Dutch ;
while others averred that the ultimate object of the English was
piracy. To allay these fears, Pearce and his companions decided
to send back the Seahorse to Surat and themselves remain another
year ; and this was accordingly done, the Governor writing at the
INTRODUCTION xvii
same time to urge that the next ship should bring a supply of iron
and saltpetre. The long letter in which the factors related their
experiences (p. 218) is of the greatest interest for its account of the
state of affairs in the Philippines at this juncture.
The Surat factors were not willing of their own accord to run the
risk of sending a ship past the Dutch fortress of Malacca laden
with munitions of war for Manilla ; but they wrote privately to the
Company (p. 2,^6), suggesting that, if a permit could be obtained
from the Spanish King, a vessel should proceed thither direct
from England by way of the Sunda Straits ; or else that the
Company should explicitly authorize such an attempt being made
secretly from Surat. Meanwhile, the Supply (without any contra-
band of war) was dispatched from that port for the Philippines on
April 29, 1645, with orders to touch at Achin, both going and
returning, and to fetch away the factors and their goods from
Manilla. It was just as well that this decision had been reached,
for in the letters by the 1645 fleet the Company expressed grave
disapproval of both the Macao and Manilla ventures and vetoed
any further attempt of the kind from Surat {O.C. 1970).
Towards the close of March, 1645, the Hind and the Francis
sailed in company for Mokha, whence the former was to return at
once via Tuticorin, while the latter waited to bring back the factors
at the close of the season. It had been intended that the Francis
should from Mokha make a venture to Suakin — a project the Surat
factors had for some time had in mind (pp. 213, 235, 252) — but this
was found to be out of the question, in view of the lateness of her
departure. Cranmer, with three assistants, was once more dis-
patched to Basra in the Seahorse at the beginning of April, 1645,
and reached their destination at the end of June. They found the
port overcrowded with shipping and trade in poor condition. To
make matters worse, on July 19 appeared two Dutch ships, fore-
shadowing severe competition at a place the English had hitherto
had to themselves (p. 283). The newcomers arrogantly demanded
special privileges ; and although the Governor resolutely refused
this claim, he was quite willing to place them on the same footing
as other Europeans. With these terms they were forced to be
content. They accordingly landed their goods ; and, although their
sales did not amount to much, they spoiled (it was complained) the
b2
xviii THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
market for the English (p. 283). One of their ships departed in
mid-September ; the other was accidentally burnt while preparing
to follow. The Engiish factors decided to remain until the follow-
ing year ; but on September 22 they dispatched to Surat the
Endeavour^ which had arrived on July 26 to replace the Seahorse,
as the latter vessel was, in accordance with previous arrangements,
to go to Tuticorin before returning to Surat. The Endeavour
reached Swally on November 5 ; and the Hind and Seahorse got
back to that port together just before Christmas.
In Persia at this time both the Dutch and the English were
experiencing great difficulties in carrying on their trade, owing to
the rapacity and insolence of the chief officials. The dwindling
trade of the English — for silk was in no demand at home while
civil war was raging (p. 170) — and their want of means were made
the excuse for refusing their applications for the confirmation of
the privileges they had enjoyed under the late King ; while all sorts
of ingenious devices were employed to defraud them of their proper
share of the Gombroon customs (p. 208). To this treatment the
factors, seeing no remedy, had to submit with what patience they
could muster. The Hollanders, having more at stake, sought to
assert themselves by threatening active reprisals, but this only led
to their agent being beaten and for a time imprisoned at Ispahan
(p. 170). The result was seen in the appearance (April, 1645) of
a strong Dutch fleet at Gombroon, with an expeditionary force
intended for the capture of Kishm and Ormus (pp. 255, 257, 268).
Trade at the port had already been disorganized by a severe
earthquake (p. 266), and the blockade instituted by the Hollanders
brought it practically to a standstill. The reply received from
Ispahan to their demands proving unsatisfactory, an attempt was
made to storm the Persian fort on the island of Kishm (pp. 275, 277,
308). The Dutch were repulsed ; but this proof of their warlike
intentions so frightened the Persians that liberal promises of
redressing all grievances were made, if they would send up repre-
sentatives to the capital. Blocq, the commander of the fleet, there-
upon repaired to Ispahan, but only to die soon after his arrival.
Nevertheless, farmdns were obtained, granting practically all the
Dutch demands (p. 307). A letter from the English factors at
Ispahan in October, 1645, reported that their own negotiations
INTRODUCTION xix
with the King's principal minister had been cut short by his murder
by certain high officials, who in their turn were executed by the
order of the King (p. 296).
On September 25, 1645, three ships from England — the Eagle ^
Falcon^ and Lanneret — anchored in Swally Hole. All three were
new vessels, but only the first was to return for England, the other
two being pinnaces intended for local traffic. They were straight-
way dispatched on coasting voyages ; while the Eagle was prepared
for her homeward journey, on which she set out at the beginning
of 1646.
In the third volume of the present series (p. xxxiv) a table was
given, showing the ships sent home from Surat each year for the
period 1615-29. We can now continue the list for another
sixteen years, premising that the cargoes often included silk from
Persia or pepper from Bantam, the cost of which cannot be
separated from that of the goods of Indian origin.
Approximate cost of cargoes.
[valued in England at 170,000/.]
Year,
Ships sent home.
1630
Charles (700 tons) and Jonas (800)
1631
Discovery (500) and Reformation (500)
1632
Blessing (700)
1633
James (900)
1634
Mary (800)
1635
Jonas
1636
Discovery
1637
William (700)
1638
Jonas
1639
Mary and Stvan (300)
Discovery
1640
London (800)
Crispiana (500)
1641
[None]
1642
London
1643
Crispiana and Aleppo Merchant (400)
1644
Dolphin (300) and Discovery
1645
Crispiana
[valued in England at 150,000/.]
[valued in England at 58,000/.]
68,760/.
40,810/.
59>45o/.
58,770/.
46,500/.
During the period here dealt with, Courteen's Association was
still maintaining an active competition with the East India Com-
pany. In November, 1641, it dispatched three ships to the East,
viz. the Bona Speranza, the Henry Bonaventnra, and the Hampton
Merchant. The last-named was driven back to Plymouth by a
storm ; and although she made a fresh start in February, 1642, she
either gave up the voyage or was lost at sea, for we hear no more
XX THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
of her. Besides these three, which were designed for Sumatra, the
Loyalty, Unity ^ and Hester were sent in the spring of 1642 to the
western coast of India.^ All these arrived in safety at Rajapur and
Karwar (p. 62) ; and the Hester managed to procure some cinnamon
at Goa. A quarrel which took place in the latter port between the
Hester and the Loyalty is mentioned on p. 89. In November,
1642, Knipe found the former trading at Cochin ; and on p. 109 he
says that Courteen's factory at Bhatkal had been re-established.
The Henry Bonaventnra and the Bona Speranza reached Achin in
April and July, 1642, respectively, and endeavoured, by giving
a valuable present to the Queen, to obtain a grant of a monopoly
of the pepper trade on the west coast of Sumatra. In this, how-
ever, they had been forestalled by the Dutch, and so they were
obliged to content themselves with permission to buy return
cargoes in Achin itself {Batavia Dagh- Register, 1641-42, p. 174).
The Henry Bonaventnra was laden with pepper and dispatched for
England ; but, meeting with a heavy storm on the way, was thrown
upon the island of Mauritius and became a total wreck. Three of
her crew were taken off by the Company's ship Advice in April,
1643. T^^ Bona Speranza met a different fate. She proceeded to
Goa, where, after the rupture of Boreel's negotiations with the
Viceroy, she accepted a freight of Portuguese goods for Macao, on
the assumption that the Dutch would not venture to attack a vessel
wearing the English royal colours (as Courteen's ships were privi-
leged to do). This hope proved deceptive ; for in the Straits of
Malacca she was met by two Dutch ships, and on her refusing
to go with them to Malacca an action ensued, with the result that
the English vessel was taken and her cargo confiscated (pp. 128,
129, 148).
Some time in 1643 Courteen dispatched to Achin a vessel called
the Little William. In the middle of June she was wrecked on
the African coast ; but the crew managed to save a quantity of
money she had on board, and after a hazardous voyage in their
' On p. 29 we find the Company declaring confidently that these would be the last
ships sent out by Courteen, a Parliamentary Committee having ordered him to withdraw
his factors and goods. The evidence on the latter point is inconclusive (see Court Minutes,
1640-43, pp. 242, 265); but if the order was ever issued, it was disregarded, as will be
seen below. *
INTRODUCTION xxi
longboat reached Madagascar at the end of August. In May,
1644, they were picked up by the Company's ship Endeavour^ and
carried to Madras, where, for want of means to convey it to any of
Courteen's factories, the money was paid into the Company's
treasury — an arrangement which led to long controversies both in
England and India.
In January, 1644, we hear that two more of Courteen's ships —
the Planter and the William (Captain Blackman) — had arrived in
Indian waters, and that the former had returned to England with
a cargo consisting chiefly of saltpetre (p. 148). The Association's
factors were in difficulties at Goa, Raybag, and Achin for want of
money, and Blackman was at a loss how to employ his ship with
any prospect of profit. In April, however, armed with a licence
from the Viceroy, he sailed for Macao, returning early in 1645 by
way of Achin and Colombo (p. 254). At the latter place he found
the new Viceroy, with whom he made an agreement to bring out
in his next voyage a quantity of munitions of war, to be exchanged
at Goa for cinnamon (p. 254). In July of that year he was met,
homeward-bound, at St. Augustine's Bay by the Company's out-
going fleet (p. 312).
The ships designed for the East by the interlopers in 1644 were
five in number, viz. the Sun^ Hester^ James^ Thomas ajid Jo/m,
and Loyalty, The primary purpose of the first three was to carry
out a number of planters who were (in accordance with a scheme
initiated by a certain Captain Bond) ' to erect a new commonwealth
in Madagascar ' (p. 176), a project which turned out a dismal failure.^
The Loyalty arrived on the Malabar Coast in the autumn, and was
dispatched to Gombroon with a small quantity of freight goods
(p. 217). Both she and the Thomas and John found the Malabar
factories heavily in debt, and as neither ship brought any means
(P- '^55) the prospect looked hopeless. From Gombroon the
Loyalty went on to Basra, arriving there early in August (p. 283),
and departing again on October 11 (p. 299).
The intrusion of the interlopers' shipping into ports where the
Company had long maintained factories was a clear infringement of
the rights reserved to the latter in the grant of 1637 to Courteen's
^ See Court Minutes of the East India Company y 1644-49, Introduction, p. vi ; also my
article in the English Historical Revieiv for April, 1912.
xxii THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Association \ and naturally it aroused much indignation among the
servants of the older body. At Gombroon the arrival of the Loyalty
produced a protest from the factors there, to which an insolent
reply was returned (p. 276) ; and when at Surat itself one of Cour-
teen's ships, the Hester^ appeared in September, 1645, flaunting the
royal colours, the Company's factors, having three vessels at their
disposal, determined on drastic action. Her commander was pre-
vented from landing or embarking any goods and was forced to
haul down his flag (p. 286). In July, 1645, we hear of another of
Courteen's ships, the James, as being at Madagascar outward-
bound (p. 312), and later she was met at Rajapur [O.C. 1970). Of
the general position of the interlopers the Surat factors wrote in
January, 1646 (O.C. 1970) that 'they have scarcely credit enough
to buy clothes to keep their bodies warme, although the climate
requires not many.' The Thomas and John had started for Eng-
land too late and had been forced to return to Goa, where she
spent the rainy season and then resumed her homeward voyage.
The Sun had gone to Persia with a cargo of logs from Madagascar ;
and another interloping vessel, the Lioness, under Captain Brook-
haven, had reached Rajapur from England, having visited Guinea
— now a regular resort of Courteen's ships — on the way. The
Loyalty was still in Indian waters seeking a cargo for England.
How prosperous the Hollanders were at this period is abundantly
testified by the documents here calendared (cf. pp. 32, 217, 255).
Not only in the Far East but in Arabia, Persia, and India itself,
they easily outdistanced their English rivals, alike in the number of
their ships and the extent of their resources. On p. 142 we find
a complaint that at Surat the Indian merchants preferred to put
their goods on board Dutch vessels rather than on English, ' finde-
ing there much better accomodacion and noe less safety ', with the
result that the Hollanders had carried off all the freight goods then
available. The fact that two of the vessels sent out to India by
the English Company in 1643 were Dutch-built was a further 'dis-
creditt to our nation, whilst this people (who know noe better)
enquire whether England doth not afifoard shipping of its owne, that
it is enforced to seeke and buy them among strangers ' (p. 141).
As there are many references in the present volume to the rela-
^ See Court Minutes of the East India Cofnpany, 1635-39, p. 275. ,
INTRODUCTION xxiii
tions between the Dutch and the Portuguese, a few notes on tie
subject may be found helpful. The treaty concluded at the Hague
between Holland and Portugal in June, 1641,^ provided for a ces-
sation of hostilities during a period often years, each party retaining
the territory which should be in its possession at the time of the
publication of the peace. However, the Dutch authorities in
the East were by no means willing to be stopped in their career of
victory ; and, when in the autumn of 1641 the Viceroy at Goa sent
a special embassy to Batavia to beg for a truce pending the arrival
of the ratified treaty from Europe, he was met with a refusal on the
ground that formal instructions had not yet been received from
Holland. A fresh fleet blockaded Goa during the cold weather of
1641-42 ; while in April, 1642, the Portuguese settlement of Nega-
patam, on the Coromandel Coast, was taken without resistance, but
was ransomed for an immediate payment of io,oco rials of eight
and a promise of 40,000 more, an undertaking which was never
carried out. In the autumn, however, the arrival of the necessary
documents at Batavia left the Governor-General and his Council
no option in the matter. Accordingly the truce was formally pro-
claimed there on October 7 (N.S.) ; and a fortnight later Pieter
Boreel left for Malacca, Ceylon, India, &c., to notify the various
authorities and to arrange matters with the Portuguese. Difficulties
soon arose. In Ceylon the Dutch claimed the district immediately
round Galle, in spite of the fact that it was actually in the occu-
pation of the Portuguese, who had cooped up the Hollanders within
the walls of the town. This demand being refused, Boreel left
without proclaiming the peace, and sailed to Goa, where he arrived
at the beginning of April, 1643 (N.S.). He was courteously re-
ceived and treated with every consideration ; but the Viceroy
refused to give way on the points in dispute, and on the 27th
Boreel re-embarked and hoisted the red flag, in token that hostilities
would be resumed. The Dutch now actively prosecuted the war in
all parts. The results were not entirely to their satisfaction. In
May the Portuguese inflicted a defeat upon them near Galle
in Ceylon ; while in the following month the Paiiw, returning richly
laden from Persia, sought shelter from a storm in Marmagao (near
Goa), under the impression that the war was over ; whereupon the
^ The text will be found in Biker's Tratados (vol. ii. p. loS).
xxiv THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Portuguese took possession of both ship and cargo, until such time
as peace should be proclaimed.
In the autumn of 1643 a fresh fleet was dispatched from Batavia
under Klaas Kornelisz. Blocq to blockade Goa, while another under
Fran9ois Caron was sent to prosecute the war in Ceylon. Landing
at Galle, the Dutch marched to attack the Portuguese army, which
was commanded by de Motta Galvao ; but the latter had so skil-
fully chosen his position that Caron did not venture to assail him,
and was forced to return to Galle. Colombo was next reconnoitred,
with the result that it was pronounced too strong to be attacked
with any prospect of success ; and so the fleet passed on to Ne-
gombo, a fortress twenty miles to the northwards, which the Portu-
guese had retaken from the Dutch towards the close of 1640. Here
Caron was more successful. The too confident Portuguese allowed
the Hollanders to land, thinking then to overwhelm them ; however,
in the sharp conflict that followed the Dutch were victorious, and,
entering the gate together with the fugitives, they quickly made
themselves masters of the fortress (January 9, 1644 N.S.).^ Caron
now marched upon Colombo ; but close to the city he found a river
held so strongly by the enemy that further progress was impossible,
and he was obliged to retrace his footsteps and content himself with
diligently strengthening his new possession.- In March, 1644, he
set out on his return voyage to Batavia.
In the meantime Blocq, from his station at the bar of Goa, nego-
tiated in vain with the Viceroy for the surrender of the Pauw and
her lading. He remained at his post till April, 1644, and then
sailed for Batavia to report to the Governor-General. Advantage
was taken of his departure to send an expedition to Ceylon, and in
May Negombo was beleaguered. In July the Portuguese attempted
to carry it by storm, but were beaten back with great loss ; and in
the following month they abandoned the siege. It was now decided
at Batavia to depute Jan Maatzuiker, a member of the Council
there and afterwards Governor-General (1653-78), to take up the
negotiations at Goa ; and with him went Blocq with a powerful
^ Lisbon Transcripts, Doc. Remett., book 48, f. 290; Hague Transcripts, series i.
vol. xiii. no. 425; Dagh- Register, 1643-44, p. 230, &c. ; Van Geer's Opkomst van het
Nederlandsch Gezag over Ceilon, pt. i. p. 115.
^ Caron's report in Hague Transcripts, series i. vol. xiv. no. 441. *
I
INTRODUCTION xxv
fleet. They reached their destination in September, 1644, and after
some trouble an arrangement was reached on November 10 (N.S.)\
by which Negombo and Galle were left in the hands of the Dutch,
pending the conclusion of a fresh agreement between the two
nations in Europe regarding Ceylon, and the Paiiw was surrendered,
with all her cargo ; while on the other hand the Dutch agreed to
pay 100,000 rials of eight in satisfaction for the ships they had
seized at Goa and Malacca subsequent to the date on which the
Hague treaty ought to have taken effect. Thus the long warfare
between the Dutch and the Portuguese came at last to an end.
The cessation of hostilities between those two nations was viewed
with some misgivings by the English merchants. The Portuguese
no longer needed the aid of the latter in maintaining communi-
cations with Macao and other possessions ; while, with Goa once
more open to shipping from Lisbon, their competition in the sale
of coral and other European goods in the Deccan was increasingly
felt. A more serious outcome was that the cinnamon which the
Portuguese, while the Dutch blockaded their ports, were quite
willing to sell to the English, was no longer likely to be available.
The new King of Portugal had in December, 1642, thrown open to
his subjects the trade in all Indian commodities except cinnamon
and other spices, which were reserved as a royal monopoly. In
consequence the Viceroy was charged to do his best to prevent the
sale of any to the English ; and, although these orders were not
put into execution immediately (p. 205), the Surat factors wrote in
January, 1645, that it would be useless to send a ship to the Mala-
bar Coast, ' being it is most certaine that neither pepper nor cinamon
wilbe acquirable' (p. 231).
In acting thus, the Portuguese were of course entirely within their
rights, and their proceedings caused no alteration in the cordial
relations which had subsisted between Surat and Goa ever since
the conclusion of the Accord by Methwold in January, 1635. At
times, it is true, the English merchants grew a little tired of Portu-
guese punctiliousness in the matter of correspondence (pp. 16, 210) ;
but the solid benefits resulting from the free intercourse of the two
^ The text will be fotind in Biker's Tratados, vol. ii. p. 138; Heeres's Corpus Diplo-
maiicum, part i. p. 429; Baldaeus's Malabor-Choromandel, p. 92; &c. There is also
a copy among the Hague Trmiscripts at the India Office (series i. vol. xiv. no. 445).
xxvi THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
nations in India easily made up for incidental annoyances. In
England attempts were not wanting to turn the truce into a more
permanent arrangement. The treaty concluded with Portugal in
1642 (p. 30) provided that the Accord should remain in force, and
that commissioners should be appointed on both sides to settle
outstanding questions. The Company had already approached the
Portuguese ambassador on the subject ; but he had replied that he
had no power to deal with the matter, at the same time assuring
them that the truce would be ' inviolably kept ' on the part of his
fellow countrymen and promising that, should the latter desire
to terminate the arrangement, two years' notice should be given in
place of the six months previously stipulated (p. 30). At the
beginning of 1643 ^^^ Portuguese Agent requested the Company
to nominate commissioners in India to negotiate further ; where-
upon President Fremlen and four others of the chief factors at
Surat were suggested. However, the Company's letters to King
Charles at Oxford, asking for a royal commission for the purpose,
remained unanswered ; and since it seemed hopeless to obtain such
a document * in these distracted tymes ', the Deputy-Governor
(Methwold) and certain others were instructed to treat with the
Portuguese Agent and induce him to write a letter to Goa explain-
ing the position of affairs {Court Minutes, 1640-43, pp. 300, 371).
It now remains for us to deal with the events of this period on
the eastern side of India. At the close of the last volume the
English headquarters on that coast had just been fixed permanently
in the new fort at Madraspatam by the Agent, Andrew Cogan. At
Masulipatam Thomas Peniston was in charge ; while at Balasore, in
the Bay of Bengal, John Yard was supposed to be winding up
affairs with a view to abandoning the trade in those parts, in obedi-
ence to the orders he had received to that effect. As a matter of
fact, he did make a start for Masulipatam about the middle of
January, 164:^ ; but meeting with bad weather he returned to Bala-
sore, and commerce in the ' Bay ' went on as before.
Towards the end of January, 1642, the Diaviond, though both
small and leaky, was dispatched with a cargo of goods for Bantam,
and got to that port with much difficulty in the middle of June.
Some time before, the pinnace Advice had sailed for Gombroon,
where she arrived on February 9, and left again on March 25,
INTRODUCTION xxvii
reaching Fort St. George on April 29 and Masulipatam a few days
later. The next event of importance on the Coast recorded in these
papers is the arrival at Fort St. George from England, on July 5,
1642, of the Hopewell^ commanded by Andrew Trumball. Her
cargo was under the charge of Francis Day, who had orders to use
it solely for the purposes of the First General Voyage and not to
allow any of the money to be absorbed in the payment of the debts
of the Third Joint Stock ; but, as was explained later (p. 113), this
was found to be impossible, for no fresh investments could be nego-
tiated until existing liabilities had been met, and it was therefore
found expedient to employ part of the Hopeiveirs capital in dis-
charging the debts at Masulipatam. From that port the Hopewell,
accompanied by the Advice, sailed in August for the Bay, where
she spent two and a half months, leaving again on December i.
The Advice had been dispatched from Balasore on November 7 and
got back to Madraspatam at Christmas. During the Hopewell's
stay the English factory at Hariharpur seems to have been closed
(p. 126), partly on account of the silting-up of the mouth of the
Patua^, and Balasore thus became the only English station in
Bengal (or rather Orissa). From the latter place Day wrote
in November, deprecating its abandonment, and declaring that it
was *noe such dispisable place as is voted, it beinge an opulent
kingdome and you haveinge bin already at great charges in gain-
inge the free custome of all sorts of goods '. The unwillingness of
the factors to cease trading in the Bay, however unprofitable the
results were to their employers, is to some extent explained by
Trumball's revelations on p. 72 concerning the large amount of
private trade on board the Hopeivell belonging to Day and to the
Masulipatam factors.
On p. 43 we have a vivid account of the stabbing of an English
soldier at Madraspatam by a Portuguese, who was thereupon
executed (August 13), much to the indignation of his fellow
countrymen. We hear also about this time that the Nayak to
' Walter Clavell in his account of Balasore (1676) says that it was found that 'the
cloth of Harrapore (where our first factory was settled) was without much difficulty to be
brought hither by land and, the river where our vessells usually had laine at being stop't
up, it was noe easy matter to bring the cloth by sea, nor soe safe to have vessells ride
before that place, as here in the roade of Ballasore' (77/^ Diaries of Streynsham Master^
vol. ii. p. 84).
xxviii THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
whom Armagon belonged had been crushed between the Hindu
and Muhammadan powers, now again at war. The Golconda army
had overrun part of his territory, and the rest (including Armagon
itself) had been occupied by a neighbouring Nayak, to whom
apparently the defence of the frontier had been entrusted by his
uncle, Venkatapati, the King of Vijayanagar. At the beginning
of October the King died, and after a short delay this nephew was
elevated to the throne as Sri Ranga Rayalu, though many of the
other Nayaks were opposed to his succession, and gave him a great
deal of trouble.
On September 20, 1642, Cogan and his colleagues wrote to
Bantam, enclosing a list of their debts and coolly admitting the
falsity of their statement made eighteen months earlier that they
had cleared off all liabilities. The Agent also intimated his
intention of proceeding to Bantam in the Advice early in the new
year, leaving Day to fill his place ; this proposal, however, was
resisted by Day and the other factors, and thereupon Cogan con-
sented to remain. Another letter written at the same time to the
Company mentions that the factory at Golconda had been with-
drawn, leaving behind many irrecoverable debts ; and it goes on
to deny indignantly charges of extravagant expenditure, and to
make a cogent defence of the policy of fortifying at Madraspatam.
In point of fact the logic of events soon justified the action that
had been taken by Day and Cogan ; for, had not the English
established themselves in a strong position before the Golconda
troops overran the neighbouring country, the history of Fort
St. George would probably never have been written.
The Fort was at this time * better then half finished', and 'of
such force, with the few wee have, that wee feare not what any
can doe against us, espetially so long as wee have our Naique to
our freind, or the sea open to furnish us with food ' (p. 51).
Of the private lives of the factors there, some curious details will
be found on p. 76. A consultation held on December 29 records
that * a third bulwarke of turfe ' had lately been raised, on which
it was decided to mount four guns from the Advice. The cause
assigned for taking this precaution is that the factors found ' the
warrs and broyles increasing in this countrey, and now (by reason
of our Great Naiques imprisonment) drawing nere to us' (p. 70).
INTRODUCTION xxix
Damarla Venkatappa, under whose protection the English had
settled at Madraspatam, was, it appears, violently opposed to the
new ruler of Vijayanagar and, in order to secure his own position;
opened negotiations with the Golconda invaders. Sri Ranga,
detecting his treason, seized and imprisoned him, and stripped him
of most of his territories (pp. 70, 80). Thereupon Damarla's
brother levied troops to rescue him ; and Sri Ranga, harassed on
every side, was fain to pardon and reinstate his rebellious vassal.
The Advice was dispeeded from the Coast to Bantam at the
beginning of January, 1643. On the arrival of the Hopewell at
Fort St. George from Bengal towards the end of December, 1642,
it was decided to send her on a voyage to Persia instead of to
Bantam (as first intended) and on her return to dispatch her direct
to England, for which purpose the Agent asked for a supply of pepper
from Bantam. She sailed accordingly on December 30, reached
Gombroon March 7, 1643, and got back to Madras on May 19.
The proposal to send her home direct was not persisted in ; and
the factors afterwards explained that this was only contemplated
in the event of her not returning in time to continue her voyage
for Bantam (p. 114).
John Yard sailed from Balasore in the junk Endeavo2ir on
November 25, 1642, leaving Robert Hatch alone there. * For
ought wee can perceive', wrote the Madras factors (p. 78), 'by the
relation of Mr. Day &c., Mr. John Yard hath but said the truth
in all his letters concerning the fruitfulnes of Bengalla and the
profitt that may be made to and from that place, if 'twere stocked
as it ought'. This, however, was the difficulty, seeing how scarce
money was on the Coast ; and the Fort St. George factors could
only leave it to the President and Council at Bantam either to
order ' our absolute abandoninge those parts or furnish it as it ought
to bee' (p. 78).
At some unascertained date a ' cowl ' {qanl) had been obtained
from the former King (Venkatapati) confirming the concessions
made to the English at Madraspatam (p. 156)^ ; and it seems to
' Among the title-deeds handed over by Governor Gyfford to his successor in 1687 was
' one gold covvle plated from Yencraputty RaywoUy ' {Madras Cousjdtatiofis of July 30,
1687,' quoted by Col. Love). This seems to have been the grant here referred to ; and it may
further be identified with ' the ancient phirmaund of this place granted by a Jentue king '
which was lost at sea about 1693 (see my Founding of Fort St. George, p. 4.3).
XXX THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
have been found necessary, early in 1643, to send a present,
through the Nayak, to Sri Ranga Rayalu, ' to have our priviledges
confirmd ' (p. 115). Nothing is said as to the result; but
apparently no formal grant was obtained from the new monarch
until Greenhill's mission in 1645, described later. At least this
seems to be implied in the statement (p. 290) that the object of
that mission was 'the reconfirmation of what was graunted unto
Mr. Cogan by the great Nague under whose protection formerly
wee liv'd.'
As we have seen, the Hopewell got back to Madras from Persia
in May, 1643. Relations had long been strained between Day
and Trumball, the master of the vessel ; while the latter's peculiar
methods of discipline had aroused much resentment among his
subordinates. When, therefore, the Agent and his Council decided
to send the Hopewell down the Coast to Tranquebar, a serious
situation arose, for not only Day but many of the officers and crew
refused to sail with Trumball. The latter afterwards alleged to
the Company at home that he was the victim of a plot on the part
of Day and the other factors, who resented his opposition to their
private trade, and that the sailors were inveigled into bringing
accusations against him, in order to supply a pretext for his
removal. There is, however, evidence enough that his violence
was strongly resented on board ; while the fact that the Company,
after investigating his charges against Day, re-employed the latter,
suggests that Trumball failed to prove his case. To get over the
immediate difficulty, Cogan and his Council suspended the master
from his post, and sent the vessel to Tranquebar under the care
of Day and the chief mate. On her return, in the middle of
August, Trumball was permitted to resume charge, as the factors
were unwilling to take the responsibility of ousting him altogether
from a post to which he had been appointed by the Company.
This decision, however, had perforce to be reconsidered. Day
flatly declared that he would rather resign and proceed overland
to Surat than venture upon a fresh voyage with Trumball ; while
those of the ship's company who had lodged complaints were
equally unwilling to place themselves once more at the mercy of
the enraged master. In this emergency Cogan, who was still
anxious to get away from the Coast, suggested that D^ should
INTRODUCTION xxxi
take his place as Agent, and that he himself should proceed to
Bantam in command of the ship ; and since no better way out
of the difficulty could be found, the proposal was adopted. Day
accordingly became Agent for the Coast, while Cogan departed
for Masulipatam and Bantam in the Hopewell on August 28, 1643.
From Bantam he sailed for England in December following. In
a letter carried by the Hopewell the Madras factors wrote that the
country was in the throes of civil war, * one Nague against another,
and most against the King ' ; but the latter, by means of a large
present, had induced the King of Bijapur to send an army to his
assistance, and he was therefore likely to gain the upper hand
(p. 115). They also announced the arrival of the Advice^ which,
in obedience to orders from home, had been dispatched from
Bantam the previous spring on a voyage of discovery. She had
missed the Cocos-Keeling Islands (one of the objects of her
search) ; and although, after touching at Rodriguez and Mauritius,
she reached Reunion, her officers failed to recognize in that island
the one called ' the English Forest ', of which they were in quest
(p. 119). They were little more successful in their attempts to
obtain negro slaves at the Comoros. From Fort St. George the
Advice proceeded to the Bay, returning from thence towards the
end of January, 1 644.
On September 23, 1643, the Hart from England anchored in
Madras Roads, bringing 10,000/. in specie and six chests of coral.
With the bulk of her cargo she was sent on to Masulipatam, to
discharge the most pressing of the Company's debts and to make
an investment for Bantam. She quitted the former port on
October 21, and reached Bantam in the middle of December.
The Bantam factors, writing in January, 1644, mention that
Day had chosen William Netlam, who had just come out in the
Hart^ to proceed to Bengal and take charge of affairs there — an
arrangement of which they strongly disapproved (p. 134).^ Netlam
duly repaired to Balasore (p. 207), and on p. 193 William Gurney
is also mentioned as being there ; but it would seem that Robert
Hatch remained in charge at that place until he was relieved by
* In a list of factors printed on p. 132, Hatch and Travell are mentioned as the only
factors in Bengal at this time ; but the list was compiled at home, from such particulars as
were available, and it seems improbable that Travell ever went thither (cf. pp. 120, 154).
FOSTER Vll ^
xxxii THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Henry Olton, who arrived there in the Endeavotir in the autumn
of 1644.
A letter from Madras dated in January, 1644, and sent to
Bantam by the Advice, is full not only of the usual lamentations
of want of means but also of apprehensions of actual violence.
Damarla, it appears, was once more in disgrace and, it would seem,
in rebellion ; and his place had been given to Malaya, a merchant
who had grown wealthy through acting as the principal agent of
the Dutch in their commercial transactions. Moved either by
ambition or by a fear of being plundered himself should others
get the upper hand, he was now taking an active part in support
of Sri Ranga, and with the help of the Dutch was busily engaged
in subduing the district which had been assigned to him. This
brought him in collision with the English, for he demanded from
them the surrender of their control over the revenues of the town
of Madraspatam (p. 156). To such a claim the factors were
determined never to yield ; but they manifestly feared lest they
should be attacked by Malaya, and they suspected — quite wrongly,
it would seem — that the Dutch were at the bottom of the whole
affair, their aim being ' to have the sole trade of the coast ' (p. 154).
However, a fresh turn in the unstable politics of Vijayanagar soon
relieved them from their apprehensions. Malaya came in his turn
under suspicion of treason and was dismissed from his new post.
A small vessel from England named the Endeavour (not to be
confused with the junk of the same name which Yard had bought
in Bengal) reached Fort St. George at the beginning of July, 1644,
and was thence sent to Masulipatam. From the latter port she
proceeded to Chicacole and Balasore. The money she had brought
out sufficed to pay the debts at Madras ; while on August 4 the
Swan arrived from Bantam with a fair cargo and a new Agent in
the person of Thomas Ivy. Writing in the following month to the
Company by that vessel (then about to return, with Day on board,
to Bantam), Ivy and his colleagues stated that up to that time
Fort St. George had cost for building nearly 2,300/., and 2,000/.
more would be required to finish it. Three out of the four bastions
had been completed ^ ; but the fourth was yet lacking, as also the
^ Cogan, when interrogated at home concerning the state of the building, declared that
* three bulwarcks and the tower (or house) in the midst is finished, and 'S\ peaces of
INTRODUCTION xxxiii
connecting walls and the necessary warehouses and lodging rooms.
The garrison numbered fifty, at a cost of a little more than a pound
a month each ; and double that number would be needed when the
Fort was finished. The factors were still unhappy, for, though they
had now received the desired supply of money, they found that the
Dutch had already secured all the calicoes worth buying. They
had, however, made up a cargo for the Swan, consisting of some
rather inferior piece-goods, indigo, and gunpowder. The neighbour-
ing districts were in a disturbed state, owing to a fresh invasion by
the troops of the King of Golconda. The commander of this army
had summoned the Dutch at Pulicat to submit, and the English
expected to be attacked in their turn ; but they were relieved by
the sudden appearance of a Hindu force, which completely routed
the invaders (p. 193).
The Endeavour returned to Masulipatam from Bengal, bringing
with her Robert Hatch, in November, 1644; and a month later she
was dispatched to Persia and Surat. On January 6, 1645, the Sea-
flower arrived from Bantam and was sent on to Fort St. George for
a return cargo. This procured, she started on her voyage back to
Bantam on May 5. At the end of July the Advice reached Madras
from that port, and was thereupon sent down the coast to Tegna-
patam, where she embarked a large quantity of goods that had been
prepared for her. With these she got back to Fort St. George on
September 7, and was then dispatched to Masulipatam to complete
her lading for Bantam.
A letter from Madras dated September 8, 1645, advised that
a quarrel between the Dutch and Malaya, who was backed by the
Vijayanagar monarch, had resulted in open warfare, and that con-
sequently Pulicat was in a state of siege. The piece-goods in the
hands of weavers employed by the Dutch had been seized upon by
Malaya's soldiers, and the factors were much exercised over the
question whether it would be safe to purchase these from the captors,
as they were being urged to do. Their hesitation was increased by
the threats of the Dutch to search all English ships and take out
of them any cloth thus acquired ; but they were somewhat en-
ordnance mounted er I came from thence, and some part of the materialls provided to goe
on with the rest.' See The Founding of Fort St. George, p. 23, and Court Minutes of the
East India Company, 1644-49, PP* 54~57*
xxxiv THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
couraged by the receipt, on October i, of a letter from Sri Ranga,
declaring that the seizures had been made by his authority and
desiring them to complete the purchase (p. 285). At the same
time he invited them to send a representative to his court ; and as
this seemed a fitting opportunity ' to have our old priviledges re-
confirmM, with the adition of a great many more ', it was decided
to depute thither the Second in Council, Henry Greenhill, with four
other Englishmen as attendants.
No details have come down to us of Greenhill's proceedings at
Vellore, but the grant that resulted, dated in November, 1645, is
printed on p. 305. It followed much the same lines as the original
concession from the Nayak Damarla Venkatappa. The English
were freed from all customs or duties at the port on their mer-
chandise, and also from tolls on provisions brought from the inland
districts ; while their goods passing through the district of Puna-
mallee were to pay, as before, only half the usual duties. The
customs paid by other merchants were to be shared with the royal
treasury. The town of Madraspatam and a piece of ground adjoin-
ing were made over to the English, and they were authorized to
administer the 'government and justice' of the same. The con-
cession regarding goods recovered from wrecks was renewed ; and
a promise was given that the settlement should be independent of
the control of any of the neighbouring Nayaks. Nothing was said
regarding the right of mintage previously granted.
One interesting point about this grant is that the new settlement
is therein designated Srirarigarayapatam — the term obviously
applying only to the Fort and its surroundings, since Madraspatam
is separately mentioned. As noted in the introduction to the
previous volume (p. xlii), the new settlement had been previously
known to the natives as Chennappapatam, after Damarla's father.
The explanation seems to be that the King at this time bestowed
his own name upon the town, as a mark of favour and in order to
wipe out the memory of a family now in disgrace.^ It is not sur-
prising to find that this attempt to alter a well-established designa-
tion proved a failure ; and to this day a form of the old name is still
used by natives of Madras.
No vessel being available for dispatch to Bengal this season, the
^ See the remarks on p. 32 of my Founding of Fort St. George. ,
INTRODUCTION xxxv
Madras Council ordered Olton, whom they intended to make chief
at Viravasaram, to take passage from Balasore to Masuh'patam in
a Dutch vessel, leaving Netlam in charge at the former place ; and
they intimated their intention of closing before long ' that unproffit-
table factorie ', where there was * litle or noe bussiness ' (p. 293).
Olton duly obeyed these directions and, after handing over the
remaining cash to Netlam, proceeded to Fort St. George (O.C.
1981).
The present volume introduces us to Gabriel Boughton, the
English surgeon whose professional skill is generally alleged to
have been the means of obtaining for his nation important privileges
in Bengal. The story, as given in Stewart's History of Bengal
(p. ^^51), is that in 1636, the Emperor's daughter, Jahanara, having
been badly burnt owing to an accident, a message was sent to
Surat desiring the assistance of a European surgeon ; that Boughton,
the surgeon of the Hopewell^ was thereupon sent to court and was
successful in effecting a cure ; and that, upon being invited to name
his reward, he magnanimously refused to accept anything for him-
self, but requested * that his nation might have liberty to trade free
of all duties to Bengal, and to establish factories in that country '.
The narrative adds that, this privilege having been duly granted,
Boughton proceeded to Pippli, and in 1638, an English ship hap-
pening to arrive in that port, he, in virtue of his grant, secured for
her merchants complete exemption from customs duties ; and that
later on, by curing a favourite of Shah Shuja, the Emperor's second
son, who was then Governor of Bengal, he greatly increased his influ-
ence and was able to assist his countrymen to start factories at
Balasore and Hugli, in addition to that at Pippli.
This account is demonstrably wrong in dates and in several other
respects. The English never had a factory at Pippli ; while that
at Balasore owed nothing to Boughton^'s assistance. Moreover, as
pointed out by Yule and others, the accident to the Princess
occurred early in 1644, when the court was at Delhi ; and not only
would it have been impossible to procure a surgeon from Surat in
time to be of any service, but we are expressly told, from an
Indian source, that her recovery was due to a famous Lahore
physician. The actual facts of Boughton's deputation are given
on p. 229 of the present volume. Asalat Khan, a prominent official
xxxvi THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
at court, had repeatedly asked for an English surgeon ; and the
arrival of the Hopewell, in September, 1644, enabled the President
and Council to gratify his wishes. According to the memorandum
referred to below, Boughton, her surgeon, had been at Madras
(though no trace of his presence there can be found in the extant
records) and had proceeded thence to Bantam in 1643, with the
intention of going home. The vessel's failure to complete her
voyage left him at Surat, we are told, penniless ; and this would
account for his readiness, there being no other opportunity of
employment, to enter the service of Asalat Khan. It is not clear
when he started to take up his new post; and the Surat factors
make no further mention of him, as they certainly would have done
had any important grant of privileges resulted from his mission.
An interesting letter recently discovered (see the Indian Antiquary
for May, 191 2) shows, however, that he was with Asalat Khan at
Balkh in 1646; and we shall hear something of him in later years
from the other side of India. Meanwhile we may note that, on
the death of his patron in 1647, Boughton seems to have proceeded
to the court of Shah Shuja, in Bengal. There, it is said, he cured
a favourite member of the Prince's haram, with the result that he
gained considerable influence with the Shah and was able to afford
useful help to his fellow countrymen when they were seeking to
establish themselves at Hugh in 1651. Boughton himself died in
1653 or 1653.
The question of the source from which Stewart drew his version
of the story is not without interest. Stewart's own reference is
unintelligible ; but the fact that much the same account, though
in a briefer form, was given at an earlier date by Orme in his
Military Transactions has enabled both to be traced to a document
now preserved in vol. xxx (p. 0^^ of the Fort St. George Factory
Records in the India Office.^ This is a copy of a memorandum
written in February, 1685, by some factor in Bengal, giving an
account of the origin and progress of the English settlement in that
province ; and it evidently embodies the tradition then current of
Boughton's share in procuring the necessary privileges. Its inac-
curacies are therefore easily explained. We may further note that
^ See an ''article by me in the Indian Antiquary for September, 191 1, where this
document is printed in full. »
I
INTRODUCTION xxxvii
a rather earlier embodiment of the legend is to be found in Thomas
Bovvrey's Geographical Account of the Countries round the Bay of
Bengal^ 1669-79 (Hakluyt Society, 1905). In this no mention is
made of the cure of the Princess Jahanara, while Mir Jumla is
substituted for Shah Shuja as Boughton's second patron.
Several references occur in the present instalment (pp. 9, 200,
232, 312) to the operations of the French in Madagascar and
elsewhere; while on p. 134 there is an allusion to Tasman's
discoveries in the South Seas. Among other points of interest,
attention may be directed to the remarks on pp. 136 and 202
concerning the decline of indigo cultivation ; also to the account
given on the latter page of the practice of mixing that commodity
with sand. On pp. 161 and 216 we find references to marine
insurance at Surat. Dhanji, the Company's broker at Agra^ whose
moving account of the death of John Drake was given in the last
volume, was, we hear, dismissed in 1644 for negligence and dis-
respect, and ' chiefly for endeavouring to distroy Mr. Turner by
sorcery' (p. 215). Finally, on p. 152 we have an interesting
epilogue to the story of John Leachland and his Indian wife,
showing the efforts made by the Surat Council to dispose respec-
tably of the daughter who was the offspring of that ill-starred
union.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES IN INDIA
1642-45
John Allison, Commander of the Discovery, at Gom-
broon TO THE President AND Council at Surat, January i:z,
1642 {O.C, 1786).
Wrote last by the Dutch * pram ' \see the previous volume, p. 41].
On December 23 he took the ship over to Larak to procure ballast,
returning the 28th. Found that Mr. Hall had arrived from Ispahan
two days before. The whole cargo was put on shore in good
condition, and the passengers were ' well content, loving, and
courteous.' So also was the Sultan [i. e. the Governor] until
a dispute arose between him and Mr. Wheeler as to the number
of Englishmen to be allowed to watch at the custom-house. The
result was that on January 4 those employed in this duty were
attacked by about three hundred men, who killed one of them,
seized the rest and carried them to the Sultan's door, where they
were so unmercifully beaten that some died. ' Had it not bene
for the Companies estate on shoare and the merchants lives theare
resident, I would have heaved out all the ballast which I had
formerly taken in and a runn the Discovery ashoare at three
quarter flud before the towne (for its all soft oose), and then with
Gods assistance I would not a doubted but to a beate theire durty
brittle towne and castle about theire eares ; and I hope to live to
be employed about some such action or some other to be revenged
on such unmercilesse dogs, who hath so barbarously and cruelly
tortured and murthered these poore honest men.' The surgeon's
mate^, while on shore, had three arrows shot into him and died
next morning. Thirteen men have been buried since they left
Swally, and others are sick ; the crew will therefore have to be
reinforced before the ship goes to Mokha. An anchor and cable
* His name is given in 0,C. 1783 as Daniel ' Wormcleiton '.
FOSTER VII B
2 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
also needed. Fears there will be little freight forthcoming here.
The Agent is daily expected. {Cop}/. 2^//.)
President Fremlen, Francis Breton, and John Wylde
AT SwAixY Marine to the Company, January 27, 164^^
(O.C 1787).
On July 25 received overland from Masulipatam the Company's
letters of November 13, 1640 ; and on September 2,y the London
and Discovery arrived with those dated March 26 and 27, 1641.^
The Crispiana sailed from Swally on January 3, 1641, 'full and
richly laden \ A letter left by her master at Johanna on February 3
was picked up there by William Bailey, master of the Reformation^
on May 8, brought to Masulipatam on July 9, and received here
on August 13. Enclose transcripts of her invoice and of the letter
sent in her. Now answer the letter of November 13, 1640. Rejoiced
to hear of the safe arrival of four ships and wish the Jewel had been
among them. Fear that all hope of her safety must now be
abandoned, especially as she was a slow and unsafe vessel. Similarly,
the Pearly Comfort^ Swan^ and Expedition were all bad sailers and
much slower than the Dutch ships. Trust that in future the
Company will buy or build vessels like the Coaster or Caesar and
not ' such mishapen ill conditioned cole tubbs ' as those mentioned.
Are glad that the letters forwarded by way of Basra arrived
seasonably. Thank the Company for the men and stores now sent
for their small shipping. Reprisals are made upon the Malabars
at every opportunity. The Seahorse and Francis^ in March last,
soon after leaving Swally for Basra, captured three Malabar vessels
laden with coco-nuts, &c. Fourteen of the principal men were
made prisoners, two of the vessels were burnt, and the rest of the
Malabars were turned adrift in the third without sail or oars. They
got to Surat, with the aid of one of the Mogul's junks, and there
demanded justice from the Governor. He, however, ' having some
few dales before bine beholding to us for undertaking convoy of
his junck to Bussora (which then in company of your vessells
voiaged) and bringing thence horses, for which hee covenanted to
pay yow five tomands fraught for each horse his servants bought
and delivered us for transport hither, and a rupee for each abassee
* None of the letters mentioned is extant.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 3
expended on such horses as should by your servants bee bought
and brought hither for your accompt, became deafe to their clamors.
And so, with a litle formal! seeming displeasure for ceizing so
neare this port merchants vessells bound to this port, this busines
was overpast ; and wee not troubled with giving passes to this
theftuous nation untill Mirza Jam Cully Beague our new Governors
coming, who by his continued importunity prevayled with us to
graunt passes to nine only, and to promise safe conduct to them,
if your vessells encountred them to the norwards of Damaon ; but
if to the s[outh]wards of that place, or elcewheare, they became
obvious to your people, they might imploy their most of power
and courage to chastize and surprize them. Unto this, though
wee were in a manner inforced to submit, because the Governor
pretending that the coast trending somewhat below Bullsar is his
Kings and therfore ought properly so farr to protect such as would
trade to his ports, yet wee consented with so much seeming un-
willingnes that the Mallabars doe hardly credit us.' In point of
fact the cargoes which the latter bring to Surat are of such small
value that they are not worth troubling about. ' The best way to
revenge you of them, and repaire your losses, is to waylay their
vessells bound to Aden and Mocha.' The Supply was sent thither
for that purpose, but arrived too late ; however, the Francis goes
to Mokha shortly and will, it is hoped, have better success,
' notwithstanding the maenaces Esquire Courtyns grand Captain
Hall delivered in Mr. Prowds hearing that, if wee disturbed or
surprized the Mallabars, hee or his subordinates would affoard like
measure to the Guzuratt juncks whearever they encountred them.
Nor may they hope other from such rash insolent fellowes, unlesse
Your Worships can timely contrive to reduce or restraine their
bravings ; for in the heights of their jollities they know no master
but the King, whose flag being advanced on theire ships topmasts
gives their wisedomes cause of wonder how your shipmasters dare,
being in sight therof, to keepe the English flag abroad.' Are glad
that satisfaction has been recovered from Gosnoll for the missing
bale of calicoes ; and have warned other pursers that they are
responsible for all goods included in their bills of lading. Will
say no more about their controversy with the factors in Persia,
though they are of opinion that good has resulted, as the factors
V, 2
4 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
have since shown much greater diligence. The orders to Agent
Merry to return to India were forwarded to Gombroon by the
Discovery on November i8. Owing to the large quantities of
broadcloth brought out in private trade, the Company's consign-
ment had to be sent to Persia for sale. Merry will on arrival be
admitted to the Surat Council, as directed. Possibly he may
be sent to Ahmadabad to replace Robinson, who has been recalled ;
but for the present George Tash will be left in charge of that
factory. The English house at Gombroon is not the absolute
property of the Company. A sum of 200 tumans was lent upon
the security of the building, with the proviso that the English
should occupy it rent-free for eight years ; but, the owner dying
not long after in debt to the King, his estate was seized and the
house is now royal property. By giving a present, the Agent
obtained a farman allowing the English to enjoy the benefit of the
former contract ; yet unless another farman be procured, granting
them a longer period, they are likely to be turned out or made
to pay rent for it. Consider it necessary to retain a factory at
Ispahan, for otherwise the Persian officials may refuse to pay the
English share of the customs ; and besides the King will probably
insist upon this, as also upon an annual present. Other news from
Persia. Goods landed there by the Dutch. Narrate the purchase
at Ahmadabad by Benjamin Robinson, without authority, of 670
bales of the previous year's indigo. This is of inferior quality ;
and, moreover, ' at opening the bales the indico was discovered
to bee full of holes, which small wormes, bred from the juice of
a trees barke mixed with indico at its making to give it the better
coullor, had eaten not only through that but through all the indicoe
made the passed yeare, as wee in the 218 bales returned from
Gomroone, and many other merchants of this towne in divers
parcells which they owned, have experimented ; which though
the indico looseth nothing of its owne substance, because the wormes
feed only on the intermixture, yet some dust is therby caused and
much losse in weight induced.' Altogether, the Company is likely
to lose 2,426/. by Robinson's action ; and to meet this he has only
about 1,380/. in England and whatever is due to him as ten years'
salary. He has been so much affected by the occurrence that they
feprcd ' hee would have pitcht upon some desperate resolutions ' ;
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 5
but he is now in a better frame of mind and willingly goes home
in this ship * to prostrate himself to your mercy.' They praise his
abilities and express regret that this unfortunate incident should
have spoilt his career.^ This ship (the Lo7idon) carries home
814 bales of Sarkhej indigo, part of which (being last year's growth
and making) ' is the best and purest that ever Serquez vented ;
made so by the strict injunction and inforcement of the Ahmudabad
Governor' \see the previous vohime^ p. 274]. Hope to send a large
consignment of equal quality by the Discovery. Are glad to find
that Biana indigo is in good demand in England. They could
have supplied a large quantity, had the Company sent the necessary
means to purchase it ; but as they have not been pleased to do this,
the ship must be filled up with sugar and other low-priced com-
modities. The non-arrival of the large supplies of money expected
' hath now so much declined your credit that, after the proceed of
the rials was paid out [or] rather ceized on by your Suratt creditors
(as will in consultations held in October more plainely appeare)
nothing was left to send to Ahmudabad to cleare your goods
thence ; where also, besides Benjamin Robinsons debt for his indico,
Your Worships owed upwards of 10,000 li. sterling, and without
monies it was impossible to bring them thence ; insomuch that wee
even despaired of sending home your ship London this yeare. In
these necessitous and calamitous times, your greatest creditor,
Virgee Voura, whose indeed requiry of his monies brought first
your credit in question in Suratt, . . . undertooke our releife.' He
unexpectedly offered a loan of 100,000 rupees, payable in Ahmad-
abad, and thus enabled them to provide a lading for the Lo?ido7i.
Their want of means has forced them to 'forbid continuance of
cloth investments in all your factories, especially in Agra, which
furnisheth most of the kinds of browne cloth wherof in Ahmudabad
those dyed severall sortments requested at Bantam, Mocha, Persia,
and Bussora are made ; for which places the intended investments
were inhibited also, and so must continue untill you are pleased
to affoard us tooles to worke with.' Further, it has been found
necessary to keep back for Mokha a certain quantity of indigo and
^ The Company, after investigating the matter, fined Robinson i,ooo/., but re-engaged
him and allowed him to pay by instalments the part of the fine not already covered by the
amount due to him for wages {Court Minutes, 1640-43, pp. 305, 330, &c.).
6 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
calicoes, the proceeds of which will be applied to the reduction
of their debt, or (if they can get further credit) to make an invest-
ment at Agra in goods for England. Urge a plentiful supply of
money if the Discovery is to be sent home (as they hope) fully
laden in November next. Have notified the Agra factors of the
want of weight in the Biana indigo. Regret the defects in the
'joories' from Sind. Now send 89 bales of calicoes from those
parts, ']^ being from ' Nussurpore-^ ' and the rest from ' Durd[ ] ^
a towne scituated higher up that great river of Indus.' Both are
somewhat dearer than usual, but the general dearth of cotton wool
last year throughout India has increased the price of yarn and
consequently of calico in all places. Have ordered 20,000 pieces
of Sind calico for next season, and hope to provide them at cheaper
rates. Some {jroad ' Scinda joories ' are now forwarded ; also
59 bales of indigo from thence. ' Saltpeeter wee send none ; nor
should not have medled with sugar, if not to prevent dead fraught.'
Part of that carried by this ship was bought at Ahmadabad ; the
rest is Bantam sugar, received by the Swan. Have put 146 bales
of cotton yarn into the London. Could not procure any good dry
ginger. A quantity of Nosari calicoes forwarded. At Broach and
Baroda Dutch competition and the dearness of cotton wool forced
up the prices to an unreasonable figure ; hence they bought but
little. A considerable quantity of Agra calicoes sent. Of these
the ' Dereabads ' came partly ' whited ' and partly ' browne ', and
the latter have since been bleached at Surat and the neighbouring
factories. All of them were bought ' at Lucknoo and other townes
beyond Agra, where they are made and whence they are carried
to Agra for sale.' Twelve bales of ' Keyrabads ' sent ; they are
both broader and longer than Broach baftas. Of ' Mercooles ' they
forward 52 bales ; also a quantity of ' Eckburies, a larger and longer
sort of Agra cloathing then the Mercoolees.' A great many of
these were bought, but most were 'transformed in Ahmudabad
into byrams, selaes, cassedees, large chints, and other sorts of
sundry denominations requested at Bantam and Mocha specially.'
Have also provided a quantity of Agra calicoes similar to narrow
baftas. 'The cloth is very even and substantially made neare
^ Nasarpur, not far from Hyderabad (Sind) : see the 1634-36 volume, p. 128.
' Probably Dadu, in the Larkana District. ,
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 7
Agra, and there tearmed Guzzees, of uncertaine lengthes, some of
80, some 70, some more, some lesse (most above 40 coveds) ; sold
there by the hundred coveds ; of which in Ahmudabad cannikeenes
of both sortes, ardeas, blew baftaes, and the like are made and sent
to Mocha, Persia, Bussora, &c.' Some of these calicoes being
found suitable for England, they have been bleached and are now
forwarded. If approved at home, large quantities can be provided
at cheaper rates than the Tatta or the Gujarat cloth. Bornford
and his assistants at Agra have saved the Company much money
by buying such goods at first hand and sending them to Ahmad-
abad to be dyed, whereas formerly they were bought at the latter
place at second or third hand. Want of money has, however, put
a stop to their operations, and John Turner and Francis Hammersly
have consequently been recalled to Agra from ' the out-townes.'
Could not procure * Guiney stuffes ' in time for this ship, but will
send some by the next. Forward some ' tapseels ', part woven in
Surat and part bought in Sind. Of Ahmadabad ' cloathing ' they
have laden some white ' dutties ', some * whited seriaes broad ', some
quilts, and some ' pintadoes '. Could not get any gum-lac from
Agra or Ahmadabad, but have now bought a parcel in Surat ; also
some olibanum, aloes Socotrina, and myrrh. Virji Vora was for
some time unable to fulfil his contract made with President Meth-
wold to provide Deccan pepper, but he afterwards agreed to deliver
the stipulated quantity at Calicut in October, 1641, if the English
would fetch it from thence. The London was accordingly sent
thither, with William Pitt and Thomas Hill on board ; also John
Wylde and George Oxenden, who were to be left at Goa on the
way.^ The ship sailed on October 25 and reached Calicut on
November 11. On her arrival Virj I Vora's servants declared that
the pepper was at ' Punnone' [Ponnani], to which place the Lofidon
proceeded accordingly. There she was furnished with a small
quantity of pepper, of bad quality, besides some cardamoms and
turmeric ; and, after embarking at Goa some arrack and cinnamon,
she returned to Swally on December 27. The pepper was taken
on shore, as being unfit to send for England ; and 50 tons of
Bantam pepper have been laden instead. They are very angry
with Virji Vora for ' this peece of villany ', but they can do nothing
» Cf. Bagh-Register, 1641-42, pp. 223, 235, 339.
8 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
to punish him until they are able to pay the money they owe him.
Wylde and Oxenden were sent to Goa to congratulate the new
Viceroy, settle certain accounts, and procure (if possible) some
cinnamon. Their mission was * so gratefull and so well accepted '
that they obtained without difficulty a considerable quantity of
cinnamon, which is now sent home. Moreover, * besides the clearing
those severall depending accompts with that state and its officers
(whose debts you now receave in cinamon), wee come to know that
the V[ice] Roy will bee yet further intreated to furnish you with
greater quantitieb of that comoditie ; and hath allready suspended
subscription to a petition exhibited to him by Leonard Woodman ^,
imploring license to setle a residence for his masters servants in
Goa, untill hee had first consulted with your President and receaved
his refusall of such favor.' It has accordingly been determined by
consultation that the Swan on her way to Bantam shall land Pitt
and Hill at Goa, ' not only to pay for part of the cinamon for which
you are yet indebted to the Jesuits (who were the readiest and
rendred themselves the ablest to serve you in these occasions),
but to continue a residence there, so to prevent the Courtinians
entrusion', purchase more cinnamon, and attend to other affairs
affecting the Company. Cardamoms and turmeric sent home.
Acknowledge that their borrowings have exceeded the limits fixed
by the Company, but they could not otherwise have provided such
large cargoes for England, Basra, and elsewhere. By the London
alone they return 6,955/. more than was sent out in her and the
Discovery. Refer to their accounts, &c., for particulars. They had
expected a much larger remittance and on the strength of this had
involved themselves in engagements which could not be cancelled ;
but they hope to receive means before long which will set matters
on a proper footing. Thank the Company for ' advizing so timely
the unlawfull undertakings of the Deip and St. Malloes shipping,
and in sending the Discovery to secure your owne and this countries
vessells from their cruell rapinous clutches ; whose purposes (the
very day they became knowne unto us) we publisht to this townes
Governor and inhabitants, and with them our resolves not to bee
lyable to any damage that should by those French vessells accrew
unto them ; which we then assured them would bee early in the
^ The agent for Courteen's Association. *
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 9
Red Sea Streights, for (besides your advice of them) jointly wiih
your letters wee received others from Agent Cogan &c., and with
them copy of a commission given by Cardinall Richliew to one
David Digger, captaine of the Rose of Diepe . . . who, arriving
safely to the iland of St. Laurence, spawnd there and produced
a demy pynnace, called the Magdalen^ which was there set to-
gether, rig'd, fitted, and furnished with two minion cutts, oares,
men, and what elce wanting; in which aequipage Mr. Bayly
found and left them at Augustine Bay; whence (wee since come
to know from the master of this pynnace) they set saile and
shaped their course to the Red Sea Streights, where, meeting with
overboisterous weather, they parted company;^ when this pynnace,
not daring to oppose those growne seas and being very poorely
fitted with edible provisions, steered before the winde, which blowing
towards the coast of India brought them in sight of your ships
London and Discovery off Damaon, and afterwards on board the
former ; where her master and company desiring supply of victualls
was denyed by Mr. Prowd, if they intended to spend them on board
their owne vessell, yet offered to releive and receave them into the
London if they could resolve to leave her, which could not in proba-
bility without hazard conveigh them to Europe. Necessity inforced
their consent and retirement to the Londo7i. Their vessell being
then adrift, Mr. Prowd &c. bought her for your use and behoofe at
30/. sterling (to bee paid in India), put lo, of your seamen into her,
and brought her with him into Swally Hole ; where, after she had
made one voiage to Suratt with lead and corall, she was (being
brought on ground to cleanse), by her masters negligence cheifly
and by the weathers roughnes, bilged ; yet her guns, anchors, masts,
and rigging were all saved, and are estimated to be worth much more
then you pay for the vessell and them together.' Of her original
crew six were Scots and six Frenchmen. The former were added
to the crew of the Discovery ; the latter served on the London without
pay until she returned from the Malabar Coast, when, finding three
Dutch ships at Swally, they petitioned for leave to join them, ' unlesse
^ Apparently the ship returned to Madagascar ; for Francois Cauche {Relations Vcritables
ct Curieiises de Vlsle de Madagascar, 1651, p. 24) chronicles the arrival there from the
Red Sea of a Dieppe ship under one Digart, though the name of the vessel is given as the
Margturite.
lo THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
they also might have wages for their service '. As the vessels were
shorthanded Mr. Proud was permitted to enrol these Frenchmen and
to apportion them wages. No news has been heard of any other
French ship ; ' so that it is thought those of St. Malloes were elce-
where disposed. For all the vessells belonging to this, Cambaiett,
and Dio ports sent last yeare to Mocha are safe returned, with good
advance on the merchandizes they carryd hence ; and some of them
redispeeded. Others also are preparing to follow, but are not suffered
to lade untill both the great junkes belonging to this King are full ;
which also wee feare will somewhat decline that ample fraught wee
hoped to have made on the Discovery' Pepper is not particularly
scarce ' in Decan or Mallabar ', and yet it is said to be very dear.
The Dutch at ' Rawbaag ' [Raybag] declare that the * Courtinians '
are paying 37 pagodas per 'gunney' [sack: see the previous volume,
p. 237]. ' Wee would not willingly pay so deare for their interruption
in that trade, whilest the Dutch effect what you had recomended
to William Pitts agitation with no charge to you.' Indeed, as pepper
fetches only \6d. per lb. at home, it is a wonder that the trade is
thought to be worth following. When the Londoji passed by Rajapur
on December 13, Courteen's ship William was lying there ready to
set sail for England, with a cargo of pepper, saltpetre, cinnamon,
cardamoms, &c. The cinnamon is said to have been bought near
Cochin from the ' Ceiloan caphila ^ '. Except for this commodity,
her lading is not likely to produce much profit. ' If by such returnes
a trade to India can subsist, wee shall thinke the better of yours,
notwithstanding your continued complaints against it.' Hope
seasonably to hear of the exclusion of Courteen's factors, ' notwith-
standing his Woodmans this yeares investment with the title of
Agent, confirmed by His Majesties commission, as in a pardon
graunted by him to one of his masters servants, who, having absented
himself and fearing punishment, retired to Goa and would not bee
thence recalled untill the Agent sent him his pardon, signed, sealed
and delivered, which for the rarenes of the stile and method wee have
herewith inclosed to you. The Paradox and William arived very
early, the former in July, the latter towards the fine of August.
When the London and Discovery anchored in Augustine Bay, they
found there Mr. Courtyns Willia7n and Hester^ the one bound to
' The Portuguese fleet of small vessels bringing merchandise to Goa from Ceylon.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES ii
India, the other to England.' Refer to Mr. Proud for details. ' What
fate attends the Choromandell actions wee cannot divine. New
complaints we find yearly exhibited against it, and wee cannot but
credit the reality of them. Would to God wee knew how to rectify
and redresse them. Your affaires are now without all question more
orderly, though for ought wee perceave litle more fortunately, then
formerly managed ; for though from thence wee receave accompts
of your busines, yet they come clogged with such excessive expences
and charges (wherof those of housekeeping are reasonable enough)
that our Bantam freinds and ourselves seldome see the moiety of
what Your Worships, they, and wee furnish.' At Bantam they have
received little more than 20,000 pagodas out of the cargoes of the
Expedition, Hopewell, and Reformation, which aggregated over
30,000/. sterling. From Surat Cogan and his colleagues have been
furnished with 22,864 pagodas, and yet only 11,042 pagodas have
been received in return. The last remittance of 14,000 pagodas
the Coast factors were required to make good upon the arrival of
means from England or Bantam ; but this has not been done, and
probably only four or five thousand pagodas' worth of goods may
be expected in lieu thereof. The Bantam factors suspect those at
Surat of endeavouring to secure goods from the Coast which should
properly be sent to the former factory ; and, although assured to
the contrary, ' they take liberty to slight and deride us with most
unbefitting language ', as shown in the accompanying letter. Have
forwarded to the Coast factors the Company's letters. 'They
have lately replyed therto ; which, together with the Agents par-
ticular, in answer to what hee stands accused touching consortship
with Mr. Ivy in the matter of private trade,^ goe jointly herewith
enclosed. Wherein because hee pretends that the foundation of
Fort St. George was laid by our order, wee must necessarily contra-
dict and convince him from his owne letters, which it seemes have
bine received also by Your Worships. If not, as last yeare, wee
are againe ready to prove (what peradventure the first projector of
it, Francis Day, being at home with you, will vouch) that they first
pretended the Naigue promised to build a fort for us at his owne
charge ; which when advized us, wee wondred more at, then we
trusted in, such without example kindnes ; but then sundry pretences
* See the Court Minutes of the East India Company^ 1640-43, p. 144.
la THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
being framed to make it appeare more probable, wee consented to
suffer the Naigue doe what he pleased with and on his owne ground,
since it could not then hurt [and] might somewhat have helped your
affaires, if hee would have made good his promises. However, wee
prescribed the most of caution, and urged (even in the same words)
what Your Worships have bine pleased to say of it — that Armagon
was not deserted with intent to raise out of its ruine a new charge
unto you. But ere our letters arrived the worke was begun by
Francis Day, and paid for from your cash ; which when wee blamed
in the Agent, and put him in mind of the Naigues specious promises,
hee answered that hee had said as much to the Naigue, who (as well
he might) derided him for thinking so much folly as that hee, without
any obligation to, would build a fort for us. In a word, the fault
was laid upon Mr. Dales misunderstanding the Naigue, and so the
walls were raysed ; which, rather then the worke should cease, Day
offered we know not what contribution towards it. Now the greatest
part of them are finished, and may happily stand to doe you good
service, for without such defensible places your goods and servants
among such treacherous people are in continuall hazard ; the just
feare wherof hath induced the Portugalls, Dutch, and Danes to frame
unto themselves more safe habitations ; and such questionlesse will
be wanting unto you, although, considering the subsistance of your
present affaires and the meane trade you drive on that coast, this
Fort St. George is in its erection unseasonable, in its being over
chargeable. However, hitherto we have heard a faire report of it.
The worst is its over neare vicinity to the Portugalls of St. Thome ;
not in respect of any hurt they can doe the Fort, but because of the
many idlers, both men and weomen, who fraequent the Fort so much
that divers of the English souldiers are (as Mr. Cogan saith) married ;
which hee pretends must necessarily bee tolerated, or the hotshots
will take liberty otherwise to coole themselves (strange tenents to
bee received for truth). How forward the worke is wee desire you
heare read from its founders letters ; for more then there is done
(if they will heare us) shall not bee added untill wee or they receave
answer to what was therof writ by the Crispiana ; although much
inconvenience [and] some danger may attend this desistence from
prosecuting the worke to perfection. In those parts abundance of
good and good cheape cloth is said to bee procurable, and w^e find
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 13
the experiment therof in the large investments the Dutch yearly
make therabouts ; so that, if you could resolve to inlarge your trade,
wee conceave by what wee have heard of it that the Fort is con-
veniently enough scited and may serve you to many good purposes ;
and therfore, since you have bine pleased to referr its maintenance
or dissolution to our doome, we have seriously considered of it and
at last resolved to let it stand till your next yeares battery ; by which
time also, becoming better acquainted with that people, wee shall
better know how to determine it. Wee shall not need herein more
to inlarge of your Coast factors actions, because their owne letters
speakes the Reformations arrivall, carga[zoon], and dispeed to
Bantam, the Dyamond dind Endeavors dismission to the Bay Bengala,
to pay debts and bring your factors thence (who have so often bine
fruitlesly called thence), and such other their proceedings as merit
your notice ; of whose subordinacy wee are heartily weary, and
could (if you were pleased to thinke it fittest for your service) even
wish them againe submitted to Bantam, because our reprehensions
(when wee apprehend their proceedings unreasonable or improvi-
dent), though presented to them in a mild modest dyalect, appeare
so offensive and greivous that they are againe retorted uncivilly and
unsatisfactorily, insomuch that wee are somewhat troubled to resolve
how to deale with them. . . . With all other your subordinate inland
factories wee agree well enough and are complyed with observantly,
for, if wee conceive any reason to find fault with any misdoeings or
neglects in them, they are readily rectified ; but if wee blame these
Coast factors overbreife expressions in their journalls (wherwith nor
wee nor no men clce, wee thinke, can be satisfied), or if from such
abstracts of accompts (rather then accompts themselves) wee cannot
rightly apprehend their meanings, and therfore desire better informa-
tion, as in our letter of the 30th June . . . wee receave taunting
replies, as in their letter of the 3d September . . . and must quietly
take them for current payment, unlesse wee should determine to
bandy disputations ad infinitum. To avoid therfore future difference
with them about such matters, wee have willingly, upon your intima-
tion therof in your letter by ship Willia^n \ willed them to account
with Bantam, and in all other matters to demeane themselves towards
us, as Your Worships in your said letter have bine pleased to direct
^ Dispatched from England to Bantam in March, 1641.
14 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
them ; which also is amplified and more particularly insinuated in
our letter to them of the i8th October.' Thank the Company for
increasing Edward Pearce's salary. ' The small guns, cordage, and
surplusage of men now come on the London and Discovery have so
well strengthned and fitted your trading vessells that even the
Francis^ being of somewhat lesse then loo tons burthen, sayled by
30 men (wherof her commander, George Gilson, was one), confronted
nine saile of Mallavar frigatts, chased them, and, if one houre of
daylight had favoured her, had undoubtedly ruin'd some of them.
These pynnaces are very usefull to your occasions and excuse a
great charge of greater shipping. However, the Francis begins to
grow old ; the Michaell remaines at Bantam. The Seahorse is yet
serviceable for five or six yeares or longer ; so that on her and the
Supply wee now cheifly depend. And they being not sufficient, wee
are induced to bring to your remembrance our former requests [and]
your promises of furnishing one or two from England, of the
dimensions intimated by the Crispiana ; for these wee have allready,
excepting the Supply^ are neither soe capacious, defensible, nor
proffitable for you as others of 200 or 250 tonns would bee. And
some such the ensueing yeare wee hope to heare of before the fine
of August ; when, being so well fitted as usually your ships come
from England, [they] may safely ride before, or enter into, this
river, and therby infinitely forward your returnes for England, as
Mr. Courtyns Paradox did, and so enabled Mr. Woodman &c. to
give the William so timely dispeed.' Have communicated to
'Joseph Pinto Pereiro' the Company's offer of a passage to England ^ ;
but he does not propose to leave India until he hears that Portugal
is absolutely quiet. At the request of the Jesuits at Goa, ' who
indeed have bine at all times as able as ready to assist in your
affaires', a passage on the London has been granted to an aged
member of their order, named Francisco Carvalho. Can say nothing
fresh about John Drake's indigo, or about the missing bales. Have
demanded back from ' the Banyan doctor ' the interest formerly paid
him ^ ; but he alleges that he was an agent only and has passed on
the money to the actual lenders, who refuse to return what they
consider justly due to them. 'Wee find indeed how great trouble
^ See the Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1640-43, p. 14S.
' See the previous volume, p. 202. ,
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 15
befalls you in thus clearing your servants ingagements ; but, if th"s
were all, the disease were easily cured by the generall notice we
have and shall from time to time exhibit to the lenders, that who-
soever dieth or departeth hence insolvent, the Honourable Company
shall not bee lyable to pay their debts, but [these ?] shall bee con-
tinued a losse to the kind and free hearted lender. But besides the
former, the stuffing your vessells with private trade, and debasing
(by underselling) your commodities values, are much more nocent
to you, and cannot (though then now, we beleive, private trade was
never lesse practized ^) bee totally remedied, notwithstanding the
Presidents personall attendance on the Maryne all the time your
vessells lade to the neighbouring ports, and imploying covert watches,
wherby wee know some are terrified from, others prevented in, these
unwarrantable practizes.' It is true that when the ships are lading
for England, the President's other duties prevent him from watching
in person ; yet the factors in charge are specially warned to attend
to this point, though ' by what you write of the great quantities of
particular goods brought thence on the London and Discovery, they
litle (it seemes) reguarded ; for which wee can better greive then
propound a remedy.' Tapl Das is ready to repay the money he
received on account of Skibbow's debt to Gopaljl, if Methwold
declares that this ought to be done.^ The Discovery will be sent to
Mokha in February, ' to prevent the French pyrates theftuous prac-
tizes '. Fremlen thanks the Company for their many favours and ' ten-
dreth his subscription to your imposition of officiating the place of
President for five yeares continuance from the time he entred theron.'
' Your Worships rightly apprehend how litle the title of Captaine
serves to the navigating and goverment of your shipps and men
at sea, and how much cost and ceremony attends that denomination,
and have therfore taken a necessary resolution to blow downe that
buble.' ^ Commend Proud and Allison, the masters of the London
and Discovery. The latter's diligence is shown by the amount of
freight goods carried to Persia, which produced 39,560 mahmudis ;
^ From the particulars given in the Dutch records of the time it would seem that this
statement was far from true, and that Fremlen was prominent in trading on his own account
to the detriment of his employers (see the previous volume, p. 297, and infra, p. 31).
^ See the Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1640-43, p. 148.
' In December, 1640, the Company resolved to style the commanders of their ships
'masters' and not 'captains' {Court Minutes, 1640-43, p. 119).
i6 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
whereas in the previous cruise of the Discovery^ when Minors was
commander, room could only be found for ^0,608^ mahmudis'
worth of freight. It is hoped that her freight to Mokha will not
come far short of 45,000 mahmudis. Praise William Broadbent,
who has been master of the Supply since October 30, 1639, ^^ 5^*
per month, and recommend him for the command of a larger ship.
Have communicated with Bantam regarding the deficiency in the
weight of cloves. Send home their general books, pursers' books,
and the accounts of the subordinate factories. Hitherto the latter
have been balanced to the end of September ; but this date has
now been changed to May in the case of Masulipatam, Agra, and
* Scinda ', and to August in the case of Ahmadabad, Broach, and
Baroda ; ' that so in the vacant times of raines, when wee have least
to doe, wee may make the exacter and more timely audit of them ',
before transferring them to the general books. Thank the Company
for the ' chirurgery chest ' and the two pipes of Canary wine. Advise
certain deficiencies in the former, with a note of articles included
which are superfluous or can be more cheaply procured in India.
Duarte Fernandez Correa has sent a chest of goods on the London^
to be delivered to Mr. Methwold, to whom he has written as to its
disposal. *S[enho]r Duarte is abundantly usefull unto us, and
with most of ready willingnes assists in the maintenance of our
free and fraequent respondence with the Portugalls, who, having
most of them litle elce to doe, spoile more paper with their
frivolous common complements then is easily credible ; and yet
they must bee answered with most of punctuality ; otherwise they
thinke themselves slighted or dishonoured, [and] us discurteous
or ignorant of that part of good manners.' Desire a constant supply
of sailors for their small shipping, as those here are continually
lessened by their ' debauchure '. The Blessing has been lying at
Goa ever since Methv/old left her there, as the Portuguese would
not buy her, and she was not worth fetching away. A few months
ago she was so leaky that she had to be hauled on shore ; so when
the London went thither the hull was broken up and some of the
materials brought back to Surat. Since ' bounders to the Dutches
insolence' cannot be procured, they must bear it as best they can.
Goods supplied to Bantam. Complain of the taunting letters
received from that Presidency. Explain that the Supply was dis-
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 17
patched thither with a cargo of piece-goods, but after eight days
at sea was forced to return. Refute other allegations by the Bantam
factors, and point out that they are now sending thither in the
Swan a cargo far more valuable than that she brought from thence.
Defend the orders they gave to the Coast factors to pay their debts
before making an investment for Bantam. William Hurt^ would
have been appointed General Purser in place of John Wylde, but
at his urgent request he has been permitted to return to England
in the Lo7tdon. As Wylde is now bound for Mokha, his post has
been given to Richard Fitch, who came out as purser of the
Crispiana and has since served in the Blessing and the Supply.
[John] Perkins, purser of the Discovery^ died some days before
that ship sailed for Persia, and has been succeeded by his mate,
John Sims. Robert Heynes made purser of the Supply and
Edward Kinnersley of the Swan. Benjamin Robinson returns in
this ship ; also Richard Fisher, who came from Bantam as purser
in the Swan. William Jesson has been notified of the increased
wages granted to him.^ A favourable report of his diligence and
honesty has been received from Agra. Have now answered all
the points in the Company's letters, and will proceed to other
matters, referring for details or omissions to Proud's narration or
to the President's journal \jnissing\ As regards the goods &c.
brought out by the ships, the rials were welcome, though not half
as many as they needed. Out of the number 28 J were * wanting
in tale' and 17 J were false. Of the 6,482! 'rex dollors' 28 were
found to be of copper and are consequently returned. The rest
sold at 216 rupees 16 pice the hundred; while the rials of eight
fetched as usual 21 2| rupees per hundred for the new and i\S\
rupees per hundred for the old ones. ' Some daies before your
ships brought these, upwards of 1,700,000 r[ial]s were landed from
the junkes returned from Mocha'; consequently it took 2)?> days
to pass the Company's rials through the mint, and then all the
rupees that resulted were paid to their creditors, ^ who greedily
expected much larger distribution.' Of the gold coins, the 20j-.
pieces fetched from 2t to 22 mahmudls each, and the Venetians
[sequins] 9I and 9 J mahmudls. At Goa these coins produced 44 J
^ Purser of the London.
^ See the Court Minutes of the East India Company^ 1640-43, p. 154.
lOSTKR Vfl
i8 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
and 2o| 'tangoes' [see the 1634-36 vohtme, p. 160] respectively,
while the rial of eight was valued at 11 ' tangoes '. Earnestly beg
for a larger remittance by the next ships to clear off their debts.
The sale of the broadcloth was spoiled by the competition of that
brought by the seamen as private trade. Unless this can be stopped
at home, it will be useless to send so large a consignment in future.
No effectual means for its suppression can be used here. Moreover,
last year the Armenians brought overland from Persia very great
quantities of broadcloth, and sold it at such low rates that Lahore
and Agra are both ' cloyed ' ; while the demand at the latter place
has been further reduced 'through the Kings continued absence
from Agra, whither if the revolted Raja of Congura^ and the
expected coming of the Persian King upon Candahar would permit
his repaire, it would questionlesse sell readily.' Bornford has now
been instructed to barter the broadcloth for indigo or calicoes.
Although broadcloth is not in demand, scarlet and green 'bales
and perpetuanaes ' would probably sell to profit. Disposal of the
lead received. As regards the coral, Virjl Vora, who is in great
favour with the present Governor of Surat ' and consequently awing
all other Banyan merchants to his observance', is treating for its
purchase, but in so dilatory a fashion that they have resolved to
send part to Goa to procure cinnamon, and part to Ahmadabad,
unless he makes a good offer in the meantime. They desire in
future a double quantity of ' the finest sort or di Grezio ' and
20 chests of the third quality [' terraglia ' in the inargiii\, but none
of 'the midle sort or ricaduti',^ for which there is little demand.
Enclose a list of prices of other goods suitable for this market.
No sword blades should be sent, except perhaps a few from
Germany ; ' for, besides those the Moores tearme Alimony and
Genoobee (which wee construe of Allmaine and Genoa ^), none are
requested.' The paper, quills, and ink have been received and
distributed. Ink could be dispensed with, if the Company would
send out some copperas ; but a thousand quills are needed per
annum. They were forced to procure a supply from Agra, but
* This refers to the unsuccessful revolt of Jagat Singh, son of Raja Basu of the Himalayan
district of Kangra.
' For these terms see the 1630-33 volume, pp. 31, 129,
* This was no doubt correct. Alamdnt is Hindustani for * German '.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 19
found them * nothing comparable in goodnes nor so fit for use ' as
the Engh'sh quills. The knives and scarlet cloth have been used
as presents. Now pass to the movements of their shipping. The
Expedition left Swally on January 27, \(^\i, reached Gombroon
February 11, and departed again for India on March 11.^ Details
of her cargo. She was then dispatched to Bantam on April 32
and reached that port on August 10. On September 24 the
Francis returned from Basra. She had left Swally, in company
with the Seahorse^ on March 6 and, after touching at Gombroon,
they arrived at their destination on May 20. The Francis sailed
from thence on August 11 with ii,036|- rials and six horses, and
took in at Gombroon a quantity of indigo left there by the
Expedition but found to be unsaleable. On October 13 she was
dispatched from Swally in search of the Seahorse. They met near
Jask, and returning called at ' Scinda ' on November 25, took in
some goods, and, sailing thence on December 14, anchored in
company at Swally on the 23rd. The Francis will shortly be sent
to Mokha and thence to Persia to meet the Seahorse^ which is to
go again to Basra. They will then call at ' Scinda ' to bring away
the goods collected there for England, and may be expected at
Swally next October. The London and Discovery arrived on
September 27, 1641 ; and with them the Supply returned from the
Red Sea. She had been dispatched thither on January 14, reached
Gombroon on February 12, left again on February 23, and reached
Aden on March 31. She then proceeded to * the Bab ', and between
April 3 and May i overhauled 45 vessels bound for Mokha, all
of which, however, proved to belong to ' our freinds ' and were
consequently allowed to proceed unmolested. The Supply next
sailed for Masulipatam, but met with such bad weather that she
was forced to take refuge at Socotra. In these circumstances it
was decided to make for Gombroon, which was reached on August 16.
After embarking some silk, she left again on September j , and fell
in with the Lo7idon and Discovery on the 23rd. On October 13
she was sent to Daman for arrack and returned nine days later.
Her next employment was to carry pepper and freight goods to
Persia, and on this errand she departed December 10. During
next rains she will be ' doubled ', to fit her for further service. The
* She arrived at Swally on April lo (J)agh- Register^ 1640-41, p. 3S0).
C2
20 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Swan from Bantam anchored at Swally on November 13, bringing
a very poor return for what had been sent thither. She had on
board two Portuguese passengers with a large quantity of private
goods, for the freight of which they alleged that they had given
satisfaction at Bantam. Near Diu the Swan encountered sixteen
Malabar frigates, but upon her showing a bold front they fled.
She will be sent back to Bantam as soon as the London has
departed. The Seahorse remained at Basra until October 16, 'in
expectation of better markets ', and then sailed with 8,000 rials of
eight and a horse, valued at 375 rupees, sent as a gift from the
Basha to the President. On her way back she called at Gombroon,
where she took in certain goods and money for Surat. She will
shortly be dispeeded to Persia and Basra. The factors at the
latter place will be directed to send her at once back to Gombroon
with the proceeds of any further sales they may have effected ;
there she will meet the Supply, which will be dispatched from
Swally with a cargo including further goods for Basra. The
Seahorse will then take in the latter in exchange for her own
lading, and will return to Basra, where she will ' attend the bringing
off the last remaines of monies, and with them the factors ', unless
the Company order their further stay. On her way back, she will
call at Gombroon and ' Scinda ' for any goods that may be ready.
The Diamond sailed on January 27, 1641, in company with the
Expedition and, after visiting ' Scinda ', reached Gombroon on
March 6. Thence she departed on March 26 for Masulipatam,
with nine horses for the Company's account. Adverse winds forced
her into Muskat to water ; and later she was obliged to put into
' Matacalla ' [Baticola] in Ceylon for the same purpose. Sailing
thence on May 11, she anchored on the i6th 'before our new fort'
[Fort St. George] and landed one of the horses. Four days later
she was sent in search of the John, which was cast away at
Armagon, but nothing could be recovered. The Diamo7id then
departed on May 24 and reached Masulipatam on the 28th ; * from
which port she is since sent to Bengala to trim and bring thence
those factors, for whose clearing she and another vessell (bought
needlcsly by John Yard in the Bay, called the Endeavor) carried
in goods and monies to the amount of pago[das] 3,193. 13. 4,
and fraught goods and pass[engers] paying for their tran;sp[ort]
THE ENGLISH FACTORn^:S 21
pag[odas] 681. 13. 6. These were re-expected in October or
November last ; and the Dyamond designed to carry to Bantam
from the Coast such goods as could not be fitted to accompany
the Reformation! The Prosperous, which is the smallest of all
their vessels (being little more than 30 tons), was for some time
laid up in the river at Surat for want of men ; but on the arrival
of the London she was fitted up and sent with that vessel to the
Malabar Coast. She has now been hired by ' our house sheraffe
[i.e. shroff] Tappidas ' for 5,000 mahmudis to voyage to Basra and
back, in company with the Seahorse, Arrival at Swally of three
Dutch ships from Japan in March, 1641.^ Their cargoes produced
here nearly 600,000 rupees. They sailed on April 6 for Gombroon,
where they arrived before the end of May, and were then sent back
to Batavia. On April 8 the Zealand left Swally for Batavia, laden
with indigo, calicoes, &c. Five days later the Snoek from Persia
anchored at Swally, and was sent away fully laden on April 24. On
October 24 the Vliegende Hert arrived, and confirmed the report
of the capture of a Portuguese carrack before Goa ; ^ * wherin, though
much treasure was not found for the Company, yet the saylors got
good pillage.' ' The carracks self they intend to Battavia, and have
removed her from Goa to Ceiloan, where they have a fleete of 10 or
12 great ships, with which it is thought they intend, together with
the souldiers and other meanes in them, to assault and (if they can)
surprize Columbo before the expected peace bee published ; to treat
and enquire wherof the V[ice] Roy hath on a Dutch vessell sent a
gentleman of good quality ^ to the Battavian Generall, so desirous
the Portugalls are even to beg peace, or a cessation of armes at least
untill it come confirmed from Europe. Besides this carrack the
Dutch have also neare unto Goa taken a Portugal! vessell richly
laden from Mozambique with elephants teeth and a great quantity
of gold. And before Macao in China it is reported that they have
' See the previous volume, p. 298. The account there given of the voyage is repeated
in the text.
2 See the introduction to the previous volume, p. xxviii.
3 Diego Mendez de Brito, with whom was associated Frei Gon9alo de S^io Jos^, They
carried to Batavia a letter from the Viceroy, requesting a truce pending the arrival from
Europe of information that the peace had been confirmed. This was refused, and De Brito
was sent back to Goa in a fleet dispatched under Jan Dirkz. Galen to commence a fresh
blockade {Hague Transcripts, series i. vol. xii. no. 386 ; Lisbon Transcripts, Doc. Remett.^
book 48, f. 115).
22 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
another fleete of six great and small ships, to forbid the Portugalls
trade thence to Mannilia ; wherby (as it is now happened) they have
done them a very great deale of pleasure ; otherwise, if they had,
as accustomary, voiaged thither, the Spaniards upon this Lusitanian
revolt would have ceized on all.' On November 5 the Dolfijn
reached Swally from Batavia, bringing over 150 tons of pepper,
which will be sent to Mokha on the Vliegende Hert. ' On this coast
neare Dabull this Dolphin was assaulted by six Mallabar friggats,
who continued the fight three houres and then, their captaine falling,
they also fell otf and left her ^ ; who from Vingurla brings tydings
that, the Portugalls having bought an offensive and defensive league
of amity of the King of Beejapore for 100,000 pago[das], the Dutch
were therupon excluded from Vingurla and other ports of that Kings
dominions^.' The Dolfijn^ after thirteen days' stay at Swally,
returned to Batavia with the surplus goods left behind by the Snoek.
On December 25 the Henriette Louise and Enkhtiizen, wath a small
pinnace [the Klein Ztitpheit\ arrived from Batavia. They landed
spices, coral, and 52,000 rials, and then departed for Persia on
January 8. Another Dutch ship is expected from China richly
laden. ' In a word, they flourish abund[an]tly, and are very fortu-
nate in theire undertakings. So powerfull they are withall that,
unlesse the hoped peace take off the edge of their indeavors, the
Portugalls, being no better provided, cannot resist them. But they
[i.e. the Portuguese] . . . are abundantly comforted and contented
with their new Kings inauguration ; and were exceedingly busied in
solemnizing so great happines when the carrack was surprized ; which
they seeme not to resent, because they pretend and avouch that
both shipp and goods were insured by Dutch merchants, then late
come to inhabit in Lisboa, from whom this losse will be undoubtedly
recovered by their new King ; whose commands were no sooner
seen by the V[ice]Roy and Councell at Goa then obeyed, and
generally received by the whole nation, who from him propound to
themselves a generall reformation and repairation of their declining
fortunes ; to whom all the forts and citties alongst this coast, as low
as Goa, send by your ship London their submissive yet congratula-
* See the Dagh- Register, 1641-42, p. 189.
' A copy of this treaty (concluded June 4 (N.S.) 1641) is given in Hague Transcripts,
series i. vol. xii. no. 385. It is printed in the Dagh-Register for 1641-42, p. 208/
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 23
tory letters.' Request that these may be duly deh'vercd, as also the
other Portuguese letters accompanying- them. *Thc Danes drive a
poore feint trade, not worth mentioning. We thinkc that of Esquire
Courtyn is litle better conditioned.' Grieve to report 'the fayling
of those pregnant hopes wee had enterteyned of ample and profit-
able returncs from Bussora ; where this yeare, in reguard of warrs
twixt the Great Turkes ministers and the Bashaw, the waies have
bine so dangerous that very few merchants strangers (as accustomary
in great caphilaes) have resorted thither ; wherby it is come to passe
that few of your goods have bine sold, and those also put off at
meane proffit ; and wee, who expected thence upwards of 80,000
rials, have not received 20,000 rials. However, those differences
being reconciled and the Bashawes peace bought with a valid pre-
sent, better times are certainly expected, and we hope to share in
them. However, untill your goodes allready there are sold, wee
are resolved not to send others thither, but have diverted those
primarily intended to Bussora to Mocha, where the passed yeare the
markets were good and [it] is hoped will bee so the ensuing season.'
The Discovery and Francis will be sent thither under John Wylde,
assisted by George Oxenden ^, Robert Cranmer, and perhaps another
factor. These all proceed on the Francis ; while William Fursman,
if sufficiently recovered from his present sickness, may follow on the
Discovery. Of the Englishmen taken prisoners by the Malabars,
some have escaped, and thirteen have been ransomed for 1,210 rials.
No factors have died during the past twelve months, and only three
other Englishmen, who were * forediseased ' on board the ships.
' Towards the fine of September, Mazel Mulkes covenanted time of
governing this country and farming this custome house and mint ex-
piring. Jam Cullibeag, assisted with the former Dewon and one Mirza
Arub ^, purposely designed to the custome house busines, entred on
this goverment ; whose face is now quite changed, for, wheras before
dispatch of all busines depended solely on Mazel Mulks direction,
because hee being obliged to pay the King three yeares 72 lacks of
m[ahmudi]s for provenue of this adjacent country, mint, and custome
1 He had gone home in 1639 (see the preceding volume, p. 117), and had been re-
engaged by the Company in January, 1641 {Court Minutes, 1640-43, p. 137).
2 Mirza Arab. On this change of administration see the introduction to the previous
volume, p. xxvi.
24 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
house, not any of the Kings ministers intermedled. But hee, it seemes,
promised more then hee could performe by 31 laacks or 3,100,000
m[ahmudi]s, which hee yet owes the King, and is therfore called to
court to cleare acco[unt]s, which it is knowne hee cannot doe. And
therfore this his fayling induced the King to thinke on some more
provident course, and at last determined to confer the superintend-
ence and goverment of all on Mirza Jam Cullibeage, on whose
knowledg of this country and approved fidelity hee much confides.
Yet because hee is alltogether unlearned \ the aforenamed persons
are adjoyned to his assistance, and a certaine exhibition allowed all
of them yearly from the King ; unto whose accompt whatever this
country, mint, and custome howse produceth is brought. So that,
though with somewhat more trouble and retardance then accustom-
ary, in respect of procury of their mutuall dependent assents to the
dispatch of busines, by which only all affaires are agitated, yet in
what concernes the custome howse dispatches, wee and all other
merchants rejoice exceedingly in Mazel Mulks displacing. For he,
having this, Baroach, and Cambaiett ports under his goverment,
exacted most unreasonable and unjust customes, because merchants,
having brought downe their goods from the inland countries, must
of necessity fall into his merciless clutches, if they at all intend either
from Cambaiett or Suratt to imbarque them. Besides, his long con-
tinuance in these imployments had armed him with so much ex-
perience that merchants suffered much therby, as by his other
oppressive dealings. These that now officiate this place want all
these meanes to greive merchants, and (for ought wee yet perceave)
will to doe it, if those meanes were extant. For whilest this custome
howse only is under their goverment, merchants have liberty, though
peradventure not so much conveniency, to ship off their goods from
Baroach and Cambaiett, which both are yet Mazel Mulks ; who, to
hinder this and improve that port of Cambaiet, hath publisht resolved
releasment of halfe customes to such strangers merchants as will
repaire thither, and forbidden exportation by land from Cambaiett
of all such goods as are there either made or cured, that soe those
' The Dutch records say that he could neither read nor write. They add that he was
now sixty years of age, and that his allowance from the Emperor was 40,000 ' R° ' [rupees ?]
per annum. The date of the transfer of the post is given as October yy {Dagh- Register,
1641-42, p. 188). I
THE ENGLISH EACTORIES 25
at least may not only advance his sea customes but impleat a great
junck built here by him at conclusion of his govermcnt ; which also,
ere hee left this place, hee dispeedcd (though litle more then halfe
built) to Goga, whence this yeare she voiageth to Mocha. Thus by
Mazel Mulkes happy removall your goods, as well in Baroach as
this custome howse, passe much cheaper then in his time ; whom wee
hope (though he flatters himself with a suddainc returnall) never
more to see established in this goverment. Towards the fine of
October certaine tydings came that Asaph Caun, besides howses,
house moveables, catle, and Jewells, dyed possessed of 17 crores of
rup[ee]s, each crore importing 100 lacks, and each lack ioo,oco
rup[ee]s ; all which this King, pretending to be his heire by marriage
of his daughter, hath ceized.' ^ Long beads sent for barter at Mada-
gascar. Enclose a list [missing-] of Englishmen captured by the
Malabars, and of the amounts paid for their release. Two of these,
John Moss and Richard Husband, were taken in a vessel belonging
to Duarte Fernandez Correa, who has since paid the amount of
Moss's ransom. Husband having previously made his escape and
reached Surat. The sums paid in other cases have been charged to
the account of the men who are now going home, ' that so Your
Worships . . . may either levy it from their wages or mercifully remit
it.' Some private trade received by the London and Discovery,
directed to two men that are dead and to one that has gone home,
will be sold and brought to account. Enclose a list of Perkins'
effects ; these will be disposed of and the result advised. Accounts
sent of the estates of three deceased factors, viz. Robert Adams,
Edward Abbot, and Samuel Pauncefote. Similar statements
regarding John Willoughby's and Francis Honywood's effects are
awaited from Persia. Thus much was written before leaving Surat
on January 25. On reaching Swally they found that part of the
goods advised above could not be embarked in the London for want
of room. By taking out some of the cinnamon they have found
space for some of the cotton yarn ; but a quantity of indigo, piece-
goods, turmeric, &c. must necessarily be left behind.- A bale of
cinnamon and a box of seed pearls sent home in the London by
^ See the introduction to the preceding volume, p. xxvii.
2 A short account of the final cargo of the Loudon is given at p. 191 of the Dagh ■
Register, 1641-42.
26 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Lewis Roberts, formerly boatswain's mate in the Blessings who is
now living at Goa under the name of Lewis Ribeiro Soarez and has
rendered various services to the Company. Agent Merry has also
forwarded a chest of rhubarb, concerning which he has written to
the Company. Enclose a list \inissmg\ of factors, &c., in India,
Persia, and Basra. Bornford from Agra, Wylde from Surat, Adler
from Persia, and Thurston from Basra have announced their deter-
mination to go home by the next ships ; and therefore some able
men will be needed to supply their places. William Fursman, whose
covenanted time expired last March, wished this year to visit
England, but he has been persuaded to remain. Recommend his
re-engagement for three years from the expiration of his covenants
at 50/. per annum. Hope 'to fit all things for clozure of your
Third Joint Stock ' by the time of the departure of the Discovery in
November next, * provided you please to send meanes, not only to
pay for lading, but those 317,967 rupees wee are now indebted
more then all you can depend on in India can sattisfy,' as shown
in the enclosed account [inissing] of ' quick stock ' in this country.
Earnestly entreat an ample supply of money for this purpose.
PS. — Forward a small box of letters from the Dutch ' Comandore '
here, directed to the Netherlands Company. (45 pp. Received
August 24, 1642.)
The East India Company to [the President and Council
AT Surat], March 24, 164a {Factory Records, Miscellaneous,
vol. xii. p. 59).
Wrote last on November 29 by the Hopewell, which was detained
by contrary winds and did not quit the Downs until January 4.
Trust that she met with better weather than was encountered by
the fleet dispatched by Courteen. This sailed in November and
consisted of three ships, ' vizt. the Bo7isperaiice, Bonaventure, and
Hampton Merchant, of burthen betweene 2 and 300 tonns apeece ',
carrying 16,553 rials of eight, iron, steel, lead, broadcloth, cotton
wool, &c., in addition to the lead, coral, and money dispatched in
the Paradox, which sailed ' about September ^ last '. These three
ships, after reaching the latitude of Southern Spain, were dispersed
by violent winds, and the Hampton Merchant was forced to return
* Apparently 'February' 1641, is meant (see Court Mimites, 1640-43, p. 14*;).
THE ENGLISH FACTORn^:S 27
to Plymouth, where she remained until the end of February before
she could make a fresh start. Courteen's ship Hester, which left
Cannanore on March 15 [1641], reached Plymouth on December 11,
bringing pepper, indigo, cinnamon, saltpetre^ gum-lac, and turmeric.
The sale of these commodities has interfered much with * our
marketts ', especially in the case of the indigo. Plans for the General
Voyage. Instructions given for the investment of the stock sent out
in the Hopewell, and for the disposal of the vessel in the meantime.
To Bantam they have sent a ship of 250 tons, called the Blessings
with a cargo amounting to 16,064/. 3^-. i,d. She was dispatched on
January 14, but contrary winds detained her in the Downs till
February 19, and they are rather afraid that she will lose her voyage
in consequence. On reaching Bantam she is to be sent to Surat
to fetch a lading of Indian commodities. On February 14 they
received by way of Aleppo the Surat letter of March 4, 1641, one
from Persia of September 15, 1640, and two from Basra of June 14
and August 24, 1641, with copy of the 'articles agreed betweene
our people and the Bashaw and Shawbander for trade in those
parts ' } Now reply to the first of these. Approve generally the
disposal of their shipping. Measures to be taken as regards the
fraud imputed to the broker at Gombroon. Merry has complained
of the deputation of Wylde from Surat to Persia as being an
affront ; but as Merry and the Surat factors are now (in all pro-
bability) ' meaniall ^ associates ', the Company trust that harmony
has been re-established. Dispatch of the Expedition from Surat to
Bantam, to be returned with a lading of pepper. Commend the
renewal of the attempt to establish trade at Basra. Relate the
skirmish between the Seahorse and Francis and the Malabar fleet.
Hope that the prisoners have been exchanged for the Englishmen still
in the hands of the Malabars. The factors at Basra write that the
Basha has offered them a piece of ground near the custom-house for
a factory, but in reply they have been forbidden to build any
dwelling-houses or warehouses. ' For the trade in that port of
Bussora wee find noe extreordinary encoragement ; and you know
that aury sacra fames is that which makes difficult adventures and
^ None of these documents is extant.
2 This word had not yet acquired a contemptuous sense. All that is implied is that the
two men were now forming part of the same household.
28 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
hard undertakeings be attempted where there is but hope of gaine.
There marketts likewise were not very quick ; for from their first
arrivall the 20th May unto the date of their latter letters of
24 August they had not put any quantity of there carga[zoon] away,
and for the gaines arrising they have byn from ^6 to 50 per cent,
upon some of the comodities.' The money received there had
been sent to Surat on the Francis^ while the Seahorse was to follow
in the middle of October, the factors remaining (if necessary) until
the following season. Hope that the latter vessel will arrive in
good time, as it is desirable that the shipping for England should
leave Surat rather in the middle than at the end of December. As
for the Hollanders' ' insolent carriage towards our pinnace Michaell^
wee must with patience beare such affronts as yet, since they have
the better end of the staffe '. The Malabar vessel captured by the
Michael was of little value, and was sunk after the rice and the crew
of twenty men had been taken out of her. Desire to learn how
Merry left matters in Persia ; whether his departure is resented at
court ; and what has been done about securing the moiety of the
Gombroon customs. Have now prepared for India the Crispiana,
under the charge of Thomas Steevens, on account of the General
Voyage ; and have also chartered upon freight the Aleppo Merchant^
commanded by John Millet, master and part owner ^. List of the
goods laden on these two ships, including 200,000 rials of eight (in-
voiced at 5^. each). In preparing return cargoes, special care should
be taken that the calicoes are not damaged in the process of bleach-
ing. Edward Knipe entertained as factor for the voyage at 200/.
per annum. During his stay at Surat he is to be ' an assistant unto
you in Counsell ' ; and he is to return on the last of the two vessels
to leave India. Anthony Panton sent as minister, on a salary of
50/. and a gratuity of 10/. The Hester brought a letter from
John Brightwell, sometime master of the Hope, and also one from
Thomas ^ Moss of that ship, relating their cruel usage at the hands
of the Malabars in a place called ' Burgare ' on that coast ; means
should be sought of exchanging or ransoming these or any other
English captives. One chest of ' chirurgerie ' and another of drugs
and medicines sent. Millet has been permitted to carry out five
^ For a copy of the charter-party see p. 8 of Knipe's letter-book.
' This should be 'John' ; cf. p. 25, and Court Minutes, 1640-43, pp. 232, 275.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 29
tons, and bring back ten tons, of goods in private trade, proviced
that the commodities thus carried are not those the Company trade
in ; desire therefore that h'sts of his goods, both outwards and home-
wards, be forwarded to them. Robert Tindall, who went out in the
Blessing in 1634, ' hath here a troblesome woman to his wife, who is
continually peticioning for his wages and clamoring because he
comes not home ' ; he should therefore be returned by the first ship.
As in past years some of the masters have grumbled at the taking
of wine from their vessels for use ashore, a pipe of Canary is now sent
for the Surat factory. Breton is to succeed Fremlen as President at
a salary of 350/. : and Merry, who for the present must rank as
third, will then become second. The shipping of the General Voyage
is to be used, if necessary, by the Joint Stock, in return for the
assistance to be afforded by the latter to the former. Knipe may
be retained on shore for a time if his services are required, but he is
in any case to return with the present ships. If the Aleppo Merchant
cannot be* sent back at once, she may be employed on freight to
Gombroon and then to the Red Sea. Now understand from
Courteen that his three ships already mentioned are bound for
Achin and the West Coast of Sumatra ; and that he is also dis-
patching three others for India, viz. the Unity ^ under Gervase Russell,
Xki^ Loyalty, under John Durson, and the Hester, under Robert Hogg.
Cargoes of these vessels. They ' are consigned directly for the Coast
of Mallabarr, unto their factories of Rajapore and Carwarr, or what
other residences they have in those parts. And as you see these
have a small carga[zoon] for 700 tonns of shipping, as they are
accounted, soe is it now ordered here by a Committee of Parliament
that these shipps must be the last which Mr. Courteene shall sett out
for India to bring home what factores and goodes he shall have in
those parts ; but if any remaines shalbe left in those parts after the
coming away of these shipps, they are to be by his direction brought
unto our factories and wee are to bring them home for the same
fraight which wee pay unto others.' Henry Robinson has been
permitted to send on the Aleppo Merchant a parcel of coral, the
proceeds of which are to be invested in * such toyes and household
provizions' as he has named, excluding all goods usually imported
by the Company. Search to be made at Surat for the articles con-
cluded with the Khan of Shiraz about the capture of Ormus \see the
30 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
previous volume, p. 306]. Presume that fewer factors are now
required ; if so, the surplus may be sent home. Cannot say any-
thing certain about next year's shipping ; ' yet are wee noe waie
doubtfull but that there wilbe stock and meanes found, sufficient at
the least to furnish and sett forth a shipp of 300 tonns, if not more.'
To provide the necessary cargo, the President and Council are
desired to borrow at interest to the amount of 30,000/. and invest
the same in indigo and calicoes. They are of course acquainted
at Surat with the particulars of the truce concluded by Methwold
with the then Viceroy of Goa ; ' which pacification is now growing
towards its conclusion, yet is there noe appearance of any breach,
but a freindly shew of a further continuance. Nottwithstanding,
the Portugall Ambassador here resident have bynn mooved by us
for the settling of a firme peace betwixt us and them ; to which pro-
position of ours the Ambassador replies that he hath noe commission
to treate and conclude the peace in India, but promiseth that what-
soever was agreed heretofore between us and the Conde de Linharees
shalbe inviolably kept ; and, if any breach should happen betweene
the nations, there shalbe twoe yeares time given to withdraw the
goodes and merchandizes of the one nation from out of the power
of the other ; and when a treaty shalbe taken in hand, it shalbe
referred for its perfecting unto some commissioners on both parts
with you in India '.^ It would not perhaps be wise to trust too
much to the ' large expressions ' of the Portuguese, and the factors
are advised to be friendly but wary in intercourse with them. Two
letters from the Portuguese Ambassador, addressed to the Viceroy
at Goa, are forwarded herewith for transmission. Explain that in
speaking of the ships belonging to the General Voyage being used
by the Joint Stock, they did not mean that any such employment
was to be allowed to hinder the return of those vessels to England,
but merely that if one were obliged to remain for another year it
might be so utilised. {Copy. 'i-'J^pp-)
1 A treaty between England and Portugal was ratified at York on May 22, 1642. By
clause xii it was agreed that the truce concluded at Goa in 1635 should be continued, and
that commissioners should be appointed on either side to settle outstanding differences (see
Court Minutes, 1640-43, p. xix, &c. ; also Lisbon Transcripts, Doc. Remett., book 48,
f. 114).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 3J
Thomas Merry, William Hall, and Thomas Wheeler at
Gombroon to the Company, Atril 16, 1642 (O.C. 1783).
. . . Account of the attack on the English at the custom-house
[see p. i]. . . . The London, which left Swally on January 20
[sic], doubtless carried home intelligence of the return of the Sea-
horse and Francis from Basra, and of the dispatch of the Discovery
and Supply to Persia at the beginning of this monsoon. The Z^zj-
^^z'^r^ reached Gombroon in December, and left again on February i.
The Supply arrived about the end of December with pepper and
freight goods, and sailed for Surat on January 13. The pinnace
Advice, from the Coast of Coromandel, came in on February 9, and
departed on March 25. The Seahorse and Prosperous anchored
here on March 14} The former was under orders to proceed to
Basra and bring thence to Gombroon ' that factories cash ' for tran-
shipment on the Supply ; but as her speedy discharge was prevented
by bad weather, they sent the Prosperous to Basra instead. Her
return is hourly expected. The Supply came in on March 19, and
is now awaiting the arrival of the Prosperous. Merry will take his
passage in her for Surat. * Freight goods wee are forbidden to take
for her reladeing to Surratt (by reason of some trouble which the
President &c. are come into about goods stollen out of the freights
of shipp Discovery this yeare) unles for some well knowne men.'
Trust that hereafter the Company's ships will be employed in carry-
ing its own goods, which will be more profitable than taking freights,
especially considering the expense incurred by being forced to pay pre-
tended losses. Narrate a recent instance in which it was found that
the goods had never been put on board the ship, but had been stolen
in the boat on the way. The broadcloth brought by the Discovery
was sold at a very small profit ; but the Coast goods yielded about
30 per cent. ' towards charges and interest ', though dearly bought
^ The Dutch Dagh- R easier iox 1641-42 (p. 195) says that these two vessels sailed from
Swally on February |^, accompanied by the William, belonging to the President (see the
previous volume of the present series, p. 297). Their lading, which included a quantity of
private trade, consisted of piece-goods, indigo, cotton yarn, Indian steel, pepper, &c. The
Supply followed eight days later with freight goods.
It will be noticed that the English factors, in writing to their employers, say nothing about
the William, for obvious reasons.
3a THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
and badly chosen. The piece-goods, &c., from Surat also produced
a good return. Disposal of the proceeds. ... A farman has been
obtained at Ispahan, directing the Shahbandar to pay at Gombroon
the English share of the customs. ' What their amount may bee
wee yet knowe not, but cannot hope they will exceede 350 or 400
tomands att most, soe much hath hee stolen out of the small quan-
tity of goods this yeare arived ; there being noe more jounckes
come hither this yeare then 14 from all places, whereas in former
yeares there hath come to this port 50, 60, and sometimes more.
The Mallavars doe soe infest the Indian seas that many are feare-
full to adventure forth. Of Hollands shipps there have arived this
yeare four from Batavia : their Hendretta Louis ^ Enchuson^ and
Klein Zutphen first, and after them their Acker slote. One more
they expect from Surratt, arrived there from China. They have
this yeare cleared all their debt in Persia, and boasteth of 15,000
tomands overplus (though wee creditt it not), by sale of theise ships
cargazoones and their ould remaines.' Enclose particulars of the
lading of the Dutch vessels. . . . {Extracts only. Ah PP- Received
December 8.)
The Voyage of the Hopewell from England to the
COROMANDEL COAST {Marine Records, vol. Ixv. p. i).^
1641, Decemder ^i. Quitted the Downs. \6\%,yamiary %. Lost
sight of the Lizard. February 8. Anchored at Bonavista [one of
the Cape Verd Islands]. February 11. Sailed again. May 16.
Reached St. Augustine's. Mayzi. Departed. May op. Anchored
at Johanna. June 1. Sailed. June 26. Saw the coast of Ceylon.
July 4. Saw * Madrassapatam '. July 5. Anchored in the roads.
Jzdy 19. Sailed. July 24. Reached Masulipatam. August 6.
Sailed for the Bay of Bengal, accompanied by the Advice.
August 14. Reached their destination. December i. Sailed from
Balasore. December 8. Anchored at Masulipatam. (25J//.)
^ Apparently a copy, made at a somewhat later date. The record is a very meagre one,
and the name of the writer is not given ; but, as the voyage from Madras to Tranquebar is
omitted, it may be Trumball's own record. The writer mentions that this was his second
voyage in the Hopewell.
For the Company's instructions to Trumball at his departure see Court Minutes of the
I']aH India Company ^ 1640-43, p. 214.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 33
Andrew Cogan and Henry Greenhill at Fort St. George
TO THE President and Council at Bantam, July 17, 1642
(O.C 1789).
Having just heard that a Dutch ship is leaving Puh'cat to-morrow
morning for Batavia, they write a few h'nes to announce the arrival
here on July 5 of Francis Day in the Hopewell from England, with
money and goods belonging to the First General Voyage. The
Company had ordered that no part of this should be used in paying
off the debts of the Third Joint Stock, but that all should be invested
for England, Persia, and Bantam ; nevertheless, it was decided by
consultation to pay the debts at Masulipatam, and two days ago
the Advice was sent thither with money for that purpose and to
commence an investment. A Dutch ship which reached Pulicat on
July I reported that on June i, when she left Batavia, the Diamond
had not arrived at Bantam ; since then, however, the pilot of a
Portuguese ship, which anchored here on the 13th, has told them
that on June % he saw in the Straits of Sunda a ship and a pinnace
which they believe to have been the Danish Golden Sun and the
Diamond. To-morrow the Hopewell will be dispeeded for Masuli-
patam. [Copy. I p. Received October 28.)
President Aaron Baker and Council at Bantam to the
President and Council at Surat, July 25, 1642^ [O.C, 1790).
Answer first their letter of November 11 and 17, and in so doing
will, for the sake of peace, pass over the ' bitter, nipping invectives
interlarded ' therein. Can see no reason for giving them credit in
the Bantam books for money due to them from the Coast ; this is
a matter they must settle with the Coast factors. Object to the
instructions given to the latter from Surat ' to transport the generall
charges of that place for the yeares past to our acco[unt].' Such
a course is unreasonable, considering that the Coast * is subordinate
and accomptible to Suratt '. Any charges directly arising from the
provision of goods for Bantam may of course be added (as usual) to
the invoice ; but they cannot consent to be charged with the
^ Sent in the Swan.
FOSTER VII D
34 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
expenses of the ships, the building of a fort, the maintenance of its
garrison, and Yard's ' exhorbitancies in the Bay of Bengala '. As
regards the cargoes of the Hopewell and the Reformation^ these
have been charged to the Coast by Bantam, as is the right course.
Now answer the letter brought by the Swan, dated February i.
That vessel left Swally on the 5th and Goa on the 21st of that
month, and after a tedious passage reached Bantam on June 9. It
must be a great advantage at Surat to be able to borrow money,
when necessary, at i or i J per cent, per month ; here it would be
requisite to pay 4 or 5 per cent. It was to avoid this excessive
interest that last year, being in great need of money, they took up
6,000 rials from the Portuguese who embarked in the Swan, and
gave them bills on Surat for the amount. Regret to be unable at
present to clear accounts with that Presidency. The commodities
demanded from Surat are of such small value and yet so bulky that
the biggest ship available here could not carry enough to discharge
the debt ; while, as for money, they have none to send. Entreat
their forbearance accordingly. ' And whilest your minds is busied
in these precogitations, remember a little likewise that we have
helpt you off with 26,000 rials worth of goods, sent us by the
Michael, the most part whereof was — you know what -^ ; and this,
we conceive, will (if duly weighed) prove a good motive to prevail
with your patience for a short forbearance. We are forced now to
plead with you like the poor debtor in the Gospell that was endebted
to his fellow servant one hundred pence : Have patience with us
and we wil pay you al. But were our masters in England once
again resolved to prosecute their Indian trade (which yet, as it
seemes, hangs in suspence), a yearly supply of 15 or 20,000/. sterling
would be very necessary to be sent out to Suratt for our acco[unt],
to furnish us with severall sortments of cloth for these parts ; and
then, if this course were followed, we should hardly come behind-
hand in acco[un]t with you. But as the case now stands, we know
not in this particular what to forecast or project otherwise. We
see they desire to have all that possibly they can home, and send
little or nothing out ; which makes us to suppose their trade is even
at a period.* Deny that the lead sent to Surat in the Swan was
^ * Private trade ' is obviously intended. The resentment of the Surat factors at this
implication will be seen from their letter to the Company of January 17, 1643 (p. ^5).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 35
overrated. Cannot explain the deficiency found therein. As the
price of sugar at Surat is now abated, they send only a small
quantity and will forward no more in future. ' We heartely com-
misserate the poor and deplorable estate of the Companies affaires
in Suratt. With us, we assure you, till it pleased God to arrive us
the Swa7t from your parts and the Diamond from the Coast, the
case was in many degrees worse then can be supposed with you ;
being here driven to that extremity that private men were fain to
lend the Company their monies to mainteyne the table and defray
other petty expences. And yet we kept our griefes to our selves
and set the best outside upon all things that possibly we could ;
that so the world might take the lesse notice of it.' Acknowledge
the courtesy done them by the remittance of the 10,000 pagodas
from Surat to the Coast, but understand that a good part of that
amount has now been sent back in goods on the Advice, and that
the rest will shortly be repaid. Declare that they know nothing of
the goods taken by the Portuguese in the Swan beyond those
advised in their letter ; and deny having received any presents (* as
loaves ^ of gold and we know not what ') in lieu of freight money.
Consider that the Surat factors ought, in the circumstances, to have
forced the Portuguese to pay freight on the whole. At the same
time, it must be admitted that the service which the latter did the
Company in furnishing this factory with money when it was utterly
destitute, might well have excused the remission of freight on
a moderate amount of goods. As John Jeffreys [purser of the
Swan\ appears to have assisted the Portuguese to ship part of the
excess goods, he should be made to pay the freight thereon. Pro-
visioning of the Swan. Censure Cogan for ' sending our pynnace
Advice for Persia and returning us your Diamond in her room . . .
without your requiry and contrary to our expresse order.' The
result has been that, owing to the leakiness of the Diamond^ the
goods she brought from the Coast have been damaged to the extent
of 1,000/. Errors in the Swans invoice. Remarks on her cargo.
Will follow their advice as to the packing of tortoise-shells. Send
a quantity of ' damar ' [resin], as it is in demand at Surat. ' From
Perack and the parts near thereunto adjoyning it is (as we suppose)
that the Dutch procure the tinn which in such ample quantities (you
* See a note on p. 33 of the 1634-36 volume.
D 2
36 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
say) they bring yearly to Suratt. Their tutinggle ^ they bring from
Tiwan [Taiwan, i.e. Formosa]; but what they pay for either we
are altogither ignorant. It will not concerne us much to enquire
into these comodities, being, we are sure, they are seldome or never
to be procured in those petty places hereabouts where we have
either trade or correspondence.^ Anthony Ramsay will be duly
credited with the goods received on his account. The five Jesuits
that came in the Swan proceeded to Batavia, where they embarked
in a small Portuguese vessel for Macao. Padre Andreas Xavier was
unable to repay here the thirty rials lent him in Surat ; his bill is
therefore returned in order that the money may be recovered from
the ' Padre Provincial'. Anchors sent as desired. Know not when
they will be able to forward to the Coast ' those eleven pieces of
ordnance for your Fort St. George which you consigned them by the
Swan.^ The Surat letter of April 4, received from the Dutch on
June 14, requires no special answer. Now proceed to relate the
course of events in these parts. Movements of shippings. Want
of money at Bantam. The Diamond left ' Madrazpatam ' on
January 27, called at ' Porta Nova ' for some longcloth, and then
on February 12 was forced by contrary winds and want of ballast
to put into ' Tricombar ' [Tranquebar]. She sailed thence on
February 23 in company with the Danish Golden Sun, and after
a tedious and dangerous voyage both reached Bantam on June 16.
On the way they lost company, and the Diamond was obliged to
call at the island of Engano for water — a risky proceeding, as the
crew consisted only of ' eight Englishmen and a boy, besides a few
blacks ' ; and in addition they were beholden to the Danes for all
kinds of stores. Blame the Coast factors for sending away the
vessel so badly furnished. Great damage to the cargo by leakage.
It is true that the Diamond was lately ' new planked in the Bay of
Bengala ' ; but the work was badly done and she will never be other
than ' a leaky old rotten toole '. After patching her up, she was
sent to Jambi. Negotiations between Ralph Cartwright and the
Sultan of Mataran, at whose request a number of Javanese were
permitted to embark in the Reformation for Bantam, intending to
go in an English ship to Surat and so to Mecca. On her way
^ Spelt ' tutinagle ' in another part of the same letter. It is of course the ' tutenagiie ' of
commerce, on which see Hobson-yobson, s.v. ,
THE ENGLISH FACTORH^.S 37
to this place, however, the Reformation and a junk in her company
(belonging to the English) were stopped by a Dutch squadron, the
junk seized and the ship fired upon, one man being killed and three
or four wounded. The Dutch attempted to take the Javanese out
of the Reformation, but they resisted and were all slain save one
who had hidden himself. No doubt this outrage was committed to
bring the English into disrepute with the Javanese and ruin their
trade. The Expedition was disappointed of cloves at Macassar,
owing to the action of the Dutch. Cannot detain the Sivan any
longer ; but hope to send the Diamond diher her to Surat in October
with a further supply of goods, calling at ' Madrazpatam ' on her
way. A Persian horse wanted for the Queen of Jambi. Scarlet
cloth presented to Francisco de Souza de Castro. The silk ' putto-
laes ' received in the Expedition were invoiced by ' tannes ^ ', without
mentioning the number of pieces and the length of each ; and on
opening the bales and sorting the contents, they found nearly two
* tannes ' wanting. Request definite details in future ; also that no
more 'puttolaes' be sent at present, but some other piece-goods
instead. If any ' Mallabars ' be captured, thirty or forty ' good lusty
young fellowes ' should be sent to Bantam as servants. ' Two old
persons of that nation (or rather Maldevaes, as we suppose), being
formerly taken by the Michael and by reason of their age unfit for
the Companies service, we have here released and sent them for
Suratt upon this ship'; also a third, 'named Bickoo ' [Bhikkhu],
who has served 12 or 14 years, having been captured by the Blessi^ig
on the Malabar Coast. The twenty ' Guzeratt laskars ' who came
on the Expedition are returned in the present ship ; ' unto whome,
during her stay here, we have given the same allowance that our own
people have, being one rial of eight and 60 lb. of rice each man per
month, with which they have seemed very well pleased.' Advances
made to them on account of wages. One of the Surat ' washers '
here has been allowed to return, ' being a quarrelsome old knave ' ;
another is desired in his place, together with ' three or four baskets
of good Suratt soap '. Pitch and tar sent in lieu of ' dammer '. The
Danes desire to return to Europe this year, but their Golden Sun is
in such a bad state that this is unlikely. A brick factory, which is
^ Hind, than, the piece or roll. Valentyn (pt. iv. sec. ii. p. 147) says that a tanni is
28 'hastas' (i.e. hath) or cubits.
38 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
being built here, is said to be intended for them. Proceedings of
the Dutch. Two more Surat letters (April 20 and 28) just received.
Thomas Whatmore has gone to Jambi as master of the Diamond, but
will be sent to Surat, as desired, in October next. Explain that they
could not spare the Reformation for the present voyage ; and besides
the Swan is quite large enough to carry all the goods available.
PS, — Enclose some letters from Batavia for the Dutch ' coman-
dore ' in Surat. A fleet of nine or ten ships is about to be dispatched
from Batavia to Goa ; ' so that as yet, it seemes, they are not agreed
for an absolute peace here in India.' News of a small English ship
spoken by the Hollanders on their way out ; probably she is bound
for the Coast. [Copy. 1^ pp.)
Andrew Cogan, Henry Greenhill, and John Brown at
Fort St. George to the President and Council at Bantam,
September 0,0, 1642 {O.C. 1791).^
Reply to theirs of March 26 (received May 19) and July 18
(received August 30). Admit the * many disasters and losses ' that
have befallen the Company on this Coast ; but trust that in time
* all will be made good with interest '. Cogan confesses that ' it was
a most ridiculous scarecrow that frighted him from Porta Nova,
thereby to possess the Dutch with the cloath provided by us ' ;
however, it is easy to be wise after the event. Such orders have
been given to Day, who has been sent into the Bay, that they do
not doubt that Yard will leave those parts. On his arrival here,
* many things are to be objected against him', and so it will not be
convenient to send him on at once in that ship to Bantam. Cogan
requests an order for his own repair to the latter place, ' for with
a new Agent he hopes of new and better success in our maisters
affairs.' An Arab horse will be bought and forwarded for presenta-
tion to the Queen of Jambi. Agree in wishing that the Reforma-
tion's cargo had been tenfold more than it was. ' The reason why
the Coast is no better stockt is because (as is said in most of our
masters letters) wee and our predecessors have consumed so much
of their estate sent hither that now they even feare to send more.'
Note what is said as to the little esteem at Bantam of the ' redd
Armous earth' [see the 1624-29 volume, p. 188]. Here ' no man
^ A second copy will be found among the 0. C. Duplicates.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 39
will carry it away to have it of gift ; and that which was sent coold
with as little labour have byn cast ashore as put on boord the
Reformation^ but that Mr. Bayly woold needs have 8 or 10 chests,
being he was confident it woold turne to a good acco[un]t in England.*
Were induced to believe this ' because it was told us that from Surrat
one of the Companies commanders did carry home about 10 tonns
and made infinite profit of it.' The price put upon it was a mere
guess. Suggest that the chests be emptied into the sea rather than
returned hither. Answer several minor points. Gunpowder could
not be supplied for want of casks. ' Nevertheless wee are accostomed
to great gunns, &c., yet the very mention of gunns or a foarte in any
letter even scares us, for wee are very sencible how ridiculous wee
have made ourselves by doeing what is done, and lye at our masters
mercies for all. You will know ere wee can whether the Company
intend to give over the Coast trade or noe ; and so accordingly wee
know you will dispose of the ordnance ' \see p. '>f)\. Cannot provide
better cloth than that sent in the Reformation^ unless they have
a stock of money beforehand. * If wee bespeake any sorts of
paintings of sutch lengths, breadths, and worke, it is necessarie wee
give monies in hand ; and under four or five months time no man
will undertake to deliver a bale.' The wheat and butter desired
will be provided at Masulipatam. Comment on the ingratitude of
the Portuguese, who pretend ' on the least occasion ' that the truce
is being broken. Any future consignment of indigo will be put into
baskets ; but there was no time to do this with what was embarked
in the Reformation. Regret to hear of the straits to which the
President and Council have been reduced for money ; however,
things cannot continue long on this footing, for either the Company
will remedy the want or give over the trade altogether. As regards
the 66,4^6 rials of eight said to be due from the Coast to Bantam
they will answer later. The armour and buff coat brought out in
the William were intended for the King of Golconda, who has often
inquired for them ; beg their early transmission to the Coast.
Enclose an exact statement of their indebtedness. The total may
appear great, but on examination 'it will appeare no more then
needs must ; for wee profess to God not to have spent a pice in any
vaineglorious way, for wee have long since given over all the Coast
vanities (as it is mentioned to the Company). Tis truth wee advised
40 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
you from Maddaraspatan the 27th of March, 1640 [sic. 1641 ?], that
wee were cleere out of debt ; but wee then knew the contrary, and
so it will appeare by our bookes of accompt ; for wee did still but
robb Peter to pay Paule — take upp of one to pay another, to maine-
teine our credits. And the reason that moved us to write so was
the President &c. of Surrat had given us order to lay the burthen
of our debts on them, and before wee coold get monies to charge
on them to the full amounts of our debts they contradicted theire
order againe, and commanded us peremtorily that, whatever shoold
be sent from Bantam or England, with it first to imburse them with
what wee had charged on that Presidency, then pay our debts, and
the remainder invest for Bantam, for (say they) wee see no reason
why Surrat shoold pay Bantam debts, &c. ; and fearing that this
might deterre you from sending ought hither (being advised so much),
wee writt you as wee did.' In reply to the demand * to know what
warrant and order wee had from Surrat to biuld the new foart of
Maddaraspatan ', they refer to what is said in the enclosed letter to
the Company. Will certainly not agree to ' the sending any factor
or factors by the way of Surrat '. Enclose Richard Hudson's account.
Apparently the Dutch are not free from losses ; ' nor cann the Dane[s]
much bragg of theire ritch voyages ', for it is said that the goods
they carried from the Coast to Bantam last year produced not more
than 50 per cent, profit, while those sent from this place, bad as they
were, are believed to have made 100 per cent, at least. Fear that
the Jonas is lost, and that this will much dishearten the Company.
* Such a trade doe they drive that the losse of one shippe appeares
more to them then ten to the Dutch.' Were grieved to learn, from
the Bantam letter of July 18, of the tedious passage of the Diamond^
but believe that the Golden Snn took just as long. It is strange
that the former should prove so leaky, ' for she had almost as much
spent uppon her in the Bay as woold have built a new vessell of her
burthen.' They will no doubt be censured for not having sent the
Advice to Bantam instead of her. As a matter of fact, they had
intended to do this, and to dispatch the Diamond to Persia ; but
the latter was detained so long in the Bay that it was deemed
advisable to let the Advice go to Gombroon in her place. Moreover^
the Advice ^ rudder was so defective that on her return she was
obliged to proceed to the Bay to have it put right ; so, haS she
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 41
been sent to Bantam, she might never have reached that port. In
any case, the freight earned by her to and from Persia, amounting
to 824/., would have been lost, ' for no man woold have laden a pice
of goods on the Dyamond^ for feare of the Mallavars.' A copy of
the Bantam letter has been forwarded to Surat. 'The Company
hath taken a resolution to set a period to the Third Joynt Stock
and in the interim, so that the trade may not fall to the ground,
some of the cheife adventurers have undertaken a Generall Voyage.
. . . Part of what they underwrite (the totall being 105,000/.
starling) they have sent hither uppon the shippe Hopewell, it being
17,290/. \^s. gd.^ She arrived here on July 6, with her crew all
• well and lusty '. The Company had forbidden the money to be
used to pay debts ; but their creditors were so clamorous that they
were forced to satisfy them. Still, they do not doubt that, when
the time comes to make an investment for England, they will be
able to borrow the same amount at a cheaper rate of interest.
Propose to turn over to the General Voyage the goods on hand for
the Third Joint Stock. Cannot send the Adviee to Bantam until
some time in January. On her Cogan intends to take his passage,
' for by the postscript of the Companies letter wee doe gather that
Mr. Day is the man appoynted to succeed ; and yourselves know
that it is very necessary . . . that Andrew Cogan continue on yeare
at Bantam, to purge himself of what may be objected against him,
and then his time will be more then expired with the Company.'
Although they have been forced to pay their debts at Masulipatam,
they cannot get a pice of what is due to them : ' nor are wee ever
like to get ought unless wee force it from them. If therefore you
please to enorder it, after our investment is made, wee may ceaze
uppon theire juncks at Massilupatam. It is our opinion that, if wee
doe doe so, wee shall be paid (elce not) ; and our privilidges with
the Kinge no way impared, for the Kinge hath often enordered the
payment of what is due to us, and knows not the contrary but that
all is paid.' Enclose an account of what has passed in those parts
since the Reforvtation sailed. PS. — The Masulipatam books are
sent herewith, as received from thence. {Copy. 6 pp. Received by
Dutch conveyance October 28.)
42 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Events on the Coast of Coromandel, January —
September, 1642 (O.C. lygiAy
*The 9th January, the Danes being satisfied in their demands 2,
they released the jouncke, and wee had libertieto lade our goods ;
which the 12th was compleated and she dispeded to us^ ; where the
20th she arrived, and [the] 25th [haveinge laden what wee had to
lade, &c.] wee dispeded hir for Porta Nova ; where shee tooke in as
much goods as filld her upp. Hir whole cargazoone amo[unted] to
13,36^ pa[godas] 26 fa[nams] 5 ca[sh] ; and from thence she was
dispeded the 5th February, but it seems it was the 16 of June ere
she arrived at Bantam — a most taedious passage [the like seldome
heard off]. And now wee returne againe to Bengalla, wher the
Dyamond left Mr. John Yard with his Endeavour ; who it seemes
could not be made readie untill the 15 of January ; when then he
sett sayle to come for Messilupitam, but meeting variable winds
and foule weather was forced, after the expence of a month, to
retourn againe, having in that time lost some of his [her] anchors
and almost all her sails ; and yet (which is strange to us) the Dutch,
that set saile ten days after them, gained Messilupatam and Pullicat
[but twas towards the latter end of March].' On March i Greenhill
was dispatched to Masulipatam to perfect the accounts, Rogers
having made many errors ; he returned May 9. The pinnace Advice
arrived on April 29 from Gombroon, whence she had started on
March 26. She brought back the lead which had been sent on her ;
also some rosewater, raisins, almonds, pistachios, and hazel nuts.
For the freight goods on board a sum of 17,895 shahis had been
received at Gombroon. On May 3 she proceeded to Masulipatam
to land her passengers and freight goods ; this done, she sailed again
on the 17th, and reached Fort St. George on June 3, bringing a few
piece-goods, &c. On July 6 arrived the Hopeivell from England,
with Trumball as master and Day as merchant. Nine days later
1 Enclosed in the previous letter. It is repeated (in substance) as part of O.C. 1792,
and again under O.C. 1799 '■> ^^^^ (under 1791) among the O.C. Duplicates. From these
versions some additions have been made (within brackets).
"^ See the former part of this narrative (p. 314 of the last volume), where it is stated that
the Danes had seized a junk belonging to the Sar-i-Khail, and that in consequence the
Governor of Masulipatam had prevented the English from lading the Diamotid.
^ At Fori St. George.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 43
the Advice was sent to MasuHpatam with money to pay debts and
commence an investment for Bantam. She had orders next to pro-
ceed to the Bay, ' where and nowhere elce on the Coast 'twas held by
the mariners she coold be hawled on ground to amend the defects
of her rudder.' She reached Masulipatam on July 19. There on the
24th she was joined by the Hopewell, which had left Fort St. George
on the 2ist ; and both sailed for the Bay on August 5 [6th in
the other versio7is\. The Advice carried a small freight, producing
78 pagodas 5 fanams, equivalent to 156 pieces of eight 40 pence ^
' The I ith of August three Portugall soldiers belonging to the armada
(11 small frigotts sent for the releife of St. Thoma^ with 270
soldiers) came to our towne and in a base arack house fell to drincking
with a Dane, and at length together by the ears. In fine the three
Portugalls with their rapiers made uppon him and wounded him in
seven places. Notice of which being given us, wee sent two soldiers
to part them ; who no sooner entred within the yard and com-
manded them to desist but on of the three aforesaid soldiers, by
name Anthony Myrando, ran the one of our two solders into the
right pappe, that instantly he dyed without speaking one word.^ So
soone as they perceived what they had done they all three fledd ;
but within lesse then half an hower were all thre taken. And being
truly informed which was the homicide, wee kept him and suffered
the others to departe for St. Thoma ; from whence wee received
many letters to release him, for that he was a phydalgo [Port.
fidalgo, a man of birth] ; but what thorough our Naique[s] importu-
nitie, togither with our owne people, wee cold not repreive him till
advized to Surrat,* but were even forced to execute him the 13th
ditto [in] the morning ; and because he pretended to be a gentleman
^ The rial of eight being taken at 5^. and the pagoda at 10^.
2 The Dutch had contemplated an attack upon San Thome, but abandoned the idea upon
finding that it had been reinforced {Hague Transcripts, series i. vol. xiii. no. 407 ; Lisbon
Transcripts, Doc. Ret?tett., book 48, f. 117).
3 His name is given in the other versions as James Jaques.
* O.C. 1792 enlarges this passage as follows: 'The homicide wee kept prisoner untill
wee had acquainted our Naique, butt lett the other [two ?] goe. Thereuppon the Naique
instantly sent 4 or 500 soldiers to lye in the towne (not knowing what the Portugalls might
attempt to gett theire man) and order that out of hand he shoold be put to death. But
wee woold willingly have repreivd him untill the President of Surrat had been made
acquainted with it, in regaurd of [y]our servants and estate in Goa ; but the importunitie
of our Naique and our people here woold not suffer us longer to deferre it.'
44 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
as aforesaid, wee shott him to death before our corps du guard. Since
when wee have byn wonderfull at ease in respect of the Portugalls,^
for till then wee were dayly troubled with one or other. And now
in this place it will not be impertinent, before wee conclude, to say
somewhat of St. Thoma ; where from the time the armado arrived,
which was in May last, to the time they parted, which was the 28th
of August, it is not to be spoken what a many murthers and other
crimes, which in any part of Christendome deserved death, were
committed by the soldiers ; yet no one man suffered for it among
them. This homicide Myrando about the prime of August kild a
man in St. Thoma and rann hither for sanctuary ; and being wee
woold not protect him, he not having made his peace, he vou'd in
some of our hearing to be the death of some English man ere he left
the Coast. The said Myrando further confessed, ere he suffered,
that this was the seventh murther he had committed. But now, say
the Portugalls of St. Thoma, or rather the Capt. More \Capitao Mor,
or Captain-Major] (for all the citizens rejoice at what wee did), the
peace is broke and they expect order from the Viceroy to fall on
us ; which were it so (or wee faile much in our judgements)
St. Thoma woold not continue a month more in the hands of the
Portugalls. The Naique of Armagon is absolutely beaten out of
all his country, it being possest part by the King of Golquondah[s]
people and the major part by Raylawar. The Moores have en-
camped themselves, or rather seated themselves for the warr, at a
place called Cowle Geldancke, the cheifest place in all that country;
and Raylawar hath a strong garison in Vinquatagery and Armagon.^
^ ' For and now none of our people doe so much as desire to goe to St. Thoma ; nor
come any, or very few, Portugalls hither' {O.C. 1792).
^ The following is the version given in O.C. 1792 : 'The Naique of Armagon is abso-
lutely drove out of his country by the Kinge of Golquondah and his neig[h]bour Naique
Raglawarr \_sic]. The Moores have seated themselv[e]s for the warre in a stronge place
and the best part of his country, by name Cowle Geldanke, and Raylawarr is with his
strength at Vinquatagery and Armagon.' O.C. 1799 has the same wording, but in that
' Raylawarr ' becomes ' Rayla Warra '.
' Cowle ' indicates that there was a temple {koil) at the place ; and ' Geldanke ' may be
Gadanki, a village in the taluk of Chandragiri (North Arcot). 'Vinquatagery' is obviously
Venkatagiri, about 80 miles north-west of Madras. The progress of the invasion may be
traced in the Dagh- Register^ 1641-42, pp. 272, 274, 288, 295. Mention will there be found
(p. 274) of the attack made upon the Nayak of Armagon ^ whose name is given as
' Willegotij') by ' a certain Rauweleware, who was lord of Caleteura ' [i.e. Ca^litore, now
Kistnapatam, in Nellore District]. This in all probability was Sri Ranga Rayalu, who in
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 45
Indeed, wee are of opinion that the Moores will have all this country
ere many years ; for what with the Kingc of Vizapore [Rljapur] on
one side and the Kingc of Golquondah on the other, the Gentues
themselves being divided among themselves, it is even impossible
their country cann continue.' [Copy. %\ pp.)
Andrew Cogan, Henry Greeniiill, and John Brown at
Fort St. George to the Company, September 20, 1642
(O.C. 1792).^
Wrote last by the Reformatioji, wAilch. sailed August 31, 1641.
Have since received from Surat on November 18 a transcript of the
Company's letter of March 12, 1641, the original of which came to
hand from Bantam on May 19^ last ; and to this they now reply.
Declare that ' there neyther hath byn hitherto in our time, or shall
be, conveyed away any originall letters or elce out of your principall
factory.' Acknowledge the receipt of the cargoes of the Hopewell
and Reformation, Simowntmg together to 19,559/. [P^-] 3^* 'Wee
read your pleasure concerning our reaccompting with Bantam. To
us it is all one. Wee for our parts promise conformitie, and shall
subscribe to whatever the President of Bantam shall command and
not in the least neglect the President &c. of Surrat.' As regards
the charge of ' ryotous living', they refer to the accounts, which
will show their monthly expenditure. ' For private trading, if any,
it is very private, for the Agent can know of little or none.' Cogan
denounces as ' most abominable false ' the statement that he invested
20,000 rials with Ivy in private trade \_see p. 11]. If any one can
prove that he had any more adventure with Ivy than was shown
in the invoice, Cogan ' will be liable to loose his whole estate '.
These accusations, he declares, are made in revenge for his exposure
of the misdeeds of his predecessors. Note that the Company wish
care to be taken that they * have not the refuse of the Dutch or
Danes cloath. As for the Danes, they are nothing ; but, untill you
have means to be doeing all the yeare, wee must have the refuse
the autumn of 1642 became * King of Carnatica * in succession to Venkatapati. Apparently
the word is really the Telugu Rdyalavani, meaning * the Rayalu's people ', but it is an
easy transition from this to the Rayalu himself.
* There is a duplicate under O.C. 1799. From this a few corrections have been made
(in brackets).
2 9th {O.C. 1799).
46 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
of the Dutch and it is not to be holpe, or your shipps must away
as they came ; for a cargazoon of cloath, espetially paintings, are
not procurable under 9 or 10 months time. Wee know to our harts
greife how you have suffered by trusting pore painters and weavours.
But experience tells us it cannot altogether be avoyded, unless [we]
had on pr[ime] merchant (as have the Dutch), who secures all.
Such a one wee had some time with us, with his wife and familie ;
but when he sawe wee had more occasion to borrow of him to
feede ourselves then any way to drive a trade, other then some few
months after the arrivall of our shipps, he left us, not to be found
againe unless [we] had means to continue a trade.' Golconda
factory is dissolved, though the debts owing there have not yet
been recovered. As Elchi Beg, the chief debtor, denied liability,
Rogers was sent thither ; but after remaining there many months
longer than he was authorized to do, he died, and thereupon Elchi
Beg swore that the English owed him 500 pagodas. However,
Collet, who had been sent to fetch away Rogers, petitioned the
King on the subject. The latter ordered certain ' Brammoneys '
[i. e. Brahmans] to go through Elchi Beg's papers, and they reported
that the English claim was correct. ' Thereupon order was made
that within certeine dayes he shoold make payment ; and now he
hath no plea left but povertie.' A letter recently received gave
hopes that ' all will be paid presently ', and stated that Collet was
preparing to return to * Bandar ' [Masulipatam]. ' As for our privi-
ledges, there is no feare but they will continew. But to what
purpose are those privilidges, if wee make no use of them ? The
Kinge and nobles they conceive you are as much obliged to them,
doeing nothing, as if you delt for as much as doth the Dutch.
Your Worshipps are forced to pay what is oweing in the King of
Goldcandahs country, but nothing can be recovered of what is
owing you, being many thousands of pagodas ; nor indeed ever
will they pay unless forced unto it.' Have written to Surat and
Bantam for advice on the latter point. The presents sent out in
the Willimn for the King of Golconda are expected shortly from
Bantam. ' When wee doe (as that wee doe often) fall into con-
sideration how much Your Worshipps are displeased with us for
proceeding on this worke |i. e. the building of the Fort], it even
breaks some of our hearts. Tis now too late to wish it 'undone;
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 47
and yet wee may not but tell you that, if so be Your Worshipps
will follow this Coast trade (or rather the Karnatt ^), this place may
prove as good as the best ; but all things must have its growth and
time. But on the contrary, if Your Worshipps will not continue it,
you may doe it away to profit, and not hazard the losse of a man.^
It may with ease be effected, unlesse the Moores conquer the
country before. Our vicinitie with St. Thoma is no impediment,
at least to us ; for only the towne of St. Thoma belongs to the
Naique of Tanjour, and round about, even to their very dores, is
our Naiques, who keeps them in such awe that they must eat and
drinke uppon the matter when he please. What time may worke
our Naique to, wee cannot dcvine; but hitherto wee have found
him still as good as his word, onely [i. e. except] in the Forts
erection (the mayne thing of all) ; but in that thing he excuseth
himself, and did excuse himself ere Mr. Day left this place, for he
professed never to promise Mr. Day any such thing ; which caused
Mr. Day to profer freely to pay the interest of all the monies that
shoold be expended till the Forte was finished ; and so much was
written to Surrat before Mr. Day went thither and when he went.
But Your Worshipps will not allow of any charge of [at] all, neyther
in biulding or .payeing of garrison, but will that all the charge be
bourne by the Naique that invited us hither ; for to answere which
clause, if wee doe appeare too prolix, doe hope Your Worshipps
will excuse us. In the first place it is our opinion, in regaurd the
Moores and Gentues are false and not to be trusted, and that at
all times you may command your owne uppon all this coast, 'tis
very necessarie you have a place to retire to under your owne
command. 'Tis not only our opinions, but the opinions of your
Presidents of Bantam and Surrat ; for from the first it hath byn
written hither "Tis not good to leave on place till possest of
another" ; then from Surrat twas said '' Biuld (when you biuld) no
such mocke forts as was Armagon." The Dutch saw the necessitie
of it thirty years since ; which made them proceed uppon Pullicatt,
to theire unreasonable expence in moneys, besides losse of men,
1 Sanskrit Karndta, which forms the basis of the later term * Camatic '. It is here
equivalent to the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagar.
2 O.C. 1799 interpolates here : ' If you resolve upon the latter, after advice given once
within a 12 mo[nth]/
48 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
ere brought to perfection. The Moores in Messilupatam have
began to practize a most unconscionable way ; nay, they have
declar'd themselves to perseviere in it ; which is that, whatever
Christian shall molest the juncks belonging to Messilupatam, the
other Christians resident shall make it good.' Instance the embargo
placed upon the lading of the Diamond because the Danes had
seized the Sar-i-Khail's junk. ' The Dutch, to prevent the like,
and that theire shipps may not be stopped (or rather that their
goods may be readie at all times when they please), they imploy
small shipping continually to fetch there goods into theire owne
command ; and so must Your Worshipps if you meane to continu
a trade. But, wee beseech you, if these people biuld us a forte
and pay the garrison, in what securitie is your estate and our lives ?
Suerly, in none at all ; for it is farr more freedome to live without
a forte then within, unless the forte be at its owne devotion. But
this forte of yours, if Your Worshipps did butt followe this trade as
it might be followed, or that you had but two or three small vessells
to voyage it too and againe to draw trade hither, all your charges
woold bee bourne with advantage. But if Your Worshipps are
resolved absolutely to leave this trade of Karnatt, advise us and
you shall not be a pice looser for what worke is done and monies
disbursed ; which being so, and that Your Worshipps conclude of
one of the two wayes, wee hope to heare of noe more of the forte.
Wee see kingdomes have their risings and fallings, as appeares by
Portugall in Europia and Karnatt in thes parts. So the nature
and condition of people doe better or worse it. Formerly it was
very secure and necessary to have your cheife residence at Messula-
patam ; but now not, for the reasons aforesaid ; for farther and now
wee are informed (and wee beleive its truth) that shall your Agent
but sett his foot ashore in Messilupatam, he must perforce goe for
Golquondah, and there continue untill another supply his place.
The like they intend with the Dutch, if the Governour of Pullicat
come there ; for by that means they conceive they dare doe any-
thing to us, and wee dare doe nothing to them. When wee said
Armagon was not a fitt place for the chiefe residency, it was in
respect of the seat ['site' in O.C. 1799] o^ the forte and the small
defence it coold eyther make by sea or land ; if which be not
motive sufficient (or however) wee referre our selves to youv better
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 49
judgement. Wee now are and have byn a 12 mo[nth] constant
resident at Maddaras[patam], and have made that the cheife place
for your other factories to acco[unt] to. What condition hath byn
made with the Naique long since hath byn sent you by severall
conveyances ; and therefore forbeare them at present. Wee have
in a foregoeing clause shewed you that St. Thoma belongs to the
Naique of Tanjour ; who putts in almost monthly (to him that will
give most) a new governour, unto whom even the Portugalls them-
selves pay custome. How then shoold wee expect to live there
free? Noe; thes Naiques, although they abound in wealth, yet
will they not part with a cash but uppon a ccrteinty, or mighty
great hopes, to have ten for it. Again, had it byn otherwise, and
that wee had imbraced theire proffer to reside in that cittie, you
must have sought out for such servants to doe your busines as were
both stick free and shot fre, and such as coold disgest poizon ; for
this is their dayly practice in St. Thoma, and no justice.' Have
paid all their debts at Armagon ; ' but to our greifs wee must say
wee shall never gett what is due to you there.' Note that the
Company express doubts whether all the debts on the Coast were
real. Explain that these were recognized by Ivy before Cogan
arrived, and that in each instance the former inquired of Clark and
Hudson ' whether they were reall debts or no, because no mencion
of them in Clarks books ' ; and, on getting answers in the affirma-
tive, Ivy promised payment. The bills were again presented to
Cogan on his arrival, and he also, learning that the money was
really due, promised that it should be paid as soon as possible.
Answer in detail Pinson's charges that some of the bills had been
paid. As for house-rent [at Masulipatam], since no agreements
could be found, * wee concluded with all our landlords and had new
writings drawne on boath sides to content.' The Reformation
spared them ten sailors, and so they have since made little use of
' thes country mariners \ Grimstone and Greenhill were duly called
to account for wasting powder in a salute at Gombroon \see the
previous volume, p. T76]. The quick passage of the Caesar ^ was due
to favourable winds. As for her stowage, it is reported that the
^ A vessel which the Company had freighted and dispatched to Bantam in the spring of
1640. She was back early in the following February — a quicker return than had ever been
made by the Company's own ships.
FOSTER VII E
50 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
captain filled even his gunroom and great cabin with bags of pepper ;
and that he left Bantam * with so little water and so logg laden that,
had he mett with any blustering weather within or without the
Streights, it would have indangered all '. Much regret the wreck of
the pinnsLce £a£-le [see the preceding volume^ p. i66\ ' Shee was the
most basest lost as ever was vessell ; and all by the means of a
druncken master. Wee have recovered little or nothing of what
was in her when she was wrackt ; for whilest they deferr us from
weeke to weeke, in hopes to get a large some of moneys (more then
the goods were worth), the sea hath so worked her into the sand as
all the best ordnance that were on boord her are with the hull
vanished. So basely haveing [i.e. greedy] are al thes people ; but,
being so, it happens with them often as with those who, whilest they
think to have all, loose all. Your Worshipps, wee perceive, have
never beene truly informed with the goverment of Karnatt ; for
our Naique hath no more to doe, or is more cared for, where the
Eagle was wrackt, then is the Pope of Roome, or is that Nauge
respected here. For Your Worshipps may please to understand
that every Naique is a king in his owne country, and will attend the
Create Kinge at theire pleasure (which will be the losse of this
country) ; and according to the custome of Karnatt, whatever
vessell doe but touch the shoare (er a coule being granted) is
absolutely lost.' Wish the Eagle had stranded ' within our Naigs
command, for then wee shoold at most [have lost] the hull ; for it
is one article in our cowle that if any our shipping (as God forbidd)
shoold be cast ashoare in his country, all that cann be saved is to be
restored. The like is to be done with those who shall come to trade
with us. Well might Mollay ^, the merchant that deals for the
Dutch (for so wee have beene told), invite the Naique underhand to
doe as he did. But for the Portugalls, they never stired in it, they
having not wherewithal! ; for without a present there is no speech
with thes great villians ; no, although it concerns their owne profitt '.
The Company need not fear that they will brawl with the Portu-
guese, as until the recent trouble ' wee lived as freindly as brothers,
for wee have still binn helpfull unto them on all occassions '. ' Wee
(as said formerly) have hitherto found our Naique and his people
^ Chinnana Chetti, also known as Malaya, for whom see the 1624-29 volume (pp. 358,
359)-
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 51
very fairc conditioned and indifferent honest. As for your Forte,
which is better then half finished, tis of such force, with the few wee
have, that wee feare not what any can doe against us, espetially so
long as wee have our Naique to our freind, or the sea open to furnish
us with food.' More ordnance promised from Bantam. Cogan
denies the charge of private trade. As for his taxing his prede-
cessors with this offence, he did so because he conceived it to be his
duty to inform the Company of what he had learned from the other
factors here. It would have been more to his own interest to be
silent on the matter, for then he could not have aroused the enmity
of those concerned, and he ' might have private traded for 40,000
pagodas and Your Worshipps never have knowne it '. Again, it is
unfair to blame Cogan solely for the building of Fort St. George.
He did not act alone, ' for all matters of consequence and novell
hath byn first maturely considered of in consultation and then put
in practize.' Authority for the dismantling of Armagon was given
from Surat, ' for they writt us in this manner concerning Armagon.
" The forte in respect of its quallitie, for ought wee have yet heard,
can as little resist any ordinarie force as secure goods or any thing
else subsistant therein or [our] shipps without in the roade, in regard
they are forced thorough the shooldnes of the water to ride at such
distance. Wee have beene onely informed that excellent kind of
paintings are there onely procurable for Macasser, &c. What other
conveniencies redound unto the Company for so vast an expence
requisite to its mainetey nance wee are wholely ignorant of. If,
therefore, acquirie of some sorts of goods there, not else where
atteyneable, be the most important benifitt accrewing, you may
doubtless as well there, and with as much safetie as in other fac-
tories, procure them. And then, though your factory continu to
inhabitt the house, yet may the amunition and those called soldiers
(of all which pray send us the perticulars) be disposed of into the
Companies shipps," &c. Dated i October, 1639.^ Wee in answere
to which said that Armagon was better lost then found, " of which
place you are not misinformed ", &c. ; and say farther that " the
house and forte is so decayed that to continue it but on yeare longer
it will cost a 1,500 or 2,000 pa[godas], which monyes woold halfe
biuld a [very] defenceable place in a Naiques country adjoyning to
^ The correspondence here cited is no longer extant.
E 2
52 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
St. Thoma, concerning which be pleased to peruse seriously the
inclosed to that effect and, according as you finde the Company
inclyned, give order for its goeing fore ward ; for (for the supply of
the southern parts) that or such a place must be had ". Dated the
8th November, 1639. Then the i8th ditto, after the receipt of
severalls from Mr. Day which importunes us to goe for Maddaras-
patan, wee say : " Wee know obedience exceeds sacrifice. To our
power wee have and shall practize it ; but in a busines of such con-
sequence, wherein celerrity is required or hazard to lose all, it even
staggers us. For willingly wee woold proceed uppon it, as Mr. Day
desires ; but wee are very sencible how dangerous 'tis to breake
a commission, and (prove how it will) must be subject to sensure."
Then the 14th of December wee writt againe and intimated to Surrat
that the Naique of Armagon takes notice of our intent to leave that
place, &c., and that, he being now imployd in the warrs, is a good
time to get away our people and elce with little prejudice ; and, but
in expectation of an answer to ours of the 9th [j^V] of November,
the Agent woold have gone away on the Eagle^ to lessen our charge
and to avoid the clamour of our creditours. Then, by conveyance
of a Dutch pattamar the prime February, wee writ againe to Surrat
in thes words : " Wee have been long in expectation for order to
remove our people from Armagon ; where, unless it be done very
suddainely, wee must be forced to expend a good some of monyes in
repairations ; but being almost confident that that place is doomd
for desolution, especially the forte, wee have yesterday enordered
Mr. Day to put on boord the shippe Eagle some of the ordnance,
&c." By which Your Worshipps may perceive that still wee
expected order from the President, &c., unto whom wee were sub-
ordinate; for without order from them wee might not, nor did,
stirr. Then about the 6th February came a letter to hand from the
President and Councell aforesaid, which said letter hath thes words
in one clause : " Touching the dismantling of Armagon, you received
the Companies positive order, when they knew not that it was so
decayed and woold require so great a some of monies as 2,000
pa[godas] to make it habitable onely, not defencible. With those
our masters directions, our duties prompt[ed] us to inviate our
opinions, which then assented to what they had byn pleased to
determine, provided you discover no maine inconveniencie, 'hinder-
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 53
ance, or dammadge to their affairs in its execution. Such nor your
advises nor Mr. Dayes relation intimates, but on the contrary present
unto us faire hopes of fortifying at Madraspatan ; which wee con-
ceive, according to the import of your letters " (which are no other
then those before inserted) " will be so farr advanced that our
directions will come to late to improve the action. If you have
gone thorough with it, wee doubt not but all fitting and cautionall
conditions were seasonably thought on ; provition made as well for
recovery of debts at Armagon as exporting thence whatever belongs
to the Company ; which neyther shoold not be compleated untill
you are well assured of the other Naiques resolution to receive you
and assist in the fortification. That some such place is very neces-
sarie unto you for provition of paintings for the South factories,
wee are by your information induced to credit. That the Naique
of Armagon hath abus'd you and rob'd those that trade with you,
your confession publisheth. That notice of your intended desertion
of his precincts will exasperate him against you and incite him to
impediate the gunns exportation, is most probable. How you can
prevent his designes and force them from thence will be a matter
(wee beleive) of some difficultie. Then doth the whole action require
no lesse then a most serious deliberation and propention for its con-
trivall and performance ; therefore wee coold wish the Agent had
byn present to assist and further with his ableler advice the progres-
sion and perfection of the whole machin. If you goe foreward with
it, doe what you resolve on to purpose, and biuld no such mock forts
as that of Armagon, &c. And so wee wish you good sucess to your
undertakings." Upon receipt of which lines abovesaid, Andrew
Cogan imbarqu'd himself and went uppon the worke, taking that
letter for his warrant ; for being subordinat he dirst not stir (as
beforesaid) till order ; if which be (or bee not) warrant sufficient,
Andrew Cogan referrs himself to Your Worshipps.' He defers
further explanation until he comes to give an account of his actions
at Bantam and afterwards at home. Now answer the letter of
November 30, 1641, brought by the Hopewell Here again Cogan
is unfairly singled out for censure. He reiterates his denial of* vast
private trade ' and prodigality of expense. ' At present here wee
have two horses, boath not worth their meat ; and at Messilupatam
they have only one and a coach with two old oxen past labour,
54 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
insomuch as about a month since wee enordered them to give them
their h'bertie to graze and fatt themselves against some shippe came,
or eate them in the factory. Thers all the Coast pride ; for the
Agent hath neither his flaggs, his rundalers [see the preceding volume^
p. 48], his torches ['torcheirs' in O.C. 1795], his fencers, his drumes
['drummers'] on horseback, his fidlers, his horses, or horse of state,
nor (and which is not a little admired at) his pallenkeine ; nor are
your servants in Messilupatam allowed any for their owne occasions.
As for our expence of diett, it cannot possible be brought lower
then tis ; for at Massilupatam they spend about 20 pa[godas] old
per month (all things accompted) for matter of dyett ; and wee
(being here at table constantly nine, oftentimes twelve, besides
strangers, commers and goers) expend about 30 pa[godas] new
a month ; with which some wee cannot often feast it.' As for
servants, they cannot have less * and doe your busines '. Particulars
will be found in their accounts. Are still of opinion that money
would have been saved formerly, had these factories been under
Surat ; because then their cash accounts would have been trans-
mitted monthly, and the President and Council could have checked
any extravagance. The King of Golconda can, of course, withdraw
their privileges ; * but in respect of ourselves wee shall give him no
just occasion'. Explain an obscure reference in their former letter.
Reasons for sending the Expedition to Surat. The factors were as
much offended that her cargo was no larger as the Company are
that it was so large. * Surely Your Worshipps cannot but know
that ever since August in 39 to this time, which is now compleate
three years, wee have payd for interest upwards of 10,000 pa[godasJ :
for shipps expence no small some : besides expence of housekeeping,
&c. Acco[unts] of biulding will appeare at large, for you had not
a house on all this Coast for your servants to shelter dry under.
Also acco[unts] of sallerie helpe to fill upp ; for, whither Your
Worshipps have imployment or no, men cannot goe naked, as the
Gentews [Hindus] doe. But seing Andrew Cogan is so unhappy
and unfortunate, his humble desire is to leave this imployment, for
he professeth it twere a thousand times better for him to live at
home in a prison then as he doth.' He has therefore asked the
President and Council at Bantam to appoint a successor. He will
then remain a year at Bantam to answer any charges that nfay be
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 55
made against him, though he fears none ; ' and so much by way of
digression to ease his overburthned heart.' Note the termination
of the Third Joint Stock and the inception of the General Voyage ;
also that Day is * factor for the Voyage and must be made acquainted
with all buyings and sellings '. Explain why, contrary to instruc-
tions, part of the money has been used to pay their debts at Masu-
lipatam. The goods ordered for Bantam will be provided and sent
thither in the Advice, as soon as she returns from the Bay. Will
find it difficult to dispose of the cargo of the Hopewell here, ' chiefly
by reason of the warrs ' ; so will send the lead and most of the
broadcloth to the Bay. Advices from Masulipatam say that
scarcely any freight will be procurable for Persia, because * the
Serkaile sends this yeare his great jouncke thither ' ; they have
accordingly sent word of this to the Bay, ' that if so be Mr. Day
coold procure a fraight, not to refuse it '. It is untrue that goods
from Masulipatam to Persia pay freight according to fineness. All
cloth is weighed at the * Bancksall ' [custom-house], and * according
to its weight payes both freight and custome '. The following is the
scale for freight: cloth, i^ pagodas per maund ; Bengal sugar,
8 pagodas the candy of 500 lb. ; coarser sugar, 4 pagodas the candy ;
gum-lac, 7 pagodas the candy; benzoin, 12 or 15 pagodas the
candy, according to quality ; cloves, 16 pagodas the candy ; tin or
' tottanaga ' \^see p. 36], 8 pagodas, and steel 6 pagodas, per candy ;
sugar candy, 10 pagodas per candy. Passengers pay 10 pagodas ;
but if a man lades goods paying 100 pagodas, he gets his passage
free ; ' if 1000, then himself and another'. A bale of goods found
missing in the Expeditio7t. Explain their action in asking that
certain goods from Masulipatam should be excused the payment of
customs at Gombroon. By so doing they ' gayned the love of the
King and Serkayle ; and, whether our letter or no, they had not
pay'd a pice custom ; for there is small hopes to gett your customs
from the Moors and Persians that trades in juncks, whenyou cannot
get the custome of goods that comes uppon your owne shipping '.
However, they long since promised Surat ' that neyther Kinge nor
Serkayle shall ever prevaile againe with us for any such letter '.
Note the caution about keeping the Hopeivcll prepared to fight the
Malabars on her way to and from Persia. ' Let the maister goe
which way he please, tis very necessary the shippe be cleare of all
56 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
lumber betweene decks ; but if hee'l voyage it the way ^ that Dowle,
the master of the Advice^ did by our order (for the other way wee
durst not hazard him), ther's no feare of a safe and quick passadge.
'Tis the way that all jounks that goe from this coast take ; and
seldome any of them miscarry, and never by the Mallavars.' Note
that Courteen has sent out three ships ; also their cargoes, * as you
finde them in the Custome House. If any of them come wher wee
have to doe, they shall finde colde interteinment' The Company's
letters for Surat were dispatched from Masulipatam on July io.
' So that wee make acco[unt] by the 20th of August they were with
the President ; for all the ways from Massilupatam to Surrat are
free from all troubles, unlesse some rains at that times of the yeare
peradventure may hinder them 4 or 5 dayes ; but from hence to
Messilupatam is very difficult, by reason of the warrs, for many
times our servants are stopped 10 and 20 dayes in the armies ere
suffered to proceed on their journey ; and therefore wee sent your
letter to Messilupatam on the Advice, who was 5 dayes in her way
thither from hence.' Neither Hudson nor Clark left any books
balanced, and what books there were abounded in errors. Send
accounts of the estates of all who have died on the Coast, and a list
of the Company's servants here and at Masulipatam \ijiissing\.
Express their thanks for the pipe of wine sent them in the Hopewell.
* It came in good time to comfort us ; for a long time before our
best drinke was bade water.' It is desirable that Day should con-
tinue on the Coast ' to see the investment made for England ', and
so Cogan has decided ' to leave this imployment to Mr. Day, who
of all men in the world deserves it, and with the first shippe (which
will bee in December next) to goe for Bantam.' This will lessen
the charges here, ' for two 200/. men is to great a burthen, as the
times are '. Narrate the events that have occurred here since the
dispatch of the Reformation in September, 1641.^ A letter from
St. Thome, received yesterday, announced the arrival of one English
ship at Tuticorin and of two others at Cochin. These are probably
Courteen's ships, ' for they say they came immediately from
^ Apparently this was the route past Minicoy, between the Laccadives and Maldives (cf.
pp. 71 and 73).
"^ This section is practically identical with O.C, 1791 A. Any differences of importance
have been noted on that document (see p. 42).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 57
England, and most parte of the way in company of six Portugale
shipps, which they left at Mosambique ; in one of which shipps is
a new Vice Roy ^' (Copy. i6\ pp.)
Edward Knipe, aboard the Crispiana [at Swally], to
'Benidas' [Beni Das] [at Surat], September 25, 1642 {Fac-
tory Records^ Miscellaneous, vo\. xii.^ p. 17).
Thanks him for the provisions he has sent, and promises him em-
ployment. Begs that he will supply him at once with some cotton
goods to make into clothes ; also ' a taylor that knowes to worke
after our English manner '. Would be glad to see him, if he can
come down. (Copy, | p)
William Thurston, Edward Pearce, and Maximilian
Bowman at Basra to the Company, September 26, 1642
{O.C. 1793).
Answer briefly the Company's letter of February 18 last, just
received by way of Aleppo. Will observe carefully the cautions
given concerning ' treating with this Bashaw and people ', or building
a factory house. It is certainly better to hire than to build, for,
should the trade be abandoned, ' the Bashaw would claime the howse
as his owne.' 'Wee have in this our 15 or 16 monthes residence
throughly experienced the trade of this place, and doe finde that
the first markets at the begining of the monzoane is most proffit-
* An unfounded rumour.
' This is Edward Knipe's letter book. It opens with a note to the Company from
Torbay, April lo, 1642, mentioning their departure from the Downs on the 6th idem and
their being obliged to take shelter in Torbay, together with three of Courteen's ships.
Then comes another short letter to the same, dated May 16, evidently sent home by the
William, which had just been met. Next is entered Knipe's instructions from the Com-
pany, followed by a copy of the charter party of the Aleppo Merchant, Knipe has also
copied two letters written on his arrival at Swally to two unnamed persons at Surat, one
being perhaps Fremlen, the other a chaplain ; these, however, contain only commendations
and compliments.
Knipe was one of those former servants of the Company who were enticed into the em-
ployment of Courteen's Association. After his first voyage under his new masters, however,
he quarrelled with them (see the House of Lords papers in the Fourth Report of the
Historical MSS. Commission, pp. 75, 81) and again took service with the Company, who
sent him out in the spring of 1642 as merchant or supercargo of the Crispiana and Aleppo
Merchant. His account of the voyage will be found under date of July 18, 1643.
58 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
ablest, and so the proceed to bee sent to Suratt at the end thereof
for that afterwards here offers not fraequent transport for our monie
to India but by boates to Gomroon, whereby to ease the great
charge that doth accrew by its so long detention here. Besids, the
country people, having then fully supplyed themselves, retorns not
till the next moonzoane to replenish their wants. The chiefest buzars^
that the winter affords is through the arrivall of the few merchants
that comes then hither from Aleppo, Dealbuckeer, and MunzuU ''jWith
a few janazaries ^ from Bagdat ; and the goods that they buy are
chiefly white cloath, indico Agra; some small quantitie of indico
Surques [Sarkhej], Chyna ware, pepper, cowho [coffee] seed, gum-
lack, suger, &c. [i.e. and other] poyzed goods ; and of them in these
barren tymes noe great quantitie. So that in our weake judgments
the first yeares pattorn will suite best with your desires and profitt ;
although this yeare it is not dispissable.' Refer, however, to the
opinions of the President and Council at Surat, who will advise the
Company on these points by the next ship. Of the English broad-
cloth they brought with them, two bales were returned on the Sea-
horse in her last voyage, and the other two (except some pieces sold
here at 4^ rials * this covid ') they will leave at Gombroon on their way
to Surat. ' They are too high prissed for these griping Arabs, who
are openmouthed in promising but closefisted if come to performance
more then what of necessity they must. However, thus much wee
can justly boast of, that there is noe nation here resident which is
made capable of one halfe the respect or faire dealeing that wee
have hitherto enjoyed, as well from the highest as the lowest.' All
their India commodities have been disposed of, except the Dholka
lungis, which are not vendible here, though they are said to be in
demand at Mokha. The proceeds of the sales amount to about
71,300 rials; for details they refer to their books, which will be sent
home from Surat. * Wee have lately received newes by the Portugall
caphila that come from Syndah of the distracted estate of the Mogol,
as having at present theire [three ?] powerfull enemie[s] agaynst
him, vizt., the Perrsian, in endevouring the recovery of Candhore
[Kandahar], his strong rebellious Rajaes about Agra [see p. 18], and
* Bazar is here nsed in a wider sense than its ordinary meaning of a market-place.
2 Diarbekir (in Kurdistan) and Mosul.
2 Turkish soldiers, especially those employed in escorting travellers.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 59
his unduetifull second sonne ^ in Bcngala ; so that, whilst hec goes to
repulse the Persian, hee is affraid his sonne will seiz on Agra, the
chiefe place of his unspeakable treasure, or elce that the Rajaes will
doe as much for him before hee retornes ; therefore is forct to keep
his lascar [i.e. army] about Agra.' They intend to repair at once
on board the Seahorse, which will then sail (accompanied by the
Prosperous) for Gombroon, where the Francis, laden with coffee from
Mohka, is awaiting them. Would have ordered her to come hither,
but this would have detained them a month longer. All three
vessels are then to proceed to India together, ' to prevent the least
of dainger, either by the French or Malavars, with whom the India
coasts are very much infested.' PS. — Trust the Company will
satisfy the Consul at Aleppo for the charges incurred in the corre-
spondence. Have agreed to pay the messenger 420 larls for his
journey thither. (Copy, received via Surat. i\pp^
The President and Council at Surat to John Millet,
Master of tyly. Aleppo Merchant^ October 10, 1642 {Factory
Records, Miscellaneous, vol. xii. p. 37).
The management of the intended voyage has been entrusted to
Knipe, whose instructions he is to obey accordingly. {Copy, i /.)
Commission and Instructions from the President and
Council of Surat to Edward Knipe, October 12, 1642
(p.C 1794).^
He is to proceed to Goa, and thence to Cochin, on the Aleppo
Merchant, the master of which has been directed to follow his in-
structions. On arriving at Goa he should send on shore for Pitt or
Thomas Hill and inquire from them of the state of affairs, particularly
as to the Viceroy's intentions regarding * that unseasonable execution
of Ant[onio] Pereira de Miranda' \sec p. 43]. If the Portuguese
are likely to 'raise a generall quarrell' with the English about this,
it may be necessary to ' withdraw our people and our masters goods
out of their reach.' Otherwise he may land and proceed about his
1 Sultan Shiija, who was in charge of Bengal. The nimour of his revolt seems to have
been unfounded.
' This is the original document, signed by Fremlen, Breton, and Merry, and bearing an
excellent impression of a seal with the Company's arms. For a copy of the commission
see p. 27 of Knipe's letter book {^Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. xii).
6o THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
business. Should a new Viceroy have arrived, Knipe is to seek an
interview, present him with the pair of carpets sent for that purpose,
and beg the delivery of the cinnamon due from the state. If, how-
ever, he finds the old Viceroy still in possession, he is to present
him with those carpets and with the accompanying letter, in which the
Viceroy is requested to permit the English to purchase a quantity
of cinnamon in addition to that due to them. He is also to deliver
to him a bale of carpets, ' being his propper goods, provided for him
in Lahoar or Agra by the Jesuits there resident' Should anything
be said about the execution of Miranda, Knipe may pretend not to
have heard anything of it until his arrival at Goa ; or, if this attitude
cannot be maintained, he should labour with his ' best rhetorick ' to
excuse the Coast factors herein. Coral, cloth, and lead to be sold
if possible ; prices of these at Surat. Letters to be delivered to the
Jesuits and others. His main purpose is to take in at Cochin a
quantity of cinnamon, which Francisco de Brito da Almeida, a
gentleman residing there, has covenanted to deliver. As this is a
prohibited commodity, the utmost secrecy must be observed ; and
they should clear up all accounts at Goa and take Pitt and Hill on
board, in order that there may be no need to call there in returning
from Cochin. If, however, they are obliged to go back to Goa, pre-
cautions must be taken against discovery of their cargo. Including
4,000 xerafins repaid for a similar sum advanced by Cogan at the
Viceroy's request * to the Capt. Mor [see p. 44] of the armado sent
to St. Tornees succour ', and another sum due from ' Padre Gon-
salvo Martyns, Procurador of the Jesuits Colledge, for so many
rupees we have made good unto his fellow padrees in Agra ', Pitt
ought to have more than enough (with the money now sent) to pay for
the cinnamon at Cochin ; so with the surplus cardamoms, cinnamon
or pepper may be bought. From Goa the ship is to go to Calicut,
and land two of Virji V5ra's servants ; next to proceed to Ponnani
and land the other two ; and then to go on to Cochin. After taking in
the cinnamon there, they are to return, calling at Ponnani and Cali-
cut for the pepper which Virji Vora has promised to have in readi-
ness for them. Pitt is to be lodged with Knipe in the great cabin,
and both he and Hill are to be consulted on all matters affecting the
Company's business. But there is some fear of * Mr. Pitts miscar-
ryage, since the V[ice] Roy himself hath spoken him dangerously
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
6i
wounded, though as yet the cause and actor of such mischief arc not
known unto us/ The Bantam factors have promised to send to
Surat a ship laden with pepper, &c., and she is expected to call at
Goa on her way to land some ' damar ' for which the Viceroy has
undertaken to give cinnamon, &c. Arrangements to be made should
this ship be found at Goa or met at sea. The master of the Aleppo
Merchant must be reminded to keep his vessel prepared in case of an
attack by the Malabars ; also to be careful lest his men desert at
Goa or Cochin. Arrack to be purchased at the former place. In-
quiry to be made concerning a parcel of opium left at Ponnani by the
London. * Our sheraff, Tapidas Parrack,' has been allowed to send
two casks of ' roxamalla ' [rasa-mdld, i.e. storax] to Goa. Some
* taflfataes ' to be delivered to the Vedor da Fazenda, Andre Seleina.
Should Knipe find it advisable to call at other ports on the coast to
sell his goods, he may do so, provided it does not delay his return
by December %o at latest. {6ipp.)
President Fremlen and Council at Swally Marine to
William Pitt and Thomas Hill [at Goa], October 12, 1642
{Factory Records^ Miscellaneous, vol. xii. p. 38).
Announcing the dispatch of Knipe, under whose orders Pitt and
Hill are placed. They are required to give him full information
and to assist him to the best of their ability. {Copy. 1 p.)
President Fremlen and Council at Surat to the
Factors at Fort St. George, October 17, 1642 {O.C. 1795).
Arrival of the Crispiana and Aleppo Merchant. Account of their
voyage. News brought by them concerning Courteen's shipping.
Edward Knipe is in charge of the cargo, consisting of 200,000 rials
of eight, 92 chests of coral, 600 pigs of lead, y^ bales of broadcloth,
four bales of ' bayes ', and one bale of ' perpctuanaes ' : total value,
58,947/. 7.r. \d. Have decided to send back both vessels by the
middle of January with the full value of the cargo received. Mean-
while the Aleppo Merchant sa.i\ed on the 13th current for Goa and
Cochin to fetch some cinnamon ; while the Crispiana is to proceed
to * Sinde ' about the end of this month for indigo and piece-goods.
The Discovery has not yet returned from Mokha, though a Dutch
62, THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
vessel which left there eighteen hours after her has arrived, and so
have all the country ships. ' Besides the men and shippe, wee
computate the Old Joint Stocke hath on boord her in indico, rialls,
and other goods nere lopooL sterling ; and the merchants of this
toune more then ten times as much. Soe that with us this whole
towne is much grieved and frighted with this her unwonted retard-
ance, consideringe the shortenes and few hazards in this soe easie
and well knowne passage.' {Copy. i pp^
Edward Knipe, six leagues north of Goa, to [the Presi-
dent AND Council at Surat], October 22, 1642 {Factory
Records^ Miscellaneous, vol. xii. p. 18).
Has just met the Swan^ but has little to report. 'The 19th
present betwixt Chaul and Dabull wee mett, plying to the north-
ward, Mr. Durson in the Loyallty, belonging to Mr. Courten, bound
to Rajapore, not beeing above 30 leagues shott beyond his port ;
from whome wee understood thus much : that the 14th present [he]
departed Carwarr [and the] i6th mett of Goa, in company of the
Dutch shipps, Mr. Hogg in the Hester, bound to Carwarr from
Rajapore, where shee left their small shipp, the Unity, Mr. Farren,
who came this yeare from England. The Squires Agent \see p. 8]
was then att Carwarr, expecting the Hesters arivall, intending to
proceed on her for Cochine in quest of such synamon as may bee
there procureable.' Thinking, however, that there is no fear of his
getting hold of the cinnamon contracted for on the Company's
behalf, Knipe has decided not to alter his plans but to put into Goa
as arranged, though it appears from Pitt's letters that the quantity
of cinnamon there is scarcely worth the trouble. Will use all
possible diligence to get away from Goa and continue his voyage.
{Copy. 1 p.)
Declaration by Jan Dirksz. Galen, Cornelis van Sanen,
AND Jacob Jacobsz., aboard the Amboina, October 23, 1642
{O.C. 1796).^
Having been sent to blockade Goa and expressly charged to
prevent the entrance of supplies and merchandise, and having found
* Endorsed : * Hollanders writeing given us before Goa.* It is dated November 2 (N. 8.).
For the circumstances in which this document was given to Knipe, see his letter of July 18,
1643. There is a copy among the Hague Transcripts (series i. vol. xiii. no. 418).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 63
that the English ship Hester (which got into the port without their
being able to prevent her) supplied the Viceroy with brimstone in
exchange for cinnamon, and that the Swan, which was permitted
to enter for the purpose of obtaining water, &c., under promise not
to trade, nevertheless took in 300 quintals of cinnamon, they have
now acquainted the commander of the Aleppo Merchaiit with their
instructions and have forbidden him to take his ship into the port.
They have, however, willingly consented to his sending his goods
on shore by boat and bringing off his people and merchandise
(except cinnamon, which is the King's commodity), the ship mean-
while remaining in the Road. This is permitted because the said
English have declared that there is but little cinnamon now there,
and that they have only come to remove their factory and stock ;
and in token thereof the undersigned have delivered to the com-
mander this document, (piitch. i p.)
Edward Knipe in Goa Road to [the President and
Council at Surat], October 30, 164:^ {Factory Records, Miscel-
laneous, vol. xii. p. 19).
Anchored here on the morning of the 23rd among the Dutch
ships. The admiral of the latter, * John Dirkgalen ', declared that
he had orders from Batavia to prevent English vessels either enter-
ing the port of Goa or carrying any cinnamon from thence ; but,
after a great deal of debate, permission was given to bring off their
cinnamon, which has only now been accomplished. ' The carpetts
sent by you from the Padries in Agra gave to our seeming gratefuU
acceptance from the V[ice] Roy, allthough wee found not any such
reciprocacion as to connive at any mans particular synamon as
might have byn so advantagious as expected. Mr. Cogans buisness,
wee heare, caused a great deale a muttering amoung them, allthough
by the descretion of the V[ice] Rey much appised ; but although
he seemes silently to passe it over, yet he hath secreet[l]y voued,
if not satisfaction here made him, to appeale to His IVIajestie of
England for justice ; afferming that by scverall good testimonies the
English man that was slaine was by reason of his willful! entring,
not to part the fray betwixt the Portingalls and Daines but to side
against the partie shott to death. Nevertheless, the V[ice] Rey
hath byn so modest in procecuting his revenge as [he] hath laboured
64 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
with all stifife injunctions towards the freindly entertainment of our
nation to his port ; by which means have wee not received the least
affront, till last night one of our men, beeing in our long boate,
laden with water, staing (as now the costom is) for a chitte [i. e.
a ckzt or permit] from the V[ice] Rey to depart, was by some
deboyst souldiers daingeriously and couerdly wounded in the head,
but by relacion of our chirurgion [there?] is hopes of recovery/
Some inquiry has been made by Banyans for their coral, but there
is now no time to come to terms. Pitt's books will show the reason
why he had not the expected money in hand. Since coming on
board, they have sold to Lewis Ribeiro [see p. 26] five chests of
coral at a gain of ninety per cent, on the cost in England, reckoning
the ' tango ' at sixpence. Pitt and Hill have ' cleared themselves
from Goa ' and are now on board ; they have got in all the money
owing, except about 100 xerafins. [Copy. '^pp»)
Edward Knipe in Goa Road to [President Fremlen at
Surat], October 30, 1642 ^ {Factory Records, Miscellaneous^
vol. xii. p. 23).
Has done his best to carry out all his instructions. Could not
find a customer for the two remnants of cloth. Has delivered his
correspondent's 2,000 Venetians to Pitt, but no opening has been
found for the investment of the money, as Pitt will no doubt advise.
Neither Francisco de Souza de Castro nor Manoel Morais appears
to have money to lend at interest, ' allthough the latter was motioned
by Mr. Pitt ; whose chubbed ^ answer was he had too much their
[at Cochin ?] allready. It is thought that his churlishness proceeds
from a deniall of his sending must^ for England on our shipps.'
The letters &c. from Padre Leno at Surat to the Padre Procurador
of Madre de Deos have been duly delivered ; also all the presents
sent by Fremlen to various persons. To the Vedor da Fazenda,
however, they gave the smallest instead of the largest of the
carpets, chiefly because he had treated Pitt so shabbily. All the
goods intended for Gonsalvo Martins de Castello Branco were
handed over to him, except the case of bottles, which he failed to
1 A separate letter to Fremlen, dealing mostly with matters of private trade.
2 Blunt or rude. * A churle, a foole, a chub' (Cockeram, Gnoffc, 1623).
3 Probably ' musk ' is intended. * Must ' is an old form of that word. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 65
send for ; this they hope to leave at Chaul on their return. Money
received from Francisco de Souza de Castro on behalf of Tapl Das.
{Copy. 2,\PP)
Francis Day at * Ballasara ' [Balasore] to the Company,
November 3, 1642 (O.C. 1797).
The Hopewell reached ' Madrasapatam ' safely on July 5. There,
contrary to the Company's orders and in spite of Day's opposition,
it was decided by consultation to use part of the money she brought
to pay off the old debts. The ship sailed on July 19 and proceeded
to Masulipatam, where she landed some broadcloth and eleven
chests of silver. * The latter was wellcome ; but, for the cloth, it
found noe such acceptance as in former yeares, by the occation of
the great warrs in those parts.' Finding that the indigo of Masuli-
patam is far better than that of * Madrasapatam ', he has asked
Peniston to send a sample to Surat ; if approved there, no doubt
a good quantity will be provided against the return of the Hopeivell
from Persia. On the other hand, the ' murrees of Madrasapatam '
are far better and cheaper than those of Masulipatam, and so the
former should be 'the place of provition '. Sailed from Masuli-
patam on August 7, and reached Balasore six days later. Here
they have sold or bartered their glasses, knives, lead, broadcloth,
&c., for sugar, ' gurras ', ' sannoes ', ' cassaes ', iron, and ginghams,
all but the last being intended for Persia. Some * sannoes ' and
* cassaes ' are being provided at ' Harapore ' [Hariharpur] for Europe;
but ' many you may not expect, the raines havinge bin soe late and
soe violent.' Yard and Travell both intend to proceed in the Hope-
well or Advice to ' Madrasapatam ' and so to Europe. ' Mr. Hatch
only remaines, and very much discontented, in regard his contracted
time is expired and the small imployment that hee is like to have.
Accordinge to that small time of my being heer and that little
observation that I have taken, I thinke Ballasara (with the adjacent
places) is not to bee totally left ; for it is noe such dispisable place
as is voted, it beinge an opulent kingdome, and you haveinge bin
already at great charges in gaininge the free custome of all sorts
of goods. Beleive it, if you had but an active man, two or three,
in these parts, you would finde it very proffitable ; provided you
FOSTER VII
66 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
double stocke the Coast, without which tis impossible to comply to
your desires. Since I have knowen these parts, for the most parte
you have had servants and little or noe meanes to imploy them.
If you should inlarge your trade, you may happely have meanes
and noe servants, especially such that should know how to imploy
it to best advantage. Mr. Winter this yeare goes for Bantam, and
soe intends for Europe.' They are promised by the natives sufficient
freight to fill both the Hopewell and the Endeavour for Persia ; but
he doubts this, at least as regards the latter vessel. Any money
received on that account will be invested in goods suitable for
Persia, 'for to carry rupees to Mesulapatam there would bee too
great loss.' (2//. Received July 30 [1643].)
The Conde de Aveiras, Viceroy at Goa, to [the President
AT Surat], November Z^, 1642 {O.C. 1798).
Thanks the President for his two letters and for the present which
accompanied them. As regards the ' chandaros ^ ' which is to be
sent from Surat and the cinnamon which the English desire to
have in exchange, the Vedor will write. A special effort shall be
made to supply the cinnamon, in spite of the difficulties mentioned
in the Viceroy's former letters. Up to the present no vessel has
arrived from Portugal. Is much obliged to the President for trans-
mitting to him the letters from the Portuguese ambassadors now
in London, which contained much pleasing intelligence. Has
delivered to Captain * Knarp ' [i. e. Knipe] a packet of letters for
the said ambassadors, and begs the President to arrange for their
safe delivery. The bundle of carpets belongs not to him (the
Viceroy) but to the Jesuit Fathers ; refers to the Captain of Daman,
who will tell the President how they should be sent. Thanks the
latter for the two carpets he has given him, which are excellent.
In return he forwards a diamond ring from his own hand and
two ' boyoes ^ ' of Chinese porcelain, containing citron preserves
made in this house. Has forgotten to mention that in their
^ Dammar or resin (Hind, chandras). This corrects the notes on p. 296 of the 1618-21
volume and on p. 70 of the 1622-23 volume.
2 Port, boydo, a jar used for preserves. The word, which is possibly derived from Malay
buyong^ has passed into Hindustani as boydm, and is still in general use. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 67
letters of March y\ the ambassadors of King John in London
announce that twenty days earlier they had concluded an arrange-
ment with the King of Great Britain for a treaty of peace up to
the Cape of Good Hope, while as to India the truce concluded in
the time of the Conde de Linhares is to be maintained pending the
appointment of commissioners on both sides to settle a peace in
these parts also. This agreement has been sent to Portugal for
approval, and the Viceroy trusts that it will be duly confirmed.
(Portuguese. 'i~\pp. Received December \6)
Messrs. Cogan, Greenhtll, and Brown at Fort St. George
TO THE Company, November 5, 164:^(6^.6'. 1799V
Forward a transcript of their last, which went by a Dutch ship to
Bantam. Their investment for that place is now awaiting the arrival
of the ships from the Bay ; but it will not be so large as was expected,
for they have been unable to dispose of their coral, quicksilver, and
vermilion, ' by reason of the warrs, which now upon the matter is
ended among the Jentues within themselves, by the death of the
old Kinge.^ What the Moors and Jentues will doe, tyme must
shew.' Have heard from the Dutch that the Hopewell and Advice
have safely reached the Bay. Have written to Day to accept freight
there for Persia, as he cannot expect any at Masulipatam, where
* the Serkailes great jonke ' will monopolize all that is available.
If no freight be procurable in the Bay, they hope that he will at all
events be able to procure some sugar, &c., there for Persia, and then
fill up with goods of these parts. Have arranged for the purchase
of some at Masulipatam, and have also bought a quantity of cinnamon
here. (|/. Received in London July 20, 1643.)
1 This is appended to a duplicate of the previous letter, printed on p. 45.
' The Batavia Dagh- Register, 1643-44 (p. 244) records the receipt of intelligence rom
Pulicat that the Carnatic King * Weijneketapatij ' [i.e. Venkatapati] was dead, after lying
sick of a fever for five or six days, and that his body had been burned on October 1 2 [N. S.]
at * Narrewarom ' [Narayanavanam, 50 miles west of Pulicat]: that he left no children
except an illegitimate son, who by the law of the land could not succeed : and that after
much dispute his brother's son, Sri Ranga Rayalu, had been elevated to the throne on
October 29 [N. S.], but many of the chiefs were displeased at this choice. A letter from
Pulicat to the commander of the Dutch fleet off Goa {Hague Transcripts, series i. vol. xii.
no. 402) gives the date of Venkatapati's death as October 10 [N. S.].
F 2
68 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Messrs. Cogan, Greenhill, and Brown at Fort St. George
TO THE President and Council of Surat, November 5, 164:^
{O.C 1800).
Reply to theirs of August 6 and September 13, both received at
the end of last month. Arrival of the Diamond at Bantam. Expect
to be blamed for not sending the Advice instead. The clamours of
their Masulipatam creditors have been stopped, but only * by robinge
Peter to pay Pawle '. ' Wee hope to heere noe more of the Fort in
the old dialect, espetially after the arivall of these our last letters,
for tis put to the Companies choice whether theyle keepe it, or leave
it and bee noe loosers by it. Tis againe battred from Bantam,
because they would have somewhat to say.' Disposal of the Advice
and Hopewell. * Mr. Markham ^ (good man) hath had but small
comfort in his sonns that hee hath sent for India ; for the elder
death tooke from us the last yeare in Mesulapatam, and the younger
(it seems) helped to make up the nomber with you in your last
generall visitation.' A small horse has been provided for the Queen
of Jambi, but perhaps a better one can be sent from Surat. Dispatch
of letters and transcripts. The payment of their debts has saved
the nation's reputation, but they can hardly hope that it will please
the Company, since * all our actions are displeaseinge '. What Rogers
owes the Company they cannot yet say. His dispatch to Golconda
was absolutely necessary to prevent the loss of the debts there.
'As for his beinge Accomptant, twas but litle before his death (by
the death of Mr. Markham) conferred upon him ; and that alsoe for
want of another of abillity to performe it, for Mr. Winter was setled
in Pettapollee, to negotiate the Companies affaires there, and could
not accomplish the busines in both places. But when Mr. Peniston
came, or soe soone as wee could gett the acco[un]ts from Rogers,
hee had them delivered to him.' Have had no letters from the Bay,
though they know the ships have arrived. Cannot sell their coral,
&c. Enclose copies of their letters to the Company and to Bantam.
The Dutch sent in September two large ships to Batavia laden with
Coast goods. Cogan's intended departure. (2J pp.)
^ Valentine Markham, the Company's Auditor at home. His son Robert went out to
the Coast in the Hopewell (1639), ^"^ another son, Thomas, proceeded t» Surat in the
London (1641).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 69
Consultations held in Masulipatam by Francis Day,
Thomas Peniston, and Thomas Winter, December, 1642
((9.(7.1801,1802).
December 10. On the perusal of letters lately received from the
Agent [Cogan], it is agreed that the reasons he gives for desiring
to surrender his post to Day are insufficient : that such action on his
part would prejudice the Company's affairs, and probably make it
impossible for them to borrow afresh: and that in any case he
* ought not to leave his imployment without order from England
or Bantam, or at least advizeing thither.' Moreover, Day, by the
Company's order, is not to remain on the Coast beyond the time of
the ship's departure for Bantam or England ; and it is necessary
that he should proceed to Persia on her, as the returns from thence
are their chief reliance for making up the investment for Europe.
As regards borrowing, no money is to be had here, but they learn
from Golconda that the Sar-i-Khail is willing to lend four or five
thousand pagodas at i^ per cent, for four or five months. This will
be sent after the Hopewell to Madraspatam, either by the Advice or
the Prosperous. (Copy. | p.)
December 11, Although the Agent has refused to allow a pilot
to be lent to take the Sar-i-Khail's junk to Mokha, it is decided, in
view of the proposed loan from him, to spare Roger Adams for that
purpose. {Copy. \p)
December 19. It is resolved to send 5,000 pagodas (when procured)
to Madraspatam for investment in piece-goods for England. Then,
if more money can be obtained at reasonable rates, to make an
investment here in certain specified goods of the same kind. (Copy.
IP)
Consultation held in Surat by President Fremlen and
Messrs. Breton, Merry, Bornford, and Knipe, December 26,
1642 (O.C. 1803).
In the recent voyage of the Aleppo Merchant down the Malabar
Coast, Knipe succeeded in selling a considerable quantity of coral
at better prices than have of late been obtained here, ' wheare wee
finde the comon buyers so confederate with the Kings ministers
that they will have it at theire owne price or lett it lye on our
70 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
hands.' It is therefore decided to put aboard the Swa7t all or most
of the remaining coral, to be by her landed at Cochin in her voyage
to Bantam next month ; and to send in charge of it, as also for the
purchase of cinnamon and pepper, William Thurston and Luke Pynn.
It is further determined that the Discovery, on her return from
Mokha, shall call at Cochin to fetch away them and their goods ;
and orders are accordingly to be given to John Wylde to dispatch
her from Mokha in good time. As regards Persia, since Messrs.
Adler, Hall, and Wheeler are expected to return next year, it is
agreed to send William Pitt thither to succeed Adler as chief; also
Philip Wylde as assistant. Thomas Codrington is to be made
Third in Council there, with an increased salary. Finding them-
selves unable to sell their broadcloth, &c., at Surat, Agra, Lahore,
Cochin, or any other place in India, they decide to send it to
Gombroon, (aj//.)
Consultation held in Fort St. George by Messrs. Cogan,
Day, and Greenhill, December 29, 164^^ {O.C. 1804).
The present Agent [Cogan] has signified his wish to resign his
post to Day ; but the rest of the Council are opposed to this, on the
ground that without him they would be unable to raise the necessary
loan, ' because of the Agents respect with those people.' It is
further decided to send the Hopewell to Persia instead of to Bantam,
under the charge of Day ; also to ask for pepper from Bantam, in
order that the ship may upon her return be sent to England direct
from this Coast. The Hopewell is to spare a master's mate to the
Advice. ' The warrs and broyls increasing in this countrey, and
now (by reason of our Great Naiques imprisonment ^) drawing nere
to us, wee latelie raised a third bulwarke of turfe; and wanting
gunns to mount thereon, have resolved that the Advice shall spare
us foure minion for that purpose, because there is noe danger of
enemie in her way to Bantam, and when shee comes there shee may
be againe supplyed.' Yard having arrived with the Endeavour^ her
disposal is taken into consideration. She has been surveyed by the
carpenters of all the vessels here and pronounced unfit for a voyage
^ Damarla Venkatappa had been detected in intrigues with Golconda and had thereupon
been imprisoned by the new King and deprived of all his territory, with the exception of
Punamallee and the surrounding district (see p. 80 ; also the Dagh- Register, 1643-44,
p. 244).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 71
to Persia. As Yard bought her without authority, and after so
much has been laid out on her she is found useless for the Com-
pany's purposes, it is resolved to make an inventory of his estate
and to refer to Surat and Bantam the question of confiscating it
towards the damages and losses suffered in consequence of his
action. Annexed: Certificates of the masters and carpenters, dated
September [December?] 28, 1642, that the Endeavour is unfit for
a Persia voyage. (Copies, "^pp-)
Thomas Dowle, Master of the Advice, at Fort St.
George to the Agent there, December 31, 1642 {O.C. 1804).
Requests a supply of ropes and blocks for his ship. (Copy. \p.)
The Voyage of the Hopewell from the Coast to Persia
and back (Marine Records, vol. Ixv. p. 26).^
1642, December 21. Sailed from Masulipatam. December 23.
Passed Pulicat.^ December 30. Left Madras. 1643, Jamiary 9.
Passed Colombo. January 28. Saw * Cubella ^ \ March 6. Were
in latitude 26" ^^\^ April 13. Sailed from Gombroon. April 28.
Anchored off Dabhol. May i. Departed. May 18. Were in
latitude 11° 41'.^ August 2,^. Sailed for Masulipatam. September 1.
Anchored at Petapoli. September 2. Sailed. September 3. Reached
Masulipatam. September 22. Departed, and went to * Emeldee '
\see p. 75]. October i. Sailed for Bantam.^ {^5\PP')
Andrew Trumball's ' Declaration of some Passages and
Observations ' made by him in the voyage of the Hopewell
(O.C. 1784).^
Sailing from the Downs on the last day of 1641, they reached
* Madraspatan' on July 4, 1642, and during a stay of fifteen days
' Continued from p. 32.
"^ They got to Madras next day, but the writer omits this.
' Apparently Minicoy : see the 1634-36 volume, p. 69.
* Their arrival at Gombroon (the next day) is not recorded.
^ They reached Madras next day, but there is no entry to that effect.
" They arrived there at the end of November.
"^ Dated September 18, 1644. This is the date at which the charges were submitted to
the Company at home: see the Court Minutes for September 13 and October 4. Here,
however, they have been placed with the papers of 1643, as they relate mostly to that and
the preceding year.
72 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
unladed part of their cargo. On the 24th they anchored at
Masulipatam, where they remained twelve days, landed more
of the cargo, and Day embarked some cloves, ' but none of them
belonging to the Company.' Balasore was reached on August 14
and there they landed the rest of their English goods and the
cloves. They stayed three months and sixteen days, at a cost
of 180/. per month. Day made an agreement to carry freight
goods and passengers to Masulipatam and Persia, though Trumball
pointed out to him that the voyage would occupy fifteen months
and the receipts would not cover the charges, whereas if they started
at once for Bantam they might hope to be in England within the
same period. Day, however, insisted ; and so they took in sixteen
passengers for Masulipatam at 15 rupees per head ; thirty-five for
Persia at 40 rupees per head ; 76 bales of cloth at a freight of
15 rupees per maund of 64 lb. ; and ;^^S bales of sugar at 7 rupees
per maund of 128 lb. Further, they embarked 118 bales of calicoes
(at a freight of 15 rupees per maund) on joint account of Messrs. Day,
Peniston, Winter, and Greenhill, ' as is supposed ' ; and only 700 bales
of sugar and 34 of calicoes for the Company. Moreover, Day
' caused to bee putt aboard such quantities of provisions (as hee
termed them) for the Persians in hampers, bales, chests and fardells
(for the which, though noe freight was paid to the Company, yett
hee in Hew thereof received divers guifts from them) '' that sixty
bales of the Company's cinnamon had to be left behind. Though
the freight money amounted to 17,854 rupees, Day only brought to
the Company's account 6,345 [cf. p. 77] ; and during the ship's stay
at Balasore he charged 1,400 rupees for her provisions, whereas * by
the estimation of all men that knowes the place hee could not
expend above 60 rupees per moneth ... a beefe being constantly
bought there for one rupee or one rupee and a half at the most, and
all other provisions accordingly as cheape.' At Masulipatam they
arrived on December 8 and remained thirteen days, though they
only took in 2:^ bales of cloth and 100 of sugar for the Company,
besides 76 bales of cloth for Day (part of the 118 already men-
tioned). ^ Madraspatan' was reached on December 24 and six days
were spent in embarking 11 bales of cloth and 39 of cinnamon for
the Company, to make room for which they were forced to land the
100 bales of sugar. Departing so late, they were obliged to ' looke
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 73
for a new passage [see p. 56], partly in respect of the winds and
principally to avoyd the theevish Mallabars', as owing to the
amount of passengers' lumber on board they could only use four
pieces of ordnance. On their arrival at Gombroon (March 7, 1643)
the Company's goods were made over to the Agent, and Day's
calicoes were also landed. ' For the sale whereof hee tooke (at his
first goeing ashore) a house next doore but one to yours, and there
hee carryed them, and enterteyned the most part of the broakers
there to goe abroad to sell those goods and to bring merchants unto
him ; by which meanes his house was soe filled (though large of
itselfe) with buyers that, if I had any thing to doe with him about
the dispatch of our shippe or about the shipps provisions, I was
forced to have two men to make way, as in a great croud or fayre,
before I could come to him ; hee sitting in the midest with his bales
open, receiving money and delivering cloth. Besides, for his
assistance in the sale of his callicoes, hee tooke Thomas Clarke, one
of my mates, and the purser, with two more of our shipps company,
ashoare with him, and kept the said Clarke untill all his goods were
sold ; soe that I could not have his helpe in tryming the shippe at
Ormous.' Though Day disposed of all his calicoes, the Company's
small quantity was returned unsold to Madras. 'And in regard
I tooke the weight of the Persians goods as they went out of the
shippe, because hee should not wrong the Company in the freight
of them, Mr. Day having heard thereof, as I was walking to a small
fort out of towne, hee followed mee with his weapon, assaulted mee
and wounded mee, I having nothing then in my hand but a rattan.'
Day accepted a freight for Dabhol, but he waited so long to get in
the money for his calicoes that it became doubtful whether they
could without danger touch there. However, Trumball undertook
to make the voyage, provided the ambassador ^ would agree that
the Hopewell should not stay at Dabhol more than two days. This
having been arranged, they sailed on April 13, with 95 passengers,
a quantity of goods for the Company,^ and the return investment
of Day and his partners (in runas and rosewater). They got to
* From a later document it appears that this individual had been sent to Persia by the
King of Golconda, probably to solicit assistance against the Mogul Emperor.
' Viz., runas [madder], rosewater, pistachios, almonds, achar [pickles], leather,
* simoranees ' [possibly materials for rosaries {sinarant)\ * soerts ', and carpets.
74 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Dabhol on May i, 1643, landed the ambassador and the passengers,
and then sailed the following night, to the annoyance of Day, who
had counted on selling his private goods there. The freight between
Persia and Dabhol came to 21,738 laris, but Day only brought
9,385 to account. The Hopewell reached Madras on May 19.
There Greenhill told Day that great benefit might be made by
bringing betel-nuts from * Trickumbar ' [Tranquebar], Knowing
that Trumball was determined to prevent private trade, Day now
endeavoured to remove him from the ship. To this end he incited
all those with whom he had dealings to refuse to embark on any
voyage with Trumball, and he himself took an oath to the same
effect. Moreover, on the voyage from Persia he plotted with the
ship's officers ' to draw a head against mee, intymating unto them
that it was impossible for them to make a voyage or gett money as
long as I was in the shippe ; for indeed those that they make
masters there they place or displace as they respect or disrespect
their private bussinesse, for they must bee their carriers or els leave
their charge.' The pretext was Trumball's harshness to his crew,
though he never * whipped or ducked [a] man in all the voyage or
ever did exceed eight blowes with an inch rope for any fault by
them committed.' His removal having been ordered by the Agent
and Council at Madras, he submitted quietly and remained on shore
till the vessel returned from Tranquebar, a period of two months
and seventeen days. To secure Cogan's consent to that voyage
Day declared that * payntings ' could be bought there far cheaper
than at Madras ; and he was accordingly dispatched thither, in
command of the Hopewell^ on May 31, 1643. After nearly capsizing
the ship on the way, he reached his destination about June 16.
There Day gave a great feast aboard the ship, when no guns were
fired in salutes. The same night a gale arose and, * in regard all
the ports were open belowe and themselves drunke ', the ship was
in great danger. For this William Hills, the chief mate, was kept
in irons for six weeks. Day spent in a short time two butts of
Canary wine and two of arrack, besides giving away to the Danes
a quantity of butter and sugar from the Company's stores. Cogan
had ordered him not to remain more than thirty days at Tranque-
bar, but he stayed forty days longer. On July 10 a small vessel
arrived at Madras from Tranquebar, laden with betel-nuts on Day's
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
/o
own account. The Hopewell returned on August 13, bringing
30 bales of calicoes for the Company and 400 of betel-nuts belong-
ing to Day; in addition to which the latter had engaged another
small vessel to follow him laden with the same commodity, under
the charge of Edward Hemingway. The day after the ship arrived
Trumball was reinstated as master. Cogan can tell the Company
that Day left a thousand rials of eight of theirs in the hand of the
Danish President, ' who is never like to pay the same againe ' ; while
the calicoes he bought at Tranquebar would not yield at Bantam
the money they cost. Had almost forgotten to mention ' another
kinde of private trade ' Day had in the second small vessel, of
whose arrival they heard at Masulipatam. * There is one Captaine
Sampson ^ belonging to the Danes, who was gone for them upon
some employment to Maccassar ; but his wife and two wayting
gentlewomen were brought upon that vessell from Trinckumbar to
Madraspatan for the perticuler account of Mr. Day ; for whose
residence there I beleive Mr. Day must build a house equall to that
shee lived in at Trinckumbar. Neverthelesse, I am of opinion the
Company must pay for it, for his condition is to make what benefitt
hee can of others and keepe that hee calls his owne fast. The
aforesaid Sampson is the cheifest and richest seaman the Danes
have in all India ; whose wife and servants and Jewells, and what
els portable, Mr. Day hath now at Madraspatan ; whereby it is
thought, if there bee not a gennerall quarrell betweene the Danes
and English, yett a private betweene Captaine Sampson and Mr. Day
will hardly bee avoided.' Trumball left Madras in the Hopewell on
August %%, carrying for the Company's account a quantity of
* Madraspatan payntings ', and the 30 bales bought at Tranquebar ;
also 109 bales of calicoes belonging to individuals. At Masuli-
patam they took in more private trade, besides some calico and
cinnamon for the Company ; and at ' Ameldee ^ ' they embarked
44 bales of calico on the account of the latter. All these goods
were delivered at Bantam on November 30. Besides the 4,000 rials
of eight Day laid out in betel-nuts as aforesaid, he had an equal
sum in private trade at * Gingerlee ^ ' ; 2,000 rials * upon Mr. Greene-
^ See the previous volume, p. 259. His name also occurs in the Dagh-Register^ 1643-
44 (P- 255).
^ A roadstead near Masulipatam : see the preceding volume, p. 314.
^ The Gingeli coast extended from the Godavari Delta to Jagannath. Where the term
76 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
hills shippe which is gone for Pegu ' ; and a horse at Goa which had
cost in Persia i,ooo abbasis. This was apart from the cash he had
by him ; and it was all made in eleven months, though he carried
out not more than the value of loo/. in money. * Sometymes I have
familiarly asked him whether hee thought, if our masters should
heare of his actions, they would not keepe his wages and adventure.
His answeare was hee would at all tymes give 100/2. for 150/2'. And
moreover hee said to mee at one tyme hee would private trade soe
deepe that hee would neither value his wages nor his stocke that
hee putt in with the Company ; and at another tyme hee said that
hee came from England purposely to make a voyage for his wife
and children. Mr. Thomas Penniston, another of your factors on
the Coast, is by estimacion worth 80,000 ryalls. Hee hath marryed
two gentlewomen to two souldiers and a third is resident with him,
who when wee were there was with childe. Mr. Thomas Winter,
another of your factors on the Coast, is by estimation worth 20,000
r[yall]s, besides in adventure upon the Hopewell in goods sent to
Persia, 10,000. Hee hath marryed his gentlewoman to a souldier ;
by whome hee had two children, one of which came into England
in the Mary. And Mr. Day and hee are very well versed in game-
ing, and noe day comes amisse to them for that exercise. Mr.
Henry Greenehill, another of your factors on the Coast, is by
estimacion worth 12,000 r[yall]s. Hee keepeth a gentlewoman, by
whome hee hath had two children and shee was at our being there
with childe of her third by him. At the christening of his second
childe there was shott off 300 brasse bases, with three vollyes of
small shott of all the souldiers in the castle and 13 gunns from the
fort ; but the powder was paid for by him. Hee hath built for this
gentlewoman (who was formerly belonging to Mr. Day) a very faire
house with orchard and garden ; in which house hee himselfe
lodgeth every night. These foure gentlemen are all sworne brothers ;
and when they perceive they may benefitt themselves in any
project, they passe an oath one to another to prosecute their intend-
ments and not dissent one from another untill their ends bee
obteyned. And one principall cause of raysing these men to that
heigth of pride and riches which they now possesse is the keeping
is intended for a definite place, it probably means Vizagapatam (see Bowrey's Account,
p. 123).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 77
of such mighty stockes of money, which they call their owne, and
with which they buy upp all cloth and paintings that are vendible
either in the South Seas or in England at certaine tymes and
seasons ; and when your shipps come to the Coast in June or July,
they must have 50 per cent, proffitt ; nay, if your shipps arrive upon
the Coast in May, there is order given by them to all the broakers
and weavers dwelling about 14 or 16 miles compasse not to sell
under the price that is sett by these men. And if any weaver bee
soe needy that hee doth undersell their price, if they heare of it, hee
is presently rebuked and money lent him for his present necessity.
And this is done that the price of cloth and their pollicy shall not
bee found out by those they thinke will give you notice.'
(ii4//.)
Messrs. Cogan, Greenhill, and Brown at Fort St. George
TO THE President and Council at Bantam, January 4, 1643
(O.C 1805).
Enclose a transcript of their last, dated September 20. The pin-
nace Advice left Balasore on November 7 and reached Masulipatam
ten days later with a cargo for the Joint Stock amounting to ^^'^'^3
rupees, 12 annas, and freight goods paying 486 rupees. Having
landed her goods and taken in others for Bantam, she was sent to
fetch a further supply from Narsapur ; then she was dispatched on
December 22 for this place, where she arrived on the 25th. The Hope-
well quitted Balasore on December i with goods for the General
Voyage invoiced at 15,879 rupees 12 annas, together with passen-
gers and freight goods paying 6,345 rupees. She got to Masuli-
patam on the 9th, left on the 19th, and anchored here on the 24th.
At Masulipatam she took in freight for Persia producing 374 pagodas.
The Endeavour sailed from Balasore on November 25, and, after
calling at 'Harrapore', reached Masulipatam on December 18 and
Fort St. George on the 27th. Her cargo included 4,857 rupees 3
annas for the General Voyage, 209 rupees 1 2 annas for the Joint
Stock, and freight goods 745 rupees. Yard came in her as far as
Masulipatam and thence in the Advice to this place. There being
more goods for Persia than the Hopcivell could hold, he was ques-
tioned about the Endeavour^ and declared that she was now fit for
78 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
a voyage either to Persia or to Bantam. Thereupon they resolved
* to put a mulct of i,ooo pieces of eight on him for not following co-
mission, and imploy the shippe for the Companies use.* However,
on the arrival of the Endeavour her master gave so bad an account
of her that a survey was ordered, with the result that she was de-
clared ' not fitt to navigate the seas '. The President and Council of
Surat had written on August i8, 1 641, directing that Yard should be
told to sell her ' as for himselfe ', and that all the money spent on her,
with suitable interest, should be charged to Yard's account, with due
deductions for any freight earned by her for the Company. This
course has been followed, but confirmation is requested. Finding
that the Endeavour was not available, the Hopewell was dispeeded
alone to Persia on December 30. Fear that after her return the time
may be so short that she will have to go home direct from the Coast ;
and therefore they request a supply of pepper ' to fill upp betweene
the bales '. If not required for that purpose, it can be sent to the Bay
for sale. Day has gone in charge of the HopewelUs cargo ; it is
hoped that the goods will sell to good profit, but at all events they
were taken in barter for English commodities at rates yielding 100
per cent, advance. * Here with us the times are soe badd, in regaurd
of the warrs, that nothinge will sell at any rate ; that makes us wish
now (too late) that wee had sent all the corrall, quicksilver, and Ver-
million which wee tooke ashore here into the Bay. Indeed, if the
state of this countrie doe not better itselfe ere the monsoone serves,
wee must send it thither unto Mr. Hatch, whoe is left in Bengalla
to looke unto the Companies houses, &c., or rather to continue our
priviledges untill further order from you for our absolute abandoninge
those parts or furnish it as it ought to bee. For ought wee can per-
ceive by the relation of Mr. Day, &c., Mr. John Yard hath but said
the truth in all his letters concerning the fruitfulnes of Bengalla and
the profitt that may be made to and from that place, if 'twere stocked
as it ought.* Now send to Bantam the Advice^ with a cargo for the
General Voyage amounting to 16,400 pagodas 15 fanams. A larger
quantity of gunpowder might have been forwarded, had they had
casks to put it in. As it is, they have been forced to use iron-bound
casks, which is a dangerous practice ; but they have covered each
one with mats and gunny. Intended also to send the horse they
had promised ; but the master represented that there was no
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 79
other place to stand him in than upon the upper deck and that he
would not be likely to survive the voyage, whereupon they aban-
doned the idea. They hope, however, that the President at Surat
will supply the want, as promised. Messrs. Collet and Winter, their
covenanted period of service being expired, proceed to Bantam on
this ship. The latter could hardly be spared, but his health is bad,
as he ' of a long time hath byn troubled with a kinde of convultion
fitts, insoemuch as wee have often feared his safetie.' Cogan himself
had intended to embark in the Advice, ' but findeing a general oppo-
sition . . . hee is content to continue till the Company or you shall
enorder his removeall, which he hopes, nay, he desires, may bee by
the next.' The reason why no merchandise is sent on account of
the Third Joint Stock is that all the funds available are needed for
ordinary expenses, ' for beinge borne wee must bee kept '. Are now
endeavouring to borrow money at Masulipatam to begin an invest-
ment for England ; but find it difficult to do so, ' in regaurd the
monyed men have for the most part left that place, and the reason
of it is the Serkails hard usage, for to his power he'le suffer noe
merchant to buy or sell there, but such as deale for him '. He lately
promised to lend them 10,000 pagodas, and if he keeps his word
they doubt not to lay out the money to advantage, for goods
were never cheaper, as will be seen from the present consignment.
* Onely three small bales of fine tappies will appeare deare, because
spoyl'd in the chay ^ ; for you may please to know the cloath was
bought in Messilupatam and here delliverd out by us on cooley ^,
wee allowing them chay, &c. ; which was all done in the Fort. At
first it appeared excellent good ; but after, what with boyling out
the waxe and often challowing^, the chay is decayed and not now
to be remedied by us.' This was due to the unskilfulness of the
' paynters '. Their books will show how heavily they are indebted in
these parts. Unless money soon arrives from England or Bantam,
the liability will be a huge one, for interest will ' eate deepe, espetially
now that the usurers must bee paid theire interest everie sixe months,
being a custome brought upp by the Dutch, now not to be broken.'
^ Dyeing (see the 1630-33 volume, p. 55).
2 Tam. kali, * daily wages '.
' Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao derives this term from the Telugu chaluva, meaning the
bleaching or washing of cotton cloth. He also states that iappi is a Telugu word, meaning
a bleached or washed cloth.
Bq the ENGLISH FACTORIES
The Company only ordered an investment here of ^,oool. for Ban-
tam ; but more than this has now been sent, to provide for the
pepper required. If this cannot be supplied, the surplus should be
returned in gold ; ' for as for other comodities, they will not of [f ]
of our handes, this countrie being all in broiles, the old Kinge of
Karnatt being dead. Soe is the Naique of Armagon, whose coun-
trie is all in the handes of the Moores, and [sic] whoe will ere long
by all likelyhood bee maisters of all this countrie ; for our Naique,
not findeing the respect from the new Kinge as he expected, did
make profer to assist the Moores ; but ere he could bringe his treason
about, 'twas discovered [and] he apprehended by the Kinge, who
hath seaz'd a greate parte of his countrie. But wee beleve hee will
be forc'd suddainely to restore it againe and release him, for our
Naiques brother and kindsmen ar levying an armie for his rescue ;
whoe, with the helpe of the Moores on the other side (whoe are
within halfe a dayes journey of each other ^), will force his libertie or
ruine the whole kingdome.' Letters from Goa announce that the
Swan has arrived there, has discharged her * dammer ', and has taken
in the cinnamon, &c., provided by Pitt. ' Our masters busines goes
on with the Portugals in Goa verie faire, and here farr better then
formerlie, for they neyther come to us nor wee goe to them, which
is noe small ease.' At the request of some great personages in Goa,
a Capuchin father has been permitted to embark in this ship for
Bantam ; likewise two Dutchmen, who are bound for Batavia. The
wars have obliged them to take four small pieces of ordnance out of
the Advice ; these will be utilized for the small vessels when bigger
guns arrive to replace them. A bale of cloth belonging to a debtor
sent for sale. Transcripts forwarded of letters from Surat. ' The
Dutch on this coast, for ought wee can perceive, hath some greate
matters to act ; for, notwithstanding the Serkaile did last yeare
scale upp theyr warehouses, not suffering them to sell their spices
&c., with many other affronts to their unspeakeable prejudice, yett
now have they lent the Serkaile, to saile his jounke for Persia, nine
men and two pieces of ordnance^, [and] prepared a pishcash for Gol-
* Some particulars of the advance of the Golconda invaders will be found at p. 244 of
the Dagh- Register for 1643-44. They had just occupied Venkatagiri. The release and
reinstatement of Damarla are mentioned on p. 259 of the same volume.
^ Dagh-Register, 1641-42, p. 306. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 8i
quondah worth 10,000 pieces of eight. The piscash consists of two
faire eh'phants, two Persian horses, a large branch of candles (poiz
about a candie) of copper, with sandall and spices in aboundance ; all
which (by estimate of our people in Messilupatam) may amount
unto the some abovesaid. And from Pullicat about a moneth since
a piscash was sent by the hand of their merchant Molleya (alies
Chinana Chitty) unto the present King of Karnatt, estimated to be
worth 4,000 pa[godas].^ The Portugauls from St.Thoma have like-
wise been with theire piscash with the Kinge ; but it comes far
shorte of the former, for all that they carried coold not amount to
full !Zoo pa[godas]. Somewhat is expected from us ; but untill our
Naique and the Kinge bee eyther reconcyled or absolutely outed,
wee intend to stand uppon our gaurd and keepe what wee have.
The Serkailes importunitie hath prevayled with us for a pylott and
one other English to sayle on his jounke for Mocha [see p. 69].
The pylott is the same Adams that was bound for Chyna uppon
the Portugall shippe the last yeare ; which said shippe, goeing from
hence for Goa, was cast away nere Nagapatam ; where the Portu-
galls are and have byn put to a greate strait, for the Naique of
Tanjore hath beseiged them now upwards of seven moneths.' '^
PS. — A small bale of silk returned as unvendible. Send also two
slaves ; * the man, being a lustie slave coffer ^, was sometime a slave to
the Portugauls of St. Thoma, but running from them to us wee bought
him, and for him the woeman ; and both whome indeavouring to
give us the slippe are sent for prevention as aforesaid.' Have like-
wise permitted an ' antient sarango * ' to return to Bantam with his
wife, child, and goods. ' Our merchant Sesadry Chittie ' [see the
previous volume,^. 316] has been allowed to send a bale of ' skate
skinns' in the ship for sale on his own account. (Copy. ^ pp-)
* The Dutch merchants at Pulicat wrote, in January, 1643, that Malaya [see p. 50],
having been summoned to Tirupati by Sri Ranga Rayalu, had been graciously received and
given the charge of certain districts ; and that Gardenijs, the Governor of Pulicat, had
taken the opportunity to send a complimentary letter by him to the new King, accompanied
by the gift of a fine telescope {Dagh-Register, 1643-44, p. 244).
■^ Dagh- Register, 1641-42, p. 302, and 1642-43, p. 248 ; Hague Transcripts, series i.
vol. xii. no. 394.
^ Arabic kd/ir, ' an unbeliever '. The Portuguese, following the Arabs, applied the term
especially to pagan negroes, and this is probably the meaning here.
* A serang, or chief of a lascar crew.
FOSTER VII G
So, THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
President Cartwright and Council at Bantam to the
Company, January 13, 1643 (O.C. 1807).
. . . Intend to dispatch a ship in May or June next to Surat
with pepper, Slc, to return with suitable Indian commodities. . . .
The papers now forwarded will show the ' strange and unwarrantable
proceedings ' of the Coast factors. ' Noe sooner had they notice of
Your Worshipps injunctions for their resubordinacy and accompting
to Bantam (as in former times that place was accustomed) but
a new found way of accompts was contrived (by whose order we
know not) and all the charges they had byn at in three yeares time
with their buylding their Madrasapatam Castle, and accompt of
interest, &c., they would writh and twist in our generall accompts,
thereby to avouch and make good, or at least to cover and hide
their own (as said) unwarrantable actions.' Do not intend, however,
to admit any such charges, unless the Company expressly orders
them to do so. The accounts will show ' what a chargeable place
that Madraspatam hath byn to Your Worshipps.' . . . Aaron Baker
has resigned the Presidency to Ralph Cartwright and now takes
passage in this ship, the Ulysses^ for England. . . . [Copy, i /.)
President Fremlen and Messrs. Breton, Merry, Born-
ford, AND KnIPE at SwALLY MARINE TO THE COMPANY,
January 17, 1643 {p,C. 1808).
In their letters (sent via Basra) of February 8 and March 2, 1642
\fiot extant\ they related their difficulties for want of money ;
' which, growing upon us, rendered us miserable in ourselves,
despicable to others, uselesse to you, otherwise then in our suffer-
ings ; for, enjoying nothing but disgraces and revilings, we were
driven to such extremities that not without infinite difficulties such
monies as are absolutely wanting to defray your factories expences
became acquirable. So that from the time of your ship Londons
departure your cloth investment ceased in the severall residences '
until the arrival, on August 28, of the letters [see the preceding
volume^ p. 310] brought to the Coast by the Hopewell in the previous
month. Then, finding that the Company were sendiag them
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 83
' a fuller carga[zoon] then of late years you have been accustomed
to destine to these parts ', they at once ordered the various factorise
to set about the provision of the goods required. The Aleppo
Merchant and Crispiana duly arrived at Swally on September 21.
Now answer the letters brought by them. Arc doing their best
to close the accounts of the Third Joint Stock, but they must
await further particulars from Persia and Mokha before they can
complete them. Rejoice that the silk sent home in the Crispiana
was found to be so good ; regret, however, to learn the ' continued
disesteem ' of that commodity in England. The price is still high
in Persia; yet 'the Dutch continue to convert the provenue of
those vast quantities of merchandizes yearly landed by them in
Gomroon into that specie.' In October last the Seahorse and
Francis brought hither four bales, purchased in Ispahan for ready
money, which cost in all ^s. 6d. the small pound ; and at this rate,
if they had funds to send Indian commodities to Persia (English
goods being in no demand), they think the trade might be continued
' with a competent gain ', even if the price in England remains at
its present level. A quantity of silk is still due from the Persian
King, but his officials deny this and there is little likelihood of its
recovery. ' In the meane time we are from Mr. Adler advized that
Shaw Suffe, late King of Persia, being in May last advanced as far
as Cashone [Kashan] in prosecution of his intendments for reducing
Candahar to his obedience, dyed there unworthily, whilest overmuch
drinking and other ryots hastned his end, and consequently gave
beginning to his sonnes enthronization, who by the name of Sultan
Abass was saluted and proclaimed King of Persia, and is reported
to be a prince of very great hopes ; ^ towards whom the Dutch
Comandorc was in August last journying to visit him, and with
him to stipulate a new contract for silk. To him also (and that
we conceive not unnecessarily) Thomas Adler was . . . intended to
travail, not only to congratulate his happy inauguration but also
to procure the confirmation of those imunities you enjoy in his
' Shah Abbas II was only ten years of age when he succeeded his father, Shah Safi. The
Dutch President, Wollebrant Geleijnszoon (de Jonge), started to visit him, but found, on
arriving at Ispahan, that the new monarch had departed some time before. The present
was therefore sent after him under the charge of Hendrik van I'huijnen, who succeeded in
obtaining from the Shah the renewal of the Dutch privileges {Dagh-Re^stcr^ 1643-44*
p. 1 74 ; Heeres' Corpus Diplomaticum^ p. 370).
G %
84 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
country;^ which cannot otherwise be done then by acquiry of
sundry firmaens under his seal, which, as they are absolutely
necessary to your occasions, so they will prove somewhat costly,
that court and countries customes (which may in this particular be
justly declared unalterable) not affoarding, but on dear rates, the
least of courtesy.' Pitt and Wylde to be sent to Persia to replace
Adler, Hall, and Wheeler, who wish to return to England. Cod-
rington's salary raised. During last year the goods sent to Persia
from Surat and Masulipatam produced * 85,132 m[ahmudi]s
advance, though their prime cost and charges exceeded not 39^,152
m[ahmudi]s.' This year they have no Indian goods to send, owing
to their poverty having prevented the necessary provision and to
there not having been time, since the ships' arrival, to procure any
considerable quantity of ' Agra cloathing, the now most gainfuU
sortments India affoards.' Consequently little is to be expected
from Gombroon, except * the poor pittance those unjust, inhospitable
Persians think fit to affoard you in Hew of your moiety of customes.' ^
No satisfaction has been given for the wrongs sustained there ; * so
that we hope, and earnestly desire, to receive your resolutions and
directions to right yourselves on this ingrate and unjust people.
And untill you are pleased to pitch upon this course, it is as
hazardous as dishonourable to continue a residence among them,
unlesse you can resolve to expose the nations honour, your own
estates, and your servants lives to certain disgrace, damage, and
ruine.' As regards the Indian commodities required for England,
they regret to learn that the price of Biana indigo had fallen so
much in England ; and it is to be feared that the quantity sent
home in the London^ together with the vast amount (over 2,000
bales) exported last year by the Dutch, will debase it still lower.
Have now sent 439 bales of it, and would have provided a further
quantity, but could not get any more of the requisite quality.
Have bespoken 500 bales, ' or 2000 Eckbar maunds ', for the ensuing
year at very cheap prices, viz. about 2)5 rupees per maund. Have
not heard for a long time from John Turner, who succeeded Bomford
^ According to the Dagh-Registevy 1643-44 (p. 176), the English presented the Shah
with 700 gold ducats.
2 Cf. p. 185 of the Dagh-Register, 1643-44, from which it appears that the English in
1642 got not much more than a fourth of the total receipts. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 85
[at Agra], but they do not doubt that he will make good their
expectations. Much of the Sarkhej indigo now sent is but little
inferior to the Biana. 'This year the indico makers about
Ahma[dabad] begin to frame indico of the green leaf, as in Agra,
and so it becomes very pure and good ; yet the price thereof is
pitcht so high that we are resolved not yet to buy more then
100 f[ardle]s of that making/ Have, however, instructed George
Tash (who has been chief there ever since Robinson's departure)
to buy up to 500 bales of ' the last years round indico ', which is
much cheaper and yet very little inferior to that made from the
green leaf. This they have done now, not only because Dutch
competition will raise the price later on, but also because they
anticipate some scarcity, ' in regard of the small quantity of seed
sowed the passed year/ Rejoice that, in spite of their difficulties,
they have found it possible to send back without delay both the
ships, with almost all the goods requisitioned by the Company.^
Particulars of the Agra piece-goods now sent. No investment
made in Broach or Baroda baftas. Had bought some at Nosarl,
but have since decided to send these to Bantam. The Supply was
dispatched to ' Scinda ' on October 29 with lead and other goods,
but as yet nothing has been heard of her arrival ; still, they hope
soon to see her back from thence with calico. Have also remitted
thither from Ahmadabad a good sum of rupees to commence an
investment, and have ordered the provision of 20,000 pieces of
* Nussurpore joories ', and 4,000 of * Sehwan ^ joories '. Will do their
best to remedy the defects of which complaint has been made.
The Guinea stuffs sent were bought in Baroda. Could not procure
in time any 'Semana cloth', 'gooldares'^ or 'seribafs'. No more
'tapseels' will be provided, as they are found to be dear. Ouilts
and * chints ' forwarded ; also cotton yarn. Have embarked a
quantity of gum-lac, olibanum, turmeric, and ' tincal ' or borax ;
while, if the unexpectedly large consignment of cinnamon will
leave room, they will add some dry ginger. Know not how to
remedy the loss in the weight of pepper. Complain of an ' injurious '
letter received from Bantam in the Sivan about the cargo of the
Michael. 'Since they shame, or refrain, to speak their meanino-
1 A summary of their lading is given at p. 171 of the Dagh-Register for 1643-44.
" Sehwan : see a note on p. 129 of the 1634-36 volume.
85 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
otherwise then what a scurvy, silent dash might intimate [see p. 34],
we heartely desire you to command them to expresse in some
planer character, that so we may endeavour to acquit ourselves of
their malitious suggestions and vindicate our inocence and reputation
against such treacherous, injurious detractations.' At all events they
hope that the Company will suspend judgement until Fremlen's
return. The pepper brought by the Swan has been transferred
to these two ships and invoiced at the price offered for it here,
viz. 22^ mahmudis per maund of ^6^ lb. Point out that on
balance the Bantam factory owes Surat 133,986 mahmudis 2gi
pice, and yet the Swan is to be sent back to the former place
shortly with as large a cargo as last year. * These are no
fictions, but such truthes as your acco[mp]ts speak and themselves
should acknowledge ; and therefore, if they have prepossessed
Your Worships with any other stories, we must declare them fake,
and presume you wilbe pleased to credit us, who have beggered
ourselves to fatten them, and yet are recompensed with these
unkind and unjust offices ; which yet we should not vallue nor
resent, if we perceived not in your letters some appearance of
discontent in you raised against us by their calumnies.' Now daily
expect from Bantam the Diamond, with cloves, tortoise-shells, and
dammar. Cinnamon obtained from the Viceroy at Goa in exchange
for dammar, anchors, &c. The Aleppo Merchant sent to Goa and
Cochin under Knipe. At the latter place he sold most of his coral
and procured a good quantity of cinnamon ; while at Calicut he
received 550 bags of good pepper from Virji Vora's factor. These
results were so satisfactory that they have determined to dispatch
a fresh stock of goods to that coast by the Swan, the proceeds of
which will be fetched by the Discovery on her way back from Mokha.
Suggest that in future one of the ships from home should go direct
from the Comoros to Cape Comorin and ' range all that coast along,
even as high as Goa ', to sell coral, &c., and procure pepper, cinnamon,
&c., and then to proceed to Surat. Among the goods now sent are
cardamoms, ' motoota ^ ', and Bantam sugar. As regards other points
in the Company's letters, they grieve to learn that the Jo7tas is still
missing. Care will be taken to prevent the decks of vessels being
pestered with goods, though there will be some loss of freight in
1 Copper sulphate : see the previous volume, p. 87.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 87
consequence. Note the directions given concerning the accounts
of the Third Joint Stock and of the General Voyage. Methwold's
proposal to Fremlen to borrow 200,000 rupees at interest was
fruitless ; but the provision of return cargoes was effected in spite
of all difficulties. Have only heard once from the Coast since the
arrival there of the Hopewell. Excuse the factors there for sending
the Advice to Persia and dispatching the Diamond to Bantam in her
place. The present ships carry nothing on account of the Third
Joint Stock. Understand that the Blessing did not reach Bantam
until September 14. ' The Coast Agents advices that the months
of July, August, September, and so forth untill the fine [i.e. end of]
November are most dear and incomodious seasons for buying and
curing Coast goods are well grounded. For the Persians and
Indians, traders to Gomroon, coming thence in April and arriving
on the Coast in May and June, presently disperse themselves into
the country and then begin and continue to provide merchandizes
for their return to Gomroon ; which happeiiing usually about the
fine December, they then embarque themselves and goods. Now
whilest their affaires are thus agitating in all the places of trade in
that country, clothing continues dear ; and though it may (and that
justly) be alleadged that they buy and carry little whited cloth to
Persia, yet the weavers fit their loomes and labours to the seasons
and markets, and so make not much cloth for whiting, but divers
sorts of alejaes, shashes, and other kind[s] of stuffes most vendible
in Persia. Besides, the time of raines (at least we find it so here),
we mean the most violent part of them, falling from the fine June
to the 2oth August, is not seasonable for whiting of cloth ; for,
besides the want of the sunns heat through the couldes interposition,
the rivers, overswelling their bankes, become in their courses more
impetuous, their waters muddy and unfit for washing ; so that the
Agents intimation, touching buying and curing cloth in January and
so forwards till June be expired, is very reasonable, for then there
are few other buyers then ourselves and the Dutch ; for the vessels
being once gon to Persia, few or no investments are made untill
their return, because till then, wanting notice how each sortment is
esteemed in Persia, the buyers sit still.' This was why Surat pre-
viously furnished the Coast with 14,000 pagodas for the timely
purchase of goods ; and similar assistance would have been afforded
S8 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
this year had it been possible; 'for indeed the Coast goods in
Persia produce so competent profit to you, and consequently such
encrease to our stock, that we would not willingly want them, if your
mean carg[azoon]s from England had not rendered you wanting to
yourselves. And this maxime, that your trade cannot be made
gainfull to you in any competency untill you can resolve to continue
an ample stock in India, is infallible, undenyable.' Approve the
dispatch of the Hopewell to Persia. She is not likely to lack freight
either way, * though the alruling Sarkail or Vizier in the King of
Goolcondaes court hath built and yearly sends one or more vast
jounckes to Persia, and that other vessels may not lade there untill
his be impleat.' Note the allowance to be made by the General
Voyage to the Third Joint Stock for the use of the latter's factors,
warehouses, &c. Fremlen thanks the Company for permitting him
to adventure in the General Voyage, and has paid the amount into
the Company's cash here on September i, 1642. He intends to
return in the Discovery next year, leaving Breton as President and
Merry as Second. The latter left Persia in the Supply on April 22,
1642, and reached Surat on May 6. 'We find our disposure and
employment of your small shipping is gratefull to you. They are
indeed very usefull and serveceable vessels, with which a great deal
of mony may be pickt up, if you could (as foreadvized) resolve amply
to stock India, and furnish one or two such small vessells as the Eagle
was ; rather indeed 50 tonns bigger, yet contrived so as not to draw
above 10, or at most 11, foot water. These, being built very strong,
that so they may endure grounding and trymming on Swally Marine
or in this river, would for many years do Your Worships a great
deal of good service.' Thomas Steevens will be able to advise the
Company how best to suit local conditions. As yet, nothing has
been recovered from the Malabars. ' However, as you have not
gained, so neither, since the Hopes surprizall, you have not lost
anything. Nor indeed have they of late dared to assault your vessels,
notwithstanding that the Francis was met with 11 sale of their
frigatts ; who [i.e. the Francis^ being as well manned and munited
as indeed your Supply and Seahorse now are, chased them as long
as daylight directed her ; and by accident, standing in the night
into the shoar to gain the benefit of the mornings land breez,
happened among them, and so distracted them that, cutting their
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 89
cables, they rowed away to windward and so left her.' ^ The
Seahorse was sent last February to Gombroon and thence to Basra,
where the goods she carried, and those the factors had already there,
were sold at about forty per cent, profit. For particulars they refer
to the factors' accounts and letters. It is intended to dispatch the
Seahorse again to that port this year, with a small stock on the
Company's account and a cargo of freight goods. Merry's departure
from Ispahan does not seem to have been actively resented by the
Persians, but this may be partly due to the King's death. Knipe
commended for his services on the Malabar Coast. Bornford, who
now returns on the Crispiana^ has for eight years honestly and ably
served the Company * in very eminent employments '. Have little
•to say of Mr. Panton ^, save that they find ' his conversation agreable
to his profession '. ' Of Esquire Courtins three first ships we have
no more notice then what Your Worships letters specify. His three
latter ships are (for ought we hear to the contrary) arrived upon the
coast of Decan and Mallavar, where they were met by Mr. Knipe,
busied in gathering up their lading. The Hester had been at Goa
and put off to the V[ice] Roy, in barter of cinamon at 50 xera[fins]
the quent[al], brimstone at 30 xera[fins] the quent[al] ; where
whilest her master, Hogg, was busied in agitating these affaires, the
Loyalty comming thither, they disagreed about the wearing of their
flags ; and so, having interchainged some shot each at others flag-
staff, they were in fine, after they had rendred themselves rediculous
to the Portugals and Dutch, (upon what tearmes we know not)
reconciled.' Enclose a note of what they can discover regarding
the 'warranted private trade outward' of the owners of the Aleppo
Merchant. Praise her master [John Millet] ; but the ship herself
is said to be * a very laboursome vessell in grown seas '. The
Crispiajta has been much improved by her recent repairs at home.
Advise the Company not to persist in employing freighted ships,
' unto this people raising suspicions and jealousies [which ?] are not
(in these declining times of your trade) easily removed. Nor indeed
can fraughted ships be so convenient nor apt for your occasions in
' See the Dagh- Register, 1641-42, p. 198.
2 Anthony Panton went out and returned as chaplain in the Cn'spiana (see p. 28, and
Court Minutes, 1640-43, pp. 236, 336). * Conversation ' is of course used in its old sense
of * behaviour '.
90 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
these parts, when, if we want men either to convoy your treasure
unto, [or?] your caphilaes from, Ahmuda[bad], we cannot expect
them from fraughted ships ; nor, when we are upon sundry occasions
enforced in a manner to convoy the Kings and other eminent
merchants shipping free of the Mallavars danger, can we command
them thereto, who pretend not to be obliged beyond their charter-
parties extent to the least of service. Many other inconveniencies
depend thereon then we intend here to muster. In a word, we find
fraughting of ships a dishonourable, and we believe Your Worships
will not find it a profitable way. . . . We heartely wish and never-
more hope to see a fraughted ship of the Honourable East India
Companies employing.' ^ Express their gratitude for the chests of
' chyrurgery ' and drugs, and beg for an annual supply of these
* comforts '. Some of the contents found to be missing. Regret
that the Company has reduced the supply of Canary wine for their
use * to one only butt ' ; they beg that in future more may be sent,
and meanwhile they have helped themselves from the CrispiancHs
stores. Robert Tindall cannot be spared at present ; but he has
written to his wife and sent her somewhat towards her maintenance,
in order that her clamours may be stopped. * We have many
monthes (rather some years) since, upon the first notice that they
were not extant in Persia, made diligent inquisition for the artickles
of agreement stipulated twixt the English and Persians at taking
Ormooz ; but we find our endeavours fruitlesse, and so much we
did then advize our Persian friends. More we cannot say to you.
In our times (we are sure) none such came hither ; and so much the
Persian factors do now in their late letters witnes for us.' The
Company's business in these parts * is indeed very much declined ' ;
yet the number of factors cannot well be reduced, so long as the
demands from home include goods (though in small quantities) from
many different parts. However, Bornford returns this year ; and
by the next ships Fremlen, John Wylde, Adler, Thurston, Hall,
and Wheeler intend to go home. It will be necessary, therefore,
for others to be sent out to take their places. Their consultation
of October i will show what they have determined in pursuance of
the instructions to borrow 20,000/., in order to provide cargoes for
^ Yet eight years earlier the President and Council were urging the Company * to make
triall of the freighting of shipping' (see the 1634-36 volume, p. 95).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 91
the Discovery and the ship intended to be sent out this year. The
letters for the Viceroy were duly forwarded to Goa. Letters from
him, and from others there, are sent home, as showing his deter-
mination to continue the truce. The diamond ring mentioned in
his letters \see p. 66\ as also some cinnamon presented by the
Vedor da Fazenda to the President, are forwarded to the Company.
The Viceroy's letters to the Portuguese ambassador in London arc
in the custody of Knipe. The rials brought by the ships were eight
short in number and lost in weight 25 per cent, more than any
received before ; moreover, the silver was so much * courser ' than
usual that the shroffs pretended that they lost one per cent, by the
bargain. Disposal of the rupees into which the rials were converted.
Most of the broadcloth must be sent to Persia. There were too
many reds and too few greens. In future, six or eight pieces each
of grass greens, ' popenjaes ^ ', and very fine scarlets should be sent ;
but no coarse cloth. Disposal of the coral, and the prices obtained.
Part of the lead was sold here, and part they will forward to Mokha.
The * perpetuanaes ' received are good, but a finer quality would sell
better. The ' baies ' are extremely coarse, and must be sent to
Persia, for they are unvendible here. They could, however, dispose
of some 'of the suprafine sort, dyed into very good scarlets'. The
knives will be given away, as occasion requires. It has also been
necessary to buy here some fine broadcloth for presents, since the
Company refuse to send any for that purpose, though it would surely
be cheaper to do so. Forward a list of the present prices of European
goods in India. Their letters via Basra intimated the dispatch of
vessels to Bantam, Mokha, and Basra ; also the return of the Supply
from Persia. The next to arrive here was the Discovery from Gom-
broon, whence she sailed on February 2, 1642, and reached Swally
a fortnight later. Goods to the value of 385,000 mahmudls were
then put on board, and by March 5 she was ready to sail for Mokha.
Very little freight could be obtained, as the Governor had prohibited
merchants, under great penalties, from lading goods on any vessel
* untill the Kings great jounck was full '. Further, as there was no
other Christian vessel left * to convoy her free of the Mallavars
danger ', the Governor and other officials prevailed upon the Presi-
dent to order the Discovery to attend on the junk. Accordingly
1 Parrot-green cloth.
92 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
they departed together on March 12, and kept company until they
were out of sight of land. The Discovery anchored at Mokha on
April 13 and landed the greater part of her cargo; * though, in
respect of those markets dulnes and badnes, so little thereof was
sold that Mr. Wylde, the better at more leysure to dispose thereof,
resolved (since William Fursmans untimely end and the other factors
mean experience thereunto enforced it) to dismisse the Discovery
(the season so inviting) and remain himself at Mocha to vend your
goods after ships departure.' She sailed accordingly on August 22,
but met with such adverse winds that she was much delayed. In
consequence her safety was generally doubted at Surat and the rate
of insurance rose from 3 to 30 per cent. Moreover, suspicions were
roused that she had gone to England * with all that mass of treasure
these merchants pretended to be embarqued on her, amounting unto
(as they shamed not to advize the Governor) ten lack or 1,000,000
r[ial]s.' However, she arrived here in safety on October 31, though
with her crew * very weak and crazed ' owing to their food supplies
having run short. This was partly due to carelessness or dishonesty,
for at her departure, according to her list of stores, she should have
had no cwt. of bread on board, whereas only 44 cwt. could be found.
Had it not been for some ' cuskus ^ ' obtained from the passengers,
the ship would have been forced either to return to Mokha or to put
into one of the Arabian ports, in which case she could not have
arrived here until February or March. She is now awaiting a lading
of freight goods for Gombroon, whence she will proceed again to
Mokha to fetch away the factors and their goods. In returning she
will call at Cochin to embark such goods as Thurston has ready.
The Sjipply was dispatched to Gombroon on February 25, 1642 ;
arrived there March 19 ; sailed again April 22 ; and on May 6
' moored at Umraw [Umra], a town three miles short of Suratt '.
There she was docked and repaired ; after which, on October 29,
she departed for ' Scinda ' with lead, broadcloth, tobacco, &c. She
returned on December 31, bringing back her English goods unsold,
together with 71 bales of piece-goods now sent home. She will
probably make another voyage to Persia, and will then be freighted
to Achin by certain merchants of this town, returning in November
^ The grain of the African millet {Holcus spicatus). This corrects a note at p. 198 of
the 1630-33 volume.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 93
next. The Francis was dispatched to Mokha on February 5, 1642 ;
reached that port March 3 ; ' was again fruitlessely sent forth in
search of Mallavars' ; and left Mokha on July 12 with a freight of
coffee for Gombroon. She anchored there on July 30, and was
joined by the Seahorse and Prosperous from Basra on October 3.
They left Gombroon in company on the 7th, and reached Swally
on the 29th of that month. The Francis is now to be sent either
to Gombroon or to Basra. The Seahorse and Prosperous sailed
hence on February 16, 1642, and arrived at Gombroon on March 14.
Three days later the Prosperous proceeded to Basra. The Seahorse
followed her on April 22 and reached the same port on June 13.
They remained until September 26, and then returned via Gombroon
to India. On November 14 the Seahorse was sent to Diu/and
ordered to coast alongest that shoar untill Salbet Hand ^ should be
discovered ; . . . but the iland no way answering our expectations,
nor agreeing with the report famed of it, so much time and labour
was fruitlessely expended.' On her return she was beached in Surat
River for examination ; and, being found to be much worm-eaten,
was ' doubled ' with 2^' inch plank. It is hoped that she will be
ready by the end of February for a voyage to Mokha, Basra, or
elsewhere. The Prosperous is also under repair at the same place.
The Swan, under Michael Yates, left Bantam for Surat on July 25
with a cargo amounting to 16,123 rials \6d. She 'anchored before
Goa (under the Dutch admirals stern, forced thereunto by her
commandores insolence) the 19th September; who having searched
her and threatned to take her dammar from her, kept her there
four daies and then, having (it seemes) better considered with himself,
licensed her nearer approach to Goa ; where, after landing her
dammar, it became the 20th October before the 227 bales cinamon
were embarqued ; with which then hastning towards us, the busy
Dutch again invested, searched, and suffered her not to depart untill
the 2ith following at midnight,^ when, being freed of their disturb-
^ Salbet or Shial Bet, a small rocky island seven miles east of Jafarabad. It was at this
time in the occupation of the Portuguese.
2 Among the Hague Transcripts (series i. vol. xiii. no. 418) will be found a note of a
debate among the Dutch commanders on this subject. It appears that the Dutch objected
strongly to the exportation of the cinnamon, and even offered to buy it at cost price ; but
the English refused to agree to this and insisted on their right to carry it to Surat,
pointing out that it had not been bought at Goa but merely taken in settlement of debts.
94 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
ances, she prosecuted her voyage and the 9th November anchored
in this port of Swally.' Hope to dispatch her to Bantam again by
the 20th current. For the proceedings of the Portuguese and Dutch
they refer to the President's journal [not extant]. Advices from
Ahmadabad, Agra, and Tatta show that the investments are well
forward and they ' make no question to have in readines for
embarquing, before November ensuing be expired, (if at least you
please by the way of Messlipatam to preadvize us of your resolutions
to send forth a full carga[zoon] to disengage us) a good ships lading
of such merchandizes as have been this year inlisted to our provision ;
unto which (though you have not been pleased to name or desire it)
we intend, seing saltpeter is become very cheap and that the Court
of Parliament have enfranchized divers comodities which were
formerly restreined within the bounders of monopolies, to order
the buying of three or four hundred f [ardlejs thereof; for your sea
commanders are not only infinitly desirous of such kintelage but
the fraught thereof is as good as gained unto you whilest in place
thereof, and for want of such ponderous goods for stifning, they are
necessarily enforced to lay [in ?] and carry hence so much ballast.
We know it is an evill neighbour to other goods ; yet we will hope
so to prevent its maligne condition that no damage shall therefrom
redound unto Your Worships, especially whilest we confide to have
(ZOO tonns [of] pepper to shoot amongest it and your other goods.'
Details of the pepper now sent home. The Malabar pepper is here
worth id. or i^d. per lb. more than that from Bantam. Stores
supplied to the homeward-bound ships. ^This passed year we
have at Mocha and in Suratt buried William Fursman, Thomas
Markham, Thomas Timberlake, and Thomas Veal ' ; in their places
Luke Pynn (purser's mate), John Mantel, and Thomas Clark have
been taken on shore from the Crispiana. The wages of 'divers
young men ' who have been employed for some years have been
augmented. At the pressing request of the Viceroy and his Council,
passages in "dx^ Aleppo Merchant have been granted to two ' Dominican
padrees ', who are * sent to negotiate some important affaires of their
state '. There being still some room in the ships, they resolved to
negotiate with the Governor of Surat * about a parcell of Agra indico
In the end the Dutch deemed it wise not to use force over such a small matter, and so the
Swan was released. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 95
which being sometime Asaph Cauns and since his death, togither
with his other goods, ceized on to the Kings use and sent for his
acc[omp]t to Suratt the passed year, in search of a chapman.'
They bought 301 bales at 32 rupees per Surat maund ' and put
them on board, taking out some of the cotton yarn and cinnamon
to make room for the full quantity. The indigo ' hath been bought
and fardled upwards of 8 or 10 yeares ', and, being consequently
very dry, is not likely to lose in weight. Since they are allowed
six months' time for payment of the money, it will probably be in
the Company's hands 'ere its proceed be due unto the King'.
John Stallon, who came out in the London and was then made
master of the Supply ^ returns in the Aleppo Merchant, He is com-
mended for past services. ' Although our generall welwishes to our
Sion induce us to hope that the troubles and distractions under
which she laboured, when these ships left her, are fully quieted and
removed, yet dare we not so certainly depend thereon as not to
endeavour with utmost caution to provide for your indempnity
against such mischances as may through those troubles befall you
in your ships approach to and falling with our coast.' The Crispiana
has therefore been detained until the Aleppo Merchant was ready,
and the two masters have been required to give bonds to each other
to keep company in the homeward voyage. To avoid all question ,
they ' could wish that Your Worships would be pleased hereafter
to continuate your necessary submission of whatever vessels or men
employed in your service to your President and Councels absolute
direction ; for so will such your occasions as depend on your ships
and seamens performances be best agitated and accomodated.'
PS. — The purser of the Aleppo Merchant professes a doubt as to
the number of bales of Sarkhej indigo taken on board ; but they
have inquired into the matter and find that the invoice is correct.^
(29^//. Received jfidy 20,164'^.)
1 ' Which is 26|flf. the pound ' {marginal note). The rupee seems to be taken at 2s. 3./.,
and the maund as about 33 lb.
2 An attestation to this effect, signed by Richard Fitch, Maximilian Bowman, and
William Bindlos, forms O.C. 18 16.
96 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Thomas Merry at Swally Marine to the Company,
January 17, 164^ {O.C. 1809).
Thanks them for their favours, expressed in their last letters.
Here he has found more content and quiet than ever in Persia, and
he ' cannot doubt of other in soe orderly a famylie, governed by soe
worthy and able a President'. For the state of affairs in Persia
when he left, he refers to earlier letters. Explains the circumstances
in which he became indebted to the Company and trusts that this
will not lessen their good opinion of him. Disposal of a chest of
rhubarb sent home by the London. Requests that no further pay-
ments on account of his salary may be made to Mr. Skinner.
(i| ^/. Received July %o^ 1643.)
Francis Breton at Swally Marine to the Company,
January 18, 1643 (O.C. 18 13).
Thanks them for nominating him to succeed Fremlen on his
departure, but begs that his salary in the meantime may be recon-
sidered. Refers to the general letter and the accounts for the state
of the Company's business here. Regrets that the Third Joint
Stock is still indebted upwards of 20,000/. more than its estate will
satisfy, and that this must necessarily be increased by the * excessive
corrodeing interest' ; but he trusts that the Company will send out
means to extinguish the debt and stock the various factories, ' untill
when it is not to bee expected your biussines should be negociated
either to your proffitt or reputacion.' Excuses the use of part of
the money sent out in paying former debts. In the invoices of
goods the rupee has been reckoned at i\ mahmudls, though it is
really worth only i\ ; but this was done ' for the better clearing of
those which remained upon the Stocks ballance '. (2^ pp. Received
July 20, 1643.)
Lists of Packet by the Aleppo Merchant ai^b Cr is pi an a
(ac 1810, 1811, i8i2).i
Surat letter and enclosures ; invoices and bills of lading ; copies of
letters from other factories ; journals, ledgers, &c., of various fac-
1 Duplicates of the first two will be found under O.C. 1814, 18 15. »
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
97
tories (including Viravasaram, Hariharpur, Agra, Lucknow, and
Tatta) ; inventories and accounts of deceased factors ; will of Maries
Twine ; Portuguese letters ; the President's journal, 1641 and 1642 ;
arraignment of John Layton ; process against John Stallon ;
appraisements of the Supply and other vessels ; &c. {In all 3 //.)
Ralph Cartwright, John Jeffries, and Thomas Winter,
ABOARD the BLESSING IN BaNTAM ROAD, TO THE COMPANY,
March 13, 1643 [O.C* 181 9).
. . . On February 5 the long-expected pinnace Advice arrived
from the Coromandel Coast with a cargo of 24,600^: rials of eight
for the First General Voyage and 427^ rials of eight for the Third
Joint Stock. This leaves the Coast still much indebted to Bantam,
and apparently there is little more to be expected from thence.
The Coast factors complain much of the burden of interest on the
money they owe, but no help can be afforded them from this place,
for want both of means and of shipping. The Swan is at Surat
and the Hopewell on the Coast ; while the Expedition (and probably
the Michael) have gone to Macassar. The Advice is to start at once
' in her discoverie of Keeleings Islands ^, and thence for Diego Ries
[Rodriguez], Englands Forrest [Reunion], Mauritius, and the back
side of St. Laurence, in quest of the Jewell and Jonas and to procure
slaves and some salt flesh.' ... If the Swan returns from Surat in
good time, they hope to dispatch two ships to England in December
next. They also propose to send the Expedition to Surat about
July next with pepper, &c. . . . Estate of the late Gerald Pinson
and of ' Padre ' Hall, who died at Masulipatam. . . . Thomas Winter
and Edward Collet came from the Coast in the Advice, intending to
return to England by the first ship thither bound ; but Winter has
been persuaded to remain here until the next season, and Collet
has referred himself ' to the President and Councell for his further
disposure '. . . . Understand that two of Courteen's ships are trading
for pepper on the West Coast of Sumatra. ... (^ /.)
* The Cocos-Keeling Islands (supposed to have been discovered by Captain Keeling in
1609) lie about 600 miles SW. of Java Head. In January, 1643, the Company had ordered
that a pinnace should be sent to visit them [Court Mimties, 1640-43, p. 221).
FOSTER VII
H
98 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
President Fremlen, Francis Breton, and Thomas Merry
AT SwALLY Marine to the Company, March 20, 1643 {O-C.
1821).
The Crispiana and Aleppo Merchant sailed on January 19. Now
write by the Seahorse^ which is bound for Basra, whence this letter
will be sent overland to Aleppo. On January 30 the Discovery
and Supply were dispatched to Gombroon with cargoes invoiced at
53,810 mahmudis, besides freight goods and passengers paying
51,091 mahmudis. The former is to go on from Gombroon to
Mokha, and the latter to return to Surat. Pitt and Philip Wylde
sent to Persia in the Supply. On February 9 Thomas Hill was
dispatched to Ahmadabad in company of a Dutch caravan, with
a quantity of runas for sale there, besides five horses (* refused by
this Governor ') and a coach and camel brought by Bornford from
Agra. Have since heard that Hill arrived in safety and, leaving
the runas at Ahmadabad, proceeded with the horses &c. to Agra,
accompanied by some Dutchmen. On February 16 two Dutch
ships arrived from Persia. Letters from the English factors there
announced that Adler and Codrington had been to the court of the
new King at Kasbin and had been well received. Most of the
Company's privileges were renewed ; but the farman authorizing
the English to maintain a watch at the custom-house, and another
ordering their share of the customs to be demanded from all men
not expressly exempted by the King's warrant, were withdrawn,
and no satisfaction could be obtained for the killing of their men by
the Sultan of Gombroon. There is now no remedy but force, and
they trust to receive from the Company authority to adopt strong
measures. The reasons given by the Persians for * this dishonourable
and injurious abearance towards you' were 'that you were grown
poor, bought no more dear silk of the King, and were not able to
defend his port ; but we think rather they grutch you not only the
priviledg of sitting in but the poor profit which redounds to you
from the custom-house and exemption of your own goods from
paying customes.' Send the factors' letter on this subject, and have
instructed those at Gombroon to advise the Company ' what your
share of customes, rather what in Hew thereof the Persians allow-
ance or pension (for so they now tearm it) will amount to.'* It will
THE ENGLISH FACTORH^LS 99
be seen that broadcloth is in no demand in Persia ; and, as there is
no improvement in its sale here, the Company will do well not to
exceed the quantity asked for in the last letter. On February 25
the Swan^ commanded by Michael Yates, with a cargo amounting
to 212)438 mahmudis, sailed for Cochin, where she was to land
Thurston with part of her goods and then proceed to Bantam.
They had intended to send all their coral to the former place ; but
Virjl Vora at the last moment bought all the ' gretzo ' and ' teraglia ',
and made an offer for the ' recaduti '. This they consider insuffi-
cient, and so, ' finding that sort very much requested on the Mallabar
Coast, we sent it thither, and ordered the bringing up of the re-
mainder to Suratt, after we had first taken a wryting from this
Governor &c. Kings ministers, not only not to demand the novel
imposition of one per cent, to the Kings broker but also not to rate
the coral in custom-house beyond its true vallue. And thus by dis-
covery of this new vent for coral on the Mallabar Coast we have
not only advanced its vallue here but also enforced this Governor
&c. to deal more justly and respectively with us in the matter of
customes, which formerly they usually overrated 40, if not 50, per
cent, more then we could here advance it to.' From the proceeds
of the goods consigned to Cochin, to which they propose to add
a further consignment by the Supply on her way to Achin, Thurston
is to provide cinnamon, pepper, and cardamoms, to be ready upon
the arrival of the Discovery about the end of September. It is
hoped that she will thus obtain a good part of her cargo for England,
should the Company by that time have sent sufficient funds. Her
master has orders to repair her at Assab, and she should then be
quite fit for the homeward voyage. Have sent a large stock of
goods to Bantam in the Swan^ and trust that the factors there will
return the like value and also the amount of their former debt.
* The 3d March two Dutch vessels, vizt. the Pao from Japon and
China and the Lewert'^ from Battavia, anchored in Swally Hole;
the former of which, setting sail from Teiwan or Ilha Formosa,
near the coast of China, about the middle of November encountred
the latter at Mallacca ; who bringing that (by the Portugals) long
desired and expected confirmation of peace twixt both nations, came
1 The Pauw {Peacock) and Leeuwerik {Skylark). Their arrival at Swally is recorded in
i\iQ Dagh-Register, 1643-44, p. 178.
H 2
loo THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
in joint company to Punto de Gallo in Seiloan, left there a com-
missary, Peter Burrel [Pieter Boreel], to follow them to Goa, there
by the Generals order to publish their willing assent to and observa-
tion of such artickles of truce as were from the States and their
employers received. At Vingurla the vessels stayed some daies ;
but loosing thence hasted for this place, where the 6th current they
landed 103 boxes Japon silver, with a very great quantity of tuti-
nagle. From Japon they pretend to bring good tydings (though
we are somewhat incredulous thereof, considering the small quantity
of silver landed) that the Emperor is become very gratious to their
nation, which, being now freed from all former dishonour and dis-
turbances, enjoy a most gainfull trade, such as produced this year
80 per cent, advance. On the I la Formosa they boast also to have
taken from the Spaniard a small fort ^ without any great resistance ;
which is probable enough, for the Spaniard, determining long since
to have abandoned it, left only ^^ men to defend it.' By the
Leeiiwerik came a letter from the Bantam factory, intimating that
neither the Blessing nor the Diamond could be spared for a voyage
to Surat, but promising to send such goods as they had in July next.
' Thus they take pleasure to sport themselves with us, whilest we
(awed by your mandats) send them yearly even as much as they
inlist unto us ; which it seems must rather help to fill the Reforma-
tion for England for the Third Joint Stocks accompt then extinguish
its engagements here, where the said Stock paies costly and constant
interest.' The Francis was dispatched on March 13 to Mokha with
a few freight goods and with provisions, stores, &c., for the Discovery.
Would have sent some pepper, had not the Dutch dispeeded a very
great quantity thither shortly before. Wylde has been directed to
take with him in the Discovery to Cochin * as much of your estate
in Mocha as exceeds 3,000/. sterling.' The Seahorse, after being
substantially repaired, was brought into Swally Hole on March 12,
and is now being laden for Gombroon, * Cattife ^ ', and Basra.
Edward Pearce goes in charge of the cargo. Investments have been
made at Agra, Ahmadabad, and * Scinda ' in piece-goods and indigo ;
^ The fortress of San Salvador at Ki-lung, on the northern coast of Formosa, was cap-
tured by the Dutch in August, 1642 : see Hague Transcripts, series i. vol. xii. no. 388,
vol. xiii. no. 407 ; also Heeres' Corpus Diplomatictivi, p. 368.
2 Al-Katif, near Bahrain.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES loi
and they trust by the middle of next December to have enough to
fill the Discovery and dispatch her to England. The Advice left
* Madrazpatam ' for Bantam on January 4. The Hopewell quitted
Balasore on December i, anchored at Masulipatam on the 9th, and
at Fort St. George on the 24th. She sailed thence for Persia on
December 30, with orders to return as speedily as possible, that
with the proceeds of her cargo the factors ' may perfect their
Europe investment ', as they find it difficult to borrow the money
they need ; they have also applied to Bantam for a consignment of
pepper, with the idea of lading the Hopewell for England direct
from the Coast. Omitted to advise in their last letter that Merry
is charged in the Persia accounts with a debt of 150 tumans, but,
as he queries the correctness of the amount, particulars have been
sent for ; he avers his readiness to pay whatever is found to be
owing. PS. — Cannot give the total received for freight on board
the Seahorse, as this includes ' ofi bales of cloath belonging to this
King ' ; the payment for which cannot be settled until they return
to Surat. (7 //.)
Declaration by Henry Bassano, Steward of the
Hopewell, at Fort St. George, May 30, 1643 (O.C. 1823).
Charges Trumball with excessive use of the wine on board,
* haveing sometymes a gallon, but never less then a pottle a day for
his owne perticuler ', besides an extra quantity ' when hee hath byn
disposed to bee merry '. All of this, or the greater part, Trumball
directed Bassano to charge to the ship or as sent on shore to fac-
tories ; and he was forced to comply, having ' severall times byn
strocke and beate by him and threatened divers tymes to bee dis-
placed.' Alleges also that two of the Company's butts of strong
beer were used to fill up the seven butts brought out by Trumball
and sold by him on his own account. (Copy, i /. Received in
Stirat October 13.)
Complaint by Thomas Clark against Andrew Trumball
[May, 1643?] (.O.C. 1825).
Recounts seven instances of Trumball's striking and abusing him,
the last being when Leigh, master's mate of the Advice^ desired to
carry on shore certain cases belonging to Clark. (Copy. '^\pp^
102 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Attestation by Seven Sailors against Trumball,
ABOARD THE HOPEWELL, JUNE I4, 1643 {0,C. 1824).^
Declare that, when ashore at Madraspatam they heard Trumball
command them to go aboard, they instantly prepared to do so ; but
' presently hee gave us a counter checke, that, notwithstandinge hee
bid us goe, yett wisht us not soe to doe, but for to sticke close to
him, and that wee should not want for any thinge, if it were a
thousand pagothas , and bid us goe and call for a case of wine, or
what else wee would, and hee would pay for the same.' {Copy. \p.)
Andrew Trumball's Answer to the Charges made
against him by francis day, june, 1643 ^ [q.c 1824).
Denies that he used the chirurgeon ^ ' in a cruell horrid manner '.
The latter charged Trumball's servant eight pounds for treating
him and, on Trumball remonstrating, told him ' hee would make
what rates hee thought fitt.' Being further asked why he carried
medicines ashore when there were no sailors sick there, ' hee replyed
I should never know ; which mooved mee, seeinge his infinite pride,
to stricke him three or four blowes with an inch rope.' As for the
purser, so far from being unkind to him, Trumball gave up his own
cabin to him when he was sick. The boatswain was not ill an hour,
and has never once been beaten by Trumball, though at times the
latter has ' reprooved him for his slow proceedings with such termes
as best befitted him.' The said party is so far from being ' charri-
table' that he refused to be reconciled to one of the gunner's
mates, who had begged this on his death-bed ; while as for his
sobriety, he was ' a meere sott ' at the time of sailing. The quarrel
' There is another copy among the 0. C. Duplicates.
2 Undated, but noted as received in Fort St. George on June 20. There is another copy
in the O.C. Duplicates.
3 In an article contributed to the Indian Antiquary for Sept. 191 1, I suggested that
this unnamed surgeon might possibly have been Gabriel Boughton, who certainly held the
post a few months later ; but I am now inclined to identify him with the John Reynolds
mentioned on p. 1 11, who is described in the Court Minutes of Nov. 19, 1645, as a surgeon.
He had at that date been dead for some time, and an account of his estate had been sent
home from Bantam ; so the probability is that he died before the Hopewell quitted
Madras.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 103
between Trumball and Beck was settled by the latter apologizing ;
* but, indeed, to say truth, Mr. Day could never indure there should
bee any unity betweene mee and my mates all this voyage, hee have-
ing an old grudge at mee and would have undone mee before I came
home the last voyage, if possible hee could.' Had Day been enter-
tained by the Company before Trumball, the latter would have
declined to go to sea in the same ship for this reason. As regards
John Leigh, he came aboard in Balasore Road to fetch the Com-
pany's goods and money ashore, and wanted also to take some
cases of strong waters which he alleged he had bought on board,
though they were really still the property of Thomas Clark. Trum-
ball prevented him from so doing, as the boat was already full, and
Leigh thereupon ' went forward and aft upon the decke, abuseinge
mee with what words hee pleased.' He refused to go into his boat
when ordered, until Trumball called for his ' rattan ' ; but it is
untrue that Trumball either abused him as alleged or struck him.
The accusation that Trumball ' went about to displace Mr. Hill '
is entirely false. It is true that he was warned by Cogan and Beck
that Hill * did in his ordinary talke call mee nothinge but Scottish
dogg, and why should they bee comanded by a Scott ', and he then
drew up something ' to have bridled his tounge ' ; but Cogan and
Beck refused to sign this. When the sick men went on land at
Balasore, Trumball took precautions to keep them dry, but left
their diet to the chirurgeon who accompanied them. If anything
was wanting in this respect, it was the fault of the latter. ' There is
not a day past since wee came out of England but our men had
either beere, wine, or aracke ; unless it were in our passage to
Persia, [when] they kept their drinke tell they had a quantitie
together and made themselves drunke with it and quarrell'd and fell
out one with another ; then I gave order they should have it but
foure tymes a week for the space of about 10 or 12 dayes. But had
I knowne that a cupp of sacke had bin such a prevalent medisine
to have made men well assoone as they came ashore, they should not
have wanted ; but I beeleeve (nay, I dare say) that Mr. Day was
the sicke man that wanted sacke.' Day's fifth charge is a repetition
and needs no further answer ; but it is to be noted that he thus
shows his desire * to make a great harvest of a litle come '. The
sixth charge concerns Hill. He was so addicted to drink on the
I04 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
voyage out that Trumball was weary of reproving him. At Masuli-
patam he stayed on shore six days and contracted a disease, for the
cure of which he asked leave to go on land at Balasore, ' tellinge mee
the chirurgion was to deare.' * There hee stayed lo dayes, and abus'd
all the merchants ; and the Cheife fetch'd him out of the whore-
house at 12 a clocke at night all bambord^.' On the voyage from
Balasore to Masulipatam his behaviour to one of the women passen-
gers led to the Persians threatening to leave the ship. Trumball
reproved Hill for this in their presence and in reply the latter
' abused mee with very ill words '. A consultation was called ; but
Day took Hill's part and ' through his example the rest would not
speake '. Notwithstanding, Trumball thought it necessary to punish
the offender, in order to avoid scandal and complaints at Masuli-
patam ; so Hill was set in the bilboes for eight hours. * Seventhly,
in our passage to Persia the Moores invited Mr. Day, myselfe, and
the purser to a feast with them, which wee excepted of. And when
they had eate, they fell to drinkeinge, tell Mr. Day had soe much
hee could take noe more, for in my contience hee had betweene 20
and 44 [24 in the other copy\ cups of stronge waters in him. After
hee was gone wee tooke our leaves of the Persians ; and about five
howers at night wee went to supper, where the purser fell out with
mee and strucke at mee, as I have wittnessed under my mates hands.
Mr. Day, beinge in the round howse, came out betweene drunke and
sober and called the purser, sayinge : *' Ned, come hether ; the master
shall have nothinge to doe with thee." What remidy could I use
in this case, onely patience ? Nevertheless, I comanded the purser
to leave his raileinge att mee and goe to his cabbin ; neither of
which hee would doe. Then I tould Mr. Day hee did ill to counten-
ance any man thus against mee ; neither use[d] I any other words
to him then these, for I know well what manner of man Mr. Day
is.' Confesses that, on Thomas Clark absenting himself from the ship
at Gombroon for ' 26 dayes upon a bord ^ ', he ' gave him a cuff on
the eare ' ; but cites instances of Clark's carelessness and inefficiency.
As for Barker and Richards, ' their perimtory carriage and unbe-
* Drunk. The word seems to be * bombard ', which meant first a small cannon, then
(from its shape) a black-jack for holding a large quantity of liquor, and then a toper.
Instances also occur of its use (as here) adjectivally.
" This seems to be equivalent to • at a stretch ' — a metaphor derived from a ves«el sailing
for some time on one * board ' or tack.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 105
seeminge behaviour is very well knovvne to all, both this voyage and
the last' Roger Barker stayed on shore against orders for twenty
days in one place and sixteen in another, giving as a reason that
Day's business was not finished. Those who have joined in the com-
plaint against Trumball are themselves under accusation ; and their
testimony is ' most faulce ', especially the allegation that they were
forced to sign consultations against their wills. Day himself is
often drunk, both at sea and on shore. * Drinkeinge with the Moores
and Persians att Ballisara, hee soe disguis'd himselfe in theire pre-
sence that they sent him away in a pallankeene, out of which hee
fell by the way. Att Persia hee fell out with the Dutch and abused
them soe, when hee was drunke, that hee had like to sett the English
and Dutch by the yeares, as wee terme it. I am sure they came
not to one another in five dayes after. And another tyme hee made
himselfe soe drunke at Persia [that] hee rann into the sea and
[was] like to have drowned himselfe.' {Copy. "] pp.)
Edward Knipe, aboard the Crispiana \ to the Company,
July 18, 1643 (Factory Records, Miscellaneous , vol. xii. p. 77).
Being unable in person to bring them ' the first tydings of our
arrivall ', he sends the following diary of the voyage. 1642, April 6.
They sailed from the Downs, with two of Courteen's ships.
April 10. Contrary winds forced them to put into Torbay.
April 12. Sailed again, 'in the said company'. May 3. Saw the
Peak of Teneriffe. May 4. Passed between. Teneriffe and Grand
Canary, three of Courteen's ships being still in their company.
May 15. Met the William, from Bantam, and spared her some
provisions. June^^. Crossed the Equator. July \i. 'By judgment
passed by Cape Bona Spei, but no land scene.' Augiist 2.
Anchored in St. Augustine's Bay. Learned that the Hester had
departed the previous day, having stayed 24 hours. August 6.
Sailed. August 16. Reached Johanna and found there the Hester.
She had been at Mozambique and had there sold lead and broad-
cloth for gold. August 17. The Unity and Loyalty arrived.
August 23. Departed, in company with the Unity and Hester. The
' In sight of Fair Lee ', i. e. Fairlight, near Hastings. An alternative name of this
place was * Fairleigh ' (Carlisle's Topographical Dictionafy),
io6 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Loyalty remained to mend a topmast. August 24. Lost company
of 'the Squires shipps'. September 19. Landed the purser at the
mouth of the Tapti, with letters for Surat. September %\. Anchored
in Swally Hole. September 22. The President and Council came
down, and two days later a voyage to the Malabar Coast was
decided upon. October 13. The Aleppo Merchaftt sailed accordingly.
October 22. About ten leagues from Goa met the Swan, which had
that morning left Goa with a quantity of cinnamon. Her master,
Mr. Yates, reported that there were seven Dutch ships in that road,
* who, notwithstanding the peace, [were] excercizeing as much
violent hostillity against the Portugall as ever ; and how that the
Swann with much difficullty gott cleare of them, they alleadging
that no English shipp ought to trade there while their shipps were
in the roade ; and that they vowed to hinder and putt by the next
English shipp that came thither uppon any affair whatsoever.'
This made Knipe doubtful whether he ought to go into Goa, as the
small quantity of cinnamon there was not a sufficient inducement
to lose time in contention with the Dutch. Before starting from
Surat, he had urged the President and Council to allow him to go
straight to Cochin, calling at Goa on his return ; but their answer
was that, owing to the recent execution of a Portuguese by the
English on the Coromandel Coast, ' they knew not what extremity
of revenge they might seeke against our people in Goa ', and
accordingly he was enjoined to go thither first of all. This order
he felt bound to obey. October 23. * About five in the morning
wee came to an anchor in Goa Road, near the Dutch shipps ; v/here
suddainely wee were enterteined with a mallapert message from
their Generall, John Dirrick Galen ; where beeing come, fownd
them monstrous peremptory in their speech, farr exceeding the
relacion of Mr. Yates ; demanding what wee meant to come thither,
flattly telling us [there was] no synamon uppon any tearmes for us
to bee had from the Portugall, and that their Generall of Battavia
had so enordered them ; proferring mee to veiw their commission.
I tould them I never yett knew the States of Holland have the
bouldnes to order deniall of any the King of Spaines ports to any
the King of Englands subjects (allthough Goa was not the Spaniards
port) so long as wee brought not either municion or provicion ;
which if they doubted by us, [they] might freely satisfie themselves
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 107
by sending whome they pleased aboard our shipp to search. They
begann to bee somewhat rigorous in their common insolent language ;
but I after very much debate tould them that, if they would faith-
fully promise us that wee might doe our bussiness where the shipp
roade, without any molestacion att all by them, and give under their
commanders hand that the Generall of Battavia had given such
order as not to suffer us to bring off synamon, then should our shipp
continew where shee then roade ; if not, wee should bee forc't to
hazzard what they threatned. After consulting with themselves,
[they] were more moderate in their speech towards us, giveing us
licence (while our shipp roade amoung theirs) either to carry on
shoare or bring aboard our goods as wee pleased ; likewise gave
under their hands the authority they had from the Generall of
Battavia.' Thereupon Knipe went himself to Goa to hasten matters ;
but it was not until the 30th that he got the cinnamon aboard,
together with Pitt and Hill. The cinnamon was old and very dear.
Pitt had contracted with a Portuguese for a further quantity to be
received at Cochin. Knipe did his best to make void this contract,
believing, from his previous experience, that he could buy the
cinnamon there at a cheaper rate ; but this was impossible, as Pitt
had paid a deposit. Knipe succeeded, however, in selling a quantity
of coral to the said Portuguese. Rials of eight were worth at Goa
eleven ' tangoes' and * chickeens ' nineteen ; so there was a loss of at
least 14 per cent, on the latter at the price they cost in rials at
Surat. 'Att my returne from Goa the Dutch commanders were
earnest with mee to redeliver their writing given concerning their
commission by the Generall of Batavia ; which I would not doe,
because it should somewhat confirme the insolencies which dayly
they practise against us in those parts.' October 31. Sailed.
November 6. Anchored before Calicut, and landed Virji Vora's
servants. November 7. They returned with news that most of the
pepper was at ' Punneanna ' [Ponnani], whence Knipe agreed to fetch
it. November 8. Anchored in Cochin Road, and found there the
Hester^ which had arrived three days before. Her master had con-
tracted for a quantity of cinnamon at 40 xerafins a quintal, a third
of the amount to be paid in red cloth at 5 xerafins a yard.
November 9 and 10. Received the cinnamon contracted for at Goa.
During his stay Knipe also bought a quantity from other merchants,
io8 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
which was of excellent quality and nearly fifty per cent, cheaper
than that purchased at Goa. He sold most of his coral and bartered
part of his cloth ; the net gain was 1,547/. Ss. ^d. Had he had more
goods and longer time, he could have sold large quantities at a good
profit. The * recaduta ' coral proved reasonably good, but the
* teraglia ' was ' extraordinary bad '. November %Ar. They set sail.
November 29. Cast anchor at Calicut. November 30. By night
they had received 550 bags of pepper. Knipe was * sent for to the
King ; where I found very courteous enterteynment, with many
proffers concerning trade.' ' I understood that Virge Vora yearly
sends downe his people hither to Callicutt with cotten and opium,
by which hee doth not [gain ?] less then double his mony to those
people hee buyeth his pepper off, [and] afterwards disposeth of his
pepper to us for double what it cost him ; for I finde pepper to bee
worth here but 15I and 16 fannams the maund, which is not halfe
the rate hee usually valleweth it to our people in Suratt.' It would
obviously be cheaper to deal direct ; ' but indeed Virge Vora, by
reason of our continuall mighty ingagements, must not bee dis-
pleased in any case. I confess him to bee a man that hath often
supplyed our wants in Suratt with moneys, for his owne ends.
Notwithstanding, I hould him to have bynn the most injurious man
to your trade in all the Mogulls dominions ; for what ordinary
Banian merchant dare come to the English howse to look uppon
corrall or any other comodity, hee by his potencye and intimacy
with the Governour forgeth somewhat or other against the poor
man, utterly to ruine him ; so that no merchant in the towne dare
displease him by comeing to our howse to look uppon any comodity,
except some or other sometymes whome hee sends purposely to
bid for a comodity (that hee is about) little or nothing, onely to
make us weary of our comodities. Hee knoweth that wee (in regard
of our extreame ingagement) must sell, and so beats us downe till
wee come to his owne rates ; and thus hath bynn his proceedings
this many yeares. And I conclude that, so long as Virge Vora is
so much our credittor, little or no proffitt [is] to bee made uppon
any goods wee can bring to Surratt.' Knipe bought also at Calicut
a quantity of cardamoms. December i. Sailed. December %.
Passed by Cannanore, the wind not suffering them to put in ; other-
wise Knipe had hoped to sell coral and buy cardamoms there.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 109
December 5. Anchored in ' Bassalour ^ Road ', where they sold two
chests of coral. December 7. The buyers fetched away the chests.
' Wee were now the first English that ever came to this port.
I have formerly endeavoured it in the Squires [i.e. Courteen's]
ymployment (but our seamen could not finde the place), because
I heard often (as I beleive) it is the best place for sale of corrall on
all the coast of India. Had you bynn pleased to grant (uppon
a motion I made per Mr. William Methwold at our comeing out) one
shipp to come first for Cocheine, then might wee very easily [have]
made sale of all your corrall (att better rates then now I did), fully
laden the shipp with synamon and pepper, and (with Gods blessing)
bynn att Suratt by the middle of November att farthest. The
Squires people are againe settled at Battaccalla ^, where they part
with their cloth and lead for neare about as much as the cost, and
buy pepper very deare, giveing '>,'>^ dury ^ pagothaes per candec. One
pago[tha] is \6\ fannams. Battacalla is not above 10 or 11 leagues
to the northward of this place, under the same Naiques government ;
from whome came a messenger, tendring us the place to settle in,
and many other courtesies concerning trade.' Dece7nber 8. Set
sail. December 23. Anchored in Swally Hole. Regrets that the
President and Council would not agree to buy the whole of the
900 bales of indigo formerly belonging to Asaf Khan ; there are
' some other passages I conceived injurious to the wellfare of this
Voyage', of which he will inform the Company, if desired. [1643,
January\ 19. The Crispiana and Aleppo Merchafit sailed from
Swally. February 17. Nearly ran on to a shoal called 'Mallha*
or'Mallhu'.* March ^1. Anchored in * Souldania ' [Table] Bay,
meeting the Hester standing out. April 6. Departed. April 26.
Reached St. Helena, and found there the Reformation, which had
been ordered by the President and Council of Bantam to wait for
the Ulysses until May 10 ; but it was decided by consultation that
she had better sail with them. May i. All three set sail. May 19.
Crossed the Line. Jtme 31 \sic\ Passed the Azores. July 17.
Sighted the South Devon Coast. Knipe gives an account of
* Basrur, in lat. 13° 38' N., and four miles east of Coondapoor.
' Bhatkal : see the 1637-41 volume, pp. 4, 206.
* Perhaps Dharwari pagodas. Lockyer notes that ' all considerable bargains with the
country merchants [at Karwar] are made for pagodas Darwar.'
* Now termed the Saya do Malha Bank. It lies to the SE. of the Seychelles.
no THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
private trade brought home in the Crispiana^ including his own.
{Copy. %\pp)
Consultation held at Fort St. George by [the Agent
AND Council], August 13, 1643 [O.C. 1829).
In a former consultation, held May ^9, they suspended Andrew
Trumball from the command of the Hopewell while the ship was
on this coast. Now, as no advice has arrived from Surat, and
fearing lest they should be blamed at home or at Bantam should
any mischance happen to the vessel, they decide to reinstate him
until his arrival at Bantam, though they consider him unworthy of
this trust. His actions are referred to the censure of the President
and Council at Bantam. {Copy, ^p.)
Francis Day's Answer to Trumball's Charges, Fort
St. George, August 13, 1643 {O.C, i8;z8^).
Has received, on his arrival from Tranquebar, Trumball's reply
to the articles presented against him in May last. The latter, he
conceives, are all sufficiently attested ; and when Greenhill was
sent on board for the purpose, the subscribers all acknowledged
that they had signed them. Will neither admit nor deny the
charges Trumball has now made ; but desires that they be read
on board the ship and that any one who will support them should
be invited to sign accordingly. * Such slaunders is familliar with
him ', and that he will not hesitate to back a lie with an oath is
known to the Agent and Council from four instances cited. His
accusations against Day of drunkenness are false, but Trumball
himself is guilty in that respect, and several times the ship has
been exposed to imminent danger owing to his being intoxicated.
Could further enlarge on his offences, ' but charitie and Christiainitie
binds mee to requite evill with good ' ; and therefore will only
mention Trumball's presumption in breaking open the purser's
cabin and ordering his servant to ' make entry of parcells in his
booke'. {Copy. i|/A)
* For another copy see O.C. 1824.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES iii
Petition from Francis Day to Agent Cogan and his
Council [at Fort St. George, August i4(?) 1643] (O.C. 1824).
Desires leave to proceed to Europe by way of Surat, if Trumball
is to be restored to his place in the Hopezve/l, as he cannot go with
him to Bantam or any other port * without perrill of my life'.
Trusts that Trumball will not even be admitted to the ship as
a passenger, for he no doubt intends to take revenge upon Day ;
and his ' inhumanitie and tyrany ' are evidenced by his cruel treat-
ment of John Reynolds. {Copy. 1 p.)
A similar Petition from certain Officers^ of the
Hopewell (O.C. 1824).
Have already represented Trumball's tyranny, and now implore
that he be not permitted to resume his former authority, or that
in such event they may be allowed to repair on shore, even if this
entails the loss of their wages. {Copy, i p.)
Attestation by Robert Wycherley 2, aboard the Hope-
well, August 14, 1643 {O.C. 1830).
That at Trumball's command he brought him ' the Kings
comission to him ', which was then whole ; but on Trumball's
going over the ship's side, ' I, seeinge in what case hee was, tooke
the comission out of his hand, and carried into my cabyn, where
the ratts eate it '. ' Likewise the said Mr. Trumball wished mee
that, if any bodie asked mee how the comission came torne, that
I should tell them it was torne in the combustion.' {Copy. \p.)
Petition from Edward Hemingway, Purser of the Hope-
well, TO Agent Cogan and his Council, August 16, 1643
{O.C. 1824).
Expresses his fear that Trumball, having been restored to his
place, will find means to revenge himself on those who have
* Thomas Clark (master's mate), Alexander Reynolds, Richard Harsfield (boatswain),
Roger Barker (carpenter), Henry Bassano (steward), and John Richards (midshipman).
2 Trumball's servant. There is another copy of this document in O.C. 1S24.
iia THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
opposed him. Begs therefore to be released from proceeding to
Bantam in the ship ; * if not, I feare twilbee the loss of my life.'
{Copy. \p)
Consultation held in Fort St. George by [the Agent
AND Council], August 20, 1643 {0,C. 1831).^
It is debated how best to satisfy their creditors, who are very
clamorous for payment, because of the Agent's approaching de-
parture. No funds are likely to be available until next year ; and
they therefore decide to borrow, if possible, enough money for this
purpose from Portuguese or others at San Thome, to be paid in
England, at about lOi". or \\s. the pagoda. This rate will not be
excessive, for the interest of the debt, ' added to the principall,
at each yeares end rayses every pag[oda] to very neare ten shillinges.'
A similar attempt will be made at Masulipatam, ' that this devour-
inge interest may bee extinguished and the trade of this coast once
more staund upon itts owne bottome.' {Copy. ^ p.)
Consultation held at Fort St. George by the Agent
AND Council^, August 2,^, 1643 {O.C. 183a).
The recent decision to reinstate Trumball has produced a series
of protests from Day and the officers of the ship, and it is now
debated what course to pursue. To a suggestion that Day should
be placed in charge of the Hopewell, and Trumball proceed in her,
either as master or as a passenger, it is answered that the latter
would probably endeavour to regain his former place with the aid
of the crew as soon as the vessel got away to sea. It is then
proposed to replace all the protesting officers by others, and leave
Day to carry out his threat of proceeding overland to Surat.
Hereupon the Agent declares that, if Day will take his place on
shore, he himself will proceed to Bantam in the ship as commander.
It is further considered that (i) a new Agent is likely to arrive by
July or August, as Cogan last year intimated to the Company his
intention of repairing to Bantam : (2) there will be no business of
^ For a second copy see the O.C. Duplicates.
^ Cogan, Day, Yard, and Greenhill sign. There is a second copy among the O.C.
Duplicates. I
I
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 113
importance to transact here, owing to lack of funds, and Cogan will
be better able to inform the President and Council at Bantam and
the Company ' of the Coast affayres ' personally than ' by penn ' :
(3) such representations of their situation are urgently needed to
save the trade here from ruin : (4) Cogan will be able to clear
himself and the agency * of those aspertions and imputations laid
thereon, and touchinge the Forts erection and transferringe our
masters estates thereon, contrary (as is said) to order.' For these
reasons Cogan's proposal is approved. {Copy, i^ pp.)
Andrew Cogan, Francis Day, Henry Greenhill, and
George Travell at Fort St. George to the President
and Council at Bantam, August 25, 1643 [O.C. 1833).!
Received their letters of March 24 and May 31 by a Dutch ship
on July 21. To the charge that they have, contrary to order,
used the money of the First General Voyage, sent in the Hopewell,
to pay off the old debts, they answer that, if this had not been done,
* our case had byn no better, but rather worse, then the Danes ; for
our people must eyther have fledd or submitted themselves to prison.
If eyther, then had we suffered not onely in our reputation (which
yet is sound) but in estate ; for of necessitie the stocke that came
on the Hopewell must (or the most part) have layen uninvested.'
It is all one to them whether their accounts are cleared ' on Ban-
tam, on Surratt, or England ' ; while, as for referring their proceed-
ings to the Company, this ' doth not in the least displease us ', for
they hope to make their actions appear fair and just. Deny that
they have made use of the Company's servants or means for their
own purposes ; and as for sending the Company's shipping to
Persia, they had orders so to do. ' We have not in any kinde gonn
about to adultriate your actions, nor in the least writt a misbeseeme-
ing word of you or your actions to Surratt, much less to England ;
sure we are we have writt no untruth.' Reiterate their former
account [see p. 77] of their dealings with Yard and his ship Endea-
vour^ and deny absolutely that they ever gave him authority to
build any such vessel. As desired, he shall be sent to Bantam at
the first opportunity. On Yard offering to give a fair price for the
^ For another copy see the 0. C. Dtiplicates.
FOSTEK VII I
114 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Endeavour for breaking up, she was hauled ashore and the upper
works dismantled under his direction. The hull now lies ' in the
wash of the shore, ready to be broke all to pieces with the first fowle
weather ', and is worth no more than so much firewood. Day's em-
ployment to Persia in the Hopewell was quite in accordance with
the Company's instructions. The dispatch of that vessel straight
to England was only contemplated in the event of her returning to
the Coast too late to be sent to Bantam ; and as she has now got
back in good time, she will be duly dispatched to the latter place
instead. The ' red earth ' might well have been written off at Ban-
tam, but, as it has been re-charged to the Coast, ' wee'l cleere it on
our bookes, where no proffitt appeares in any accompt.' The horse
will be sent in the Hopewell \ also the butter, coffee, goats, and
buckets desired. Rejoice that Winter and Collet arrived at Bantam
in good health. Note that they have been detained there, * for
want of able men ', until next shipping, when the former is to be
allowed to proceed to England, while the latter, 'haveing incourage-
ment, is content to stay.' ' It seems Bantam ayre hath purg'd them
that now they can see wherein they have abused the Company.
We hope the English ayre, or the ayre between England and Ban-
tam, being more sereene, will soe purge their consciences that theile
bee able to speake all the truth when they come home, for (or we
miss our marke) they will be called to accompt and be forced eyther
to deny or justyfie what they have, like course friends, put theire
hands unto/ The letter of May 31 requires no lengthy answer ; but
they deny emphatically the charge of insubordination. * One of the
two books touching the peace and articles of agreement 'twixt the
English and the Portugalls we have according to your order dis-
peeded to Surratt. But forasmuch as concernes the Dutch and the
Portugalls, 'tis here in these partes warrs as formerly. For in Caelon
the Dutch and Portugalls have fought and (as reporte goes) the
Dutch lost in that land fight 400 men, besides many taken prisoners.^
At Goa the Portugalls tooke lately a greate shipp belonging to the
Dutch, ritchly laden from Pertia, wherein was Comandore Willbram ^.
^ This refers to the defeat of the Dutch near Galle in May, 1643 ; but their loss is
exaggerated {Hague Transcripts, series i. vol. xiii. no. 410; Dagh- Register, 1643-44,
p. 221).
^ Wollebrant Geleijnszoon : see above, p. 83, and a note on p. 240 of the previous volume.
The capture of his ship is related in detail later (p. 150). '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 115
And here in sight of us last moneth the Portugalls tooke a small
vessel!, belonging to the Dommini ^ of Pullecatt, that came from Cae-
loan ; but being he is mutch in favour with the Jesuitts, after a 10 or
15 dayes she was retourned him againe. Since when the road of
St. Thomay hath seldome been free of a Dutch shipp, to keep ifi
those that would to sea or to surprize such as are bound in thither.
. . . Speakeing of our priviledges in this place, you say you doubt
they will not be many or greate. To free that doubt, we say they
are many and greate ; for did the Company but drive any indifferent
trade, the customes onely would more then defray all the charges of
the garrison ; and this we shall be able to make appeare in con-
venient time. But it seems the particulers of the piscash sente our
Naigue, or rather the King, thereby to have our priviledges con-
firmd, was not incerted ; which we wonder at, for the transcript of
ours to you tells us it was 7 yards scarlett, 16 yards greene, 16 3^ards
redd cloth ; 10 maund sandall ; 3 lookeing glasses ; and one chest
rosewater. Tis a miserie unsufiferable to be deplored by those that
can, ought, and will not helpe. You have of a long time knowne
how 'tis with us. 'Tis like to be rather worse then better_, unless
you or our masters helpe us ; for we doe dayly increase our ingage-
ments.' Should sufficient means arrive to pay their debts and make
an investment, the resulting goods shall be sent to Bantam without
delay ; ' but our debts in the first place must be payd, and with the
first meanes that comes on this coast : elce our masters or you were
better to withdrawe us all from hence.' The master of the Advice
shall be told of the damage done to certain bales, and warned to
be more careful in future. Note what is said concerning the
Macassar trade. Finally, 'Andrew Cogan saith that, with as mutch
patience as a dejected man may, he awayts the Companies pleasure
for his removeall from this uncomfortable imployment, being you
say you cannot condiscend unto it.' ^ Now relate what has hap-
pened since the departure of the Advice. ' This countrey hath byn,
and still is at present, all in broyles, one Nague against another, and
most against the King ; which makes all trade at a stand. But the
King, by meanes of the King of Vizapore, whoe for 15 lacke of
1 Domine or Dominus, a chaplain or preacher. His name appears to have been
Carolus de Ladossa {Dagh- Register, 1643-44, PP- 25I1 260, &c.).
* Evidently this was written before Cogan decided to proceed to Bantam in the Hopewell.
I a
ii6 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
pagothaes and 34 eliphants hath sente some thousands of horse
for his assistance, is like to have the better.' On May 6 Jacob
Fuddle arrived; 'by whome we understood of your healths, &c.'
On the 20th came in the Hopewell from Persia. She had there pro-
cured ' a fraight for DabuU, the King of Gulquondahs ambassador,
which paid fraight 31,557 sha[hees] : all which, with the proceed
of such goods as were sold in Gombroone, Mr. Day brought with
him, all amo[unting] to 9,398 pago[das], 5 fa[nams] '. Certain
goods were returned as unvendible ; others were left at Gombroon
for sale, and the proceeds were subsequently sent in the Dutch ship
which (as already related) was captured at Goa. The Hopewell was
then dispatched on June i to Tranquebar and other places in quest
of longcloth, Trumball having been first removed from her owing to
the refusal of his crew to sail with him. Day was put in charge, with
orders to start back not later than July 25 ; ' but the President of the
Danes abusing his trust, caused him to stay till the 9th current, when
then he was forced to bring away all such goods as he had bought un-
sorted and unimballd.' She anchored in this road on the nth at
night ; and the packing of her cargo has taken until the 24th. Trum-
ball was restored to his post ; but this ' caus'd all or the most parte
of the shipps company to leave the shipp, vowing rather to leape
into the sea '. Cogan therefore offered to proceed in the ship to
Bantam, leaving Day in his place, and this was approved in consul-
tation. No other solution was possible, for they could not obtain
sufficient men from the shore to replace the mutineers, and no help
was to be expected from the master of the Advice (which arrived on
the 15th current), ' because not consign' d to us.* Refer to Cogan
for further details. {Copy. 6^ pp.)
Francis Day at Fort St. George to the Company,
August 30, 1643 {O.C. 1834).
Wrote last from * Ballisarra ' (by way of Surat), advising that
most of their cash had been perforce employed in clearing off old
debts. It was then expected that fresh loans would in conse-
quence be forthcoming when money was needed ; but time * hath
discovered the contrary.' This will probably cause ' an unmerritted
censure of the Coast ' — an outcome which he feared at the time of his
engagement, and he now regrets that he did not make matters clear
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 117
before he accepted the employment. Trusts that the little now sent
will give sufficient profit to encourage the Company to prosecute
the trade and send funds to clear their debts and save them from
' that devouringe canker of intrest which hath impoysoned all the
best indeavours of those that have had the mannaginge of your
estates. Untill such time, I say, and your resolution for duble
stockinge the Coast, tis impossible to comply with your desires or
give content to your Presidents.' Cannot tell why the trade on the
Coast has been so unsuccessful ; * but sure, yf you please but to
cause an exact calculation of Dutch affaires, you will then finde that
this Coast is the nerves and life of all their great undertakings, and
yf they lade a shipp, two, three, or more, at Surratt annually, they
doe more then trible it on this Coast.' Feels it his duty as a loyal ser-
vant to offer advice as to the measures necessary to be taken to im-
prove matters. First, the Coast must be double stocked, as already
recommended. Secondly, two or three ketches of from 30 to 50 tons
should be sent for use here. These would assist in ' the congrega-
tinge of all goods to this port, wheare they may be in securitie till
shipps arrivall ', thus facilitating the dispatch of the latter to Bantam.
They might also be employed in carrying goods to other ports for
sale ; and their charge would be very little, ' beinge manned out of
your foart '. Thirdly, more should be left to the Agent's discretion,
and the Company should not ' looke more on the success then on
the intent '. These measures, if adopted, would produce results
which would * vindicate the lost repute of this Coast '. Refers for
further details to Cogan, ' whose abbillities and knowledge of this
Coast may not be questioned '. The accompanying accounts will
show what Day has done at Balasore and at Gombroon. Cannot
now say how far the Third Joint Stock will be indebted to the First
General Voyage, but fears that the remains will be too large ' for
your proffitt '. Will write on this subject to the President at Bantam.
Owing to his recent voyages and the short notice at which he has
accepted ' this unthankfuU imployment ', he cannot give a full
account of the present state of affairs here ; but he hopes to do
so shortly, by way of Surat. The company has repeatedly censured
this Agency for building the Fort, at great charge and without
authority.' On the latter point he will say nothing ; but, as regards
the former, he is prepared not only to excuse but to commend the
]i8 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
action. ' For, compareinge the price of Armagon and this place,
there is such an unequallitie, which, yf you please throughly and
truly to have calculated, you will then finde that what hath been
done was noe more then necessary, and very proffittable for you. For
such goods that is now heare bought for SJ and 9 pag[odas] I have
paid there 11^ and lij ; besides hazard [to?] your estates in
intrustinge it to uncertayne merchants, six, seven, eight, and sum-
tymes more monthes.' Refers to the enclosed papers for an account
of Trumball's abuses and threats, which forced Day to decide to
proceed overland to Surat rather than run the hazard of a further
voyage with him. Had Day considered merely his own interests,
he would have persisted in this intention instead of accepting his
present post. As it is, he hopes the Company will relieve him of
his charge at the earliest opportunity. In the meantime, he assures
them of his best endeavours in their service. ( 3 J //. Received by
the Mary, June 15, 1644.)
Francis Day at Fort St. George to the President and
Council at Bantam, August 30, 1643 {p£. 1835).!
For an account of matters here, he refers to the general letter and
his own letter to the Company. Desires them to consider what is
to be done about the indebtedness of the Joint Stock to the Voyage.
Suggests that the officers and crew of the Hopewell should be inter-
rogated as to the truth of the charges made against Trumball.
Begs that they will speedily relieve him of this ' inforced imploy-
ment ' by appointing a successor. {Copy. % p.)
Thomas Dowle, Master of the Advice, at Masulipatam
to [the President at Bantam], September 19, 1643 {O.C.
1837).
Narrates the events of their voyage since their departure from
Bantam. On April 7 they reached the supposed latitude of
Reeling's Islands \see p. 97] and then ran west along that parallel
until there was no longer any hope of seeing them. Proceeded
therefore to Rodriguez, which was reached on April 23. Sent
a boat on shore * to discover any signe of our shipps being there ;
^ There is another copy among the 0. C. Duplicates.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 119
but could find none but a crose and a plasc where ficr hadd binn
made by a French and Dutch shipp that hadd binn there four
monthes before us ', as they afterwards learnt at Mauritius. Departed
next day, and went in search of the island called * the English
Forest ' [Reunion], but without result. On April 28 they anchored
at Mauritius, where the Dutch came on board, and also three men
that had been in one of Courteen's ships, called the Harry Bona-
venttire, which was cast away in a hurricane while homewards bound
with a cargo of pepper. Could hear nothing of * our lost shipps '
[i.e. the Jewel and the Jonas]. Having obtained wood and water,
they sailed on May 7 and next day reached the island of [ ] ^
Went ashore there on the 9th and found many turtles and hogs ^.
On May 17 they sighted Madagascar ; but, owing to contrary winds
and currents, they did not attain St. Augustine's Bay until the 23rd.
Could only get a small quantity of beef to salt ; and then the
attitude of the natives became so hostile that they were obliged to
embark their goods and men, all further trade being conducted on
board. Sailed on June 10 and, after attempting in vain to make the
NW. coast of Madagascar, anchored at Mayotta [in the Comoros]
on the 24th. Had hoped ' to have gotten lustie blacks there ; but
they had kild theire king 22 dayes before that we came there and
they hadd made another king, but he could not come to the crowne
before the next moone ; soe that we could gett but three blacks
there.' On July 3 they departed for Johanna and reached it two
days later. Found that they could not get there any ' blacks '
(except one woman) under 20 rials of eight apiece ; this would soon
have exhausted their scanty stock of money, and they had nothing
else available, ' for all our barambaram ^ we have left behind us.'
Sailed on the 7th. Reached Tranquebar on August 12, and the
next day John Jeffries died. Arrived at Madraspatam on August 15.
Has now been ordered to proceed to the Bay, though the time of
year is far spent. Will not fail to start on return voyage to Bantam
by December 31 at the latest. The lead cannot be sold here and, if
they fail to reach the Bay to dispose of it there, he cannot tell how
^ Blank in the MS. ; but it seems to have been Reunion, the very island they had been
looking for in vain (see the 1624-29 volume, p. 263).
' Herbert, who was there in 1629, says that his ship left some goats and hogs on the
island {Travels^ 1638, p. 351 ; also the 1624-29 volume, p. 332).
3 Malay barang-barang, * goods '.
120 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
to get money to buy the provisions wanted for Bantam, as the
factors on this Coast will not provide him with funds. Jeffries'
goods and clothes have been sold, and the proceeds entered in the
purser's book for payment in England. Some ambergris belonging
to him is sent herewith ; also his books and papers. Has forwarded
by the Hopewell to Bantam some beef salted at Madagascar, and
four ' cofries' \see p. 8i], viz. two men (cost lo rials each), one boy
(6 rials), and one woman (9 rials). Refers to his journal (sent here-
with) for particulars of his voyage. {Copy, 3 J //.)
Francis Day, Henry Greenhill, and George Travell at
Fort St. George to Thomas Peniston and others at Masu-
LiPATAM, September 22, 1643 {O.C. 1838).
Enclose a letter received from Bantam on the 19th. The orders
contained therein about the return of the Advice to that port must
be carefully obeyed. (Copy, \ p.)
The Same to the Same, September 23, 1643 {O.C. 1838).
A ship [the Hart\ arrived from England this morning. Now send
transcripts of her letters and invoice, and will advise further by that
vessel, which will be dispatched to them in two days. PS. — Cannot
get the letters transcribed in time, as the Danes, who will deliver
this, refuse to wait any longer. {Copy. | /.)
Consultation held at Fort St. George by the Agent
AND Council, September 24, 1643 {O.C. 1839).
The Hart having arrived yesterday with ten chests of rials ^ and
six of coral (besides ships' stores), the disposal of her and her cargo
is considered. It is resolved to land here only the coral and two
chests of treasure, and to send her with the rest to Masulipatam,
where the money is to be used in satisfying the most pressing of
their creditors and in making an investment for Bantam. Whether
the Hart should then go to Bantam or to Persia must be left to the
factors at Masulipatam. (i J pp.)
^ This would mean 40,000 rials of eight (10,000/.).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 121
Consultation held at Bantam by President Cartwright
AND Council, September 25, 1643 (O.C 1840).
. . . The Company having ordered the return of Cogan from the
Coast at or before Ivy's arrival, and Day being likewise expected to
leave those parts, some able and experienced men will be needed
there. Have accordingly prevailed on Thomas Winter to stay
another three years from the expiration of his contract (which was
about June 12, 1642), at a salary of 80/. per annum. He is to be
employed on the Coast, and to rank next to Cogan, Day, and
Peniston. . . . {Extract. J /.)
The Company to the President and Council at Surat
[November 27, 1643^] (Factory Records^ Miscellaneous, vol. xii.
p. 89).
Wrote on March 24 last \iiot extajtt'] by the Dolphin and Hind,
which left the Downs on April 10. Had in addition prepared the
Mary for Bantam, the Hart (with a cargo of 11,493/. 4-^- Sd.) for
the Coast of Coromandel, and the Seajiower, ' intended to touch at
St. Laurence and Mozambique and to make some triall of trade on
the coast of Soffola and those parts, and then to prosecute her
voyadge for your port of Swalley.' Sent by the last-named letters
dated February 27, 1643 \iiot extant'] and laded on her moneys and
goods to the value of 10,636/. 17^-. 6d., a small part of which was
intended for Mozambique and the parts adjacent. Had intended
that both the Seaflower and the Hart should have been dispeeded
earlier ; but * troubles att home and delay es from abroad, with
opposition of contrary wind ' prevented them from quitting the
Downs until March 8. Trust they have duly arrived. The
Crispiana and Aleppo Merchant reached the Downs on July 19,
having brought with them from St. Helena the Reformation from
Bantam, with a cargo of pepper, cloves, sugar, &c. On July 28
news was received that the Ulysses from Bantam had arrived at
^ The date is supplied by the letters sent in reply {O.C. 1901, 1905). This letter was
sent by the Endeavour, which left the Thames towards the end of November, 1643, bound
for the Coromandel Coast, whence the present letter was to be dispatched overland to Surat.
This vessel must be distinguished from the one of the same name bought by Yard in the
Bay of Bengal.
10,2 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Plymouth, and in August she ' came safe into the river of Thames '.
Lastly, on October 30, the Blessing came in unexpectedly from
Bantam, bringing intelligence of the arrival there from Surat of the
Advice with a well-sorted cargo of goods. Now intend to dispatch
to Bantam by the beginning of March next the William (a nfew
ship of 650 tons) and the Blessing (260 tons). On October 3 received
a packet overland via Basra and Aleppo, containing the Surat letter
of March 20, 1643, one from Basra of June 30 \iiot exta7tt\, a number
of documents from Persia, &c. As they are preparing for Surat
the Crispiana and the John (a new ship of 360 tons), it is not
necessary to write now at great length, and they will therefore only
deal with the goods brought home by the Crispiana and Aleppo
Merchant. These all came * well-conditioned ', except certain bales
of piece-goods which had been cut open before being shipped, part
of the contents stolen, and the resulting vacancies filled with ' a
whitish clay'. The silk invoiced as 'Cannaree' turned out to be
' Legee * ; however, it is * a good, cleane, round sorte '. Desire in
future only clean and well-conditioned silk, either * Legee' or
' Ardasse ', but no ' Cannaree '} As regards the indigo, neither kind
was up to the standard of previous consignments ; while three of
the bales described as Biana indigo were found to be nothing but
black earth or clay. As each bale should weigh 4 maunds or 220 lb.,
the loss is 660 lb. at 6s. Sd. Bornford, on being questioned, denied
all knowledge of the matter, suggesting that these bales may belong
to the portion bought at Surat. This practice of pleading ignorance
is too common ; ' but wee must have another reckning, for it must
be satisfaction that will give us content.' Intend to send back these
three bales next spring. The Sarkhej indigo was moderately good ;
but its * new face or fabrique ' is disapproved, as likely to lead
dishonest persons to sell it as Biana indigo. A thousand bales in
all of the two sorts will suffice for the future. Complaints of the
quality of the indigo sold by the Dutch suggest that in their case
some Sarkhej indigo has been made up in Lahore fashion and sold
as such. ' Wee therefore desire that old customes may be kept and
the commodity appeare in its wonted forme.' Complain of the
^ For ' Cannaree ' silk see a note on p. 195 of the previous volume. * Legee ' silk came
from Lahijan ; vs'hile ' Ardasse ' is supposed to have taken its name from Arras of Arrash,
a town in Georgia, now known as Elizabetpol or Ganja.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 123
large quantity of sand found among the indigo. Markets, both
here and on the Continent, are so bad that it has been decided to
divide the indigo, cinnamon, and piece-goods among the adven-
turers in the General Voyage. Indigo is especially debased in
price, owing partly to the large quantity brought home as private
trade in the Crispiana and the Aleppo Merchant^ nearly 40,000 lb.
having been discovered, besides what has escaped detection.
Evidently there is a large amount of private trade, both outwards
and homewards, and yet the Surat factors do nothing to stop it.
' Since there is such a generall combination amongst all sorts of
people in our imployment, both on shore in the Indies and on ship-
board, for the prosecuting of privat trade, wee shall be constrayned
to take some more severe course against that unlawfull practice then
willingly wee would, since no faire meanes or admonition will take
place amongst them.' The calicoes last received have ' for lacke of
markett ' been distributed among the adventurers, rated ' at i\ upon
their prime coast '. Cannot commend the ' Nursapoore jooris ' from
Sind ; they are thin cloths ' onlie made fayre to the eye by overmuch
starching, slicking, and beating. . . . They are neither good cloth
or full size.' Much prefer the ' Dorbella ' [Darbclo] sort, which comes
also from Sind ; of these four or five thousand pieces would sell.
* So would some of them also made in Sevensteere [Sehwan] ; and
the indico of that place also would find vent here, if well bought
and carefully chosen.' The broad baftas of Baroda and Broach are
^ more substantiall and serviceable ' (besides being cheaper) than the
* Echbarrees ', which are only a longer and rather broader sort of
' Mercules'. The last-named were at first held in good reputation,
* being then full 15 yards long and yard wide and also substantiall
cloth' ; but those which came in the London in 1643 were one-
eighth of a yard narrower, and are consequently almost all still on
hand. If any more be sent, they must be full size, both in length
and breadth, and * well whited '. The ' Deerebauds ', bought at Agra,
' give content ', but more care must be taken in the bleaching. ' The
narraw baftaes of Suratt and the Nunceree [Nosari] making are the
most true and substantiall cloth of all India ' ; ' but of these or any
other sorts we would not desire above 20,000 pieces of all kinds,
untill the market be quicker and the commodity more in request ;
for now they are almost out of request with every man, and this
124 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
hath proceeded from their dearnesse and ill making, and unlesse
both these can be amended callicoes will be at a stand, except they
may be afforded to undersell forraigne linnens.' The same quantity
as before of ' nicaneers ' and other Guinea stuffs may be sent. The
' pintadoe quilts ' sold for 50^. each ; but * they serve more to content
and pleasure our freinds then for any proffit [that] ariseth in sales '.
Not more than a hundred should be forwarded yearly ; and, both as
regards those and the ' chintes ', more should be made * with white
grounds, and the branches and flowers to be in coUors, and not to
be (as these last sent) all in generall of deep redd ground and other
more sadder collers.' The cotton yarn, being good, sold at 2s. gd,
per lb. ; coarse yarn is almost unsaleable. The best was that bought
in Surat and neighbourhood ; and 70 or 80 bales of equal quality
will be welcome. If saltpetre be sent, it must be ' refined up to the
assay of proofe ', as otherwise it is not worth carriage ; besides, it is
liable to damage other goods. Cannot sell the Roman vitriol or
' mottueta ' [see p. 86] ; so no more should be supplied until it is
asked for. The ' tincall ' [borax] fetched 15/. per hundredweight.
' Of this commodity we know there is good quantities, if you please
but to make us the sole proprietors thereof in our returnes, be it to
the quantity of 15 or 20,000 lb. weight. Wee therefore doe hereby
againe require you to forbidd all marriners and others to meddle or
bring home any of the said commodity, for wee will either confiscate
the same or make them pay such freight as that the commodity
shall yeild them little advance ; and so much we require you to
declare unto them all, for in this returne they have brought neer
2,000 lb. waight.' Of gum-lac the same quantity as before may be
sent ; also some olibanum, myrrh, aloes Socotrina, and cardamoms.
No more beads for bartering required at present. Cinnamon main-
tains its price at ^s. per lb., and 500 skins may be supplied yearly.
The dry ginger was sold at a loss, and no more is desired. The
Indian sugar is likewise in no demand, and any stock on hand should
therefore be disposed of at Surat. The turmeric had better have
been thrown overboard than brought home, being so ' drie and old
and wormeaten ' that no one will buy it. The Malabar pepper will
not fetch more than i^d. per lb. ; if it can be bought at wonted
prices, some may be shot loose among the bale goods, but otherwise
it is not worth bringing. In making up the return cargo, pre'ference
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 125
should be given to indigo, but its quality must be good. Of calicoes,
cotton yarn, and drugs they have already spoken. The Endcavotir
has been specially built for service in India ; she is of nearly 200
tons burden, strong, and of small draught. She is now intended
for the Coromandel Coast, carrying money and coral to the amount
of 11,094/. 8^. Afd, On arrival there, she is to go into the Bay of
Bengal for three or four months, and then, on her return to the
Coast, to proceed with a cargo of suitable goods to Gombroon.
The proceeds of these goods she is to bring to Surat, the President
and Council having previously repaid to the Coast factors their full
value. The ship is then to remain at the disposal of the President
and Council of Surat, at whose request she has been built. Next
spring the Crispiana and a new ship of 400 \sic\ tons, called the Jo/ui,
will be dispatched to Surat, though possibly one of them may be
directed to call at Cannanore and other Malabar ports on her way.
* These are our hopes and desires ; and wee wish we may not come
short in any of them. Yet wee are fearfull how far wee shall be
able to performe in this troublesome tymes, when all trade and
commerce in this kingdome is almost fallen to the ground through
our owne unhappie divisions at home, unto which the Lord in mercie
put a good end ; and as the badnesse of trade and scarsity of
monyes are here, so is all Europe in little better condition, but in
a turmoyle, either forraigne or domestique warr ; by which meanes
monies are not procurable as formerly.' The two ships will
certainly be sent ; but, as it may prove impossible to furnish them
with a sufficient stock to provide cargoes for both, and as moreover,
if a large quantity of goods be brought home, *wee might lacke
sales ', it will not be advisable to prepare in India beforehand more
than enough to lade the Crispia?ta, In that case the President and
Council may find some other employment for the jfo/ui, on condition
that they have her ready to be sent home in November, 1645.
' The divisions is growne so high betweene the King and Parliament
in those [parts of?] Darbyshiere and Yorksheere where the lead was
shipt off, that there can come none from those parts. So that, if
things doe not suddenly accord, wee have noe hope to send you any
this next spring. If thcrfore you have any on your hands, you
may seeke to advance the price of what you have ; for from hence
wee can promise none but att excessive rate.' Will not absolutely
126 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
decide at present concerning the making of Sarkhej indigo in the
form of that of Lahore ; by next spring they will be able to see
' what acceptance in the interim it hath found '. The Biana indigo
has suffered much in reputation from the bad quality of the last
supply, and unless there is an improvement it may be necessary to
' give over the indico trade '. The ' pintadoe quilts ' are reckoned
very dear. The Roman vitriol was not asked for ; and, if it still
remains unsold, it will be made over (on their return) to the factors
who bought it ; and the same will be done with the turmeric.
Trouble caused by piece-goods being found to be deficient in length ;
in future, ' let their length be certaine, that wee may know what
wee sell and the buyer what he is to receave.' [Copy, 2o| //.)
List of Writings received at Bantam from the Coast
BY the Hopewell^ November 30, 1643 (O.C. 1836).
Journals and ledgers for Masulipatam, Fort St. George, Balasore,
and ' Harrapoore ' ; ^ various letters and consultations ; invoices of
the Hopewell and Hart ; a list of English soldiers at Fort St. George ;
a petition from Geoffrey Bradford; &c., &c. (ij//.)
President Cartwright and Council at Bantam to the
Company, December 9, 1643 (P.C. 1847).
. . . Note that the Company are not satisfied as to the origin
of the debts on the Coast. Cannot give any explanation ; but there
is no doubt that such debts exist and have been a great hindrance
to business, both there and here. . . . Ivy, who is both able and
discreet, will be dispatched to the Coast in May or June next.
The factors there are at present ' in obscuritie, being destitute of
a light to direct them, notwithstanding they have Day there all
the day long. And heere wee supposse it's not amiss to lett Your
Worships understand that Mr. Francis Day was the first projecture
and contriver of that forte or castle in Madrasspatan ; which another
with a greite deale of discontent, laboure, and paines hath now
1 The Balasore journal goes down to June 30, 1643, while the Hariharpur accounts close
on August 31, 1642. Possibly this was the date on which the latter factory was withdrawn.
It is true that on p. 65 reference is made to certain piece-goods which, in November, 1642,
were being provided at Hariharpur; but this may have been managed through a native
broker.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 127
brought to some good pass ; bc[ing] a place of securitie on that
coast, as the onelie place of secured saiftie with that title of honoure
(castle) that ever our nation enjoyed in East India ; and therefore
in our opinions to bee highlie esteemed. And for it's cost, it's
certaine that, if Your Worships contincw the Indian trade, in few
yeares it will not quitt onelie it's owne charge, but allsoe produce
benefitt and put monies into your purses, by bringeing a trade
thether, raiseing a custome there, paying of duties by the inhabitants
neere adjoyning, and being replenisht with merchants weavers ;
whereby you may have all things necessarie and convenient for you
under your owne command. And happy and gladd will manie bee
(wherein you will find the benefitt) to come and live under our
nation and bee protected by them.' . . . Cogan arrived from the
Coast in the Hopewell on November 30, bringing goods to the
value of 22,644 rials 20^. He now takes his passage in this ship
(the Mary) for England. Note the dispatch of the Hart to the
Coast. She has arrived there, and Day has paid some of the debts
with the money she brought. . . . Do not doubt that the Coast
factors will cheerfully obey the Court's orders touching their
subordinacy to Bantam. . . . The Swan arrived from Surat on
April 16 ; and the Expedition was dispatched thither on August 22.
. . . Have discoursed with Cogan concerning the fort at Madras-
patam ; ' which certainlie was at first projected by Mr. Francis
Day, and doubtless Mr. Cogan would never have erected it without
greate incoureagment thereto by some that might then best doe it.
And notwithstanding the cost bestowed thereon (which, considering
it's building and strength, will not appeare too much), three yeares
time questionless (if Your Worships continue this Indian tradd)
will facylelie regaine what hath beene expended thereon, as hath
beene allreadie said. And for the future greite hopes of benefitt
and incoureagement, theirto is an iland scituated in the river, under
the command of the castle, whereon is likelie to bee made a greate
quantitie of salt yearelie ; which is one of the constantest com-
modities in all theise easterne parts, and much monies are gotten
thereby everie where.' The debts on the Coast were made before
Cogan's time ; and these, with the high rate of interest thereon,
have necessarily * clouded his actions and good intendments.' Their
speedy liquidation is urgently required, for both the factors' business
128 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
and their repute suffer much on this account. As Yard has been
censured by the President at Surat and called home by the Company,
nothing will be done in the matter here, but he will be sent to
England in the Hopewell. Re-engagement of three factors, including
Winter. The accounts received from the Coast will be examined,
entered, and sent by the Hopewell. Some other books and writings
go in the Mary. . . . Regret that the Hart was not at once dis-
patched from the Coast hither, in order that she might be sent
home. Have written to Surat for a ship for that purpose, and
hope to lade her with pepper for England, in addition to one of
their own which will be dispeeded next July. The Advice has not
yet returned, but they have learned some particulars of her voyage
by a letter from Masulipatam \see p. ii8]. They expect her in
February, if Day does not send her to Persia. . . . ' The Dutch are
at open warrs againe with the Portugalls, who (poore people) are
like to goe by the walls, for the Hollander[s] have a fleete of
1% shipps (they say) goan for Zeloane, but, as 'tis thought, intended
for Goa. They have taken on of Squire Curteenes shipps within
the Streights of Malacca (her name is the Boone Esperanzd)'^,
detayned halfe their men at Malacca, sent the other halfe to
Jaccatra (from whence thei have made meanes unto us for their
passage home \see O.C. 1844, 1850]), and sent the shipp with the
rest of theirs, eyther against Zeloan or Goea.' . . . {Extracts only.
Walter Clark, aboard the Supply [at Swally?], to
[the President and Council at Surat], December 17, 1643
{O.C. 1852).
On May 25, eighteen days after leaving Cochin, the ship anchored
in Achin Road. Visits were paid to the Queen and the principal
men ; and then great delays were experienced, owing to opposition
of the Gujarat! merchants, who bribed the officials to hinder the
passing of the English goods through the custom-house. In the
end Clark was forced to pay a lump sum of 550 taels to get his
cargo passed. On landing they were entertained by Arthur
* See the account in the succeeding letter ; also Hague Transcripts^ series i. vol. xiii.
no. 410, and series i. vol. iii. nos, E 7, M 7.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 129
Keniston \ principall for the affaires of the Esquire Courteen',
and at his suggestion they constructed for thenaselves a godovvn
in the capacious precincts of his factory. The Dutch were living
close by, in the Company's former building. Their chief was
' Petter Williamson ^ ', who died about a month after Clark's arrival.
No Dutch ship had been there for eleven months, and the factors
had scarcely any funds left. The method of trading at Achin
described. Prices of tin and pepper. Competition of the Gujarat!
merchants. On July 28 the Dutch Luipaard anchored in the road,
having come from Batavia by way of Malacca. On board of her
was 'Peter Surry ^ commissire for the Dutch', who brought news
of the capture of the Bona Spcranza^ * beinge in the Esquire
Courteens imployment and fraughted by the Portugalls from Goa
to China.' ^ ' She anchored nere some of these ilands what time
we anchored in the roade ; yet had we not sight each of other in
our navigateinge thither. William Gourly^ was principall for the
negotiateinge the intended designe ; who by his letter intimateth
that at the entry of Mallaca Streights thay encountred a Dutch
yough [i.e. yacht] with 18 gunes, who would command them to
goe into Mallaca roade ; which thay refuseinge, she, beinge farr
nimbler of saile, left them. And some few daies after, the Bona
Esperanca^ beinge nere clere of those streights, [she], acompanied
with another ship, reencountred them and willed them as before
to returne for Mallaca, to the intent thay might have there Generalls
consent for there fre passage, which thay neede not doubt but would
be granted, thay payinge custome for there goods. Gourlly, who
speakes the Dutch language singular, returned them rough language,
bidinge them looke up to there flagg : if thay had ought to opose
against those coulours, he with his shipps company was there to
defend them. After which the Dutch sent there boats abord with
a protest that if thay would not returne for Mallaca or deliver up
the Portugalls which thay had abord fairely, that then thay would
force them soe to doe. All which he refusingc, the Dutch lett fly
* Or Kynaston. He had been purser of the Roebuck (see the 1634-36 volume, p. 266).
' Pieter Willemszoon (see Dagh- Register, 1641-42, p. 175).
8 Pieter Souri (see Dagh- Register, 1641-42, pp. 153, 166, &c.).
* See Wi't Lisbon Transcripts : Doc. Remett., book 48, ff. 151, 294. She had on board
Luiz de Carvalho de Souza, who was proceeding; to Macao as Captain-General.
^ Probably the ' William Gorle' of the last volume (p. Si).
FOSTER VH K
13© THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
(as thay say) a peece unshotted ; the English affirme the contrary,
sayinge the first shott thay made tooke place in her bowe and
rackinge aftward killed a man. The Bona Esperanca in requitall
fired a peece in her quarter, killed the comandour of the Dutch and
two youths. Soe thay continued in fight untill the Dutch (as
themselves report) loosinge out of both vessells 80 men, and (as
Gourly writeth) 17 English (whereof one was the master) killed
and soe much maimed that, if thay survive, any of them, it wilbe
with the loss of some member ; when the Portugalls, who will
never relinquish there dasterly condition, sent one aloft with a white
flagg, themselfe[s] beinge in hould secure from danger. The Dutch
presently horded them ; carried them for Mallaca ; imprisoned all
the Portingalls ; the maimed men appointed to the hospitall ; the
sound saylors distributed into severall vessells ; Gourly and Carter
(who, beinge master, was displaced by him after there leaveinge
the coast of India) only billeted one shore; particular invoices
taken of all goods in hould ; [those] without seased on and shared
by the souldiers as pillage. All beinge refastned and she surely
mored in Mallaca, a vessell [was] dispeeded to the Generall of
Battavia.' Souri has obtained from the Queen of Achin the
privilege of sole trade at Tiku and Priaman. Clark ' sumbaied ^,
.deslringe she would please to invest our nation with some
favour ' ; whereupon she remitted the customs outward ' for this
first voyage'. Narrates the further proceedings of Souri, who
departed on August 20. Clark then endeavoured to obtain similar
privileges to those enjoyed by the Dutch, but without result. If,
however, the English can procure the release of an ' Achener ', who
was captured by the Portuguese at Malacca and is believed to have
been since purchased by Francisco de Souza de Castro in Goa, it
is certain that the Queen will make in return whatever concessions
they may desire. Most of the Supply s goods have been sold ; but
the competition of the Bengal, Masulipatam, and Pegu merchants
much hindered the purchase of a return cargo. A piece of ground
was obtained on the riverside, between the Dutch and the ' Cour-
tenians'j and the erection of a factory building was commenced.
No sooner had the Bengal and Masulipatam junks left the road
^ An adaptation of the Malay sambah^ a petition or representatioif.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 131
than ' in creps those Keeling^ junckes (soe comonly called by the
natives here, and arc not other than Mallavares) ' ; but unfortunately
there was no opportunity of taking revenge upon them for the
capture of the Comfort^ as the English could not conclude their
business on shore in time. Trade was restricted by the action of
the Dutch, ' which continually lurke in Malaca Streights and pcrmitt
not any to pass, under pretence of payinge custome there, and soe
enforce them for Mallaca ; as this yeare thay have done two junckes
from Rackane [Arakan] and as many from Macassar bound for
Achene with some quantities of cloves. There thay enforce them
to make saile of there goods ; and sticke not themselves to report
that thay doubt not but to make it the mart of all those parts and
enforce all trade thither.' Proceedings of Courteen's agent, Keniston,
who succeeded Glascock here in August, 164;^. Tin bought from
the Queen of Achin. Maximilian Bowman was left in charge of the
factory, and with him Thomas Fitch, Francis Scattergood, and one
of the ship's company ; also William Dawes, a young man who
formerly came from Bengal on a junk. He had been servant in
turn to Thomas Faulkner and Thomas Clark, and (according to his
own account) had been freed from the Company's employment by
Cogan. The two brokers sent from Surat have both returned ;
but the brother of one of them has been left to assist Bowman.
The Supply sailed from Achin on October 20. The weather proved
so bad that they did not sight Ceylon until November 8, and ten
days later they anchored at Cochin. There Clark received and
opened a letter left by Thurston at his departure, and also one
addressed to the latter from Surat. Bought a quantity of cinnamon,
and sailed again on the 26th. On December 3 they passed a fleet
of Malabars near Goa, and saw four Dutch ships and a yacht riding
in the road. Four days later the Supply was off Bombay, and
ever since she has been struggling against adverse winds. The
ship, from the time of her leaving ' this road ', has ' continued thite
[tight] and proved stiffe of saile '. All her stone ballast was used
at Achin in building the new factory. A small quantity of freight
brought back, at a charge of 16 per cent. During their stay at
Achin they buried five men, John Woodward amongst them ; while
^ In Malay countries Indian traders or immigrants are termed Klings (see Hobson-Jobsoity
s,v.).
K 2
13^^ THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
almost every one on board, including Clark himself, suffered from
sickness. (Copy. 'S-o^pp)
List of Merchants employed at Bantam and its subordi-
nates [January, 1644 1] {O.C 1841).
. . . At Fort St. George: Francis Day (200/.), Henry Greenhill
(50/.)^ John Brown (24/.), and William Minn (12/.). At Masulipatam :
Thomas Peniston (100/.), Henry Olton (150/.), William Methwold
(30/.), William Netlam (18/.), William Gurney (20/.), and William
Isaacson (20/.). In Bengal: Robert Hatch (80/.) and George Travell
(30/.) (p.\pp)
List of Merchants employed in the Surat Presidency
[January, 1644? 2] (p,C. 1842).
At Surat: William Fremlen (500/.), Francis Breton (100/.), Thomas
Merry (300/.), Richard Fitch (50/.), Andrew Baines, minister (50/.),
William Thurston (50/.), Edward Pearce (60/.), John Stanford (35/.))
George Oxenden {'^^l^^ Thomas Hill (;^^l), Philip Wylde (40/.),
Maximilian Bowman (24/.), John Rymell (12/.), Nathaniel Tems(i 2/.),
John Goodyear (12/.), William Wyche (12/.), Luke Pynn (18/.), John
Mantell [ ], and Richard Clark (8/. 8j.). At Ahmaddbdd : George
Tash (40/.), Thomas Cogan (20/.), Anthony Smith (20/.), and Robert
Heynes (18/.). At Agra: John Turner (80/.), Francis Hammersly
(50/.), William Jesson (40/.), and Matthew Downs (18/.). In the
Red Sea: John Wylde (100/.), Robert Cranmer (30/.), and Peter
Herbert (20/.). In Sind: John Spiller (133/. (>s. ^d?), Daniel Elder
(70/.), and Revett Walwyn (18/.). In Persia: William Hall (80/.),
Thomas Wheeler (50/.), Thomas Adler (70/-), Thomas Codrington
* From the endorsement it appears that this list was presented to the Court on January lo,
1644. Being compiled at home, it is of course only relatively accurate. The list contains
45 names, and the total cost of salaries is given as 2,308/. per annum. Only the Coast
factors are noted above. Of these, Netlam and Gurney had come out the previous year in
the Hart ; while Olton, Methwold (who seems to have been the eldest son of the late
President of Surat), and Isaacson were being dispatched in the Endeavour, which did not
arrive till July, 1644.
2 Though endorsed * October, 1643', this list has evidently been corrected to a some-
what later date. It is in the same handwriting as O.C. 1841.
^ Altered from 100/., in accordance with the Court's decision, on March 17, 164.^, to
increase his wages to that extent from March 25, 1644. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 133
(70/.), and William Pitt (100/.). Seiit out in tlie ' Dolphin ' : Anthony
Clitherow (20/.; and Thomas Reynardson (20/.).^ (P'\PP)
President Cartwright and Council at Bantam to the
Company, January 10, 1644 {0,C. 1853).
. . . Regret the imperfect state of the Coromandel accounts.
Ivy will, upon reaching the Coast, make inquiry into the matter.
With the exception of Day, all the factors there that are capable
of good service are desirous of returning to England, their covenants
having expired ; but this cannot be allowed for the present. . . .
The Hart arrived from the Coromandel Coast on December 13.
Praise the frugality of Godfrey, her master. On the other hand
the late master [Trumball] of the Hopewell appears to have been
wasteful, for she came hither very poorly supplied. . . . John Yard,
formerly chief in the Bay of Bengal, returns in this ship, the Hopewell^
having put his whole estate (sent herewith) into the hands of the
Company. As regards the accusations made against him, they
conceive him to be innocent, * and that he had absolute order and
authoritie to buy the Endeavotir^ as we have scene by a letter
directed unto him in the Bay to procure a good vessell, three times
mencioned in the sayd letter, besides the buying of a jelliah \sce the
1634-36 volume^ p. 43] or flatt bottomd boate, which are not capable
to transport to Mesulapatam from the Bay of Bengala the 20th part
of what was desired to be sent thence in the sayd vessell he had
order to procure.' . . . Omitted to enclose in their last a letter
from Day &c. on the Coast, dated October 3 last [jwt extant].
Nevertheless, they cannot consider the proposition made therein
worthy of consideration or approbation. * 'Twere better for them
discreetly to mannage the busines they have now in hand" then to
trouble themselves with new projects and conceits of 12 or 16 sayle
of shipps, pinnaces, and ketches, with a carga[son] of fowerscore
thousand pounds and a yearely supply of 30 or 35,000//., with an
unlimitted power to doe what they pleased without any controlement.*
They believe, however, that upon Ivy's arrival, 'these foggie mists
will be gently dispersed '. ' The continuance of the Bengala factory,
* The total of the amended list is 2,430/. 14^. 8</., or, adding Mantell's salary of 15/.
(omitted in the list), 2,435/. ^4-^- ^^^-j tlivided among forty persons.
134 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
if Your Worshipps intend the continuance of your trade, is soe
necessary (and maintayned with soe little charge) that we desire
you would be pleased absolutely to inorder its dissolution or sub-
sisting. If the latter, the man appoynted thither by Mr. Day,
namely William Nettlam, is very unfitt to have the direccion of
your affayres there ; where not any is soe well acquainted, or hath
more abillities for its performance then Mr. Yard aforesaid.' . . .
Will probably dispatch the Hart to Surat next May with pepper.
. . . The Swan, on her return from Jambi, is to go to the Coast,
carrying thither Thomas Ivy and Thomas Winter, ' for the resettle-
ment of your affayres there '. . . . Dutch discoveries in the South
Seas.^ They have also found ' a second Mauritius, some 80 leagues
to the northwards of the other, whose draught [missing] is likewise
herewith sent you.' The Dutch, Portuguese, and others, trade
annually to Macao and other parts of China. The Hollanders are
also about to send a ship to ' Tartaria '. ' That island of Poolaroone ^
soe long in their possession, in which His Majestie of England hath
soe just right and tytle, and under him our Honorable Company,
we mervayle as yet that it is not redellivered upp into our possession.
But we knowe there myndes, which is thus : that unlesse there come
an absolute comaund in writing from the King of England, approved
and allowed of by the Netherlanders States, with their order for its
redellivery to us, they in these parts will never yeild it upp ; which
when done, perhapps they will require satisfaccion for the charges
they have byn at in keeping it out of the enemyes hands these
many yeares, purposely for the generall good.' Thomas Lamberton,
one of the men captured in the Bona Speranza, was given a passage
to England in the Mary ; and now Thomas Hinton, the surgeon of
the former ship, has been permitted to embark in the Hopewell,
. . . PS. — Estate of John Jeffries, who died near Tranquebar on
August 13 last. (Extracts only. l\pp^
1 Viz. Abel Tasman's discovery of Tasmania and New Zealand : see an article in the
Geographical Journal {ox May, 191 1.
2 Pulo Run, in the Bandas. It had been agreed in 1623 that it should be restored to the
English, but the Dutch had hitherto evaded its redelivery.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 135
Francis Breton, William Fremlen, Thomas Merry,
Thomas Abler, William Thurston, and Richard Fitch at
SwALLY Marine to the Company, January 27, 1644(0.0. i8;->8).
Wrote last on March 20, by way of Basra. Need not recapitulate
what was stated therein, save the dispatch for England on January 19,
1643, of the Crispiana and Aleppo Merchant^ with cargoes that cost
Iji7v5)353 mahmudls 20 pice. Arrival of the Scaflower, under
Adam Lee. She left the Downs on March 8, 1643, in company
with the Mary and the Hart^ but parted from them on April 10;
passed the Cape on June 22 ; sighted Madagascar on July 18 ; and
reached Mozambique on July 27, with her men in a very weak state
from having been at sea so long. After spending seven days there,
without much result as regards sales, she embarked a few Portuguese
and their goods, and departed for Johanna, which was reached on
August 7. Two days later the DolpJmi, Hind, and Hart came in.
The last-named, having already refreshed her sick men at Mada-
gascar, proceeded on her voyage to Fort St. George, arriving there
on September 23. Thence she was sent to Masulipatam, reached
that port on October i, and departed for Bantam on the 21st. The
Scajlozvcr left Johanna a day after the Hart., and entered Bombay
harbour on September 5. She 'might with equall safety have
come to Surratt, because, in entring this river, to vessells that swim
deeper then shee doth, there is neither difficulty nor danger.' The
Dolphin and Hind anchored at Swally on September 18.^ Now
reply to the letters thus received from the Company, dated March 24,
1643 \iiot cxtant\. Can advise little that is satisfactory about Persia,
where nothing can be effected without costly gifts. Adler, having
been to court to congratulate the new King, managed in this way
to procure the renewal of most of the Company's former privileges.
On the strength of these farmdns, the factors got through the year
' without any publike affront done them ', and even obtained from
the Shahbandar of Gombroon 300 tumans on account of what was
due to the Company. When the heat rendered Gombroon uninhabit-
able, they retired to Ispahan. This course must be maintained, for,
unless the English are in a position to make representations at court,
1 According to the Dutch, these vessels brought to the value of about 7oo,cxx) rupees in
money, coral, lead, &c. {Dagh-Registcr, 1643-44, pp. 196, 2.^8).
136 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
the Gombroon authorities will never deal fairly with them in the matter
of the customs ; especially as the Company will not consent to ' our
proposition for takeing your right on board ' [see the previous volume ^
p. 272]. The only way of making the Persian trade more profitable is
to augment the stock of money in India, wherewith to purchase goods
in Agra, Ahmadabad, Sind, Masulipatam, &c. These, with a little
English merchandize, would be likely to 'produce some good advance,
and consequently procure you silke at or under 40 tomands per loade.'
The Dutch recently offered to contract with the King for 400 loads
yearly, if he would accept less than 50 tumans per load ; but no
agreement was reached. Sale of the broadcloth sent to Persia.
Have provided 505 bales 'indicoe Agry' [i.e. of Agra], both good
and cheap, the dearest portion costing not above '>^'^ rupees per
maund in Agra. Have given instructions to buy a thousand more,
and also 200 bales of Sehwan indigo, though they fear the latter
may not be procurable. 'This comodity hath these latter yeares
bin much unrequested in the neighbouring countries of Persia, Mocho,
yea, Bussora alsoe ; and that hath soe admirably declined its vallue
where it is made that the planters are almost beggered thereby, and
therefore doe annually more or lesse reduce the wonted quaintities
made by them. However, it little troubles us, whilst the accession
of soe much advance thereby to our trade affordes us much greater
cause of rejoyceing.' Of Sarkhej indigo they now send 722 chests
and bundles ; it is extraordinarily good, and has been carefully sifted
and packed. These ships also bring 200 bales of cotton yarn.
The finer sort required by the Company can be better procured at
Surat than at Ahmadabad ; but the latter place is more suitable
for the coarser varieties. Note the dissatisfaction expressed with
the calicoes formerly sent, and will do their best to remedy the
defects indicated. The complaints regarding those from 'Scinda'
have been forwarded to Spiller and the other factors there resident.
It is hoped that the bales now sent will be better liked. Have
bespoken from thence 10,000 pieces of the ordinary sorts for the
next returning ships, besides 1,000 pieces of better quality; also
a quantity of saltpetre, indigo, ' pintadoes ', and turmeric for England,
'cossumba^' for Achin, and some other drugs for Surat. Eight
^ Kustimbha, i. e. safiflower, which is much grown in India for the red dye produced from
its flowers, as well as for its oil-yielding seeds.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 137
bales of ' chints ' forwarded ; and in addition * some of those made
in Serongee ^ and Brampore [Burhanpur] of thinner cloth. In Tuttha
cloth is well painted, but generally upon narrow guzzees ; nor doe
those weavers make broader, unlesse they are purposely bespoake ;
and they are such as the broad bastaes are, which have bin soe much
disliked by you.' Of ' merhcools ' 117 bales are sent; but these
started so late from Agra that only part of them could be bleached
at Broach, the rest being ' cured ' at Baroda and Ahmadabad. This
was inevitable, because * beyond Brodera towards Barroach the
deepenes of the waies at that timiC of yeare permitt not passages
to coaches, much lesse laden carts, such as are usually imployed in
transporting goods from place to place in these parts of India.'
Have ordered 10,000 pieces of these calicoes from Agra for the next
consignment; together with some ' eckbaries ' and ' guzzees ', ' which
wee intend to transforme into cannekins, ardeas, byrams, selaes, and
other speties of dyed cloathing for supply of Bantam, Mocho, Persia,
and B^issora.' Have also sent home 100 bales of ' Derebads ' from
Agra, and have ordered 10,000 pieces for next season. No
* Kerebauds ' are forwarded ; and only two bales of ' eckbarees '.
' Semana cloth was bespoake, but its excessive dearnes hath almost
lost both the use and makeing of them ', and so they have sent only
twenty pieces 'for a muster'. As regards ' callicoe lawns, distin-
guished into gooldars, salloes, and furradckaumes ' [stc~\, they dis-
patched one of their brokers to the towns where these sorts are
made, but he has not yet returned ; they have therefore bought
a small quantity of each for England, and will send the others
(when received) to Basra. ' Of other sorts of callicoe lawnes, as
cossadees, gooldars, humony,beetelas, &c.,the Coast of Choromondell
and Bengala will best furnish them ; but for sheerisadfs, they are
extreordinary deare, almost out of use, and indeed not worth your
owneing.' For three years past the dearness of cotton wool (owing
to bad seasons) has raised the price of cotton yarn and cloth in
these parts ; and they have therefore only sent home this time
a small quantity of Nosari and Baroda baftas. They have bought
more than 400 corge of Broach and Ankleswar cloth ; but these are
intended for Bantam and Basra. Advise also the dispatch of narrow
^ Sironj, in Tonk State. Its calicoes and muslins were long famous (see Ball's Tavcntier,
vol. i. p. 56).
138 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
blue baftas, Guinea stuffs, quilts, and cardamoms. Steps taken to
procure borax and cardamoms from Raybag. Have made generally-
known the Company's prohibition of private trade to England in
borax. Enclose particulars obtained from Ahmadabad concerning
this commodity, its place of origin, and the method of refining it
and reducing it to powder. Of the borax now sent home a small
part has been treated in that fashion ; and steps are being taken to
provide a larger return by the next shipping. Virji Vora's troubles
at court, and their own indebtedness to him, have hitherto deterred
them from pressing him to fulfil his contract ; and now, having
plenty of pepper from Bantam and Malabar, they are not anxious
to deal with him for any. Thurston was instructed to procure
cardamoms, cinnamon, and pepper at Cochin and its neighbourhood,
* but the Portugalls wars with the Raja of Upper Cochyne, and there
approved base and treacherous dealings with us, prevented him
wholly of the two former, and noe lesse of the latter inasmuch as
they could hinder the action.' However, the Dolphin has now
fetched from Goa a quantity of cinnamon that had been bought
there ; and with it Fremlen forwards certain bales presented to him
personally by the Viceroy and others ; he leaves the Company to
dispose of these as may be thought fitting. A further quantity of
cinnamon was bought at Cochin by Walter Clark, master of the
Supply^ and is now put on board the Dolphm and Discovery.
Measures taken to secure a supply for the next ships. Rejoice
that the Company approved of their action in sending Pitt and
Hill 'to reside at Goa for prevention of Esquire Curteens people'.
They remained there from March to December and then, finding
that the Viceroy was indifferent to both sides and that Goa yielded
little of value for their purposes (cinnamon excepted), they were
ordered to return on the Aleppo Merchant. Thurston and two
other factors were left at Cochin by the Szvan^ but the wars between
the Portuguese and ' the neighbour Raja ' had put a stop to trade,
with the result that they could sell nothing but a little alum and
opium. They bought, however, a quantity of pepper from a neigh-
bouring Raja who is ' Lord of Purcatt^'; and this was brought to
Swally by the Discovery. The Expedition then arrived from Bantam
^ Porakad or Purakkatu, a town on the coast of Travancore, about ten miles south of
Alleppi. It was an independent principality until the middle of the eighteenth centnr)\
THE ENGLISH FACT0RH:S 139
with 200 tons of pepper ; while the Supply added a further supply
from Achin. After filling the ships for England, the remainder has
been reserved for Basra. Have also embarked a quantity of salt-
petre (packed in chests), olibanum, aloes, turmeric, gum-lac, myrrh,
ginger, and benzoin. Note with pleasure the Company's approbation
of their proceedings. Were they but supplied with more money,
and thus relieved of the constant charge of interest, they could
produce still better results, for at present their limited credit causes
them to lose many opportunities of profit. Moreover, ' the sence of
these troubleous times in England, which are too well knowne/ has
made them the more cautious in their investments. Still, the results
have on the whole been encouraging. The Discovery and Francis
sold some of their goods at Mokha at a profit of 28 per cent., though
the ginger and some of the dyed cloth were returned unsold. These
have now been sent to Persia in the Scafloiuer. The Seahorse,
returning from Basra in November last, brought ' good encourage-
ment to prosecute that trade, for there goods produced neerest
50 per cent, proffitt ' ; ' soe that, not to desert that place and trade,
which hath yett approved its selfe advantageous to you ', they have
arranged a further investment of suitable goods for dispatch thither.
The Discovery, after landing her freight goods at Gombroon, sailed
for Mokha, as directed, but met with such adverse winds that the
Malabars arrived before her and so that part of her design was
frustrated. They intend, however, to dispatch thither immediately
the Supply and the Francis^ ' the former to proceede directly towards
the Bab, the latter to anchor in Aden Roade ; that soe the Mallabars,
who use to touch at Aden and there enquire of your shipping before
they passe towards Mocha, being frighted thence by sight of [the]
Francis, may, wee hope, happily bee surprised by the Supply'
The goods intended for Mokha this year will be put upon a Dutch
ship, under the care of Richard Clark. George Oxenden and Peter
Herbert will be sent in the Supply and Francis, to prevent the
embezzlement of any goods that may be taken from the Malabars.
They are then to proceed to Mokha to sell those and the other
goods consigned thither in the Dutch ship ; ' which being according
to our hopes successfully accomplished, they shalbee directed soe
soone to leave that place as, if they cannot in Mocha accquire allocs
and olibanum, they may seeke them at Shehr, and yett proceede
140 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
thence soe seasonably as sometime about the fine [of] August they
fall with Cape Comerin, and thenceforth range all that coast alongst
untill they arrive to Swally, gleaning and gathering up such pepper,
cinnamon, and cardamon as may bee procured conveniently.' Have
instructed all masters of ships to attack the Malabars (outside the
prescribed limits) on every possible occasion. Desire a supply of
swords and muskets to arm their vessels ; also cordage and sail-
canvas. Had intended to send Merry to take charge at Ahmadabad,
but Tash has exhibited such proofs of diligence and discretion that
they have resolved not to supersede him ; and therefore Merry
remains at Surat as Accountant and Second in Council. Settle-
ment of his debt to the Company. It is certain that vast quantities
of broadcloth are landed from the ships as private trade ; yet they
can do nothing to stop this, as it is effected through native agents
and the customs officials favour the practice. The markets are
further cloyed by the quantities landed by Courteen's people at
Rajapur ; ' for they not only furnish Decan and Brampoore but,
haveing soe free and not much dearer nor longer passage to Agra
then your goods have, are by the buyers transported thither, and
soe alsoe renders this marchandize the more despicable.' Virji Vora
has treated them well in the matter of their debt to him ; though
this year he has followed the example of their other creditors in
demanding a higher rate of interest. As yet they have not agreed,
nor will they if the money can be raised elsewhere. * The en-
couragement you give us to expect ample supplies in the future
hath animated us to ampliate your trade accordingly.' Knov/ not
what accusations have been made from Bantam against the Coast
factors ; but, so far as they can judge, Cogan has rendered good
service in reducing expenses and checking disorder. Fear that the
factors at Bantam have resented the subordination of the Coast to
Surat and are inclined to behave harshly in consequence. For
instance, Dowle, the master of the Advice, acting under instructions
from Bantam, refused to allow the Agent on the Coast to have
anything to do with his vessel or her cargo. Refer to letters now
forwarded from the factors, and also to Cogan, for further information.
So far as they themselves are concerned, it is a matter for rejoicing
that they have been relieved * from that burthen the superintendency
of the Coast Agency and affaires bring with it '. ' Wee may with
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 141
you congratulate the pleaseing tydcings of the French pyrates
cessation of there unjust trade driven by there quondam great
master ^ towards the Redd Sea Strcights ; whose successe in there
latest designes cannot give them any great encouragement further
to tempt the Almighty by such unlawfull and unworthy practizes.'
Thank the Company for the stores sent for the use of their smaller
vessels ; but the water casks proved very defective. The Hind and
Seaflower, though good sea ships, are altogether unsuitable for
service in these parts. 'There decks are very low, and soe close
that, if they should bee assaulted by Mallabarrs, they will rather
stiffle then preserve your people/ They have no accommodation
for passengers, and this occasions a loss of freight. ' They are in
some measure a discreditt to our nation, whilst this people (who
know noe better) enquire whether England doth not afifoard shipping
of its owne, that it is enforced to seeke and buy them among
strangers.' ^ Desire to be supplied with ' handsome, well built
shipps, framed to affoard accomodacion to passengers, and that
made as airesome as may conveniently bee contrived ; of burthen
twixt 300 and 250 tuns ; drawing twixt 9 and 12 foote water ; and
formed to bee of good force and defence. Such vessells will doe
you creditt and service.' They should bring out arms and ammuni-
tion for themselves and for their consorts ; for though gunpowder
can be easily procured here or at Ahmadabad at five or six rupees
per Surat maund, yet round and crossbar shot for guns, half pikes,
swords, muskets, and carbines are not obtainable. A supply of
cordage is much needed. As for the Portuguese, * our correspon-
dence with them is as fervent as frequent ', and the new President
promises to follow Fremlen's example in maintaining good relations
with them. Grieve to learn that so much private trade was carried
home in the Lo7tdo7i. Have done their best ' to prevent the like
prejudice in these shipps ', but have just heard that a large quantity
of indigo has been smuggled aboard them ; * and though this is
knowne for a certaine truth, yett there owners cannot bee discovered,
notwithstanding the uttmost of our dilligencc and industry.' The
Company's approbation of Fremlen's services has encouraged him to
* The reference seems to be to the death of Richelieu, which occurred towards the close
of 1643.
2 Both the Hind and Seajlotvcr were Dntch-built * prams ' (lighters).
142 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
hasten home to ' enjoy the much desired effects of such comfortable
promises '. Approve the course adopted ' in the matter of your
shipps goverment and command ' ; and praise both Proud and
Bradbent, the masters of these two ships. Explain why little has
been received of late for local freights. The native merchants
prefer the Dutch vessels, ' findeing there much better accomodacion
and noe less safety', with the result that ' the Hollanders in foure
shipps have carried hence all the fraught goods that have bin
brought to the Marryne '. However, the Hind will no doubt find
employment when the Dutch depart ; ' for wee know that, whatever
inconveniences the passengers undergoe, yett they will choose to
voyage on them rather then on the Moores shipping, which are now
become soe numerous that for procury of employment they submitt
to any, however contemptible, fraughtments ; yea, some of them,
soe to gaine merchants to them, furnish them gratis with monies to
extinguish such engagements as customes, fraught, &c. charges
involve them in ; for which formerly they have paide 20 and (in
these last daies) 15 and 16 per cent.' Estates of John Wylde, who
deceased at Mokha in October, 1642, and of Walter Clark, late
master of the Supply^ who died suddenly on December 26 last, a few
days after his return from Achin. Duarte Fernandez Correa, who
* hath bin very usefull to your occasions ', returns to his own country
this year and will take passage on the Seahorse to Basra ; he has been
permitted to embark a small chest on the Dolphin^ recommended to
the care of Fremlen. To Bantam they have annually remitted far
more than they have received in return. Would be glad to be
supplied from thence with cloves, mace, or nutmegs ; but this is
scarcely feasible, as the factors there cannot obtain enough to satisfy
the home demand. Account of goods received from that place by
the Expedition^ and of the consignment intended thither by the
Seaflower about April next. Estates of the First General Voyage
and of the Third Joint Stock. The Agra accounts were sent down,
but the bearer was robbed on the way and his papers torn to pieces ;
transcripts have been asked for and shall be sent by the next fleet.
Steps taken to turn over all remains to the account of the Fourth
Joint Stock, and to recover the debts. Refer to a consultation of
November 15 last for the re-engagement of certain factors whose
covenants had expired. Would be glad to receive yearly ' hvo or
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 143
three ingenuous young men, such as are ready and faire writers, for
indeed such are very much wanting in your writeing office and
compting house ' ; also one at least ' of greater experience in
merchandizeing affaires'. Commend the factors who have arrived
this year. To replace Luke Pynn, who returns home as purser's
mate of the Discovery, they have taken on shore Joseph Cross.
Fitch, who has been General Purser for the past two years, has been
* admitted of Counsell and rancked under William Thurston, who
alsoe is lately preferred to that dignity'. Adler, who has been
acting in the same capacity since his arrival from Persia, is now
proceeding to England, accompanied by William Hall and Thomas
Wheeler. Enclose particulars of the cargoes intended for Basra
and Mokha. A residence will be maintained at the former place,
both on account of trade and for facilitating communications with
Europe via Aleppo. Letters dispatched that way from London in
October or November may be expected to reach Surat in May.
* For Bussora, this (as the passed) yeare Edward Pearce is in chiefe,
assisted by three other factors designed ; and seeing (as wee have
bin lately informed) the differences twixt the Portugalls and that
Bashaw are rather fomented then extenuated, wee doubt not the
sorts of goods now in provision for your accompt for that place will
vend to competent gaine, and consequently exhibitt new encourage-
ment, not only to continuate but importantly alsoe to ampliate your
trade in those parts of Arabia. Since Mocha is reduced under the
Arabs goverment, the Turke[s] have bin generally expulsed from
those parts and esteemed the most dangerous enemyes those petty
Arabian kings have ; and though such complaint of Surratt
merchants to the Governor of Mocha ^, whilst that place was sub-
jected to the Grand Segnior, bee in such cases of some use, yett
now, by alteracion of goverment, they are become wholly improper
and unproffitable. However these people are fully acquainted with
your resolucions, yett, they being now three yeares successively
frighted only, they imagine it is by us purposely contrived to
advance our fraughtments in your vessells returne thence, by
induceing (for more securityes sake) these merchants to put rather
1 Apparently the Company had suggested that the Surat merchants should be induced to
complain to Constantinople (through Mokha) of the reported depredations of French pirates
in the Red Sea.
144 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
there monies on board your shipping then the Moores junks. And
this, for thus much care of them, is the recompense wee received or
may expect from them ; as was the passed yeare experimented, for,
the Discovery staying from this port longer then ordinary, our old
false freinde, Mirza Mahmud, would, togeather with a company of
credulous Moores and Banian merchants, have perswaded (though
hee lost his labor) Mierza Jam Colllbeage, our then Governor, that
the English haveing, by venting such reports of the Frenchmens
feared comeing into the Redd Seas Streights, induced the marchants
in generall to embarque theire monies on board the Discovery^ they
had thence sent her for England directly.' John Spiller and
Anthony Smith thank the Company for its bounty.^ Wish that
Thomas Markham had lived to enjoy the same favour;^ but the
Almighty, * knowing him fitter for His then your service, tooke him
from you.' On the arrival of the Seaflower^ Richard Fisher was at
once made prisoner and his papers examined ; yet nothing was
found to inculpate him in any way, and so he was restored to his
place.^ Thomas Whatmore, some time master of the Diamond,
reports that John Derham died in 'the river of Scinda anno 1639,
when the vessell there wintered'. As regards Thomas Derham,
they are making inquiry at the Coast. * Wee are nothing sorry that
Captain Bonds plantacion at St. Lawrence proceeded noe further ;
but wee more wonder that Mr. Corteene intermeddleth with these
matters, since it might bee generally thought his trade to India
might afford him worke enough to prosecute it.' Of the rials
received this time the shroffs objected to 13,300, and * would not
(after exact tryall made of there alloy in the Kings mint, your owne
and the Customers houses) bee induced to buy them, unless wee
would submitt to part with them at 205 rupees per 100 rials.' They
therefore sent part of them to Goa (where no difficulty was made)
and part to Ahmadabad. * Though the King of Spaines necessities
enforce him to sett a higher price on his rials then formerly, yett this
people being not soe urged, nor esteeming more of his rials this
then the former yeare, seeing they serve cheifely to bee refined and
1 Both had been granted an increase in salary : see Court Minntes of the East India
Company, 1640-43, pp. 299, 313.
2 Ihid.,^. 313.
' He was charged with taking out private trade {ibid., p. 313). »
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 145
there alloy made answerable to that of the Surratt rupee, wee could
not advance them beyond the usuall prizes of 21 2 J rupees the new,
the old 215-J, and 216 rupees ^ m[ahmudl] the 100 rex dollars; and
at these prizes wee parted with them.' On delivery, 865^ rials were
found deficient in weight, and 24 were missing. The latter may
have been due to coins slipping out through the seams of the chests,
after the bags had rotted away. A remedy would be to cover the
bags with skins, which * by this country people is familiarly prac-
tised'. In the rix dollars 77 J were wanting in weight and ij in
number, while three were brass ones. ' Gold, since the Dutch have
not these two or three late passed yeares brought any from China,
is againe become well requested ; insoemuch that the Venetian is
worth 9 m[ahmudi]s and better, when formerly it hath bin sold for
^h ^5 3) or 4 pice over. And ratably heereto are all other gold
Coynes vallued. Soe that, if through the late enhansment of the
Spanish monies you bee not futurely soe well provided, or that they
turne not to soe good accoumpt, you may supply that defect by
sending forth some quaintities of gold, which wee doubt not but will
proove more advantageous to you.' Of lead from four to six
hundred ' great piggs ' will sell here annually. The Seajlozver was
unable to dispose of any of her Canary wine at Mozambique, which
had already been supplied sufficiently by two caravels on their way
from Lisbon to Goa. Her other goods were also in small demand,
as will be seen from the accounts sent herewith. Cannot decide
what to do with the wine. They thought of sending it to Bantam,
to be sold at Batavia, but are informed that the sale of wine there
is a monopoly of the Dutch Company ; while ' the Portugalls are
soe base and beggerly that they will not at such cost meddle with
such a comodity '. Beg the Company to resume the former practice
of sending out Canary and French wine annually for the use of the
factors. Advice as to the quantity and colours of broadcloth
required for India and Persia. Knives and satins needed for
presents ; also some rich velvet for supply to the Emperor, patterns
of which have been delivered to Fremlen. Dispute with VirjT Vora
over the quality of the coral brought by the 1642 ships, with the
result that the price of part had to be considerably reduced. There
is still a remainder on hand of that consignment, besides what came
in the last ships. Quantity to be sent in future. Have just heard
FOSTER VII
146 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
that Thomas Derham was alive at the time when the Advice was
dispeeded from Bantam, and was then on board of her ; will write
accordingly to that place. Send a list of commodities likely to sell
here. Among these they specially commend to the Company's
attention elephants' teeth ; ' and if such might bee accquired, and
any your Indian or other cuntryes commodities sold at Gueney
[Guinea], the course Mr. Courtyn tooke in designeing the Planter
thither would (if at least it bee to you, as to him, equally faecible)
in appearance proove advantageous to you.' For details of the
disposal of their ships they refer to the transcript of Fremlen's
journal \not extant] sent herewith. The Supply, dispatched from
this port for Persia in company with the Discovery, remained at
Gombroon until March 6 and returned to Swally on March 25,
bringing horses and rosewater for the Company's account, besides
passengers and freight goods. On April 2^ she sailed for Achin,
with a cargo consisting chiefly of freight goods. She called at
Cochin on May 3, to take in some more freight, and reached her
destination on the ri5th. 'There they found six of the Esquire
Courtyns people, deepe in debt, yett doeing nothing.' ' The con-
curse of many vessells to Achyn rendred the marketts more dull
then usuall ' ; but a fair proportion of the cargo was sold and the
proceeds reinvested. The Company is to receive from the freighters
25 per cent, of the value of the goods returned. ' The shipp came
thence full, and yett left of yours and the fraughters goods, in charge
of Maximilian Bowman, Thomas Fitch, and Francis Scattergood,
as many as amounts to m[ahmudis] 50,000 ... for whose bringing
thence being obliged to the fraughters, and findeing that the trade
in probability will become very advantageous to you, wee have
resolved to send the Hinde this voyage for your owne accompt.'
The Supply left Achin on October 20 and, after calling at Cochin,
reached this port on December 11 \sic\ Clark, her master, died
suddenly a few days later ; and thereupon Lee was placed in charge
of her. She is at present under orders for the Red Sea. The
Francis x^'diOh't^ Mokha on April 15, 1643, left again on August 17,
and on September 2 reached Daman, whence after some delay she
came to this port, in company with the DolpJiin and Hind. She
brought goods and money to the value of 47,644 rials 32[d.],
besides a trifling amount of freight. She is now to accompany the
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 147
Supply. As the Discovery^ which arrived on November 3, brought
only a h'ttle pepper from the Malabar coast, the Dolphin was
dispatched thither on the 13th to procure cardamoms and borax at
Rajapur and cinnamon at Goa. She arrived at the latter port on
November 20, 'without speakeing with the Dutch, though they
shott at her ' ; left again on December 4 ; anchored at Rajapur two
days later ; and got back here on the iZ3rd. She is now fully laden
for England ; and ' on her your late President, William Fremlen,
commands and takes his passage.' With her goes the Discovery^
both being expressly enjoined to keep together on the voyage.
The Hind was sent to ' Scinda ' on October 25 and arrived there
November 7. She sailed again a fortnight later, reaching Swally
at the beginning of December, with 136 bales of piece-goods, which
had cost 27,784 rupees 58 pice. She is now taking in freight goods
for Persia. The Seaflower stayed at ' Bombaien ' from the 5th to
the 25th September, and did not arrive at this port until the 28th.
She sailed for Gombroon on October 25 ; anchored there
November 12 ; left on the 22nd ; and got back to Swally on
December 2. She is now to accompany the Hind on a fresh voyage
to Persia ; and later on she will be sent to Bantam. Lee's place as
master has been taken by Gardner, the late master of the Expedi-
tion. Intend to ask the President and Council at Bantam to keep
the Seaflower^ as being more suitable for service in those parts, and
to send the Swan or Hopewell to Surat in her place. The Discovery
reached Gombroon on February 18, 1643, ^^^ remained there till
March 14. She anchored at Mokha on April 27 ; careened at
Assab ; took in a freight for Cochin, and departed on August 10 ;
and arrived at Cochin on September 5. Fifteen days later she pro-
ceeded to ' Purcutt ', where a quantity of pepper was embarked ;
she then left on October 14 and got back to Swally on November 3.
The Expedition sailed from Bantam on July 22 and arriv^ed here on
November 11. Upon examination it was found that she was unfit
for further service and so she is to be broken up. The Seahorse^ in
her voyage to Basra, called at Gombroon and then at * Catteife \see
p. 100], there to l[and] this King[s] goods and servants, sent pur-
posely to buy horses with there proceeds.' Leaving that place on
May 24, she reached Basra on June 20 ; stayed there till
September 20 ; anchored at ' Catteife ' on the 27th, and, after
L 2
148 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
embarking eight horses * for accompt of this King ', left on October 5 ;
got to Gombroon nine days later ; sailed on the 20th, with
Messrs. Adler, Hall, and Wheeler on board ; and arrived at Swally
on November 7. She brought from Basra, in goods and money,
29,489 rials, and from Gombroon 122,672 shahis, besides a certain
amount received for freight. She has now been sent to Bassein to
fetch some great guns 'made there for a new junck built in this
river for the Princesses ^ accompt ' ; and later she will be dispeeded
to * Scinda ' with tobacco. On her return she will go again to
Basra. Probably the Prosperous will then accompany her. Of
Courteen's ships sent to the East last year, two, they hear, went to
Achin, whence one of them was dispatched to England little more
than half full. The Advice brought news that the Bo7iaventura had
been wrecked at Mauritius. The Bona Speranza went to the
Malabar Coast and there bartered brimstone and Biscay iron for
cinnamon. She was then freighted by the Portuguese for China,
but was captured by the Dutch and taken to Malacca. This has
frustrated ' Captain Blackmans hope of like employment for shipp
William^ \ 'with which shipp the Planter is alsoe arrived and
returned for England, laden in the greatest part (as reported) with
saltpeeter ; nor indeed can wee thinke that her carga[zoon] imported
any considerable summ, since in Goa they are enforced to empawne
such goods as they cannot vend, though preferred at most despicable
rates to raise monies to stopp there clamorous creditors mouthes at
Rawbaag. In Achyn they are alike necessiated, for they borrow
monies to buy pepper and, the covenanted time for payment being
before there supplies arrived, they [are ?] againe forced to sell there
pepper to pay there creditors. Nor doth Captaine Blackman well
know what to doe with his shipp William \ yett some say hee hath
agreede to take a fraught at Rajapore for Persia.' However, they
will now ' leave them wrangling with and menaceing the Dutch,
for dareing to shoote at His Majesties shipp and coulors (for that
is the usuall appellacion whereby they distinguish yours from there
shipping), and addresse ourselves to treate of the Hollanders ;
whose Hogen Mogen ^ Generall haveing the passed yeare purposely
^ Probably the Princess Jahanara, the favourite daughter of Shah Jahan. Her trading
operations are referred to on p. 256 of the Dagh- Register^ 1644-45.
"^ 'Hunne Hoogmogenden ' (i.e. the High and Mighty) was a title applied to the
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 149
(as published) sent one Pettr Borell \ with the title of Commissary,
to Goa to treat and conclude articles of peace with the V[ice] Roy
&c.,and (it seemes) ordered formerly there people on Coast Choro-
mandell, Seiloan, and this part of India to proclaime the same with
more then common ceremony ; and that this Borrell had dureing
the treaty received as much honor, respect, and noble entertaine-
ment as could possibly bee contrived. Yett his propositions were
soe unreasonable and evilly disgested by the Portugalls that, it being
feared the people would have offered some indignity to him, and
findeing with him and his bounded commission an appeareing
improbability of agreeing, the V[ice] Roy &c. determined to write
there resolves to the Generall, and soe dismissed the Commissary ;
which suddainely after they put in practice, for, attending and
accompanying him to the V[ice] Royes gallies with some of the
best quallified persons in Goa, they gave him a ceremoniall farwell,
sending after him all the furniture which, for use an[d] ornament,
had served in the house appointed for his entertainement ; which,
consisting of a great quain[ti]ty of plate and rich carpetts, did (as
some of the Jesuitt Padres advised us) amount to upwards of
50,000 xera[fins] ; which comeing to the Admirall was not refused
by the Commissary, although upon his owne comeing on board hee
imediately put out his bloody ensigne. In imitation of his discre-
tion the rest of the skippers did the like ; and soe, his limitted time
of stay being expired, hee sett saile for Ceiloan, and there began
to show the effect of his intentions ; but hee was well beaten in
a skirmish for it, and soe returneing by PoUycatt to Battavia, dyed
there ^ suddainely, leaveing the Portugalls infinitely distracted with
his abrupt parting from Goa ; for the former publicacion of peace
had invited the Portugalls in generall againe to fall to tradeing, and
thereupon divers vessells were sett forth to Melinda, IMocambique,
States- General of Holland. Here, of course, the reference is to the Governor- General
at Batavia.
^ For Boreel's mission see ante, p. loo ; also the Hague Transcripts, series i. vol. xiii.
nos. 410, 420, 422, &c. ; and Dagh-Register, 1643-44, p. 186, &c. The Portuguese account
of the negotiations will be found in the Lisbon Transcripts (India Office) : Doc. Remett..,
book 48, f. 149, &c.
^ Boreel died at Pulicat on July i (N. S.), nine days after his arrival (^Hague Transcripts,
series i, vol. xiii. no. 410; Dagh-Registcr, 1643-44, p. 272). His tomb is still to be seen
in the Dutch cemetery there (J. J. Cotton's Madras Monuments, p. 196).
150 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
China, and other places, which are now left to there fortunes. And
yett wee doe not heare that they [i. e. the Dutch] have this yeare
on this coast surprised any, but have rather bin loosers : whilst there
shipp Pas \_Pauw\ commanded by Willibrant Gelemensen \see
p. 114], there late President (as they tearmed him) in Persia, passing
thence to Battavia with more then 400 bales of silke, was enforced
(if not invited, in hopes of peace twixt them and the Portugalls) to
shelter himselfe from a most violent storme, which tooke him neare
Cape Commerin, as hee thought in a freinds port. But hee was
noe sooner entred Mormagon then all was ceized on, inventorized,
and finally landed and housed ; whereof the V[ice] Roy kept one,
Willibrant the other key ; unto whome and his company untill the
entry of September was affoarded as much liberty as the towne
permitted, delivering up into the saide Willibrants possession what-
ever as his proper goods hee pretended unto ; but when the time of
there shipps comeing as accustomary, they were then jointly
enclosed in a monastery and a guard sett over them ; where at your
shippe Dolphins comeing thence they were [contijnued ; and are
like to remaine in such durance untill they are enfranchized [in
lieu ?] of others or a confirmed peace concluded.' ^ Three Dutch
ships (one of them, the Elephant^ being reported to be of a thousand
tons burden) have visited Swally and have landed vast quantities
of Southern commodities, which have been sold (especially the
spices) at very great prices. Three ships have been sent to Persia
and one to Goa and the Malabar Coast ; while one is expected from
Bantam [Batavia?] and two from China. The latter two are
expected to bring a great mass of treasure, for those hitherto arrived
had but a very small number of rials. They intend to dispatch
a vessel to Mokha this year, but they declare that she is to be sent
rather to fetch away their people than for purposes of trade. As
regards 'the still unfortunate Portugalls, a very [fine?] galleon,
called St. BeniOy setting saile from Portugall in Aprill, 1642, spent
eight months time ere shee attained Mosambique, rather a place
within a small distance from Mosambique, where shee soe came on
ground that, though the goods and men were in the great part
saved, yett the land rather then water saint could not preserve his
1 Hague Transcripts, series i. vol. xiii. no. 417 ; Dagh- Register, 1643-44, p. 1S7, &c.
See also Lisbon Transcripts : Doc. Remett., book 48, f. 268.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 151
namesake from perishing.^ Two caravells alsoe, which wintered at
Mosambique and could not in May attaine Goa, arrived thither
about the entry of September, and brought tydcings of [ ]
galleons preparednesse to follow ; but the time is not, it seemes,
knowne when, for yett none appeares, and now untill the next yeare
the Portugalls despaire to see [them ?]. In Seiloan they have of
the Dutch regained Negombo and manfully beate them in a land
skirmish, wherein some say 700, some 500, but none report that
fewer then 300 Hollanders were slaine. And yett they would, even
upon any indifferent tearmes accept, if not begg, a cessation of
armes of the Hollanders, who since the middle of September have
not had less then five shipps at anchor before Goa, and whose com-
manders brought a pretended power to establish such peace twixt
both nations as was ratified in Europe, but then the Portugalls must
submitt to part with Ceiloan ; otherwise the propositions falls, and
with it all hopes of reconcilliacion. Upon these tearmes the affaires
of both nations in these parts subsists : the Portugalls will not leave
Seiloan, nor will the Hollanders leave the roade of Goa free from
disturbance, its merchants freede of that distraction, which not only
afflicts them but becomes common and distributive to as many
ports and places as are commanded by them. And yett the
earnest desire the Dutch had to enforce your shipp Dolphin to
anchor by them at her returneing from Goa invited them to moor
there shipps as farr to the norwards as before they ridd to the
southwards of Goa ; whereby they gave the Portugalls a very faire
opportunity, with helpe of a darke night, to steale a passage for
a caravell which, the day before your shipp Dolphin left Goa, was
by the V[ice] Roy &c. dispatched for there country ^ — the rediculous
issue of there mountainous determinacion to lade home there mon-
strous carracke and galleon, which, being advanced to the usuall
randevouz for embarquing of goods, are now retired and will in
probabillity remaine for ever in there rotting residence. With this
people in gencrall, according to Your Worshipps injunctions, wee
labour by all convenient meanes to continuate our wonted freindly
correspondence.' One result is an annual request for the convey-
1 The Dagh- Register, 1643-44 (pp. 53, 227) mentions the loss of this vessel and the
arrival of the two caravels at Goa. See also Hague Transcripts series i. vol. xiii. p. 425.
^ Hague TranscriptSy series i. vol. xiii. no. 410.
1^2, THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
ance to Europe of Portuguese passengers ; and two have now been
allowed to embark on the Discovery. Find that some of the goods
allotted to the ships have had to be left out and others substituted ;
refer to the invoices for details. Have been obliged to agree with
Virjl Vora to pay him -^q per cent, higher interest than formerly.
' Your Worshipps in former missives from this Presidency have bin
advised \see the 1637-41 volume,"^. 1^2] that it was noe lesse neces-
sary in respect of her selfe as becomeing the honor of our religion
and nacion that the daughter of John Leechland should bee sent to
her kindred in England ; for which alsoe wee remember that her
uncle, Mr. William Leechland, petitioned and obtained your con-
sents ; which though you were then pleased to grant, yett upon
arriveall of your pleasures therein, her mother being with the
daughter retired to Barroach and Brodera, and soe missing that
yeares passage, nor one nor the other were after that time thought
on, untill May or June last passed, when from the mother was pre-
sented a petition to your President and Councell for leave to marry
her daughter unto one William Appelton, a taylor and attendance
\sic'\ at Surratt ; whereof wee had duely considered, though wee
found it a new thing never before desired or granted, yett withall it
was apprehended a necessary meanes to preserve her honor and
honesty unteinted, which till then, though shee wanted not provoca-
tions enough from her mother to tempt her to prostitution, was
almost miraculously preserved ; besides which the remembrance of
your former grant for her comeing to England in your shipps, and
her uncles charitable inclination towards her, invited us to gratiffie
her desires. Soe that they were by our minister, Mr. Andrew Baines,
solemn[l]y married, and have since (susteined by the charitie of
your servants) poorely yett honestly and decently subsisted. Yett
there maine comforts depending on your favors and the hopes they
have to bee releived by Mr. William Leechland and the hopes they
have in a peticion directed to Your Worshipps emplored your
consent that whatsoever shalbee found due to John Leechland upon
his accompt of wagis, if not already otherwaies disposed off, may
(as upon his death bedd hee desired) bee sent them, that soe, whether
you please to license there returnes from, or continuance in, India,
soe much may at least bee added towards their sustenance and
future subsistance.' A number of lazy or incapable seamen have
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 153
been sent home in these ships. On inquiry they find that Saker
died while the Crispiana was at Masulipatam and left no estate.
A missing bale of cinnamon to be inquired about. Writings en-
trusted to Fremlen for delivery to the Company. Dutch letters
enclosed for transmission to Holland. List of jewels found among
John Wylde's goods. (Copy. '^6 pp)
Extracts from John Proud's Account of the Home-
ward Voyage of the Dolphin {O.C. 1857 1).
1644, January 26. Went into the outer road [of Swally]. J agin-
ary 29. Sailed. February lo. Crossed the Line. It was decided
by consultation to make for Mauritius, as the Discovery was getting
short of water. March 9. Reached the shoals of * Malha ' \see p.
109]. Then determined to stand to the northwards and eastwards.
March 24. A strong gale forced the Dolphin to take down most of
her sails. The Discovery was then a mile or two astern. As night
came on^ the storm increased in violence. March 25. Early in the
morning it was found that they had four feet of water in the hold ;
and as ' our poore ship lay all downe upon the side and never seemed
to ease herselfe ', it was decided to cut away the mainmast. Upon
this she righted herself, but was still swept by the waves, and was
only kept afloat by constant pumping and bailing. However, the
violence of the wind now rapidly abated, though the sea was still
very high, and the ship was leaking badly. March 28. They got up
a jury mast. March 30. It was decided to make for Mauritius to
refit and to meet the Discovery. April 2. Passed Rodriguez.
April 5. Sighted Mauritius. April 6. Anchored there ' in the bay
by us called Carpenters Bay and by the Dutch Peeter Butts Bay'.
A few hours later they discovered the Hopeivell riding in ' the N.Wt.
harbor'.' (p-lpp)
1 A second copy will be found in O.C. 1856, and a third among the O.C. Duplicates.
2 The story is continued in O.C. 1856, which is a collection of papers forwarded to
liantam, dealing mainly with the perilous voyage of the Hopewell from that port to
Mauritius, her meeting with the Dolphin^ the measures taken to repair both vessels (with
the aid of the Dutch), and their preparations for their departure for Madagascar. An in-
teresting account is given of the Dutch settlement in Mauritius. Duplicates of some of the
documents will be found under O.C. 1860, 1S61, 1S69, 1S70, 1893.
154 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Francis Day and George Travell at Fort St. George
TO THE President and Council at Bantam, January 28,
1644 {O.C. 1859).
Wrote last on October 4, by a Dutch conveyance. Letters from
Masulipatam, dated November 18, intimated that the factors had
been able to make but small investments, ' the Dutch abounding soe
with meanes and haveing given out such great quantities to mer-
chants and weavers that little or nothing is procurable there, they
keepeing a strict watch over those whom they have soe preimployed
that nothing can pass them.' As here the position is as bad or
worse, it is feared that the returns for Bantam will fall far short of
what was intended. * How for to remedy these evells and others
of that nature is past our skill. Nay, such a storme is prepareing
for us that tis to bee feared will even whorle us from this coast. Our
neighbours the Dutch have bine longe a projecting and now they have
wrought it that MoUay, their merchant, is like to bee as powerfull
with this King as the Serkayle is att Gulcundah ; and, to ingratiate
him throughly into his favour, they have assisted Mollay with men
and gunns for the subdueing of castles of our Nague for the King,
or rather their owne use ; by which meanes our Nague is casherd
and hee substituted, and is allso made his Treasurer and dus even in
a manner command all. And tis very probable that hee will
governe all the sea ports even to the very verges of Cealon ; and
what this may come to in a short time is noe hard matter to judge
of.^ Beleive itt, tis not for naught that the Dutch assist him in this
manner, for their ayme is to have the sole trade of the coast ; and if
you doe not sett to the helping hand, and that suddenly, adtie to
all.' It is useless to appeal to England, for ' there hath binn so
many complaints of this coast that all that goes from hence meets
naught butt disrespectts, soe odious and deformed have our actions
bin made.' This is ' an accusative age ', and so much has been said
^ A Dutch letter from Pulicat of rather later date (May 4, 1644, N. S.) says that
Chinnana (Malaya) by lavish presents, amounting to about 80,000 pardaos, had regained
the favour of the King and had been by him appointed governor of the district round
Pulicat ; but that, on fresh accusations being brought against him of conspiring with the
Nayak of Gingi, the King had since deprived him of his post and ordered him to be im-
prisoned {Hagtie Transcripts, series i. vol. xiv. no. 429 ; Dagh-Re^ster, 1643-44, p. 291).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 15.5
against the Coast factors by those who have thus sought to ingra-
tiate themselves that the Company has been altogether disheartened,
* which hath occasioned these parts to bee soe neglected '. Refer to
a letter received from home by the Dolphin (via Surat). * Towoards
the foote thereof is a passion of unmeritted egrcadiences. Wee are
to give accompt of our actions to you ; wee desire to know wherein
wee have offended to merritt such invectives (wee meane sence Clarke
and Hudsons dayes), and doe willingly submitt to your doome.' It
cannot be denied that they have forwarded their accounts annually,
and that in these ' there is nomination of all our remaines ; yett you
complayne to Europe for want of returnes, and our masters of their
large resendments and want of fruits, and are doubtfuU that much
thereof are converted to private uses, when for many years together
those that have had the managery thereof have bine forst to putt
in practice many dishonorable shifts for procurement of money to
feede themselves, and most commonly for two thirds of each yeare
they have bin soe necessitated.' This has been again and again
represented, and it has also been pointed out that ' by occasion of
our deepe ingagements, the interest thereof takes a quarter partt of
the large resendments ; then the charge of shipping, &c., tryming of
old, rotten, leaky, unproffitable vessells, added to our other charges
of presents, dyett, &c., which being congregated will appeare no dis-
piseable some.' Regret that ' there is such facillitie and delight in
frameing and makeing complaints ', but console themselves with the
thought that such treatment is ' in a manner hereaditure to the
Coast factors, for these many yeares never any from hence could
give content '. It would be far better to lay aside disputes and con-
sult how best to save the Coast trade from disaster. The Dutch are
certainly aiming at a monopoly, there ' never being such possibillities
as at present. For the Portugalls, they play least in sight ; nay, tis
to bee dubitated whether they will have any abideing place in these
parts within this few months, for the Dutch gives itt out that they
intend to take St. Thomay at the returne of their fleete from Goa.
And as for the Danes, hee is in as bad or worse condition ; and tis
very probable wee may bee in the same predicament in a short
time.' Suggest that the Bantam President should visit the Coast to
examine into the state of affairs. If the Dutch succeed in securing
control of the coast line from Pulicat to Ceylon, they will quickly
15^ THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
oust the English from trade intheGolconda parts by outbidding them
for piece-goods ; ' for rather then they will faile in its performance,
they will hazard the loss of one eye to putt out both ours. Wee have
in a former clause made nomination of Mollay. Wee are sorry wee
have occasion to treate of him farther. Some few daies sence hee
made demande to have the govermentt of this place and all the
profetts to himselfe ; which is contrary to those cowles of the former
King and our Nagues, for by those the goverment is given to us,
with halfe its proffitt ; which if wee should yeeld thereto, by surren-
dering our previledge, the towne would bee suddenly ruinated by
the raiseing of the customes ; for therein they [i.e. the Dutch] ground
theire pollice to worke us the mischeife. But wee intend not soe
easily to part with our emunities ; and if hee shall any way mollest
us, if opportunity presents for a retalliation, wee shall make the best
use thereof.' Believe that they could soon frighten him, if they had
a small armed vessel to lie in wait for some of his. As regards the
proceedings of the Danes, ' the :20th September last arived in this
road a couple of vessells from Tranggabar ; one being the juncke
they tooke formerly from the Moores in Bangalla, and in her the
old President ; the other, called the Ckristianhaven, arived lately
from Europe with a particular commander, though dispeeded from
Denmarke in company of the Golden Sonne some four yeares sence,
haveing bin imployed in the Kings of Spaine service for a longe
time and there disposed or rather spent all their carga[zoon]
except 300 candy of lead and a few broadcloths.^ The 23th they
sett saile for Messulapatan, and within three or four daies after
arivall there to Emaldee ; where laying their jonke on ground to
trymme, by a southerly wind she was made unservicable, her
maine timbers giving way.^ . . . The prime November the President
arived here in a smale boate with some 16 or 17 white men ; and that
in good season, for itt began to blow fresh that nyght [to ?] have in-
daingered a better vessell then his was. The 20th ditto hee sett
sayle for Triggambarr. With him wee sent an English man to
advise us of the Presidents proceedings and to press him to per-
formance ; for att his being heere hee made offer to us [of?] the
^ See Dagh' Register, 1643-44, p. 281. The 'old President' was Barent Pessaert, for
whom see the last volume, p. 44. ,
^ Hague Transcripts^ series i. vol. xiv. no. 427 ; Dagh- Register, 1643-44, p. 2S6.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 157
benifitt of his port and his best industry for investing whatt wee
should desire, and to imploye his owne money to the amount of
four thousand ryalls of eight, provided hce might bee repaid some-
time in January.' They advanced him 500 rials, and were very glad
of his offer, as there was so little opportunity for investment either
here or at Masulipatam. On December 19 Greenhill was dispeedcd
to Tranquebar ' in our jallia' [see p. 133], with 3,500 rials in money
and coral to be invested against the arrival of the Advice. With
him went Robert Wright, a merchant born at Bristol of good parent-
age, who has spent many years in foreign parts. He came here in
the Christia7thave7i, having joined her at the Canaries on the strength
of promises which have not been fulfilled. He was very sick at his
arrival, but has since recovered. They recommend him for employ-
ment, especially as Day, Peniston, Greenhill, and others are deter-
mined to go home next year. The goods laden here on the pinnace
Advice are good, if few in number. The deficiency is due to the
late arrival of the Hart, ' the greate and lasting quantities of raynes ',
and ' some hinderances of Mollayes '. Should the calicoes to be
procured at Tranquebar prove satisfactory, they will endeavour to ob-
tain a further supply. ' Wee shall now treat somewhatt of this fortt
erectition \_sic\ which hath indured maney batteries (and groundless
ones), and endeavor to putt a period to all such vaine and unproffit-
able attempts; which may with facillitie bee effected if the WorshipfuU
Presidentt would bee pleased to sett to his helping hand and reflex
upon the Armagon prizes, compareing them with these of this place.
Indeed, if hee pleases to undertake it (as wee are confidentt hee wdll,
being zealous of our masters good) and advise thus much for
Eu[rop]e, wee shall not doubt then of a thriveing issue. For t[hos]e
sorts as wee here pay 7, 7^, and 8 pago[das] wee did there pay 10,
day \sic. ? nay] 11, 12 pago[das], and soe accordingly. This wee
neede nott insert or nominate, being they are soe well knowne to
the President and the bookes are yett extant which acknowledges
as much ; which dus not a little comforte us when wee cogitate
thereon, and hope by his meanes this place, the Coast, and factors
may bee better esteemed with our masters ; for at present their factors
are weary of their unthankefull employment, and most of [them ?]
doe desire a releasement ; for poverty wath content is better then
abundance with discontent.' The gunner of the Hart was to have
158 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
made trial of the gunpowder produced here, but was prevented by
the sudden departure of the ship ; it is therefore suggested that this
should be done at Bantam instead. Some of the powder now sent
is finer than the last ; but the price will be the same, and they have
agreed with the maker ' to have itt all of that goodness '. Could
supply a larger quantity, if furnished with casks. Advices from
Surat. It seems that the Expedition had not then arrived there ;
but they hear from Masulipatam that she passed Goa in September
last. * The 8th current here happened a most unfortunate accident,
made soe by the success and nott the intent . . . our serg[ean]t,
Jeffery Broadford, being the unfortunate man and theame for this
inlargement, by killing of one of these natives. Hee, haveing licence
to lye at his house, found a man at a most unseasonable tyme hid
there. Hee by accident finding of him hid soe, and in the darke
seizing on him, and the other strugling for an escape, which the
sargant doubting, drew out his knife (not haveing his sword about
him) and cutt him over the arme, soe for to give him a marke
for to discover and knowe him the next day. And indeed itt proved
soe that the man was easily to bee found ; for whatt with timerous-
ness and neglect to have his blood stincht, hee proved a corpes.
Wee, haveing notice of the disaster the next morning, and being
dubious that our masters might suffer somewhat, first sent our
chirurgeon to see whatt wounds ; which was fruitless, for his parents
had intered him early in the morning, being ashamed of the act (for
such ware his words). And not onely then but [on ?] a generall
conventing of ourselves and the most substantiallest merchants and
committees ^ of this place, the father did there confess that his sonn
received a just guerdon for his offence ; which was averd and con-
fermed by the abovesaid marchants and committees that such was
the law and custome of the country ; of which the father hath given
under his hand, and testified by the said merchants, &c. Notwith-
standing, wee intended his [i.e. Broadford's] mission to you ; and
would soe, if wee could by any meanes have found in one weake and
disordered company a fitt man to have seated in his office ; but tis
our unhappiness that wee are totally unprovided of such, as will all-
waes bee in that manner soe longe as wee are to bee supplyed by the
discretion of masters of shipps. Wee have allready said that the
^ Komati, a merchant : see the 1630-33 volume, p. 183. »
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 159
success and not the intent made itt unfortunate ; for itt tis confe^t
una vose by the inhabitants of the towne that saw him eare his
interring that hec had noe other wound but onely on the armes ;
which confirmes that there was noc intent to take his Hfe.' Will
defer action for a time, to see whether any further question will be
raised ; but they believe the matter will drop. On Greenhill's
return, however, they will draw both a consultation and an attesta-
tion, and send them to Bantam ; and meanwhile ' our gunner hath
undertaken, body for body, that the serjant shall not make any
escape.' If he be ordered to Bantam, some ' man of goverment '
should be sent to take his place. The Advice left Masulipatam on
January 13 and arrived here on the :i7th. This day she sails again,
and is to call at Tranquebar for the goods being provided there.
The gunpowder mentioned in the invoice was refused admission to
the ship, ' pretending much daingers in regard of iron hoopes '. The
necessary adjustment will be made in the accounts. (Copy. 11 pp)
President Breton and Messrs. Merry, Thurston, and
Fitch at Swally Marine to the Company, February [7 ^\
1644 (p.C. 1862).
This letter is entrusted to Duarte Fernandez, who is bound on
the Supply for Gombroon, and thence overland to Venice. Fremlen
sailed on January 1^ with the DolpJihi and Discovery^ carrying
cargoes amounting to 931,000 mahmudis. The Hhid, Siipply, and
Seafiower have now been laden for Gombroon with freight goods,
pepper, &c. The Seqflower, on her return, will be sent to Bantam
to replace the Expedition ; and the Hind will follow her next year.
Forgot to mention in their previous letters that, ' whilest your late
President was yet in place, it was thought no less then absolutely
requisite that our nation and your servants (almost forgotten at this
Kings court) should by a vallid present to himself and sonnes
become better known ; that thereby we might if possible acquire
satisfaccicn for Raja Chuttersals - and others debts long owing, and
as long by other means in vain sought after ; wherby we also hope
to purchase unto you large immunities in matter of your customes
' The date is supplied from another copy preserved among the O.C. Duplicates,
* Raja Chhatarsal of Bundl : see the 1634-36 volume, p. xxvi, &c.
i6o THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
and rhawdaries \rdhddri, a transit duty], as the Dutch did the passed
year ^ by the same means, the King having graunted them his
firmaen to this Governor and Customers that their goods shalbe
cleared at the rates themselves pretend they cost in Agra, with
addition of %o per cent, for charges, on Ahmuda[bad] goods lo per
cent., and Brodra and Burroach goods as they cost in those places ;
wheras Your Worshipps pay upon Agra goods 40, Ahmuda[bad] 25,
and upon Brodra and Burroach 11 per cent, more then their cost,
besides their exactions, even upon their first cost also.' The presents
given by the Dutch are detailed in the enclosed list \inissing\.
Those to be offered by the English consist of the following : to the
King broadcloths, satins, ' bayes ', a very large looking-glass, and
two Arab horses, costing in all o.^SS rupees ; to Prince ' Dara-
sacore ^ ' one Arab horse, broadcloths, satins, a ' cabinet and looking-
glass ', a case of barbers' instruments, and an embroidered * sweet
bagg', at a cost of 2,334 rupees; and to Prince 'Morad Bux^'
broadcloths, velvets, and a young Arab colt, at a cost of 1,100
rupees. In addition to these it has been decided that 'Assalam
Caun* (in whose hands is the whole management of the Court
affaires) should be presented with somthing worthy his acceptance ' ;
the details are left to Turner's discretion. ' Mirza Jam Cully Beag^,
lately Governor of this place, our exceeding good friend, being called
by the King to officiate som office in court, left this place the
24th December last ; and we embraced that opportunity to remit
unto Agra under his convoy, recommended to his care, such things
as were destined for presents ; he having made us large and (we are
confident) reall promises to be very helpful! to our Agra friends,
not only in procuring acceptance of what sent but also of what in
our letters to the King and Prince (sent also by him) we demand.''
The result they hope to announce in their next letters. The Sea-
horse arrived from Bassein on January 19, and was thereupon
1 For the mission of Cornelis Weijland to the Great Mogul in 1643 see Dagh- Register,
1641-42, p. 193, and 1643-44, p. 163 ; also Corpus Diplomatiaun^ p, 388.
^ Dara Shikoh, the eldest son of Shah Jahan. He was Viceroy of Sind, and so his
favour was particularly necessary (p. 163).
2 Murad Bakhsh, fourth son of the Mogul.
* Islam Khan MashhadI, the WazTr.
^ According to the Dagh- Register, 1643-44 (p. 196) he was succeeded by Sharafuddin
Husain, who had previously been Kotwal of Agra. »
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES i6i
ordered to ' Scinda ', to carry thither some tobacco and bring back
'cussumba' [see p. 136] for Achin and piece-goods for Basra. The
tobacco, however, could not be procured in time, and so her voyage
has been countermanded, for fear she might be forced to winter
there, as was the case with the Diamond m 1640. She will therefore
be sent to Rajapur for ' cussumba', which can be bought at Raybag
very cheap and in large quantities. The Francis will not be dis-
patched to the Red Sea, as formerly intended, but will accompany
the Seahorse to Basra. PS. — A mistake found in the account of
the pepper brought by the Expedition. (4^ pp. Received overland
February 20, 1645.)
Instructions from the President and Council at Surat
TO Peter Herbert, troceeding to Mokha, March 23, 1644
{O.C. 1863).
Had intended to embark the goods consigned to Mokha on the
Dutch ship Valkenbiirg, whose commander, ' Paul Crooque ', had
agreed to receive them on freight terms (as he had also done in the
case of the goods of several native merchants) ; but now, at the last
moment, a Dutch vessel having arrived from Vengurla with pepper,
he has refused to take any freight goods at all. Have therefore
arranged, ' upon easy fraught and ensurance ' ^, to send them on the
Saldmatl, belonging to * Hodgee Zaud Beague ' [Hajl Zahid Beg] ;
and Herbert is to take his passage in her, accompanied by Thomas
Cogan and a broker, Somaji Parak, who has previously served him
at Mokha. On arrival Herbert is to deliver to the Governor the
letters and present provided ; then he is to take a suitable house
and endeavour to sell his goods. * You cannot ignore the injustice
and violence the passed yeare was used unto Robert Cranmer in
Judda, when the Governor enforced from him 2,000 ryalls upon
Mr. Wyldes death, to secure (as hee pretended) the Companies
estate, which by his decease in Moha would have bin forfeited in
Judda to those Sheriffs [Sharlfs] ; of which injury Mr. Oxenden
complained to the Moha Governor, desyring his lycense that hee
might in satisfaction thereof make ceizure upon such vessels that
^ A list of the goods thus sent will be found in Factory Records, Egypt and Red Sea^
vol. i. They were insured at five per cent, of their value.
FOSTER vn M
i62 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
usually arrive from Judda to Moha ; whereunto hee would not
assent, but promised, both verbally and by his letter to the President,
that restitution should be made ; wherof you shall not onely put
him in minde but with all befitting importunity sollicite the same ;
assureing him that, notwithstanding wee would not willingly dis-
please him (from whom our nacion hath received many favours), yet
in discharge of our duties wee nor may nor will omit the recovery of
it by some other means the next ensueing yeare, if hee please not
to redress our masters wrongs and remit by you unto us.' Herbert
is, however, to settle the matter by fair means, if possible. Direc-
tions for the purchase of * mirh Hobsee ' [Arabic Habasht^ ' Abys-
sinian '], olibanum, and aloes Socotrina. With these goods he is to
return on the Dutch ship, if he can arrange suitable terms ; if not,
on a ' Moores junke '. A debt to be recovered from Mahmud
Husain. A ' faire and civill comportment amongst those people ' is
enjoined ; also daily prayer. Warn him to be frugal in his expenses.
PS. — A debt to be recovered from Mahmud Zaman. As the
Governor will require a large present on account of the ship, * and
that, as accustomary, must be raised upon her carga[zoon] ', they
have agreed to contribute i J per cent, on the value of the Company's
goods, as rated in the Mokha customhouse. {Copy. 4 //.)
President Breton and Messrs. Merry, Thurston, and
Fitch at Swally Marine to the Company, March 26, 1644
{O.C. 1864).
Wrote last by the Hind, which, accompanied by the Supply and
Seaflower, sailed on February 8 for Gombroon. A letter received
from Agra states that the factors have already in hand 700 bales of
indigo and do not doubt to make up the number to 1,000, as ordered.
The presents sent from Surat for the King and the princes have
been duly delivered ; * which hath found such favourable and
fortunate acceptance that Mr. Turner advizeth that hee nothing
doubts thereby to purchase the accomplishment of our desires.
And Mirza Jam Cullebeag, from whom the President hath allso
received a letter, affirmeth that the King hath allrcady remitted
unto us the excess of customs which wee paid more then the Dutch,
and that in all other our demands hee is very confident w^e shall
THE ENGLISH FACTORH^:S 163
be gratifyed. The Prince Darashacore, to whom Tuttah bclongcth,
hath allso multiplyed promises of favors towards your servants and
affaires in that place. So that wee are in good hopes to reap the
fruits of those large summs in presents (wee hope seasonably) dis-
boursed.' Some indigo already received from Agra (part of which
is intended for Basra) proves to be both pure and of a rich colour.
A further quantity is on its way, together with a consignment of
piece-goods, and has probably reached Broach. It was dispatched
from Ahmadabad on March 12, 'having at Montella, 80 course
from thence, escaped a most eminent danger in being assaulted by
a nomber of Coolies \ who gained from the conductours three laden
carts, and were carrying them away, untill those to whom they were
entrusted, resolved either to dye or redeeme them, pursued the
theives, and with most incredible vallour so acted their parts that
they recovered the carts without loss of any goods ; in which conflict
Ebraim [Ibrahim], the conductour, and six others were slaine and
twelve dangerously wounded. Those able to travail accompany
the goods hither (although they are not hyred farther then Ahmad-
avad) to receive a gratuity for their good service, which they have
very well deserved.' At Tatta piece-goods have lately risen in
price, owing to large investments for Basra, but they are expected
to be cheap again shortly, and it is not likely that there will be any
difficulty in procuring the quantities wanted for England. ' Scan-
dara ^ ' and ' Derbella * recently furnished a supply of ' narrow
joories extraordinary in goodness and resonably bought, but become
deare by an excessive custom exacted at Multan, which wee nothing
doubt but the Prince will remit unto us. Indico of those parts con-
tinueth scearce and deare, not any having bin sold (though mixt
indico) under ^^ rupees per maund of that place, which farr exceeds
in price the round sort made in Ahmada[bad], although (we beleive)
it doth not at all excell it in goodness.' Have therefore reduced
their demand for Sind indigo to a few bales, unless Spiller, who is
going in May to ' Sevestan ', finds better encouragement there. At
Ahmadabad indigo is far from plentiful, 'although of late much
bettered in its making '. Tash estimates the production this year at
* Kolls : see the 1634-36 volume, pp. 257, 293.
^ Elsewhere ' Ckandara '. Kandiaro, about eight miles north-east of Darbelo, is
apparently meant.
U 2
i64 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
6,000 maiinds, of which the local dyers will require one-sixth. The
Dutch have bought 500 bales ; and orders have been given to the
English factors to secure 1,300 maunds ' of the round sort'. Half
this quantity they have already purchased at i8| rupees per maund ;
the rest will be obtained later, unless Dutch competition forces them
to take immediate action. ' Saltpeter we have this yeare en ordered
to be bought in Malpore^ raw or unrefined, and so brought from
thence to Ahmada[bad], where it shall be refined in your owne
howse ; by which means wee hope to render it better and much
better cheap unto you then the passed yeare.' Piece-goods procured
at Ahmadabad, and * brown cloth ' in Agra. ' In Brodera, Burroach,
and Nunsarree [Nosari] you have not any of your servants con-
stantly resident ; yet the investment of narrow baftaes are by the
brokers continued and, as quantities are gott togither, are viewed
and received by some one appointed therunto ; of which so many
as wee can procure at present wee cause to be dyed for Achyn,
where they are very vendible. They continue yet something deare,
but will (wee conceive) now suddainly decline, the heat of buying
being over and cottonwooll fallen from 10 and 1:2 to 4 and 5 ma[h-
mudis] per maund. These investments we intend to continue, in
regard that (if your occasions want not them for England) Bantam,
Bussora, and Achyn may thereby be accommodated.' The factors
in Persia have been directed to inform the Company direct con-
cerning the state of affairs in that country. As regards the Coast,
the last letters received from Fort St. George were dated October 20,
1643, though letters from Masulipatam of January 24 enclosed
a transcript of one from Madraspatam of November 24. From
these they ' perceive the estate of your affaires to be much altered
since the time your servants generall complaints were they could
not procure goods for want of monies ; who now cannot procure
goods for monies, but are enforced to pay their debts with such as
they had reserved for investments ; the Dutch, who are provided
ever, having upon all occations furnished the artificers and thereby
so obleiged them to them that they remain totally at their disposure.'
The Advice left Masulipatam on January 13 with goods costing
4,588 pagodas. Cannot dispose of the coral remaining at Surat, as
Virjl Vora, ' our allmost onely merchant ', has a large stock on hand
^ Malpur, a small state in Mahl Kantha, about fifty miles north-east of Ahm^abad.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 165
and is unwilling to take more, unless at very low prices. Quantity
to be sent in future ; also of broadcloth. The tortoise-shells from
Bantam * are not yet cleared from the customhowse (so insufferable
are their delaies) ' ; but they will vend readily when received. * In
November last, when newes arrived that the Dutch in the Streights
of Mallacca had surprized Mr. Courtyns Bo7ia Esperance^ bound for
China laden with Portugals goods (which the Portugals did not
think they durst attempt), and that then they [i.e. the Portuguese]
had no means left to drive that trade, being that from Europe there
was no directions given for cessation of the differences twixt the
Dutch and Portugals, which being likely to continue, your President
(who hath ever minded his obligacion to Your Worships), being
desyrous to tender you some fruits of his endeavours, adventured
a few lines to the V[ice] Roy, presenting unto him the impossibility
that the Portugals should at present benefit themselves by that
trade, as allso the many services your shipping and servants have
done that State, and desyred him that hee would pleas to gratify
you in his license that a ship of yours might for your proper accompt,
soly laden with your goods (without being obleiged to carry ought
for himselfe or any other Portugals), voyage to Maccaw ; whereunto
hee readily gave his assent. Yet, being doubtfull what might be
the event, it remained silenced until the V[ice] Royes reply re-
turned ; which was received but two daies before your late Presi-
dents departure, who, being made acquainted with the business,
approved thereof. Since when wee have unanimously resolved that
the Hind shall undertake the employment, and carry with her in
mony, druggs, &c. ... to the amount of 45,000 rupees ; which,
with the profit the druggs may produce, we esteem a competency
to relade her back with China ware and China roots, and other
things such as may most conduce to your advantage ; and for
management of this affair Mr. William Thurston, John Stanford,
Joseph Cross, and John Goodyear are appointed. In the next
place wee shall acquaint Your Worships that a voyage [is ?] designed
to your pinnace Seahorse to which wee have as yet ben greater
strangers then the former, the Maniellies [i.e. the Philippines],
whither wee are invited by many fair hopes of rendering it unto
you as profitable a trade in the future as it hath in former times ben
unto the Portugals, who inriched themselves thereby ; and if wee err
i66 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
not in our judgments, wee may have fairer oppertunities then ever
the Portugals yet had, being at present the onely nation that may
commerce with the Spaniards. The doubt will be whither or not
they may be trusted ; wherof wee have seriously considered, and
cannot conceive any vallid reasons why a nation with whom wee
have peace and amity, who are exceedingly distressed for want of
such things as wee shall supply them with, should* not give us
respective and curteous enterteinment ; whereof, if wee will give
credit to a Pcrtuguez, one Jos. de Brito, that hath lived long
amongst the Spaniards in that place and the passed yeare arrived
from thence, wee may be confidently assured. But that which hath
chiefly wrought upon our resolutions to experiment that place and
trade are the profits which may be raised upon all sorts of clothing,
vizt. two, three, wee dare not say upon some four, for one, although
wee have it many waies afiirmed for a certain truth ; nor is it
unknown to some of your servants that in Macassier (the onely
place from whence they are at present supplyed with cloth) at what
deare rates they that buy there purchase it, and yet are exceeding
great gainers in its revend. So that wee hope you will not be
displeased if wee have thought fit to venture a little, in hopes to
gain unto you much ; being resolved (as preintimated) to send the
Seahorse thither with a carga[zoon] which may import 50,000
rupees, of severall sorts of clothing.' . . . And for disposure of this
affaire wee have designed Edward Pearce, Thomas Breton, Thomas
Reynardson, and John Mantell ; and for their assistance have enter-
teined the forementioned Portuguez (or rather meistizo [half caste])
Jos. de Brito (whose family lives in Goa), of whom wee have
received a very faire character, yet shall not credit him fur[ther]
then reason directeth. In these our intended designes wee find all
obstackles almost vanquished, only the Dutches discurtesies, which
wee may expect to meet with in the Streights of Mallacca ; where,
however, we beleive they will not dare to molest your ships naviga-
ting, whilest for ought we know the seas ought to be as open for
them as theirs. However, such fears must not deterr us from exer-
ciseing our duties ; nor would you, we beleive, that they should
make us desist from prosecuting these designes, so long as we shall
be carefull not to give them any advantage against us, by shipping
either amunition or provisions. . . . Your seamen (at least tnose in
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 167
these parts) being altogither strangers to the forementioned voyages,
we were not a little perplexed where to be provided of an able
pylott ; when one \bla7tk^ tendered his service, a man that hath
spent 30 yeares in those seaes and exhibited pregnant testimonies
of his abillities in that profession, besides divers certificates hee hath
of very good service done both the Portugals and the Spaniards in
pilotting their galleons ; him wee have enterteincd at 800 rupees
for the voyage ; who obleigeth himselfe to harbour the Seahorse
first in the Maneilles, and so proceed in the Hiitd for China.' The
Seahorse sailed on February 14 for Rajapur and Goa. At the
former place she is to land a broker, who is to go up to Raybag to
purchase ' cussumba ' for Achin and ' uploat ^ ' for China. She is
then to proceed to Goa, carrying Thomas Breton (who was there
recently with Thurston) to bring away such writings as are expected
from the Viceroy and buy some cairo. \_Here two or more pages are
missing.^ On the 19th [March?] arrived the Dutch Waterhond
from Taiwan [Formosa]. She has landed 153 chests of silver of
2,500 rupees each, 40,000 rials, and some alum and china ware ; but
the bulk of her cargo is still on board and is destined for Persia,
whither she is to sail immediately. She was convoyed up the coast
by the He^nskerk, which touched at Vengurla and brought thence
a quantity of pepper, which has been transhipped into the Valken-
btirg. The latter sailed on the 24th for Mokha ; while the Hcniskerk
is to return to Goa with some piece-goods. * Wee understand they
have lost two ships in China : the Flying Hart^ which perrished in
a storm near Tywan, and the Weedens^ which, being admirall ot
three ships, was fyred in fight with 60 and odd gallies on the coast
of Cochyn China ; in which the W aterhoiind was allso engaged
and with much difficulty escaped. . . . The Dutch are very vi[o]lent
in prosecution of the warr against the Portugalls in those parts,
especially upon Ceiloan, where lately arrived a fleet of 16 sailes,
which brought with them and landed 2,000 men, who have bin
encountred by the Portugalls, but [we] cannot hear the Dutch
boast of any great victory ; yet they pretend the Portugalls had the
worst of the day. However, they find them so strong that they
despair of obteining their ends in gaining Columba ; which they no
1 Gujarat! upaleta, the fragrant root (cosius) which forms the basis of the Chinese joss-
sticks. It is also known ViS ptu/iok', see the 1630-33 volume, p. 161.
i68 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
sooner approached but were enforced to retire, finding it (as them-
selves say) too hott service for their undertaking.' As regards ' the
Courtinians ', their ship William^ under Captain Blackman, was at
Diu early in February, trying in vain to dispose of English com-
modities. * From thence hee returned to Rajapore, very sick (as
we heare) of his Indian employment.' Their Bona Speranza has
been confiscated by the Dutch, and now forms part of the fleet
employed at Ceylon. PS. — Received last evening from Madras-
patam transcript of a letter sent thence to Bantam by the Advice^
dated January 28 \see p. 154]. This is now enclosed. (10 //.)
Instructions from President Breton and Council to
Robert Cranmer and others, proceeding to Basra,
March 26, 1644 {0,C. 1865).!
Although totally unacquainted with Basra, Cranmer is appointed
to the direction of a venture thither, on the strength of his nine
years' experience in the Company's service, particularly at Mokha
and Jiddah, where he has acquired ' the Arabian languadge '. He
is to be assisted by John Rymell, Nicholas Buckeridge, and 'our
broaker Sunker' [Sankar]. The goods provided have more than
filled the Francis ; and, as the Seahorse is now designed for another
employment, it has been decided to embark the surplus in the Sald-
matl, a pinnace recently bought of Duarte Fernandez [Correa] by
' Asavora ' [Asa Vora], and * fitted after the Christian manner '.
After unlading her cargo at Basra, the Francis is to be sent back
to Gombroon to fetch thence some pepper and gum-lac intended
for the former place but sent to the latter in the Hind, Supply, and
Seaflower, which sailed on February 8. On arrival at their
destination the factors should present * our letters ' to the Basha
and Shahbandar, and take a suitable house, preferably that occupied
by Mr. Pearce ' at his last being there '. In disposing of their
goods they should not ' refuse the first marketts, which commonly
proves the best '. Their departure should not be delayed beyond
December 15. Any small quantity of goods remaining may be
entrusted to ' Moha Naran ' [Mohan Narayan], the broker's kins-
man ; but if the quantity be large, they should leave the broker
^ There is a second copy among the 0. C. Duplicates.
THE ENGLISH FACTORHiS 169
himself behind to dispose of them. On quitting Basra, Cherry, the
master of the Francis^ has directions to call at Gombroon for letters
&c., and then proceed to ' Scinda ', to embark whatever commodities
Spiller and the other factors have provided. Goods may be accepted
on freight from Basra to that port. While at Basra Cranmer and
his associates must be careful to treat the people there ' courteously
and respectively ' ; and they must not neglect their religious duties.
Fresh meat to be provided for the crew of the Francis, ' according
to custome ', during their stay in port. In their own expenses the
factors are not to ' exceede modesty and reason '. PS. — Of the
accompanying packets, one should be dispatched to the Company
via Aleppo immediately on arrival at Basra, and the other six or
eight weeks later. With each the factors should send advice of the
state of their business. Goods to be sold on behalf of ' Mirza Arrab,
our Customer ' \see p. 23], and 'Myr Mahmud Amy [Mir Muhammad
Amin]'. (Copy. AlPP-)
William Pitt at Gombroon to the Company, March 27,
1644 {O.C. 1867).
About 612 tumans received last year as the English share of the
customs at Gombroon. Adler and others proceeded to Ispahan on
April 29, 1643, arriving May 29. They experienced great difficulty
in selling their broadcloth, owing to its poor condition and want of
variety. Part, belonging to the First General Voyage, is still
remaining there under the charge of Thomas Codrington. While
at Ispahan Pitt and his colleagues vainly attempted to procure
a confirmation of the four farmans obtained from the late King,
especially those that permitted the English to keep a guard at the
Gombroon customhouse and freed them from paying the usual
duty of one per cent, at the sale of their goods. They were told
by the Itimad-uddaula that the former privilege would only lead
to disputes with the King's soldiers, and moreover was unnecessary,
as order would be given that the English should not be defrauded
of their share of the customs ; while the duty of one per cent,
would not be remitted, ' by reason (as hee said) this kingdome is
not enriched by us, whereas formerlie wee bought the Kings silke
[and ?] such privilcdges were allowed us ; to which wee replied wee
knew hee had heard of the distraction our kingdome was in, and
170 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
that that comoditie was become of disesteem in Europe.' There-
upon, he promised to do something for them later ; but such
privileges are not to be gained except by giving large presents, and
then they can only be maintained by further donations, both at
court and at Gombroon. The factors left Ispahan on November 21
and arrived here on December 14. The Seahorse and the Seaflower
had recently visited the port. Advice as to the colours of broad-
cloth suitable for Persia. Arrival of the Hind, Supply, and
Seaflower on [March] 3. The Shahbandar did not appear until
the i5th. He pretended that he was delayed by much business,
but probably his object was to defraud the Company of its dues,
as in the interval many goods were carried away without paying
customs. The accounts of the First General Voyage will be closed
as directed, and the books sent home. Some goods suitable for
presents should be sent, since a yearly visit to court is necessary.
Debts of Merry and Willoughby. No money will be taken up at
interest. The three bales of ' bales ' are unsaleable here and will
be sent to Basra. ' The Dutch comaundor, Charles Constant, hath
caryed himselfe soe imperious at court that the conceipt of his
greate power and commaund hath almost made him loose himselfe,
insomuch that hee hath bin infinitelie slighted by the King and
Ettamen Dowlett [Itimad-uddaula] at the solliciting his Company
affaires, beeing commaunded (as said) by his Generall to acquaint
Ettamen Dowlett of their forces and that, if they had not kind
useage, they would ruinate this bundar [port] ; which in fine cost
them greate presents, with submission, before their peace could bee
made. Besides, they paid 900 tem[aun]ds custome for passed
yeares, and forced to take 300 loades of silke at 50 tem[aun]ds
per load. Few dales before this contract was made, the comaundor
without license would have departed Spahaun. The dale appointed,
his acquainteance (amongst the rest Phillip Wyld) came to bring
him out of towne. Hee was stopped in the streete by Ettamen
Dowletts commaund and desired by faire meanes to retourne to his
house ; in fine, by promises to those officers, was sufifred to proceed
till hee came out of towne about a mile ; afterwards pursued by
horsemen, that did not onelie bring backe but drubbe him &c.
Dutch before hee was censeable of his disgrace ; afterwards forced
«... . '
him into his house, and there certaine dayes was a strict watch
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 171
kept within his house by Ettamen Dowlett his commaund. This
proud comaundore persists to doe us all the disgrace lieth in his
power, as Ettamen Dowlett informeth us ; who at his first arrivall
reported that our King and country was nothing in respect to
theirs, and that, whereas formerlie wee were something strong, now
altogeither become poore and weake, haveing not shippeing or
ought elce to subsist the continuance of trade. William Pitt
answered that, although they had fake and disgracefully abused
us, wee scorned to relate anie thing of them, more then that His
Majesties embassadours ^ (wee made noe quaestion) had informed
the truth of all things, and therefore desired hee would bee refferred
unto their relacion. This answer pleased Ettamen Dowlett soe
well that hee presentlie rayled against the Dutch, sayeing it was
alwaies their custome to abuse us secretlie, and that wee had
alwaies honour and respect from his King for takeing Ormus.'
Further purchases of silk by the Dutch. PS^ (May 15) — The
foregoing is copy of a letter sent overland by Duarte Fernandez
[Correa], who left Gombroon on March 30 for Ispahan and Aleppo.
The Shahbandar has not yet accounted to them for the English
share of the customs this year ; but they have received on account
300 tumans. i^ pp)
The Company to the President and Council at Surat,
March 29, 1644 (Factory Records^ Miscellaneotis, vol. xii. p. 117).
Forward a transcript of their previous letter \scc p. 121], sent by
the Endeavour. Owing to ' being here at home in disturbance
and troubles amongst ourselves and most forraigne states in little
better condition, the marketts in all places are much declined and
commodities much fallen in their wonted prize and reputation ' ;
and so they hardly know what to do. They are desirous, however,
that ' the trade may be continued and not be lost ; and also that
the use and sales of commodities from India, as indicoes, callicoes,
&c., with all kind of druggs may not be here out of request or
sought from forraigne parts, as it would come to passe if wee should
lay downe this our Indian trade. Wee have therefore taken this
^ The reference is to Persian ambassadors, of whom several had visited England or
Holland.
^ Signed also by Philip Wylde.
17^ THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
resolucion yet further to prosecute this trade of India, that it may
not fall to the ground ; and although wee have not wanted
oppositions and discouragements enough, both here at home by
those that have and others that now would presse to be interlopers
into our trade, with whome wee have had noe small contest/
Continuing the previous letter, they are glad to announce that the
turmeric has now been sold, though the Roman vitriol has not yet
found a customer. Trust that the account of the Third Joint Stock
has been closed, and that satisfaction has been obtained for the
losses in Persia on account of shortage of silk and the Gombroon
customs. Sanction is given to the return of Adler, Hall, and
Wheeler; and also to the re-engagement of Codrington at an
increased salary. Cannot approve the use of force to obtain
redress for the wrongs received at Gombroon, as to do so would
be to hazard the trade ; nor would it be safe to force the merchants
resorting thither to pay the English share of the customs aboard
their junks. The sorts and quantities of India goods desired for
England have been sufficiently advised in the previous letter ; but
special care is enjoined regarding the quality of all goods returned.
Defects in those last received. Some of the calicoes pilfered. Note
with regret the disputes between Surat and Bantam, but hope that, now
both Presidents have been changed, the differences will cease. Knipe's
success on the Malabar Coast in the previous voyage has induced
them to engage him again, and to instruct him to go in the John to
that Coast on his way to Surat. The stock sent in that vessel and the
Crispiana is not so large as was hoped, for lead is not to be had at a
reasonable rate, owing to ' the stopp of that commodity in coming
from the mines in Darbyshire ' ; broadcloth and other woollen manu-
factures are likewise scarce ; while money, ' the life of trade ', is hard
to get. Would gladly have extinguished the debt at Surat ; but ' the
aversenes of the tymes ' will not permit of this, and so they must
put up with the loss caused by ' that devouring canker of interest '.
Note the goods exchanged between Surat and Bantam ; and trust
that the Expedition has been sent back to the latter port and the
Discovery dispeeded for England. The voyage of the Hopeivell
was so arranged as to give the factors on the Coromandel Coast all
the time they said was necessary to provide piece-goods of satis-
factory quality and at reasonable rates ; if, therefore, tHey now
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 173
fail, no credence will be given to their letters in future. In spite
of the supplies sent to that coast from Bantam, Surat, and England,
* wee have not in the space of five yeares received but only one bale
of thinn long cloth (which came by your convcighance), although
wee have yeerly desired some for the keping of that clothing in
use and to make it further desired here ; but hcthcrto our labours
and desires have bin prolonged with delayes, and the monies (wee
fear) imployed in those new fortifications, of which charge wee
would willingly have the certaine knowledge.' Note the employ-
ment of the Hopewell to Persia. Will not dissuade Fremlen from
returning, as he wishes to do so, though they would have been
glad to see him retain his post for a longer period. Approve
Breton's succession as President, and trust that his ability and
honesty will give cause ' to ranke him in our estimations with
his predicessors '. Merry will doubtless prove * a fitting man to be
second in Surratt '. In response to their demand for small shipping,
a vessel called the Endeavour has been built and dispatched to the
Coast on her way to Surat. ' For our Persian affaires, wee must
leave them unto you.' Bornford has arrived, but no explanation
can be got from him regarding the three bales of earth found
among the Lahore indigo. Fresh complaints have been received
of the bad quality of that consignment and, unless more care is
taken in future, * indico will find but cold enterteynement here '.
' Wee see that fraighted ships are neither wellcome unto you nor
here much acceptable unto us ; but wee could not well avoyd the
making triall of some without aspertions which would have bin
cast upon us ; which being now done, wee shall hereafter make
use of our owne, which are cheaper unto us then fraited shipps.'
Drugs and surgical instruments sent ; also two pipes of Canary
wine and two butts of strong beer. Regret the indebtedness at
Surat ; Mf it shall please God once to send us better times and
a setled reiglement in our East India affaires, to keepe out all
interlopers from frequenting those parts, wee [will] then (God
willing) use our best endeavours to have you double stockt, that
you may take all opportunities to make use of the best and most
profitable marketts.' The letters from the Viceroy and others were
duly delivered to the Portuguese Ambassador. * And concerning
the peace formerly made there betweene the Conde de Linharrees
174 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
and Mr. Methwold, wee for our parts are resolved to continue that
league still, and wee doe injoyne unto you the observacion thereof,
since the Portugalls themselves are so willing thereunto. There-
fore make use of that treaty ; but be as cautious to keepe yourselves
and our estates from danger as you may.' The diamond ring
entrusted to Knipe has been duly delivered. Wonder that the
rials should be found ' short in tale', and suspect some trickery on
the part of the shroffs. ' Our casheires here doe avouch that the
rialls went from hence in their full numbers ; for they do not only
tell them twise over but doe exactly waigh over every parcell, so
that by this meanes none can be wanting but the scale would
discover the same.' The factors ought themselves to ' tell them
out ', and not trust to others. The complaints of want of weight
and of the coarseness of silver are also evidently ' abuses which
your monychangers put upon you ', to gain some abatement. The
money now sent must be well looked to, for ' if the times should
continue as now they are, wee know not how to furnish you with
rialls or silver almost att any rate.' The cause of the want of sale
of the broadcloth was not so much its coarseness as the competition
of that brought by private traders ; and the names of the latter
ought to have been furnished, in order that the Company might
call them to account, since the factors will not do so. However,
a smaller quantity of broadcloth is now forwarded, so as not to
* oppresse ' the market. As the * grezio ' coral is principally in
demand, they will take care to send most of that sort in future.
The present stock is intended chiefly for Knipe to sell on the
Malabar Coast. Remarks on the other goods sent. Approve
the measures taken to employ the smaller shipping. Regret the
mortality among the factors. Note that three young men were
taken ashore from the Crispiana to supply the vacancies. Do not
object to Pynn, who was a purser's mate ; but cannot see that
John Mantell, who was only an attendant, and Richard Clark, one
of the gunner's crew at 14.9. a month, can be fit for such employ-
ment ; besides, the Company have no security for their good
behaviour. Forbear, therefore, to sanction any wages for them
until a report is made of their ' faculties ' and security given. No
thanks are due to those who employed them, as it is feared that this
was done ' for favour more then ability '. Again acknowledge the
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 175
receipt overland of the Surat letter of March 20, 1643. The ships
now sent are the Crispiaiia, with William Bayley as master, and
the JoJm^ under John Mucknell. The arrangements for their
voyage detailed. Account of the cargoes of the two ships, amount-
ing to 54,982/. I2J-. 3^., including 46,635/. \is. lod. in silver, and
6,836/. ijs. in coral. The following factors come in them: —
Edward Knipe at 200/. per annum ; Henry Garry, a bred merchant
and skilful in accounts and languages, engaged for seven years at
a salary of 40/., with 10/. increase yearly ; John Burnell, entertained
for a like period at 30/. ; Henry Hunt, at 13/. 6s. M. ; Richard
Davidge, experienced in the linen trade, both here and in France,
and now engaged for six years, at 70/., with 10/. a year increase ;
Hugh Fenn, 'a Hamborough [Hamburg] merchant', for seven
years at the same rate ; Thomas Andrews, for seven years at
a uniform salary of 30/. ; John Lewis, at 30/. for each of the first
five years and then 40/. and 50/. for the other two ; Gilbert
Harrison, at 20/. for the first five years, and then 30/. and 40/. ;
and Joshua Blackwell, on the same terms as Harrison. ' Their
severall rankings and imployments ' are left to the President and
Council. As regards shipping to be sent back, ' wee desire but one
shipp to be retourned us yeerly, for these reasons : first, because
wee had rather have small retournes and a stock left in the country
to bee profittably imployed and take off all interest then to have
large retournes and remaine indebted ; secondly^ aboundance of
East India commodities make them disesteemed and undervalued ;
thirdly, our marketts here being dead and quantity of East India
goods coming will make them be sold farre under valew.' Presume
that the Discovery was dispatched for England about the beginning
of this year. Possibly the Dolphin accompanied her ; but if not,
she must be the ship to come home this time, and the Crispiana
and John must both be employed in the East, though the former
vessel should not ' winter out if it may be otherwise disposed.'
Goods to be sent home in this year's ship. Of saltpetre 20 or 25
tons should be included * for kintlage ' ; but it must be well refined,
and this should be done *wher it is bought, be [it] in Agra or
Amadavad, for in Surratt wee understand there is noe peterhowse.'
Of the silver now forwarded, the Spanish rials of eight are worth
5J". per ounce; the ducatoons, 5^. 4^. each or ^s. \\d, per ounce;
176 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
the 'crosse dollers' [s^e the 1634-36 vohnne^ p. 225], 4^. 3</. each or
4$". (^d. per ounce ; and the silver bars cost ^s. 4^d. per ounce.
Piece-goods to be supplied to Bantam. ' The trouble hath bin
extrordinary which wee have had in attending the Parliament to
oppose Mr. Corteene and others with Captaine Bond from going
for India and planting att Madagascar ; and the busines is not yet
concluded, and therfore wee may doubt that in the interim of this
dispute their ships now ready may slip away on their intended
designes. The ships are five in number, vizt. the Sumte, Hester,
James, Thomas a7td John, and the Loyalty. The three former are
said to be under Capt. Bonds command, to erect a new common-
wealth in Madagascar, and therfore they shall export men, women,
&c., and wee know not what. The two latter are said to be fore
Mr. Curteenes accompt and commanded by one [ ] Earle and
John Durston. These two are cleared in our custome house and
not one pennyworth of marchandize or monies, but victualls with
pouder and shott. These and the former have such a crew in them
that, although they pretend planting and marchandizing, yet wee
feare they intend to fly at all, if they can meet with good game,
either on the coast of India or in the Reed Sea, where best purchase
may be had. And to these wee may [add] that wee [are] informed
that there is a French shipp of Dieeppe gone also that way. Wee
suppose you know her errand and what marketts shee will make,
if she can meet with chapmen accordingly. It will be therfore fitt
that you should send a ship to the Reed Sea for trade, to waite
upon those marchants, least they shall take more then ever they
intend to pay for ; and also to give notice to the marchants of your
towne and others thereabout residing, that if their men and vessells
and goods be mett withall, let them take notice from you who are
the most likeliest to be the actors.* Urge a further effort to recover
the money due on Sir Francis Crane's tapestry. Wine sent on the
John for sale. Knipe has in his custody a bundle of letters for
the Viceroy and others, received from the Portuguese Ambassador.
The remains of the First General Voyage to be cleared. Have
considered Merry's letter of January 17, 1643, and are willing to
accept the proceeds of his rhubarb in part payment of his debt.
He must, however, pay the remainder, together with interest, and
they regret that he should set so ill an example. {Copy. »32^//.)
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 177
Instructions from the Company to Edward Knipe and
Henry Garry, April i, 1644 (Factory Records y Miscellaneous,
vol. xii. p. in).
Garry is joined with Knipc to help him and to take charge in
case of his death. Have also sent in this ship (the John) as assist-
ants John Burnell, a bred merchant, and Henry Hunt, a young man
of not much experience. An account of the voyage to be kept.
Private trade to be suppressed, and any found aboard to be seized.
After leaving Madagascar, if there is time, they may call at Mozam-
bique to trade, and then proceed to the Comoros. They are next
to sail to the Malabar Coast, and sell their coral, &c. in any port
between Cape Comorin and Surat, investing the proceeds in cinna-
mon, pepper, cardamoms, or other suitable commodities. Certain
butts of wine to be sold for the benefit of the owners and the money
to be paid into the Company's cash at Surat.^ Care must be taken
to reach that port by December 10 at the latest. No Roman vitriol
should be bought. On arrival at Surat an account of their proceed-
ings is to be given to the President and Council ; their commission
is to be surrendered ; and Knipe is to take up his employment there
according to agreement. The extra provisions put on board are
not to be riotously consumed, as they are intended ' for the gratify-
ing of freinds and for intertaynement of such of the cheife of the
Portugalls as may come abord.' Any remainder is to be given up
at Surat. (Copy. 6pp.)
[Edward Knipe] aboard the John^ to the Company,
April 18, 1644 [Factory Records^ Miscellaneous^ vol. xii. p. 109).
They sailed from Dover Roads on April 6, in company with the
Crispiana and Blessing, and forty other ships. In 48° they met with
stormy weather, in which the Jo/ui behaved very well. As the slow
sailing of the Blessing much hindered the other two, a consultation
was called, at which it was decided ' when once past the Canaries
if betwixt this and then the Blessing mend not her pace, to bid her
^ This was a private venture of some of the Committees : see the Court Minutes ol
February i6, ai, and 23, 1644.
' They were then in lat. 37° N., i.e. near the Azores.
FOSTER vn N
178 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
company adieu and betake ourselves to the perfection of our
voyadge.' {Copy, lipp)
Edward Knipe to Richard Swinglehurst, Secretary to
THE Company [April i8, 1644] ^ {Factory Records, Miscella7teous,
vol. xii. p. 85).
Entreats him to believe that he is not ungrateful for past
favours, and declares his intention of procuring for him the goods
Swinglehurst has desired a third party to obtain for him at Cochin.
Forgot to acquaint him with an incident which occurred during his
last voyage, and which may possibly be brought up in his absence
by letters from Surat. This happened at Goa, where Knipe em-
ployed a Portuguese named ' Lewis Robeiro ' to buy for him a
parcel of bezoar. Robeiro cheated him therein to the extent of
about 300 pardaos ; and so, when he came aboard to buy coral,
Knipe taxed him with his deceit, with the result that he gave him
' a diamond ring off his finger in recompence '. Knipe then sold him
part of the Company's coral at nearly 100 per cent, profit, taking
bills on Cochin for the amount. ' At my coming to Surrat he had
writt to the President that I had cheated him in five chests of
corrall, by which hee was like to lose 1,300 pardos, and besides I
carried away a ring of his he gave me in earnest for the corroll,
worth 400 pardos.' Both statements were absolutely false. Mr.
Millet can prove that Robeiro examined the coral closely before he
bought it ; while the contention that the ring was given * in earnest \
when the whole transaction was concluded within two hours, is
absurd. Possibly Robeiro hoped to induce Knipe to do him a
courtesy in the price to be paid for the coral ; if so, * I thinke I
did him a sufficient one '. Commendations to Mr. and Mrs. Tom-
lins ^. Should Thurston bring home any sweetmeats on Knipe's
account, Tomlins is authorized to ' distribute them equally betwixt
his wife and mine.' {Copy. '2'% pp.)
* No indication is given of when or where this letter was written ; but internal evidence
suggests that it was penned on board the John at the same date as the letter to the
Company.
* Thomas Tomlins had been purser in the Crispiana. In 1646 he became Clerk of
Blackwall Yard.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 179
The Same to William Methwold [Ai'kil 18, 1644] ^ Ubid.,
p. 88).
Regrets that he did not see Methwold before leaving London, and
assures him of his deep gratitude for the many favours he has
received from him. {Copy, i />.)
The Voyage of the Hind from Swally to Macao and
Back ^ {Marine Records, vol. Ixvi).
1644, April 26. Sailed. May 2. Anchored at Goa. May ^. Set
sail ; and in going out met the Supply and Seahorse. Between five
and six o'clock at night they overtook a great junk. * Shee tould us
that shee beelonged to Cananore and cam from the Red Sea. Shee
lowered all her sayles amayn. Mr. Lee sent his boot aboord and
tooke two or three men from them. Next went our boote aboord
of her ; and beeing there, it seemed som of our men offered them som
violenc, which made the Malabares to ryse up in armes and chaced
our men overboord and killed on man out right and 5 or 6 men they
wonded. Imediatly they hoysed up theyr sayles and thought to
run away ; but wee could keepe them way. Wee shot divers shot
to them from the three shipes. At length wee shot her mayne
yard in two. Wee kep by her all that night, and the next morning
shee ran ashore into a sandy bay caled Colio ; but the men ran
ashore (but three or four). Wee went aboord of her with our bootes
and had som moneyes ; and finding her halfe full of water wee set
her afier.' May 23. The Supply parted company for Achin. June
13. Anchored off ' Poolagare ^ *, and procured wood and water.
Sailed again. June 16. Two Dutch ships met them and accom-
panied them to Malacca."* Jtmc 18. Anchored in that port. ' Our
marchantes had good quarter. The Governour sent a bote aboord
to take in our empty caske to fill them with water. Moreover, hee
sent us beeves and duckes and henes ; but provigon is very deere
heere.' Jitfte 21. The ships departed. Jttne 27. Got clear of the
* Undated, but apparently written at the same time as the foregoing.
2 A journal kept by Richard Matthews. It contains a number of rough sketches of the
coast and islands passed.
3 Pulo Jarak, in the middle of the Malacca Strait, and not far from the Sembilan Islands,
* See the Dagh- Register, 1643-44, p. 127.
N 2
i8o THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Straits of Singapore. July i. Anchored at ' Poolatimong ^ ', where
some provisions and water were procured. July 3. Sailed. July
i5. Saw the island of * Mindoro ' [one of the Philippines]. July
20. The Seahorse departed for Manilla. Augtist 4. Met a boat
with Chinamen, who agreed to pilot the ship to Macao. August 7.
Anchored at Macao. ' Mr. Blakeman ^ cam aboord of us and towld
us that hee had good quarter. The sam day in the afternoone our
marchantes went ashore and spoke with the Governour and weere
kindly entertayned.' August 8. Oxen and hogs were sent on board.
August 12,. Weighed and 'went beetweene the ilands of Don John
to winter.' Courteen's William was then riding there. The Hind
was now unladen, hauled ashore, and repaired. September 10. She
was got afloat again. October 31. The William departed from
Macao. November 4. The Hind returned to Macao. November 19.
She sailed. November 27. Saw ' Poolacondore ^ '. December t.
Anchored at ' Poolatimong '. December \i, K 'proo' brought a
note aboard from Mr. Tyndall, apprising them that the Seahorse
was at anchor off the NW. part of the island. Dece^nber 13. She
joined the //2W. December 1^. Both ships departed. December ij.
Entered ' the new straytes ' [of Singapore]. December 20. Anchored
off Malacca. December 21. Departed, but were stopped by four
Dutch ships and induced to return. December 22. Anchored at
Malacca again. Mr. Thurston went ashore to speak with the
Governor. December 25. The merchants, Sec. came on board and
the ships sailed. 1645, January 5. Passed 'the iland of Nicobar*.
January ^1. Saw Ceylon. January 13. Passed Point de Galle. A
boat from the Dutch fort brought a message that there were three
English merchants on shore, ' but wee gave noe great credit to them'.
January 0,0. Passed Colombo. y(3:;///<3:rj/ 24. Sighted Cape Comorin.
Jamcary 30. Passed Cochin. February i . Saw ' the rocke caled the
Sacrificing Rocke ^ '. February 6. Met a Dutch ship from Surat,
which gave the intelligence * that this yeeare was com from England
seven shipes '. {The journal ends abruptly on February 8. 40 pp.)
* Pulo Tioman, off the south-east coast of the Malay Peninsula.
2 Blackman, the commander of Courteen's ship, the William.
^ Pulo Condore, off the Mekong estuary in Cochin China. The East India Company
established a settlement there in 1702, but the settlers were massacred three years later.
* Still called Sacrifice Rock. It is twenty miles north-west of Calicut. See the references
to it by Fryer and Hamilton. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES i8i
Another Account {Marine Records, vol. Ixv. p. 6i).
1644, April 2,6. Departed from Swally Hole. Ma}^ 2. Anchored
off Goa. Ma}^ 5. Departed, and were joined by the Seahorse and
Sjtpply. Chased a great Malabar junk. ' Presently wee sent our
longboat aboard of hir with 27 men in her, whereof they wounded
and killed one out right, he being a quartermaster named Charles
Scott. All this tyme our longboat lying closs by their side, we
tumbled one atop of another, they outing our men worst of all going
over the side, they pressed out soe thick on us, they being in
number ncarc upon two hundred. All the tyme we lay by the
jouncks side they hove over great stones and bruised sum of our
men, but not very much. At length we got of and got aboard of
the Supply ; and then our ship edging to them we plyed our great
ordnance upon them all night, they shouting but litle at the Suply
or Seahorse, but only at us ; we still following them, she stering
away NE. into the shore.' May 6. ' This morning our boat came
from the Stiply with all our men (save four very much wounded).
We tacked and stood after her, she standing into a bay caled
Dewua, sum 12 lea. to the southward of Goa. ... In this bay she
run aground betwene eight and nine in the morning, and we stood
in after her. . . . Wee presently maned bocth our boats, and the
Suply and Seahorse maned there boats, and clapped her aboard.
And there were sum five Malibars, besids the master of the vessell,
and they shot at our boats ; but our men entred and killed them ;
at the which tyme our longboat, lying by the side, was sunck ; the
which we lost. . . . Betwene four and five afternoone the Seahorses
boat was apointed to set the vessell afire, which they did, and before
we could get out of sight of her she was burned downe to the
water, she being 500 tunns.' May 23. The Supply departed.
June 18. The Hind ^.nd Seahorse anchored off Malacca. June 21.
Sailed again. [The copy ends abruptly on Ju7ie 22. 14pp.)
Robert Bowen, Henry Olton, and Humphrey Pinson
[in St. Augustine's Bay] to the Commanders of sub-
sequent ShH's, May 15, 1644 {Factory Records, Miscellaneous,
vol. xii. p. 150).
The Endcavo2ir set sail from the Cape on March 28 last, but
owing to contrary winds did not reach this place until May 7. Next
i82 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
day came a boat from the shore with a number of men in Courteen's
service, who had lost their ship, the William^ on an island to the
eastwards of the Cape, but had managed to reach Madagascar in
their longboat. Have taken them on board, to the number of
seventeen English and four French. Their boat has been broken
up as unfit for further service. ' In the same distresse found wee
some 250 Duchmen in Saldania Bay, who in faire weather runne
themselves ashoare.^ They, according to their owne relation, saved
their carga[zoon] ; but for their shipp, named the Mauritius Handy
burthen 12 hundred tonus, [it] is irrecoverably lost. Beefe may be
bought on the other side of the river for 10 rangoes a beefe, or
8 rangoes and 20 samma sammas^ ; but cheaper if your rangoes be
cleare and without flawes. At your coming in, if you give any to
the blacks, let them be of the worser sorte ; for they are growne so
cunning that, if they know you have better, they will sell you noe
beefes for the worser sort.' Obtained themselves a plentiful supply.
Intend to depart this night for Johanna. {Copy, i p.)
Thomas Cox and Thomas Hill, aboard the Endeavour
[in St. Augustine's Bay], to the Commander of any
of Courteen's Ships, May 16, 1644 {Factory Records, Miscel-
laneous^ vol. xii. p. 151).
' The William of London, in the service of the Worshippfull
William Corteene, Esquire, Mr. Thomas Cox of Rediriffe com-
mander, being lost the i8th of June, 1643, ^7 distresse of wheather
betweene two small ilands distant from the Cape Bona Speransa on
this side 140 leagues, but by Gods great mercy saving all our lives
and the Esquires carg[azoon] of mony, wee made meanes upon one
of the ilands to build our long boat bigger with peeces of our shipp,
and therin having past many dangers, keeping along the shoare
14 dayes, afterwards putting to sea, after 16 dayes tyme wee arrived
the last of August all of us att this place, with very little trade to
maintayne us, living among these people almost nine months. The
7th present here arrived the Endeavour^ Mr. Bowen commander,
^ See Capt. Minors' account in O.C. 1868 ; also the Dagh- Register, 1643-44, pp. 79, 81.
2 Saniisamy is Malagasy for some kind of bead ; while rango (* long ') probably indicates
the long beads which were in special demand (see the 1630-33 volume, p. 42). Lockyer
(1706) mentions ' beads and rangos' among articles suitable for sale at the Ctfpe.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 1S3
belonging to the East India Companie, by whom wee understood of
the troubles in England ; also that there was four shipps for the
Esquire to come out, and ready before them, but that they were
stopt by the Parliament and all the men discharged, and they could
not say whether they would come out this ycere or noe.* Have
now, for the safeguard of their lives and the Esquire's money,
accepted Bowen's offer to carry them to the Comoros, where they
will await 'your coming'. Have found this place very unhealthy,
having lost twelve of their number. Advice as to the purchase of
cattle. {Copy. i\pp)
Thomas Gee and Richard Wotton^ at Sea near Dart-
mouth TO the Company, June 17, 1644 {Brit. Mtis. Egerton
MS. 2086, f. 147).
All on board are well. Have been troubled with contrary winds
ever since leaving the Downs, but are doing their best to pursue
their voyage, (i p. Seal.)
Abstract from Michael Yates's Journal of the Voyage
OF THE Hopewell from Mauritius to Surat {O.C. 1861).
1644, June 22. Sailed from Mauritius, in company with the
Dolphin. Jtme 23. Lost sight of her. June 24. Saw ' Domas
Masearenos ' [Reunion]. July 4. Found the forepeak full of water,
but baled it out. Discovered that the leak was due to an auger
hole left unstopped. July 7. Reached St. Augustine's Bay, and
found there the Dolphin^ which had arrived that morning. July 16.
They sailed for Johanna, and there awaited the ships from England.
Augtcst 9. The Crispiana came in, commanded by William Bay ley.
August II. The Loyalty arrived, under Mr. Durson. August I'j.
The Hopezvell, Dolphin, and Crispiana sailed for Surat. August 20.
Another leak was found and stopped with ' collow [i.e. coal-dust]
and coales '. September 16. Saw the coast of India in about 20°.
September 18. Reached Swally Bar. September 19. Went into the
Road. (I p.)
* Gee was master of the Company's ship William^ bound for Bantam ; while Wotton
was a factor on board her.
1 84 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Thomas Cox and Thomas Hill [at Fort St. George] to
THE Agent and Council there, July 5, 1644 {O.C. 1874).
Request protection and advice as to the disposal of the money-
saved from the wreck of their ship and now brought hither in the
EndeavotLi\ Their orders were to deliver it to Courteen's factors at
Achin ; but they cannot tell how to do this without difficulty and
danger. {Copy. %p)
Reply of the Agent and Council [July 5, 1644] {O.C.
1874).
Cannot suggest any method of remitting the money to Achin,
' here not being any shipping belonging to this port that voyages it
thither. And touching protection of you from the dainger of theis
natives, tis such, by reason of the warrs of theis parts, wee cannot
secure our one people.' {Copy. J/.)
Thomas Cox and Thomas Hill to the Agent and Council,
July 5, 1644 {0,C. 1874).
Request that they will continue to take charge of the money, on
the understanding that the amount will be repaid in England by the
Company to ' the Esquire Courteene ', together with such * lawful!
consideration ' for its use as shall be determined ' by equall parties
on both sides '. They make this offer because they see no means of
delivering the gold to any of Courteen's factories, and 'here wee
knowe not how to secure it from our owne shipps company.' {Copy.
Reply of the Agent and Council [July 5, 1644] {O.C.
1874).
They are ready to redeliver the gold, and certainly cannot accept
it on the conditions mentioned. 'Yourselves are not ignorant of
the great troubles and broyles of theis parts, both homebred and
forreigne, and how our neighbours the Dutch are beseeged in their
castle of PoUicatt by the Moores \see note on p. 193] ; and for any
thing wee knowe wee may bee in the same predicament in few
dayes.' {Copy, ^p.) ,
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 185
Thomas Cox and Thomas Hill to 1 111: Agent and Council,
July 6, 1644 {O.C. 1874).^
Desire them to retain the money and leave the question of its
repayment to be settled at home between Courteen and the I^ast
India Company. [Copy, ^p.)
The Reply of the Agent and Council [July 6, 1644?]
(O.C. 1874).
Agree to this request, and will advise the Company at the earliest
opportunity. {Copy. \ p.)
Thomas Godfrey's Account of the Voyage of the Hart
FROM Bantam to Swally (O.C. 1875).
1644, Jiily 12. Sailed. August 6. ' Came upe with the Chagues '
[i.e. Chagos], August 30. Saw 'the maine land '. September 24.
Were NE. of Sanjan. September 28. Anchored in Swally Hole.
{Abstract. i\pp>)
Robert Bowen, aboard the Endeavour in Masulipatam
Road, to President Breton at Surat, July 13, 1644 {O.C.
1876).
Left the Downs on January 10, 1644 ; crossed the Equator
February 14 ; and reached the Cape March 25, where they found
the Dutch ship Mauritius Island cast away, and 250 or 300 of her
crew on land, whom they supplied with provisions. Sailed again
on March 29, and anchored in St. Augustine's Bay on May 7.
There they took in the master (Cox) and sixteen of the crew of the
William, of 140 tons, freighted by Courteen for Barbary and thence
to Achin, but wrecked 150 leagues to the eastward of the Cape, on
a small island three leagues from the main. The survivors had
with them in Barbary gold about 4,500/., besides two small brass
guns ; all which have been delivered to the Agent at Fort
St. George. Left Madagascar on May 16 ; got to Johanna May 24 ;
^ This letter and its reply were printed in John Darell's pamphlet entitled j\lr. Caurtens
Catastrophe (London, 1652). In this it is stated that Cox died on the way home, and thai
Hill on his arrival in Eiidand * obscured himselfe '.
i86 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
sailed on the 39th; and arrived at Madras July 2. Departed on
July 10 and reached Masulipatam two days later. * From whence
wee are consigned for Gingerly and into Bengala for a fraight for
Persia ; whence I hope to bring you the bravest ship of hir burthen
as ever came to Surratt ; for shee sayleth better then any Dutch
ship that ever wee mett (which doth anger them much) and workes
very well.' {Copy. 1 p.)
Robert Cranmer and John Rymell at Basra to the
Company, July 16, 1644 {O.C. 1880).
Enclose a packet from Surat, which doubtless relates all that
passed prior to their departure from Swally on March 31. Off Gan-
devi River they met the Seaflower, returning from Gombroon. She
had lost company with her consort, the Hind, the night before. The
Supply had been left at Gombroon, but was to follow in a few days.
The Francis had a tedious passage to Gombroon and did not arrive
till May 11. Sailing again on the 1 6th, they procured a pilot at
' Carracke ^ * on June 5, and reached Basra on the 23rd. The Basha
was absent ; but they visited the Shahbandar and were courteously
received. Set to work at once to unlade the Francis, dind were sur-
prised to find the cargo considerably damaged ; in consequence it
was July 7 before she was dispatched to Gombroon for the rest of
the consignment. The enclosed copy of a letter to Surat ^ will show
what goods have been sold here and also the current prices. Arrival
of a Cambay junk, which they passed on the way. Other vessels
are expected ; and so there is little likelihood of much freight being
forthcoming for India. Some money sent in the Fra7icis to ' Congo '
[Kung] on freight. Have just received letters from Peter Herbert,
&c.,^ who set sail from Swally on March 24 in a junk for Mokha,
but after spending seventy days at sea were forced to bear up for
Gombroon, where they arrived on June 5. It is hoped that their
goods will be brought to Basra by the Fra7icis. The gum-lac, &c.
^ Khargu Island (see the previous volume, p. 245).
^ (9. C 1873. It adds nothing of importance.
^ See O.C. 1872. The reply will be found under O.C. 1878 ; while the letters dispatched
at the same time to the factors at Gombroon and to Robert Cherry, the master of the
Francis^ form O.C. 1879 and 1877 respectively. They only deal with the lading of the
francis and similar topics. ,
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 187
formerly intended to be forwarded from Gombroon to this place
have been countermanded, as they are not vendible to profit here.
Will write again about the end of August. (3I pp. Received Feb-
ruary 20, 1645.)
William Fremlen and John Proud, aboard the Dolphin
[at St. Augustine's Bay], to the Commanders of subse-
quent Ships, July [25 ? ], 1644 ^ (Factory Records^ Miscella?teous,
vol. xii. p. 155.)
The Dolphin and Discovery sailed in company for England from
Swally on January 29 last and crossed the Line on February 20.
Then, finding themselves belated and in need of supplies, they
resolved to make for Mauritius. On March 9 they reached the
shoal of * Malha ' [see p. 109], and it was thereupon thought advis-
able to stand to the eastwards for six days to weather the shoal.
On March 24 came on a most violent hurricane, which separated
the two ships. The Dolphin, owing to a leak in her stern, and to
shipping several seas, had 4^ feet of water in her hold and ' laid
alongst for more then an howers tyme without righting'. The main-
mast was cut away and the ship then righted and was pumped dry.
The hurricane having passed, they refitted her as far as they could,
and on April 6 reached Mauritius. They anchored at first off Car-
penters Bay, but on learning that the H op eive II v^diS lying in Coopers
Bay, they removed thither. Stayed until June 22, and with the
assistance of the Dutch set up a new mainmast. The two ships
sailed together, but the Hopewell lost company the day after leaving
Mauritius. The Dolphin met with much foul weather in rounding
the head of Madagascar, and did not reach this place until July 7.
Received the enclosed letters from ' Andre Peela ', with whom this
is now left. Obtained a good supply of cattle and oranges at the
usual rates. Having now waited some time for the ships from
Europe and conceiving that they must have passed on to the
Comoros, it has been determined to follow them thither to-morrow.^
PS. — Have decided to leave the letters in ' Andre Manfccks '
charge. The Hopewell was in sight of this road before the Dolphin
1 Enclosed in their subsequent letter of August 17, and received with it by Knipe at
Johanna.
"^ For the consultation at which this decision was reached see O.C. 1881.
i88 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
arrived, but could not get in until the 8th. The two ships are now
sailing together. {Copy. ^ pp.)
Consultation held aboard the Dolphin at Johanna
BY William Fremlen, Thomas Adler, John Proud, &c.,
August i6, 1644 {O.C. 1883).
They have met to decide as to the disposal of the Dolphm.
From the Crispiana they have learnt ' the condicion and estate of our
miserable country, finding the distractions, together with the Kings
forces of shipping on the west part of England, dayly to encrease,
so that Scilly, Famouth, Dartmouth, Waymouth, Bristow, and other
considerable ports and places of England were (when the Crispin
came thence) under His Majesties goverment and in his servants
possession : that Plymouth also was beseiged : that his protection
was withdrawn from his subjects, and they thereby left as a spoile
and pray to our owne and other nations, and the west parts of
England in generall infected with rovers, both English, Dunkerkers,
and others, that little safety for a single ship (but even by accident)
could be expected ; insomuch [th]at our Honourable Employers,
this and the passed yeares, would not but in joint company dismiss
their outward bound shipping, though designed and readied for
severall voiages.' It will therefore be unsafe for the Dolphin, having
lost company with the Discovery, to proceed alone. Further, she is
much weakened by the storm she passed through, and her cargo
has suffered so much damage that a large part will probably not
be worth freight and customs. It is therefore agreed that the
wisest course is to return to Surat.^ {Copy. ^\pp^
William Bayley and Others ^ aboard the Crisp/ana
AT Johanna to the Commanders of subsequent Ships,
August 17, 1644 {Factory Records^ Miscella7teons, vol. xii. p. 150).
They lost sight of England on April 8 and arrived at St. Augus-
tine's Bay on July i^] and this island on August 9. Here they
found the Dolphin, bound from Surat to England, but forced hither
* The commanders of the Crispiana and Hopewell both concurred in this decision {O.C.
1882).
* John Pearson, Richard Davidge, Hugh Fenn, John Lewis, and Thomas Methwold.
This and the succeeding letter were found by the John at Johanna on August 25/
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 189
' by violence of a Harry Cane ' ; also the Hopewell, homeward bound
from Bantam, but likewise obliged to take shelter from bad weather.
All three are about to depart for Surat. {Copy. \p)
William Fremlen, Thomas Adler, and John Proud,
ABOARD THE DOLPHIN [aT JOHANNA], TO THE COMMANDERS OF
SUBSEQUENT SHIPS, AUGUST 1 7, 1644^ {Factory Records^ Miscel-
laneous, vol. xii. p. 153).
Left St. Augustine's Bay on July 26, and reached this road on
August 3. The Crispiana arrived on the 9th, and two days later
came in the Loyalty, a ship of nearly 300 tons, freighted by Esquire
Courteen. The John had parted with the Crispia?ia near the Equa-
tor. Are now about to sail for Surat, in company with the latter
vessel and the Hopewell. From a private letter they understand
that the Endeavour left Madagascar on May 16, reached Johanna
on May 24, and departed on [June] 8 for the Coast of Coromandel.
If this letter is received by those on the John, they are entreated to
procure a mainmast for the Dolphin at some port on the Malabar
Coast and bring it to Surat. Believe that there are two at Goa
belonging to the Company. {Copy. 1 pp^
Thomas Ivy, Henry Greenhill, and George Travell at
Fort St. George to the Company, September 8, 16442 {O.C,
1885).
Cogan sailed in the Hopewell on August 27, 1643, for Bantam,
leaving Francis Day in charge here. The Hart arrived on Sep-
tember 23 ; the disposal of her cargo has been already advised.
The Endeavour anchored in the roads on July 2 last, bringing
sufficient money to pay all their debts. At St. Augustine's Bay
she picked up some survivors of Courteen's ship William, who had
managed to save two brass guns and gold to the value of 9,000
ducats. These have now been handed over to the Agent for the
use of the Company, who are to give satisfaction for the same to
Courteen at home, the gold being reckoned as 4,500/. The Sivan
reached this place from Bantam on August 4, bringing Thomas Ivy
* Found at Johanna by the yohii on August 25.
2 For an abstract of part of this letter see O.C. 1S84.
I90 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
as Agent, and Thomas Winter. The cargo was invoiced at 9,458
rials of eight, in addition to which the remains left by Day were
106,126 rials. Refer to the enclosed consultations for the disposal
of the Sivan and Endeavour. The latter brought letters from the
Company dated November 27, 1643, to which they now reply. The
failure to send sample bales of piece-goods was partly due to the
absorption of their funds in paying interest on their debts ; but now
that they are free from that * eateing ulcer ', they hope to give better
satisfaction. At present they can only send a bale of ' morees ' ;
and as the Swan is to leave Masulipatam for Bantam by October 5
at the latest, while the Endeavour cannot be back so soon from the
Bay of Bengal, nothing more can be provided till the next shipping.
Refer to Cogan for information as to the estate of Thomas Rogers.
Yard's Endeavour is still lying on the beach, and is worth little or
nothing ; they trust he has given satisfaction at home for his pro-
ceedings in the matter. Have sold five chests of coral at 115
pagodas per maund, and could dispose of 4,000 lb. yearly ; the
*grezio' is the sort required. Messrs. Olton, Methwold, and
Isaacson duly arrived in the Endeavour. The last-named went on
in her to Masulipatam on July 9, and died there on August 2.
Olton has been appointed to take charge in Bengal, as Hatch
desires to be relieved. He has been instructed to send samples of
all sorts and to make an investment in ginghams, &c. for England.
Methwold is to be second to Winter at Viravasaram. *The Fort
St. George hath allready cost in building 2,294/. 17^. 2|^., as by the
abstract of the charges \inissmg\ which accompanieth this appeareth ;
and to finish the rest and to compleate it according to the worke
begune, with warehouse roome, lodging for factors and souldiers,
with other needfull additions of building, and soe fortified as fame
reporteth it is (though not soe), it cannot cost less then 2,000/. more.
Notwithstanding three of the foure quadrangle points bee finished,
yett the other point, with the three walls betweene the three points
which are finished, with lodging and warehouse roome, will cost full
as much as the sume aforementioned. And the monthly charge
which wee are at now for fiftie men is 54/. 6s. 6d., as by the abstract
\jiot extant\ of the perticulers ot mens names and wages appeareth ;
soe that, when it is compleated, there cannot bee less then 100
souldiers ; which will double the charge. What ammunition? ettc.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 191
is at present in the Fort [by?] the perticuler list hercinclored
[mtsst/i£;] will appeare ; which is as much as nothing for the defence
of such a place, the gunns excepted ; but when it is finished and ico
souldiers for the defence of it, wee need not feare any inland enemy
neare unto us in these parts. But how this poore trade heere will
mainetaine the charge cannot bee apprehended by the former [sic]
of us ; for the Dutch are growne soe potent that they have allmost
gotten the whole Coast trade into their owne possession, and have
soe dispersed their moneyes in all parts that wee cannot gett cloth
for our money. Soe that the tymes are turned upp syde downe :
for formerly they [i.e. previous factors] complained for money and
now wee know not how to lay out that litle remaineing stocke wee
have, unless wee will take such trash as hath allwayes bin sent from
hence to Bantam, which is noe course for us to stopp the Presidents
complaints. But in course of tyme they may bee brought to make
better cloath ; for they seeme to bee acting [i.e. active] people and
willing to indeavour any thing that is by us desired.' The orders
for sending the Endeavour to Persia will be duly carried out ; at
present she has gone (July 23) from Masulipatam to Bengal with
a small freight. Would much prefer to see the Company's ships
employed in carrying its own goods. Commodities to be carried
to Persia by the Endeavour. Ivy found on his arrival the Coast
remains reckoned at 66,328 new pagodas, but from this must be
deducted 10,925 pagodas for desperate debts at Masulipatam
brought forward from the Armagon books. The remainder was
distributed as follows : in Fort St. George, 48,952 rials ; in Masuli-
patam, 31,184 rials ; in Bengal, 8,510 rials ^ ; while in addition the
Swans cargo from Bantam was 9,458 rials, making 98,104 rials in
all. If this does not agree with the home accounts, the difference
must be explained by Cogan, who has probably arrived in England,
and Day, who proceeds to Bantam on the Swan. That vessel
carries hence goods to the value of 6,063 pagodas for the General
Voyage, and they have instructed the factors at Masulipatam ' to
compleate that accompt and sett a period thereunto '. Cannot com-
mend the quality of the calico put aboard the Swan^ but trust to
send better in future. Have also laden in her some indigo, bought
here at 24 pagodas per candy; and some gunpowder costing 22
* The rial of eight appears to be taken at 55. and the pagoda at 8j.
192 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
pagodas per candy. Have already intimated their dislike of ' the
letting out of the Companies shipps from the Coast to bee pack
horses for other men in that unprofifittable Persian trade' ; but, as
it is the Company's wish, the EndeavoJir shall be duly sent thither.
Had they had a free hand, they would rather have invested the
5,000/. assigned for that purpose in piece-goods, which, if transported
from Bantam to the Manillas, would have produced ' three for one
proffitt in fowre months '. Now, however, the ' President of Surratt
hath gotten the honnour and start of our President of Bantam, by
whome this voyage hath bin long in agitacion, but could never as
yett bee perform'd, in regard the President of Surratt [? doth enjgross
upp all the small shipping, soe that they at Bantam have their
hands tyed behind them for want of meanes and shipping. This
Maneela voyage, to the Agents knowledg, is the best and proffitt-
ablest in these parts of the world ; whose experience taught him
when hee lived at Maccassar, where the Maneela merchants hath
annually recourse and doth give there 150 per cent, proffitt for the
foure sorts of white cloath aforesaid ; and pepper to our knowledge,
if to the quantitie of one hundred tonns per annum, will sell there
for 15 rialls of eight the pecull. And wee are certaine that Surratt
cloth will not sell for halfe the proffitt as the Coast cloth, nor halfe
the quantitie. And now in regard the Spaniards hath warrs with
the Dutch and Portugalls, the latter which formerly supply'd them
with cloth from Maccasser and these parts, of boath which they
are now debarr'd, therefore wee well know that if the President of
Bantam had but a shipp and meanes, they might sell every yeare
in Coast cloath and pepper to the amount of ioo,oco rialls of eight
at the Maneelas, and at noe less gaine then i\ or 3 per cent, proffitt ;
which wee will maintaine '. Moreover, the expense and risk would
be only half that incurred in making the voyage from Surat, seeing
that the distance from Bantam is so much shorter and there is no
danger to be feared from such enemies as ^ the desperate Mallabarrs'.
An additional reason is that, ' if the Maneela trade, or some other,
bee not followed from the Southward, wee shall have but litle trade
heere ; for noe comodities will sell heere for any considerable
proffitt, and rialls are of soe litle vallue that wee cannot putt them
of at the prime cost. Soe there is nothing like gould for the pro-
videing of goods and constant proffitt. Soe if the Maneela trade
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 193
were followed from Bantam, wee might out of a small stocke every
yeare from hence bee supplyed from the Maneelaes and Macaw per
via Bantam with 50,000 rialls of eight in gould ; and in two yearcs
tyme wee will undertake that the Company need send noe more
stocke hether, but wee should bee suffitiently supplyed from Bantam ;
provided they bee supplyed with twoe shipps, each of 200 tonns
burthen, which would supply this place and the Maneelaes under
one.' Although all European commodities (coral excepted) are in
little demand, yet, in hopes of better times, they would be glad to
receive the quantities specified of coral, broadcloth, and lead for
sale ; mirrors and knives for presents ; and a stock of money,
mostly in gold. The Company's servants now on the Coast are : —
at Fort St. George, Messrs. Ivy, Greenhill, and Travell, factors,
with Martin Bradgate and Walter Robins as assistants ; in Masuli-
patam, Thomas Peniston and John Brown, factors, with Hercules
Heywood, Edward Winter, and Thomas Perks as assistants ; in
Viravasaram, Thomas Winter and William Methwold, factors, and
William Minn, assistant ; in Bengal, Henry Olton and William
Gurney, factors, and William Netlam, assistant. The names of all
the English soldiers will be found in a list enclosed \inissijtg\.
Disposal of the twenty-one men belonging to Courteen's Williajn :
two are dead ; two are at Masulipatam at their own charge ;
William Hill has gone thither to get a passage to Achin ; Thomas
Cox and five others proceed to Bantam in the Swa7t ; seven have
joined the garrison here ; and three are employed in the Endeavour,
Money lent to Cox and Hill, to be repaid in England ; their main-
tenance referred to the Company's consideration. The wars in these
parts made them glad to entertain some of these men as soldiers ;
* for the Moores but five weekes past had advanced with there armes
within three myles of PuUicatt, and sent unto the Duch Governour
to surrender up there castle ; and we did suddenly expect the same.
But shortly after the Jentues came downe with a greate power, gave
the Moores battle, rowted there armie, and put the Moores to flight
beyond Armagon ', where they are now agathering a head againe ;
1 The Dutch Governor of Pulicat, writing to Batavia some months later, reported that
on reaching that fortress from Masulipatam on July 15 (N. S.) he found that the forces ot
the King of Golconda, under *Casy Aly' [? Kasim All], had subdued the whole of the
neighbouring towns without opposition and were demanding the submission of Pulicat
itself, promising at the same time that the Dutch should retain all their privileges. Of this
FOSTER vn O
194 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
soe the dainger that we live in is yet unknowne.' Geoffrey Brad-
ford [see p. 158], ' who was shipped out corprall of the Discoverie,
1632, at 25J. per month and taken ashore at Armagon the same
yeare, hath liv'd there and here since as serjant of the souldiers ' ;
now upon his petition he has been allowed forty rials of eight per
annum for apparel. On re-examining the accounts, they find that
out of the 98,104 rials mentioned earlier no less than 2^^,455 repre-
sent dead stock and bad debts ; so the effective stock on this Coast
is only 75,649 rials, from which goods to the value of 20,000 rials
have now been laden on the Swan for Bantam. The Seaflower is to
be sent hither from that place in April next, coming by way of the
Straits of Malacca direct to Bengal and so to Masulipatam and
Fort St. George ; * by which ship we doubt not to cleare the Coast
of all the remaineing stocke.' Accounts sent to Bantam. Hercules
Heywood, having served at Masulipatam as a writer for five years
at 18/. per annum, has been re-engaged for three years at 30/.,
subject to the Company's approval. {Copy. Damaged, 9 //.
Received December 8.)
Edward Knipe, Henry Garry, John Burnell, and Henry
Hunt at Johanna to the Company, September ii, 1644 (O.C.
i886).i
Account of the voyage of the John. In May they spoke
Courteen's Loyalty^ commanded by Captain Durson, bound for
Mozambique and Karwar. In order to anticipate her, it was decided
to go on ahead of the Crispiana (which sailed more slowly than the
Johi) and to proceed straight to Mozambique without calling at
Madagascar, the two ships meeting again at Johanna. As soon as
the vessels parted, Mucknell, the master of the John^ who had been
an eager advocate of the separation, began *his drunken and
debauscht courses, callinge into his roundhousse the most debauscht
demand no notice was taken, and the invaders, finding the fortress amply equipped, con-
tented themselves with a demonstration at a safe distance. The Nayak of GingI, who was
then in rebellion against Sri Ranga, advanced with the intention of joining the Golconda
army; whereupon the King recalled Kistappa Nayak, who was operating against the
Gingi chief, and restored Chinnana to favour. Kistappa fell unexpectedly on the Moors
and completely routed them, killing their commander and several other men of importance
{Hague Jranscripts, series i. vol. xiv. no. 431 ; Dagh- Register, 1644-45, p. 325).
* For another copy see 0,C. 1890.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 195
ungodly people in the shipp.' In the end he pretended to desire
a reconciliation, promising ' reformacion of his lififeand conversacion ;
and to that purpose invited all of us with all his officers on shore
the 29th August ; when after dinner he most villanously stole
aboard, wrought with his rogues on board to cutt cables in the halss,
cutt loose sayles, and stood away for the offine, and left us miserably
heere on this unhealthy island.' No provocation had been given
him by Knipe, who confined himself to urging the chief officers of
the ship to remonstrate with the master on his evil courses ; with
the result that these officers have likewise been left on shore. Could
not take any steps to secure the ship, as the sailors were completely
under Mucknell's influence. The latter showed great unwillingness
to come to Johanna and meet the Crispiana ; and when the factors
sent him a written remonstrance, ' hee spent most parte of that night
in vilifyinge us and indeavouringe to stirr upp his menn to mischeefe
us.' They should have mentioned earlier that at Mozambique,
where they arrived on August 11, they were disappointed in selling
their wine, a large stock having been brought thither from Lisbon
a short time before. They accordingly departed on August 21,
carrying letters from the Governor to the Viceroy of Goa, and also,
at the request of the former, one Senhor ' Joan da Maya Caldera ',
Agent for the King of Portugal at Mozambique, who was desirous
of a passage to India for himself and his family. He brought on
board upwards of thirty persons, and gave Mucknell 200 rials of
eight for the use of his roundhouse. He, with his wife and most of
his servants, is now proceeding in a boat to Mohilla, in hopes of
meeting some vessel of Mozambique ; and to his care these letters
are entrusted. If they arrive in good time, the Company may be
able to intercept the John ; but possibly this may be effected here,
for Knipe has written to the Governor of Mozambique, begging him
to send a vessel of some force for that purpose ^ and it is their
intention to embark in her and search all these islands and the coast
of Madagascar, for the John * cannot yet depart to pass the Cape
this two mounths \ If they meet her they can probably master her,
as she has many sick on board, besides those of her crew who were
unwillingly drawn into the design and others who by this time have
repented of their action. It is estimated that the active mutineers
1 For copies see O.C. 1SS8 and 1890.
O 2
196 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
cannot number more than thirty, while 'wee on shoare here are 21
persons, and those the principall officers of the shipp '. It is the
more likely that the Portuguese will lend assistance, in that Senhor
Caldeira claims to have lost in the John to the value of
17,000 xerafins. Lest he should make any demands on the
Company, they have procured from him a certificate that he did
not acquaint them of any goods he brought on board (except
provisions) or arrange with them for freight. Letters^ are being
sent to Mohilla for any homeward-bound ship that may arrive there ;
and they are hopeful that before long some vessel will come from
Surat in quest of them. (Copy. SkPP)
A Narrative of Mucknell's Treachery ^ {O.C. 1887).
Mucknell having left them on the island of Johanna and run away
with his ship, they have drawn up this account ' for mortallity sake '
and to clear themselves from all complicity in his crime. His
dissolute behaviour described ; also his threats against Knipe, who
had merely let him know, by means of others, ' that if his cariage
did not alter, he [Knipe] did intend, when God shold blesse him
safe to the coast of India, there to secure the Companies goods and
write to Surratt for other ships, and have nothing to doe with him.'
On August 34, fearing that he intended to pass by Johanna, the
factors sent him a written order to put in there ; whereupon he
violently railed against them, ' saying that hee wold not be ordered
by Jacke Straw and Watt Tyler.' However, after their arrival at
Johanna, Mucknell professed to be anxious for a reconciliation, and
besought the minister ^ to make peace between him and Knipe. To
this end, on August 29 all went ashore, ' hopeing to make it a day
of Jubilee ' ; but after dinner Mucknell privately stole away and got
on board. The rest waited for him until sunset, and then went down
^ For copies see O.C. 1889 and 1890.
^ Enclosed in the foregoing. It is signed by the four who signed the letter, and also by
Henry Tyrrell and Henry Wheatley (master's mates), the Rev. William Isaacson, and
fourteen of the crew. For other copies of this document see O.C. 1890 and the O.C.
Duplicates.
^ The Rev. William Isaacson, son of Deputy Isaacson, was chosen to go as minister to
Surat in the John on Feb. i6, 1644. He was afterwards the first resident chaplain at Fort
St. George (see Penny's Church in Madras^ p. 661). A brief account by Isaacson of
Mucknell's employment of him as a peacemaker will be found under O.C. iS^o.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 197
to the shore to return to the ship. There they perceived the latter
making ready to sail ; and presently two of the quartermasters came
ashore in the 'jellivvatt^ ', having hazarded their lives rather than
join in the plot. They related that Mucknell, * as soone as hee came
aboard the ship in the afternoone, went into the great cabbin and,
calling the whole ships crew to him, spake thus unto them . . .
There is a difference betweene Mr. Knipe and myselfe, and the
reason is because I have given you too much sacke, and more then
I can answer when I come to Surratt ; so that when I shall arive
thither, he threatens to turne me out of my ship. I have allwayes
found you able and honest fellowes and men that have stucke by
me. I hope therefore that you will not now see me disgrac't. I here
declare myselfe for the King. I have had an intent that way from
the beginning of the voyage, but cold never find a fitt oportunity
untill now. Wee will first steere our course toward the Red Sea
and gett what wee can there ; and at the beginning of the yeare
returne for England. Wee have Famouth, Dartmouth, or Bristoll
to goe to, where we shalbe wellcome. You that are for the King,
and will agree to this motion, hold up your hands. Upon which
they all cry'd : One and all ; except \Jtere follow eighteen names],
all which were violently detained on shipboard.' The accusation
against Knipe of interfering in regard to the amount of drink con-
sumed on board is entirely false. List of the ten ringleaders in this
outbreak. (3 //.)
Robert Cranmer, John Rymell, and Nicholas Bucke-
RiDGE AT Basra to the Company, September 17, 1644 (O.C.
1 891).
The Francis arrived from Gombroon on August 20. List of her
cargo. The boat sent from here with letters to Herbert, &c., at
Gombroon was met by the Francis at Khargu. Many of their
goods here remain unsold, but they have disposed of the gum-lac
and pepper brought from Gombroon. Deficiency in the weight of
the latter. * Dulka longhees ' [Dholka Inngls, or loincloths] sold at
unexpected rates, being usually only vendible at Red Sea ports.
Cannot get any freight yet for India. The Dutch WaterJiond,
' On this word, and its connexion with 'jolly-boat', see Hobson-jfobson, s.v. Galleval.
198 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
which left Gombroon on May 15, is said to have been cast away-
near Muskat with a cargo worth ten lakhs of rupees.^ It is also
reported that the Dutch have not received a single bale of silk from
Persia for two years. Hope to leave this place on October 15.
{%\pp' Received March df, 16 df^^
Edward Knipe, Henry Garry, John Burnell, and Henry
Hunt at Johanna to the Commander, etc., of the next
English Ship, September 30, 1644 [O.C. \^(^iy
The enclosed papers ^ will relate the treacherous proceedings of
Mucknell, the master of the John. That vessel was met three days
ago about the latitude of Juan de Nova by the Thomas and John
(commanded by Earl) which arrived here this morning. Mucknell
pretended that he had met at Johanna the Dolphin, proceeding to
England ; and that, as the latter was unseaworthy, her cargo had
been transferred to the John, which was then sent back home. By
offering to take letters to England, he enticed on board many of the
officers and men of the Thomas arid John ; whereupon he secured
them and threatened to proceed to violence unless he was supplied
with what he needed. By these means he forced from them gun-
powder, match, candles, ' and their Kings coulours '. He also
detained three of their trumpeters, and released two of his own
men who were unwilling to remain with him. He declared to
several who went on board ' that before his departure from England
hee sent the King 100 p[ounds ?] with promiss ere longe to bringe
him a good shipp ; and that his intencions were from the first of the
voiage to runn to the Kinge, and never could have oportunity before
his puttinge it in practice.^ His resolucion was to direct his
^ This was untrue : see p. 218.
2 For a copy see O.C. 1890.
3 Copies of the documents given on pp. 194 and 196 were left with this letter.
* In O.C. 1890 will be found a copy of a letter said to have been written by Mucknell
after his departure to some of those left ashore, in which he avers that this had been his
resolution from the commencement of the voyage. See also in the same collection a
declaration by Richard Lawrence and a narrative by Anthony Archer, who commanded
the boat which was sent aboard the John when she was met by Courteen's ship on Septem-
ber 15. He bears testimony to Mucknell's excited and truculent behaviour, and adds:
' After hee had his demaunds, he would have the Kings colors, which was then aloft ; but
could not have it graunted : soe hee had the Jack. In our former discourse he told me he
lost 500/. per anum by goeinge to the Kinge and, though it were more, his desire was soe
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 199
ymediate courss for St. Hellena, and thence for the Coiba ^ Islands,
and there to gather tydings concerninge the affaires of England ; yf
the difference should still remayne betwixt Kinge and Parliament,
then for Bristoll or some other the Kings ports. Butt still our
hopes are, either by mutiny amonguc his menn, or by the
Parliaments shipps or other occasion, our masters may againe injoy
their shipp and goods ; which God graunt. Amen.' As it is useless
to pursue the John, even if a Portuguese vessel arrives from
Mozambique, they have arranged to embark in the Thomas aitd
John, which is bound for Rajapur. They arc all in good health,
and have been well treated during their stay in the island, especially
by the Queen, who has provided them with all necessaries. Being
unable themselves to make any return, they entreat any of the
Company's servants into whose hands this letter may fall to offer
her some recompense ; also to carry the letter to England, leaving
a copy for the next ships. {Copy, 'i-^pp.)
John Yard at Surat to the Company, November 20, 1644
(0,C. 1898).
Wrote last from Mauritius, describing his voyage from Bantam.
Now entreats the Company to withhold its decision on the charges
made against him until he has an opportunity of vindicating
himself in person, (i p.)
President Breton, Thomas Merry, and Richard Fitch
at Swally Marine to the Company, November 28, 1644
(O.C. 1901).
Will relate in its due place the return to this port of the Dolphin,
the landing of her damaged goods, and their replacement by others,
in readiness for her second attempt to get to England. Trust that her
much bent to goe to His Majestic, by reason of an abuse he received of the Parlament, now
last being at home, that he would be contented to loose it to goe to the Kinge, for then he
was in hopes ere longe to have the cuttinge in peeces of some that now are burgeses iji the
Parliament.' The Thomas and John was wearing the King's colours by virtue of the royal
grants to Weddell and Courteen (see Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1635-39,
pp. 129, 275).
* Apparently this is an error for Caribbee, i. e. the West Indies (cf. O.C. 1914). Brewster
(p. 240) specifies St. Christopher's Island as the point to be made for.
200 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
consort, the Discovery, has safely reached home, but until they hear,
* her unknown fortunes will posess us with feares and hopes equalL'
Wrote last, by way of Basra, on March 26. Account of the voyage
of the Francis to that place, where the markets were found tolerably
good. Acknowledge the receipt of the Company's letters of Novem-
ber 27, 1643, and March 29, 1644. Account of the voyage of the
Endeavour, the wreck of the Mauritius Island, and the rescue of the
survivors of the William. The ^;^<i^<3;w?^;' likewise took off at St. Au-
gustine's Bay 'four Frenchmen, who had travailed 150 leagues by land
from a fort they have upon that island ^, presenting themselves, im-
plored thepr] passage and release from thence.' On July 2 the Endea-
vour reached Fort St. George ^, whence the Company's letters were
sent overland to Surat, arriving August 1 8. The Crispiana, John, and
Blessing left England together on April 8, and continued in com-
pany until May 3, when the Blessing was left behind, ' by reason of
her bad sailing.' They met again on May 16, and next day en-
countered Courteen's Loyalty, bound for Mozambique. Knipe, fear-
ing to be anticipated there, desired that the John should go ahead
of her consorts ; and this was agreed to. She separated on May 20 ;
the Blessing lost company on the 22nd ; and on the 30th the Loyalty
departed. The Crispiana now continued her voyage alone, and on
July 27 reached St. Augustine's Bay, where letters were found,
notifying that the Dolphin and Hopewell had departed for Johanna
the day before. On August 2 the Crispiana followed, and a week
later anchored at Johanna, where she found the other two. They
were soon joined by the Loyalty^ but could hear no tidings of the
John, The three ships sailed together on August 1 7 and reached
Swally on September 18. Now reply to the letters thus received,
commencing with that sent by the Endeavour. As already advised,
the promise made by the Bantam factors of sending hither the
Expeditio7t was not fulfilled ; nevertheless the Seaflower, returning
from Gombroon on March 29, was on April 20 dispeeded for Ban-
tam with a cargo amounting to 128,925 mahmudls, and reached
that port on June 4. Explanations regarding certain baftas alleged
^ At the Bay of Santa Lucia, on the south-eastern coast of Madagascar (see the narrative
of Fran9ois Cauche in Relations Veritables et Curieuses de VIsle de Madagascar, Paris,
1651).
2 Dagh-Register, 1644-45, p. 331. *
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 201
to be missing from her cargo. Willingly agree to ' what you have
been pleased to command touching a friendly correspondence be-
twixt this and the Bantam residency and mutual! assistance of each
other.' It is their intention accordingly to send a cargo yearly to
Bantam, and they are promised in return pepper and other suitable
goods. The Z/^?'/ sailed from that port on July 12 and reached
Swally on September 28, bringing pepper, tortoise-shells, cubebs,
and ' two noorics [Malay mlri, a parrot] desired by us for this
Governor '. She came round by way of ' the Chawges ' [Chagos],
for fear of the Malabars, The resultant loss of time might be avoided
if the Company would supply a vessel of greater force for this ser-
vice. Most of the Harts crew are now up country, employed in
convoying money' to Ahmadabad and bringing down the goods
ready for England. Rejoice at the safe arrival home of the Crispi-
ana and Aleppo Merchant. Note the complaints that some of the
goods had been pilfered, but cannot see how to prevent this ' whilest
your goods must be brought from such remote parts, and entrusted
to the convoy of these people '. However, they will do their best
to stop such practices in future. Find no encouragement to buy
Persian silk, * in regard that from the King it cannot be purchased
under the excessive rate of 50 tomaens per load ; and, if bought of
particular men, the King (as the Dutch have experimented) exacts
such excessive customes, payment wherof we may not hope to avoid,
notwithstanding your right and priviledges due (to so despicable a
condition are your affaires there at present declined), that although
in its first cost it appear reasonable, yet in conclusion becomes as
dear as the other. So that the Dutch now deal almost only with
the King, of whom the passed year at that unreasonable price they
bought 450 bales, and have again this year contracted for 550 bales
more ; which pennyworthes we nothing grutch them, since the pro-
ceed of such goods as we send thither, being returned in monies,
may to your much greater advantage be here employed.' They
will therefore refrain from further purchases until instructions arrive
from England. Regret that the Biana and Sarkhej indigo found
' such despicable declined markets ' at home, and that amongst the
former a quantity of dirt was discovered to have been substituted
for indigo. Similar complaints have been made by the Dutch and
other purchasers, and they suspect that the fraud has been perpe-
302 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
trated between Rander and Swally. Will do their best to detect
the guilty parties. Have passed on to the factors up country the
Company's complaints of the poor quality of the Biana indigo,
and trust that an improvement will result ; but the ' unseasonable-
ness of some years renders the very best but bad '. Details of the
indigo procured this year for England, Basra, and Mokha. By
buying in partnership with the Dutch, the price has been brought
down to from 26 to 31^ rupees the maund, though the indigo is
stated to be of the best quality. ' From Agra we have lately been
advized that, for want of rain and by reason of the small quantity of
seed sowed this year (occationed by the mean price that indico hath
in Agra been sold for the two passed yeares, at which rates people
under so great taxations cannot subsist) there will not be above
half or two-thirds so much as used to be [in] former years.' How-
ever, they are confident of procuring at least 500 bales for next
year, and they hope to get another hundred from Sind, ' which sort
the last year you much desired.' The Company's instructions that
the Sarkhej indigo should be ' made flat, according to its pristine
auncient form ', shall be obeyed in future years ; but they came too
late to affect the purchases for the present season, which are nearly
all of the round sort. Since then the price at Ahmadabad has risen
by three or four rupees per maund, though the indigo is inferior in
quality to that of former years, owing to adulteration. This they
impute chiefly to the reckless way in which the Dutch last year
bought all they could get, bad as well as good, which encouraged
the manufacturers ' to debase the comodity exceedingly in good-
nes '. Will be mindful to send home some indigo unmixed with
sand ; ' yet the long-continued custome and practice of these people
induce us to believe that their experience hath found it to preserve
the indicp, being tender and flat, from breaking, by filling the vac-
uous places betwixt the pieces, as the bales are upon any occation
removed.' Moreover, the sand is not included in the weight, but
added afterwards, ' by guess, about 10 or 12 sear ' to each bag. As
for the Company's market being spoiled by the quantity of indigo
brought home as private trade, they are ' wonderstrook and silent
in admiration at the undertakers boldnes ', and at the same time
unhappy at having fallen under the Company's censure themselves.
Promise to do their best to prevent such abuses in future. Regard-
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 203
ing the complaints made of ' the Scinda or Nusserpore joories ', they
explain that ' the make of all sorts of cloth in that place doth much
degenerate from former times, and yearly declines, by reason of the
ready vend it findes at Bussora, which occations many buyers, in so
much that narrow baftaes of all sorts are lately risen 5 and 6 rupees
per corge, and yet made worse then ever, the Dcrbella and Ckan-
dara cloth being now no better then the Nusserpore ; wherof Mr.
Spiller hath had this year some experience, he having by our order
spent the passed raines, from May to September, in those upper
countries of Sehwan or Seuestan and the adjacent places ; whither
he was sent chiefly to make a full discovery of what indico those
parts may produce, as also to buy 200 f[ardle]s, if they had
been procurable; but the people are so exceedingly opprest and
kept so miserably poor that, notwithstanding the soil is fertile and
propper and would produce large quantities of good indicoes, they
have neither will nor means to manure and sow the ground ; so
that the small quantity the country produced, not exceeding 400
maunds double (which is scarcely sufficient for the expence of those
parts), rendered the commodity very dear, far beyond 40 rupees,
the price we had limited. Yet were there no other buyers then the
Tuttha dyers, which paid 41 1 rupees, besides 3 rupees per maund
other charges.' Spiller bought, therefore, but a trifling quantity ;
' yet is he of opinion that the next year, if a man continue there, to
encourage the people by impresting 800 or 1,000 rupees in small
sumes, that upwards of 100 f[ardle]s may be procured at reasonable
prizes : which we intend, God willing, to experiment ; and the rather,
because Derbella and Ckandara are not far distant from thence,
where we intend a residence ; and if they can procure the cloth to
be well made, we have given directions for the buying of 10,000
peeces against the next year.' Spiller also, when at ' Sehwan ', gave
the weavers instructions as to the dimensions of the cloth, and left
a broker with 1,000 rupees to follow the investment. Intend in
addition to buy there a quantity of goods for Persia or Basra. The
goods procured in Sind last season, viz. about 7,000 pieces of narrow
* joories \ with a little saltpetre and indigo, will be embarked upon
the Crispiajia. No * eckbaries ' sent home this year ; while the
* mercoles ' forwarded cannot be commended. For the carelessness
with which the latter have been bought, the Agra factors have been
304 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
severely reprimanded, and ordered to buy none in future less than
fifteen yards long and one yard wide. The * Dereabads ' are, ' for
their sorts, the best made of any cloth comes from thence.' They
have bought nearly 30,000 pieces, and will send home about half,
keeping the rest for Mokha and Basra. As desired by the Com-
pany, these cloths have been bleached ' at Lucknow, the place where
they are made ' ; but since the former orders have now been can-
celled, they intend in future to have the bleaching done at Broach
or Baroda, as in former times. ' Semana cloth you have been for-
merly advized is not procurable at any reasonable rates ', though
they expect one bale from Agra before long. Details of ' Agra
clothing ' ordered for next year, part of which will be ' brought
brown to Ahmuda[bad], and there converted into such sorts of blew
cloth, pintadoes, &c., as will be wanting for Bantam and other in-
vestments ; besides which we have here seen baftaes which come
from Matchawara ^, 200 course [kos] beyond Agra, both broads and
narrowes, which both for size and making of the cloth we believe
will very well like you.' Have already dispatched thither ' a trusty
experienced Banian ' and, if his report be favourable, an Englishman
will be sent to make an investment. Nosari and Surat narrow baf-
tas, on account of their goodness, are as much esteemed here as in
England, and are very vendible at Achin. Will send home 8,000
pieces, bought, it is true, at rather dear rates, yet as cheaply as
possible. The broad baftas are also good but expensive. Baftas
and Guinea stuffs obtained at Baroda. ' Buroach, which hath
formerly been the most eminent place in these parts for baftaes, is
now become of all other the worst, the making, both of broad and
narrowes, being so exceedingly declined, and the prices so unreason-
ably raised, that we have not been encouraged to buy any of either
sorts since our Acheen investment (wherunto we were then necessi-
tated in regard of the shortnes of time).' Finding evidences of fraud
on the part of ' Dew Docee ' [Deodasi], the Company's broker
there, they seized and imprisoned him, until Virjl Vora became
his surety and promised to see them righted. The broker has
undertaken to pay a fine of 12,000 mahmudls, but has neverthe-
less been dismissed from the Company's service. This will be
a salutary warning to other brokers. Quilts and 'chints' pro-
^ Machhiwara, 27 miles east of Ludhiana, in the Punjab. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 205
cured from Ahmadabad, made in accordance with the Company's
wishes. A quantity of cotton yarn now sent ; more will
follow by the Crispiana. ' Saltpeter was the passed year procured
in Ahmuda[bad] with so much difficulty that, in hopes to be better
and cheaper furnished, we were induced to send and buy it this
year at Malpore \see p. 164], where it is digged, and cost raw
no more then 4 and \\ rupees for 5 double maunds. But before its
arivall at Ahmuda[bad] the excessive charges more then doubled
the prime cost ; and then refining it to that height and purenes you
desire, notwithstanding it was done in your house at Ahmuda[bad]
and all frugality that might be therin used, yet it comes to cost you
no less then \bla7tk\ rupees the small maund before it be embarqued
on board ; which far exceedeth our estimate.' Desire to know
whether the Company wish to have future consignments refined to
the same degree, in view of the high cost. Will buy no more until
that expected from Tatta has been received and examined. The
* muttutta ' \see p. 86] was only sent home after they had tried
in vain to sell it at Gombroon and Basra. Of ' tincall or borax '
they are sending 34 jars, and have yet on hand a large quantity
which cannot be cleansed in time for dispatch this year. All
concerned have been warned that this commodity is reserved for the
Company. The missing jar of borax must have been purloined on
board ship. Were unable to procure any suitable gum-lac ; but
they send some olibanum, myrrh, and aloes socotrina. Pepper and
cardamoms obtained at Raybag, and to be brought from thence by
the John. The ships are not to touch at Madagascar (unless they
leave this place Ikter than is expected), and therefore it will not be
necessary to furnish them with many beads ; nor will any be sent to
England. Cinnamon purchased at Rajapur from 'Lewis Riberio',
who had brought it thither from Ceylon in order to export it
unmolested. ' Fifty-eight quint[als] are in Lewis Riberioes custody,
since received of the Vice Roy in truck of damar ; besides which we
long since desired him to buy of particular merchants 200 quent[als],
and entreated the Vice Royes license for its exportation ; who could
not consent therunto, by reason of the strickt inhibition received
from Portugal not to alianate any of that specie,^ yet is content, for
1 In the spring of 1644 the King of Portugal wrote to the Viceroy, warning him to pre-
vent the sale of cinnamon and other spices to the English — a prohibition which he repeated
206 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
the respect he bears unto you, to connive therat.' Still, it is doubt-
ful whether the desired quantity can be obtained. Francis de Brito,
of Cochin, made offer to put a consignment on board an English
ship at his own risk, and was told in reply to communicate with the
commander of the John on her arrival on the Malabar coast. That
the dry ginger formerly sent home found so bad a market may have
been due to its poor quality. The quantity left behind, after being
vainly offered for sale at Gombroon and Mokha, was finally disposed
of at a considerable loss. Note the poor prices obtained for sugar
and turmeric, and will observe the Company's directions not to send
home any more. Regret the loss sustained in the sale of the latter
commodity ; ' but that it should be charged to the buyers accompt,
because you did not require it, might stagger our resolutions in
many things we undertake without your order, did we not know
that the distance of place admits not of your frequent direccions, and
that you have been pleased to approve of such undertakings whilest
your benefit is therin chiefly aimed at (as it was then ; at least
we know no other inducement that should occation its sending).
But the chief agent therin [i. e. Fremlen] going towards you, (without
stayning his worth by any addition our pen may blot in his com-
mendations) we refer him unto (which we are confident he cannot
want) your more courteous reception and enterteinment.' Refer the
Company to Robinson for an explanation of the shortness of some
of the baftas sent in the London, The Endeavour, which is said to
be a very serviceable vessel, left Fort St. George on July lo, reached
Masulipatam two days later, and on the 23rd sailed for Bengal.
On her way she was ' to land John Brown and Edward Winter at
Jerreleene^ with a chest of rials, which is enordered to be invested
in the two following years {^Lisbon Transcripts at I.O. : Doc. Remett., book 48, f. 309,
book 55, f. 31, book 56, ff. 125, 138). The trade in Indian commodities (cinnamon ex-
cepted) had been thrown open to all Portuguese subjects by a royal decree of December,
1642 ; and this made it all the more necessary to maintain, for revenue purposes, a strict
monopoly of the traffic in cinnamon.
1 From p. 186 it is clear that ' Gingerly ' is intended. That word was sometimes written
* Gergelin ' (see Hobson-Jobson, s.v. * Gingerly '). A Dutch letter from Masulipatam {Hague
Transcripts, series i. vol. xiv. no. 437; Dagh- Register, 1644-45, p. 321) says that the
factors were landed at ' Sicacol ', i. e. Chicacole. It adds that they lost their chest of rials
through the upsetting of their boat, and that the local governor forbade the weavers and
merchants to sell any goods to the English without his consent. It was anticipated, there-
fore, that the attempt to settle a factory there would be abandoned, »
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 207
into beeteles and long cloth for Persia. For Bengala they have also
sent one chest of rials, and enordcred to be provided for Persia
150 bales of sugar, 10 or 12 bales of gurras, and the like quantity of
course sannas. Mr. Netland was the year before sent thither, with
more monies then they computated might discharge those debts ;
which overplus, as also what will remain of the 4,000 rials sent upon
the Endeavour^ Mr. Hatch &c. are enordered to invest into
ginghams, sannas, cossaes, and hummanees propper for England,
intended to be sent unto you as a testimony what cheap and well
made cloth those parts affoards.' Investments for Persia were also
being made at Madraspatam and Masulipatam. News has reached
Fort St. George that the Endeavoiir had arrived in the Bay, but in
passing the bar at Balasore she ' lost an anchor, beat off her rudder
and some of her sheathing ' ; these damages, however, can be easily
repaired. Did their best to remit funds to the Coast from Surat,
as ordered, to provide an investment for Persia, but found they could
not get bills of exchange on Golconda except at 8 per cent, loss ; so
in lieu thereof they prevailed upon ' Ckyratt Ckaun ' [Khairat Khan]
to transfer to Surat the liability of the Coast factors' debt to him.
The money sent to the Coast upon the EndeavoiLv was sufficient to
pay all the sums owing there. Arrival of the Swan on the Coast,
and her departure from Masulipatam for Bantam on October 8.
The ' Serkail ' [Sar-i-Khail : see the 1634-36 volume, p. 325] sends
yearly from the Coast to Persia a large quantity of goods, ' which,
under pretence that they belong unto the King of Golconda, [he]
expects should be landed free of custome, inasmuch as concernes
your proportion therof, in retaliation of the immunities you receive
in his country ; but whether they be propperiy the Kings or
Serkailes, it is not much materiall, since the Serkaile governes the
King and consequently the country. In which requests of his, our
Coast friends will not for any consideration that we give him any
denyall ; nor indeed do we think it fit, since it might occation unto
them much trouble, and is unto you very little losse, so long
as you receive not your due proportion of customes, but must take
what they please to allot you.' List of the goods thus passed at
Gombroon custom-free. If this practice be continued, 'the
customes of your goods at the Coast (except your trade were
greater) wilbe more then sufficiently paid for, whilest in appearance
2o8 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
you are therfrom exempted.' The factors in Persia have doubtless
advised the Company fully of the state of trade in that country.
Difficulty experienced in disposing of broadcloth there. The
Company's share of the Gombroon customs declines annually, and
is likely to be * much less this year then ever, notwithstanding that
by more then ordinary presents Mr. Pitt &c. were licensed to
insinuate themselves with the Sultan and Shawbunder; in liew
wherof, they received nothing but disrespect and affronts, it now
being publiquely told them that it is honour enough for you to have
a name of being the Kings partners. Besides, the better sort of
goods are either not brought at all to the customhouse, or carryed
away at their pleasures and customed publickly in other places,
wher your servants are not suffered to come. And so by degrees
they are rooting you out ; wherunto a very few years more will give
a conclusion. In the interim yours and the nations honour payes
dearly for the poor pittance you receive.' Indian cloth sold at
Gombroon. The Francis arrived there on July i8, and eleven days
later sailed on her return voyage to Basra, which was reached on
August 20. Good sales at that place. ' The trade of Gomroon we
cannot much commend unto you, since no great profit may be
expected whilest so many Moores and other shipping so frequently
resort thither, by which means a comodity can no sooner be in any
request but such vast quantities are sudainly sent that it becomes of
no esteem. The like is it with Mocha. So that Bussora is yet the
place that produceth you most profit ; and will so continue untill
the trade be open to the Dutch, who will quickly be the ruin therof,
as they are of all others.' However, as it is necessary ' to keep
your shipping in action', they intend to make investments for all
these places. For Mokha goods are being provided at Ahmadabad
and Cambay to the value of 50,000 rupees, besides an investment of
20,000 rupees at Agra. For Persia about 100 bales of cloth from
Sind will suffice, in addition to what the Endeavotir will carry
thither from the Coast. As regards Basra, the return of the factors
from thence will be awaited before any orders are given ; but as far
back as last May they dispatched two brokers to Golconda and
Daulatabad respectively, to provide certain sorts of piece-goods
which ' will require most time '. Will reply by the Crispiana to the
letter brought in that vessel. As regards her cargo, there^is a fair
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 209
demand for the broadcloth, though the greens are rather * too sad ' ;
but private traders must be prevented from dealing in this com-
modity if the sales are to be satisfactory. The * baies ' are in no
demand, except the scarlet ones. Resent the imputation that they
do not attend properly to the weighing and counting of the money
received. * It is a busincs that passeth not in private, but is
constantly done in your warehouse, wher your rials &c. are first told
and then weighed ; wherupon two or three of your servants are
constantly attendant, wherof your Accomptant is usually one, or (if
he be upon any occation absent) some one of Councel or of trust is
entrusted therwith.' Have previously complained of the lightness
and coarseness of the rials sent ; and now find the last consignment
much worse than any before received. The proportion brought to
Surat contained 'only 560 Civill [Seville] or of the best sort:
14,727 Mexico: and 3,333 of the course or new sort' ['Peru' in
inargii{\. The two former kinds were sold at the usual rates ; but
the third they are keeping for some other occasion, rather than part
with them at 208J: rupees [per hundred], which is the highest price
offered, either here or at Ahmadabad. ' The duckatoons and cross
doll[ars], being new species, we have with all possible industry
endeavoured to raise in price ; and have sold the former at
258 rupees the hundred (delivered by tale without weighing), which
produced ^s. g^d. per piece ^ ; and cross doll[ars] at 207 rupees (by
tale also), which we find to amount unto 4s. y^ pence per piece. By
these latter the sheroffs complain to be loosers, in regard they
hould not out in weight as they expected of them. There are not
any lacking in tale ; but of the duckatoons two are wanting. In the
ingots of silver there were 12 ingots inferiour in goodness unto the
rest I ma[hmudi] per tola, but were not discovered by the sherofs
when we sold them, not any happening amongst the musters we
gave them for tryall. So that we disposed of them at one rupee
per tola, as the same sort of silver was sold in anno 1636 ; only we
have now procured 10 rupees per ingot more, and (upon allowance of
•^ tola per ingot in weight) they were delivered as they weighed
in England and were invoyccd, accompting 2 tolaes 19 vals [see the
1624-29 volume^ p. 156] to the ounce, which we find to be the exact
weight. About the courser sort we had afterwards some trouble
1 Taking the nipee at 2s. 30^.
FOSTEE VII P
2,io THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
with the sherofifs, but dismist them without any allowance. The
chest of rex doll[ars] were sold at the usuall rates of 216 rupees and
16 p[ice] ^ ; only, by reason of some emulation amongst the sherofs,
we procured upon the whole an overplus of 25 rupees, which, how-
ever, is not usually atteyned.' Part of the treasure was reserved for
Ahmadabad, and, together with * as many rupees as raised the
whole sum to 180,000', was sent thither under the escort of thirty-
two Englishmen. The fine broadcloth and knives will be very
useful for presents. Much of the writing-paper sent was damaged
on the voyage by wet. A supply of the same kind as that whereon
the present letter is written would be of service 'in our corre-
spondency with the Portugals, who (how mean soever the import
of their letters be) are very curious in their paper.' Thank the
Company for sending them *two pipes of Canary, an antidote
against, and a chest of chyrurgery, a remedy for malladies.' ' If you
please to encrease the quantity of the former, it would be but
necessary. This Governor, and the better sort of this people with
whom our busines lyeth, being fallen into a vain of drinking, often
importune us to supply them ; which we may not refuse. Our
Portugall friends also (as accustomed) expect to be therwith
gratified.' The chest of * chyrurgery ' has been examined by the
surgeons here, who have pronounced the medicines tolerably good ;
as, however, many are superfluous (being either useless or procurable
in India), a list is sent of what should be provided in future. Regret
the non-appearance of the John^ whose coral would have sold
readily at Raybag, and now, it is feared, the Portuguese may have
supplied those markets, for ' three galleoons arived in September
last from Portugal, and are (for fear of the Dutch) harboured in
Bombaien ; but what they have brought, more then store of men, we
cannot yet receive any certain newes of.' Most of the coral that
came in the Dolphin and Hind was sold to * your sheroff Tulcidas ',
the * gretzo ' at 9I rupees per seer and the ' teraglia ' at 40 and
45 rupees per maund. Of the ' gretzo ', however, two chests were
reserved and sent to Macao in the Hind, The ' recaduty ' of the
same consignment, and the coarse coral brought from Mokha by the
Discovery^ were sold to Virji Vora at 6 J rupees per seer and
36I rupees per maund respectively. The coral beads from Mokha
* Per hundred : cf. the 1634-36 volume, p. 68. »
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 211
they sent to Golconda by their broker ' Dewcurn ' [Deo Karan], but
he reports that there is no demand for them. Have also on hand
here some coral returned from Cochin. The tortoise-shells received
from Bantam sold at no rupees 'per maund of 40 sear, 20 pice
weight.' Small demand for lead ; ' yet if you shall continue to send
as accustomary, the Governor (it being the Kings comodity) will
not fail to take it at the usuall price; but if you abstein from sending
some time, it may happely also be raised in price, wherin we shall
not be wanting to lay hold of all opportunities.' ' EUephants teeth'
are now in good demand, and it may therefore be worth while
to dispatch some from England. As regards money, it is most
profitable to send 'ducatoons', if procurable, and next to them
cross dollars. Of the disaster to the Dolphin the Company will
receive full accounts from her commander and her master, ' whose
sence of their sufferings will dictate unto them more lively and
propper expressions.' Briefly narrate, however, the voyage, the
storm, the arrival of the vessel at Mauritius 'with the help of
a jooree mast ', her meeting with the Hopewell^ and their joint voyage
to Surat, where both were unladen. The enclosed paper will show
what goods were taken out of the Dolphin, what were left on board,
and what have since been embarked. Account of the miserable
state of the Hopewell's cargo and the measures taken to dry and
dispose of it. That vessel has been surveyed by the masters and
carpenters here, but they could not find any defect likely to occasion
the damage. The master (Yates) goes home in the Dolphin, and
doubtless the matter will be further examined on his arrival. The
Crispiana sailed on October 1'^ for ' Scinda ', carrying some of the
pepper taken out of the Hopewell ; part of this is to be sold there,
and the rest sent in the Francis to Gombroon. The Crispiana is to
bring back the goods provided at Tatta for England ; also the
factors and their money, &c., expected from Basra by the Francis.
On her return the former vessel will start for England (it is hoped
some time in December). The Hind got back from Persia on
March 30, bringing three horses, with some fruit and rosewater.
At the same time arrived the Seahorse from Rajapur and Goa. In
her voyage to the latter place, she '(besides the two Mallavars she
surprized near Rajapore) also encountred two more not far from
Goa, took one of them, and chased the other untill for refuge she got
P 2
212 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
amongst the Dutch, then riding before Goa, who protected her from
us. So that, having taken what they found of vallue out of her
they surprized, they sunck the vessell with the rest of her lading and
left the men to shift for themselves in their boats, and so entred
into Goa ; from whence we received by her 19 pipes of Portugez
wine (bought for and since sent to Maccaw and the Manielies),
27 candies of cairo, 92 bales of cussumba from Rajapore (provided
for Acheen), and (that which we most desired) the Vice Royes
lysence for the Hyndes voiaging unto China, with his recommenda-
tory letters, wherin he freely and nobly gratified us ; as also in the
liberty of an orankay ^ of Acheen, who had been long prisoner in Goa,
a man of very great quallity and esteem amongst the Acheeners,
whose Queen, having fruitlesly long laboured for his enlargement,
desired our assistance therin, making mountainous promises of
immunities she would bestow on you, if we could procure his liberty ;
which we happely effected, and are in expectation shortly by the
Supply to hear of her performances.' On April 26 the Hind sailed
for Macao, with a cargo invoiced at nearly 140,000 mahmudis,
entrusted to William Thurston, George Oxenden, &c. In five days
she reached Goa, * where their busines was only to receive on board
the promised Acheen orankay, and to get cancelled an obligation
wherin Lewis Riberio had voluntarily, without any directions from
us, in our behalf engaged himself unto the Vice Roy that the Hynd
should bring from Maccaw for the Kings accompt a quantity of
copper which was there remaning ; wherunto we might not for any
considerations submit ; for which we exhibited such reasons that
he sudainly gratified us. So that in 24 howers the business being
effected, and the Acheener on board, the following day Mr. Broadbent
sailed off and anchored in the outward road before Goa, where he
was enordered to expect the Supply and Seahorse ; which not
appearing, the 8th May he weighed anchor and set sail from thence,
rather (we suppose) making choice to touch at Acheen, there to
land the orankay, then to abide any longer upon that coast in that
late season.' On April 29 the Supply and the Seahorse were
dispeeded in company, the former for Achin with a cargo invoiced
at over 127,000 mahmudis, the latter for the Manillas with goods
&c. to the value of about 110,000 mahmudis, entrusted to Edward
1 Malay orattg kdya, a person of importance. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 213
Pearce, Thomas Breton, &c. Nothing was heard of them until
June 9, when ' Lewis Riberio from Goa advized us how two of your
pynnaces, bound down the coast to the southwards of Goa, encountred
a very great and rich Mallavar jounk belonging to Cannanore, which
set sail from Mocha about the time your ship Discovery left that
place, but lost her voiage, wintered at Shear [Shehr], and then
happely fell upon that coast, was taken and carryed off to sea
by your said pynaces, which we suppose were the Supply and
Seahorse, Not many dales after, the same pleasing newes was con-
firmed by letters Virge Vora received from Mallavar, whose relacion
saith that she was worth 900,000 fanams (which is accompted
2Co,ooo rupees ^), that she had in her 500 men and made very strong
resistance, so that 250 of them and 40 English were slain in the
conflict. And this is all we yet hear of the busines ; only we are
enformed that the Mallavars are preparing what strength possibly
they may to be revenged ; which, by Gods permission and blessing,
we shall the best we can provide for, aswell in an offensive as
defensive way.' For this purpose they intend to dispatch the John^
FranciSy Prosperous^ and Kit to the Red Sea to intercept the
Malabar traders, the Francis and Prosperous lying off Aden while
the other two 'keep the Bab' [i.e. the Straits of Babu-1-mandab].
' And so we have fair hopes yet further to chasetize those villaines,
since there were of them last year four sail at Mocha and three
at Aden, in both which places they have left upwards of 20 people
to make sale of such goods as would not vend during the time their
ships continued there, and will undoubtedly again return this year.
And if you enquire why we will venture your estate upon a ship
designed to such an employment, or doubt that, having surprized
any Mallavars, it should disturb your trade in Mocha, be pleased to
take notice that in the former there is not any danger, they being
open vessels and, though full of men, not able against such a ship to
make any resistance ; and for the latter, we have often declared our
resolutions to that Governor, who hath nothing to say therunto,
provided we disturb not the peace of his port within the Bab. This
busines being over, if your people we shall send to Mocha find the
relations true which we have thence received, that by arrivall of
a new Bashaw at Savakan [Suakin] (one very desirous of trade and
^ Taking the fanam at dd. and the rupee at 2s. ^d.
izi4 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
that gives great encouragement to merchants) the trade be open
and that goods sell at extraordinary prizes, as it is reported, your
pynnace[s] Francis and Prosperous are intended to voiage thither,
laden with pepper and such course goods as are propper for that
place ; from whence being returned to Mocha, and that the season
of the year will not longer admit of the John and Francis stay
in those parts, the John shall return for Suratt, pynace Francis take
a fraight for Persia, and the Prosperous and Kitt we intend to make
sale of at Mocha, they being propper for those parts, to go betwixt
Mocha and Judda, but altogither unfit for your service here.' The
Hopewell being found, though old, yet strong and capable, has been
bought for the Joint Stock from the General Voyage for 405/.
Having been trimmed and placed under the command of Edward
Lock, second mate of the Crispiana^ with a crew of 45 men, she
sailed on November 7 for Cochin, there to await the return of the
Supply from Achin and escort her back to Surat lest she should be
attacked by the Malabars. The Supply is expected here by the
middle of December, and will then be sent on a voyage to Persia.
Afterwards she may go to the Manillas (should the first venture
prove successful) or else to Achin. The Hind on her return will
make a voyage to Persia and thence to Bantam. The Seahorse and
the Endeavour are destined for Basra. The Hopewell^ after a
voyage to Persia, will be resheathed in the river here. The damaged
pepper in the Dolphin has been replaced from the Harfs cargo.
Disposal of the remainder of the latter. The pepper obtained in
the Deccan is 'extraordinary good, and bought cheaper by
25 per cent, then we have at any time known it.' The cubebs
fetched i % mahmudis per maund. ' The passed year we advized you
of a large present given this King and two of his sonnes ; which
hath been very well accepted by them and wrought desired effects ;
the King having been pleased to gratify us with his firmaen for
reducing in this customhouse the rates of Ahmuda[bad], Agra, and
Brodra goods, the first from 25 to 5, the second from 40 to 20, and
the last from 12^ per cent, (that they were used to exact more then
the cost of the goods where they were bought) to nothing ; which
will in short time reimburse you of what was given, besides many
other conveniencies we find therby.^ The elder Prince, Darasacore
1 See the Dagh-Register, 1644-45, p. 227.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 215
[Dara Shikoh], hath also exprest how acceptably he esteemed
what given him, in wryting a courteous letter to your President
and retributing a jewel of dyamonds and rubies, vallued at
1000 rupees ; but the latter we have not yet received. If it come
in time, it shalbe sent you by the Crispino. He hath also been
pleased to graunt us severall neshans \itishd7i, an order] or letters in
your favour for Tuttha, that customhouse and country belonging
unto him. In June last, after too long patience, we were necessitated
to dispence with Mr. Tash his absence in Ahmuda[bad] and send
him for Agra, to enquire into the state of your affaires there and
take charge of them, since Mr. Turner, strangely infatuated, had
silensed his pen and from August (that the Seaflower arived) to that
time did not reply one word to any of our generall letters ; yet
bought such goods as were inlisted and at several times enordered
to be provided, dispeeded severall caphilaes \j]dfila, a caravan]
in October, December, January, April, and May, but without
invoyce or any word of advice ; so that often the goods arived
before we knew of their dispeed, except the Dutch gave us notice
therof; which we might no longer endure; so called him from
thence, to give a reason of such his remiss and negligent abearance,
and are now in expectation to hear of his departure thence. In the
interim the care of your busines in Ahmuda[bad] is left unto
Robert Heynes, who was then second to Mr. Tash, and hath since
his departure carefully and honestly discharged the trust we reposed
in him. Your auncient Agra broker, Dongee [Dhanji], for his
negligence in your busines, disrespective abearance formerly towards
Mr. Turner &c. English and to Mr. Tash since his arivall in Agra,
but chiefly for endeavouring to distroy Mr. Turner by sorcery, we
have dismist your service. Since when some accions of dishonesty
have been objected against him, but are not yet proved ; wherinto
we have expressly enordered Mr. Tash &c. to make diligent enquiry
and, if he therin be found culpable, he shall (God willing) be made
to suffer the deserved guerdon of his demerits.' Have related in
a previous letter how the Dutch broke their promise to carry
a quantity of broadcloth to Mokha for the English, and how in
consequence it became necessary to embark the goods in a junk
bound for that port. The vessel sailed on March 23, but met with
such adverse winds that she could not reach the Arabian coast and
2i6 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
at last put into Gombroon, where the two English factors on
board her landed their goods and took steps to dispose of them.
Of the Dutch Valkenburg^ which was to have carried them, nothing
has been heard since she left Mokha three months ago ^ ; so perhaps
this was ' the Almighties providence to preserve your servants and
goods from a greater disaster.' A quantity of tobacco sent to
* Scinda ' in a frigate belonging to * Derge Saw ' [? Dhairya Sahu]
has been lost, owing to the vessel being cast away 'near unto
Jagatt ^ '. ' However, we having ensured them, you wilbe no great
loosers therby. Yet shall we not hereafter expose your goods to
the like hazard.' Adjustment of the accounts of the First General
Voyage. As letters recently received from Goa brought no news of
the arrival of the John on that coast, it has now been determined
to send the Hart to Rajapur to fetch the pepper and cardamoms
waiting there, as these are wanted for lading the Crispiana, They
greatly need cordage, tar, and other ship's stores, especially casks.
The masters reserve the best for themselves and land only the bad
ones ; and they do the same with the seamen, keeping all those
likely to be of service and handing over, for employment here,
the ' rascallity '. The result is that * the masters of your pynnaces
rather desire these laskars then such English as are left for them ; to
prevent which in the future we earnestly entreat you that such men
as you intend unto us may byname be inlisted, and they obliged to
serve three or four years (or as many as you shall think fitting)
in the country ; which will avoid much trouble, and by this meanes
your small shipping wilbe better manned and your estate secured.'
President Breton thanks the Company for his appointment, and
assures them of his zealous and faithful service. ' What disaster
befell one of Mr. Courteens Williams near the Cape we have already
related unto you. The other, Capt. Blackman commander, set sail
from Goa the 6 April for Maccaw in China, by letters from the
King, their constant importunity, but we rather believe by under-
taking privately to serve the Portugals, having obteyned the
* She was delayed by contrary winds and did not reach Swally till the end of January,
1645 (see p. 249, and Dagh- Register, 1644-45, PP- 231, 238).
^ Jakhau, in Cutch. Baffin's map of India (1619) shows it as * Jaqueta '. Just below, in
the same map, is * Gigat', which is probably a duplication. Below that again is ' For',
i. e. Porbandar ; this explains the reference to a port of * Pore ' on p. 302 of the 1634-36
volume. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 217
Vice Royes license.^ Her lading for Mr. Courtcen &c. accompt (as
we are informed) consists of 90 candies uploat [see p. 167], 30 candies
olibanum, 15 pipes of Portugez wine, 16 candies cotta^ 120 maunds
rosamalla [see p. 61], 4,000 zera[fins] in ruff amber (which they
brought from England), 15 maunds small coral, 10 pieces of stamel
cloth, 4 pieces ditto black, 10 corge zarasses^, 22 almodes * of oil,
30 maunds of renoceroes homes, 13 maunds [of] points of elephants
teeth, and 2,000 rials in plate [i. e. silver] ; all importing about 6,500/.
sterling. The purchasing wherof, and other their engagements,
have disabled Mr. Ferrar, their Agent, from buying any goods the
vacant time of raines ; so that they have passed the winter in Goa
idly, and still continue in the same condition, the Loialty not having
brought them any means to put them in accion. So that how they
will return those two ships administers unto us occation of wonder,
and raiseth in us no less fear that their necessities may prompt them
to perpetrate some hostile unlawfuU act, either upon yours or
the shipping of this country, the Loialty being designed from
Rajapore to Gomroon with 100 tonns of fraight goods only. In
Acheen their people (as Mr. Bowman advizeth) are in as bad or
worse predicament, being deeply indebted at excessive interest and
not any means to defray ordinary expences. In May last arived at
Goa from Portugal two galleons, having spent 14 months in the
voiage ; which brought them for supplies loco men, great quantity
of provisions, some treasure, 280 maunds of ruff corall of severall
sorts, 200 peeces of stamel cloth, and 50 barrels of quicksilver. The
1 2th of August also arived a small caravell, which came in company
of another that went for Ceiloan with advices only ; and besides two
other galleons forementioned, which arived at Bombaien in September
last. The Dutch in these parts only prosper and flourish ; who by
their industry, patience, and infatigable paines and unalterable
resolutions purchase [i. e. obtain] what they please ; by which
meanes they have now added to their other spices half the cinamon
upon Ceiloan. Upon the 19th ultimo here arived from Battavia
^ See the Dagh-Regisier, 1643-44, p. 241.
2 Probably cutch or catechu (Hind, kattha) : see the 1634-36 volume, p. 22S.
^ Or sarasseSy a kind of piece-goods.
* An almude is a Portuguese measure for wine or oil, equivalent to about four gallons.
Fryer says that at Goa * one barrel is six almoodaes '.
3i8 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
two ships, the Weesel and Overskay. The former continueth still in
this road ; out of which have been landed good quantities of cloves,
nutmegs, mace, sappon and sandall, copper, jussett ^ and elephants
teeth. The other with her entire carga[zoon] was the 23 following
dispeeded for Gomroon. These brought newes that nine sail more
were gone for Goa, with a commisary, to endeavour a reconciliation
of the differences between them and the Portugez ; which the ist of
November was concluded of, the Pao with her lading of silk being
restored to the Dutch and they allowing to the Portugals
23,000 rials for what was surprized in the Boa Esperanca (said to be
worth 80,000). The cinamon of Ceiloan is to be equally reparted
betwixt them, untill the business shalbe determined in Europe ; only
in the interim the Dutch must deposit so much mony as their
shares may import. Upon the 21th here also arived the Nassaw
and Water hound ^ and upon the 24th current came the Arrendt)
but what they have brought, or whither from hence designed, we
cannot yet learn. The Portugals, having now an open trade, are
resolved towards the fine of December to dispeed for Portugal two
galleons and a pynnace. So that we believe in the future, as
cinamon will not be here procurable, so your desires of any
quantities will seace.' Messrs. Fremlen and Adler were last year
granted 1,500 mahmudis for their ' sea provisions '. A similar sum
has now been paid them on demand for the same purpose ; but it is
left to the Company to decide whether this is to be treated as
a gift or a loan. ' Seriaes ' supplied to the Dolphin to be made into
sails if necessary. The Dutch have just informed them that the
Hind and Seahorse have passed the Straits of Malacca in safety.
(3^4 PP* Received Jtdy 27, 1645.)
Edward Pearce, Thomas Breton, and John Mantell,
ABOARD THE SEAHORSE IN MANILLA BaY, DECEMBER I, 1 644
{O.C. 1902).
Wrote by the Stcpply^ and also by Dutch conveyance from
Malacca, narrating the taking of the Malabar junk and * what pas'd
betwixt us and the Hollanders in the Streights of Mallacca '. Will
now relate what has happened since they parted with the Hind on
* Hind, jast^ tutenague or pewter (see the 1624-29 volume, p. 360). '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 219
July 20 * off the island Cabritoll ^ '. On the 22nd they anchored in
the Bay of Manilla, two leagues from * Cavitte^ ' and (as directed)
sent Joseph de Brito to Manilla to obtain permission for their
landing. He returned with a message that the Governor would not
receive them, because they brought no iron or saltpetre for the King
of Spain. However, the same evening a gentleman came aboard
' in the Kings barge of state with a white flagg', and on behalf of
the Governor invited them on shore ; * telling of us also that the
Governor tooke it unkindly that, having white men of our owne
nacion on board shipp, we wold send a Portugall negro to treat
with him about trade ; for De Brito, so soone as he had admittance
unto the Governor, told him that he was sent from Surratt by the
President of the English nacion as an embassador, with comiscion
to treate with him about a free trade : that he had the sole man-
nagement of the Companies busines : and that he had brought an
English shipp by virtue of an agreement made by Don Joan Lopis
and Captain Weddall att Micaio [Macao] and the Governors
warrant given him when he was last heare for bringing a ship unto
Mainela. Theis speeches of his put the Governor into a jelousy
that wee weare laiden with Portugalls goods, and that wee, to
coulour the busines, weare com with three or fowre English men.
Therfore in great displeasure (that espetially a negro shold be sent
unto him) he answered De Brito that Don Joan Lopis invited the
English unto his port of Mainella uppon condicion that they shold
furnish the King of Spaine with iron and saltpeeter, and if wee had
brought any such, and complyed with the contract, wee weare
welcome and he wold receive us ; otherwise wee might retome from
whence we came, or awaite the new Governors arrivall. And so
dismis'd him, not suffering him to go into any howse or speake with
any freind, but sent a soldier to put him out of the towne.' The
factors were much astonished to hear that De Brito had so far
exceeded his commission ; but this proved only a foretaste of ' his
knavery and insuffitiency in this employment.' However, * Edward
Pearce and Thomas Breton, accompained with De Brito, embarqued
themselves in the Kings barge and went to the towne of Cavitte,
where we weare entertained by the Governor of that place and
^ Cabra or Goat Island, near the entrance to Manilla Bay.
2 Kavite, on the eastern shore of the Bay, is still the port and marine arsenal of Manilla.
120 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
lodged that night in his howse. The next morning we went to
Mainela ; wheare so soone as wee weare arrived we had admittance
too and was received by the Governor, Don Sabastian Hurtatho
Querqero Mendoso. We deliverd him the Presidents letter, and
withall acquainted him with the long continewed and earnest desires
you had that the same freindly correspondency and free trade prac-
tized in Europe betweene the two nacions might be extended to
theise remoter parts. The Governor replyed that, in respect wee
came not in the tyme of his governement, he had no power to
receive us ; but if we wold awaite the coming of his successour,
who was daily expected, he wold do us as much good as possible
he was able. And so dismissed us, and order given to Don
Francisco de Figuroo, Serjant Major, to give us entertainment in
his howse ; where we continewed awayting the new Governors ^
coming to towne, which was not untill the i% August; whom we
went twice to vissit and cold not be admitted to speak with him.
The third tyme we weare sent for into his chamber ; where wee
made knowne unto him how long it was since our arrivall in this
port, that wee feared much damage had befallen our goods, by
reason of extraordinary fowle weather we encountred in our voyage
hither, our ship being very leake. We therfore desired him we
might have licence for the landing and selling our goods before the
New Spaines ships departed ; withall we deliverd him a wrytinge
. . . wherin we largly declared to him our minds ; which at his
better leisure we desired him to peruse. He told us our busines
shold have a quick dispatch, and dismissed us. The 19 ditto the
Governor referred our busines unto the High Court of Chancery ;
where the Kings Fiscall thought it not convenient we shold have
a free trade in theis parts : first, because theis islands are not included
in the artickles of peace betweene the two Kings of England and
Spaine : secondly, that they might suspect that, under covert of the
English, the Portugalls (rebbells to the crowne of Spaine) had man-
nadgd this designe to worck their further einds : and thirdly, that
without supplying this place with ammunicion of warr, as iron, salt-
peeter, musketts, brass, tynn, anchours, cables, &c., wee weare of no
use to the King ; as for other commodities, they had no need of us,
being plentifully supplyed by the Chynas ; wheruppon issued out
^ Don Diego Faxardo.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 221
an order of court that wee shold depart, having supplyed ourselves
with what was necessary for our voyage back, and that we shold not
retorne againe hither untill the King of Spaine had so determined.'
They were now at a loss what to do, especially as the westerly
monsoon made it almost impossible for them to get to Macassar ;
while the voyage to Macao was equally dangerous, their goods were
unsuitable for that place, and their reception was doubtful, as the
license obtained from the Viceroy mentioned only the Hind. They
therefore petitioned, first for leave to sell their whole cargo, and
then (on that being refused) for permission to dispose of enough to
realize 10,000 rials of eight, to pay their expenses. This also was
rejected ; but on their representing that they could not leave until
the monsoon changed, and that they would be unable to do so
then, unless they were allowed to raise money by selling to the
extent already mentioned, their request was at last granted. On
September 2 they repaired to ' the Cavitte ', and took a house to
sell their goods in. A present to the Royal Treasurer induced him
to take only three per cent, customs, ' wheras we shold have paid
six per cent., as the Portugalls did when they traded to theis parts' ;
and in addition he favoured them by examining the goods in their
own house, thus saving them the expense of carrying them ' unto
the Kings almazeenes ' [Sp. almacen^ a storehouse]. They were
and still are generally suspected of being spies, acting in the
interests of the Dutch, if not actually Dutchmen disguised as
English ; while others declared them to be pirates, intending on
their putting to sea to ' take their China vessells and spoyle their
trade '. Petitions were daily presented to the Governor, urging that
the English should be detained until the end of the monsoon to
prevent this. Fearing the effect of such representations on the
Governor, the factors proposed to him that they should themselves
remain and send back their ships to Surat, carrying letters from
him asking for a supply of iron and saltpetre ; but they stipulated
that, if this supply could not be made for fear of the Dutch, a ship
should be allowed to come from Surat with a cargo of merchandise
and sell it here, and that they should be allowed to return in her.
This overture was rejected, so far as the bringing of merchandise
was concerned, in spite of the fact that ' we, in selling our small
quantity of goods, have brought downe the price of all China cotton
322 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
cloathinge 25 per cent.' Thereupon the factors presented a petition
for leave to depart at once ; * which was graunted by the Royall
Acquerdo [Acuerdoy Council] and referred to the Governor as
Captaine Gennerall to give order to the Castilliano -^ (under whose
commaund our ship lay) that we might quiettly depart without
being molested by any. A petticion we also made unto the
Governor, which desired a quick dispatch ; to which he gave no
answer; which was caused by many petticions made to him, both
by the cittizens of this place and China merchants, that, if he
suffered us to depart theis fowre monthes untill the vessells weare
all com in, we wold spoile the trade of all theis parts by taking
what vessells we mett withall. The Governor was troubled on both
sides. Unwilling at first coming he was to displease the townesmen ;
and as loath he was to detaine us against reason. But our oppositts
carryed the bell away, and we condemned to stay we cannot tell
how long.' They waited upon the Governor and remonstrated ;
whereupon he advised them * to present unto him our last petticion
denyed by the Royall Aquerdo, for our stayinge heare uppon our
owne condicions, and he, as he was Governor [and] Captaine
Generall, would graunt our request, and wold also wryte unto you
for iron and saltpeeter ; which if you did not send, you shold send
a shipp the next yeare uppon what tearmes you pleased.' This was
accordingly done, and they now enclose the Governor's letter ^. The
arrangement is in their opinion a good one ; * for now, if you can
contrive a way (through the Streights of Sunday or otherwise) to
send them a small quantity of iron and saltpeeter, though they
wryte for greate quantities, yett any thing will serve their tournes.
However, they will receive a ship the next yeare uppon what con-
dicions you pleas ; which if shee arrives any tyme in July, before
the New Spaine ships depart, the Companie will make an extra-
ordinary good voyage of it, and very likely wee shall cleare two for
one. The trade in this place is very much decayed since the
Portegues left it, and the cittizens mightely impoverished ; yet will
their prowd hearts heardly acknowledge it. Every yeare they send
one or two gallioones to Nova Spaina a quarter laiden with wax,
1 The castellano or captain of the fort at Kavite.
* The original (damaged) forms O.C. 1894, while a copy will be found under O.C. 1895.
See also O.C. 1899 and 1900 for related documents.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 223
China silcks, and Coast cloathing (when they can gett any from
Macasser, which hath beene in very small quantities since the
Portegues are bannished Manilla). Theis gallions retorne hither
the same yeare with nothing but provicions to supply this place
and rials [of] eight to defray the extraordinary charge the King is
at ; for theis islands yeild him little or no proffitt more then his
customs, which is but a small matter towards his extraordinary
expences. The natives of this country are gennerally as lazy as the
Spanniards are prowd ; and weare it not for the great nomber of
Chinas that lives amongst them, which manures [i.e. cultivates] their
grownd and feedes them with rice, fish, and flesh, and brings them
provicions out of their owne countrey, they wold starve, for they
are not able to live of themselves. The commodities these Phil-
lipine Islands yeilds is only suger and logwood. The former is at
present so deare that nothing can be gott by it in Surratt. Of the
latter we have sent you 2fi% peeces for want of other laiding. Som
gold they have which they procure from the natives mountiners
(their enimies) ; which the late Governor engrossed, and hath made
it so extraordinary deare that wee dare not deale in it at present.
As we make money and find its price to fall, wee shall bring the
Companies estate into as little bulck as we can possibly contrive
against the next yeare. Their trade to Macasser and Comboja is so
little as not worth mencioninge. Once in a yeare, or once in two
yeares, it may be, they send a small vessell to Macassar to buy
Coast cloathing ; and the like they do to Camboja, and bring from
thence bees wax. The only traders to this place are the Chinas,
which furnish the Spanniard with raw silcks and silck stuffs of all
sorts, lynnen cloth, cotton clothing of the same lengths and breadths
as your narrow baftes are in India ; which they bring browne and
dy them hearc black to make womens mantles and mustezees \sce
p. 166] cloakes, which are worth aboute 4 m[ahmudls] per peec in
Surratt ; which they sold heare before we came for 20 single ryals
the peec' The ' clothing ' brought by the English came to a good
market. The rest of their goods have been registered by the King's
Treasurer, but not yet valued ; it is hoped to sell them at double
their invoiced cost. ' Goods most propper for this place are all sorts
of Mesulapatam or Coast clothing, as long cloth, morces, sallam-
pores, homoomies, salooes, serasses, &c. Theis people are not
224 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
accustomed to clothing made up after the Indian manner ; your
dutties and other sorts of broad clothing wold have beene worth
20 per cent, more then they now are, if they had not beene stiffned
and foulded up in papers ; for theis merchants give it a bad report,
saying it is made up with lyme and gum, which decayes the cloth,
and if itt shold ly uppon their hands but one twelve month, it wold
be rotten. . . . Therfore pray what you send hearafter, lett it be
packt up as itt comes from the washers, without paper or stifninge,
only smoothed out like unto the Coast long cloth ; and lett the
length of the baile be the breadth of the cloth.' Send a list of what
would be a suitable consignment next year, to which should be
added some iron and saltpetre. They would then hope to clear
two for one, and bring back a lading of sugar and cowries. ' This
commoditie requires a months tyme to gather and ly in the sun to
rott the fish that is in them. But theise cowrees are speckled ith
outside, and we know not whether they will sell so well in Surratt
as the white ones.' D.id their best to 'corrupt both the Kings
Fitscall and Ovedores [Port. Ouvidor, a magistrate] ' with offers of
money to procure leave to sell their goods this year and depart ;
but these officers were afraid to accept any bribes, because the
Governor himself refused to take the present brought by the English.
They were willing to buy goods at half their value ; ' but like un-
gratefull people they have never don us any good for our curtesies.
Every one is our freind at hom in their howses ; but in court, I thinck,
they are all our enimies. Very desirous weare they to have made prize
of us, to which purpose they called two councells of warre, because
this yeare newes came that in West India rove more then 100 sailes
of Englishmen, which doth mischeive the Spanniards very much ;
but in respect we came into the bay with a white flagg and was
received with the like by the former Governor, they thought it best
to lett us alone.' They were urged to enter into an agreement to
bring ammunition yearly ; but this they could not do, being ex-
pressly forbidden in their commission. Then it was proposed that
they should leave their goods here and sail for Macao to convey the
Governor's ambassador thither, after which they might go on to
Surat ; but no merchandise was to be brought the following year,
unless accompanied by iron, &c. ; ' which they so much want that
they are enforced to breake up one vessell to make another service-
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 225
able to saile unto West India. They wold willingly make peace
with the Portegues att Micaw and give them free liberty to trade
into theis parts, if they wold furnish them with ammunicions. l^he
force the King of Spaine hath belonging to theise Phillipine Islands
and the Malucoes is only six gallioones and one gaily ; two of the
which went this yeare to Nova Spaina, two more they have rydinge
heare (one of which is to be broaken up), and the other two lyeth
som 40 leagues from hence, so old that they dare not adventure
them to sea. They are very desirous to build new shippinge, to
which purpose they have caused much tymber to be cutt ; but as
yett they know not wheare to gett iron, for in all the Kings alma-
zins their is not five pecoes [pikuls]. Their goes uppon the Sea-
horse an old Fleminge, named Captaine Wm. Cheloan, mencioned
in the Governours and Officers Royall letters, sent by them pur-
posely to see whether we have enfourm'd them the truth concern-
inge the Dutch at Mallacca. They will not believe that they can
hinder us from furnishing this place with iron, &c. ; neither will
they believe that they have shippinge and a factory att Surratt,
but have sent this man purposly to be an ey wittnes therof, and to
see what possibillity there is in supplying them with what they
want. You may pleas to entertaine Capt. Cheloan as one that
hath don the Companie very good service since our coming hither,
being better acquainted with the customs of this place then him wee
brought with us. He hath order from the Governor to carry him-
self very privatly, that he be not discover'd by the Portuges and
the Dutch, and that by his meanes the Governor loose not his
much desired supply of iron, &c.' The Governor's chamberlain,
Daniel Jones (an Englishman, but passing here as a Fleming), has
written on behalf of his master for a supply from Surat of beaver
hats, knives, &c. The Governor will insist on paying for these,
* for such is his good disposicion that he will not receive any thing
as a guift '. His wishes should be complied with, and at the same
time some similar articles should be supplied for use as presents to
others. Jones, who has been very helpful to the factors, has asked
them to forward a small quantity of gold for him to Surat, for
investment in cinnamon or other goods likely to yield profit here.
They accordingly send the gold, which is valued at *i2 rials of
eight the taie (one taie is 2y| tolaes of Surratt waight) '. Would
FOSTER VII O
226 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
be glad of an opinion as to the desirability of buying some next
year. 'When we came first to this place, and doubted not of
a free trade, wee enquired after this comoditie, but then it was worth
13^ and 14 ryals [of] eight the taye; but now, since the late
Governor, Don Sabastian;, is imprisoned for robbinge the Kings
coffers, his estate is seized on and the goods and monies they have
taken from him vallewed att more then three millions. Hearuppon
the price of gold began to fall, and is now com to the vallew above
said ; but now it is too late for us to looke after any.' Have bor-
rowed, and now send, all the silver they could procure, in order ' to
cleare as much of the Companies estate from this place as possible
we cold.' Desire an opinion on the value of the silver, which is of
various kinds. The Portuguese always allowed six per cent, more
for bullion than for rials. ' The 26 peeces made up tryangle wise
is called virgin silver, the purest sort that is brought to theis parts.
The like, we believe, weare never scene in Surratt, for there is no
mixture of any other mettell in it, and very little loss in the melting
therof.' Trouble caused by the fact that they had two Dutchmen
among their sailors ; no more should be sent, ' nor Dutch built
vessells, although they have certificat from Dunkerk that they weare
bought there.' Enclose accounts of sales, &c. Their household
expenses will appear heavy ; but at Basra ' a better howse may be
kept for four larees a day then we can with our good husbandry
contrive it heare for 3f rials and 4 rials [of] eight per day.' Desire
a supply of wheat, candles, arrack, and other provisions ; also a little
sack, ' for this is a very unwholsom place.' The cost of victual-
ling the ship has been heavy. While here, the sailors had three
' beeves ' [oxen] a week. The ship's bread, provided at Surat, was
very bad. The Governor desires that the accompanying letters
may be forwarded to the King of Spain. Particulars of money
found in the possession of sundry men, and evidently taken out of
the Malabar prize ; advise a strict investigation on the arrival of the
ship at Surat. (Copy. \\\ pp,)
[ ] AT GoA TO [ ], December 10, 1644
{O.C. 1904).
* Had your currall come with these shipping, it had produced
good proffitt ; nor can it faile whensoever [it] arrives in these parts.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 227
So great a quantity cannott bee procured in Europe yearely as
would vend here. Indeed, it is the onely comodity certainely in
esteem ; cloth, lead, or what els sent, findes not present sale, nor in
the like demaund. Genoa pepper \ if lar[ge] and good, 20 or 30
bales may sell yearely ; as also as many peeces [of] perpetuanoes,
greenes and red[s], with some olive colours.' [Extract. \ p.)
President Breton and Thomas Merry at Swally Marine
TO THE Company, January 3, 1645 {O.C, 1905).
Now answer the Company's letter of March 29, 1644. Regret
the troubles and distractions in Europe. The factors in Persia have
abandoned all hopes of obtaining what is due from the King
for shortage of silk, and have written off the amount (141,646 shahls)
as irrecoverable. The other injuries suffered in that country must
be patiently endured, since such is the pleasure of the Company ;
and in any case no force can be used with the means now at their
disposal. Pitt writes from Gombroon that, contrary to expectation,
the customs will amount for the year to as much as 6 16 J tumans.
Anticipate no difficulty in sending home the goods prescribed,
except perhaps as regards indigo from Agra, where some trouble
has been experienced, owing to the small quantity produced this
year and the competition of the Dutch. On the other hand, the
cotton cloth of that part is now more reasonable in price, in conse-
quence of ' its disesteeme in Persia '. The instructions as to the
dimensions, &c., of calicoes will be duly followed. Supply from
Tatta of cotton goods and indigo ; but the six bales received thence
of the latter commodity and now sent home are much poorer in
quality than previous consignments. Will continue a friendly
correspondence with the Bantam factors, * although on there parts
they deale very injuriously and disrespectively with us, not only in
reproveinge us for disposeinge of your shippinge for China and unto
the Maniliaes without their leaves, because they pretend those
places have a nearer relation to that residency then this (although
wee know not for what reason), but by resolvinge, before they know
what will bee the successe and event of our undertakeings, to bee
our rivalls ; to which purpose Mr. Ivy adviseth (although the
* Perhaps a copyist's error for velvet.
Q 2
228 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Bantam President conseale it from us) that the Michaell is prepare-
inge to send to the Manillias with a qualifyed person to capitulate
with that Govemour touchinge a future free commerce.' Believe
that the Company will not approve this action. Note that Ivy, in
his letter of September 8 [p. 192], speaks of such a venture having
been long contemplated at Bantam ; but they cannot find any
proof of this. Combat the arguments advanced against the trade
with Manilla being conducted from Surat. It will be easy to
procure Coast goods ; while, as for danger from the Malabars, ' it
is not to be esteemed great, since the Portingalls, now that they
have peace with the Dutch, must necessaryly take some coaurse to
curbe them, that their smal vessels may trade freely and in safety ;
or, if they should not, wee must send such shippinge as may not
feare their attempts.' Moreover, some of the goods specially in
demand at Manilla can best be procured here ; while the returns of
sugar and sappan-wood will at this place and in Persia produce
nearly treble their cost. Have already advised their disappoint-
ment in the trade on the Malabar Coast. Knipe's lavish commenda-
tions induced them to send Thurston thither last year and to counsel
the Company to dispatch a ship direct to those parts, with the
result that the John was instructed to call there on her way. Had
she obeyed instructions and kept with the Crispiaita as far as the
Comoros, the worst that could have happened would have been the
loss of a small amount of time. Now, however, it is impossible to
say what damage has been caused to the Company, for nothing has
yet been heard of the ship and the best that can be hoped for is
that she has merely lost her voyage. Even that is a great trial for
them, as they exceedingly need both the ship and the means she
was bringing. Note that the Company could not this year supply
them with sufficient money to discharge their debts ; so they wait
in patience, relying on the Company's promise to relieve them as
soon as possible. Their indebtedness has hitherto prevented them
from making any investment on the Coromandel Coast. Concerning
affairs in those parts the Company have doubtless received full
information from Day, Cogan, &c. The goods sent home in the
Hopewell from Bantam would have given very good content, had
the voyage been completed. Have now washed and bleached all
the cloth taken out of her ; but it is in bad condition, 'and they
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 229
propose to send it all back to Bantam in the Hart to be disposed of
there. A bale of ' pantadoes ' has been found uninvoiced, probably
laden in lieu of some ' comitters ' that are missing. Fremlen's
experiences in the unfortunate voyage in the DolpJdn are narrated
in the accompanying papers, which are sent in case the Crispiana
should arrive before that vessel. Breton acknowledges with grati-
tude the favour shown him by the Company in appointing him
President, and promises to deserve their good opinion. Merry also
expresses his thanks for the post of Second in Council and
Accountant. The President and Council are grateful for the
Endeavour, and would be glad to receive two or three more of the
same build, but of a burden not less than 250 or 300 tons. They
could then part with some of their smaller vessels ' unto our Coast
freinds, which may from thence be very well imployed to the Bay,
Pegoo, Denaceree [Tenasserim], and other places, from whence,
were those trades experimented, might be derived competent gaines.'
Fear, however, that they may be forced to lay up some of them for
want of stores. Enclose a list \see O.C. 1884] of the most urgent of
these needs, and beg that they may be supplied. As regards
Persian affairs they refer to the factors' letters, &c. Note the dis-
patch of Knipe and regret his non-arrival. Cannot defend Bornford
in the matter of the indigo, but will do their best to prevent such
deficiencies in future. Rejoice that the Company have resolved not
to employ any more freighted ships. Have already forwarded a list
of medicines yearly required ; now beg that these may be ' some-
thinge encreased in the quantity, by reason th'expence thereof
wilbee enlarged something beyond our expectations for the ensueing
reasons. Assalaut Ckaune ^, a very great Umbra ^, gratious with
the King and our very good freind, haveing long importuned us to
supply him with [a] chirurgeon, wee considcringe how advantageous
itt may be unto you, and haveinge a fitt oportunity, one Gabriel
Boughten, late chirurgeon of the Hopewell, being thereunto very well
qualifyed and being willinge to stay, wee have thought fittinge to
designe him to that service ; wherewith Assal[aut] Ckaune is see
^ Mir Abdul HadI, to whom the title of Asalat Khan had been given. He had succeeded
Salabat Khan as Mir BakhshI (Paymaster-General), when that official was stabbed to death,
in the presence of the Emperor, by Araar Singh on July 25, 1644 {^Dagh- Register, 1644-
45, P- 332).
^ Umard (really the plural of amir), a noble.
230 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
well pleased that lately, when Mr. Turner was to leave Agra, he
accompanyed Mr. Tash and Mr. Turner to the King, who honord
them more then ordinary in a long conference he held with them,
dismissing them with vests, and sending unto the President a firman
and dagger ; which not being yett received, wee know not what the
former may import or the latters valew, but shall hereafter advise ;
and if the dagger be of any considerable worth, it shall be sent you,
with the Jewell we foread vised the Prince lately sentt unto the
President, both expected by Mr. Turner.'^ Cannot express the
many advantages that will result from paying off their debt, should
the Company be able to furnish them with funds for that purpose.
Have advised the Portuguese Viceroy of the delivery of his letters.
'Your pleasures also touchinge continuance of the league and
amity with that nation we take notice of; which accordinge to your
directions wee shal with befittinge caution be very careful! to pre-
serve. Nor is there any doubt but itt wilbee inviolately observed
on their parts, that mutyall freindly correspondency formerly
practiced beeing still continued betwixt us reciprocally on both
partes.' Must still maintain that the want of sale of broadcloth
was due chiefly to its poor quality, and in proof of this they refer
to letters from the Persia factors. ' The greenes also this yeare
received are of sad and dull colours, not soe pleasing to these people
as bright grasse greenes and popingiaes.' Have as yet sold only
two pieces, at eight rupees the ' covid '. Two more pieces were
opened and found to be very spotted and stained ; the rest are in
the custody of the Governor, to whom it is hoped to sell them.
Approve the Company's intention to send in future only the larger
sort of coral. Had the parcel laden in the John arrived seasonably,
it might have been sold at Raybag to great profit ; ' but now
the Portingales have peace and an open trade, wee may not expect
the like oportunity, since they will undoubtedly aboundantly supply
1 'On February 7 [N.S.] Mr. Turner, the late chief at Agra, arrived in Surat, bringing
(in return for the great present already mentioned) a present from King Shah Jahan to
President Breton, consisting of a "chinder" [Hind, khanjar, a dagger] with a gold hilt,
set with diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, and also a medal of the same, set with diamonds,
the former being valued at 2,000 and the latter at 1,500 R* [? rupees] ' {Dagh- Register,
1644-45, P- 244). The medal, which was apparently the 'jewel ' presented by Dara Shikoh
(p. 215), was sent home early in 1646, but the dagger was retained at Surat, on the plea
that 'it may, upon some occation or other, happely be usefuU here' {O.C. 197b).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 231
those markctts in the future. Nor may wee encouradge you to
designe any other ship hereafter (as the Johii now was) to Cocheene
or the Coast of Mallabar, being it is most certaine that neither
pepper nor cinamon wilbe acquirable.' Two chests of the coral
received last year were found to be very inferior to the rest :
samples from these are now sent. Lead is in no great demand, as
' the contry is soe plentifully stored ' ; it would be well, therefore, to
abstain from sending any for another year. Are glad that the
Company approve their employment of their small shipping. If
the Manilla trade proves favourable, the Dolphiii would be a suitable
vessel to send thither. Deprecate the Company's displeasure at
their taking men ashore to fill vacancies, and declare that they
* know not of any in Indya that by favour or any sinister meanes
purchasd their continuance in the contry, or that any have been
taken ashoare which were not quallifyed to doe you service.' Will
refrain in future from any such action ; and now return Richard
Clark. Mantell would have been sent also, but he is absent on the
Manilla voyage. Commend Clark, who has served for sixteen
months very ably and honestly as steward of the Surat factory, and
has since voyaged to Achin in the Supply. Of the factors that
came in the Crispiana, Fenn and Harrison proceeded by that vessel
to ' Synda ', to assist Spiller there ; Davidge and Blackwell will
start shortly for Agra, and with them Andrews will go to
Ahmadabad ; while Lewis is employed in the office at Surat. In
obedience to the Company's orders, they will only return one ship
each year. This time it is the Crispiana^ the cargo of which does
not differ much from the list sent by the Company. Have done
their best to prevent any private trade being embarked to their
employers' detriment. Will also send yearly to Bantam a cargo of
the goods demanded from thence ; but they must look to the
Company to provide means for this, as the returns from Bantam
are usually not half the value of the goods sent thither, and consist
chiefly of pepper, which is shot loose among the bales in the hom.e-
ward-bound ship, and does not in any way reduce the quantity ot
goods to be provided here. ' Off the shipps intended into these
partes by Mr. Courteene and Capt. Bond, wee doc not heare of any
arrived but the Loyalty, comanded by Mr. Dearson, who spends his
time in voyadginge betweene Goa and Rajapore, but finds not any
232 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
ladeinge to returne this yeare for England ; nor can wee imagine
how or when they wilbe able to send backe hir and the William^
which now they shortly expect from China ; haveinge neither goods
nor meanes and (which is worse) beinge very deeply indebted both
in Decan, Goa, and Acheene. Soe that wee are very doubtfull their
necessityes may induce them to undertake some illegall enterprises,
wherein God grant you suffer not as you did for Cobb, or in some
of your owne shippinge ; both which wee shall the best wee may
studdy how to prevent. Wee doe not hear of any French shipp
seene in these parts ; soe that we beleive that of Deepe you speake
of is gonne for the backeside of Madagascar, where they have a fort
and plantation, if they have not left it lately.' The business of
Crane's tapestry was included in the petition they presented to the
King, but nothing resulted, the Raja pleading poverty and inability
to pay ; so they are now offering to sell the debt to the King, and
hope ' by Ilausatt ^ Ckauns meanes ' to obtain for it two-thirds or
three-quarters of the amount. This will at all events reimburse the
Company for all that has been spent in the matter. The Spanish
wine sent in the jfolm may perhaps be disposed of at Manilla, should
a second voyage thither be thought advisable. The winding-up of
the First General Voyage and the Third Joint Stock has been
delayed by the non-arrival of accounts from Persia and from Agra.
The former stock has been credited with the proceeds of the damaged
pepper taken out of the Hopewell, and also with the value of that
ship ; the Voyage is therefore to be regarded as interested to that
amount in the cargo of the Crispiana. Adjustment of the sum due
from Thomas Merry. Regret that this ship has been detained
beyond the date fixed. Particulars of her cargo. Of Agra indigo
they send more than was asked for, and yet have a quantity over.
This was due to orders given before the Company's letter was received ;
but the indigo has been bought at a very moderate price and, though
not so good in quality as could be wished, is the best the country
affords. The Ahmadabad indigo was also purchased at much less
than the present rate, and they do not doubt their ability to dispose
at a profit of any left over. The indigo from Tatta is very poor.
The saltpetre, they fear, will not come up to expectation in goodness
and will moreover be deemed dear, occasioned partly by the cost of
^ Probably a slip for 'Isaulatt', i.e. Asalat.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 233
refining and partly by ' his ignorance that bought itt raw at Malpore '.
However, they intend to persevere, and to send thither in future
some able, experienced person. Two of the saltpetre bales missing.
for which the master of the ship is blamed. The ' deriabades ' sent
were bought and * cured ' in Lucknow ; desire to know ' whether
that or Barroach whiteing please you best '. The narrow baftas
from Surat, Nosarl, and Gandevi may be judged dear, but they
are as cheap as could be obtained, and are at all events good. Of
these they could furnish 10,000 or 12,000 pieces yearly. The
remaining narrow cloths are from Nasarpur and * Kandiera '. Par-
ticulars of the ' mercules ' and broad baftas sent. Forward also five
bales of * chints ', six of quilts, one of ' tappiceels ', and four of ' guldars
and sallows provided in Gulcondah and Decan '. A bale of Samana
cloth ', of various prices, has been provided. Have not been able to
procure much cinnamon ; that obtained by ' Lewis Robero ' from
the Viceroy is still in the custody of the former. Only six bales
of cotton yarn sent, ' roome being wantinge for the rest '. Regret
that out of the 645 maunds of * tincall ' bought last season in Agra,
they can at present lade only 34 'duppers' [leathern jars: Hind.
dabbaJi\^ containing 236 maunds. The remainder only arrived at
Ahmadabad recently, and is being cleansed there, ' in regard itt may
there be done in a month or six weekes times, and cannot here be
effected in treble soe much, nor for almost double the charge. If
hereafter you desire any quantity of this specie, it will be very
necessary you send caske for itts reception, duppers being subject
to leake and spoile what lyeth neare them. Besides, losse of the
oyle ^ spoyleth the comodity it selfe.' Could not put the present
consignment into casks, for they are wholly destitute of any. Regret
that they cannot send the promised quantity of Gunny [i.e. Guinea]
stuffes ', as all but three bales of those provided are still at Broach.
Bought a quantity of cardamoms, but cannot find room for them in
the ship. Aloes, olibanum, and myrrh sent ; also some gum-lac
procured from Agra. In the box of ' writeinges ' will be found
a small parcel of seed pearl, taken by the Seahorse from the Malabars.
Forward some amber, musk, and rings belonging to the late Walter
^ In Johan van Twist's Generale Beschrijvinge van Indien (1648), it is stated that borax
was usually packed in a pouch of sheepskin, which was filled with oil for its better preser-
vation (p. 65).
234 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Clark, whose account is not yet cleared. Will send Wylde's account
when perfected. Yard goes home in this ship, taking with him
some bales of cloth belonging to him, referred to in the Bantam
letter [p. 126]. Bear witness to his very civil and commendable
deportment while here ; and testify that, as regards the dispute over
his purchase of the Endeavour^ he has now satisfied them that he
had ample warrant for his action. Humphrey Weston, who also
goes home in the Crispiana, is commended for his services. To both
him and Yard advances have been made of 300 mahmudls to purchase
provisions for the voyage, it being left to the Company to decide
whether these sums should be recovered or remitted. To John
Stanford, who returns on account of ill health, a similar allowance
of 200 mahmudls has been granted ; while half that amount has
been advanced to [Richard] Clark. Account of pepper laden in
this ship. Letters from Masulipatam announce that Roger Adams,
a master's mate who had been lent to the ' Cirkaile ' to pilot his junk
to Mokha, died during the voyage. His ready money, amounting
to 700 rials, has been received from the nakhuda and should be paid
over to his mother ; the rest of his estate has not yet been realized.
Regret to learn that Peter Herbert died on October 8 last at Gom-
broon. Quicksilver and vermilion have risen in price very much ;
suggest the dispatch of a supply of each. The Hopewell brought
seven seamen formerly in Courteen's service, six of whom came in
her from Bantam and the seventh was found at Mauritius. All have
been engaged for the Company, and three are now going home.
If any ships be sent out for service in these parts, they recommend
for employment John Pearson, the chief mate of the Crispiana.
The Dolphin sailed from Swally for England on November 29,
calling at Daman, as she passed, for a supply of arrack. Before she
was out of sight the Crispiana appeared, returning from Tatta with
cloth, indigo, saltpetre, and other goods. As she had seen nothing
of the Francis^ the Hart was dispatched on December 2 to meet and
escort that vessel to Swally. Have since heard that the Francis
reached Gombroon from Basra on October 31, and sailed for Sind
on November 5. Letters from Tatta mention her arrival at that
place ; so they are in hourly expectation of seeing her and the Hart,
which will then be dispeeded for Bantam. As the absence of the
John will frustrate the intended expedition to the Red Sea against
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 235
the Malabars, they will send the Francis to Basra instead with Sind
calico and pepper. From that port she will proceed to Mokha, ' to
meete the ship which wee send from hence with the goods provided
for that place ; and if at Mocho they heare of good markets att
Sanakain [Suakin], she may voyadge thither to experiment the
trade of that place. If nott, she shall be returned from Mocho to
Persia with fraight goods ; there encounter the pinnace, which in
March shall from hence saile for Bassora, in hir returne accom-
p[anying] hir thither [hither?].' The Supply arrived here from
Achin on December 8, and reported bad markets and poor sales at
that place. ' Our great hopes of the rich Mallabar prize is also
become nothing, notwithstanding she was encountred out of sight
of land by your three pinnaces, the Hindy Supply ^ and SeaJiorse ;
to whom without any resistance shee strucke not only hir sailcs but
yards upon the deck ; insoemuch that Mr. Lee in the Supply, being
nearest, sent his boat on board and brought away three of the most
quallifyed persons, who desired favour and acknowledged themselves
lawfull purchase. In which interim the Hinds boat went on board
with an unruly crew, who presently began to pillage, cut and slash
the Mallabarrs ; whereupon suddainly they betooke themselves to
their armes, slew two, and endangered the rest of those that were
on board, who to save themselves were forced to leape, some into
the sea, others into the boat ; and soe in an instant hoysed their
yards, sett their sales, and stoode in for the shoare, maintaineing
skirmish all night ; and the next day ran on ground, where, after
all the people had left hir, six men excepted, they very valiantly
fired hir, enjoy Inge only \blank'\ rials, which they found on the upper
decke ; dishonourably looselng unto you a rich prize, and therein
to the nation much honour.' Letters received from the factors on
the Hind, dated in Malacca Road June 20, repoit the arrival there
of the two ships. They * were by the Dutch respectively used, and
then in readines to prosecute their voyadge.^ Certain bales of
cinnamon sent home to be disposed of on behalf of * Lewis Robero'.
Some silk which came on the Hopeivell has been washed and is now
forwarded. Have just heard from Chaul that the JoJin has been at
Mozambique, and sailed thence four days before the galleons that
arrived in ' Bombaia ' on September 26 ; this makes them fear that
some accident has befallen her. Merry apologizes for the imperfect
336 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
state of the Fourth Joint Stock accounts now sent home, and
promises to send a more complete statement by way of Basra.
The non-arrival of the factors in the John has made it necessary
to take on shore Thomas Methwold ^ ; trust that the Company will
approve this, and also the detention of the steward's mate of the
Crispiana, Gregory Downs, who has been made steward of Surat
factory. Last year William Pearce, ' chirurgion of our house ', was
allowed to go home, and John Tindall was taken ashore from the
Dolphin to supply his place ; now Tindall proceeds to England in
the CrispianUy and John Anthony is entertained instead. Reiterate
their request for the names of all seamen sent out for service in the
East, as the commanders will not willingly give up men that are
useful. Also urge the dispatch of ships' stores, which are much
needed here. They are about to send the Supply to Gombroon
with freight goods and pepper. Enclose a valuation of the goods
landed from the Dolphin. A packet of letters forwarded, which
the Dutch chief at Surat desires to have delivered to the Dutch
Company's agent in London.^ {Copy. i\\ pp.)
John Farren, John Darell, and Abraham Hunt ^ at Goa
TO THE President and Council at Surat, January 10,1645
{O.C.l9o^).
Trust that their letter of December 26 has been received and will
be promptly answered. Their demands appear to them so just that
they are confident of their being granted. The injury of which they
* Purser of the Crispiana, He was probably the late President's second son.
2 This letter is followed by a list {0. C. 1906) of the writings sent home in the Crispiana,
including accounts from Surat, Ahmadabad, Tatta, Fort St. George, and * Nassapore '
[Nasarpur] : copies of consultations and of letters to and from various factories : papers
relating to the Dolphin and Hopewell, &c.
2 These were factors for Courteen's Association. The letter here given and the previous
one of December 26 (which was signed also by Thomas Billidge) were printed by John Darell
in 1652 in his pamphlet entitled Mr. Courten^s Catastrophe and Adieu to East India. The
demand was for the money saved from the wreck of the Little William and paid into the
Company's treasury at Madras. No satisfaction having been received,, in February, 1645,
a protest was drawn up at Goa, alleging that great losses had been caused to their em-
ployers by the detention of this money and by the capture of the Cannanore junk, which
had led to reprisals being threatened by the Malabars against Courteen's settlements, par-
ticularly that at Karwar. The junk, by the way, is stated to have belonged to * Mamula
Croe, King of Cannanore ', a personage who may be identified with Mammali Koya, the
local Mappilla chief (Logan's Malabar^ vol. i. p. 360). Darell adds that Courteeifs ship,
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 237
complain ' was contrived in England (as wee understand) and effected
at Madrasapatam ' ; and it is rendered worse by being ' accompanied
in all parts and places with aspersions, detractions, and damageable
defamacions.' Cannot find any justification for these, especially as
the imputation of complicity with Cobb and Ayrcs has been disproved
* before supream authoritie '. Desire to be informed wherein they
have wronged the East India Company or its servants ; and await
satisfaction of their demands, 'to prevent further and future pro-
ceedings.' [Copy, ip.)
Thomas Merry in Surat to Jeremy Sambrooke in London,
January 12,1645 (0,C. 1908).
Wrote briefly by the Crispiana, apologizing for the unbalanced
state of the accounts sent home by that ship. Now, having had
time to examine the invoice of the cargo, he finds that he must also
implore favour for many errors therein, due to the negligence of others
and his own preoccupation. Encloses a fresh invoice, and points
out the differences. (li//.)
Edward Knipe, John Burnell, and Henry Hunt, aboard
THE VaLKENBURG [aT SwALLY, TO THE PRESIDENT AND
Council at Surat ^], January 28, 1644 {0,C. 191 2).
Regret to ' bee the intelligencers of such woefull tydings ' as are
given in the enclosed paper.^ They left Johanna on September 20
in Courteen's ship, the Thomas and John, bound for Karwar; but
easterly winds forced them to the Arabian coast, which was reached
on November 3. Having watered and refreshed at * Cusheene '
[Kishin], they put to sea again, but it was December 12 before
they sighted *Dofarr' \see the 1637-41 volume^ p. 210]. Two days
later they found at ' Moorbad ^ ' this Dutch ship, which had left
the Loyalty^ was sent after the Company's Endeavour^ with orders to capture her, but failed
to effect this ; also that the protest was sent home by the Thomas ami John in October,
1645, and was pleaded at the bar of the House of Lords in the spring of 1647.
^ The letter is endorsed as received at Surat on the same day as it was written.
2 Now O.C. 1890. It contains copies of the narrative of Mucknell's proceedings already
given (p. 196), of the letter to the Company (p. 194), of that of September 20 (p. 198), and
various connected papers. It has also a copy of the letter given above.
' Murbat. In the Dutch records it is styled ' Moerabath ' {Dagh- Register, 1644-45,
p. 244).
238 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Mokha for Surat on August 2,4. Though short of provisions himself,
her commander courteously offered them a passage, which they
gladly accepted. Sailing on December 16, the vessel reached
* St. Johns ' [Sanjan] on January z^. The Thomas and John de-
parted at the same time from Murbat, promising to take their
letters for Surat and England, but she kept at such a distance that
they could not send them aboard before she parted company on the
1 8th. Earl, her master, died on November 30 and was buried next
day on the coast of Arabia. Their misery has been much aggravated
by the mutinous behaviour of Henry Tyrrell, Henry Wheat ley, and
Richard Clark, who are believed to have belonged to Mucknell's
faction and to have been left on shore unwillingly.^ Henry Garry
is also accused by some of having encouraged Mucknell in his
treachery.^ Knipe conceives himself bound to report these facts,
because on the departure of the John he was elected commander
of those left ashore.^ He was much troubled by the behaviour of
the persons named ; the rest ' shewed themselves very cyvill and
well governed people '. Two of the party died on board the Thomas
and John ; the others are all in good health, (lipp-)
Henry Brewster's * Narrative of the Betrayal of the
JOHN^ February 14, 1645 {O.C. 191 7).
The John being a better sailer than the Crispiana and having
also to call at Mozambique, it was agreed that she should go on
ahead, rejoining her consort at Johanna, at which place the latter
1 Details of the charges will be found under O.C. 1890 and 191 1. Their answers con-
stitute nos. 1914, 191 5, and 1916.
2 The charges against him are given in O.C. 1890 and 19 10. The latter contains also
Garry's answers. The nature of the charges is sufficiently indicated by the documents
calendared later.
2 The original agreement to this effect forms O.C. 1909. There is a copy under O.C.
1890.
* Brewster, who was a midshipman on board the John^ was the first to bring to London
the news of Mucknell's treachery and the arrival of the vessel at Bristol. At a Court of
Committees held on January 24, 1645, he gave a full account of the matter and was re-
warded with 5/. and a promise of further consideration. A week later he was instructed to
put his narrative into writing, but his request for employment as a master's mate was refused,
on the ground that there was no vacancy. In March he was discharged from the Com-
pany's service, as it was reported that he had been sent to London by Mucknell to advise
the latter's wife to join him ; but hopes were held out that he would be employed again
the following year. This does not appear to have been done.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 239
was to await her until August 25. The John reached Mozambique
on the nth of that month and remained there until the 22nd, the
merchants meanwhile trading with the Portuguese. Before sailing
they took on board a Portuguese, his wife, and about fifty other
passengers. The Portuguese agreed to pay Mucknell 200 rials of
eight for the use of the roundhouse as far as Cochin or Goa ; and
the first falling out of Mucknell and Knipe was over the payment
of this money. The former told Garry that he would not take
Knipe's word for it, but would have the money paid down on the
quarterdeck table next day, or he would turn the Portuguese out of
the cabin ; whereupon Garry offered to pay the amount himself in
English gold. The second cause of disagreement was a note sent
to the master by Knipe, Garry, Burnell, and Hunt, requiring him
to put into Johanna ; ' as soone as Mucknell read itt over he fell
a swaring and asked whether itt was a consoltattion or a muteny,
for he had ordered his matts, before the noatt came, to shape ther
course for Johan[na] and to putt in there.' The Joh7t reached that
island on Sunday, August 25, and Mucknell and the merchants
went ashore. They heard that the DolpJn7i, Hopewell, and Crispiana
had started for Surat eight days before : that the Dolphin had ' spent
her mast ' and her cargo was damaged by water : and that the
Hopewell was too leaky to continue her homeward voyage. There
was a letter concerning the Discoveryy but Brewster could not learn
its contents, though he heard Mucknell ' pittie the men much and
saie iff there was noe newes of her att St. Helena that she was loast.'
Nothing was heard of her at that island when the John was returning.
Between Mozambique and Johanna Mucknell plotted to invite the
four merchants, three of his mates, the minister, the surgeon, the
boatswain, the carpenter and the gunner on shore, under pretence
of being reconciled to Knipe. ' Soe they had a great dele of good
cheare provided for them abord and itt was carried ashore to be
eatten.' It happened that Edward Stannyon and the cooper, having
quarrelled, had taken swords with them, intending to fight ; and this
was reported by Richard Low to Mucknell, who thereupon rose up
and said he would see the two men into the boat. Thus leaving the
company he went down to the shore and, meeting the cooper, thrust
him into the boat and bade the sailors pull for the ship. When he
came aboard he ordered the boatswain to * call all hands aloft ' ;
240 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
whereupon they all assembled in the great cabin. Mucknell then
' caled for a cup of wine and dranke. When hee had druncke, he
stands up. Ses hee : Genttillmen, I have somthinge to say, and I will
be breefe (ses Mucknell). Mr. Knipe has threattned to turne me
outt of the ship when he comes to Sirratte ; butt I hope that I have
nott behaved myselfe soe that you will se me turned outt ; to which
they answered and said that they would nott soe longue a[s] life
lasted. He hearinge them say soe, ses Mucknell : Heare I sese
uppon the ship John for the Kinge (this was upon the 29th day of
Augst): and tomorrow, as soone as we are of the ilande, every man
of yow shall have a 100 riales of eight apece; and as soone as we
are cleare of this iland we will breacke open the Portingalles chest
and the marchants chests and se whatt moneye or moneys worth is
in the ship. Yow shall have | and the King \ and the ship. And
we will set these blackes ashoare att Comorow, and then we will
awaie to the mouth of the Read Seas and see whatt purchas [i. e.
booty] wee can take ther amoungst the junckes. Then wee will
awaie for St. Kittes and heare whatt newes ther. Then we will goe
for Ingland. Looke, what monie or moneys worth we take yow
shall have | and the King \ and the ship ; and I will bee the man
that shall answaire for you all and suffer death for yow all.' There-
upon John Pearce and Richard Clark desired leave to go ashore,
but Mucknell called them ' roundhed doges ' and threatened to cut
off their heads if they spoke *such another word'. He further
declared that ' if hee saw two men talking together, he swoare that
he would cutt of the head of one of them ; and kept us under soe
that we could nott speacke one with another to know one anothers
mind ; and we had noe weapons to withstand them, for all those
that he had acquainted with his ploatt had armes, and all the rest
of the armes in the ship was maid fast with wiar.' The Portuguese
passengers were now put into the 'jellowatt ', and Pearce and Clark
were ordered to row them ashore. Brewster begged in vain for
permission to go with them ; but Mucknell promised to set him
ashore at St. Kitts and to give him a note to say that he had been
kept aboard by force. The boat was so full that those in it cried
out that they would be drowned ; whereupon Mucknell threatened
to shoot them if they did not put off. He then cut the cables and
let the ship drive, fearing lest, if he stayed to weigh the anchors,
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 241
the seamen might change their minds 'and putt hime by his
prettence '. The weather being calm, the John lay in sight of
Johanna for more than twenty hours. The following day the chests
belonging to the Portuguese were broken open. Mucknell gave
away the clothes found therein, but put the money and gold into
a box, which was sealed up. 'An invoice was taken of itt ; soe
there was aboutt 70/., and that was the most itt could bee. Itt was
nott waied, butt by peaseing^ of itt.' Next Mucknell made all the
crew * sett there hands to the bringin of the ship home to the Kinge '.
When they made Comoro, Mucknell abandoned the idea of going
to the Red Sea, ' becaues hee did nott knowe all his mens minds ;
butt he would keepe the blackes and stronge watters and cloath and
sell them att St. Christovers and soe load her with tobackow for
Ingland.' Plying to windward to reach St. Augustine's Bay, they
met the Thomas and jfohn^ belonging to Courteen and commanded
by Earl. The latter, being very sick, sent his mate Archer on board,
accompanied by two merchants. Mucknell told them that he had
seized the jfohit for the King and had left twenty-three of his
company at Johanna, two letters for whom he handed to the new-
comers. He then demanded to be supplied with ' two barells of
powder, 12 canes of mach, som candells, and the Kinges coulers '.
He was asked for his commission. ' He drew his cuttan - and tould
hime there was his commishtion : and if he had nott those things
within a glase that he would be aboard of him.' The things were
sent ; whereupon Mucknell returned one of the powder barrels, with
some olives and sweetmeats. Thus they parted, being then in the
latitude of 16° S. On reaching St. Helena, a letter was found that
had been left there by the Mary, announcing that she ^ was gon for
Asention to turtell '. While riding at St. Helena, Mucknell was told
that three men were conspiring ' to cutt hime and his partie of and
soe a brought the ship into the Downes againe'. Thereupon he
sent ashore for one of them, William Poynter, and on his coming
abord ' seasede [i.e. fastened] his hands to the maine halerds and
caused one of the blackes to cutt of one of his eares ' ; and this he
did without examining Poynter as to the truth of the report. Next
Mucknell sent for the other two, and would have treated them in
^ Weighing in the hand.
2 Sword (Japanese ka(ana).
FOSTER VII R
242 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
a similar fashion, had not so many of the crew begged him on their
knees to be content with leaving the offenders ashore. ' He answered
them never a worde ; butt went into the roundhouse and tooke
a pistole that was charged with a brase of buletts in itt and fired itt
att his owne brest ; and itt would nott goe of and, as he was
a cockinge of itt againe, Edward Owen brack into the roundhouse
and stayed his hand, or ells hee had kilde himselfe. Att St. Helena
he left six English men and one Japane ^ and all the blacke women
and children ashore ; for his mind was changed that he wolde nott
goe soe far to the westward as St. Kitts.' The wind holding to the
eastward, they could not fetch Fayal, and so they came on to
England without meeting a sail after leaving Ascension. Mucknell
had intended to make for Falmouth, but the wind was SSE. and
they could not weather Scilly. No one would undertake to pilot
the ship to Bristol, and during the night she drove between Lundy
Island and the mainland without seeing the shore. By the next
morning they were off Barnstaple Bay ; * then we had one that did
undertake to carrie the ship within the Holmens^.' That night
(January 15) they anchored against ' Hartlie Poyntt ', out of command
of the fort ; and Mucknell sent Edward Owen and the boat's crew
ashore for news. They were detained on shore that night, it being
thought that the John must have been forced in by foul weather.
Next day Captain Salter came aboard and carried the ship into
* Kinroade ^ '. Mucknell sent word to Sir John Pennington * that,
if he had not such quarter for his men as he had promised them, he
would blow up the ship. Sir John replied that the men should
have what had been promised them ; and he sent the King's broad
seal aboard to show his authority. Brewster heard Mucknell say
that he would have a free pardon in the King's own hand for what
he had done. When he went on shore he instructed his mate,
Howard, to let nothing be removed from the ship till he heard from
him. Seven guns were fired on his leaving the vessel ; and that
night he went to Bristol. What entertainment he had there Brew-
1 Called a Chinaman on p. 264. According to O.C. 1934 he was really a 'China
mestizo' (half-caste). He, the six Englishmen, five black women, and nine children were
brought on to England by the Dolphin and Crispiana (see p. 260).
^ Flat Holme and Steep Holme, two small islands at the mouth of the Severn.
^ King Road, at the mouth of the Avon.
^ The royalist admiral. *
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 243
ster cannot tell, as he himself left that city early next morning.
[Appended are the names of thirteen men who were confederates of
Miicknell in his plot. 6^ pp. in all)
Declaration by Henry Garry at Surat, February 20,
1645 {0,C. 1918).!
Thinks it advisable to place on record his account of what hap-
pened on board the John, with especial reference to the charges
made against him by Knipe, which he answered a week ago before
the President and Council here. Until they parted company with
the Crispiana^ Mucknell's behaviour gave no cause for complaint ;
but from that time onwards a change took place in his demeanour,
probably owing to the disputes that occurred between him and
Knipe. Relates instances of the latter's unkind and arrogant treat-
ment both of himself and of Mucknell, to the great grief of both.
The master showed great dejection, saying that *he would rather
dye then endure such chubbings ' \see p. 64]. Account of events
at Mozambique and the embarkation of the Portuguese, which
brought on further disputes as to the payment of the passage money.
Another quarrel led to Knipe's threatening publicly to send to Surat
for other ships, and to his saying that he would not make a further
voyage in the John while Mucknell commanded her. Proceedings
at Johanna. Garry was sick on August 29, ' the appointed day for
peace', and would have remained on board had not the master sent
for him. Mucknell got away on the pretext of looking after the
cooper, who had come ashore to fight a duel. On finding them-
selves deserted, they elected Knipe as their commander ; and while
going back to the town to look for lodgings, they met Richard
Clark and John Pearce, whom Mucknell had sent on shore with the
Portuguese passengers. Garry blamed Knipe for quarrelling with
the master ; whereupon he replied that, had he known Mucknell
was such a rogue, he would have behaved differently. Knipe said
moreover that it had been his intention, if he found the Crispiana
at Johanna, to transfer to her the goods and money in the John ;
• speakeing likewise of the brave voyage that hee intended to have
made to China.' Knipe also showed some uneasiness lest Mucknell
^ Copies will be found among the O.C. Duplicates and Triplicates.
R 2
244 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
should proceed to Surat and lay complaints against him. On Sep-
tember 1 1 the Portuguese departed, carrying letters to be forwarded
to the Company. Eight days later a sail was seen, which all hoped
would prove to be the John returning ; and Knipe expressed his
willingness in that case to forget the past. However, it turned out
next day that the vessel was the Thomas and Joht^ which had met
with Mucknell's ship and now brought a letter from him. From
the time the party embarked in the Thomas and John, Knipe began
to vilify Garry, striving to make him odious to the rest. William
Tomblings died October 8, and Henry Flanner on the 27th of the
same month. Three days later Knipe called upon the rest to sign
a document he had drawn up, and they did so. Garry and others
attempted to read it, but were induced by Isaacson to forbear, he
assuring them that it was identical with a paper they had signed at
Johanna. This afterwards led Garry to fear that there was some
trickery involved. On November 3 they reached the coast of
Arabia near a town called * Herig ' [Haraik ?], but could get nothing
there, and were directed to Kishin Bay, where they bought a supply
of water. On November 30 William Earl died. A Dutch ship was
found at anchor on December 13, and next day they went on board
her; she sailed on the i6th, and reached Swally on January 26.
Garry has since discovered that his suspicion was correct and that
the narrative he was induced to sign had been altered by Knipe
from the form originally agreed upon. (i4§ pp.)
Edward Knife's Answer to Garry's Declaration, Surat,
March ii, 1645 {O.C, 1920).^
As Garry's ' brainesick story ' contradicts the previous joint
report signed by every man left ashore (himself included), and as
moreover ' he cannot find any of his delinquent party so much
Knight of the Post ^ as himselfe to confirme any whitt of his rible-
rable ', Knipe cannot imagine * why his prittle-prattle shold be
minded ' ; since, however, the President and Council desire him to
reply he will deal with ' what (in his Irish Italianated language) my
capacity can make sense of.' He maintains, and is ready to prove,
that it was Garry who revealed to Mucknell what Knipe had
* A copy will be found among the O.C. Duplicates.
* An old term for one who gained a livelihood by giving false evidervce.
THE ENGLISH FACTORH^:S 245
privately said to the other factors as to his intentions of securing
the Company's estate on the reaching India. 'And for the
affronts put uppon Mr. Garry (as he is pleas'd to terme them) I
confess that whilst Mr. Bailey, my selfe, and others weare civilly in
discource, he wold often fly out into such bawling manner of sing-
inge, with many other foolish and ridiculous antique postures, to
the disturbance of our society ; insomuch that I checkt him for it,
and withall acquainted him that manner of carriage did rather
become a fidler then a merchant ; uppon which, it seemes, he tooke
such snuff that he hath not yett blowne it out.' As for any unkind-
ness shown by him to Mucknell, Knipe appeals, not only to the
testimony of others, but also to the evidence of a previous letter [sei:
p. 194] which Garry himself signed. *, Though the latter was named
by the Company in the commission for the voyage, yet the Governor
himself told Knipe that this was done ' for no other respect then
mortallity sake ' ; it seems, however, to have given Garry the idea
that he was not sent out as an ordinary factor, thus increasing his
' extraordinary conceipt and opinion of him selfe '. Admits that he
warned Hunt and Burnell against playing for money, but denies
that he said that Garry had cheated them at cards. The allegation
that Knipe's unkindness moved Mucknell to tears was borrowed
from Tyrrell ; such behaviour was not uncommon with the master
when he was ' mawdlin drunck ', and he has often on such occasions
* fallen into straing raptures, saying why might not he com to be
Lord Admirall of England, with aboundance of such idle foolish
exprescions '. The responsibility for the separation of the two
ships rests with Bay ley, whom the Company had placed in charge
of both. Garry's account of the proceedings thereon is false in
m any particulars. Admits that he spoke sharply to Garry on one
occasion, when the latter disparaged London, ' saying it did more
abownd with whores then Venice, and many other disgracefull
speeches used concerning cittizens wives ' ; but it is not true that he
called him ' sonn of a curtizan '. However, ' as I spoake nothinge
in prejudice of his birth, so will I say as little in defence of it ; be-
cause the party in England that told me he was borne in Venice,
his father an Irishman, his mother a Venetian \ did not acquaint
' This identifies Garry with the Captain Henry Garry or Gary who was Governor of
Bombay (for the Crown) from May, 1667, to September, 1668, when the island was handed
345 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
me they weare lawfully marryed ; and nothing makes me more
suspect his legitimacie then excepcion taken when no cause given,
because the proverb saith : A galled horse will soone winch ^'
Knipe narrates some trifling disagreements he had with Mucknell,
but denies many of Garry's assertions concerning them. Explains
his reference to demanding another ship from Surat. Accuses
Garry of incensing Mucknell against him, by reporting, in an aggra-
vated form, various expressions he had used. The master was so
enraged that one night he came creeping to the cabin door, with
the intention, as Knipe believes, of murdering him in his sleep, had
the door been (as usual) unfastened. Mucknell, when seeking re-
conciliation, promised to tell Knipe something which would make
one whom he took for a friend ashamed ; and this points clearly to
Garry. Pearce is ready to testify that the latter told the master
that ' there was no hopes of reconsiliacion ; and who can tell whether
that was the chiefe cause or not that made Mucknell runn into
desperacion ? ' Controverts Garry's account of what was said at
Johanna. Declares that the two papers signed, the one at Johanna
and the other later, differed only in the wording, as now explained
in detail. The fact that Garry signed without objection the general
narrative should prevent much credit being given to his subsequent
contradictions. His great intimacy with Mucknell leads to a
suspicion that he knew of the latter's designs. Knipe cannot tell
whether the two plotted to poison him (' according to the Itallian
manner'); but, on pretence of killing rats, the master 'was earnest
with Mr. Low for poyson '. As for Garry's veracity, written testi-
mony is produced of his having forsworn himself, and of his having
brought false charges against divers men. Garry's insinuations
against others are also refuted. Annexed-. — Written testimonies
over to the Company's representatives. Fryer, who voyaged with him from Goa to Karwai ,
says of him : — * He is a person of a mercurial brain, a better merchant than soldier, is skill'd
in most of the languages of the country, and is now writing a piece in Arabick, which he
dedicates to the Viceroy, with whom he is in great esteem. He lived at Achein, and was
created a noble by that Queen : was bom a Venetian, but of English parents : by which
means he understands Italian, Portugueze, and Latin perfectly, and is an accomplished
courtier' {New Account, p. 157).
Garry was elected a factor on December 8, 1643 (see Court Minutes of tht East India
Company, 1640-43, p. 367).
* This saying (made familiar by Hamlet^ appears in a letter of Kerridge's ixfiva Surat in
August, 1616, under the form of ' A galled jade will winch.'
I
THE ENGLISH FACTORn^:S 247
by Isaacson, Hunt, Burncll, and others, in support of Knipe's state-
ments. [In all 18J pp)
Thomas Merry at Surat to [one of the Committees in
London?], March 23, 1645 [O.C. 1921).
Explains why he has not answered earlier his correspondent's two
letters. His wishes regarding his rhubarb detained by the Company.
Has learnt with regret the disturbance caused by the civil war to
the trade of the Company, but trusts that these troubles will soon
come to an end. Courteen's interference has much injured the
trade here ; however, his affairs are in a bad way and it is likely
that * his action will extinguish of itself '. The Company's credit
here has suffered by the loss of the JoJin, the uncertainty as to the
fate of the Discovery, Sic, but has been revived to some extent by
the success of the China and Manilla ventures and of the local
trade. They are much hampered by the heavy debt, and also by
the want of small vessels to replace those worn out. Factors also
needed ; for want of them too much has been entrusted to others^
to the Company's loss. These views might be communicated to
Messrs. Burnell ^ and Methwold, who will doubtless assist the
Governor to devise remedies. Refers to his private dealings with
Thomas Skinner \ Trusts that news will be received of the safety
of the Discovery. All the shipping employed last year from Surat
in voyages in these seas have safely returned to port. PS. — Sends
salutations to Methwold and apologizes for not writing to him.
(4 pp. Much damaged)
President Breton and Messrs. Merry, Knipe, Thurston,
and Fitch at Swally Marine to the Company, March
31, 1645 (p.C. 1922).
Refer to previous letters sent by the Dolphin and Crispiana,
which sailed on November 28 and January 3 respectively. Now
write by ' land conveighance ' to advise what has happened since.
^ Thomas Bumell, one of the Committees. Methwold was Deputy-Governor.
' Secretary to the Merchant Adventurers. There are several references in the Court
Minutes to his receiving money and goods on behalf of Merry.
248 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
The Hart returned from ' Scinda ' on January 15, bringing with her
the Francis ; * wherein the Mallabars mallice was happily prevented,
who, had the Francis bine alone, would undoubtedly have assaulted
her, they encountering neare unto Due Head 16 sayle, which came
within shott of them, and [it] being calme continued surrounding
them the space of six howres, but proceeded not to any further
attempt. Soe that (the Almighty be praysed) wee received in
safety from Bussora 61,902 r[ials] of eight, the product of such
goods as were there disposed of, besides 4,000 r[ials] left by our
directions with Mr. Spiller at Scinda ; which voyage hath produced
unto you neare upon 70,000 m[ahmudi]s gaines, customes and all
other concomitant charges discompted ; which encouraged us againe
to provide for continuance of that trade.' On January 25 the
Hopewell returned from her coasting voyage, bringing a lading of
' catches ' from Ceylon, cinnamon from Goa, pepper from Rajapur,
and some cardamoms, cotton yarn, and gunny. It was then deter-
mined to send her to Mokha, ' and to that purpose wee caused her
the 5th February to be grounded upon Swally Sands, with an
intent to chenam ^ her, as wee had lately done the Supply ^ it being
an extraordinary preservative against the worme ' ; but the weather
turning bad, she was so beaten against the sands that she became
leaky. She was taken, therefore, into Surat River and examined,
with the result that she was declared to be ' defective in hold '.
During the next rains she will be thoroughly repaired, if the carpen-
ters consider that the result will be worth the expense. In her
voyage down the coast she had a skirmish on November 20 with a
fleet of Malabar boats, and four days later captured one containing
a few things of small value. On January 28 the Hart sailed for
Bantam and the Supply for Persia, the former carrying goods to the
value of 181,217 mahmudls, and the latter a cargo worth 50,618
mahmudis, besides freight goods producing 15,666 mahmudls. By
the Dutch Wezel^ which arrived here on the 14th current, advice was
received that the Stipply had reached Gombroon on February 19.
^ Mr. T. Avery, Chief Constructor at the Bombay Dockyard, has obligingly informed
me that the practice of daubing chtcnam or lime on the bottoms of wooden vessels is still
in general use on the western coast. The lime is mixed with gingelly oil and gum sun-
darac, and then smeared thinly over the planks. * It hardens well in a day and becomes
ultimately like stone ; thereby preventing the toredo navalis getting at the wood and boring
holes in it.' '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 249
The Dutch Valkcnhirg anchored here on January 28 and to the
general amazement brought Knipe, Isaacson, and nineteen others
belonging to the John, Refer to the enclosed papers narrating
Mucknell's villany in running away with that ship. Knipe has
since brought charges against Garry, Tyrrell, Wheatley, and Clark
who, after examination, have been suspended and will be returned
to England by the next ship. Knipe is going to Agra to take
charge there, accompanied by Burnell ; Tash, on being relieved, will
return to his former post at Ahmadabad. Isaacson is now on board
the Hind^ while the seamen have been assigned to various ships.
Caldeira, the Portuguese who embarked at Mozambique in the John,
pretended at Johanna that his losses amounted to 17,000 rupees ; and
since then a claim has come to hand from the Goa Viceroy for 20,854
xerafins received by the said Caldeira in Mozambique. An answer
was returned which w^ill, they hope, satisfy the Viceroy, though not,
perhaps, the claimants ; and, according to promise, they now send
home the documents received, in case the John be recaptured.
* Wee cannot in words express how prejuditiall the yohn\^ loss hath
been to your affaires in these parts, besides what you loose by and
upon her ; your creditts, which untill the newes thereof continued
reasonable good, in expectation of large supplyes by her, being at
that very instant totally ruined, in soe much that neither in Surrait
nor Ahmudabad for many dayes could wee procure 100 rupees ;
which much retarded the Bussora investment and enforced us, with
unparraleld patience and no less shame, to submit unto the continued
exclamations of those wee were endebted unto by exchange, having
noe meanes left us to give them satisfaction. Many of our creditors,
unto whome wee were also engaged at interest, required (as they still
continue to doe) theire monies. Virgee Vora also begins to appcare
very doubtfuU of us ; all of them directly or by consequensc letting
us understand that theire expectations (pardon, wee entrcatc, the
expression, being it is not ours) have been so long deluded that they
will no longer trust us ; which in theire accions they make good,
for indeede noe sooner doe any monies arrive from any parts but,
before wee can gett them coyned,they throng to share it. Indeede,
our predicament was much worse then these lines can represent unto
you, untill it pleased the Almighty the 4th current to releive us by
bringing in safety the Hindc from Maccaw and Seahorse from the
350 TPIE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Manielies ^ ; whose voyages (praysed be God) have proved reason-
able prosperous, although short of our expectations. However, this
benefitt wee have already found that our clamorous creditors are
thereby something pacified, peradventure in hopes of payment ; but
whether they will soe continue when they receive not satisfaction,
wee are as doubtfuU as wee are fearefull that this theame may prove
displeasing unto you.' Could not, however, in duty refrain from
representing their need of funds. * By the books of accompts
received of the China voyage, wee finde the reprizall monies taken
from the Mallabars encreased to 6,9:26 r[ials], which helped well to
defray the excessive charges of Maccaw ; whither your ship Hinde,
haveing accompanied the Seahorse neare unto the Manielies, prose-
cuting her voyage without [the ?] sholdes, arrived the 7th August ;
where Mr. Thurston &c. received respective enterteinement from
the Portugalls at theire first landing, but afterwards were by them
and the Chinezes injuriously exacted upon, and that principally in
measuring the ship, for which they paid 3,500 r[ials], whereas there
due in reason should not have been above 800 r[ials], nor so much
in proportion to the London, which paid but 1,400. But that which
rendered the voyage much less proffitable then it might have proved
is the extreame poverty of the place, not appearing the same it
was at the Londons being there ; rendered soe by the loss of theire
former trades to Japon and the Manielies ; the former of which they
lately attempted to recover by sending a pynnace into those parts,
but had theire people which voyaged thither all cutt off. And now
lately (which makes them more miserable) China is wholly imbroyled
in warrs. One of the cheife mandereens, being risen in rebellion, is
growne soe powerfull that he possesseth a greate part of the king-
dome and is likely to be owner of it all ; the King, after he had slaine
[his] wife and two of his childeren, haveing hanged himselfe, for feare
of falling into his hands ^ ; which disturbances, with the Portugalls
poverty, have left Macchaw destitute of all sorts of comodities, there
not being to be bought in the citty either silkes raw or wrought, China
rootes (other then what were old and rotten), nor indeed anything
' See the Dagh- Register, 1644-45 (p. 244) for the arrival of these vessels and a brief
account of their experiences.
2 This refers to the rebellion of Li Tsze-cheng against Tsung-cheng, the last Emperor of
the Ming dynasty. Li succeeded in capturing Peking, whereupon the Emperor commitled
suicide in despair.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 251
but China ware, which is the bulkc of the Hinds lading, the rest being
brought in gold. Nor could anything at all, dureing the shipps
stay there, be procured from Cantam [Canton]. However, wee doubt
not but by her returne to double the principall of what sent from
hence.' The Manilla letter will relate ' what unexpected difficulties
your servants imployed thither encountered in theire enterteinement,
occasioned in part by the interregnum which happened just at theire
arrivall in the change of governours. Also what jealousies and sus-
pitions were enterteyned of them ; [which] with patience and indus-
try haveing vanquished, they were afterwards with exceeding greate
courtesy received ; and soe continue there resident, that Govemour
(whose letters unto us accompanies these) haveing sent upon the
Seahorse one Captain Chaloan, a Fleming by nation, to treate with
us about supplying that place with iron and saltpeeter, whereof they
are in exceeding greate want ; and if wee could therein comply with
his desires, wee might obteine from them what lyberties and privi-
ledges wee please, and thereby settle unto you the most proffitable
trade that you ever yet in any parts enjoyed ; the place being
nothing inferiour for proffitt unto what wee formerly heard and re-
lated unto you. But it will be impossible unto us to furnish them
with the prementioned species, such vigilant ^y^s have the Dutch
over our accions ; and without that, wee feare they will not desire
our returne thither more then this voyage. And although the bussi-
ness might possibly be effected through the Streights of Sunda
[and] that the proffitt which those species might produce, and other
conveniencies which infallibly would accrew thereby, are powerfull
inducements to invite us to its undertaking, yet without your possi-
tive order will wee not hazard your shipping and meanes to so emi-
nent a danger, but rather propound unto you the obteyning from
the King of Spaine his consent and lysence for an open and free
comerce betwixt us. In the interim wee shall not be wanting on
our parts by befitting insinuations, if possible wee may, to procure
continuance of this new begun correspondency. The cure of this
country cloathing with cange [Tamil ka7iji\ox rice water, dislikes
those people ; and yet Mr. Pearce &c. advize they doubt not to
double the principall, all charges discounted, for what wee sent upon
the Seahorse' The cargo intended to be dispatched thither this
year is shown in the enclosed list. Were the trade constant, they
252 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
are confident they could prepare a yearly consignment that would
treble its cost. Should the Spanish King's licence be procured, the
Company must send out two or three good ships of 300 tons or up-
wards, of good strength. The Seahorse brought back from Manilla
rials, bullion, and sappanwood to the value of 29,522 rials of eight ;
' the bulloin the finest that ever yet [was] scene in these parts, and
indeede so fine that wee shall be enforced to melt it and mix it with
the r[ials] to make it of a fitt alloi for these sheroffs, who will not
exceede a rupee the tola in price. The sappon wood will here
yeild three limes its cost ' ; while Manilla sugar (of which only
samples were received) will give cent, per cent, profit. Forward two
packets from the Governor of Manilla for transmission to the King
of Spain. As the Hopezvell was found unfit for the service, the Hind
and Francis were on March 26 dispeeded to Mokha, carrying (besides
freight goods) a cargo costing 224,877 mahmudls. George Oxenden
is chief and Joseph Cross second ; while Rymell, Hunt, and Good-
year have been sent as assistants. ' The Hinde from Mocha wee
have designed to sayle unto Tuttacoreen, whither Mr. Oxenden is
enordered to send upon her 15,000 r[ials] of eight, which against her
arrivall wee hope to have invested in catches (a sort of cloth very
vendible in the Manielaes and all parts), cinamon, and pepper ; wee
intending to send thither Bennidas, your broker (who the passed
yeare was employed att Raybag), to make provision of the same.
The Francis wee would willingly should have voyaged to Sauakann
[Suakin] to have experimented those marketts, which are said since
enterance of a new Bashaw to be very good ; but her late departure
hath declyned for this yeare these resolutions. Soe that she is ap-
pointed to attend Mr. Oxendens &c. commands in Mocha Road, to
bring them back with the returne of the cargazoones proceede and
such druggs, mirh, allois, and olibanum as wee have directed them
to buy against your next shipps returne for England. However,
wee have enordered your factours to informe themselves well touch-
ing that trade ; that, if it prove answerable to report, wee may send
thither the ensueing yeare. The Seahorse being now full laden for
Bussora, here yet remaineth large quantities of goods for your
accompt proper for that place ; whereat you may happily wonder,
findeing that wee have enterteyned 38 bales of freight goods; which
wee professe and intreate you to beleive was much contrary 'to our
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 253
desires ; but this Governour (lately arrived ^) would not be den^'ed
transport of the Kings goods, in regard former Governours have
been gratified in the like nature. The rest belong unto Virgec Vora
and other our eminent creditours whome wee may not displease; this
being the least of many inconveniencies which frequently wee experi-
ment attends our being soe deepely engaged.' Enclose an abstract
of her cargo, which is consigned to Robert Cranmer as chief, Revett
Walwyn as second, and Thomas Cogan and William Weale as assis-
tants, with ' Suncker ' as broker. Cranmer last year gave ample
testimony of his ability and carefulness ; so they have every confi-
dence in his management. A letter received from Masulipatam on
February 28 advised that the Endeavour reached that port from the
Bay on November 23 last, ' and was againe dispeeded from [? for]
Madraspatam the 23 December, with a carga[zoon] from that place
importing 7,458 pagodes, besides wee know not what goods pro-
vided by Browne at Jenjerlee \see p. 206] (whereof Mr. Penniston
could gett noe invoice nor accompt) and others brought from the
Bay by Mr. Hatch '. Brown and Hatch embarked on her. Later
letters from Madraspatam state that she passed by that place with-
out stopping ; but this is explained by letters from Gombroon, an-
nouncing her arrival there and saying that she had found it impos-
sible to touch at Madraspatam owing to foul weather ; Hatch and
the rest had therefore been landed at * Ponte de Galle ' in Ceylon,
to make their way thence to the Coast. The Supply and Endeavour
are hourly expected from Gombroon, and the latter will probably
then be sent to Basra with the goods left behind by the Seahorse.
The Supply it is proposed to dispatch to Achin and Manilla. No
goods will be sent to the former place, but Turner will be left on
shore ' to cleare that bussiness' ; and on her way back from Manilla
the Supply will take in at Achin the produce of the stock now there.
As she will probably then be very rich, either a ship will be sent to
meet her and protect her from the Malabars, or else she will be
ordered to go direct to Gombroon and so get back to Surat by
about March 20. The pinnace Seajlo^vcr arrived at Masulipatam
* We owe to the Dutch records (^Dagh- Register^ 1644-45, p. 245) the intelligence that
a new governor, by name ' Miersia Amijna ' [Mirza Amin ?], reached Surat in February,
1645 ; also that Shah Jahan had appointed his third son (Aurangzlb) to be Viceroy of
Gujarat, Surat excepted.
254 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
from Bantam on January 6, having lost her voyage through bad
weather. It was decided that it was too late for her to go on
to the Bay of Bengal, and so on January 1 8 she sailed for Madras-
patam, where she will remain until the end of April, and then
return to Bantam.^ At Surat they hope to have a ship's lading for
England ready by next December. It will be very similar to the
cargo of the Crispiana^ with perhaps a larger quantity of cinnamon.
Agra calicoes are cheaper ; but the indigo, both of that place and
of Ahmadabad, is much increased in price.^ Tash has bought 500
bales of Agra indigo at from o^"] to 40 rupees per maund ; and they
have on hand here 69 bales of last year's purchases. In addition,
100 bales, which have been sent to Mokha, may possibly come back
unsold. At Ahmadabad the price is 23 and 25 rupees per bale, and
so they will not attempt to buy any. They have on hand a quantity
of Deccan pepper, and some tincal from Ahmadabad ; myrrh, aloes,
and olibanum they expect from Mokha. ' Ship William^ belonging
unto Mr. Courteene, arrived from China unto Goa the 5th Janu-
ary, haveing touched at Acheene and Columba upon Seilon in her
returne ^ ; and at Columba Mr. Blackman (as Lewis Ribero adviseth
us) had conference with Don Phillipo do Mascarenas, who is to suc-
ceede V[ice] Roy ; with whome he hath made a contract to bring
him shott and divers other things, to be repaid in cynamon, but wee
cannot yet learne at what prizes. Wee beleive he hath noe greate
reason to boast of his gaines in his Chyna voyage, his carga[zoon]
thither importing no more then 7,000/. starling, returned in 1,800
peculls suger, 1,000 peculls of tuttanager, 150 peculls of defective
Chyna rootes, 100 loaves of gold, 14 tubs Chyna ware, 5 peculls of
raw silke ; which must defray customes, the charges of his ship,
and 8,000 ryalls paid the Chynezes for her measuring and other
duties ; which unreasonable exactions of the Chynezes (wherein you
have shared deepely) were in revenge of the injuries they received
from Captain Weddall, as you may please to read in the Captain-
Generall of Maccau and Citty Councells letters ^ to the President
herewith sent you. Towards the beginning of this month Captain
1 Dagh-Register, 1644-45, pp. 344, 350.
^ See the Dagh-Register, 1644-45, p. 245.
2 Ibid., p. 283.
*■ Copies of these letters (in Portuguese) form O.C, 1S96, 1S97. »
THE ENGLISH FACTORH^S
'00
Blackman was in Goa Road, makeing sale of his suger and other
goods, intending with his gold to discharge his ingagements in
Rajapore (for monies taken up at his departure for Chyna) ; where
it is said the William and Thomas and JoJni shall lade saltpceter,
pepper, and turmcrick, and soe sometime in Aprill sett sayle for
England ; but wee cannot easily creditt that part of the story touch-
ing the Thomas and Johns returne, they being already indebted in
Raybag &c. upwards of 20,000 pag[odas] ^ and are fallen into soe
much discreditt by the arrival 1 of the Loyalty and Thomas and
John without meanes that they cannot upon trust procure any
goods ; nor, when Mr. Durston tendered his ship to freight for
Gombroone at Rajapore, although there were many merchants, not
any of them would entrust theire estates on board him, soe jelous
and doubtfull are people gennerally of them. Indeede, theire predica-
ment is such that wee dare not this yeare (as wee did the passed)
send to make any investment in Raybag or those parts of Decan,
though goods are procurable at very easy rates, for feare your
estates should be ceized on to satisfie theire engagements. In tran-
script of a letter ^ (lately received from Lewis Ribero) herewith sent,
you may please to take notice of a protest ' Mr. Farren &c. have
made in Goa against wee know not whome, touching the Mallabar
jounke which the Hindc^ Supply, and Seahorse fyred the passed
yeare goeing downe the coast ; which protest they intend to remitt
unto England upon the William ; whereunto wee conceive wee shall
not neede to send any other reply then the said letter, which exhib-
bitts the unreasonableness and unjustness of theire pretence. The
Dutch only florish in these parts ; who are furnished with large sup-
plies of goods and monies at pleasure to purchase what they desire ;
which hath this yeare been encreased by the returne of what theire
goods sold in Persia produced ; hither in monies they haveing drawne
from thence as much of theire estate as they could, on purpose to put
in practice theire designe against Ormos ; whither they are lately from
Ceilon gon with ten sayle of shipps, which carry (besides seamen)
1,500 souldiers, and in each ship a frigatt ready to sett up ; com-
manded by Cornelius Bloocq, who intends first to fortifie upon Kish-
^ The Dagh- Register, 1644-45 (p* 305)» says 14,000 to 15,000.
^ A certified copy of this letter (in Portnguese) forms O.C. 1919.
' See a note on p. 236.
2,^6 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
mee and then doubts not at pleasure to possess Ormoos. Nor is
there any great question to be made thereof, it being very meanely
provided ; soe that what will become of your long since declyning
proportion of customes for the future wee may easily imagine,
although wee know noe right they have thereunto, notwithstanding
they gaine the place. However, it shall not be lost for want of
requireing ; and if wee cannot by that meanes obteyne your right,
wee shall protest against them, and soe leave the business referred
to your farther resolutions. In the interim wee have enordered
Mr. Pitts &c., when the King and Ettomon Dowletts passions shall
be over for the loss of the place to treat with them that wee may
have a continued residence and free trade in theire country ; wherein
wee doubt not but they will readily gratifie them, and then, whilest
the Dutch enforce all sorts of Moores shipping unto Ormoos and
endeavour to make that the mart as formerly, wee, in transporting
your goods imediately unto some port of theires within the Gulfe,
doubt not to obteine unto you a very proffitable trade.' PS. — The
Hopewell has now been pronounced past repair ^ [l\PP^)
President Breton and Messrs. Merry, Knife, and Thur-
ston [at Swally Marine] to the Company, [March 31, 1645]
[O.C, 1923).
Have already intimated in the general letter their views on the
Manilla trade, but now desire to suggest in a more private manner
that, if the Company decide to follow up the matter and can obtain
the King of Spain's assent, a small vessel should be sent thither
direct from England, by way of the Sunda Straits. Though no
great profit would be obtained on the iron and gunpowder, the
obligation would be such that ' other important conveniencies '
might issue therefrom. As an alternative, since iron and saltpetre
are much cheaper in India than in England, a vessel might be sent
from Surat to Manilla with such secrecy that the Dutch would not
know of it in time to intercept her. Something of the kind is
* See a note to this effect, signed by Bartholomew Austin and John Privett, under O.C.
1927.
' O.C. 1926 is a copy of the list of packets dispatched with this letter. It contains
nothing worthy of special notice. »
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 257
necessary, if the trade is to be maintained, for the Spaniards will
expect to 'have their occations accommodated.' ^ (i A)
President Breton and Council at Swally Marine to
William Pitt, etc., at Gombroon, March 31, 1645 (O.C 1924).^
Since writing on February 5 (' by Hadgee Zahads jounke the
Mahimidy')^ they have received three letters from Gombroon by
three Dutch vessels. Commend their prudence in refusing to accept
the unreasonable farman ' touching the customes ' offered them by
the Itimad-uddaula. The Dutch scheme they mention for attacking
Ormus is now being put into execution, a fleet of ten sail having
been dispeeded with 15,000 \sic in both copies] soldiers and a double
proportion of seamen. They carry with them frigates ready to be
set up on arrival ; also materials for fortifying on Kishm. No doubt
the Dutch will succeed, and this will put an end to the factors' nego-
tiations for further farmans. Have no intention, however, of for-
going the Company's claim to share the customs, and so the factors
must protest against the Dutch for any damages resulting from the
action of the latter. It will then be necessary for Pitt and the rest
to repair to Ispahan, ' to acquit the Company and yourselves of
haveing any notice or knowledge of theire designes, and to answere
all invectives and reproaches which Ettamon Dowlatt &c. in theire
passions will be ready to express, laying the blame upon us ; who
will undoubtedly pretend that, had wee not been obliged to defend
the port, themselves would have taken more care for its security ;
but that will be easily answered, whilest they are not ignorant how
they have enfringed theire contract, and how impossible it was,
with that poore pittance of customes they pleased to allow the
Company, that they should mainteyne any competent force for the
same ; whereas, had they dealt equally with us and suffered us to
have had men in garrison according to contract, the Dutch would
not have dared the undertaking thereof.' The factors may then
represent that the Company is desirous of continuing friendly
relations with Persia, and that, if granted the same immunities as
before from customs duties, ' wee shall continue to frequent theire
1 Attached to O.C. 1925 is a short extract from a private letter to Methwold, referring
to this letter and urging the expediency of a further voyage to Manilla*
2 There is a second copy among the O.C. Duplicates,
FOSTER VII S
258 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
ports '. Should Gombroon be ruined by the Dutch (as is likely),
' then our shipping shall fraequent Rashear ^, or some other port that
shall be thought most fitting, up higher in the Gulfe.' In the event
of the factors finding, on their return to Gombroon, the Dutch in
possession of Ormus, a written demand should be made upon them
for * the moiety of customes and castle ' ; and, failing satisfaction,
a protest should be recorded. Rejoice that the English merchants
escaped, when the Dutch and others suffered, in *Gombroones
disasters by the earthquake*. The goods received in the Wezel
have been sent to Mokha. Movements of shipping. (Copy. 1 pp.)
Henry Garry at Surat to the Company, March 31, 1645
{O.C. 1925).
Relates briefly the betrayal of the Johit and the subsequent
experiences of those left ashore by Mucknell at Johanna. On their
reaching Surat, Garry was charged by Knipe with being confederate
with Mucknell ; whereupon he was imprisoned on board the Hope-
well for fourteen days and afterwards at Surat. Protests his
innocence and begs that judgement may be suspended until he has
been heard in self-defence. Meanwhile he has answered in writing
the accusations made against him and has shown that his * chiefe
accuser hath bene the greatest occationer of this prejudice to Your
Worships '. Tyrrell, Wheatley, and Clark have been similarly
attacked, but the accusers are men who have sinister ends of their
own. (ij pp. Received via Aleppo^ November 24, 1645.)
Adam Bowen ^ at Deal to the President and Council at
Surat, April i, 1645 (Factory Records^ Miscellaneous, vol. xxiv.
P- ^3)*
Has been directed to advise them that there are aboard the Eagle
four pieces of brass ordnance, which they are at liberty to sell to the
Portuguese ; ' but lett it be done with as much secrecy as may bee.*
^ Reshire, close to Bushire. The Portuguese at one time had a fort there, but lost it
after the capture of Ormus ; to-day there is only an insignificant village on the site.
"^ He was employed by the Company as writer and * register* of letters to foreign parts
and keeper of the calico warehouse, and had been sent to see the coral and money put
aboard the outgoing ships in the Downs (see Court Minutes of the East India Company y
J 644-49, P- 79)-
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 259
Warns them that a quantity of coral belonging to private traders
has been smuggled aboard the Eagle in the Downs ; this should be
seized upon arrival at Surat, and the owners' names notified to the
Company. {Copy. 2 //.)
Edv^ard Knipe at Surat to the Company, April 2, 1645
{O.C. 1928).
Trusts that no credence will be given to any accusations against
him. So far from quarrelling with Mucknell, he did his best to
avoid giving him offence, and it was only in private that he remon-
strated with him on his drunkenness and evil behaviour. Bayley
promised that the Crispiana should wait for the JoJm at Johanna
until August 26, and had he kept his word Mucknell would not
have had an opportunity of carrying out his design. Refers to the
accompanying papers for his disputes with Garry and others.
Since he has been prevented from serving the Company in the
manner intended, he has placed himself at the disposal of the Presi-
dent and Council ; and ' Agra being in a manner destitute, by reason
of Mr. Turners being called downe (Mr. Tash only supplying his
vacancy), thai imployment being proffer'd mee, I willingly em-
braced'. Though his contract was only to stay one year in the
country, he now proposes to remain longer, in order to do the
Company acceptable service. Assures them that, however ' lyable
(as well as the meanest) to imperfection of judgement ', his sole aim
has been their benefit. PS. — When he wrote his answer to Garry,
he was not aware that it would be sent home, and now he has no
time to re-write it in a style more suitable ' for veiw of so grave an
assembly ' ; craves their pardon, therefore, for its imperfections in
this respect. (3 //.)
[William Fremlen and John Proud?] on board the
Dolphin Ki St. Helena to the Company, April 14, 1645 ((9.r.
1929).
Narrate their former disastrous voyage as far as Mauritius, their
meeting with the Hopeivell, and their proceeding with her to St.
Augustine's Bay. There they found letters left by the Endeavour,
giving an account of her taking off the survivors of Courteen's
William and four Frenchmen who had come across Madagascar
S 2
26o THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
from a French settlement on the east coast ; also of the wreck of
the Dutch ship Maurituis Island at the Cape. Voyage of the
Dolphin and Hopewell to Joanna, and thence, in company with the
Crispiana^ to Swally. There the Dolphin was emptied, her goods
dried and repacked, and her hull repaired. She sailed once more
for England on November 29, 1644, and reached the Comoros on
December 31. After w^atering, she departed on January 3, but
owing to contrary winds and calms did not sight Cape Agulhas
until February 16. Stormy weather forced her round the Cape
without being able to enter Table Bay ; whereupon it was resolved
to proceed to St. Helena, which was reached on March 11. There
they found at anchor the Dutch Orangia^ which had been driven
away from the Cape with the loss of three anchors. A messenger
sent on board for news of the English ships expected from Bantam
came back without any, but ' to our no less grief then amazement '
brought with him three of the crew of the John^ from whom was
obtained the enclosed narrative \fnissing\ of the ' miscarage ' of that
vessel. On March 12 another Dutch ship, the Malacca^ arrived,
having likewise been forced away from the Cape. Nine days later
came in three more, the Olifant^ Zeeland^ and Delft. These could
give no intelligence of the Discovery^ but related that three English
ships (afterwards found to have been the Sun^ Janies^ and Hester)
had passed the Cape, bound for Madagascar, ' to found a plantation '
there. On April 6 the Crispiana arrived from Surat, followed four
days later by the Dutch Haarlem and Banda. These brought news
that the Bantam ships might soon be expected ; whereupon it was
decided that the Dolphin and Crispiana should wait for them. The
seven Dutch ships, commanded by Paulus Croocq ('late Commandore
at Surratt '), are now about to sail, their departure having been
hastened by the Haarlem having been blown to sea last night.
This letter is sent by them.^ (Copy. 3 J //.)
1 The story is continued in O.C. 1931, which is a consultation held on board the Dolphin
on April 30, deciding to await the coming of the Bantam ships until May 8. A further
consultation was held on May 7, when it was decided to take on board * the English and
blacks left here by John Mucknell ' {O.C. 1934). The two ships reached England in July,
1645.
A letter in the Cape Town Monitor^ Sept. 3, 1855, refers to a rock inscription at
St. Helena which seems to relate to this visit of the Dolphin.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 261
Bartholomew Howard's ^ Account of the Betrayal of
THE John, April 28, 1645 [O.C. 1930).
At Mozambique there was *a grudging' between Knipe and
Mucknell, because the ship was detained there to so h'ttle purpose ;
and Mucknell further resented the large number of Portuguese
passengers (forty or more) brought on board against his will. As
soon as they were at sea, he demanded the immediate payment of
the money due for his cabin, but the Portuguese told him it would
be paid at Goa. To this the master refused to agree ; nor would
he accept Knipe's guarantee of the payment. Thereupon Garry
* brought the money to him, which likewise bred a hatred betweene
Mr. Knipe and hee '. Mucknell was further angered by receiving
a note from Knipe and the other factors, ordering him not to fail to
put into Johanna. At that place, however, there was a seeming
reconciliation, and Mucknell invited the merchants and others to
breakfast on shore. Ploward remained on board to see the water-
casks stowed in the hold^ and he was surprised when the master
came off and ordered him to call up the men. When they were all
on deck, Mucknell led them into the great cabin and addressed
them, declaring that his differences with Knipe had been mostly
for their sakes, and asking whether they would stand by him.
' They made answeare that they would soe farre as their lives would
goe. Why, saith hee, then I am for the King, and wee will goe for
the King home. They made answeare : Wee will spend our lives
for him. Then said hee : Those that are for the King and mee,
hold upp their hands ; which they did. Then hee tooke a cupp of
wyne and dranke to them the Kings health ; and soe bid every man
fetch a sword out of the gunne roome '. Howard remonstrated, but
was ordered with threats to his cabin. After the ship had set sail,
Mucknell told him * that hee was now captaine and I should bee
master ; but I told him I had rather remaine in the condition I was
' Howard was one of the master's mates of the John. He was imprisoned in the Poultry
Compter and was now endeavouring to convince the Company that he had been an unwill-
ing participator in Mucknell's crime. He appears to have been kept in prison until the
following November, when, as the sailors brought back from St. Helena gave testimony in
his favour, the Company decided to permit his release {Court Minutes, 1644-49, pp. 84,
no).
362 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
in before, and went downe againe. And some two dayes after hee
told mee that, if I would not consent and bee maister, hee would sett
mee ashoare on some island. Well then, said I, to save my life it
must bee soe; hee intending then to have gone for India to have
seene what hee could have gott, but after altered his resolution and
would goe for England.' They went straight to St. Helena, where
Howard spent several days hunting with the men, until recalled by
Mucknell, who declared that he had discovered a plot on board.
He cut off one man's ear and put him ashore, and would have served
others in the same way, but was persuaded to be satisfied with
landing them. The John then proceeded to Ascension and so for
England. Howard would have been glad to escape from Mucknell
at Bristol, but 'hee would needs have mee lodge in the house of
a strong Malignant, where hee alsoe lay himselfe*. By threats
Mucknell got him on board again, when the ship was ready to sail
on a fresh cruise ; but ' the next day morning, before hee was upp,
I gott on shoare and then made all the dispatch I could away, being
as fearfull of Sir John Pennington as of him, in regard I had received
a commission from him to goe out as leiutennant in the John'
Beseeches the Company to believe that this is the truth, and that
he acted only under compulsion. ' If I had not beene questioned
by the Committee of Parlyament, I would have come and committed
myselfe to Your Worshipps mercies.' (2 J //.)
Another account by Thomas Buckingham [April, 1645?]
{O.C. 1932).
Believes that Mucknell's reasons for acting as he did were the
following. ' The first was (as I have heard him say) hee had some
frends that were merry in his house at Wapping, and some of them
in their discourse called the Parliament " Roundheaded divills";
for which hee was putt in prison and cost him 4 li. and odd pound
to bee released.' The second was that he fancied the Company
mistrusted him ; the third that Knipe had threatened to get him
turned out of the ship on arrival at Surat ; and the fourth ' (as hee
pretended) out of conscience and loyalty to the King '. Disagree-
ments first arose between Knipe and Mucknell owing to the former
reproving the latter for calling ordinary seamen into the roundhouse
to drink and gossip with him. Then Knipe and Garry * fell at differ-
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 263
lence, and it was reported by some that wayted in the great cabbon
that Mr. Gary sided with John Mucknell and revealed many secret
passages and intencions of Mr. Knipcs [unto?] him, which in the
opinion of manic agravated the quarrel!.' Believes that Mucknell
intended to have carried out his plot at Mozambique, but was afraid
to do so because the ship was anchored under the guns of the castle.
The embarkation of the Portuguese passengers there was a further
cause of quarrel, and on the way to Johanna Mucknell ' incensed the
seamen against Mr. Knipe for bringing those blaks into the shipp,
and telling them they would bee all poisned if they stayd long
abord/ Buckingham was dangerously sick at Johanna and unable
to go on land. Mucknell invited the merchants and others ashore
when the ship was ready to sail, and then stole on board himself.
' First hee called all hands aloft uppon the decke and commaunds
some of his plott to arme themselves with musqueots, halfe pikes,
and swords, and to make the gun roome sure. Then hee comaunded
the boat to bee manned and some of the armed men to fetch the
Portingalls wife out of the round house and putt her into the boate,
shee and as many of her servants and slaves as the boate could hold.
Those sudden strange accions amazed some that were in health as
well as those that were sick, knowing nothing what the meaning
of it might bee. Then hee declared to the whole companie that hee
had seized on the ship for the King and drew his sword and sayd
hee would mainteyne with his life what hee had done, and whoso-
ever durst oppose him in it hee threatned to cutt his head off or
fling him overboard ; and if any man did offer to swim ashore or
goe into the boate, hee comaunded they should shoote him.' The
two who were to row the boat were the only ones allowed to go on
land. Then the cables were cut and the ship sailed ; whereupon
Mucknell * fell to drinking of healths and promising the seamen that
all the riches and goods should bee theirs that was in the ship '.
Fresh officers were appointed ; the chests of the Portuguese and of
those left ashore were broken open and distributed, except the
money and jewellery ; and it was declared that any one found con-
spiring against the King or the captain would be thrown overboard.
Finding mention made in Knipe's papers of a large quantity of gold,
which was not forthcoming, Mucknell made every one on board
swear on the Bible that he knew nothing of it. Account of the
264 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
meeting with the Thomas and John. Those who came on board
from the latter were plied with drink and were then told by Mucknell
that he had seized the John for the King ' and that hee would have
them to goe along with him '. They objected and declared that ' if
they were abord their owne ship they would not take those affronts
of him '. Hereupon Mucknell in a rage ordered the guns to be run
out ready for action. ' This putt the Squires men in some feare ' and
induced them to promise to supply any stores Mucknell might
require. He had some gunpowder, &c., and kept also three of their
men who were drunk and had fallen asleep. The John then pro-
ceeded round the Cape to St. Helena. There Mucknell declared
that he had discovered a plot to betray him and carry the ship to
the Company. Those implicated were set ashore ; also a Chinaman
and about twelve black women. Three days were spent at Ascension.
' John Mucnell went ashore and many more with him, and hee told
them that hee might doe the Companie as good service discovering
what was on the island to succeeding mariners as hee had prejudiced
them in carrying the ship from them to the King. Upon this island
wee found nothing but some few goats, quails, and infinite number
of sea fowle (which are soe tame you may ketch them in your hand),
and great store of fish to bee taken there and sea turtles ; but on
the iland there is noe inhabitant but what I have mencioned. There
is not any wood nor spring of fresh water that wee could find ; but
tis all over as if it had bin burnt with fire. In sircumferance wee
commend it to bee twenty miles.' They next made their way to
Bristol and anchored in King Road. Mucknell was invited to go on
shore to speak with Sir John Pennington, who ' made him very
wellcome and gave him thanks for the good service done to the
King'. Pennington had already received from the purser (with
whom Mucknell had quarrelled) a full account of the vessel's lading ;
' which prevented John Mucnell, insoemuch hee could not consealc
any thing that was not made knowne ; soe all was rend red into
Sir Johns hands. Moreover, John Mucknell told him if hee might
have leave to goe agayne to the Indies, hee would bee out but i6 or
1 8 months and for every day that hee was out hee would bring to
the King a thousand pounds per day. Sir John wondred why hee
desired to goe to the Indies agayne, for (sayd hee) if the Companies
shipps take you, you are a lost man for ever ; and besides tlie King
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 265
hath more need of you at home, uppon the English cost. Then hce
answered : as pleased the King to dispose of him, hec would venter
his life to the uttermost. The next day Sir John sent a dispatch to
Oxford to the King to lett him know what an act of worth and
loyalty Capt. John Mucknell had done for His Majestie and that hee
deserved honnour and reward, and the companie to have 1 1 months
pay and 1 3 months gratuity, which made twoe yeares pay ; and
when it pleased God to send him to his right agayne, hee would
reward everyone according to his desert.^ The seamen were all
payd in peeces of eight, the Companies o[w]n moneys that was sent
out in the shipp. Three of the chests I saw broke open ; what was
done with the rest I know not. And every man had two yards and
a halfe of redd, and as much of grey, to make two suites apeece.
This hee gave to engage them in the robbery as well as himselfe ;
for afterwards hee would often say : Nay, Gentlemen, looke to your
selves, for you are all as deepe in as I am.' Will now take leave of
* Sir John Mucknell ^ ', by describing his manner of life while home-
ward bound. He would spend some time in reading books, but
soon fell to drinking, first with his officers and then with the ordinary
seamen. ' Threescore houres (hee would bragg) hee could sitt and
drink and not bee sleepy. And when hee was in his cupps hee would
say : I am a prince at sea. I am the proudest man uppon the face
of the earth. I am an English man and, were I to bee borne againe,
I would bee borne an English man. I am a Cockny : thats my
glory.' He often threatened to cut off Buckingham's head or throw
him overboard.^ (10 J pp^
William Pitt and Philip Wylde at Gombroon to the
Company, May 16, 1645 {0,C. 1937).*
Wrote on March 27, 1644, and sent a transcript by the Francis,
which reached this place on May 11 and sailed for Basra five
days later. They then proceeded to claim from the Shahbandar
the Company's share of the customs, amounting to 132,067 shahis,
^ This seems to be really part of the King's answer.
2 This was either a mistake or an anticipation that was never realized, for there is no
evidence that Mucknell was knighted.
' The succeeding paper (0. C 1933) contains notes of charges against certain men impli-
cated in Mucknell's treachery.
* For another copy see the O.C. Duplicates,
266 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
but could only get from him 6i6J tumans^. Leaving the money in
the care of the Dutch, the factors set out for Ispahan, where they
arrived June %i. Though they gave valuable presents to the King
and his nobles, they were unable to obtain any satisfactory answer
regarding the renewal of their privileges ; but the Itimad-uddaula
promised a farman ordering the Shahbandar to deal fairly with
them about the English share of the customs. Pitt left Ispahan on
September i8 and arrived at Gombroon on October 13. Here he
found Thomas Cogan, who had been sent from Surat on a junk,
together with Peter Herbert. Their destination was Mokha, but
contrary winds and want of water forced the junk to this port,
where she arrived on May 29. Herbert died on October 9. The
goods they brought remain still unsold, and are now to be sent to
Basra. The Francis came in from that port on October 31, and
proceeded to Sind on November 4. Note the Company's orders
regarding silk. There is no chance of recovering the amount said
to be due from the King. Salary of Thomas Codrington. It is
impossible to force merchants to pay customs before their goods
are landed, except at the risk of losing the Company's trade in
these parts and endangering the lives of their servants. The pros-
pects of the English are much brighter at present, owing to the
Dutch having quarrelled with the Persians. Constant, the Dutch
chief, has agreed to pay the King 50 tumans per load for silk.
Codrington, who was left at Ispahan, has since advised that he had
refused to accept the promised farman, as it ordered the Shahbandar
to ' pay us yearelie soe much and noe more than wee received last
yeare '. *■ The 4th January last, about half an houre before breake
of day, it pleased God to punish this bundar with a fearefull earth-
quake, which ceased not altogether till about a month since. The
first shake lasted about a quarter of an houre ; soe terrible that it
hath made a lamentable spectacle here, for it hath throwne down all
the houses in this citty and destroyed whole families in an instant.
The Sultan [i.e. the Governor] here was at the same time in his
hommom or hott house, which, with part of another wall, fell upon
him and buryed him soe deepe under the earth that it was an houre
ere hee could see any light or that any man knew whither hee was
1 The tuman was worth about 3/. 6^. M. and the shahl 4^/. The claim, therefore, was
for just over 2,200/., and the amount received 2,055/.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 267
liveing or dead ; and when (after much rummageing) his head ap-
peared and gave testimony that hee was liveing, it was yett 2^
houres more before hee could bee taken out of the same place.
Then hee was found somewhat bruised in his face and with a great
skarre ^ in one of his feet, which to all mens thinkeing was not dan-
gerous ; yett of the same hee died the 14th ditto month. About
two dayes after this mischaunce befell hirh, finding himselfe ill, [hee]
sent for the Governour of Laure [Lar], who very fortunately arrived
here the day before hee died and saved this citty from plundering
by its ownc souldiers. The Hollanders by the fall of theyr howse
had two of their young scrivauns ^ slaine and had like to have lost
four more, had not God most miraculously delivered them, for they
were soe deepe buryed under the ruines of their house that it was
four houres before they could bee found and taken out from the
place they lay in. For ourselves and servants wee cannot sufficiently
praise the Almightie for His merciful! protecting of us ; for,
although the fall of our house was equall or rather greater than any
other, wee haveing onely bare walls standing and not a safe roome
to shelter our heads in, yett it hath pleased Him of His infinite
mercy to preserve us from any hurt, for which His blessed name
bee ever praised. The Dutch Commaundor Constant, with all his
people, when they were ashoare here, not dareing to adventure
themselves in their tottering ruinated house, had theyr habitation
on the sands in tents and smale houses they built of bamboes, and
wee, for want of tents, live at present in kedjans [palm-leaf: kaja^i^
houses built in the middle of the yaerde of our house.' On Janu-
ary 21 arrived a new Shahbandar, who speedily proved as bad as his
predecessor, * for this hath alreadie found the waye to steale goods
out of the customehouse in the night and dispatch them privately
out of our sight, on purpose to deceive Your Worships of your
rights.' For these abuses force is the only remedy. On February 19
the Stipply came in from Surat, bringing (besides passengers and
freight) a cargo amounting to 161,979 shahis in broadcloth, calicoes,
pepper, cardamoms, &c. The calicoes and pepper have been sold
at a profit of 32 per cent. ; while the broadcloth, though in very
poor condition, has made a gain of about 26 per cent. The profit in
^ An old word (distinct from ' scar ', a cicatrix) meaning a cut or incision.
"^ Writers (Port, escrivao). For particulars see the Dagh- Register, 1644-45, p. 251.
2,68 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
these cases may appear small, but it must be remembered that their
orders are to enter the cargoes received at the rate of 3I shahis to
the mahmudi, whereas the latter is only really worth 3 shahis.
Similarly, as regards the goods from Masulipatam the pagoda is
reckoned at 33 shahis, though it is only equivalent to 28. ' This
wee thought good to intimate unto you, that Your Worships may
perceive that this factory, though of late much despised, is not
altogeither soe unproffitable as it seemes to bee.' On March 11
the pinnace Endeavour brought from Masulipatam passengers,
freight goods, and a consignment of calicoes &c. amounting to
372,509 shahis.^ Some of the goods were shipped to Surat in the
Supply^ and the bulk of the remainder sold at a profit of 39 per
cent. There is now small chance of further sales, as all the mer-
chants have already ' retired themselves out of these heatts ' ; so it
has been decided to send the rest of the goods to Basra. Have
forwarded the proceeds of the sales to Surat by the Supply and
Endeavour^ which sailed in company on March %o. Any further
money received will be remitted by exchange to Ispahan. ' Our
newes at present is that here are eight Hollanders shipps of warre
rideing now at an anchor in this roade, which came in at severall
times in severall fleets. On one of the two first that came hither ar-
rived one Commaundore Nicholas Block, who is both Gennerall and
Commissary of the whole fleete. At his first comeing ashoare hee
gave out that hee came as an embassadour unto this King ; upon
which the Governour and Shawbundar here enterteyned him very
courteously and forthwith dispeeded an expresse unto the King with
newes of his arrivall, and proffred the Commissary or Embassadour
(as hee first tearmed himselfe) that, if hee would goe up unto the
King, hee should have the best accomodacions this country affords,
and that they would send some of their cheifest men to accompany
him up ; which hee refused, and onely sent up a petition unto the
King, the contents whereof (as wee heare) were as followeth : First,
hee demaunds restitution of the 4,900 tem[aun]ds forced from them
by Ettam[on] Dowlett at severall times. Next, hee desired the
priviledge to buy silk where and from whome they pleased in this
Kings dominions. Thirdly, that they may land their goods cus-
tome free. And lastly, that in case at any time they should have
1 Cf. Dagh- Register, 1644-45, p. 253.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 269
any difference with this country people, that not any but the King
should call them to quaestion or meddle with them.^ Wee heare
also that they have proffrcd the King, if hee will lett them have the
half of the customcs here, they will defend this port from any enemy
shall come against it ; but this last wee beleeve is a fable, because
wee know it lieth not in theyr powers to make such conditions on
a suddaine before they have leave for the same out of Holland.
Before this petition was dispeeded, the aforesaid Commaundor
Block and Commaundor Constant, the cheife that resided here on
shoare, threatned the Governour and Shawbundar here that, if they
received not the better answer from the King or graunt of their
requires, that they would ruine this port or bundar ; which words
affrighted the Governour and Shawbundar exceedingly, and made
them forthwith take care to provide for them, not onely in theyr
castles but of souldiers to defend this citty or bundar ; of which (by
report) here are already, beside what are in the castles, about 1,500
musketteeres, and more daily expected ; which the two Comaun-
dors heareing of, and feareing least they should bee incompassed and
layed hold of in the night, day after day sent their goods aboard,
keepeing not soe much as a chest on shoare ; which done, the 13th
Aprill they imbarqued themselves with all their people aboard their
shipps, where they have remeyned ever since, and have sent unto
the merchants here ashoare to come aboard theyr shipps to buy
theyr sugar and other goods ; but they will not adventure aboard,
and if they would, they could not buy any of theyr goods, beeing
forbidden by the Shawbundar to buy any thing of them. And yett
the Governour here suffred them to come on shoare to fetch fresh
provissions till the 19th ditto that they ceazed on a Surratt juncke
that was comeing in here with store of Persian passengers and
goods. The passengers they suffred to come on shoare, but the
junck and goods they kept in their possession till yesterday, when
they released both on the payementt of 100 tem[aun]ds for custome ;
which mony they have promised to restore back againe, if they
make a peace with these Persians. Soe soone as wee had newes that
they had taken the aforesaid junck and demaunded custome for the
goods, wee sent Samuell Wilton unto them, to know the reason of
1 For an account of the grievances of the Dutch see the Dagh-Registcr, 1644-45, p. J46.
Blocq's proceedings on his arrival are detailed at p. 253 of the same volume.
:z7o THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
their thus proceeding and hindring Your Worships from your
shares of custome ; to which they retourned answer that they must
looke after theyr owne rights from theese Persians, whome wherever
they meete with them they would ceaze on them and their goods,
although they bee aboard Your Worships shipps ; by which you
may please to take notice how wee are like to bee troubled with
them. The 22th ditto they sent ashoare one of their young men,
who speaks good Persian, unto this Governour, to desire, or rather
require, fresh water and other provissions, and to know what was be-
come of their caphila of silk and two of their people that came with
it from Spahaun ; to which the Governour replied that for their
people hee knew nothing of them ; but for fresh provissions, hee
sayd, if Commaundor Constant (who was cheife here) would come
ashoare and live freindly, he should not want for anything this cittie
affords ; but since hee soe abruptly tooke his leave of him and now
keepes aboard altogeither a proffessed enemy, there is noe reason
hee should furnish him with fresh provissions ; whereupon the
scrivan tould him that, if hee would not send their silk and people
aboard, they would come ashoare and fetch them ; at which the
Governour, being extraordinarily vexed, wished the scrivan to goe
aboard, and come ashoare noe more, for if hee did hee would kill
him ; and had hee not imbarqued himselfe the same instant as hee
did, not onely hee but the whole boats crewe (though well armed)
had bin ceazed on and peradventure lost their lives ; for presently
there came to the waterside a greate quantity of souldiers, both foot
and horse, in pursuite of them. This passed the 22th ditto. The
followeing morneing, about eight of the clock, came the Hollanders
two greate boates, well armed with souldiers, very neare the shoare
before the custome house ; which the Banians and other poore
people perceaveing, and not suspecting any hurt, according to their
usueall custome flocked togeither to the waterside ; when the Hol-
landers, observeing their time, discharged their smale peeces they
had in their boates head, togeither with their musketts, upon them
and killed five men outright and maimed about 20 more, and forth-
with put of their boate againe ; yett not soe soone but that they
were overtaken with a greate valley of shott from the shoare, which
wee beeleeve made them censible of their presumption in approach-
ing soe neare in that manner as they did ; of which had theese
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 271
people in the least suspected, they might very well have bin cuct
ofif all. And yett wee think they had their payment, for from our
house wee could see the smalc shott from this shoare fall thick in
the water very neare about their boates, which being as full of soul-
diers as they could well stand one by the other, it is impossible they
could escape without much hurt. Their boates had not gotten
halfway on board but the two castles here ashoare began to shute
at their shipps ; which presently answered in the like language and
soe continued the whole day, the shipps plieing their shott on this
towne and the castles at the shipps. Whither or not they hitt them
wee cannot tell ; but five or six of the shotts from the castles lighted
very neare them, and others fell not in the water as wee could per-
ceive, which makes us beeleeve they lighted in the shipps. All this
passed before they receivd any answer of their petition from the
King ; which arrived not here till the first Maye. Then they re-
ceived the Kings firmaund, which gave them little or noe satisfac-
tion unto what they required, for it onely invited the two Com-
maundores to goe up to the King, with fayre promises that they
should bee kindly used and receive content to their owne desires.
But it seemes all this would not satisfie the two Commaundores,
who presently wrote a letter to the Governour of this citty and
required from him the particulars mentioned in their petition afore-
said, with an addition that the King would doe them justice for the
wrongs Commaundore Wilbrent [see p. 114] and Commaundore
Charles Constant suffred here in their persons ; [and] also de-
maunded 8 tem[aun]ds on a loade for all the silke they bought
here theese i:z or 14 yeares at 50 tem[aun]ds per loade, with the
interest of the said mony ; all which if the King would not con-
descend unto, they could not come to any peace with him ; which
demaund of theirs is soe unreasonable that wee thinke the Kino-
will never yeald unto it.' Will advise further developments from
Ispahan, whither they are now proceeding. Cannot yet tell what
the English share of customs will come to this year, but expect it
will be rather more than last year. Wish that they had authority
to buy silk, for it is likely to be cheap, owing to the quarrel between
the King and the Dutch. 'Wee heare that S[igno]r Bastian \ the
* Valentyn, who calls him ' Willem Basting de Oude ', prints his itinerary (vol. v. p. 245).
In the Dutch records he is styled ' Bastinck '.
272 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
second of the Dutch, and another Dutchman which is with him are
stopt with their caphila of ^^ loads silke at Jeroome ^, where they
have bin beaten and threatned to have their heads cutt off, on
purpose to make them confesse what the Gennerall entends to doe
this yeare with so many shipps heere in this roade. Some report
that S[igno]r Bastian is sent for (by the King) up to Spahaun.
The most part of this manzoone three friggotts of the Portugalls
have frequented this Gulfe and sometimes anckored in this roade,
on purpose to watch for Surratt juncks and others to force them to
Congo ^ to make them pay custome there ; whether they have
carryed one Dabull junck, and had carryed two more, had they not
escaped from them after that they thought they were sure of them.'
The Seahorse arrived here on the nth instant and brought instruc-
tions from Surat to protest against the Dutch ' for disturbing your
port ' ; this was done yesterday, and copies of the protest and of the
reply are enclosed.^ According to the advices from Surat there
are yet two Dutch ships to come. ' This evening here arrived seven
Portugall frigotts, which anckored in this roade by the Hollanders,
and wee beeleeve to joine with them against theese Persians.'
{Copy. 144 PP)
Adam Lee and Thomas Whatmore, aboard the Supply
IN Malacca Road, to [the President and Council at Surat],
June 30, 1645 {O.C, 1941).*
Narrate their proceedings since leaving Swally.^ Reached Achin
on May 20 and sailed again nine days later. All the merchants
there were in good health. On June 7 they met the Dutch Ackersloot^
bound for Achin under Commissary Arnold ' Vallanicke '.^ When
approaching Malacca, on June 24, five Dutch men-of-war were
encountered. Escorted by these ships, the Supply two days later
1 Jahrum, about halfway between Shiraz and Lar.
2 Kung (see p. 244 of the previous volume).
3 See O.C. 1935 and 1936. The Dutch reply is couched in conciliatory terms, but
denies the right of the English to protest, as the port of Gombroon does not belong to
them and the Dutch are only exercising the rights of war. The English are further warned
not to assist the Persians by carrying goods or ammunition for them.
* There is another copy among the 0. C. Duplicates.
'^ For a list of the cargo of the Supply see the Dagh- Register^ 1644-45, p. 246.
^ Valentyn calls him * Arnold de Vlaming van Outshoorn '. In the Dagh- Register,
1643-44, ^^ is termed * Arnold de Vlamingh '. '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 273
anchored in Malacca Road. The Governor received them cour-
teously, but intimated that their vessels must be searched. This
was done accordingly on June 30, but in a perfunctory manner.
The Dutch helped them to fetch wood and water, and the Governor
presented them with a couple of 'beefes'. They have now taken
leave of him. {Copy. 2 pp.)
Robert Cranmer, Revett Walwyn, Thomas Cogan, and
William Weale at Basra to the Company, July 31, 1645
(ac. 1943V
Forward two packets from Surat. Sailed from that place on
April 3, and reached Gombroon on May 11. 'Wee expected to
have scene the Dutch at anchor under Ormoose, who (by report)
were in beseige of that place ; but till two dayes before wee left
Bunder (or the 15th of this month May) they lay under the iland
Larrack ; when they all weighed, stood into the road of Gombroone,
and anchored within Your Worships pynnace Seahorse' The Gom-
broon factors have no doubt acquainted the Company of the differ-
ences between the Persians and the Dutch. The English factory
being in ruins and the factors bound for Ispahan, it was decided to
take to Basra all the goods on hand at Gombroon ; and, as the
Seahorse was already full, these were put into three country boats.
In company with these, the voyage was resumed on May 17, but
the wind forced the boats to take shelter in ' Congoo' \see p. 272],
where their goods were transferred to a * greate tranka ^ ', which
sailed with the Seahorse on May 26, reached the island of Carrack '
[see p. 186] on June 15, and Basra on the 29th. ' Wee landed and
vissited the Bashaw •' and Shawbunder, who were very joyfull of
our arrivall and gave us very courteous enterteinment. Wee per-
ceive that, by reason of the lateness of the yeare and the warrs
twixt the Dutch and Persians, they doubted of our this years
comeing to Bussora. Wee finde the merketts this monsoone in
Bussora much inferiour to those of the passed yeare, both for
quicknes of sale and shorteness in price; Spahan being so over-
' For the list of packet accompanying this letter see O.C. 1964.
2 A kind of boat used in the Gulf of Persia. The derivation of the name is uncertain
(see Hobson-Jobson, s.v. * Trankey *).
^ All Basha (see the preceding volume, p. 245).
FOSTER VII T
274 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
glutted with all sorts of cloathing that this yeare the greatest part
of the goods in Gombroone were transported thence in small vessells
for this port, insoemuch that the towne is now so full of cloathing
that merchants dare not adventure to buy till the Portugalls armado
or caphila be arrived, wherein is two jouncks of Hodgee Zahad
Beagues, richly laden with all manner Agra, Guzuratt, and Decaun
comodities, besides divers others from Dio, Cambay, Chowle, and
Dabull, &c. There supply of Scinda comodities will this monzoone
be wanting unto them, for by advice from Muskatt to these mer-
chants five vessells, which were laden and ready to sett sayle out of
that river over the barr, mett with such extraordinary greate seas
that they were forced to returne to Bunder Larree, where they must
winter till the fine [i.e. end of] September. This wee thought
would have been some advancement to your business in the sale of
Your Worships comodities, espetially in blew cloathing ; but since,
to our greate sorrow, the 19th present arrived two Dutch shipps \
laden with severall sorts merchandize ; whose very name hath so
much dulled the merketts that since theire arrivall the sortements
of goods with us have seldome been enquired for. At theire first
comeing on shoare, for three dayes (till they were provided ot
a house) wee could not avoyd enterteyning them. Ever since till
this day they have been contracting with the Bashaw and Shaw-
bunder concerning customes and divers other articles ; who hath
promised them the very same as formerly agreed on by our nation,
but no other; which they seeme to slight, pretending that they
shall be much more benefitiall to the port then wee are ; nominate-
ing theire force in shipping, and that, if they would not graunt theire
requests, they would sell theire goods in theire ships or [and?]
depart ; and upon some occasion gave many superbulous answers,
when reply was given by this Governour ^ (who is now Shawbunder)
he admired they would leave theire antient port Gombroone; and,
whither they came or not, theire goods was transported hether in
small vessells ; and that theire comeing was for theire owne benefitt
and no advantage to him, neither did the King or he ever send for
1 The Delfshaven and the Schelvisch : see the log of the expedition kept by Cornehs
Roobacker and published (with notes and an introduction) by A. Hotz in the Tijdschrift
van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, series ii. part 24 (1907).
^ Mahmud Agha (see later). '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 275
them ; and if that they would not be content with the very same
artickles as agreed on twixt the English and them (with whom
[i.e. the English] for these seven yeares they never received the
least discontent) that the river of Euphrates was broad enough :
they might goe when they pleased. But since they have better
considered, and this day begun to unlade theire shipps ^ Wee
understand by theire cheife factor, S[igno]r Seserious [Dirck Sar-
cerius] &c. that since our leaveing Gombroone they drew all theire
force to the iland of Kishmec, where they landed 600 souldiers and
brought theire ships very neare the shoare and made a battery
against the castle, which (by theire report) with the expence of
3,000 greate shott dismounted all theire ordinance and put theire
land forces to flight ^. This they pretent was done only to make
the Persian censible of what they can doe if occasion requires.
Imediately after, upon receipt of a letter of promise for payment of
theire demands sent from the King*^, Gennerall Block and Com-
mandore Willibrant repaired on shoare, the former being gonn for
Spahan and the latter now bussily imployd in building or repaireing
a house for theire affaires in Gombroone.' On July 26 the Endea-
vour arrived, having left Swally on April 16 ; she is to remain until
the middle of September and bring away the factors. The Seahorse
is ordered to quit this place by the end of August and to proceed
to Tuticorin, there to meet the Hind from Mokha and accompany
her to Surat. Will endeavour to procure as much freight and as
many passengers as possible, but have had no success at present.
' Our cheifest hope is of Congoo, where, by that Governours relation
[at] the time of our being there, gave us hopes that good quantities
^ From the report of the Dutch merchants themselves {Hague Transcripts, series i. vol. xv.
nos. 473, 474) it appears that they behaved with considerable arrogance in these negotia-
tions. They demanded complete freedom from customs duties, boasting of the power of
the Hollanders and their ability to enrich the country by their trade, and belittling the
commerce of the Portuguese and the English. The Agha, however, while professing his
readiness to treat them with all reasonable consideration, firmly refused to forgo the duties,
urging that, if this were granted, other nations would claim similar privileges. Tiiereupon
the Dutch, rather than return empty handed, decided to land some goods and try the
markets. They describe the Agha as very obstinate and autocratic, and say that he is all-
powerful with the Basha.
2 For an account of this abortive attempt see an extract from Gelijnszoon's journal in
Ha^iie Transcripts, series i. vol. xv (no. 478) ; also the Dagh-Register, 1644-45, p. 260.
See the Dagh- Register, 1644-45, p. 262; and Hagite Transcripts^ series i. vol. xv.
no. 472.
T a
276 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
of both speties would attend our ships comeing from Bussora.'
Enclose copy of a letter sent recently to Surat, and other papers.
These have been somewhat delayed by ' the extremity of heates and
unwholsomeness of the climett this yeare'. There has been much
sickness in consequence, both on shore and in the Seahorse. Three
of her crew have died, and many are ill. Those on board the
Endeavour 'begin to grow crazy'. 'The antientest liver in this
towne cannot remember the like extremity of heats.' {Copy. 3 pp)
William Pitt, Philip Wylde, and Thomas Codrington^
AT Ispahan to [the President and Council at Surat],
September 7, 1645 ((9.(7.1944).
Arrival of the Seahorse on May 11. As directed, they protested
against the Dutch, whose reply has been forwarded to the Company.
The Seahorse sailed on May 16 for Basra, and next day Wylde and
Wilton started for Ispahan. 'The 19 ditto arrived in Gombroone
Capt. John Durson, with two marchants, on Esquire Courteens ship
Loyallty 2, with a freight of Moores and Banian goods from Rajapore,
and brought for their imployers accompt onely about 200 tem[aun]ds
worth of sugar, some smal quantity of rice, plancke, and bamboos.
At their first comeinge ashoare, they landed at and came directly to
our house, where not finding soe good entertainement as peradventure
they expected, the next day they hired a house of ther owne and
pretended to stay there all the heates to make sale of ther goods ;
which William Pitts perceaveinge drew a protest against them for
comeing to our Honorable Employers port and disturbeing ther
trade ; to which Capt. Durson [returned] a contraprotest, copy of
which goeth hereinclosed to your perusall.^ Before they came to
1 The two latter sign only with reservations.
2 Cf. the Dagh- Register, 1644-45, p. 264.
3 Pitt's protest forms O.C. 1938, and Durson's answer O.C. 1939. With the latter was
transmitted a document signed by Durson, Pr. Demasters, and Stephen Hill, and entitled
* a declaration or analysis of the two Companies, vizt. Courtenians and Cockenians ' {O.C.
1940). In this Courteen's Association is alleged to be * grounded upon supreame authoritie,
by patent under the greate seale of England, justified in each particuler clause before a Par-
liament Comittee, legall, nationall, by Parliament allowable ' ; while the original Company
is denounced as * illegall, monopoliticall, by Parliament damnable ; which, toge.ather with
the dissolution of their Joint Stocke, declares them noe corporation or company at all.'
Pitt's employers are declared to be a third body of ' Cockenians ' (from the name of the
Governor, William Cokayne), claiming without reason to be the East India Company, and
their proceedings are roundly denounced. A claim is asserted to the English rights ' in the
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 277
an anker, William Pitt went to the Governour and Shabunder and
acquainted them that the aforesaid ship belonged not to our Honor-
able Imployers, and that not any of the Esquires people or shipping
ought to come where we are or have our residence ; to which the
Shabunder replyed that since they were come with marchants goods
to his Kings port, he could not put them away till such time he
heard from his Kinge ; but said he would deale with them soe this
yeare that they should have noe encouragement to come thither,
againe ; besids [he] promised to make them pay the full customes
that other strangers pay, butt was not soe good as his word, for
(as we are informed by our brokers) hee hath since remitted them
the same ; and they, haveinge sould off their sugar, are gone for
Bussara. What project they have in their heads to come into these
parts and to goe for Bussora we cannot certainely advice you.
Their cheifest pretence at first was that they came only with freight
goods, being (as they say) driven therunto by our Honorable
Imployers, by deteineinge from them 5,ooo/._, which (as they say)
Mr. Bowen forced from them and should have sett them about other
imploymentt where they have ther residency. They enquired much
after Mr. Bowen and complained that hee had done them much
wronge. Besids, some of them reported that they arc come out
a wild goose chace ; which, with their goeinge for Bussora, makes
us to suspect they have noe good meaneinge unto our Honorable
Imployers ships or estates there.' Have accordingly sent an express
to the factors at Basra, warning them of this.^ After much wrangling
with the Shahbandar about the customs, he made up the amount
to 615 tiimans, 100 shahis, and this it was deemed prudent to accept.
The money was remitted by exchange to Ispahan, where Pitt arrived
on June 17. Sales of broadcloth &c. there. Interview with the
Itimad-uddaula. As for the Dutch, * about the begininge of June
last they with seven shipps beleaguered the castle of Kishmee, on
which they spent 2,oco shott, butt did little hurt, only brake downe
the upper parts of the walls of itt. They had once landed four'-
castle and customes of Ormos, as a flower belonging to the Crowne ' ; particularly as these
rights were acquired in the first place by Captain Weddell.
^ See O.C. 1942. That there were good grounds for the factors' fears is shown in a note
on p. 236, supra.
2 In the letter to Basra ((9.C 1942) the number of guns landed is given as three. From
Geleijnszoon's report this seems the correct number.
278 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
peices ordinance, but was soone forced to carry them abord againe
by new forces of the Persians that the Shabunder sent over. This
newes was carryed in five dayes up to the Kinge, who, beinge more
feared then hurt, presently sent for S[igno]r Bastian, the second of
the Dutch, and told him that, if Comander Blocke would cease from
his warrs and come up unto him, he should have what justice and
content himselfe should desire.' Thereupon Blocq set out for court
and arrived here on July i6 ; but after being feasted by the Itimad-
uddaula, * his cold turneing unto a burninge feavour, and that en-
creasinge every day more and more on him, the loth July [shotUd
be August] he died; and the next day, by order of Ettam[en]
Dowlett, was accompanied to his grave by all the Armenians.' Since
then the business of the Dutch has been at a standstill, awaiting
intelligence from Gombroon. Now answer two letters received from
Surat. Money missing from the chests sent in the Supply. Will
see to the recovery of the value of the counterfeit &c. coin when next
they are at Gombroon. The Endeavour reached that port on June 27 .
Have already mentioned the negotiations of the Dutch with the
Persians ; as nothing has been said to the factors on the point, they
hope that the English rights will not be affected. The Mokha goods
landed from the native vessel were sent on to Basra, as previously
advised. Intend to buy some horses for Surat at Shiraz, where they
are cheaper than at Ispahan. Trouble with their late broker. Their
reasons for remitting their cash to Ispahan were that the Dutch at
Gombroon refused to take charge of it and that they were afraid to
send it to Surat, for fear of the Malabars. Goods sent in the Szipply.
Cause of the poor prices realized by the Masulipatam goods. Regret
that the rosewater proved to be of bad quality. Will endeavour to
supply the fruit, &c., desired. The money and goods for Surat are
now being sent down to Gombroon for embarkation in "CdO-Endeavoiir:
also their letters and accounts. ' Now you [may] please to take
notice that soe soone as the King had received newes of the Hol-
landers assaulting Kishmee, Ettamen Dowlett paid backe, or willed
the Duch to discount it upon accompt of silke, the \blank^ tem[aun]ds
which were forced from them ; and it is not onely said by the Dutch
themselves but by others that the King in his fir[maun]d to the
Comander Block sent down promised to lett them have silke att
the price they had in Shaw Abass time, which was (as wee hearc)
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 279
att 32 tem[aun]ds per load. How Ettam[en] Dowlett will performe
the Kinges [promise?], now the aforesaid Blocke is dead, time must
shew. The Dutch here report that they have already liberty [to
buy ?] where and of whom they please.' Codrington has been busy
all the year in endeavouring to collect the outstanding debts, but
there is no hope of recovering anything. Pitt is unable as yet to
accompany Wylde to Gombroon, but will start as soon as he can
take leave of the Itimad-uddaula. He reiterates his desire to be
allowed to go to Surat by the first ship. Wylde also petitions for
leave to return to India and thence to England, his covenanted time
of service being nearly expired. {Copy, ^pp.)
Thomas Ivy, Henry Greeniiill, George Travell, and
William Minn at Fort St. George to the President and
Council at Surat, September 8, 1645 {O.C. 1 45).
Wrote last on August 5 [fiot exta7it\. ' Wee have formerly
advised you of the greate difference betwixt the Dutch and Molay,
which now is fallen into open warrs. And 13th August there was
a Dutch marchant going from St. Tome to Pullicatt, and within five
miles of the place, at a little towne where lay 150 of Molays
souldyers, was by them seased upon ; which newes presently was
carryed to Pullicatt ; whereupon the Dutch Governour presently
sent out 40 Dutch musketeirs and 150 blacke souldyers, with two
brass guns, to rescue their marchant and to take him from Molayes
souldyers perforce. But noe sooner the Dutch approached neare
the towne where their marchant was, but the Gentues souldyers
(being but 150, as aforesaid) plyed att them with ther small shott,
and the Dutch answering them againe with there two brasse gunes,
which they discharged at the Jentyues six or eight tymes, which
noise drew more ayde unto the Jentues; which soone caused the
Dutch to retreate to their fort, but was forced to leave their two
brass gunes and their marchant behind them, to their great disgrace
and shame ^. The marchant is now in our fort, upon his ransome
of 2,000 pag[o]ds, which the Agent hath, upon a letter from the
Governour of Pullicate to him, ingaged himselfe unto Molay for the
payment of the mony or the returne of his person dead or alive
1 A brief account of this incident will be found in the Dagh-Register for 1644-45, p. 356.
28o THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
uppon demand. Soe that it is come to such a passe, through
Molayes meanes, who is in such favour with the King that he ruleth
both King and contry, and hath prevailed soe farre with the King
to send his mandates to all his governours throughout his kingdome
to seaze uppon all the goods which is in any Jentues marchants
hands belonginge unto the Dutch ; and whosoever shalbe found to
deny any of their goods, that party to be seazd upon and all his
estate forfitted unto the Kinge. And it is not only the goods of
the Dutch they seaze upon, but their persons also. Soe that they
have in Allumbrough [Alamparai : see the preceding volume^ p. 267]
seazd upon two Dutchmen and taken 6,000 ryalls of eight in goods
from them and put their men in irons ; and here in these parts they
have seazed upon neare 30,000 ryalls of eight more in goods. And
most parte of the said goods are allready gott together by the
Kings officers to a greatt towne [Punamallee ?] some t[w]elve miles
from our fort, where all the other goods must be brought, and there
sould by the Kings Bramine and officers to those marchants that
hath mony to buy them. Soe that what goods is already sould is
bought by our marchants which are indebted unto our Company ;
which they have brought unto our fort for parte satisfacion of their
debts. And soe soone as the rest of [the] goods are gott together,
they intend to buy them alsoe and bring them unto us. Soe that
within this 20 dayes we make noe question but they will bring us in
to the amount of 30,000 ryals in very good cloth ; soe that wee
shalbe indebted unto them about 10,000 ryals, which we have
ingaged ourselves to pay in 20 dayes, in regard the money is the
Kinges. Therefore, to mainetaine our marchants and our owne
creditts, we have required Mr. Pennistonne to take up soe much
mony at Meslapatam for three months tyme, and presently to remitt
it unto us, in which we hope he will nott fayle us. Wee disputed
amongst ourselves before wee received these goods of our marchants,
beinge taken from the Dutch marchants by the Kinge and Molay
as aforesaid, whether wee might in the least kind infringe the articles
of peace betwixt [us] and the Dutch, or that they could in any kind
have any pretence against us in this doeinge. Soe wee jointly and
severally concluded that we might lawfully receave these goods of
our marchants, they being ingaged to our Company and the goods
in the open markett sould unto them by the Kings officers. ' More-
THE ENGLISH FACTORn:S 281
over, the Dutch had never possession of these goods, neither were
they taken from them, but seized upon by the Kinge in the hands
of his owne subjects ; soe that noe man can justly say that they are
the Dutch their goods. Neither as yett hath the Governour of
PuUicatte protested against us for doeinge what we have done ;
which if he should, we would answere him as his predecessor did
Mr. Cogan, when he went to Porta Nova to receave cloth their for
which he had long before paid out the Companies money and was
frighted from thence by the Dutch ther invention without receive-
inge any cloth att all, and was glad he gott himselfe away safe from
thence ; when presently a Dutch ship afterwards came and carryed
away all the cloth to PuUicatte [see p, 38] ; soe all the satisfaccion
that Mr. Cogan could gett from the Dutch Governour [was?] that
he receaved the cloth of their marchants that were indebted to ther
Company ; which answere wee shall now returne unto them, if they
att any time question us in this cause.' Yesterday the Advice
returned from ' Townapa[tam] ' [Tegnapatam], bringing goods to
the value of 13,000 rials of eight. Hope, therefore, to dispeed her
by the end of this month to Bantam with a good cargo, and to have
ready a cargo for Persia by December 10. Will then, on hearing
from Surat, prepare a lading of cloth to be sent to Bantam next
April in the Seaflower. ' Soe, as it is our care in the provideing of
these goods, we must beseech you and the President of Bantam to
provide us with shippinge and monyes for the mainteininge of our
creditte, which now lyeth att stake with our marchants, for, if we
now fayle them, they wilbe utterly disparaged and we shamfuUy
disgraced, even to the losse of the Companies trade in this Kings
dominions, which is proferred wholly to us and that the Dutch
shall never trade here againe, provided we have an annuall supply
of 150,000 rials of eight ; which we can easily invest here at the
same charge as we now are att. And we are confident that our
marchants will not fayle us in what they promise, in reguard the
cheife ^ of them is Molay his bosome freind, whome he endeavoreth
to make sole marchant in this Kings dominions, as himselfe was in
a manner when he was with the Dutch.' As a vessel will be needed
to send to Persia in December, they suggest the purchase of one
which * Molay ' was preparing for a voyage to Achin, since abandoned
^ Apparently this was Seshadri Chetli (see pp. 8i, 294).
28a THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
owing to the rupture with the Dutch. He asks 3,000 rials for her.
Pollen, the master of the Advice, who saw her at Tegnapatam, con-
siders her suitable. The manning of her is a difficulty, unless they
take some soldiers out of the Fort (which will leave them ' miserably
provided here ') and fill up with ' Jentue saylors '. Lament that the
Company * will not afford us as much as a boate upon the Coast ' ;
but it is useless to complain. Request instructions upon the point ;
also the speedy remittance of 20,000 rials without fail, to enable
them to meet their engagements. {Copy, 3 //.)
William Pitt and Thomas Codrington at Ispahan to
THE President and Council at Surat, September 18, 1645
(P.C, 1946).
Wrote last on the 7th, on which date Philip Wylde set out for
Gombroon. The Dutch here have been ordered to return to that
place. They petitioned the Itimad-uddaula for the performance of
the King's promises made in his recent farman. ' He desired to
know of them which way they could performe ther promise to his
Kinge in bringinge more profitt to his port then the custome of
their goods amounts unto ; to which they replyed that they [would ?]
wright unto the marchants of Meslapatan, India, and Visapore
[Bijapur], and desire them to come unto Gombroone. Edmund
\sic\ Dowlett returned them answere againe that, when hee sees
they can performe their promise, his King will not be backward to
make good his firman, and to that purpose have [hath?] w^ritten
unto the Generall of Batavia, and hath resolved to send a Persian
and our quondam linquist Shavelle ^ unto him to treite about their
bussinesses, or, if they cannot come to agreement with him theire,
to desire him to send some understanding man hether to end theire
differences here. In the meane time till the aforesaid messengers
returnes from Batavia, they have leave to land and make sale of
their goods and to buy silke where or of whom they please, without
payinge custome for it. . . . The 4,900 tomands which was forced
from them is not (as the second of the Dutch reported it was)
returned to them, nor like to bee ; for Edmund Dowlett in our
presence made appeare unto them that the custome of their goods
* In O.C. 1944 he is termed * Shavallee ' and * Shevallee'. He had recently quitted the
English service for the Dutch. The name may be intended for Shah Wall.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 283
amounts to 30,000 tomands, of which his Kingc hath received noe
more then the aforesaid 4,900 tomands ; see that there rests due
from them 25,100 tomands, which the King hath now remitted unto
them.' {Copy. \\ pp.)
Robert Cranmer, Revett Walwyn, and Thomas Cogan
AT Basra to the President and Council at Surat,
September 22, 1645 {O.C. 1947).^
Reached this place on June 29, and were well received. They
found the city glutted with goods, owing to the stoppage of trade
at Gombroon by the hostilities there. Two Dutch ships arrived
here on July 19 ; ' but as yet have landed but little goods and sold
but to the amount of 15 or 18,000 rials, for to receive which they
were forced to stay there ship some 16 dayes longer then intended.
One of them ^ some six dayes since sett sayle for Gombroone.'
They have, however, spoiled the market for the English. The
Dutch are generally hated here, and the Governor has several times
told them that they can go when they pleased, if they are not
satisfied to have the same privileges as the English. Deficiencies
and defects in the Seahorse's cargo. That vessel was dispatched to
Tuticorin on August 28. Six of her crew died here. The En-
deavotir arrived July 26, but it was the end of August before they
could house all the goods she brought. List of deficiencies in her
cargo. ' Capt. John Durson, belonging to the Courteens Company,
arrived here the 3d August with a poore carga[zoon], vizt. some
100 bags of pepper for accompt of theire Company, 40 loggs, as
many plancks, and a parcell of bass to make roapes. He anchored
some five dayes at Bunder Reack ^ and sold some of theire goods ;
but after the Persians repented theire bargaine, and he sayled from
thence without any mony, but at parting brought from that place
a slave woman and her child and forced from another Banyan
a parcell of pearles worth some 10 or 15 tomands; but the owners
of both were here before the ship to complayne. Wee advized the
Governour &c. that they belonged not to our Company or ought to
come where wee were ; but here all companies have liberty to trade.
^ Sent by the Endeavour. Another copy will be found among the O.C. Duplicates.
2 The Del/shaven.
' Bandar Rig, a little to the north-west of Bushire.
284 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Wee desire your instructions or advice by first ship what course
wee shall take, if for future they come to this port.' The factors
persuaded Durson to restore the slave woman and the pearls. The
Governor of Kung promised to induce the merchants there to provide
freight for the Endeavotir ; so Walwyn has been sent in her to look
after this, and is to remain at Kung until fetched back. Forward
a list of goods they would be glad to receive for sale here, though
the markets are very dull at present. The vessel bringing them
should arrive early in May. Hope that the experience of the Dutch
this year will discourage them from coming again. The China ware
brought by the Seahorse was much damaged. The largest sorts of
dishes, bowls, and jars would sell well here. Have received 549
rials for freight of goods embarked in the Endeavour ; and are
sending in her 38,753^ rials, as the result of their sales. The Basha
is dispatching to the President an Arabian horse. Enclose a list of
goods wanted for presents. ' The King, haveing been very sick this
and the last yeare, would perswade his sonn, Hassan Beague, to be
Bashaw, but he will not by any meanes accept of it ; wherefore
this day, with consent of all the Beagues in this country, have made
his Sonne second person in Councell and Governour of Bussora ;
and this day Mahmud Agga left of his place of goverment and
remaines only Shaubunder ; which is much better for our bussines.
If Your Worships please to write two or three lines to Hassan
Beague, it would be a great help to the Companies bussines, if at
any time wee should want his assistance. The Dutch and
Capt. Durson were very important [importunate] with the Shau-
bunder to goe and see theire ships ; but (what his reason was wee
know not) he would not goe to any of them, but invited himselfe
and other cheife men aboard the Endeavour one morning by breake
of day ; when wee made them the best bankett wee could contrive,
and presented them according to theire quallities.' Forward
accounts and transcripts of letters, and desire a supply of pro-
visions. Lee, the surgeon, desired to proceed to Surat in the
Endeavour i but could not be spared, ' and the rather by reason that
the Governours kinsman and Ally Agha were his patients.' PS. —
Enclose letters for the President from the Basha and the Governor.
{Copy. 2>\ PP)
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 285
Notes of the Voyage of the Falcon {Marine Records^
vol. Ixv. p. 95).
1645, September 25. Anchored in Swally Road. October 28.
Set sail. November 18. Anchored in *the road of Sind'. List of
goods embarked there, including 70 bales of private trade.
December 7. Reached Swally, and disembarked the cargo. (| p.)
The King of Vijayanagar at * Arlour ^ ' to the Agent
AT Fort St. George, September 25, 1645 {O.C. 1948)/^
' Zree Seringo Raylo, King of Kings, a God in his kingdome, in
armes invincible, &c., unto the Captain of the English, these. The
Hollanders, who have their residence in Pallacatt, not valuinge my
letters, hath constrained mee to commence a warre against them,
the charge whereof is committed unto Chenana Chety [Malaya : see
p. 50], whom you are to assist therein with artillery, powder, shott,
fireworks ; and in soe doing you shall pleasure us. Whatever goods
appertained unto the Hollanders in my kingdome I accompt it as
my peculiar and proper wealth ; which, being all come to Madrasa-
patam, wee will that you buy and pay monies for the same, pro-
ceeding therein as Chenana Chety and Seradra^ shall prescribe,
not failing at all in its performance. And whereas I am given to
understand by Chenana Chety that you intend to send upp a man
of quality unto us, [I] am very well pleased, for that you have
allwaies esteemed my ordinances ; and as Chenana Chety will
advize, soe shall you bee sure to receive content ; nor bee you
induced to beleive the contrary, but confide upon our word and
hast to visitt us by your second and whomsoever else you send
along with him ; for whose secure repayre unto our court this our
firman shall suffice. As for other matters, Chinana Chety will
advise you.' {Copy. \ p.)
^ Raya Ellnni, now known as Vellore.
2 A copy of a translated version enclosed in the Madras letter of October i, 1645 (see
p. 291). The copy was apparently made at Surat. What became of the original document
is not known.
^ An error for ' Sesadra', i.e. Seshadri Chetti.
286 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Consultation held aboard the Eagle in Swally Hole
BY Messrs. Merry, Thurston, Tash, and Fitch, assisted by
Thomas Stevens, Andrew Trumball, and Thomas Tomplins
(Purser), September 29, 1645 (P.C. 1949).
The Eagle, Falcon^ and Lanneret having arrived here, the Presi-
dent (who was himself too unwell to leave Surat) sent down the
members of his Council to superintend the landing of their cargoes.
Whilst thus employed, Courteen's ship Hester^ commanded by-
Robert Hogg, anchored in the road, * with the Union flagg in his
mainetoppmasthead '. This intrusion into the Company's chief
port, and ' his well knowne pyraticall practise by intercepting a small
jounck or tawrin ^ belonging to the King of Cushan ^ haveing
allreadie made him famous (rather infamous) amongst these people ',
it was deemed advisable to examine into his authority for such
actions, and also to require him to take in his flag. As regards his
coming to Surat, Hogg pretends that he was obliged to do so by
the Governor of Mozambique, who required him to transport hither
Joao da Maya Caldeira, the Portuguese left at Johanna by
Mucknell ; but it is believed that he really undertook to do this in
order to ingratiate himself with the Portuguese. He declares that
he will merely trim and provision his ship and then depart ; but he
refuses to enter into any obligation not to trade here. In conse-
quence, with the assent of the President, orders are given not to
permit him to land or embark any goods whatsoever. After several
attempts at evasion, he produces his commission ; but nothing can
be found therein warranting either his coming to this port or
capturing ' our freinds jounck'. As to the flag, he pretends that it
was hoisted without his knowledge, but he refuses to take it in
voluntarily ; whereupon order is given that it shall be lowered.
Understanding that Hogg intends to proceed to Surat, it is decided
to rejoin the President there and further consider the matter, {i^pp.)
1 See the preceding volume, p. 42.
^ Kishin, in Southern Arabia. Regarding this capture see a Portuguese letter from the
Captain of Bassein, which forms O.C. 1950.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 287
Messrs. Ivy, Greenhill, Travell, and Minn at Fort St.
George to the Company, October i, 1645 (O.C. 1952).
Wrote last on September 7, 1644, by the Swafi, which left
Masulipatam on October 8 and reached Bantam December 26.
During the twelvemonth that has elapsed since then, they have not
received one word from the Company, and they can only conclude
that ' you have totally forgotten us and doe intend to sett a period
to this trade'. Meanwhile, they have provided cargoes for various
vessels at a cost of over 102,000 rials of eight, viz. the Swan for
Bantam (as aforesaid), 15,112 rials, 59^.: the Eftdeavotir, which
sailed for Persia on December 23, 1644, 23,650 rials, 2>3^''- the
Seaflower for Bantam, May 5, 1645, 37 A^^ rials, 4^. : and the
Advice^ which has gone to Masulipatam to complete her lading for
Bantam, about 26,000 rials. The enclosed abstract will show
which of the goods were intended for Europe ; trust that these will
duly reach the Company, ' for wee have by Gods assistance and our
indeavours mett with merchants that hath brought such a trade to
your new Fort St. George that Bantam nor Surratt shall not want
cloath, if they supply us with shipping for its transportation and
some reasonable stocke for the maynetenance of the same.' Draw
special attention to some samples of longcloth, indigo, and gun-
powder ; the last they believe is as good as any made in Europe.
Have experimented with the manufacture here of all sorts of Surat
cloth (except ' silke pattolas and tapichindas ') ; some specimens
have been sent in the Advice^ and they make no question of succeed-
ing, if they can get from Surat ' a skillfull workeman for their well
makeing upp and the glazeing of their heads '. ' For the prizes of
the cloath, wee beleive they wilbee something cheaper then at
Surratt ; and indeede, if this place were well supplyed with stocke
and shipping, wee neede not seeke further for any sort of goods,
betteelaes and redd cloth excepted ; which wee have now at last
discovered by the falling out of the Dutch with Mollay, their cheife
merchant and founder of their trade uppon this coast.' The Advice
has orders not to leave Masulipatam for Bantam before November 2.
Meanwhile she will ride at * Emalldeene' [sec p. 75], where she will
be as safe as in the Thames ; and it is found by experience that
288 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
vessels leaving this coast in November get to Bantam as soon as
those that start a month or more earlier. They have, either ready or
in prospect, sufficient cloth to provide a cargo for Persia, if a ship
and money be sent hither from Surat. This abundance of cloth is
due to ' the difference betwixt the Dutch and Mollay, their quondom
great merchant, which is now fallen out into open warrs, and ever
since the 13th August Mollay, by order and leave of the Kinge,
hath beseiged Pullecatt and by the same order and power hath
seiz'd uppon all the goods in the Jentue merchants hands in this
kingdome belonging unto the Dutch (for which they say they have
given out money to these merchants, but never had possession nor
made price of the goods), and taken three Dutchmen captives, one
of which is in our fort, uppon ransome of 2,000 pagodaes, and the
other two are prisoners at a sea port towne named Allumbrough.
It is credibly reported that the Kinge is sending downe great
ordinance and more power against Pullecatt to burne the towne
and beate downe the fort. The former may bee done ; but for the
latter they will finde a hard taske to performe.' The Dutch lost two
guns in attempting to rescue their merchant. The King is said to
have ' vowed the distruction of Pullecatt and to turne all the Dutch
men out of his cuntrey '. The origin of these differences will be
found in the enclosed translation of a letter addressed by ' Mollay '
to the Dutch ' Gennerall of Battavia '.^ This will also show ' the
Hollanders great tradeing and falce projects with Your Worships
in this Kings territoryes '. The whole trade is now offered to the
English : ' which wee could easilye maynetayne, if you pleas'd to
shew us any reasonable countinance therein, which may bee done in
continually keepeing on this coast of a pinnace of 80 tonns, and an
annuall supply from Europe, Bantam, and Surra tt [of] 150,000
royalls of eight, which is but from each place 50,000.' The goods
seized by the King's officers as Dutch property have been sold to
the merchants employed by the English and are now proferred by
them to the factors in satisfaction of their engagements ; but they
1 Not now extant. There is, however, under 0. C. i'884, ^^ abstract of the covering letter,
in which it is stated (apparently from the missing enclosure) that * the occasion of the warr
betweene Molay and the Dutch came by the Governours of Pullicate imprisoning of
Mollays sonn, brother in law, and famillie and takeing awaie of Mollays goods, upon a
pretence that he was indebted to the Dutch.' For these disputes see a letter from Pulicat
(March, 1645) in Hague Transcripts^ series i. vol. xiv (no. 432). '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 289
will not be accepted until the approbation of the Surat President
has been received, as the Dutch threaten to search the English ships
and confiscate any of these goods they may find. ' If Your Worships
suffer these affronts, it wilbee noc less dishonnour unto our nation
then disparradgement unto your servants/ Now that the Advice
has departed, they have no vessel left on the coast. The Company's
servants are as follows : In Fort St. George : Thomas Ivy, Henry
Greenhill, George Travell, William Minn, and Thomas Jermyn,
factors ; and Martin Bradgate and Walter Robins, writers ; together
with the soldiers, &c., enumerated in the enclosed list \jnissi7ig\. In
Masulipatam, Viravasaram, and Petapoli : Thomas Peniston, Thomas
Winter, Richard Hudson, William Methwold, William Gumey,
Edmund Styles, and Christopher Yardly, factors ; and Hercules
Heywood and Edward Winter, writers. 'At Bengalla': Henry
Olton and William Netlam. They are thus at present better
supplied with merchants than with means ; but ' in hopes of future
imployments ' they have prevailed upon four of these, whose periods
of service have expired, to remain for three years longer from
September i. Greenhill, who has served fourteen years (the last
six at 60/. per annum), has been re-engaged at 100/. ' Hee hath
bin the Accomptant Gennerall on the Coast this foure yeares ;
whose honesty and abillityes hath bin soe well approv'd of that wee
hould him worthy and deserveth the best imployment in your
service, if occasion requireth.' Minn and Jermyn have been given
40/. per annum ; while Robins, who has been a writer for over five
years, has had his wages increased to 20/. Trust that these arrange-
ments will be approved by the Company. ' Wee have bin often
tymes sollicited by this Kinge to give him a vissitt, which never
was yett done to him or his predecessours since our first arivall
heere, which is now seven yeares allmost ; soe, if wee any longer
deny his reasonable request, wee may suddainely expect his just
displeasure and peradventure have a seidge about us, as our
neighbours the Hollanders of one syde and Portugalls of the other,
which are seldome free, notwithstanding their great power and
defence, who hath twenty for one more then wee; soe that, if the
like should happen unto us, what can you expect of 50 well and
sicke men to defend your estate and fort against the Kings power,
when one of his merchants hath queld the Hollanders soe, that they
FOSTER VII U
CJ90 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
dare not stirr out of their fort or putt their feete ashoare in this
Kings dominion ? And now the King himselfe hath taken it to
hart, in the behalfe of Mollay, his cheife counceller, to comence
warrs against the Hollanders. Tyme will produce the event
thereof; for it is growne to that height that the Hollander must
leave this Kings cuntry, or Mollay fall into utter distruction. Soe
that wee have nothing more to trust unto then our civill comport-
ment and respect to the Kinge and great ones, which hath hetherto
prevayled before the Hollanders potencie; and at present are in
such esteeme with the King and great ones that the whole trade of
this kingdome is proffered unto the Honourable English East India
Company. And for the mayntenance of the same and the Kings
favour, wee are . . . resolved within this few dayes to send upp
Mr. Henry Greenhill ^, with foure other English souldiers for his
attendance, for the reconfirmation of what was graunted unto
Mr. Cogan by the Great Nague, under whose protection formerly
wee liv'd, but now the Kinge hath taken his power and this cuntry
from him ; soe that his power and protection is of noe longer vallue.
Soe now findeing a fitting oppertunity, wee doubt not but to have
our old priviledges reconfirm'd, with the adition of a great many
more, by this now reigneing ing, which hath brought all his
great lords unto his comand, which hath not bin this 40 yeares
before. This by Mollayes assistance wee make noe question to
obtayne. And another reason for the sending of Mr. Greenhill to
the King is because that our powerfull freinds the Governour &c. of
PuUecatt would make us beleive that Mollay is a villiane and
a heighway robber and that wee, in receiveing those goods of our
merchants which Mollay hath stollen and sould to them, are as bad
as hee, and therefore will take those goods out of our shipps where-
soever they meete them, and to this effect hath given their com-
missions to all their comanders to search our shipps wheresoever
they meete them ; thinkeing thus to buncke us out of 400 bales of
goods which our merchants hath in Fort St. George and at our
washers in possession ; soe should wee disapoint our Surratt Presi-
dent of his Mocho shipps ladeinge of goods (and better goods wee
know hee cannot have for that place). Therefore, until 1 wee have
^ In Bruce's Annals (vol. i. p. 415) Greenhill's mission is erroneously stated as having
been to the King of Golconda.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 291
his approbation, wee are resolved to our power to maynetayne our
merchants in that just cause that wee well know they are in, in
regard wee finde they doe truely indeavour your proffitt and their
owne credditts ; and for these goods, wee well knowe they have
paid to the uttermost vallue of them, and soe must wee likewise.
Therefore, because the Hollanders shall not say that wee are the
receivers of stollen goods, wee doe send Mr. Greenhill and four other
English men unto the Kinge, to beseech his hand and signett to
testifie to the whole world that Mollay is noe villiane nor theife,
and what warr is comenced against the Hollanders is by His
Majesties command, as well as the goods taken from his subjects
belonging to the Hollanders, sould by his officers with the same
comand. Soe that when wee have this from the Kinge under his
owne hand and signett, and that by his owne hand is delivered
unto Mr. Greenhill, in presence of four other English men, wee hope,
when wee shall have sent the coppie thereof to the Governour of
Pullecatt, hee will noe longer threaten us for the receiveinge of
stollen goods. This wee intend to doe before wee receive a peece
of these 400 bales of cloath ; and then in the future, if the Hollanders
abuse and affront us, wee make noe question but you will maynetayne
us in a right and just cause.' Information has been received from
Bantam that the Company have ordered Ivy to repair to Bantam ;
though this is ' contrary to contract ', he will obey and will depart
by the next ship. He would have gone by the Advice, but it was
the unanimous opinion of the factors that his so doing * would have
redownd unto your loss and hindrance of the Coast trade'. He
thanks the Company for appointing him to be President at Bantam,
but begs leave to return to England the following year, when his
covenanted period will be nearly expired. PS. — * This instant wee
received a letter from the King by two of our owne servants, whome
wee sent to him for that purpose ; which letter was deliverd unto
our servants in the presence of the Kinge, who with his owne mouth
bade them to deliver it unto the Agent. The translate of that
letter out of Jentue into English \_see p. 285] wee send unto you
herewith for your perusalL* {Copy. ^\pp)
U 2
29a THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Messrs. Ivy, Greenhill, Travell, and Minn at Fort St.
George to the President and Council at Surat, October i,
1645 {0,C. 1951).
The warfare between the Dutch and ' Molay ' increases daily in
intensity. Had meant to send the Advice direct to Bantam, but,
owing to want of washers, they could not get their cloth ready
in time ; and so on September lo, they sent her to Masulipatam, to
complete her lading there. None of the goods put into her at
this place were from those taken by * Molay ' from the Dutch mer-
chants, except perhaps three bales of white salampores received
from ' Sesadra ', and even these have no mark upon them that
would identify them as Dutch property. These three bales are
intended for Europe, and will, it is thought, prove a very profitable
commodity. Enclose a copy of a letter received from the Dutch
Governor of Pulicat, warning them not to buy any of the goods
seized by ' Molay ' ^, and notifying that instructions have been given
to search all English ships *and to take such goods out'. The
Advice has passed by Pulicat without interference, and so the
Dutch protest is looked upon as 'a scarecrow'. However, they
have not yet bought any of the goods (except the salampores)
purchased by their merchants from the King's officers ; and they
will await instructions from Surat before doing anything of the
kind. Still, the dealers have been allowed to warehouse some of
the goods in the Fort ; and the factors intend ' to maintain our
merchants in a true and just caus, as wee beleive they are in.'
' Molay ' has full authority from the King for all his proceedings,
as will be seen from the enclosed copy of a letter from him to the
Governor-General at Batavia ; and they look upon these goods as
taken in war and therefore lawfully purchasable. That the
hostilities were commenced by the King they will shortly be able
to prove under his own hand. ^ To that purpose wee are now
sendinge Mr. Henry Greenhill unto him with four other English
men, who shalbe testators of the same that what is donne against
the Hollanders is by the Kings comaund and consent ; and until 1
we have this under the Kings hand and signett, wee will not receive
^ See the Dagh-Re^ster for 1644-45, p. 356.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 293
one piece of these goods, but keepe possession of it untill we heare
from you,' Forward transcripts of their letter to the Company and
other papers, with their books of accounts. PS. — The * cossas '
and ginghams taken out of the Endeavour at Surat were provided
for England and should be sent thither. Enclose a translation of
a letter just received from the King. {Copy. 3I pp)
The Same to the President and Council at Bantam,
October i, 1645 (p.C. 1953).
Wrote last on July 31, by a Dutch conveyance, notifying the
arrival of the Advice. Answer various points in the letter she
brought. Bridgeman has been made purser of the Advice (as
ordered) and returned to Bantam. William Brown has also been
sent; but Jeremy Root was too ill to embark. Trust that the
Seaflower will be dispatched to this place without fail, as they have
plenty of goods for her, if means be sent for their purchase. For-
ward samples of cloths made here in imitation of those procurable
at Surat. The deficiency in the sandalwood laden upon the Sea-
fiower was caused by the use of the brass weights sent out by the
Company in 1640, which are two per cent, too light. The wetting
of that vessel's cargo was due to a leak ; but the fine cloths have
now been put up ' in wax rappers ' to prevent a repetition. Have
sent to ' Gingallee ' \see p. ']^ for the iron required for Macassar.
Wish that the Sivan had proceeded on the Manilla voyage in spite
of the threats of the Dutch, which are nothing but ' scarecrows '.
There is not a better market in the world ; and Bantam, Jambi,
&c., will not find vent for all the goods now sent or in preparation.
' Wee were in good hopes that you would againe have made triall
with the Scqfloiver to obtaine Bengalla through the Streightes
of Mallacca. But wee still meete with the Hollanders interpos-
sitions by the way, which still are a hinderance to our masters just
and lawfull trade : and ourselves not haveing any shipp or meanes
to send thither, have obtaind fraight for the Companies goods and
Mr. Oltons passage from thence to Messulapatana, only leaveing
Mr. Nettlam to looke unto the Companies howse. So that, if the
next yeare wee are noe better supplyed with shipping and meanes
then this, wee intend to dissolve that unprofTittable factorie.
294 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Mr. Olton wee intend, after Mr. Penistons repaire hither, to appointe
cheeif at Verashroone, and Mr. Winter to succeed Mr. Peniston.
Accordeing to your order and directions wee have likewise long
since sent unto Mr. Olton the transcripts of Mr. Hatch his bookes
of accompts &c., for his satisfaction and directions of him in that
litle or noe bussiness which hee maketh such a stir aboute.'
Hudson denies the truth of Gardner's accusations, and has conse-
quently been permitted to retain his post. Request that certain
deficiencies in the cargo of the Advice may be made good. The
four ' lascars * have been sent to Masulipatam. As regards general
news, the factors refer to their accompanying letter to the Company.
Would be glad to have an opinion from Bantam as to the lawful-
ness of their receiving the goods taken from the Dutch. Forward
(with a translation) a letter addressed by ' Mollay ' to the ' Generall
of Battavia '. This would have been sent by the Seaflower, but it
arrived too late. Enclose also a correspondence with the Dutch at
Pulicat, and request that all these papers may be transmitted to the
Company after perusal. Their accounts have been sent by the
Advice ; also three bales of goods belonging to the son of ' Sessadra
Nague, our cheif marchant' \_see p. 381]. These should be sold and
the proceeds returned by the next ship. PS. — 'Att the sealeing
upp hereof, we were pressented with a petition from the souldiers
for the desireing of a minnister to be heere with them for the main-
tainance of their soules health ; which petition goeth heerewith,
beseecheing Your Wisdomes devote consideration therein.' PPS. —
Enclose a translation of a letter just received from the King.
{Copy. 7 pp)
Robert Cranmer, Thomas Cogan, and William We ale at
Basra to the President and Council at Surat, October 3,
1645 (P.C, 1954).
Avail themselves of an opportunity of sending a note ' per convoy
of Hadgee Zahad Beagues jouncks'. Trade is very dead, both
here and at Bagdad and Aleppo. Send a revised list of goods
desired for next year. The town is so full of all sorts of com-
modities that prices have fallen considerably and they will have
hard work to sell their stock before next monsoon. Enclose a list
of the goods sold by the Dutch at this place, with the prices
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 295
realized. If the latter promise more profit than the sorts already-
asked for, next season's consignment should be modified accord-
ingly. Two small brass guns were bought from Capt. Durson for
the use of the Seahorse^ at Mr. Tindall's request. The purser of
the Endeavour refuses to give any account of the way in which he
disbursed the money advanced to him to provide necessaries.
Some rule ought to be laid down as to fresh provisions for the
ships. 'A quarter of a sheepe a mess use[d] to be the custome.'
The Dutch report that they have taken Ormus, but there is no
confirmation of this. The Portuguese have spread a story that
' the ensueing yeare they shall have warrs with us and the Vice
King will not give lycence for our comeing more to Bussora ; and
this wee conceive is partly to feare the people not to send theire
goods in the Companies vessels.' Request certain articles for
presents. ' Chaires and cotts ^ of guilded Brodra [Baroda] worke
are not here acceptable. Those now required of seesum ^ of 5^
rup[ees] price are of more vallue.' (Copy, ^\pp)
Thomas Peniston, Thomas Winter, Richard Hudson,
William Gurney, and. Edmund Styles at Masulipatam to
the President and Council at Bantam, October 3, 1645
ip.a 1955).
Received last night a letter from Pollen [master of the Advice\
announcing his arrival at ' Hemaldeene ' \see p. 75], and asking for
a smith and caulkers. Conclude that he intends to repair his vessel
there, before coming on to this place to embark the goods they
have ready. Particulars of those she embarked at Fort St. George.
{Copy. I p. Received 'per Dutch conveyance \ November 6.)
Attestation by Thomas Stevens and Andrew Trumball
at Surat, October 3, 1645 {O.C 1956).
Testify that the treasure brought from England this year arrived
in bad condition. * At its comeing into the warehouse, the chests
were found most of them shaken, and soe oppen that a passage was
left for the rials to run out. Further, at oppening many of them,
^ Bedsteads. For an early example of this word see the 1622-23 volume, p. 125.
2 Shlsham or slsfc wood, much used in India for making furniture.
296 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
the baggs were found rotten and torne by the nayles, the monies
being scattered in the chests.' (J p)
William Pitt and Thomas Codrington at Ispahan to the
President and Council at Surat, October 6, 1645 (P.C. 1957).
Ten days ago they presented a petition to the Itimad-uddaula,
complaining that their broker at Gombroon had been refused per-
mission to attend at the customhouse (as usual) to note the issue of
goods ; whereupon he wrote an order for a farman to be sent thither
to remedy this and other abuses. ' Hee alsoe the same day graunted
us two other peticions some few days before delivered unto him,
vizt. one about the releasement of the Kings duties of one per cent.,
the other about our ruinated howse in Bunder [Gombroon], for
which hee enordered wee should bee allowed for two years that wee
had payed beeforehand. This passed the iJ4th ultimo. The 29th
ditto hee sent both the cheife of the Dutch and us vests from the
Kinge ; before whom the next day, as hee sate in his mayalists ^,
wee presented ourselv[e]s ; and, after wee had eaten in his presents,
tooke our leav[e]s of him. The followinge morneinge about breake
of day (by whose order is not yett certainely knowne) Edamont
Dowlett was killed in his owne hows by Jonne Ckaune [Jam Khan]
and five more great men, who cut his body all into peeces, to noe
little joy to all in generall here, except the Queene Mother, who (as
wee heare) doth much lament his death.^ In his place the Kinge
yesterday was pleased to establish Callosa ^ Sultan, who had the
office once before, and that ten years togither, in the raigne of
Shabas [Shah Abbas], the grandfather of this Kinge. Hee is
reported to bee a very honest man and a friend unto our nacion ;
soe that wee hope our Honourable Imployers businesse in these
parts will in future prove better then formerly it hath been.' These
troubles have delayed the promised farmans ; but to-morrow the
factors will visit the new Itimad-uddaula and remind him of them.
^ The Majlis^ i.e. the court, is meant. The word has become familiar to newspaper-
readers as the title of the Persian Parliament.
^ Valentyn {Oud en Nietiw Oost Indien, vol. v. p. 247) says that the Queen Mother was
a friend of Mirza Taqi, the murdered Itimad-uddaula, and that it was at her instance that
the Shah punished the murderers.
^ A copyist's error for Khalifa Sultan.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 297
News from Basra. Were surprised to learn that neither the Seahorse
nor the Endeavour would call at Gombroon on the way to Surat.
The money sent down from hence to the port will therefore have to
remain there, until either it is fetched by some vessel from Surat or
some Dutch conveyance is to be had. PS. — 'This instant after
the finishinge this letter, the Kinge here, to revenge the death of
Ettam[on] Dowlett, who itt seems was murthercd without his
concent, ha[th] cut of the heads of three of thes dukes and three
other great men, vizt, Jonne Ckaune Curchee Bashee, Nocoda
Ckawne, Arab Ckawne, Abass Culle Beague, Byram Alle Beague
Shechavand, Jebadar Basshee^ ; whose heads leyeth this instant in
the Midan^ before the Kings dore, with the bodys of the two
former, whose heads being first cutt off was caused by the Kinge to
be caried upon poles about the cittie, with these words proclaimed
with it, that this is the punishment of all such as killeth any man
without order from the Kinge. It is thought that more heads yett
wilbe lost about this busines.' ^ {Copy. '^\pp-)
» These names and titles are : JanI Khan, the Qurcht Bdshl or commander of the Tartar
cavalry, Naqdi (?) Khan, Arab Khan, Abbas Quli Beg, Bairam All Beg Shaikhavand, and
possibly the Jilatiddr Bdshi, described by Tavernier as * le chef des valets de pied '.
2 The well-known Maidan or central square, on the western side of which is the royal
palace.
' In a later letter from Pitt and his colleagues, dated at Gombroon May 9, 1646 {O.C.
1991), the following account is given of these events: —
' About breake of day newes was brought us that Ettam[en] Dowlett was slaine by
Johnne Ckaun and five other nobles, whose lives bee intended to have taken away the very
same morneing and neare about the same time ; of which the aforesaid six nobles haveing
intelligence, [they] mett the same morneing very early in the Midanne before the Kings
house, where on a suddaine, as they satt on their horses, [they] tooke councell togeither
and resolved to take away the life of Ettam[en] Dowlett first, although they were sure to
live but a day after him ; which accordingly they put in practice, for they had noe sooner
entred his house and come where hee was (at prayer) but Johnne Ckaun told him hee had
eaten the Kings bread undeservedly ; upon which Nogdee Ckaun stucke him through the
body with his dagger, and presently the other four cutt him in peeces ; which done,
Johnnee Ckaun went unto the King and, holding his sword on his necke, acquainted him
of what hee had done, sayeing, if hee had displeased His Majestie, hee was willing to
suffer for it. The King for the present seemed glad, and commended him for his paines,
desireing to know who were his fellow actors with him in the murther, and willed him to
give him their names, for that hee would reward them for theyr good service ; which being
effected, the said Johnne Ckaun, haveing leave to depart, retourned to his house very joy-
full ; and soe continued with the rest of his freinds till the 6th October, when very early in
the morneing, about breake of day, the King sent for him and Nogdee Ckaun, and caused
both their heads to bee cutt off ; and afterwards sent for the heads of the other four, viit.
of Arrab Ckaun, Abasse Culle Beage, Byram Alle Beague Shemvand, and Jebbidar Bashee ;
298 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Philip Wylde and Samuel Wilton at Gombroon to [the
President and Council at Surat], October 12, 1645 {O.C.
1958).
Arrived here on the loth current, and found in the road the
Endeavour^ which had arrived on the 7th. Have embarked in her
their money, a chest of raisins, and one horse, received in part pay-
ment of a debt. Could not find at Shiraz any horses worth buying,
and have therefore advised the factors at Ispahan to purchase some
there. Send an account of freight embarked in this ship. (Copy, ip.)
The Same to [the Same], October 14, 1645 {O.C. 1958).
Enclose a transcript of the preceding letter. Money advanced to
Bowen for the purchase of provisions for the Endeavour. (Copy.
\ p. Received by a Dutch ship^ November 11.)
Declaration by Joao da Maya Caldeira, aboard the
Hester at Swally, October J|, 1645 (O.C. 1959).
Narrates his embarkation in the John at Mozambique, and the
subsequent quarrels between Knipe and Mucknell, which resulted
in his being left at Johanna. Claims compensation for his losses.
(Copy. Portuguese. 1 pp.)
Messrs. Cranmer, Cogan, and Weale at Basra to the
Company, October 17, 1645 (O.C. ig6o).
Wrote last on July 31. The Seahorse was dispatched on
August iz8, and the Endeavour on September ii.^ * Tradeing was
all which were brought on the Midanne before the Kings house, where they remeyned till
the sunne went downe. Soe soone as the former two heads were seperated from their
bodies, they were put upon two pooles and carried about the Midanne with theese words
proclaimed, that this is the punishment of all such as dare to kill men without order from
the King. And yett it is credibly reported that the King, if hee did not comaund it to bee
done, yett was very glad that hee was soe ridd of Ettam[en] Dowlett ; and indeed soe
were all his people in generall, many of them for five daies togeither makeing feasts for
joy they were soe well ridd of such a divell. Since his death it is reported that hee con-
spired the death of the King and intended to settle his younger brother in his throne. It is
likewise credibly reported that there came into the Kings treasure by the death of the afore-
said six men about 500,000 temaunds.'
^ Roobacker (see p. 274) mentions the arrival on August 22 (O.S.) of an English pinnace
named the William. Probably this was the one formerly belonging to Fremlen and em-
ployed by the factors for their private trade (see p. 31) ; if so, the reason for not saying
anything about it in the present letter becomes at once apparent.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 299
never deader and this place not knowne to be soe much overprest
with goods as it hath been this monzoone ' ; with the result that
their sales for the year amounted only to 44,318 rials of eight, and
of this sum they could only get in sufficient to send 3^,7o3i rials by
the Endeavour. Enclose copies of their letters to Surat and other
papers. Durson's proceedings here. ' At theirc partcing hence,
the nth October, [they] made great preperations for the Dutch,
&c. Robert Cranmer was invited, and must not deny them, but,
foreknowing what might happen, prevented. Thomas Cogan was
lycensed ; when, being on board them, Mr. Durson and their mer-
chant, Peeter de Masters, could not forbeare but expresse theire
passion. Theire hopes were to have had Robert Cranmer. Some
trechery was intended on him, but what wee know not. The
thought of 5,000 pound sterling taken by Mr. Bowen lyes heavy at
theire stomacks, pretending it hindered the Loyaltyes voyage this
yeare for England. To Mr. Wallwin in Congoo and our freinds in
Gombroone wee have given notice ; who wee presume will not over-
creditt them.' Death of Blocq at Ispahan. It is rumoured that at
Gombroon *Willibrant' has sold all his goods for some 15,000
tOmans and, after shipping the money, together with 3,000 tumans
received from the King, has withdrawn his people and ' proclamed
warrs ' ; further, that the Dutch intend to take * the Moores jouncks
bound for Gombroone and they expect 10 or 15 sayle of ships more
to take Ormooze and Kishmee.' This letter is sent by way of
Aleppo, and the factors would be glad to receive a reply by the
same route, 'for that wee remaine here the whole yeare'. They
can forward any letters intended for Surat by way of Muskat and
* Scinda '. {^Copy. i| pp)
Edward Knipe and William Jesson at Agra to the
President and Council at Surat, November 12, 1645 {O.C.
1961).
Rejoice to learn the arrival of three ships from England. Note
the instructions given for the purchase of goods. Have bought
a parcel of 'guzzees', ' beeing a reasonable good sorte of cloth
betwixt io| and 11^ gerraes broad. But wheras you ar6 pleased
to say that none must bee under \1 gerraes or 19 tusso, wee cannot
tell whither you derive the gerraes from the tassooes or the tussaes
300 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
from the gerraes ; appeareing to us great disproporcion therin, for,
uppon compareing a Surratt covett (which wee have in the howse)
with our Agra covett, finde lo^ gerraes Agra to agree with
19 tussaes Surratt.' ^ Enclose for comparison the length of the
Agra ' covet ', marked also with ' gerraes ', and request instructions.
Particulars of the ' guzzees ' last sent to Surat. ' That sorte of cloth
is made in Gocull 2, where, by residence of a trustie broker, might
bee yearely large quanteties procurable. These people here wee
finde them soe extraordinrilie full of deceipt as cannot by anie
meanes urge us to put confidence in anie of them. Imployment
for two or three honnest able brokers from Surratt would bee here
both advantagious to themselves and usefuU unto our masters;
[wee ?] haveing (as wee suppose) oftentimes diverse gainefuU oper-
tuneties which wee dare not make use of (in provission both of
cloth and indico) for feare of beeing abused by them, haveing had,
since Edward Knipes comeing hither, diverse experiments of their
willingnes to defraud. But how to better ourselves wee know not ;
feareing, if wee showld discard theise now in our imployment, to
have worse in their roomes. Itt may verie well bee answered thoes
brokers in Surratt are as craftie knaves and have as nimble a facultie
in deceipt as thoes here ; which cann hardly bee denied, while they
are amoung their owne tribe, with such able coadjutours to help them
to binde upp the bundle of their falcities under a faire glosse hardly
discerneable ; but when hither transplanted, the soyle will not prove
soe firtle to their fraudulent humors, when and where they will bee
soe odious to theise people as not anie of their actions possible to
bee obscured from our knowledge.' Have lately bought a quantity
of a very good sort of cloth. ' Whether to call them guzzees or
baftaes bee most propper wee cannot tell. They are made about
Kerriabaud^, where formerlie the Dutch have had residence in
quest of this sorte of clotheing ; which by reporte use[d] to stand
them in (hither to Agra) 25 rupees per corge. Their dimencions
are betwixt 18 and i8| Agra covetts long and full | broad ; which
will stand us in nett under no rupees per corge.' Intend to dispeed
^ By the * covett' is meant the Indian ^as, which contained i6 ^rds or 24 fastis
Tavernier makes the Surat g^az four-fifths of that of Agra, and this agrees fairly well with
the calculation in the text.
^ Gokul, a village near Mahaban,in Muttra district, about twenty miles north-we^t of Agra.
5 Khairabad, in Sitapur district, about forty miles north of Lucknow.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 301
these and the * guzzees ' previously bought to Ahmadabad as soon
as possible, as they think it better to send off their goods whenever
they have got together a reasonable quantity than to wait and send
them all together. Knipe notices ' the Companies slight esteeme
of his service ', but is comforted by the knowledge of his innocence
of the charges against him. These (as he understands from friends
in England) are that he took 100/. from one Buckner for bringing
out his son, and that he had 1,100/. in English gold with him in
the John} As regards the first, he acknowledges that such an
agreement was made, but declares that Buckner has failed to pay
more than a part of the money ; while, as for the other charge, if
any one can prove that he had even 15/. aboard in English gold,
he will forfeit all claim to salary and confess himself unworthy of
any future favours. He admits that (' by reason of the troubles in
England, not knoweing where to leave anie thing safe ') he brought
out a certain sum (far less than that reported) in foreign gold, jewels,
&c., intending to employ it at interest in Surat ; but that he had
no design of private trade will appear from his strictness at Mozam-
bique in this respect. He thanks the President and Council for
their defence of him, and promises to deserve their good opinion.
Davidge was dispeeded to ' Matchewarra ' \see p. 204] on October 29,
and a copy of the Surat letter has now been sent to him as a guide
in his investments. Jesson will start for ' Lucknoo ' in time to
arrive by the end of this month. In case he cannot there obtain
the desired ' eckbarres ', his broker has been sent in advance to
' Jellelpore 2, where Mr. Jesson saith hee cannot deceive if hee would,
because what there bought is registred by the towne broker.'
Blackwell, upon Knipe's arrival, was appointed house steward and
cannot be spared ; so Burnell is to be sent with Jesson in his place.
Knipe was not aware of the custom of transmitting monthly a state-
ment of household expenses, but in future will punctually observe
this practice, and now sends the accounts from June to September.
* Six daies before Mr. Davidges departure hence, came Allebux
[Allah-Bakhsh], whoe brought us noe comfortable tydeings of Chit-
tersalls bussnes \see p. 159], telling us of the little probabilletie
* See Court Minutes of the East India Company^ 1644-49, P* 7^> &c.
2 Jalalpur, a cotton-weaving centre in Fyzabad District (Oudh). For an earlier reference
see p. 178 of the 1618-21 volume.
303 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
of effecting ought therin till the Kings retourne for Agra, beeing
soe intent uppon his designe on the Tarters ^ as will incline his eare
to no other storie but what may induce to their overthrow. Assu-
lett Ckaune hee reportes not to bee taken prisoner ; onely had lost
some of his men, beeing outed by the Tarters of a hould formerlie
taken by the Kings forces. The King sent for him to Lahoar,
where by this tyme wee may guesse hee is with him ; but how long
his stay may bee in the Kings presence is uncerteine, because (itt is
reported) the King doth dayly place and displace his umrawes [see
p. 229]. Soe that wee cannot affoard you anie comfort att all
in that bussnes. Notwithstanding have retourned Allebux againe
to Lahoare with the trumpeter, whoe departed hence in company of
Mr. Davidge ; and have urged him, if hee finde Assulett Ckaune
with the King, to move with what possible dilligence hee may in
the bussnes. Wee have not omitted wryteing to Assulett Ckaune,
imploreing his assistance therin.' Have also instructed AUah-
Bakhsh to press * Zeruffden Hussen ' [Sharafuddin Husain : see
p. 160] for payment of his debt ; but the bills have been retained
here, owing to a rumour that he has been appointed Kotwal of
Agra. Note that their proposal, to use up the inferior indigo ' in
cureing cloth for our owne occasions', is disapproved at Surat.
Express their thanks for the strong waters, sword-blades, and other
goods intended for presents ; also ' for the sack and sallett oyle you
have bynn pleased to limitt us '. Knipe hopes that he may without
offence claim the greatest share of the sack, ' to ballance his smallest
proporcion of comfort.' Disposal of damaged broadcloth. ' The
byrams, allthough expressed under the title of amberties in invoice,
yett are of a different makeing up, beeing slenderly beaten ; as wee
conceive, propper for England.' Request an opinion on the suit-
ability of these and of the various sorts of * Derriabauds '. Have
examined every piece and returned those torn or stained. No more
broadcloth should be sent up at present. Wrote on October 19 to
Heynes and the rest at Ahmadabad, giving them notice of the
dispeed of the caravan and requesting a supply of money. As none
has been received, they have now taken up 10,000 rupees on a bill
of exchange drawn upon Surat at 4I per cent. loss. With this
money they will commence their indigo investment. Since Knipe's
^ The reference is to the campaign against the Uzbeks in Balkh and Badakhshan,
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 303
taking charge, the interest on debts to the extent of 12,000 rupees
has been reduced from one to three-quarters per cent, per month,
and no fresh debts have been incurred at a higher rate than seven-
eighths per cent. There are three principal creditors to whom the
factors owe 57,000 rupees, and in these cases the interest is still one
per cent. ; but they hope to secure a reduction before long. ' Thocs
that are greate monied men here in the towne, and live onely uppon
interest, receive from the sherroffs noe more then | per cent, per
moneth. The sherroffs they dispose of itt to others [at] from i to
2^ per cent., running some hazzard for the same, and that is their
gaines. Now when a sherroffe (for lucre) hath disposed of great
sommes to persons of qualletie att greate rates, not suddenly to bee
call'd in to serve his occasions, then beginn his creditours (as in
other partes of the world) like sheepe one to runn over the neck of
another, and quite stifle his reputacion. Thus, very opertunely
to our purpose hath two famous sherroffs bynn served within a
moneth, one of which faileing for above three lack of rupees, diverse
men have lost great somes and others totally undonne therby ;
which hath caused men of late to bee verie timerous of putting
their monies into sherroffs hands. Therfore wee say att this
present had wee monies to make use of this opertunety by sending
the same to our creditours howses, [wee] doe verilie beleive, rather
then they would accept therof, [they] might bee brought downe to
our owne rates ; to accomplish which, wee desire att once to have
speedilie remitted us att least 80.000 rupees ; by which meanes wee
have some confidence to wipe the name of one per cent, cleane out
of our bookes. By reporte of all men that have bynn uppon the
indico imployment, thoes that are the owners therof will not bee
brought to anie reasonable price for their comodity till necessety
forceth them to sell ; and wee have heard itt by English and Dutch
spoken that they have not, uppon their comeing to Byana, bought
one scare of indico in a moneth after, the sellers beeing soe extra-
ordnary unreasonable in their demands. Then how is itt possible
wee showld advise of the rates therof before wee have beate a bar-
gaine ? For allthough about Coria [Koria] and other partes where
English and Dutch useth not to goe to make their owne invest-
ments, the price is comonly broken by Mogulls and Armenians ;
but in Byana, Hendowne [Hindaun], and thoes partes adjacent, no
304 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Mogull or Armenian can breake price there, because their whole
dependance is uppon our two nacions ; and in tyme when they have
bynn att varience with ech other, striveing whoe showld give most
for the comodity, then hath bynn the sellers harvest. Wee, to
prevent this inconveniencie, findeing Signer Van Burgh ^ a rational!
honnest man, have soe accorded as not one to out vie the others,
conceiveing a sufficient proporcion for both parties. Now, soe long
as the Hollanders shall walke with us upprightely, wee intend our
correspondencie shall admitt of noe exception ; but if once wee finde
them fallter, will use them according.' Their agents in ' Coria *
have sent word that the price there is ^^ rupees per maund, 'not
fully dry.' Will let them go on buying small parcels, until the
factors are sure of getting all they want at Biana and Hindaun, and
then they will be stopped. The investments here (in indigo) may
be computed at 80,000 rupees ; at * Lucknoo ', 33,000 ; at ' Matcha-
warra', about 16,000; and the debts here about 110,000; total,
338,000 rupees. Towards this, they desire (as already stated) an
immediate remittance of 80,000 rupees. The reduction of the rate
of interest will not only save money but will improve the factors'
credit. The Dutch start for Biana to-morrow, and Jesson will
accompany them to commence the investment. Knipe will relieve
him there as soon as he has dispatched the calico from this place.
Have sent specimens of ' the new sorte of baftaes ' by * Signor Byars,
a Dutchman bound to Surratt.' Last night they received the
President and Council's letter of October 18, but cannot find time
to answer it fully now. Arrangements made for the charge of the
caravan. Hill left for Surat on October 37, with permission either
to accompany the carts or push on ahead. 'Uppon dispeede of
our caphilla wee had notice of a Rajahs sonne which lay robbing
on the way betwixt MoguUka Surah and Mirta ^ ; which caused us
to enterteine for defence of our goods ten men more then ordinarie.'
May possibly draw on Surat from Biana for 7,000 or 8,000 rupees.
Note the protest received from Joao da Maya Caldeira, and the
answer returned. Knipe will speak for himself as soon as he gets
1 Nikolaas van der Burgh is mentioned in the Dagh- Register, 1643-44, PP* 172, 193, as
a Dutch merchant at Agra.
'^ Mughalkasarai was a well-known halting-place about twelve miles north of Sironj, and
is probably the place referred to on p. 135 of the 1630-33 volume. No place called Mirta
is to be found in the neighbourhood.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 305
leisure ; meanwhile he desires that the enclosed note may be for-
warded to the Senhor. Witnesses can be produced from among
the Johns company that at Johanna Caldeira declared that Knipc
was ' innocent in knowledge of what hee brought aboard ' ; and
Burnell testifies to this effect in the accompanying certificate.
Will do their best to reduce the price of the indigo, and will buy
only that of really good quality. PS. — Their need for cash will
probably induce the ' money mungers ' to demand a high rate of
interest ; if so, they will give bills on Surat instead. (7 J pp.
Received December 6.)
The Grant from Sri Ranga Rayalu regarding Madras ^
A. The Contemporary Version (O.C. 16962).
' In the yeare Parteewa, the month Cartida, the moone in the
wane ^, the King over all Kings the Colliest [Holiest] and amongst
all cavileers the greatest, Zree Renga Raga, the mighty King God,
give[s] this cowle unto Agent Thomas Ivie, cheife captain of the
English, and the Company of that nation.
For as much as you have left Armagon and are come to Zree
Renga Ragapatam *, my towne, at first but of small esteeme, and
have there built a fort and brought trade to that port : therefore,
that you may bee the better incuraged to prosecute the same and
amplifie the towne which beares our name, we doe freely release
you of all customes or duties upon whatsoever goods bought or
sould in that place appertaininge to your Company. Also we
graunt unto your Company halfe of all the customes or duties
which shalbe received at that port ; and the rents of the ground
about the village Madraspatam, as also the Jaccall ground ^, wee
^ This grant was the outcome of Greenhill's mission, referred to on p. 290.
2 Endorsed by the copyist : * Coppie [of] Kings cowle given to the Agent concerning
privilidges reconfirmd.' I am inclined to think that it was copied at Madras. There are
two other transcripts at the India Office, viz. O.C. 1697 and no. 1696 in the Duplicate O.C.
series; but both are copies made at Surat and sent home from thence in 1646. The second
o f these has been printed in The Fmmding of Fort St. George (j). 32). All three versions
are practically identical.
3 I.e. the second half of the month Karttikay in the year Parthiva. This agrees with
the date in the later version (November 15), except that in that the year is, by a slip, given
as 1643 instead of 1645.
* * Zeree Renga Rayapatam ' and ' Zree Renga Rayapatan ' in the other two copies.
* Possibly the * jackal-ground ' was a waste piece of land between the Fort and Madras-
patam.
FOSTER VII X
3o6 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
give you towards your charges, by way of piscash. Moreover, for
the better mannaging your bussines, we surrender the government
and justice of the towne into your hands. And if any of your
neighbours of Pundamolee [Punamallee] shall injure you, we promise
you our reddy assistance. And for what provissions shalbe brought
out of that cuntry, we will that noe junckan [toll : Tamil chungam\
be taken thereon. If it fortune that any of your Companies shipps
shall by accident of weather or otherwise be driven ashoore at that
port, whatsoever can be saved shall remaine your owne. And the
like touching all merchants that trade at that port, if the owners
come to demand it ; but if the owner be not to bee found, then our
officers shall seize on the same to our behoofe. Wee alsoe promise
still to retayne the towne in our protection and not to subject it to
the government of Pundamolee or any other Nague. And w^hat-
soever marchandizes of yours that shall pass through the cuntry of
Pundamolee to pay but halfe custome. In confidence of this our
cowle, you may cheerfully proceede in your affairs ; wherein if any
of our people shall mollest you, wee give you our faith to take your
cause into our owne hands to doe you right and assist you against
them ; that your port and this our cowle may stand firme as longe
as the sunn and moone endureth.
Zree Rama.'
B. A Later Version {Treaties, vol. iii, p. 117).^
' Translation of a cowle given by Steeranga Railo to Agent Ivie,
dated 15th November, 1643.^
You have left the place called Armagon, and are come now to
one of my new towns called Steeranga-Rayapatnam, where you are
making a fort and bulwarks and to do your merchandize and trade ;
to which purpose I give you this cowle with the following contents,
vizt. : Touching your Company's merchandize, they shall pay no
^ Transcribed at the East India House (about 1812) from a book (no longer extant) of
Letters From Fort WilliatJi, 1 713-14. It is evidently derived from an independent trans-
lation. Further copies (identical in wording) will be found in Treaties y vol. ii (p. i) and
vol. ix (p. 141).
In Factory Records , Miscellaneous, vol. xxiv (p. 103), will be found a copy of a letter
from Madras to Bengal, dated Oct. 23, i7ii> giving a brief account of the first settlement
at Fort St. George, and of the privileges subsequently obtained. It is probable that this
translation of the 1645 grant was forwarded at the same time.
2 An error for 1645, *
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 307
custom, neither for importing nor exporting any of their goods.
And all what shall come in for custom of the said town, the half
shall be for your Company and the other half for the Divan. And
besides this, I do freely give to the Company the town called
Madrassapatam, and all the ground belongeth to it, at their dis-
posure ; and all the government and justice of the said town shall
be executed by you. And if any person should wrong you in any
part of my country or in the said town, in your merchandize or in
any other matters, I shall take care to do you justice and right.
Also no people belonging to the Governor of Pundamalee, nor of
its country, shall come nor have any thing to do in your town ;
neither shall you pay any juncan for what provisions shall be
brought for your Fort's use. If any of your ships should be cast
ashore, you shall take all the things that shall be saved. And if
any other ships, belonging to any other strangers, should [be] cast
ashore : if there be no owners for it, then all them things that shall
be saved shall be for the Divan's account. And besides, the said
town shall never be under the government [szc] of Pundamalle's
country, nor shall be given to any other government, but shall
remain clear under the Divan. Seeing I have given you the like
cowle concerning the said town and merchandize, I shall take care
that you shall in no ways be molested by no person ; to which you
may trust to my feet ^ and do your merchandize without any kind
of fear.'
Philip Wylde and Samuel Wilton at Gombroon to the
President and Council at Surat, November 16, 1645 {O.C.
1962).
Acknowledge the receipt of a letter of October 13. Enclose
advices from Pitt regarding the proceedings of the Dutch, &c. 'The
late news is : the Kings firmaund^, here arrived, confirmed a peace
with the Holanders for two years ensueinge, giveinge them such
libertie and license of trade accordinge to their owne demaunds,
payinge not any duties and buyinge silke of whome and where they
* This word is queried in the MS. ; the original probably had * faith '.
' For a Dutch version of this document see Hague Transcripts^ scries i. vol. xv, no. 476.
A letter from the King to the Dutch chief forms no. 481 ; and the reply will be found under
the same number.
X 2
3o8 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
please ; articles of which and others of the like nature are sent by
Comandore Wilbrent to Spahan, there to bee confirmed.^ Thus
with a great deale of facilitie the Dutch are like to have theire trade
and proceedings established, to their employers benefitt and their
nacions honor ; putinge the Pertians rather in feare of what they
intended then as yett any thinge accomplished, haveinge nither
taken townes or chastles ; only they beleagered that of Kishme,
spendinge shott without execucion, and burninge their lathers (as
they say) in sight of the castle by reason they were to short to
scale the walls ; afterwards retired abord the shipps, wastinge more
shott at a marke unknowne more then the noys of their ordenance ;
which terified the Pertians and brought them to this subjeccion.
[This ?] causes the Dutch to bee transported with soe much pride
of theire valor that if possible they possesse these sillie people they
are able to encounter with the whol world, promiseinge to deffend
this port against all nations. Nay, Commandore Wilbrent hath
tould us here hee will doe it against the Portugalls, as alsoe to other
nacions soe far as his gunns will reach ; to which was answered little,
least wee should publish our oune shame of doeinge that which
reason invites, when the materialls are knowne to bee wanting.
Your desires are to bee further informed concerning Bunder Sware ^ ;
to which wee cannot say more then what our informacions formerly
assertained ; beinge here now, on a second inquirie, informed by
them that have traded in those parts, giveinge it a good comenda-
cions for the vendinge such goods as our list preintemated. From
thence here hath lately arrived about 300 chists [of] shuggar. It
being a reasonable good sorte, sould at 13 lar[res] per maund of
^^ lb., which hath caused the quantitie the Dutch hath to decline
much in price; whose currentt rates is 12 lar[res] per maund, when
not longe since sould for 15 lar[res] per maund. The said place is
^ See nos. 476 and 477 in the same series.
^ This form of the name leaves it doubtful whether the place intended is Sur or Suhar,
both being ports of Oman, the former being SE. and the latter NW. of Muskat. When,
however, in January, 1646, the Lanneret proceeded thither, the Portuguese at Muskat
protested against English interference, declaring that the port was within their sphere,
'allthough of late expelled from thence' ijO.C. 1978). This would be true of Sur, but not
of Suhar, which was retained by the Portuguese until a later date (Badger's Imams atid
Seyyids of Oman, pp. xxv, 69).
It appears from O.C. 1970 that the English had been invited in 1645 to trade at this port
by the then Imam (Nasir-bin-Murshid). '
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 309
said to afford great quantities annually ; whose current rates there
is II larres per maund.' Broadcloth has long been 'a drugg in
these parts ', especially at Ispahan. ' This country affords more
lead then can finde vend, brought from Cremon ^ ; whose currentt
price is 16 sha[hees] per maund of ^^ lb.' Enclose a list of goods
and their prices. Note what has been done at Surat about Hogg,
the commander of the Hester. Pitt did the like at Gombroon upon
the arrival of Durson with the Loyalty ; * who voyaged from hence
to Bussora, and returned into this roadc the 3cth October, comeinge
onley for freight. When at his arrivall hee vizited the Sultan, beinge
kindly enterteined and promised curteous usage, not only for the
present but likewise for the future, although the Sultan was suffi-
tiently enformed from us how unwarantable it was for him to come
into this porte and, if hee received any fraight, our Company was
clere from all clamors that was like to ensue. However, Durson
prevailed and gott some few passengers with their goods and
monies, the greatest parts beinge merchants hee brought hither
from Rajapore. The 4th currentt hee departed at [? midjnight,
leaveinge behind him his broker, passengers, and one English boy.
At news thereof the Sultan suposed his new enterteined friend was
noe better then a piratt, beinge noe less suspected by his passengers,
&c. But it pleased God three days after hee mett with a stormc in
the Gulph which brought him back to Larrack ; when some good
angell inspired him to send his boate ashore for his passengers (but
supposed rather for his mates sonne, the boy). But after arrivall
many revileinge words the Sultan gave, and profered the passengers,
if they pleased, he would deteine the whole boats crew of English
till their goods were brought ashore from the shipp ; but, like
a company of silly fools, they perswaded the Sultan to the contrary
and desired boats to carry them abord, that they might take their
passage to Rajapore ; whereupon hee declared thci had licence, but
hee was free from giveinge them any such councell ; and soe they
departed.' Indigo now commands a good price, being very scarce
here. The commodities of ' Scind ', such as ' meanaes, udpotaes,
cuds Meirzaie, alejaes Bengalc, allejaes Sabone ', are likely also to be
in good demand. Send copies of their accounts, the originals of
' On the production of lead in the Kerman district see Lord Curzon's Persia, vol. ii.
p. 518.
3IO THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
which went by the Endeavour. The arrival of Pitt is daily expected.
PS. — Desire a small box of ' chirirgiry ' ; also a supply of sack and
beer. PPS. — The yearly allowance of house provisions (rice, butter,
oil, candles, ' doll ' [pulse : Hind. ddt\^ &c., should be sent by the
next ship. {Copy, '^^pp.)
President Cartwright and Council at Bantam to the
Company, December 23, 1645 {O.C. 1884 1).
Out of the money received by the William, they sent upwards of
10,000/. to the Coast. They beg the Company not to fail in supply-
ing those factories annually with means ; and they promise on their
own part to furnish the Coast with gold and other vendible com-
modities. * Cogan connives att Yards estate for his owne ends.' . . .
* Difference betweene Hatch and Olton.' ... {% p,)
Consultation held *on Swally Maryne' by President
Breton and Messrs. Merry, Thurston, Tash, and Fitch,
December iJ7, 1645 {O.C. 19^5).
At a previous consultation held on October 11 [missing], it was
decided that on the return of the Falcon from * Scinda ' and of the
Seahorse from Tuticorin, they should be sent to the Red Sea to
intercept the Malabars, ' our profest and invetterate enimies '. Now,
however, intelligence has been received that ' the now Vice Roy 2,
intending a suddaine warr against them, denieth his pass unto all
Mallavars tradeing to the Redd Sea, prohibiting the granteing of
them any securitie by any the Governors or Captaines of any his
townes or forts on this coast ' ; and it is unlikely that in these
circumstances any of the Malabars will venture upon such a voyage.
Moreover, Broadbent, on being consulted, objected to the enterprise,
'by reason of the difficulties and hazzard hee saith there is in
encountering them '. In view of all this, it is determined to abandon
the project and find other employment for the two vessels. Although
their expectation of good returns from Achin last year was dis-
appointed, yet it is clear that considerable profits may be made
^ These are notes only, made in London. No copy of the letter itself is extant.
^ Filippe Mascarenhas, who had succeeded the Conde de Aveiras as Viceroy^in Septem-
ber, 1644.
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 311
there by sales, and the Falco7i is accordingly designated for that
employment. She is to proceed thither at the end of the monsoon,
by which time the baftas lately provided at * Matchawara' will be
ready to form part of her cargo. The Seahorse^ after being over-
hauled in ' the river of Surratt ', will be sent to Rajapur, where some
* dungarees-^ ' are already awaiting shipment, and it is expected that
a large quantity of pepper will have been provided out of the money
landed there from the Hind on her way back from Tuticorin. The
Seahorse will then proceed to the Red Sea and sell her cargo. The
differences between the Dutch and the Persians being now settled,
it is resolved to notify the Surat merchants that freight goods will
be accepted for Persia on the same terms as before. John Totty s
appointed to command the Seahorse ; and John Brown, master's
mate of the Hind, is to succeed Broadbent as master of that vessel.
Broadbent and Tindall are permitted to take passage in the Eagle
for England. John Warner, coxswain of the Hind, who was maimed
in a fight with the Malabars, is awarded 200 mahmudis to help him
' in this his misserie '. (2 J //.)
Thomas Merry at Swally Marine to the Company,
December 29, 1645 {O.C. 1966).
After a service of eight years he is now * looking hoamewardes ',
and begs the Company to license his return to England at the same
time as Breton. The accounts of the Fourth Joint Stock, made up
to the end of September, are sent herewith. Urges that means be
supplied for extinguishing the debt and thus freeing the factors
from 'theis extortinge usurers', (i/.)
President Baker and Council at Bantam to the Com-
pany, December 29, 1645 {O.C. 1884 2).
. . . The Szvan has gone for Surat. ... 'A minister need full at
Fort St. Georg, unto which place Mr. Isaackson from Surat was
designed.' ... (3 liiies.)
1 A coarse kind of cloth : Hind, dtmgrt.
^ Notes only, made in London from a letter now missing. Cartwiight had resigned the
post of President to Aaron Baker a few days earlier and embarked for England in the Maty,
with Robert Hatch as a fellow-passenger {O.C. 1969).
312 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Anthony Fenn's^ Account of the Voyage of the Eagle
TO Surat (Marine Records^ vol. Ixvii).
1645, February 11. Sailed from Blackwall, and anchored near
Erith. March 15. Moved to Gravesend. March 24. Weighed
anchor ; * in casteing our shipp ', she fell foul of a vessel commanded
by Captain Strong.^ Anchored that evening in Margate Road.
March 25. Got as far as the Downs. April ^. Sailed, accompanied
by the Lanneret. April 4. Off Beachy Head they were overtaken
by the Falcon. April 9. Passed the Start, in very thick weather.
April 25. Saw Grand Canary. May 23. The Lanneret lost com-
pany. May 27. She joined again. The same day they crossed the
Line. June 20. The weather being rough, the Falcon lost company.
June 22. The Lanneret did the same. July 5. Saw land to the
eastwards of the Cape. July 21. Anchored in St. Augustine's Bay
[Madagascar]. 'Wee founde heere the William^ belonging to
Squier Curtene, Mr. Blakman comaunder, being come out of India
and bound home for England but, haveing loste his munsone, wintered
here. Likewise here was the Jeames, come out of Ingland, Mr.
Weddall ^ comaunder, bounde for India.' July 22. ' Came in Mr.
Spencer in the Sunn, from St. a Lucea, the French plantation uppon
the backe side of St. Laurence ' [see p. 200]. The same afternoon
the Falcon and the Lanneret arrived. July 29. The fleet sailed.
August 12. Anchored in Johanna Road, 'twharte off Brownes
garden' \see the preceding volume, p. 170]. August 22. The ships
sailed. September 23. Saw the coast of India. September 25.
Anchored in Swally Hole, and found there a Dutch ship from
Mokha. ' Your best rideing in Swallow Hoale is with the tody tree
bearing of you S. and by E., and Swallow E.S.E., and the Divells
tree E.N.E., and Bloody Poynte ^ N. and by E. J E. ; and then you
shall have 9I fadoms att a hye watter and at a lowe watter some 6
fadoms.' September 28. The Hester came in from Goa and the
Swan from Bantam. October 16. The Hester sailed for Goa.
^ lie was master's mate. The captain was Thomas Stevens.
2 See Court Minutes, 1644-49, PP* ^o» ^4' 9*^*
^ This was Jeremy Weddell, son of Captain John Weddell.
* The scene of the skirmish between the English and the Portuguese in 1630 (see the
1630-34 volume, p. x).
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES 313
October 28. The Falcon departed for 'Sindcy'. November 5. The
Endeavour, under Bowen, and the William, under Stafford, arrived
from Basra. November 7. These two vessels went into the river to
careen. November 28. The William, Prosperous, and Christopher
came in from Surat River. December i. The Francis went to
Daman to fetch arrack. December 7. The Falcon returned from
* Sindey '. December 10. The Francis came in ; also two Hollanders
from Batavia. December 17. The Lanneret sailed for Persia.
December 23. The Hind, under Broadbent, and the Seahorse, under
Tindall, arrived from the [Malabar] Coast with pepper. December 24.
The E7ideavour came into the Hole from Surat River. December t^y.
The Eagle went over the bar, preparatory to sailing for England.
INDEX
AbbdsTs, passim.
Abbas Quli Beg, 297.
Abbot, Edward, 25.
Abdullah Qutb Shah, Sultan. See Gol-
_ conda. King of.
Achar, 73 ;/.
Achin, Queen of, 128, 131 ; privileges
granted to the English and Dutch at,
130, 212; native of, imprisoned by the
Portuguese, 130, 212; Indian trade to,
92, 129, 130, 131, 281,282; native mer-
chants hinder Company's trade at, 128 ;
trade between Arakan, Macassar, and,
131 ; Company's factory at, 130, 131 ;
factors at, see Bowman, Dawes, Fitch,
Scattergood ; dispatch of ships from and
for, 99, 128, 131, 139, 146, 148, 179, 212,
2i4» 231, 253, 272, 311; shipment of
freight goods from and for, 131, 146 ;
trade at and commodities from, 97, 128,
129, 139, 146, 148, 235, 253, 310, 311 ;
goods provided for, 136, 161, 164 (3),
167, 204, 212; Courteen's trade to and
factory at {see also Glascock, Kynaston),
29, 128, 129, 130, 148, 184, 217, 254;
Courteen's debts at, 148, 217, 232 ;
Dutch factory and ships at, 129, 130;
Dutch chief at, see Willemszoon.
Ackers loot, the, 32, 272.
Acuerdo, 222.
Adams, Robert, 25.
Adams, Roger, 69, 81 ; death of, 234.
Aden, 19 ; Malabarjimks trade to, 3, 1 39, 213.
Adhar Bhatt, 14.
Adler, Thomas, 26, 70, 83, 84, 98, 132,
135, 143, 148, 169, 172, 188, 218; letter
from {see also Persia, andSuxzX), 189.
Advice, the, 35, 122, 146, 148, 294; master
of, see Dowle and Pollen ; voyage to
Gombroon and back to Coromandel
Coast, 31, 35, 40, 42, 56, 87 ; repairs to,
40, 43, 295 ; on Coromandel Coast, 33,
42, 56, 68, 69 ; voyage to Bengal and back
to Masulipatam, 32,43, 55, 67, 77, loi ;
sails to Narsapur and back to Madras,
77; at Madras, 71 ; voyage to Bantam,
4ij 55. 10, 11, 78, 97> loi ; dispatched
on a voyage of discovery, 97, 11 8-1 19;
again on Coromandel Coast, 116, 118,
140, 157, 159; returns to Bantam, 119,
120, 128, 164, 168; arrives at Coro-
mandel Coast from Bantam, 293 ; sails
to Tegnapatam and back to Madras, 281,
282 ; sails for Bantam, 281, 287 (2), 289,
292, 294.
Agra, xvi ; factors at, see Black well,
Bomford, Burnell, Davidge, Downs, Ham-
mersley, Jesson, Knipe, Tash, Turner ;
letter from, 299 ; censure of factors at,
203 ; factory accounts and records, 16,
96, 97, 142, 232, 301 ; broker at, see
Dhanji ; trouble with brokers at, 300 ;
trade at, passim ; customs duties on
commodities from, 214; caravans from,
215, 300, 301, 302, 304 ; debts and want
of money at, 302, 303, 304, 305 ; rate of
interest on borrowed money at, 303, 304 ;
failure of sarrdfs at, 303; debts due to
Company at, 160, 301, 302 ; Anglo-Dutch
agreement at, to reduce the price of
indigo, 304 ; Shah Jahan's army and
treasure at, 59 ; designs of rebels on,
58> 59 j presents for Shah Jahan, etc.,
sent to, 160 ; Kotwal of, see Sharafiiddin
Husain ; Jesuits at, 60, 63 ; Portuguese
borrow money from Company at, 60 ;
Courteen's trade to, 140 ; Dutch trade
and merchants at {see alsoYa.n der Burgh),
98, 215, 227.
Ahmadabad, factors at, see Andrews, Cogan
(Thomas), Heynes, Robinson, Smith
(Anthony), Tash; factory accounts, 16,
236 n. ; debts at, 5 ; money remitted to
Sind from, 85 ; changing of money at,
144; supplies for, from Surat, 210; trade
a.t, passi/n ; manufacture and dyeing, etc.,
of cotton cloth at, 5, 7, 137, 164, 204;
refining of saltpetre and borax at, 205,
233 ; customs duties on commodities
from, 214; caravans from and_for,90, 163,
201, 210 ; Governor of, see Azim Khan;
Dutch trade at, 160, 164, 202; Dutch
caravan for, 98.
Akbarls. See Cotton goods.
A/amdm, 18.
Alamparai, Dutch factors and goods seized
at, 280, 288.
Aleppo, dispatch of letters to and from
England via, 27, 57, 59, 98, 122, 143,
169, 171, 299; cost of transmission of
INDEX
3^5
letters to, 59; trade between Basra and,
58; Consul at, 59; depressed state of
trade at, 294.
Aleppo Merchant^ the, xix, 29 ; master
of, see Millet; chartered for voyage to
India, v, 28 ; Knipe {q.v.^ to manage
voyage of, 59 ; private trade aboard,
29(2), 89, 123; outward voyage of, 57,
61, 83 ; voyage to Malabar Coast from
Swally, 59-61, 69, 86, 106-109, 138; at
Goa, 63 (2) ; passages for Portuguese on,
94; homeward voyage of, 95, 96, 98, 109,
no, 121, 122, 135, 201.
All Agha, 284.
All Basha, 168, 186, 273, 274; presents
for and from, 20, 23, 284; negotiations
with, 27, 57 ; dispute with the Portuguese,
143-
Al-Katif, 100, 147.
Allah Bakhsh, 301, 302.
Allejas. See Cotton goods.
Allison, John, letter from, i ; commended,
15-
Almacen, 221, 225.
Almonds, 42, 73 n.
Almude, 217.
Aloes, 7, 124, 139(2), 162, 205, 233, 252,
254-
Alum, 138, 167.
Amar Singh, 229 n.
Amber, 217, 233.
Ambergris, 120.
Amberties. See Cotton goods.
Amboina, the, 62.
Ameldee. See Emalde.
Amin, Mirza, 253 n.
Amir (pi. uniard), 229, 302.
'Andre Manfecks ', 187.
* Andre Peela', 187.
Andrews, Thomas, 175, 231. '
Ankleswar, 137.
Anthony, John, 236.
Appelton, William, 152.
Arabia, horses from, 38, 160, 284. See
also Aden, Basra, Mokha, etc.
Arab Khan, 297.
Arab, Mirza, 23, 169.
Arakan, 131.
Archer, Anthony, 198 n., 241.
Ardasse, 122.
Ardeas. See Cotton goods.
* Arlour '. See Vellore.
Armagon, Nayak of, 52 ; complaint against,
53; death of, 80; attacked and captured
by Sri Ranga Rayalu, 44, 80 ; English
ship wrecked at, 20 ; fort at, 47, 48 ;
dismantling of fort at, 51, 52, 53 ; paint-
ings from, 51 ; money due to and from
Company at, 49, 52, 191; prices com-
pared with those at Madras, 118, 157;
abandoned by the Company's factors,
305,. 306.
Armenians, 18, 278, 303, 304.
Arrack, 7, 19, 61, 74, 103, 226, 234, 313.
Arras ((?r Arrash), 122.
Arrendt, the, 218.
Asaf Khan, 109; death of, 25; his estate
seized by Shah Jahan, 25, 95.
Asalat Khan, Mir Bakhshi to Shah Jahan,
229 «., 302 ; Boughton appointed surgeon
to, 229; assists the Company's factors,
_ 230, 232.
Asa Vora, 168.
Ascension Island, 241, 262, 264.
Assab, 99, 147.
Auditor, East India Company's. See Mark-
ham.
Aurangzlb, Viceroy of Gujarat, 253 n.
Austin, Bartholomew, 256 n.
Ayappa Nayak, forces King of Camatic
to release Damarla, So n.
Ayres, William, 237.
Azim Khan, 5.
Bab-ul-Mandab, 19, 139, 213.
Baftas. See Cotton goods.
Baghdad, 58, 294.
Bairam All Beg Shaikhavand, 297.
Baines, Rev. Andrew, 132, 152.
Baker, Aaron, letters to and from, see
Bantam ; resigns the Presidency at Ban-
tam, 82; again becomes President, 311 n.
Balasore, factors at, see Bengal ; letter from,
65 ; dispatch of ships for and from, 32,
65* 77> ^o^ ; trade at, in various com-
modities, 65, 66, 117; factors advise
continuance of factory at, 65; price of
provisions at, 72 ; private trade at, 72 ;
debts at, 116; factory accounts, 126;
accident to Endeavour at, 207 ; Persians
at, 105. See also Bengal.
Bamboos, 276.
' Bambord ' {or ' Bombard '), 104.
Banda, the, 260.
Bandar, 46, 170, 266, 269, 273. See also
Masulipatam.
Bandar AbbasT. See Gombroon.
Bandar Rig, 283.
Bandar Sur. See Sur.
Bank sal, 55.
Bantam, President at, see Baker and Cart-
wright ; President and Council at : letters
to and from, 33 (2), 38, 77, 82, 97, 1 13,
118 (2), 126, 133, 154, 293, 295, 310,
311; consultation by, 121; Coast ac-
counts to be rendered to, 13, 45; Coast
and Bay factories subordinate to, 45, 82,
127, 132, 140; disputes with and accu-
sations against Surat Council, 11, 16, 33,
34, 85, 86, 172, 227 ; indebted to Surat
3i6
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Council, 33, 34, 86, 99 ; money due to,
Irom Coast factors, 39, 97 ; and the
building of Fort St. George, 47 ; com-
plaints against, 100, 140, 200 ; and the
Manilla venture, 192, 193 ; factors at,
see Collet, Jeffries, \V inter (Thomas) ;
dispatch of ships for and from, passvn ;
commodities from, 6, 7, 16, 27, 35, 61,
70, 78, 80, 82, 86, 94, 97, loi, 121, 128,
i34» i38> i39> 142, 165, 201, 211, 231;
complaint of poor returns from, 20 ; goods
vendible at, 5, 6, 137; supplies for, 21,
35> 405 43j 55> 80, 100, 176, 194, 200,
201, 204 ; want of supplies and ships at,
34, 35, 36, 97, 128, 192, 193, 293; ship
sent to, for service at, 147 ; debts at, 34 ;
rate of interest for loans at, 34 ; state of
Company's affairs at, 35 ; slaves for, 37,
81, 97, 120; trade between Surat and,
85, 142, 164, 172, 201, 231 ; suggested
dispatch of ship to Bengal from, 293 ;
Indian trade to, 294 ; Dutch and Portu-
guese given passages to, 80 ; Dutch at,
38 ; Danes at, 37, 40 ; their new factory
^•t} 37, 38 ; Danish ship sails for, 36.
Banyans, 14, 18, 64, 108, 144, 204, 270, 283.
Barang-barang, 119.
Barbary, Courteen's Association trade to,
185; gold, 185.
Barker, Roger, 105, 11 1 n.
Baroda, dissolution of factory at, 164 ; fac-
tory accounts, 16; baftas and Guinea
stuffs from, 6, 85, 123, 137, 164, 204;
bleaching {or curing) of cotton goods at,
137^ 204 ; manufacture of cots, etc., at,
295 ; customs duties on commodities
from, 214 ; Dutch trade at, 6, 160.
Basra, 57 ; letters from, 57, 186, 197, 273,
283, 298 ; Basha of, see All Basha ;
Shahbandar of {see also Mahmud Agha),
27, 168, 186, 273, 274; Governor oi^see
Hassan Beague; broker at, 168, 169;
factors at, see Bowman, Buckeridge,
Cogan (Thomas), Cranmer, Pearce, Ry-
mell, Thurston, Walwyn, Weale ; com-
modities vendible at, 5, 7, 136, 137, 202,
203, 284, 294; supplies for, 8, 20, 139,
143, 161, 163, 164, 204, 208, 268 ; estab-
lishment of residence at, 20, 143, 299 ;
building of factory at, 27, 57; Com-
pany's agreement for trading to, 27;
customhouse and customs duties, 27, 274,
275 ; factory accounts and expenses at,
58, 89, 226, 284; dispatch of ships for
and {iom,passim ; best time for dispatch
of ships to, 284; transmission of letters
to and from England via, 2, 82, 91, 98,
122, 135, 143, 169, 186, 200, 236, 273;
sickness and mortality at, 276, 283 ;
trade at, /aj«w ; horses from, 2, 19, 20,
147, 148, 284; Company in favour at, 58,
186, 273; Courteen's ships sail for and
trade at, 277, 283, 284, 309 ; dispute be-
tween Courteen's and Company's factors
at, 299 ; Indian trade to, 2, 21, 168, 186,
253, 274, 294; trade between Aleppo,
Baghdad, etc., and, 58, 274 ; Dutch trade
to and ships at, 274, 275, 283, 284, 294 ;
destruction of Dutch ship at, xvii ; Dutch
chief at, see Sarcerius ; Dutch demands
refused and trade discouraged at, 274,
275, 283; Portuguese trade at, 274;
Portuguese endeavour to spoil Com-
pany's trade at, 295.
Basrur (^ Bassalour'), English ships and
trade at, 109.
Bassano, Henry, loi, iii n.
Bassein, dispatch of ships for and from, 148,
160; Portuguese Captain of, 286 n.
Basting (Bastinck or Bastian) de Oude,
Willem, 271, 272, 278.
Batavia {or Jakatra), Dutch ships for and
from, 21, 22 (2), 32, 33 (2), 38, 68, 99,
129, 130, 150, 218, 313; trade in wine
at, 145; commodities from, 22, 218;
Courteen's sailors detained by Dutch at,
128; Dutch Governor-General at, 21;
Portuguese negotiations with, 21, 148,
149; Persian mission to, 282; letter
from Malaya to, 288, 292, 294.
Baticola, 20.
* Bayes', 18, 61, 91, 160, 170, 209.
Bayley, William, 2, 9, 39, 175, 183, 245,
259 ; letter from, 188.
Bazar, 58.
Beads, 25, 124, 205, 210. See also Sami-
samy and Rango.
Beck, William, 103.
Bengal, Governor of, see Sultan Shuja ; fac-
tors in, see Day, Gumey, Hatch (Robert),
Netlam, Olton, Travell, Winter ; factors
recalled from, 13, 20; complaints against
factors in, xxvii, 34, 72 ; want of factors,
66 ; trade in and commodities from, 55,
67, 72, 78, 137, 190, 207 ; price of pro-
visions in, 72 ; dispatch of ships and sup-
plies for and from, 13, 20, 32, 42, 67, 72,
125, 186, 190, 194, 206, 207, 253; ship-
ment of passengers and freight goods for
and from, 20, 67, 72, 77 (2), 186, 191 ;
debts in, 13, 207; repairing of ships in,
36, 40; question of continuance of trade
at and factory in, xxxv, 65, 66, 78, 134,
293; trade between Achin and, 130;
value of Company's stock, etc., at, 191 ;
small ships required for trade to, 229,
293 ; purchase of a junk in, see En-
deavour; Dutch ship dispatched from,
42 ; Danes capture a junk of, 156. See
also Balasore.
INDEX
317
Beni Das, 57, 252.
Benzoin, 55, 139.
Betel-nuts, 74 (2), 75.
Bethills. See Cotton goods.
Bezoar, 178.
Bhatkal, Courteen's factors at, 109 ; Com-
pany invited to settle at, 109.
BhikkU, 37.
Biana, indigo, 5, 6, 84,85, 122, 126, 201,
303* 304 ; complaint as to quality of,
202 ; Dutch and English trade at, 304.
Bijapur, King of, see Mahmud Adil Shah.
See also Dabhol, Karwar, Vengurla,
etc.
Billidge, Thomas, 236 n.
Bindlos, William, 95 n.
Blackman, Captain Jeremy, 148 (2), 168,
180, 254, 255, 312.
Blackwell, Joshua, 175, 231, 301.
Blessing (i), the, xix ; destruction of, at
Goa, 16.
Blessing (2), the, outward voyage to Ban-
tam, 27, 87 ; at Bantam, 97, 100 ; home-
ward voyage of, 122; outward voyage
of, 122, 177, 200.
Blocq, Klaas Korneliszoon, 255, 268, 269,
275 ; death of, 278, 279, 299.
Bloody Point, 312.1
Bombay, English ships at, 135, 147 ; sup-
plies and reinforcements for Portuguese
at, 217, 235.
Bona Speranza, the, master of, see Carter ;
outward voyage of, 26 ; on the Malabar
Coast, 148 ; freighted for China by Por-
tuguese, 148 ; captured by the Dutch,
128, 129, 130, 134, 148, 165, 168, 218.
Bonaventura^ the. See Henry Bonaventura.
Bond, Captain, 144, 176, 231.
Borax ('tincal'), trade in and price of, 85,
124, 138, 147, 205, 254; refining and
packing of, 138, 233; private trade in,
forbidden, 124, 138.
Boreel, Pieter, 100, 149 ; death of, 149 n.
Bornford, Henry, 7, 18, 26, 69, 84, 89, 90,
98, 122, 173, 229.
Boughton, Gabriel, xxxv, xxxvi, 102 «., 229.
Bowen, Adam, letter from, 258.
Bowen, Robert, 298, 313 ; letter from, 181,
185; complaint against, 277, 299.
Bowman, Maximilian, 95 «., 131, 132, 146,
217 ; letters from, see Basra.
Boy do, 66.
Bradbent. See Broadbent.
Bradford {or Broadford), Geoffrey, 126,
158, 159. 194-
Bradgate, Martin, 193, 289.
Brahmans, 46, 280.
Brass, 220.
Breton, P^ancis, 29, 69, 96, 132, 216, 229,
310 ; nominated to succeed Fremlen as
President at Sorat, 39, 88, 96, 173; let-
ters from, see Surat ; endeavours to main-
tain friendly relations with Portuguese,
141 ; gifts from Shah Jahan, etc., for,
230 n. \ to return home, 311.
Iketon, Thomas, 166, 167, 213, 218-226.
Brewster, Henry, 238-243.
Bridgeman, — , 293.
Brightwell, John, 28.
Brimstone, 63, 148; price of, 89.
Broach, factory accounts, 16; customs at,
24, 25; baftas from, 6, 85, 123, 137,
164, 204 ; bleaching of cotton goods at,
137, 204, 233; difficulties in transporting
goods from, 137 ; dissolution of factory
at, 164 ; broker at, see DeodasI ; Dutch
trade at, 6, 160.
Broadbent, William, 16, 142, 212, 310, 311.
Broadcloth, trade in, passim ; price of, 58,
60, 107, 230; for presents, 19, 91, 210.
Brookhaven, Captain, xxii.
Brown, John, 132, 193, 253, 311 ; letters
from, see Madras.
Brown, William, 293.
Buckeridge, Nicholas, 168.
Buckingham, Thomas, 262.
Buckner, — , 301.
Bulsar, 3,
* Burgare', 28.
Burhanpur, 137, 140.
Burnell, John, 175, 177, 239, 245, 247, 249,
301,305; letters from, 194, 198, 237.
Burnell, Thomas, 247.
Butter, 39, 114, 310.
Byars, Signer, 304.
Byrams. See Cotton goods.
Cabra (Cabritoll or Goat) Island, 219.
Caesar^ the, 2, 49, 50.
Caldeira, Joao da Maya, 195, 249, 286,
298, 304, 305.
Calicoes. See Cotton goods.
Calicut, 7 ; dispatch of English ship for and
from, 60, 108 ; natives given passage to,
107 ; trade at and commodities from, 60,
86, 108.
Calitore. See Kistnapatam.
Cambay, native trade to Mokha, Basra, etc..
from, 10, 1S6; trade at, in various com-
modities, 208 ; customs at, 24, 25.
Camboja, trade between Manilla and, 223.
Camels, 98.
Canary silk, 122 ; wine, 16, 173, 210.
Candahar, 18, 58, S3.
Candles, 226, 310.
Candy, 55, Si, 109, 191, 192, 213, 217.
Cannanore, King of, see Mammali Koya ;
Courteen's ships at, 27 ; trade at, in
various commodities, 109 ; junk of, de-
stroyed by English ship, 179, 213, 236/r.
3i8
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
* Cannikeenes '. See Cotton goods.
Canton, 250,
Cape of Good Hope, 105 ; English ship at,
181, 185; Dutch ship wrecked at, see
Mauritius Island.
Cape Verd Islands, 33.
Caphila {qdfild), 10, 23, 58, 90, 215, 270,
272, 304.
Capitao M6r, 44, 60.
Capuchins, 80.
Caravel, 217.
Cardamoms, 7, 8, 10, 60, 86, 99, 108, 109,
124, 138, 140, 147, 177, 205, 3i6, 233,
248, 267.
Caribbee Islands, 199 «.
Carnatic. See Vijayanagar.
Caron, Fran9ois, xxiv.
Carpenters Bay, 153, 187. ^^^ a/y^? Mauri-
tius.
Carpets, 60, 63, 64, 66, 73 n.
* Carracke', 186. See also Khargu Island.
Carter, John, 130.
Cartwright, Ralph, 36 ; letters from, see
Bantam ; becomes President at Bantam,
82 ; returns to England, ^im.
Carvalho, Francisco, 14.
Cash, 42.
* Cassaes ' (Cossas or Cassedees). See Cotton
goods.
Castellano, 222.
* Catches '. See Cotton goods.
Catechu. See Kattha.
Catteife. See Al-Katif.
Cavitte, 219 ; Governor of entertains Eng-
lish factors, 219,220; Company's trade
at, 221.
Ceylon, Portuguese trade to, 10 ; Dutch
ships at, 21, 100; Dutch expedition
against the Portuguese in, xxiv, 128, 167,
255 ; Dutch forces defeated in, 114, 149,
167, 168; Dutch demand surrender of,
by Portuguese, 151 ; monopoly of cinna-
mon trade in, 217, 218; cotton goods
from, 248. See also Baticola, Colombo,
Negombo, etc.
Chagos Islands, 185, 201.
Chaluva, 79.
Chandras. See Dammar.
Charles I, assists Courteen's Association, 3,
ID ; Courteen's ships carry Royal flag, 3.
Charles, the, xix.
Chaul, 65.
Chay, 79.
Cheloan, Captain "William, 225, 251.
Chennappapatam, xxxiv.
Cherry, Robert, 169, 1^6 n.
Chhatarsal. See Rao Raja.
Chicacole, 206 n.
China, Dutch trade to and ships from, 22,
32) 99> 134? 150; gold and other com-
modities from, 66, 145, 165, 167, 221,
223, 250, 254; loss of Dutch ships in,
167; Portuguese trade to, 81, 134, 149,
150, 165 ; trade between Manilla and,
220, 223 ; attempt to establish Company's
trade to, from Surat, 227, 228, 247 ;
Courteen's ships and trade in, 232, 254;
customs duties, etc., in, 254; Tsing
Cheng, Emperor of, death of, 250. See
also Macao.
Chinaware, 58, 66, 165, 167, 251, 254,
284.
' Chinder '. See Khanjar.
Chinnana Chetti. See Malaya.
Chintz. See Cotton goods.
Chit, 64.
Christianhaven, the, 156, 157.
Christopher, the, 313.
Chunam, 248.
Chungam, 306, 307.
Cinnamon, trade in, passim ; price of, 89,
107, 124; trade in, prohibited, XXV, 60,63,
205, 218 ; monopoly of trade in, 217, 218.
Citron preserves, 66.
Civil War and Company's trade, 139, 171,
172, 188.
Ckandara. See Kandiaro.
Clark, Richard, 132, 139, 174, 231, 234.
Clark, Richard, 238, 240, 243, 249, 258.
Clark, Thomas, 73, 94, loi, 103,104,105,
III ?z., 131 ; complaints against, 49, 56.
Clark, Walter, 138 ; letter from, 128 ; death
of, 146; estate of, 142, 233, 234.
Clitherow, Anthony, 133.
Cloves, 16, 37, 86, 121, 131, 142, 218;
freight rates on, 55.
Coals, 183. See also CoUow.
Coaster, the, 2.
Cobb, William, 237.
Cochin, factors for, see Thurston and Pynn ;
ships at and dispatched from and for, 56,
59, 60, 6r (2), 86, 99, 100, 107, 128, 131,
138, 146, 147, 214; trade at, and com-
modities from, 60, 70, 92, 99, 107, 108,
109, 131, 138, 206, 211; shipment of
freight from and for, 146, 147 ; Company
advised against trading at, 231 ; Cour-
teen's ships, factors and trade at, 62, 107,
146 ; Courteen's debts at, 146.
Cochin, Upper, Raja of at war with the
Portuguese, 138 (2).
Cochin China, Dutch encounter with native
vessels of, 167.
' Cockenians ', 276 n.
Coconuts, 2.
Cocos Keeling Island, 97, 118.
Codrington, Thomas, 132, 169, 266, 279;
goes to Persia {q.v. for letters from), 70;
his mission to new Shah, 98 ; salary of,
84, 172.
INDEX
319
Coffee, 58, 59» 93, "4.
Cogan, Andrew, 49, 60, 74 (2), 117, 121,
131, 140, 190, 191, 228, 290; letters
from, J^^ Madras ; and private trade, 11,
53 ; charges and complaints against, 35,
4i> 45, 5^, 310; and the founding of
Fort St. George, 51-53, 127; desires to
relinquish Coast Agency, 38, 41, 54, 55,
56, 68 ; his request opposed, 69, 70 ; his
influence on the Coast, 70 ; agrees to re-
main as Agent, 79 ; desires to return to
England, 112, 115 ; sails for Bantam and
home, 116, 127, 189; salary of, 56.
Cogan, Thomas, 103, 132, 161, 253, 266,
299 ; letters from, see Basra.
Coiba Islands, 199. 6*1?^ a/5-<?Caribbee Islands.
Coins, complaint of supply of defective, etc.,
17, 144, 145; values of various, 17, 18,
145, 209, 210; method of packing for
shipment, 145 ; complaints of bad packing
of, 295, 296; most in demand, 211.
Coir (cairo or bast), 167, 212, 283.
Cokayne, William, 276 n.
Colio, 179. See also Dewua.
Collet, Edward, 46, 79, 97, 114.
CoUow (or coaldust), 183.
Colombo, Dutch designs on, 21 ; Dutch re-
pulsed by Portuguese in attack on, xxiv,
167, 168 ; the William touches at,
254-
Comfort^ the, 2, 131.
* Comitters ', See Cotton goods.
ComoroIslands(includingJohanna,Mayotta,
and Mohilla), 177; English ships at, 2,
32, 105, 135, 183, 185, 188, 189, 194,
200, 237, 239, 243, 260, 261, 263, 312 ;
letters to English commanders calling at,
188, 189, 198 ; English garden (Browne's)
at, 312 ; slaves from, 119; revolution at
Mayotta in, 119; Queen of Johanna,
199.
Congo. See Kung.
Constant, Charles, 170, 266, 267, 269,270,
271
Coopers Bay, 187.
Copper, 212, 218; sulphate of, see Mor-
thuthu.
Copperas, 18.
Coral (including 'grezio', 'recaduti', and
* teraglia'), 9, 18, 22, 26, 29, 61, 64, 67,
68, 69, 70, 78, 86, 91, 99, 107, 108, 109,
120, 135 w., 145, 157, 164, 174, 177, 178,
190, 193, 210, 211, 217, 226, 227, 230,
259; price of, 60, 190, 210; complaint as
to quality of, 145, 231 ; beads, 210.
Corge, 137, 217, 300.
Coromandel Coast, Agents on, see Cogan,
Day, and Ivy ; factors on, Bradgate,
Brown, Collet, Greenhill, Gurney, Hud-
son, Isaacson, Jermyn, Markham, Meth-
wold, Minn, Netlam, Olton, Peniston,
Perks, Robins, Styles, Travell, Winter
;Edward), Winter (Thomasj, Yard ley ;
charges and complaints against factors on,
", 12, 13, 31, 32, 36, 39, 45, 51, 53,54,
72-77, 82, 113, 114, 117, 118, 126, 140,
154, 155, 173 ; factors complain of neglect
by the Company, 155, 157, 287; factors at,
lend money to the Portugue5e,6o; chronicle
of events on, 42-45 ; subordinate to Surat,
I3> 33 ; factory accounts and expenses, 33,
54, 56, 82, 128, 133, 134, 155, 194, 293,
294; advantages of being under control
of Surat Council, 54 ; factory accounts to
be rendered to Bantam, 13, 45; made
subordinate to Bantam, 82, 127, 140;
want of supplies on, 38, 39, 45, 46, 54, 66,
79, loi, 117, 155, 281, 282, 287, 388,
289, 293, 310; supplies for, 11, 45, 87,
88, 190, 191, 193, 207 ; debts at, 17, 33,
39, 407 4ij 43, 49, 55, 65, 68, 79, 97, 1 12,
113, 115, 117, 120, 126, 127, 128, 155,
164, 191, 194, 228 ; borrowing of money
at, 69, 70, 79, loi, 112, 280; value of
Company's stock, etc., at, 190, 191, 194 ;
trade at, passim ; quarrel between Dutch
and Malaya benefits Company's trade,
288 ; monopoly of trade on, offered to the
Company, 288, 290 ; best time for trading
at, 87 ; proposal to abandon trade on, 47 ;
suggested increase of stock and shipping
on, 133; native wars affect trade on, 65,
80 ; dispatch of ships from and for and
ships at, passim ; shipment of passengers
and freight to and from, 20, 42, 55, 67, 72,
77, 191, 192, 268; want of ships on, 48,
117, 229, 282, 287, 288, 289, 293; best
time for dispatching ships from, for
Bantam, 287, 288; adjustment of charges
against, 33, 34; debts due to Surat and
Bantam from, 40, 97 ; Company exempt
from customs duties at, 207, 208 ; trouble
with natives at, 46 ; trade route to Persia
from, 56; trade between Persia, Mokha,
Achin and, 55, 67, 80, 81, 87, 125, 130,
207, 260, 268, 278, 281, 2S8 ; Persian
merchants at, 87 ; Dutch borrow money
at, 79 ; oppression of Dutch at, So ; Dutch
give presents to and assist the Sar-i-Khail,
80, 81 ; Dutch join in native intrigxies on,
T 54 ; Dutch endeavour to monopolize trade
on, 154, 155, 156, 191; Dutch in bad
odour on, 281, 288; Company's factors
trade in confiscated Dutch goods, 288,
289, 290, 291, 294; complaints against
the Dutch on, 2S8; Dutch trade on, 13,
40, 45, 46, 68, 87, 117, 154, 164; Danes
trade on, 40, 45, 113, 155 ; Danish Presi-
dent, 75 ; presents for Danes at, 74, 75 ;
declining state of Portuguese affairs on.
320
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
155; execution of a Portuguese at, see
De Miranda. See also Madras, Masuli-
patam, Petapoli, Viravasaram, etc.
Correa, Duarte Fernandez, xv, 16, 25, 142,
159, 168, 171.
Cossumba. See Kusunibha,
Costus, 167 «.
Cots, 295.
Cotta. See Katthd.
Cotton goods and calicoes, trade in and
references to, passim; akbarls, 6, 123,
137, 203, 301 ; allejas, 87, 309 ; amberties,
302; ardeas, 7, 137; baftas, 6, 7, 85,
^23(2), I37> 138, 164, 200, 203, 204,
206,223, 233, 274, 300, 304, 311 ; bethills
(betteelas ^r calico lawns), 137 (3), 207,
287 ; byrams, 6, 137, 302 ; ' cannikeenes',
7,137 ; cassaes (cossas i7rcassedees),6, 65,
137, 207, 293; catches (orcattaketchies),
248, 252; chintz, 6, 85, 124, 137, 204,
233; comitters, 229; daryabads, 6, 123,
137, 204, 233, 302 ; dungri, 311 ; dutties,
7, 224; * farradckaunes ', 137; ginghams,
65, 190, 207, 293; guinea stuffs, 7, 85,
124, 138, 204, 233; guldars, 137 (2),
233; 'gurras', 65, 207(2); 'guzzees', 7,
137 (2)j 299, 300, 301; 'hummanees'
(homoomies), 137, 207, 223 ; ' joories', 6,
85, 123, 163, 203 (2), 233 ; khairabads, 6,
137' 300 ; longcloths, 207, 223, 224, 287 ;
'mercooles', 6, 123, 137, 203, 233;mur-
rees(£>rmoorees), 65, 190, 223; muslins,
137 n. ; * nicaneers ', 1 24 ; red cloth, 287 ;
'salampores', 223, 292; salooes {or
selaes), 6, 137 (2), 223, 233; sannoes {or
sannas^, 65, 207 ; sarasses {or Zarasses),
217, 223; semianoes, 85, 137, 204, 233;
seryas (seriaes), 7, 218 ; sheerisadfs, 137 ;
taffetas, 61; 'tappis' {or tapichindas),
79, 287 ; ' tapseels', 7, 85, 233 ; prices of,
203, 223, 300; dyeing and bleaching {or
curing) of, 6, 7, 28, 79, 87, 123 (3), 137,
164, 204, 233, 251 ; thefts of, 3, 132, 172 ;
discontinuance of investments in, 5, 82 ;
dearness and scarcity of, 6, 137, 191 ;
freight rates on, 55, 72 ; from various
places compared, 84, 136, 192 ; distri-
buted to General Voyage subscribers as
dividends, 1 23 ; not in demand in England,
123, 124; complaint as to quality, etc.,
of, 126, 136 ; method of packing for ship-
ment, 224, 293.
Cotton veool, 6, 26, 137 ; price of, 164.
Cotton yarn, 6, 25, 31 n., 85, 95, 136, 137,
205, 233, 248; price of, 124.
Courteen's Association, dispatch of ships
and supplies to India for, 26, 27, 29, 56,
57, 61, 62, 89, 105, 106, 148, 176, 183,
200 ; wreck of ships of, see Henry Bona-
ventura and Little William ; protection
of Malabar pirates by, 3, 255 ; complaints
against, 3, 276, 277, 283, 284, 286, 309,
312; Company's opposition to trade of,
xxi, 8, 176 ; compete with and spoil Com-
pany's trade, v, 140, 247 ; Dutch competi-
tion with, 10 ; trade in various commodi-
ties, 10, 27, 97, 105, 107, 109; assisted
by Charles I, 3, 10 ; ships of, wear King's
colours, 198 n, ; state of affairs of, 23, 148,
2I7> 231, 232, 247, 255; debts of, 217;
ordered to withdraw factors, etc., from
India, XX «., 29; quarrel between com-
manders of ships of, 89 ; and the attempted
colonization of Madagascar, 144; carry
freight for Portuguese, 148, 165 ; ship of,
captured by the Dutch , see Bona Speranza ;
dispute with the Dutch, 148 ; money of,
deposited with Company's factors, 184,
185 ; shipwrecked sailors of, rescued and
employed by the Company, 185, 234;
trade to Barbary, 185 ; Portuguese license
trade to China of, 216; shipment of freight
to Persia, etc., by, 217, 255, 276, 277;
allegations of piracy against, 232, 237 «.,
277, 286; complaints against Company's
factors by, 236, 237, 276, 277, 299 ; deny
complicity with Cobb and Ayres, 237 ;
depredations by Malabars against settle-
ments of, 236 w. ; grant passages to Com-
pany's factors, 237 ; supply the John {q.v.)
with stores, etc., 241 ; negotiations with
the Portuguese, 254; grant passages to
Portuguese, 286 ; Company's factors buy
guns from, 295. See also Blackman,
Cox, Hall, Woodman, etc., and Karwar,
Macao, Rajapur, Raybag, etc.
Covado {or covett), 7, 58, 230, 300. See
also Gaz.
Cowle. See Qaul.
Cowries, 224.
Cox, Thomas, 193; letters to and from, 182,
184(4), 185(2).
Crane, Sir Francis, 176, 232.
Cranmer, Robert, 23, 132, 161, 168, 253,
299 ; letters from, see Basra.
Crispiana, the, xix, 89, 90 ; master of,
see Bay ley and Steevens ; homeward
voyage of, 2 ; at Comoro Islands, 2 ;
outward voyage of, 28, 57, 61, 83, 105-
106 ; voyage to Sind and back to Swally,
61 ; homeward voyage of, 89, 95, 96, 98,
109, no, 121, 122, 135; men from
employed as factors, 94 ; private trade
aboard, no, 123; outward voyage to
Swally, 122, 125, 172, 175, 177, 188,
194, 195, 200, 228, 238, 239, 259, 260;
disposal of, 125, 175 ; at Comoro Islands,
183, 188, 189 ; designed for England, 203,
205, 208, 209, 211, 215, 216; voyage to
Sind and back to Swally, 211, 231, 234;
INDEX
321
homeward voyage of, 229, 231, 232, 234,
236, 242, 247, 260.
Croocq, Paulus, 161, 260.
Cross, Joseph, 143, 165, 252.
Cubebs, 201, 214.
Cubella. See Minicoy.
* Cuds Meirzaie ', 309.
* Cuskus '. See Millet.
Cussumba. See Kttswnbha.
Customs remitted to English and Dutch,
98, 130, 159, 160, 169, 207, 208, 214,
305> 307' See also Gombroon, Kung,
Madras, etc.
Cutch. See Katthd.
Cuttan. See Katana.
Da Silva Tello de Meneses, Joao, Conde de
Aveiras, Viceroy of Goa {q.v.), 66, 310 w.
Dabbah, 233.
Dabhol, the Hopewell at, 71, 74; shipment
of freight goods for, 73, 74, 116; junks
of, captured by the Portuguese, 272.
Dadu, 6.
Dal, 310.
Daman, dispatch of ships for and from, 19,
313 ; commodities from, 19, 313 ; English
ship at, 146, 234; Captain of, 66.
Damarla Venkatappa, Nayak of Puna-
mallee, 43, 47, 49, 53, 70, 80, 154, 290;
complaint against, 11, 12 ; extent of his
authority, 50, 306, 307 ; character of, 50,
51 ; superseded by Malaya, 154, 156.
Dammar {chandras), 35, 61, 66, 80, 86, 93,
205.
Danes, the, fortify their settlements, 1 2 ;
state of affairs of, 23, 40; assist Com-
pany's ships, 36 ; seize native shipping
to enforce restitution, 42 ; carry letters
for the Company, 1 20 ; ship of, in the
employ of the King of Spain, 156 ; wreck
of ship of, 156; Company's factors lend
money to, 157.
Dara Shikoh, 160, 163, 214, 215, 230 «.
Darbelo ' joorees', 123, 163, 203.
Darell, John, 236.
Daryabads. See Cotton goods.
Daulatabad, 208.
Davidge, Richard, 175, i88w., 231, 301.
Dawes, William, 131.
Day, Francis, factor for First General Voy-
age, 33, 42, 55> 65, 67, 78, 134, 228;
letter from {see also Madras), n6-n8;
and the founding of Fort St. George, 11,
12, 47> 52, 53> 126, 127; salary of, 56,
132 ; accusations by and against, 72-77,
102-105, no, 112, 118; placed in com-
mand of the Hopewell, 74 ; sent to Ben-
gal, 38 ; recommends continuance of trade
there, 78; petition from, iii; proposed
as Agent for Coromandel Coast, 41, 56,
69, 70, 112,116; appointed Coast Agent,
117, 126, 127, 189; desires to relinquish
the Agency and return home, 118, 121,
157; appeals for more power for Coast
Agent, 117; suggests increase of shipping
on Coromandel Coast, 133; sails for
Bantam, 191.
De Aveiras, Conde. See Da Silva Tello de
Meneses.
De Brito, Diego Mendez, 21 «.
De Brito, Joseph, 166, 219.
De Brito da Almeida, Francisco, 60, 206.
De Figueroa, Don Francisco, 220.
De Ladossa, Carolus, 1 15 «.
De Masters, Peeter, 276 «., 299,
De Miranda, Antonio Pereira, execution of,
43, 44> 59» 60, 63, 106.
De Motta, Galvao, xxiv.
De Noronha, Miguel, Conde de Linhares,
30,^67, 173.
De Sao Jose, Frei Gon9alo, 21 «.
De Souza, Luiz de Car\alho, 1 29.
De Souza de Castro, Francisco, 37, 64, 65,
130.
De Vlaming {or Vlamingh) van Outshoom,
Arnold, 272.
Dearson. See Durson.
Deccan, the, trade in, in pepper and other
commodities, 7, 10, 214, 233, 254, 255;
Courteen's Association trade in, 89, 140 ;
indebtedness of Courteen's Association in,
232, 255.
Delfshaven, the, 274 «., 283 n.
Delft, the, 260.
DeodasT, 204.
Deo Karan, 211.
Derham, John, death of, 144.
Derham, Thomas, 144, 146.
Dewcurn. See Deo Karan,
Dewua Bay, 181. See also Colio.
Dhairya Sahu, 216.
DhanjT, 215.
Dholica lungts, 58, 197.
Diamond, the, 144, 161 ; master of, see
Whatmore ; voyage to Sind and Gom-
broon, 20; thence to Masulipatam, 20;
calls at Muskat, Baticola, and Fort St.
George, 20; sails to Armagon, Masuli-
patam, etc., 20, 42 ; detained by Governor
of Masulipatam, 42 ; voyage to Bay of
Bengal, 13, 20, 42 ; designed for Bantam,
2 1 ; voyage to Bantam from Coromandel
Coast, 33, 35 (2), 36, 40, 42, 68, 87, 100 ;
repairs to, 36, 40; voyage to Jambi, 36,
38; voyage from Bantam to Swally, 37,86.
Diamonds, 215, 230 «.
Diarbekir, 58.
Dieppe privateers, 8, 9, 176, 232.
Digart {or Digger), Captain David, 9.
Discovery, the, xix, 8, 9, 14, 138, 146, 172,
FO.'STEK VII
32.2
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
175, 200, 210, 213, 239, 247, 260; master
of, see Allison andMinors ; outward voyage
from England, 2, 10, 19 ; voyage to Gom-
broon and Larak and back, i, 4, 15, 16,
31,91; designed for Mokha, 1,23,91,92;
voyage to Mokha, 8, 10, 15, 16, 61, 62,
70, 86, 91, 92 ; French pirates employed
as sailors aboard, 9 ; private trade on, 25 ;
pilfering aboard, 31 ; voyage to Gom-
broon, Mokha, Malabar Coast, and back
to Swally, 98, 99, 100, 139, 144, 147 ;
designed for England, 5, 6, 26, 88, 99,
loi ; homew^ard voyage of, 147, 153, 159,
187 ; Portuguese passengers aboard, 152 ;
lost at sea, ix.
Diu, 10, 168.
Dofar, 237.
Dolfijtt, the, 22 (2).
Dollars, 'cross', value of, 176, 209; 'rex',
value of, 17, 145, 210.
Dolphin, the, xix, 150, 175, 210,218, 231,
236 n.; master of, see Proud; outv^rard
voyage of, 121, 135, 146; letters from,
187,189, 259; consultation aboard, 260 n.;
voyage to Goa and back to Swally, 138,
151 ; Portuguese goods shipped on, 142 ;
voyage to Malabar Coast and back, 147 ;
homeward voyage of, 147, 153, 159, 187 ;
makes for Mauritius in distress, 153 ; at
Mauritius, 153, 183 ; forced to return to
Swally, 188 (2), 189, 199, 200, 211, 214,
229, 239, 259, 260; designed again for
England, 199 ; homeward voyage of, 234,
236, 242, 247, 259, 260.
Dominicans, 94.
Dongee. See DhanjT.
Don John, Island of, (Macao), 180.
Dowle, Thomas, 56, 115, 140, 141 ; letters
from, 71, 118.
Downs, Gregory, 236.
Downs, Matthew, 132.
Drake, John, 14.
Drugs, 136, 165, 171, 173, 252.
Ducatoons, 211 ; value of, 175, 209.
Ducats, 84 n.
Dungrt. See Cotton goods.
Durd [ ]. See Dadu.
Durson, Captain John, 29, 62, 176, 183,
23i» 255, 276, 283, 284, 295, 299, 309.
Dutch, the, carry letters, goods and pas-
sengers for the Company, i, 26, 36, 41,
52, 67, 100, 113, 139, 154, 215, 218, 236,
237, 238, 244, 257, 258, 293, 304; the
Company carry passengers, letters, etc.,
for, 26, 38, 80, 1 16, 153 ; trade in various
commodities, 6, 10, 21, 35, 80, 84, 85,
100, 122, 145, 150, 164, 171, 198,201,
202, 217, 218, 227, 278, 303, 304 ; for-
tify their settlements, 12 ; complaints
against, 16, 208, 215 ; complaints against
the English, 63 ; hostilities with the Por-
tuguese {see also Goa), 21 (2), 100, 114,
128, 151, 165; Portuguese peace nego-
tiations with, 21, 99-100, 148, 149, 151,
218; hostilities treacherously recom-
menced by, 148 ; Portuguese prisoners in
hands of, 129 ; ship of, captured by Por-
tuguese, see Pauw ; make peace with
Portuguese, xxv, 228; threaten the Por-
tuguese, 308 ; encounters between Mala-
bars and, 22 ; state of affairs of, 22, 32,
40, 217, .255; insure Portuguese ships,
22 ; attack the Reformation, 0^1 ; stop
and search the Company's ships, 93, 289,
290, 292 ; seizure of Courteen's ship by,
see Bona Speranza ; discoveries by, in
the South Seas, etc., 134 ; ships built by,
used by the Company, 141 n.\ ship
freight goods, 161 ; monopolize freight
trade and passenger traffic, 142 ; superi-
ority of ships of, 142 ; power of, at sea
in the East, 225 ; obtain privileges from
Shah Jahan, 160 ; sailors employed by
the Company, 226; ship wrecked at the
Cape, see Mauritius Island; endeavour
to control trade to Manilla, 251, 256 ; at
war with natives, see Vijayanagar and
Malaya ; Company's factors trade in con-
fiscated goods of, 280, 281, 288, 289,
290, 291, 292, 294; designs against na-
tive junks, 299. See also Batavia, Cey-
lon, Japan, Kishm, Macao, Ormu?,
Pulicat, Raybag, etc.
Dutties. See Cotton goods.
Dyes and dyeing, 7, 79 w., 203. See also
Chay and Kusumbha.
Eagle (i), the, wreck of, 50.
Eagle (2), the, 259 ; master of, see Steevens;
outward voyage of, 286, 312 ; homeward
voyage of, 311, 313.
Earl, Captain William, 176; death of, 238,
244.
East India Company, the, letters to and
from, passim ; Secretary of {see also
Swinglehurst), and private trade, 178;
instructions to factors, 8, 30, 177 ; new
style and title for ships' commanders, 15 ;
interlopers damage the trade of, v, 27,
140, 172, 173, 247; endeavour to obtain
protection from interlopers, 173; trade
of, hampered by freight and private
trade, 72, 77, 140, 202 ; disadvantages
of employing chartered vessels, 89, 90 ;
resolve to discontinue use of such
ships, 173, 229; declining state of trade
of, 90 ; monopoly on various commodi-
ties withdrawn, 94 ; Civil War affects
trade of, v, 95, 125, 139, 171, 172, 188;
dividends paid in kind, 123 (2); threat
INDEX
S'iS
against private traders, 123 ; desired to
supply better ships for East Indies, 141 ;
practice of sending out wine for factors
discontinued, 145 ; desire to maintain
friendly relations with Portuguese, 230;
disapprove of employment of sailors as
factors, etc., 231; desire the return of
only one ship a year, 231 ; Courteen's
accusations against, 236, 237, 276, 277,
299. See also Joint Stock and Voyage,
General.
Elchi Beg, 46.
Elder, Daniel, 132.
Elepha7it, the, 150.
Elephants, 81, 116.
Elephants' Teeth (ivory), 21, 146, 211,
217, 218.
Emalde, 71, 75, 156, 285, 287, 295.
Emeralds, 230 n.
Endeavour (r), the, 133, 234; voyage to
Bengal and back to Coromandel Coast,
13, 20, 42, 77 ; at Madras, 70 ; design-
ed for Persia, (i() ; found unfit for voyage,
70, 71, 78; destruction of, 113, 190.
Endeavour (2), the, 171, 229, 237 w., 293,
297, 310 ; master of, see Bowen ; letters
from, 181, 182, 185; outward voyage of,
to Coromandel Coast, 121, 125, 173,
181, 182, 185, 189, 190, 200; survivors
from Courteen's William aboard, 183,
185, 189, 193, 259; voyage to Bengal,
186, 190, 191, 206, 207; designed for
Persia, 186, 191, 192 ; sails from Bengal
to Coromandel Coast, 253 ; voyage to
Gombroon, 253, 268, 278, 287 ; designed
for Basra, 214, 253; voyage to Swally
from Gombroon, 268, 278; voyage to
Basra and Kung, 275, 276, 283, 284; ac-
cusations against the purser of, 295 ;
voyage from Basra to Gombroon and
Swally, 298, 299, 313.
Engano, 36.
England's Forest. See Reunion.
Enkhuizen^ the, 22, 32.
Escrivdo^ 267, 270.
Exchange, rate of, 207, 302.
Expedition, the, 2, 11, 147, 158, 159, 161,
172, 200; master of, J^^ Gardner; voyage
to Sind, Gombroon and back to Swally,
19, 20 ; voyage to Bantam from Swally,
19, 27 ; voyage to Macassar, 37, 97 ;
goods missing from, 55 ; voyage to Swally
from Bantam, 54, 97, 127, 13S, 139,
142, 147 ; unfit for further service, 147.
Factors, lists of, 26, 289 ; want of, 26, 90,
142, 143, 247 ; salaries of, 26, 121, 132,
133, 175, 289; reduction in numbers of,
30 ; estates of deceased, 97 ; responsi-
bility of, for unsaleable, etc., goods, 126,
206 ; detained after expiry of covenant,
133; commended, 143; entertainment
ol ships' officers as, 143, 174 ; desire sup-
ply of wine, 145; grants to, for sea
voyages, 218, 234.
Falcon, the, outward voyage of, 286, 312 ;
voyage to Sind and back to Swally, 285,
3^o> 313 ; designed for Achin, 310, 311.
Fanams, 42, 43, 108, 109, 116; value of,
213 «.
Fardles, 72, 203.
Farmdns, 4, 32, 84, 135, 160, 169, 214,
230, 257, 266, 278, 282, 285, 296 (2),
307-
Farren, John, 217, 236, 255.
Faulkner, Thomas, 131.
Faxardo, Don Diego, Governor of Manilla,
negotiations with, 220-222 ; refuses
presents from Company's factors, 224,
225 ; Company carry letters for, 226.
Fenn, Anthony, 312.
Fenn, Hugh, 175, 188 n., 231.
Ferdinand, Edouard. See Correa.
Eidalgo, 43.
Fisher, Richard, 17, 144.
Fitch, Richard, 17, 95 w., 132, 143, 310;
letters from {see also Surat), 286.
Fitch, Thomas, 131, 146.
Flanner, Henry, death of, 244.
Flat Holme, 242 n.
Flying Hart, the, loss of, 167.
Formosa, 36, 99, 167 ; Dutch capture Por-
tuguese fort at Kilung, 100.
Fort St. George. See Madras.
Francis, the, 14 ; master of, see Cherry and
Gilson ; voyage to Gombroon, Basra,
and back to Swally, 2, 19, 28, 31 ; en-
counter with Malabar pirates, 14, 27, 88,
89 ; voyage to Persia, Sind, and back,
19 ; voyage to Mokha, Gombroon, and
back to Swally, 3, 19, 23, 59, 83, 93;
voyage to Mokha and back to Swally,
100; designed again for Mokha, 139,
146 ; but goes to Basra, 161, 168 ; thence
to Gombroon and back to Basra, 168,
169, 186, 197, 200, 208; returns to
Swally via Gombroon and Sind, 169, 211,
234, 266 ; voyage from Sind to Swally,
248 ; designed for Basra and thence for
Mokha, Suakin, and Persia, 213, 214,
235> 252 ; voyage to Daman and back
to Swally, 313.
Freight, rates for, 2, 55, 73, 131, 142, 146;
alleged frauds in connection with ship-
ment of, 35 ; shipment of, hampers Com-
pany's trade, 72 ; use of Company's ships
for, deprecated, 31, 191, 192.
Fremlen, William, ix, x, 29, 69, 133,
153, iS8, 21S; appointed President at
Surat, 15; letters from and to {see also
Y 2
3^4
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Surat), 64, 66, 187, 189, 259 ; and private
trade, xv, 15 «., 31 n., 64, 86, 298 n.;
subscribes to General Voyage, 88 ; pre-
sents for, 138 ; goes home, 88, 90, 96,
141, 142, 147, 159, 173, 229; commen-
dation of, 96, 141, 206 ; journal of, 146 ;
death of, xv.
Frenchmen, given passages on English
ships, 200, 259.
French pirates, 8-10, 15, 59, 141, 143 n.,
144, 232. See also Dieppe.
Fruit, 211, 278.
Fuddle, Jacob, 116.
Fursman, William, 23, 26, 94; death of,
92.
Gadanki, 44.
Galen, Jan Dirksz., 21 n., 62, 63, 106.
Galle, 100 ; encounter between Dutch and
Portuguese near, 114 «.
Gambling, 76.
Gandevi baftas, 233.
Gardenijs, — , 81 w.
Gardner, Gilbert, 147, 294.
Garry {or Gary), Henry, 175, 239, 245 w.,
246 n. ; letters from and to, 177, 194, 198,
258 ; accusations by and against, 238,
243-247, 258, 259, 261-263 ; imprisoned
and ordered home, 249, 259.
Gaz, 300. See also Covado.
Gee, Thomas, letter from, 183.
Geldanke. See Gadanki.
Geleijnszoon, Wollebrant, 83, 114 n., 150,
27I; 275, 299, 308.
Genoa, pepper, 227 ; velvet, 227 w. ; sword-
blades, 18.
'Gentues', 45, 54, 67, 279, 288, 291;
sailors, 282.
Gergelin. See Gingerly.
German swordblades, 18.
*Geru' (red earth), 38, 114.
Gilson, George, 14.
Gingelly oil, 248 n.
Ginger, 6, 85, 124, 139, 206.
Gingerly Coast, dispatch of ships for, 186,
206 ; attempt to establish a factory on,
206; trade at, 75, 253, 293; factor at,
see Brown.
Ginghams, See Cotton goods.
Gingi, Nayak of, 154?^., 194 w.
Girds, 299, 300.
Glascock, — , 131.
Goa, letters from, 226, 236; trade at, and
commodities from, passim ; commodities
vendible at, 226, 227 ; Jesuits at, 14, 60,
64, 66 ; Jesuit College at, 60 ; dispatch
of ships for and Company's ships at, 16,
34, 59, 60, 61 (2), 63, 64, 80, 86, 106, 138,
147, 167, 179, i8i, 211, 212 ; Company's
residence and factors at {see also Hill,
Oxenden, Pitt, Wylde), 8 ; debts due to
the Company at, 8, 63, 64, 93 n. ; factory
accounts, 64 ; trade in cinnamon restricted
at, 205 ; factors leave, 60, 64, 107, 138;
dissolution of English factory at, 63 ;
Portuguese soldiers attack an English-
man at, 64 ; presents for Portuguese at,
64 ; Courteen's ships and factors {see also
Darell, Farren, Hunt) at, 8, 89, 138, 231,
236, 254, 255, 312; state of Courteen's
affairs at, 148, 232 ; protest by Courteen's
factors at, 255 ; Dutch ships off and
blockade of, vii, 21 n., 38, 62, 63, 67 «.,
93, 106, 107, 128, 151, 212; declaration
by Dutch commanders at, 62, 63 ; Dutch
complain of Company carrying relief to,
62, 63 ; Dutch molest Company's ships,
147 ; Dutch impede English trade to,
63 (2), 106, 107 ; peace negotiations be-
tween Dutch and Portuguese at, 100, 149,
218; Portuguese capture a Dutch ship at,
114, 116; dispatch of Dutch ships for,
150, 167, 218; supplies and reinforce-
ments for Portuguese at, 1 5 1 , 2 1 7 ; Achin
native imprisoned at, 130, 212.
Goa, Viceroy of, 2 1, 22, 61 ; letter from, 66 ;
negotiations between Company's factors
and, 8, 60, 212; presents for and from,
60, 66, 138; assists and trades with the
Company's factors, 8,63, 138; Company
carry letters and goods for, 30, 60, 63,
91, 173, 176, 195, 230; claim against
the Company by, 249 ; endeavours to
maintain peace with the English, 66, 91 ;
and the execution of a Portuguese soldier
on the Coast, 63 ; requests passages for
priests on English ships, 94 ; grants
licences to the Company and Courteen's
Association for China trade, 165, 212,
216, 221. See also Da Silva Tello de
Meneses, and Mascarenhas.
Godfrey, Thomas, 133, 185.
Godown, 129.
Gogha, 25.
Gokul, 300.
Golconda, Abdullah Qutb Shah, King of,
44, 54, 207 ; present for, 39, 46 ; assists
the Company's factors, 41, 46 ; grants
privileges to the English and Dutch, 46 ;
shipment of goods freight free for, to
Persia, 55 ; designs on Vijayanagar, 70 w.,
80 ; his ambassador to Persia, 73, 74,
116; Dutch present for, 80, 81 ; his forces
attack Pulicat {(/.v.), 193.
Golconda, Sar-i-Khail at, see Mir Mahmud
Saiyid ; dissolution of factory at, 46 ;
debts due to the English at, 41, 46, 68 ;
trade at and commodities from, 46, 208 ;
211, 233; factors at, see Collet aud
Rogers; Coast Agent desired to reside
INDEX
3^5
at, 48 ; borrowing of money from officials
at, 69 ; Dutch trade at, 46 ; Dutch com-
petition affects Company's trade in, 155,
156.
Gold, 21, 106, 145, 185, 223, 225, 226, 255;
loaves of, 35, 254.
Golden Sun, the, 33, 3^, 37> 40> ^S^-
Gombroon, Governor (Sultan) of, i, 268,
269, 277, 309 ; death of, from injuries
received in earthquake, 266, 267 ; Shah-
bandar at, 32, 135, 170, 208, 265, 266,
267, 268, 269, 277, 278 ; factors at and
letters to and from, see Persia ; dispatch
of ships, and shipment of passengers and
freight goods for and irom, passim ; custom-
house at, I, 31, 98, 170, 172, 266, 267,
270, 296; dispute between the English
and Persians at, i, 31, 98 ; English share
of customs at, 4, 28, 32, 84, 98, 135, 136,
169 (2), 171, 172, 207, 208, 227, 256, 257,
265, 266, 270, 271, 277; customs guard
at, I, 169; Company exempted from
customs duties at, 169, 207; proposals
for redressing grievances at, 84, 267 ;
trade at, passim; trade between Coro-
mandel Coast and, 56, 87, 88, 125, 207,
268, 278, 281 ; troubles at, affect trade,
283; broker at, 27,296; money values at,
268; counterfeit coins at, 278; English
house and house rent at, 4, 296 ; allow-
ance of house provisions for, 310 ; factory
accounts, 309 ; continuance of factory at,
desirable, 268 ; English factory at, in
ruins, 273 ; factors and merchants leave,
during hot weather, 135, 268, 273; Indian
native trade to, 32, 55,67,80,87,88, 172,
207, 208, 272, 309; trade route to, 73;
private trade at, 73(2); castle at, 271;
earthquake at, 258, 266, 267; Dutch trade
at, 266, 299 ; dispatch of Dutch ships
from and for, 32, 98, 218, 283; quarrel
between Dutch and English factors at,
105 ; Dutch forced to pay customs at,
1 70 ; Dutch extort customs at, 269 ; Dutch
demand exemption from customs duties
at, 268, 269, 282, 283, 307; and offer to
defend the port for moiety of customs,
269 ; they are forbidden to trade at, and
refused supplies, 269, 270; Dutch fleet
off, 268, 269, 273 ; Dutch casualties at,
258, 267 ; Dutch hostilities against Per-
sians at, 269, 270, 271, 273, 299; English
factors protest against Dutch proceedings
at, 257, 258, 269, 270, 272; and are
warned not to assist the Persians, 272 w. ;
seizure of native junks by the Dutch at,
269, 299 ; rebuilding of Dutch house at,
275 ; I'ortuguese fleet anchors off, 272 ;
Courteen's ship and trade at, 276, 277,
309 ; dispute between the Company and
Courteen's Association at, 276, 277; cus-
toms duties remitted to Courteen's Asso-
ciation at, 277.
Goodyear, John, 132, 165, 252.
Com. See Gunny.
GopaljT, 15.
Gorle (or Gourly), William, 129.
Gosnoll, George, 3.
Greenhill, Henry, 42, 74, no, 132, 157,
159, 193, 289; letters from, see Madras;
complaint against, 49, 76 ; private trade
of, 72, 73, 75, 76; desires to go home,
157; goes on a mission to Sri Ranga
Rayalu, 290, 292, 305 w.
Grimstone, — , 49.
Guinea, trade to, xxii, 146.
Guinea stuffs. See Cotton goods.
Gujarat, cotton goods_from, 7 ; Viceroy of,
see Aurangzib and Azim Khan.
Gulddris, 85.
Gunny {goni), 10, 78, 248.
Gunpowder, 39, 256, 264, 287 ; packing
and shipment of, 78, 159; native, 141,
157, 158; price of, 141, 191.
Gumey, William, 132, 193, 289; letters
from, see Masulipatam.
' Gurras' (Gurrahs). See Cotton goods.
' Guzzees '. See Cotton goods.
Haarlem y the, 260.
Hajl Zahid Beg, i6r, 257, 274, 294.
Hall, Captain Edward, 3.
Hall, Rev. Edward, 97.
Hall, William, i, 70, 84,90, 132, 143, 148,
172 ; letters from, see Persia.
Hammam, 266.
Hammersly, Francis, 7, 132.
Hampton Merchant, ihQyOMXyf Old voyage of,
xix, 26, 27.
Haraik (' Herig'), 244.
Hariharpur, trade at, 65 ; English ship at,
77; factory accounts, etc., 96, 97, 126;
dissolution of factory at, 126 n.
Harrison, Gilbert, 175, 231.
Harsfield, Richard, in n.
Hart, the, 1 26, 157 ; master of, see Godfrey;
outward voyage of, to Coromandel Coast,
120 (2), 121, 127, 135, 189 ; disposal ot,
120, 128 ; voyage to Bantam, 133; voyage
to Swally from Bantam, 134, 1S5, 201;
at Swally, 214 ; voyage to Rajapur, 216 ;
designed for Bantam, 229, 234; voyage
to Sind and back to Swally, 234, 248;
voyage to Bantam, 248.
' Hassan Beague ', 28^.
Hast as {hath), 37.
Hatch, Robert, 65, 78, 132, 190, 207, 253,
294, 310, 311 w.
Plazel-nuts, 42.
Hemingway, Edward, 75, 111.
S26
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
J/emsHrl', the, 167.
Henriette Louise^ the, 22, 32.
Henry Bonaventure, the, outward voyage
of, xix, XX, 26 ; wreck of, on homeward
voyage, 119, 148.
Herbert, Peter, 132, 197 ; sails for Mokha,
139, 161, 186; death of, 234, 266.
Hester, i\iQ, 28, 109, 176, 260; master of,
see Hogg ; homeward voyage from Can-
nanore, 10, 27 ; outward voyage of, 29,
105, 106; voyage to Karwar from Raja-
pur, 62 ; at Goa, 63, 89 ; at Cochin, 107 ;
at Swally, 286, 298, 309, 312 ; sails for
Goa, 312.
Heynes, Robert, 17, 132, 215, 302.
Heywood, Hercules, 193, 194, 289.
Hill, Stephen, 276 n.
Hill, Thomas, 7, 8, 132, 138 ; at Goa, 59;
leaves Goa, 60, 64, 107 ; goes to Ahmad-
abad and Agra, 98 ; goes to Surat from
Agra, 304.
Hill, Thomas, 193 ; letter from, 182.
Hill, William, 74, 103, 104.
Hind, the, 210, 249; master of, see Broad-
bent and Brown ; outward voyage of, to
Coromandel Coast, 121, 135; voyage to
Bantam, 135 ; not suitable for Indian
waters, 141 ; designed for Achin, 146; at
Swally, 146 ; voyage to Sind and back to
Swally, 147 ; voyage to Persia and back,
147, 159, 162, 168, 170, 186, 211 ; voyage
from Swally to Macao, 165, 167, 1 79-181,
210, 212, 218, 249, 250; encounter with
Malabar pirates, 179, 181, 235, 255; at
Malacca, 235 ; designed for Persia and
Bantam, 159, 214; voyage to Mokha,
252 ; voyage from Mokha to Tuticorin
and then to Swally, 252, 275, 311, 312.
Hindaun, indigo from, 303, 304.
Hindoos. See Gentues.
Hinton, Thomas, 134.
Hogg, Robert, 62, 89, 206, 309.
Holmens, the. See Steep Holme and Flat
Holme.
Honywood, Francis, 25.
Hope, the, 28; master of, see Brightwell ;
attacked by Malabar pirates, 88.
Hopewell, the, 11, 27, 33, 34, 55, 68, 97,
113, 114, 134, 147, 172, 232; master of,
see Lock, Trumball, and Yates ; outward
voyage of, to Coromandel Coast, 26, 32,
33, 41, 42, 56, 65 ; accounts of voyages,
etc., of, 71-77, 236 ;?.; designed for Persia,
55> 65, 66, 69; voyage to Bengal and
back, 32, 43, 65, 67, 69, 77, loi ; de-
signed for England, 70, 78, loi, 128;
voyage to Gombroon and back to the
Coast, 70, 71, 77, 78, 88, loi, 116, 173;
voyage to Tranquebar, etc., and back,
116; voyage to Bantam, 71, no, 114,
126, 127, 133, 189; Day accused of in-
citing mutiny on, 74; Trumball super-
seded by Day in command of, 117;
Trumball reinstated, 112, 116; petition
from officers of, 11 1; Cogan sails for
Bantam on, in place of Day, 115, 116,
189 ; homeward voyage of, from Bantam,
I53j 189, 228, 234, 259; in distress, at
Mauritius, 153, 187; at the Comoros,
i88;z. ; puts back to Swally, 183, 189,
200, 211, 234, 239, 260; bought by Joint
Stock from General Voyage, 214 ; voyage
to Malabar Coast and back, 214, 248;
encounter with Malabar pirates, 248 ;
voyage to Persia and back to Swally,
214; unfit for further service, 252, 256.
Horses, 68, 98, 114, 146, 160; price of, 76;
shipment of, 78, 79. See also Basra and
Persia.
Howard, Bartholomew, 247, 261.
Hudson, Richard, 40, 49, 289; accusations
against, 56, 294 ; letters from, see Masuli-
patam.
Hunt, Abraham, letter from, 236.
Hunt, Henry, 175, 177, 239, 245, 247, 252;
letters from, 194, 198, 237.
Hurt, William, 17.
Husband, Richard, 25.
Ibrahim, 163.
Indigo, trade in, passim ; complaint as to
quality of, 4 ; frauds in connection with,
14, 122, 123, 173, 201; trade in, in Persia,
i9» 309 ; packing of, 39 ; price of, 84, 94,
122, 123, 136, 163, 164, 191, 202, 203,
254, 304 ; improved method of preparing,
85 ; Company threaten to discontinue to
trade in, 126; Anglo-Dutch combination
to reduce prices of, 202, 304; sand mixed
with, to preserve, 202 ; irregular purchase
of, 229 ; high price prevents trade in, 303.
See also Agra, Ahmadabad,Biana, Lahore,
Sarkhej, Sehwan, Sind, etc.
Ink, 18.
Insurance, marine, 22, 92, 161, 216.
Interlopers, 172, 173; suspected of piratical
designs, 176. See also Courteen's Asso-
ciation.
Iron, 26, 65, 148, 219-222, 224, 225, 251,
256, 293.
Isaacson, Rev. William, 196, 244, 247, 249,
311.
Isaacson, William, 132 ; death of, 190.
Islam Khan Mashadl, the Wazir, 160.
Ispahan, the maidan at, 297 ; factors at and
letters from, see Persia ; necessity for re-
taining factory at, 4; trade at, 83, 169,
274, 277 ; factors and merchants retire to,
during hot weather, 135,268, 273; English
factors go to the Court at, 257, 266, 276,
INDEX
Z'^1
277 ; the Dutch at, 270 ; ill-treatment of
Dutch chief at, 170; the Shah invites
Dutch commissary to, 272; Dutch mission
to Court at, 275, 278 ; the Dutch ordered
to leave, 282.
Itimad-uddaula, the. See TaqI Mirza and
Khalifa Sultan.
Ivy, Thomas, 49, 121, 193, 227, 228, 305 ;
letters from, see Madras ; and private
trade, 11, 45 ; appointed to the Coast
Agency, 126, 133, 134, 190, 289; becomes
President at Bantam, 291.
Jaccal {or Jackal)-ground, 305.
Jacobsz, Jacob, 62.
Jagannath. See Purl.
Jagat Singh, 18.
Jahanara Begam, xxxv, 148.
Jahrum, Dutch caravan molested at, 272.
Jakatra. See Batavia.
Jakhau (^^ Jagatt), 216.
Jalalpur, 301.
Jambi, dispatch of ship to and from, 36,
134; trade at, 293; Queen of, 37, 38, 68.
James, the, xix, 176, 260, 312; master of,
see Weddell (Jeremy).
Jam Qull Beg, Mirza, Governor of Surat,
3, 18, 23, 24, 98, 99, 144, 162 ; recalled
to Court, 160.
Jani Khan, the Qurchi Bashi, 296, 297.
Janissaries, 58.
Japan, Dutch trade to and ship from, 21, 99 ;
Dutch granted privileges by the Emperor
of, 100; Portuguese debarred from trading
to, 250 ; trade between Macao and, 250 ;
silver, 100.
Jaques, James, 43.
Jast (^rtutenague), 36, 55, 100, 218, 254.
Javanese embark on the Reformation, 36 ;
and are slain in attack by the Dutch, 37.
Jeffries {or Jeffreys), John, 35 ; letters from,
see Bantam ; death of, 119, 120, 134.
Jelliah {or Gelliaes), 133, 157.
Jellowatt, 240.
Jenjerlee. See Gingerly.
Jentu. See Gentues.
Jermyn, Thomas, 289.
Jerreleene, 206. See also Gingerly.
Jesson, William, 17, 32, 301, 304; letter
from, 299.
Jesuits, 8, 14, 36, 60, 63, d^, 149. See also
Carvalho, Martyns, Xavier.
Jewel, the, 2, 97, 119.
Jewels, 153, 215, 330 w.
Jidda (Judda), 214; exactions by Governor
of, 161, 162.
Jilaudar Bashi, 297 n.
Johanna. See Comoro Islands.
John (i), the, wrecked at Armagon, 20.
John (2), the, 205, 206, 210, 213, 214, 216,
228, 230, 232, 234, 236; outward voyage
of, 122, 125, 172, 175, 177, 178, 188, 189,
194, 200, 235, 338; seized by Mucknell
for King Charles I, xiii, 194-197, 238-246,
249, 258,259,261-263; subsequent voyage
of, 198, 199, 242, 262, 264 ; loss of, affects
the Company's credit, 247, 249; Portu-
guese claim for money lost in, 240, 241,
263, 298, 305 ; obtains supj^lies from
Courteen's Thomas and John, 264; mem-
bers of crew, etc., ill-treated and left at
St. Helena, 241, 260, 262, 264; ship's
company rewarded by the King, 265 ; re-
covery of her cargo, xiv.
Joint Stock, Third, 62, 79 ; winding up of,
26, 41, 55, 83, 142, 172, 232 ; shipping
and money of General Voyage used for,
xxvii, 29, 30, 118, 214; debts of, 33, 96,
117 ; trade on behalf of, 77, 87, 97, 100 ;
accounts of, 87, 88 ; remains of, trans-
ferred to Fourth Joint Stock, 142 ; Fourth,
accounts of, 236, 311 ; Fourth, failure
of, V.
Jonas, the, xix, 97, 119 ; loss of, 40, 86.
Jones, Daniel, 225.
Joories. See Cotton goods.
Joss sticks, 167 n.
Juan de Nova, 198.
Junkan. See Chungam.
Jussett {Jast), 218.
Kafir, 81, 120.
Kajan, 267.
Kandahar. See Candahar.
Kandiaro, 163, 203, 233.
Kangra, 1 8 n.
Kanj'i, 251.
Karndta (Carnatic). See Vijayanagar.
Karttika, 305.
Karvvar, Courteen's factory at, 29, 62 ; dis-
patch of Courteen's ships for and from,
62, 194, 237 ; depredations on Courteen's
settlement at, by Malabar pirates, 236 n.
Kasbin, 98.
Kashan, 83.
Kasim Ali, 1 93 n.
Katana, 241 n.
Katthd, 217.
Kavite. See Cavitte.
'Kedjans'. See Kajan.
Keeling Islands. See Cocos Keeling.
Kerman, 309.
Khairabad, Dutch resident at, 300.
Khairabads. See Cotton goods.
Khairat Khan, 207.
Khalifa Sultan, the Itimad-uddaula, 296.
Khanjar, 230 «.
Khargu Island, 1S6, 197, 273.
Ki-lung, 100 //.
King Road, 242, 264.
328
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Kinnersley, Edward, 17.
Kishin, Company's and Courteen's ships at,
237, 244 ; King of, 286.
Kishm, Dutch design for fortifying, 255, 256,
257 ; their unsuccessful assault on the
castle at, 275, 277, 278, 308; Dutch de-
signs on, 299.
Kistappa Nayak, 194 w.
Kistnapatam, 44.
Kit, the, 213, 214.
Klein Zutphen, the, 22, 32.
'Klings', 131,
Knipe, Edward, vii, 29, 66, 69, 91, 200,
228, 229, 300, 302, 304; salary of, 28,
175 ; letters from, 57, 62, 63, 64, 177, 178,
179, 194, 198, 237, 259, 299 ; letter-book
of, 2Sn.y 57; leaves Courteen's and re-
enters Company's service, 57«. ; com-
mission and instructions to, 59, 177 ; mer-
chant for Aleppo Merchanfs voyage, 57;^.,
59, 61, 86; commended, 89; diary of
voyage of the Aleppo Merchant, 105-1 10 ;
and private trade, no; outward voyage
to Malabar Coast, 172, 174, 175, 177;
carries letters to Viceroy of Goa, 176;
dispute with Ribeiro, 178; charges by
and against, 194-197, 239, 240, 243-247,
249, 258, 259, 261, 262, 263, 298, 301,
304, 305 ; arrives at Surat in a Dutch
ship, 237, 249; goes to Agra, 249, 259.
Knives, 193, 225 ; for presents, 145, 210.
Koil, 44 n.
Kolis, 163.
Kd?nati, 158.
Koria, trade in indigo at, 303, 304.
Kos, 204.
Kotwdl, 302.
Kuli, 79.
Kung, Governor of, encourages Company's
trade, 275, 276, 284 ; shipment of freight
goods from, i86, 275, 276, 284; dispatch
of ships for and Company's ships at, 273,
284 ; English factor at, see Walwyn ; Por-
tuguese demand customs at, 272.
Kusumbka, 136, 161, 167, 212.
Kynaston {or Keniston), Arthur, 128, 129,
131.
Lac, 7, 27, 55, 58, 85, 124, 139, 168, 186,
197, 205, 233.
Laccadives, the, 56 n.
Lahijan silk, 122.
Lahore, 18, 70, 173, 302 ; indigo from, 122,
126 ; Jesuits at, 60.
Lamberton, Thomas, 134.
Lanneret, the, 286, 308??., 312, 313.
Lar, Governor of, 267.
Larak, i, 273, 309.
Larlbandar, 19, 20, 85, 234, 274.
LdrTs, 59, 226, 308, 309.
Lascars, 37 (2), 81, 216, 294.
Lashkar, 59.
Lawrence, Richard, 198 n.
Layton, John, 97.
Leachland, John, daughter of, 152.
Leachland, William, 152.
Lead, trade m, passitn; price of, 60, 125,
309 ; bought for the Emperor, 211.
Leather, 73/2.
Lee, Adam, 135, 146, 147, 272.
Lee, — , 284.
Leeuwerik, the, 99, 100.
Leigh, John, 102, 103.
Leno, Padre, 64.
Lewis, John, 175, 188;?., 231.
Linhares, Conde de. See De Noronha.
Lioness, the, xxii; master of, see Brook-
haven.
Little William, the, 182 (2), 185, 189, 193,
200, 216, 259 ; master of, see Cox.
Lock, Edward, 214.
Logwood, 223.
London, the, xix, 9, 14, 206, 250 ; master of,
see Proud; outward voyage of, 2, 19, 68 ;
dispatched to the Malabar Coast, 7, 16,
21, 61 ; homeward voyage of, 8, 10, 25,
31, 56; private trade on, 15, 25, 141;
Portuguese goods on, 16.
Looking-glasses, 65, 115, 160, 193.
Lopez, Don Joao, 219.
Low, Richard, 239, 246.
Loyalty, 237 ;?., 255, 299; master of, see
Durson; outward voyage of, 29, 62, 106,
176, 183, 189, 194, 200, 231 ; at Goa, 89 ;
voyage to Gombroon and Basra, 217, 276,
283, 309.
Lucknow, 6, 96, 97, 204, 233, 301, 304.
Luipaard, the, 129.
Lungis, 58, 197.
Maatzuiker, Jan, xxiv.
Macao, Dutch blockade of, 21, 22; Portu-
guese ship sails for, 36 ; Dutch, Portu-
guese, etc., trade to, 134, 212, 250; Por-
tuguese license English trade to, 165, 212,
221 ; dispatch of English ships for, and
trade at, 165, 167, 179, 180, 193, 210, 212,
217, 249, 250; further attempts to trade
at, forbidden, xvii ; factors for voyage to,
see Oxenden and Thurston ; Governor of,
180; East India Company's factors enter-
tained at, 180; Courteen's Association
trade to, 180, 216, 217 ; state of trade,
etc., at, 250 ; Spanish envoy to, 224; ex-
cessive customs duties at, 250 ; trade be-
tween Japan, Manilla and, 250 ; Captain-
General of, 254; letters from Portuguese
at, 254.
Macassar, 166; commodities from, 37 ; trade
at, in various commodities, 37, 51, 115
INDEX
329
192, 222, 293 ; dispatch of ships for, 97 ;
Danes trade to, 75 ; trade between Achin,
Manilla and, 131, 192, 222, 223.
Mace, 142, 218.
Machhlwara baftas, 204, 301, 304, 311.
Madagascar (St, Lawrence), 97, 119, 121,
177; French pirates at, 9; trade at, 25 ;
provisioning of ships at, 119, 120, 135,
182, 183, 187 ; attempts to colonize and
trade at, 144, 176, 260; French fort and
settlement at, 200, 232, 259, 260, 312;
beads used in barter at, 205. Sec also
St. Augustine's Bay.
Madras, 32, 37; Nayak of, see Damarla
Venkatappa ; letters from and to, 33, 38,
45, 61, 67, 68, 71, 77, 113, 120 (2), 154,
184(4), 185, 189, 279, 285, 287, 292,293;
Agent and Council at : consultations by,
70, 74, no, H2 (2), 120; petitions to,
III (3) ; factors at, see Coromandel Coast ;
building of Fort St. George at, xxxii,
xxxiii, II, 12, 13, 40, 46, 47, 51, 53, 113,
126, 127 (2); sergeant of fort at, see
Broadford ; native accidentally killed at,
158, 159; salary and grant of clothing,
etc., for sergeant at, 194; list of soldiers
at, 126; manning of fort at, 282; advan-
tages of fort at, 47, 48, 51, 127 (2), 191 ;
ordnance for, 36, 39, 51, 70, 80; question
of retention of fort at, 68 ; expense of
fortifying and maintaining garrison, xxxii,
xxxiii, 82, 190, 191 ; minister desired for,
294, 311 ; manufacture of salt at, 127;
state of affairs at, 113, 115, 154, 287;
bleaching, dyeing, etc., of cotton goods at,
79 ; Coromandel Coast head-quarters at,
49; factory accounts, 54, 126, 236 «.;
debts cleared at, 189, 190, 207; advan-
tages of, as a factory, 115, 118, 157 ;
reasons for poor returns from, 157 ;
customs duties at, 127 ; Courteen's dis-
tressed sailors at, 184, 185, 193 ; money
saved from Little William deposited at,
184, 185, 189, 236 w.; affray between a
Dane and Portuguese at, 63 ; Portuguese
capture Dutch ship at, 115; Malaya en-
deavours to wrest privileges from the
English at, 1 36 ; factors try to obtain
confirmation of privileges at, 290 ; Dutch
prisoner in Malaya's hands in care of
Company's factors at, 279, 288; Com-
pany's factors at, purchase goods con-
fiscated from the Dutch, 280 ; factors
desired to assist Vijayanagar forces against
the Dutch, 285 ; Sri Ranga Rayalu's grant
to the Company for, 305-307 ; Portuguese
and Danish ships at, 33, 156.
Magdalen, J.\\e, 9.
Mahmijd Adil Shah, King of Bijapur, 45 ;
Portuguese treaty with, 22; Dutch ex-
cluded from his dominions, 22 ; encour-
ages Company's trade, 108 ; allies him-
self withVijayanagar, 115, 116.
Mahmud Agha, Governor of Basra and
afterwards Shahbandar, 274, 275, 284.
Mahmud Hussain, 162.
Mahmiid, Mirza, 144.
Mahmud Zaman, 162.
Mahmtidi, the, 257.
Mahmudl, /ajj/w ; value of, 17, 268.
Maiddfiy 297, 298 n.
Majlis, 296.
Malabar Coast, trade to and commodities
from, 10, 69, 86, 94, 99, 124, 138, 140,
147, 148, 172, i77> 228, 231, 313; dis-
patch of Company's ships for and from,
21, 69, 86, 89, 106, 147, 172, 174, 177,
313; dispatch of Courteen's ships for
and from, and trade to, 29, 89, 148 ;
ships outward bound for Swally to trade
on, 86 ; Company advised not to dis-
patch ships to, 231 ; dispatch of Dutch
ship for, 150 ; Portuguese trade on, 230,
231. See also Calicut, Cannanore, Co-
chin, Karwar, Rajapur.
Malabar pirates, 32, 41, 59, 6[, 73, 192;
designs against, reprisals on and encoun-
ters with, 2, 3, 14, 20, 27, 28, 55, 88, 89,
93, 139' 140, i79» i8i» 211, 212, 213,
218, 233, 234, 235, 248, 250, 255, 310;
English forced to grant passes to, 3 ;
trade to Aden, Mokha, and Achin, 3,
131? 139; protection of, by Courteen's
Association and the Dutch, 3,212; Dutch
encounter with, 22 ; English ships forced
to protect native shipping from, 90, 91,
92 ; English prisoners in hands of, 23,
25, 28; prisoners in hands of English,
37; exchange of prisoners with, 27;
menace Company's and Portuguese ships,
141, 201, 213, 228, 253, 278; depreda-
tions on Courteen's settlements and ships,
236 n.
Malacca, 260; Dutch at, 225; Dutch Go-
vernor of, 180 ; Company's factors as-
sisted by Governor of, 273; Courteen's
sailors detained by Dutch at, 1 28 ; Dutch
method of inducing trade to, 131 ; English
ship at, 179, 181, 272 ; friendly recep-
tion of Company's ships at, by the Dutch,
179, 235 ; Company's ship taken to and
searched by Dutch, 272, 273.
Malacca, Straits of, 2 1 8 ; Dutch control and
molest shipping in, 129, 131, 166, iSo,
218, 272, 293 ; Dutch capture Courteen's
ship in, see Bona Speranza ; Dutch en-
force payment of customs from ships
passing through, 131 ; Dutch ships in,
179.
Malaya (ChinnanaChetti), 50, 194,280,281 ;
33"^
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
honoured by Sri Ranga Rayalu, 8i ;
endeavours to wrest privileges from the
English at Madras, 156; hinders Com-
pany's trade, 157; regains influence with
the King of Vijayanagar and appointed
his Treasurer, 154, 290; made Governor
of Pulicat district, 154 n.\ supersedes
Damarla Venkatappa, 154; is deprived
of his office and imprisoned, 154 n. ;
goods seized and family imprisoned at
Pulicat, 288 n. ; quarrel with the Dutch,
279, 280, 287, 288 ; proposal to purchase
a junk from, 281 ; commands Vijayanagar
troops against the Dutch, 285, 290, 291,
292 ; assistance of English factors de-
sired by, 285 ; holds Dutch prisoners to
ransom, 288 ; assists the Company, 290.
Maldives, the, 37, 56 n.
Malha, Shoals of, 109, 153, 187.
Malpur, saltpetre from, 164, 205, 233.
Mammali Koya, 236 n.
Manilla, Governor and Captain-General of,
see Mendoso and Taxardo ; letters car-
ried for, 252 ; Spanish officials at, 220-
224 ; bribery of officials at, 224; state of
Spaniard's affairs at, 222-225 ; Spanish
fleet at, 225 ; customs at, 221 ; English-
man and Dutchman employed by Span-
iards at , i-^^Jones andChelozn ; Dutch and
Portuguese debarred from trading at, 22,
192, 220, 226, 250 ; attempts to establish
English trade at, xvi, 192, 193, 212, 214,
218-228, 247,250, 251 ; further attempts
forbidden, xvii ; dispatch of ship for, and
Company's ship at, 180, 222, 228, 231,
253 ; factors for voyage to, see Breton,
Mantell, Pearce ; trade between Coro-
mandel Coast, Macassar, China, etc.,
192, 193, 220, 222, 223, 250; trade at,
in various commodities, 192, 212, 223,
224, 226, 228, 232, 252, 293; allega-
tions against English at, 221, 222; pro-
posed further voyage to, 232, 251, 256;
abandoned owing to Dutch threats, 293 ;
iron, saltpetre, etc., required at, 219,
220, 221, 222, 224, 225, 251, 256; fac-
tors remain at, with Company's goods,
221, 222, 226; household expenses of
Company's factors at, 226; Chinese at,
223 ; dyeing at, 223 ; envoy sent to Su-
rat by Governor of, 225 ; unhealthiness
of, 226. See also Cavitte.
Mantell, John, 94, 132, 133 n., 166, 174,
231 ; letter from, 218.
Marguerite, the, 9 n. See also Rose.
Markham, Robert, death of, 68.
Markham, Thomas, 94 ; death of, 68,
144.
Markham, Valentine, 68.
Marmagao, xxiii, 150.
Martyns de Castello Branco, Father Gon-
salvo, 60, 64.
Mary, the, xix, 241 ; outward voyage for
Bantam, 121, 135 ; homeward voyage of,
127, 128, 134, 311 n.
Mascarenhas, Dom Filippe, Viceroy of
Goa, 254, 310 n. ; declares war on Mala-
bars, 310.
Masulipatam, English ship detained by
Governor of, 42, 48 ; letters to and from,
120 (2), 295; factors at, see Coromandel
Coast ; consultation at, 69 ; factory ac-
counts and records, 16, 41, 42, 45, 126 ;
English house at, 49 ; factory expenses
at, 54 ; money due to factors at, 41 ;
threatened seizure of junks, to enforce
English rights at, 41 ; removal of Coast
head-quarters from, 48 ; customs and
customhouse at, 55 ; survivors from
Little William at, 193; Dutch ships
sail for, 42 ; Dutch use pinnaces for
trade to, 48 ; Dutch competition affects
Company's trade at, 154; Danes seize
a junk of, 42 n., 48; Danish ships sail
for, 156.
Mataran, Sultan of, negotiations with, 36.
Matchawara. See Machhiwara.
Matthews, Richard, 179.
Maund, passim ; Akbarl, 84 ; Surat, 95 ;
value of, 72 (2), 86, 95 ;z., 211.
Mauritius, 97 ; English ships at, 119, 153,
183, 187, 211, 234, 259; Dutch at, 119,
187; Dutch settlement at, 153; Dutch
at, assist in repairing Company's dis-
tressed ships, 153 w. ; provisioning of
ships at, 119 ; wreck of Courteen's ship
at, see Bonaventura.
Mauritius Island, the, wrecked at the
Cape, 182, 185, 200, 260.
' Meanaes', 309.
Mecca, 36.
Melinda, Portuguese trade to, 149.
Mendoso, Don Sebastian Hurtatho Quer-
quero. Governor of Manilla, 223 ; nego-
tiations with, 219, 220; imprisoned for
peculation, 226.
' Mercooles '. See Cotton Goods.
Merry, Thomas, 26, 29, 69, 132, 255, 286,
310, 311 ; letters from {see also Persia
and Surat), 96, 237, 247, 311 ; recalled
from Persia to Surat, 4, 28, 31, 88, 89 ;
complaints by and against, 27, 237, 247 ;
debts to the Company, etc., 96, 101, 140,
170, 176, 232; appointed second in
Council and Accountant in Surat, 140,
173, 229.
Mestico, 166, 223, 242.
Methwold, Thomas, iSS «., 190, 236.
Methwold, William, 7, 16, 30, 179, 247.
Methwold, William (Junior), 132, 193, 289.
INDEX
33^
Michael, the, 14, 28, 34, 37, 85, 86, 97,
228.
Millet, John, 28, 178; letter to, 59; pri-
vate trade of, 28, 29; coramended, 89.
Millet (cuskus), 92,
Mindoro, 180.
Minicoy, 56 n., 71 n.
Ministers, 28, 294. See Baines, Isaacson,
aw^Panton.
Minn, William, 132, 193; letters from,
^^^ Madras; salary, 289.
Minors, Captain William, 16.
Mir Abdul HadI, see Asalat Khan.
Mir Mahmud Saiyid, the Sar-i-Khail, 154,
207; the Danes seize a junk of, 42, 48;
trades freight and custom free to Gom-
broon, 55, 207 ; his junk sails for Mokha,
Persia, etc., 55, 67, 69, 80, 81, 88, 234 ;
lends money to the Company, 69, 79;
complaint against, 79 ; English and Dutch
sailors for his junk, 69, 80, 81 ; oppresses
the Dutch, 80.
Mir Muhammad Amin, 169.
' Mirta ', 304.
Mirza Amin. See {as also in similar cases)
Amin, Mirza.
Moerabath. See Murbat.
'Mogulls^_303, 304.
Mohan Narayan, 168.
Mokha, Governor of, 143, 161, 162, 213 ;
dispatch of ships for and from, and
English trade at, passim ; Indian trade
to, vi n., 10, 17, 19, 25, 62, 81, 144,
208, 234; factors at, see Cogan (Thomas),
Cranmer, Cross, Goodyear, Herbert,
Hunt, Oxenden, Rymell, Wylde (John) ;
casualties among factors at, 94 ; English
house at, 161 ; Shah Jahan's junk sails
for, 91, 92 ; customs at, 162 ; Company's
goods shipped on native junk to, 215,
266 ; Arabs drive Turks from, 143 ;
Dutch at, 150 ; Dutch trade to, 22, 100,
167, 216; dispatch of Dutch ships for
and from, 61, 139, 150, 161, 167, 238,
312.
Montella, 163.
Morals, Manoel, 64.
Mor-thnthu, 86, 124, 205.
Moss, John, 25, 28.
Mosul, 58.
Mozambique, dispatch of ships from and
for, and English ships at, 57, 121, 135,
194, 195, 239, 243, 261 ; trade at, in
various commodities, 105-106, 145, 177,
195, 239 ; gold from, 106 ; dispatch of
Courteeu's ship for, 194, 200 ; Portu-
guese at, 239, 249; Portuguese trade to,
and ships at, 21, 57, 145, 149; Portu-
guese ship wrecked near, see Sao Bento ;
Portuguese Governor of, 195, 286 ; Por-
tuguese take passages on Company's ship
from, 195, 261, 263; King 01 Portugal's
agent at, 195.
Mucknell, John, xii, xiii, xiv, 175, 237 n. ;
seizes Company's ship for Charles I, see
John ; his grievance against Parliament,
199 «., 262 ; certain persons accused of
abetting, 238 ; quarrel with Knipe, 239,
240, 243, 244-247, 259, 261-263, 298;
accused of drunkenness, etc., 265 ; ex-
plores Ascension Island, 264.
Mughalkasaral, 304.
Muizz-ul-Mulk, 2, 25 ; trades to Basra, 2 ;
assists the English, 3 ; superseded as
Governor of Surat, 23, 24, 25 ; controls
ports of Broach and Cambay, 24, 25.
Multan, customs at, 163.
Murad Bakhsh, 160.
Murbat, 237 n., 238.
Murrees {or Moorees). See Cotton goods.
Musk, 64, 233.
Muskat, English ship at, 20 ; letters sent to
India overland via, 299 ; Portuguese at,
308.
Musters, 137, 209.
Myrando, Anthony. See De Miranda.
Myrrh, 7, 124, 139, 205, 233, 252, 254;
Habashl {or Hob see) ,162.
Naqdl Khan, 297.
Ndkhudd, 234,
Narayanavanam, 67 n.
Narsapur, 77.
Nasarpur, ' joories' of, 6, 85, 123, 203, 233 ;
factory accounts, 236 n.
NasTr-bin-Murshid, 308 n.
Nassati, the, 218.
Nayak, the Great. See Damarla.
Negapatam, 81 ; captured by the Dutch,
xxiii.
Negombo, captured by the Dutch, xxiv, 151.
Netlam, William, 132, 134, 193, 207, 289,
293.
New Zealand, discovery of, 134.
' Nicaneers'. See Cotton goods.
Nicobars, the, 180.
Nishdn, 215.
NosarT, factory dissolved, 164; baftas, 6,
85* 123, 137, 164, 204, 233.
A^iiri, 201.
Nutmegs, 142, 218.
Oil, 217, 302, 310.
Olibanum, 7, 85, 124, 139, 162, 205, 217,
233. 252, 254.
Olifant, the, 260.
Olton, Henry, 132, 190, 193, 2S9, 293, 294,
310; letter from, iSi.
Opium, 61, 108, 138.
Oranges, 187.
33^
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Orangia^ the, 260.
Orangkdya, 212.
Ormus, 73, 171, 258, 277«. ; agreement
missing, 29, 90; red earth from, 38, 39;
Dutch designs against, 255-258, 273, 295,
299.
Ouvidor^ 224.
Overskay, the, 218.
Owen, Edward, 242.
Oxenden, George, 7, 23, 132, 139, 161, 212,
252.
Padres. See Jesuits, Dominicans, etc.
Pagodas (coins), /aj-.fm ; value of, 43, 109,
112, 191 «., 268; *Dury' or Dharwari,
109.
Painters and ' paintings ', 39, 46, 51,53, 74,
75, 77, 79-
Palankeens, 54, 105.
Panton, Anthony, 28, 89.
Paradox, the, 14 ; outward voyage of, 10, 26,
Fardao. See Xerafin.
Parrots. See Nilri.
Parthiva, 305.
Passes, 3.
' Patolas', 37, 287.
Pattamars, 52.
Pauncefote, Samuel, 25.
Pauw, the, xxiii-xxv, 99, 150, 218.
Pearce, Edward, 14, 100, 132, 251 ; letters
from {see also Basra), 218 ; chief at Basra,
143 ; factor for Manilla voyage, 166, 213,
218-226.
Pearce, John, 240, 243, 246.
Pearce, William, 236.
Pearl, the, 2.
Pearls, 25, 233, 283.
Pearson, John, 188 n., 234.
'Peaseing' (weighing), 241.
'Peculls' (weight), 192, 225, 254.
Pegu, 76, 130, 229.
Peniston, Thomas, 65, 68, 69, 121, 132, 157,
I93> 253, 280, 289, 294 ; letters from, see
Masulipatam ; accused of private trade,
etc., 72, 73, 76.
Pennington, Sir John, 242, 262, 264.
Pepper, trade in and references to, passim ;
price of, to, 86, 108, 109, 124, 192, 214;
loses weight in transit, 85 ; method of
shipment, 231. See also Achin, Bantam,
Deccan, Malabar, etc.
Perak, 35.
Pereira, Joseph Pinto, 14.
Perkins, John, 25 ; death of, 17.
Perks, Thomas, 193.
Perpetuanoes, 18, 61, 91, 227,
Persia, letters to and from, 31, 169, 257,
265, 276, 282, 296, 298 (2), 307 ; Agent
in, see Adler, Honywood, Merry, Pitt ;
factors in, see Codrington, Hall, Herbert,
Wheeler, W^illoughby, Wilton, Wylde
(Philip); factors for, 169; disputes be-
tween Surat Council and factors in, 3 ;
factors in, subordinate to Surat, 27 ; fac-
tors to correspond with the Company,
164; factors complain of unjust treat-
ment, 227 ; trouble with broker in, 278 ;
private trade in, 76 ; factory accounts,
loi, 232, 278 ; trade in, in silk and other
commodities, passim ; horses from, 20,
37, 76, 81, 146, 211, 278, 298; supplies
for, 19, 139, 207, 208; state of affairs in,
96, 98, 135, 136, 201, 208; merchants
from, in Bengal and at Coromandel Coast,
87, 104, 105 ; complaint against Dutch
chief {see also Constant atid Gelijnszoon)
in, ] 70, 171 ; Dutch trade to and ships for,
4, 32, 83, 150, 167, 170, 171, 201, 255,
268, 282, 308; Portuguese endeavour to
exact customs duties in, 272 ; Queen-
mother of, 296 ; See also Gombroon,
Ispahan, etc.
Persia, Shah Abbas I, 226; Shah Safi of,
vii, viii, 4 ; annual present for, 4 ; dispute
with Shah Jahan, 18, 58 ; ambassador to,
from Golconda, 73, 74; death of, 83, 89;
Shah Abbas H becomes King of, viii, 83 ;
English and Dutch missions to, 83, 84, 98 ;
grants privileges to the English and Dutch,
83, 135, 271; presents for, 83, 84, 135,
170(2), 208, 266; Dutch and English
negotiations with, 136, 256, 257, 266,
268, 269, 271, 278 ; refuses to renew
English privileges, 169, 170; the Dutch
in disfavour with, 170, 266 ; favours the
English, 171 ; ambassadors to Europe
from, 171 ; controls the silk trade, 201,
271 ; Company's claim against, 227, 266,
279; Dutch contract with, 266; rumoured
alliance of the Dutch and Portuguese
against, 272 ; makes peace with and
grants privileges to the Dutch, 275, 278,
279, 282, 283, 307, 308, 311 ; sends an
agent to Batavia, 282 ; exactions on be-
half of, 296 ; honours English and Dutch
chiefs, 296; avenges Mlrza Taqi's murder,
296, 297.
Pessaert, Barent, 156.
Petapoli, 68, 71 ; factors at, see Coro-
mandel Coast.
Pewter. See "Jast.
Philippine Islands. See Manilla.
Pice (coins), 145, 147 ; (weight), 211.
Piece goods. See Cotton goods.
Pieter Butt's Bay (Mauritius), 153.
Pinson, Gerald, 49, 97.
Pinson, Humphrey, letter from, 181.
Pippli, xxxv.
Pirates. See French and Malabar.
Pishkash, 80, 81, 115, 306.
INDEX
333
Pistachios, 42, 73 n.
Pitt, William, 7, 8, 10, 59, 80, 133, 138,
257, 266, 309, 310; leaves Goa, 60, 64,
107; letters from (see also Persia), 169;
his contract with the Portuguese, 107,
108 ; reported dangerously wounded, 60,
61 ; becomes Chief in Persia, 70, 84, 98 ;
his mission to the Shah, 256, 277, 279;
desires to return to India, 279.
Planter, the, 146, 148.
Point de Galle, 180, 253; Dutch fort at, 180.
Pollen, John, 282.
Ponnani, 107; trade at, in pepper, etc., 7,
60, 61 ; dispatch of ship for, 60, 61.
Porakad, Raja of, 138; pepper from, 138,
147 ; ship at, 147.
Porbandar {or Por), 216 n.
Porcelain, 66.
Porto Novo, 281 ; Company's trade to, and
ships for, 36, 42 ; Company's trade at,
abandoned, 38 ; Dutch trade at, 38.
Portugal, John IV, King of, 22, 23, 67.
Portuguese, the, fortify their settlements,
12; goods, letters, and passengers on
Company's and Courteen's ih.\\)S,passi?n',
hostilities with, and ships captured by,
the Dutch, 21 (2), 38, 100, 114, 128, 308 ;
Dutch ship captured by, see Fatiw; peace
negotiations with the Dutch, 21, 148, 149,
151,218; debarred from trading to Manilla,
22, 192, 220, 250; ships of, insured by
Dutch merchants, 22; treaty with the
King of Bijapur, 22 ; English treaty with,
xxvi, 30, 67, 91, 114; borrowing of
money from and by, 34, 60, 112; com-
plaints by and against, 39, 44, 138 ; the
Company endeavour to maintain friendly
relations with, 50, 59, 80, 141, 151, 173,
174, 230; reinforcements and supplies
for, 57, 151, 210; present for Sri Ranga
Rayalufrom, 81 ; reported truce between
the Dutch and, 99, 100; prisoners in
the hands of the Dutch, 129 ; distracted
state of affairs of, 145 ; the Dutch
treacherously recommence hostilities a-
gainst, 149; pilots, 167; Malabar pirates
harass shipping of, 228 ; make peace
with the Dutch, xxv, 228 ; claim against
the Company, see ike John ; negotiations
between Courteen's factors and, 254;
supplied by the Company with guns,
etc., 258 ; at war with Vijayanagar,
289 ; soldier executed by the Company's
factors, see De Miranda ; wreck of ship
of, see Sao Bento. See also Basra, Cochin,
Goa, Macao, Persia, etc.
Poynter, William, 241.
* Prams', i, 141 n. See also Hind and
Seajlower.
Prdu (prow), 180.
Priaman, 130.
Privett, John, 256 n.
Prosperous , the, 69, 148 ; voyage to Malabar
Coast, 2 1 ; voyage to Persia and back to
Swally, 31 ; voyage to Basra, Gombroon,
and back, 21, 31, 59, 93; designed for
the Red Sea, 213, 214; at Swally,
313-
Proud, John, 3, 9, 11, 17, 188 ; commended,
15, 142 ; account of the Dolphin' % home-
ward voyage, 153; letters from, 187, 189,
259.
Puchok, 167 «. See also Costus.
Pulicat, Dutch Governor (see also Gardenijs"!
and Coast head-quarters at, 48, 81 w.,
193, 281, 288 n.\ Company's factors
threatened by Governor of, for trading in
confiscated Dutch goods, 290, 291, 292,
294 ; Dutch ships at and dispatched for,
33 (2), 42; Dutch fort at, 47, 288;
Domine of, see De Ladossa; Malaya
appointed Governor of the district around,
154 n. ; the Dutch at, besieged by King
of Golconda, 184, 193; the siege raised
by Vijayanagar troops, 194; the Dutch
defeated near, 279; besieged by Vija-
yanagar army under Malaya, 285, 2S8,
289, 290 ; Malaya's goods seized and
family imprisoned at, 288 n.
Pulo Condore, 180.
Pulo Jarak, 179.
Pulo Run, 134.
Pulo Tioman, 180.
Pulse. See Dal.
Punamallee, 70 «., 280, 306; Nayak of,
see Damarla Venkatappa ; customs duties
in, remitted to the Company, 306, 307.
Purakkatu {or ' Purcutt '). See Porakad.
Purchase (prize-taking), 176.
Purl (Jagannath), 75 n.
Pym, Luke, 70, 94, 132, 143, 174.
Qdfila. See Caphila.
Qaiil, 50, 156, 305, 306.
Quails, 264.
Quicksilver, 67, 78, 217, 234.
Quills, 18, 19.
Quilts (including ' Pintadoes '), 7, 85, 124,
126, 136, 138, 204, 229, 233.
Quintals, 63, 89, 107, 205.
Qiirchi Bdshl. 6"^^ JanI Khan.
Rdhdari, 160.
Raisins, 42, 298.
Raja Basil, 18.
Rajapur, trade at, 147, i6r, 205, 212, 216,
248, 255, 311 ; dispatch of ships for and
from, 147, 161, 211, J 16, 311 ; shipment
of passengers and freight goods from, 276,
309 ; Courteen's ships and factory at and
334
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
trade to, lo, 29, 62, 140, 148, 168, 199,
217, 231, 255.
Ramsay, Anthony, 36.
Rander, 202.
Rango, 183.
Rao Raja Chhatarsal, Raja of Bundl, 159,
232, 301.
Rasa-J7idld (storax), 61, 217.
Raya Elluru. See Vellore.
Rdyalavdru, 45 n.
Raybag, trade at, 138, 161, 205, 210, 230;
Courteen's trade and affairs at, 10, 148,
255 ; Dutch and Portuguese trade to, 10,
210; English broker at {see also BenI Das),
252.
Raylawar. See Sri Ranga Rayalu.
Red-earth. See Geru.
Red Sea, pirates and interlopers in, 9, 141,
143 w., 144, 176 ; designs against and en-
counters with Malabar junks in, 3, 139,
179, 213, 234, 235, 311. See also Aden,
Mokha, etc.
Reformation, the, xix, 11, 34; master of,
see Bayley; at Comoro Islands, 2, 13;
sails for Bantam, 13, 21, 36, 38, 39 (2) ;
Dutch attack on, 37 ; at Madras, 49 ;
homeward voyage of, 45, 56, 100, 109,
121.
Reshire, 258.
Resin. See Dammar.
Reunion, 97, 119 (2), 183.
Reynardson, Thomas, 133, 166.
Reynolds, Alexander, iii.
Reynolds, John, 102 n., in.
Rhinoceros horns, 217.
Rhubarb, 26, 96, 176, 247.
Rials of eight, passim \ value of, 17, 18, 28,
43, 107, 144, 145, 175, 191 «., 209 ;
Mexico (Peru) and Seville, 209 ; chests of,
120, 206, 207; complaints as to quality,
etc., of, 144, 145, 174, 209.
Ribeiro {pr Soares) Lewis, 26, 64, 178, 205,
212, 213, 233, 235,254, 255.
Rice, 276, 310.
Rice-water. See Kanji.
Richards, John, 105, win.
Richelieu, Cardinal, 9, 141 n.
Robins, Walter, 193, 289.
Robinson, Benjamin, 4, 5, 17, 29, 85,
206.
Rodriguez, 97, 118, 119.
Rogers, Thomas, 42, 68, 190; death of, 46,
68.
Roobacker, Cornells, 274 «.
Root, Jeremy, 293.
Rose., the, 9.
Rosewater, 42, 73, 115, 146, 211, 278.
Rubies, 215, 230 «.
Runds, 73, 98.
Rupees, value of, 17, 95 w., 96, 209, 21 ^n.
Russell, Gervase, 29.
Rymell, John, 132, 168, 252.
Sack, 302, 310.
Sacrifice Rock, 180.
Sailors, 152, 153 ; ships' commanders styled
masters, 15 ; Surat Council's authority
over commanders, 95, 142 ; complaints
against ships' commanders, 216, 236;
Dutchmen and French pirates employed
as, 9, 226; want of, 16, 236; and private
trade, 18, 29, 124; ransomed from Mala-
bars, 25 ; provisions and allowances for,
37, 226, 295 ; employed ashore as factors,
etc., 94, 143, 174, 201, 231, 236; natives
employed as (see also Lascars), 36, 49,
282 ; pilfer prize-money, 226.
St. Augustine's Bay, Company's and Cour-
teen's ships at, 10, 32, 105, 119, 182, 183,
185, 187, 188, 200, 241, 259, 312; letters
to commanders of ships touching at, 181,
182, 187; hostile attitude of natives at,
1 19 ; survivors from the Little William
at, 182, 189; unhealthiness of, 183. See
also Madagascar.
St. Christopher's Island, 199 n.
St. Helena, English ships at, 109, 121, 239,
241, 259, 260, 262; sailors and slaves left
by Mucknell at, 242, 260, 264.
St. John's. See Sanjan.
St. Lawrence. See Madagascar.
St. Malo privateers, 8, 10.
Saker, — , death of, 153.
Salabat Khan, Mir Bakhshi to Shah Jahan,
229 n,
Saldmati, the, 161, 168.
Salbet (Shial Bet), 93.
' Sallett ' oil, 302.
Salt, 127.
Salter, Captain, 242.
Saltpetre, 6, 10, 27, 94, 124, 136, 139, 148,
164, i75> 203, 205, 219-222, 224, 232-
234, 251, 255, 256.
Samana, 137, 204, 233.
Sambah, 1 30 n.
Sambrooke, Jeremy, letter to, 237.
Samisamy, 182.
Sampson, Captain, 75,
Sandalwood, 81, 115, 218, 293.
Sanjan, 185, 238.
Sankar, 168, 253.
' Sannoes '. See Cotton goods.
San Salvador, 100 n.
Santa Lucia (Madagascar), 200.
San Thom^, 47 ; Portuguese at, 12, 49, 81,
112; Portuguese reinforcements for, 43,
60 ; under Nayak of Tanjore, 47, 49 ;
customs at, 49 ; disadvantages of as a
factory site, 49 ; Dutch designs on, 43 n.,
155; Dutch blockade of, 115.
INDEX
335
Sao Bento, the, 150, 151.
Sappanwood , 218, 22 S, 252.
Sarasses. See Cotton goods.
Sarcerius, Dirck, 275.
Sar-i-Khail. See Mir Mahmud Saiyid.
Sarkhej, indigo from, 5, 58, 85, 95, 122, 126,
136, 201, 202.
Sarrdfs {or Shroff's), 21, 61, 91, 144, 174,
209, 210, 252, 303.
Satins, 145, 160.
Saya de Malha Bank, 109, 153, 187.
Scattergood, Francis, 131, 146.
Schelvisch, the, 274 «.
Sea/lower, the, 144, 147, 194, 293 ; master
of, see Gardner and Lee ; outward voyage
of, toSwally, 121, 135, 145,147; voyages
to Persia and back, 139, 147, 159, 162,
168, 1 70, 186, 200 ; not suitable for service
in Indian waters, 141 ; designed for
Bantam, 142,147,159 ; voyage to Bantam,
200 ; voyage from Bantam to Coromandel
Coast, 253, 254 ; voyage to Bantam from
Coromandel Coast, 281, 287.
Seahorse, the, 14, 88, 101, 168, 213, 253,
295> 297 ; master of, see Lee, Tindall, and
Totty.; voyages to Gombroon and Basra
and back to Swally, 2, 19, 20, 21, 28, 31,
58, 59, 83, 89, 93; voyage to Diu, etc^,
vii, 93 ; again sails to Gombroon, Basra,
etc., and back, 89, 98, 100, loi, 139, 142,
147, 148, 170; voyage to Bassein and
back, 148, 160; voyage to Rajapur, 161,
167, 179, 211; designed for Sind and
Basra, 148, 16 r, 214; encounters with
Malabar pirates, 27, 181, 211, 235, 255;
voyage to Manilla and back, 165, 166,
167, 179, 180, 181, 212, 218-226, 249,
250 ; voyage to Gombroon and Basra,
352, 272, 273, 276, 284; sails from Basra
to Tuticorin, 275, 283, 298, 310; voyage
to Rajapur, and then designed for Red
Sea, 311; returns to Swally from Malabar
Coast, 313.
Seer (weight), 202, 211, 303.
Sehwan, indigo and joories from, 85, 123,
136,203. See also ^evfhidSi.
Selaes. See Cotton goods.
Seleina, Andre, Vedor da Fazenda, 61, 64.
Semianoes. See Cotton goods.
Sequins (or Venetians), 17, 18, 64, 107, 145.
Serang, 81.
Serebafts, 85.
Seryas. See Cotton goods.
Seshadri Chetti, Nayak, 81, 281, 285, 292,
294.
'Sevestan', 163, 203. See a/j-^ Sehwan.
Seville money, 209.
Shahbandar, 27, 169, 170.
Shdhis, 42, 116, 227, 265, 267, 309; value
of, 266 «., 268-
Shah Jahan, the Emperor, junks of, 2, 10;
Company's ships convoy junks for, 90, 91,
92 ; extent of his kingdom, 3 ; revolt and
intrigues against, 18, 58, 59, 73 w.; dis-
pute between Shah of Persia and, 18, 58 ;
tributejto, for Sural customs, etc., 23, 24 ;
seizes Asaf Khan's estate, 25, 95 ; treasure
at Agra, 59; trade on behalf of, 69,
70, 95, loi, 147, 148, 211, 253 ; English
and Dutch missions to, and presents for,
145? I59> i6o> 162, 214; grants privileges
to the Dutch and English, 160, 160 n.,
214, 230; trouble with his umards, 229,
302; honours Company's factors, 230;
Company's factors appeal to, 232, 301,
302 ; his campaign against the Uzbeks,
302.
Shah Wall, 282.
Sharafuddin Husain, Kotwal of Agra, after-
wards Governor of Surat, 160, 302.
Sharifs, 161.
Shashes, 87.
Shavelle (Shavallee or Shevallee), 282.
Shehr, 139, 213.
Shial Bet. See Salbet.
Shiraz, Khan of, 29; horses from, 278,
298.
Shishain (or sisii), 295.
Shuja, Sultan, 59.
Silk, trade in and references to, passim\
price of, 83, 136, 201, 266, 271, 278, 279;
Canary, Lahijan, and Arras, 122. See
also China and Persia.
Silver, 65, 217, 226; value of, 176, 209;
complaint as to quality of, 91 ; Japan,
100, 167.
Simoranees. See Smarant.
Sims, John, 17.
Sind, factors in, see Elder, Fenn, Harrison,
Spiller, Walwyn ; trade in, passim ; fac-
tory accounts, 16; Portuguese caphila
from, 58 ; money remitted from Ahmad-
abad to, 85 ; goods shipped to, on native
junks, 216; trade between Basra and, 274;
letter sent overland to Surat via, 299 ;
Viceroy of, see Dara Shikoh. See also
Laribandar, Tatta, etc.
Singapore, Straits of, 180 (2). See also
Malacca, Straits of.
Sironj, 137.
Skibbow, John, estate of, 15.
Skinner, Thomas, 96, 247.
Skins, 81, 233 n.
Skylark, the, 99. See Leeuwerik.
Slaves, 28, 37, 97, 241, 242, 263, 264; price
of, 119, 120.
Smarant, 73 «.
Smith, Anthony, 132, 144.
Snoek, the, 21, 22.
Soap, 37.
z?,^
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Scares, see Ribeiro.
Socotra, 19.
♦Soerts', 73 «.
Sofala, 12 1.
Somajl Parak, 161.
Souri, Pieter, 129, 130.
Spain, King of, 144; Company's negotia-
tions with, 251, 252, 256.
Spaniards, English carry letters for, 226,
252 ; employ Danish ships, 156. See also
Manilla.
Spanish money, enhancement in value of,
144, 145.
Spices, trade in and references to, 22, 80,
81, 205, 217.
Spiller, John, 132, 136, 144, 169, 203, 248.
Sri Ranga Rayalu, King of Vijayanagar
ig.v.), xxviii, 44, 67, 193, 194 w.; letters
from, 285, 291, 293, 294; intrigues
against, 70 ;z., 80 ; presents for, 8t, 115 ;
Malaya in favour with, 154; Malaya
again punished by, 154 w. ; at war with
Dutch, and confiscates their goods, etc.,
279, 280, 285, 288, 292, 294; at war
with Portuguese, 289 ; proposed English
mission to, 285, 289, 290, 291, 292 ; con-
firms English privileges and encourages
Company's trade, 115, 281; Malaya's
influence with, 280, 290 ; offers monopoly
of trade to the Company, 288, 290; his
grant for Madras, 305-307.
Sri Ranga Rayapatam, 305. See also
Madras.
Stafford, 313.
Stallon, John, 95, 97.
Stammell {or Scarlet). See Broadcloth.
Stanford, John, 132, 165, 234.
Stanian, Edward, 239.
Steel, 26, 31 n., 55.
Steep Holme, 242 n.
Steevens, Thomas, 28, 88, 286, 295, 312 n.
Storax. See Rasa-mdld.
Strong, Captain, 312.
Strong waters, 103, 104, 241, 302.
Styles, Edmund, 289, 295.
Suakin, Basha of, 213, 252; design for
establishing trade at, 213, 214, 235, 252.
Sugar, trade in and references i to, /awm ;
freight rates on, 55, 72 ; price of, 308,
309 ; candy, 55.
Suhar, Portuguese at, 308 n.
Sumatra. See Achin, etc.
Sun^ the, 176, 260, 312; master of, see
Spencer.
Suuda, Straits of, 33, 222, 251, 256.
Supply, the, 14, 88, 213, 218, 248 ; master
of, see Broadbent, Clark, Lee, and Stallon ;
forced to abandon voyage to Bantam, 16 ;
voyage to Gombroon, Aden, and Red
Sea, 3, 19 ; sails for Masulipatam, etc.,
19; voyage to Daman and back, 19;
voyage to Persia and back, 19, 31, 91 ;
again sails to Gombroon and back to
Swally, 20, 31, 88, 92 ; voyage to Sind
and back, 85, 92 ; designed for Persia
and then for Achin, 92 ; further voyage
to Gombroon and back, 98, 146 ; voyage
to Cochin and Achin and back, 99, 128,
131, 138, 139, 146 ; designed for Red Sea,
139, 146; sails to Gombroon and back,
159, 162, 168, 170, 186, 267, 268 ; voyage
to Achin and back, 179, 181, 212, 214,
231, 235; encounters with Malabar pirates,
181, 235, 255 ; designed for Persia and
then to Manilla or Achin, 214, 236, 253 ;
again sails to Persia, 248 ; voyage to
Achin and back to Swally, 272 ; stopped
and searched by Dutch, 273; pilfering
of money aboard, 278.
Sur {or Bandar Sur), Portuguese expelled
from and English trade invited to, 308 n. ;
Imam of, see Nasir-bin-Murshid.
Surat, Governor of {see also Muizz-ul-Mulk,
Jam Quli Beg, Amin, Sharafuddin Hu-
sain) : trades with the English, 94, 95,
211; places restrictions on shipment of
freight goods, 91 ; presents for, 201, 210 ;
Diwan of, 23 ; Customer at {see also Arab,
Mirza), 144, 160, 169 ; President at {see
also Breton and Fremlen) : appointed for
five years, 15 ; journal of, 17, 97 ; presents
for, 20, 66, 91, 284; salary of, 29 ; Presi-
dent and Council : letters to and from,
passim; consultations by, 69, 286, 310;
commissions and instructions from, 59,
161, 168 ; complaints by, and against, 2,
34, 85, 86, 123, 202 ; disputes with Bantam
and Persian factors, 3, 11, 16, 17, 34, 172,
201, 227, 228 ; and the founding of Fort
St. George, 11, 12,40, 51-53; authority
over Coromandel Coast and Persia, 13,
27> 33» 45» 47» 54, 140; request small
ships for coast trade, etc., 14, 88, 141,
173, 229, 247, 252; decline responsibility
for factors' debts, 15 ; debts due to, 34,
86 ; advise the Company not to employ
chartered vessels, 89, 90 ; authority over
ships' commanders, 95, 142 ; disposal of
shipping by, 125, 192, 231, 258; present
for the Emperor, etc. , from, 150 ; authority
over factors in charge of special voyages,
177; endeavour to suppress private trade,
231; casualties among factors at, 94;
want of factors at, 247 ; debts and want of
money, etc., at, 5, 6, 8, 17, 26, 82, 84, 88,
94, 96, 100, 108, 139, 140, 172, 173, 228,
230, 236, 247, 249, 250, 311 ; borro^ving
of money at, 8, 30, 34, 87, 90, 152, 311 ;
factory accounts, 16, 236 n. ; bleaching at,
6; trade oX, passim; supplies for, 17, 61,
INDEX
337
87, 88; money-changing and mint at, 17,
23, 209, 2io; customs and customhouse
at, 23, 24, 25, 99, 160, 165; customs re-
mitted to the English and Dutch at, 160,
162, 214; tribute to Shah Jahan for
customs, etc., at, 23, 24; trade between
Bantam, Manilla, Mokha, Persia, and, 10,
82, 84, 85, 142, 172, 192, 193, 231 ; ship-
ment of freight goods for and from, 10,
19, 31, 62, 91, loi, 311 ; the Discovery's
delayed voyage causes trouble at, vi, 92,
144 ; effect of the loss of yohn on trade at,
xvi, 247, 249 ; trouble with native brokers
at, 300; Jesuits at, 64; Courteen's Asso-
ciation claim right to trade at, 286 ; junks
of, molested by the Dutch and Portuguese,
269, 272; Dutch President at, 26, 38;
Dutch trade at, 22, 35, 36, 100, 150.
Surgeons. See Anthony, Boughton, Hinton,
I-^e, Pearce, Reynolds, Tindall.
Surgical instruments, 173.
Swally, 183 ; best time for ships to arrive at,
14, 28 ; Shah Jahan's junk at, 91 ; dispatch
of ships for and from, passim ; building
and repairing of ships at, 148, 214, 248,
311, 313; Courteen's ships at, 286, 309,
312.
Swally Hole, 9, 100, 106, 109, 183, 185,
286, 312.
Swally Marine a«a? Sands, 2, 15, 61, 82, 88,
96 (2), 98, 135, 142, 159, 162, 199, 247,
248, 256, 310, 311.
Swan, the, xix, 2, 33, 97, 147, 193; master
of, see Yates; returns to Swally from
Bantam, 6, 20; encounter with Malabar
pirates, 20 ; voyage to Bantam and back,
8, 17, 20, 34, 35 (2), 36, 37, 62, 63,
106 ; voyage to Cochin and Bantam, 70,
80, 86, 93, 94, 99, 127, 138 ; stopped and
searched by the Dutch, 93, 94 ; designed
for Coromandel Coast on return from
Jambi, 1 34 ; voyage from Bantam to the
Coast, 189, 190, 191 ; returns to Bantam,
190, 191, 193, 207, 287; voyage to
Manilla, postponed, 293 ; sails for Swally
from Bantam, 311, 312.
Sweetbag, 160.
Swinglehurst, Richard, letter to, 178,
Swordblades, 18, 302.
Table (^^ Saldanha) Bay, 109, 182.
Taels, 128, 225, 226.
Taffetas. See Cotton goods.
Taiwan. See Formosa.
Tanga, value of, 18, 64, 107.
Tanjore, Nayak of, 47, 49 ; besieges Nega-
patam, 81. See also San Thome.
Tanni {or Tannes). See Than.
Tapestry, 176, 232.
Tapi Das Parak, 15, 21, 61, 65.
Tappi, 79 n. ; see also Cotton goods.
Tapseels. See Cotton goods.
Taql, Mirza, the Itimad-uddanla of Persia,
169, 170, 171, 256, 257, 366, 268, 277,
278, 279, 282, 296, 298 n. ; murder of,
296, 297.
* Tartaria ', 1 34.
Tartars, 302 ; see also Uzbeks.
Tash, George, 4, 85, 132, 140, 163, 215,
249, 254, 259, 286, 310; honoured by
Shah Jahan, 230.
Tasman, Abel, 134 «.
Tasus (or Tassooes), 299, 300.
Tatta, 234 ; trade at, in various commodi-
ties, 7, 94, 137, 163, 205, 211, 227, 232;
factory accounts, 97, 236 w.; dyeing at,
203 ; Dara Shikoh grants privileges to the
English at, 163, 215. See also Larlbandar
and Sind,
Taurim, 286.
Tegnapatam, 281.
Tems, Nathaniel, 132.
Tenasserim, small ships required for trade
to, 229.
Than, 37.
Thomas and John, the, 176, 198, 199, 237,
238, 241, 244, 255, 264; master of, su
Earle.
Thurston, William, 26, 70, 90, 92, 99, 131,
132, 138, 143, 165, 178, 180, 212, 228,
250, 286, 310; letters from, see Basra and
Surat.
Tiku, 130.
Timber, trade in, 276, 283.
Timberlake, Thomas, 94.
Tin, 35, 129, 131, 220; freight rates on, 55.
' Tincal '. See Borax.
Tindall, John, 236.
Tindall, Robert, 29, 90, 180, 295, 311.
Tirell (£7r Terrell), Henry. See Tyrrell.
Tobacco, 92, 148, 161, 216, 241.
Told, 209, 225, 252.
Tomblings, William, death of, 244.
Tomlins {or Tomplins), Thomas, 178, 286.
Tortoise shells, 35, 86, 165, 201, 211.
Totty, John, 311.
'Toyes', 29.
Trade, private, 4, ii, 15, 18, 25, 29, 31,
34, 45, 51, 64 n., 72-77, 85, 86, 89,
no, 123, 124, 138, 140, 141, 144, 174,
177, 178, 202, 209, 231, 234, 235,247,
259» 274, 298 n.
' Tranka ' (trankey), 273.
Tranquebar, trade at in various commodi-
ties, 74 (2), 75, 116, 157, 159; dispatch
of ships for and from, and ships at, 36,
74, 75, 119, 157; Danish ships at, 36,
156 ; freedom of trade at, offered to
Company, 156, 157 ; Danish President
at, see Pessaert.
FOSTER yn
33^
THE ENGLISH FACTORIES
Travell, George, 65, 132, 193, 289 ; letters
from, see Madras.
Trumball. Andrew, 32 n., 42, 286, 295 ;
account of the HopewelV^ voyages, 71-
77 ; accusations by and against, 72-77,
101-105, no, 118; censured and re-
moved from his command, 74, 116, 133 ;
reinstated, 75, no, 112, 113, 116; peti-
tions against his reinstatement, in, 112.
Tulsi Das, 210.
Tumdns, 2, 4, 32, 135, 136, 170, 227, 266,
268, 269, 299.
Turks, 143.
Turmeric, 7, 8, 25, 17, 85, 124, 126, 136,
139, 172, 206, 255.
Turner, John, 7, 84, 132, 160, 162, 215,
230, 253, 259 ; honoured by Shah Ja-
han, 230.
Turtles, 119.
* Tusso '. See Tasils.
Tutenague. See Jast.
Tuticorin, 56, 252, 275, 310, 311; com-
modities from, 252.
Twine, Maries, 97.
Tyrrell, Henry, 196 n.j 238, 245, 249, 258.
*Udpotaes', 309.
Ulysses, the, 82, 109, 121, 122.
Umra, 92.
Unity, the, 29, 62, 106; master of, see
Russell.
Upaleta {or Uploat)^ 167 ;?., 217 ; see also
Costus.
Uzbeks, 302.
Valkenburg, the, 161, 167, 216, 237, 249.
* Vals ', 209.
Van der Burgh, Nikolaas, 304.
Van Sanen, Cornelis, 62.
Van Thuijnen, Hendrik, 83 n.
Veal, Thomas, 94.
Vedor da Fazenda, at Goa, 91. See also
Seleina.
Vellore, 285.
Velvets, 145, 160, 227,
Venetians. See Sequins.
Vengurla, Dutch forced to abandon factory
at, 22 ; Dutch ships and trade at, 100,
161, 167.
Venice, dispatch of letters via, 159.
Venkatagiri, 44, 80 n.
Venkatapati, King of Vijayanagar (Car-
natic), 45 ; death of, 67, 80.
Vermilion, 67, 78, 234.
Vijayanagar (Camatic), 47 n., 50 ; Mussul-
man invasion of, 47, 67, 80, 193, 194;
proposal to abandon trade in, 48; wars in,
hinder communication between factories,
56; civil war in, 55, 65, 67, 70, ns, 154,
184, 194W. ; King of BIjapur assists in
quelling rebels in, 115, 116 ; King of, see
Sn Ranga Rayalu and Venkatapati.
Vlravasaram, factory records, 96, 97 ; fac-
tors at, see Coromandel Coast.
Virjl Vora, 5, 7, 8, 18, 60, 86, 99, 107, 108,
138, 140,145, 152, 164, 204, 210, 213,
249j 253.
Vitriol, Roman, 124, 126, 172, 177.
Vizagapatam, 76.
Vliegende Hert, the, 21, 22.
Voyage, First General, v, 27, 28, 41, 142,
169 ; the Joint Stock use and purchase
shipping of, 29, 30, 214; trade on account
of> 111 11 y 78, 97, 191 ; funds of, used for
paying Joint Stock debts, xxvii, 55, 65,
96, 113, 117, 118; accounts of, 87, 88,
170, 216, 232; dividends paid in kind,
123 (2); winding up of, 176, 191.
Walwyn, Rivett, 132, 253, 284, 299; letter
from, 273,
Warner, John, 3n.
Washers, 37, 290, 292.
Waterkond, the, 167, 197, 218.
Wax, 223.
Weale, William, 253 ; letters, 273. See
also Basra.
Weddell, Captain John, 219, 254, 277 «.,
312 n.
Weddell, Jeremy, 312.
Weedens, the, loss of, 167.
Weijland, Cornelis, 160 n.
Weston, Humphrey, 234.
Wezel,\h.t, 218, 248, 258.
Whatmore, Thomas, 38 ; letter from, 272.
Wheat, 39, 226.
Wheatley, Henry, 196 «., 238, 249, 258.
Wheeler, Thomas, i, 132, 148; letters from,
see Persia ; leaves Persia, 70, 84 ; returns
to England, 90, 143, 172.
Willemszoon, Pieter, 129.
William (i), the, xix ; outward voyage of,
to Bantam, 13 ; homeward voyage of,
57, 105-
William (2), the, master of, see Gee ; out-
ward voyage of, to Bantam, 122, 183,
310.
William, the (Courteen's ship), 10, 14,
148, 168, 180, 216, 217, 232, 254, 255,
312 ; master of, see Blackman.
William, the (private pinnace), 31, 298 ?i.,
313 ; master of, see Stafford.
Willoughby, John, 25, 170.
Wilton, Samuel, 269, 256 ; letters from,
see Persia.
Wine, 56, 103, 173, 176, 177, 195, 210;
Canary, i6, 29, 74, 90, 145 ; French,
145; Portuguese, 212, 217; Spanish,
232 ; Dutch monopoly in, 145.
Winter, Edward, 193, 289.
INDEX
339
Winter, Thomas, 66, 68, 69, 72, 73, 76, 79,
97, 114, 121, 128, 134, 190, 193, 289,
294, 295 ; letters from, see Bantam.
Woodman, Leonard, 8, 10, 14.
Woodward, John, death of, 131.
Woollen goods, 172.
' Wormeleiton ', Daniel, i n.
Wright, Robert, 157.
• Writers '. See Factors.
Wyche, William, 132.
Wycherley, Robert, iii.
Wylde, John, 7, 17, 23, 26, 27, 70, 90, 92,
100, 132 ; letters from, see Surat ; death
of, 161 ; estate of, 142, 153, 234.
Wylde, Philip, 70, 84, 98, 132, 276, 279,
282 ; letters from, see Persia.
Xavier, Padre Andreas, 36.
Xerafins, 60, 64, 89, 107, 154 «., 178,
217.
Yacht, 129.
Yard, John, 20, 42, 113, 310 ; letter from,
199; complaints and claim against, 34,
38, 70, 71, 78, 133, 190, 199, 234; re-
called from Bengal, 38, 65, 77 ; recom-
mends continuance of trade in liengal,
78 ; censured and recalled to England,
128, 133; commended, 134, 234.
Yardly, Christopher, 289,
Yam, coarse, unsaleable in England, 124.
Yates, Michael, 93, 99, 106, 211 ; his jour-
nal of the HopewelPs voyage, 183.
Zarasses. See Cotton goods.
Zealand, the, 21, 260.
CORRIGENDA.
Page 193, /. 23. William Hill should be Thomas Hill.
,, 237, /. 20. 16^ should be 1645.
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