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Full text of "An English garner; ingatherings from our history and literature"

LIBRARY 

THE UNIVERSITY 
OF CALIFORNIA 

SANTA BARBARA 



PRESENTED BY 



MRS. DONALD KELLOGG 



TUDOR TRACTS 



These four medallions of John Milton were engraved in 
1779 to illustrate the four best known Milton portraits. 
The first, known as the Janssen portrait, represents the 
poet at the age of 10 ; the second is Vertue's engraving 
of the Onslow portrait, and shows him as he was at 
Cambridge ; the fourth represents the engraving by 
Faithorne of the ' Richardson ' portrait ; and the third 
the face of the poet as conveyed by the Disney bust. 
The first and most authentic of all is from the portrait by 
Cornellius Janssen, now preserved at Ingatestone. 



THE PENSHURST EDITION 

OF 

M CnjltsJ) (garner 

INGATHERINGS FROM OUR 
HISTORY AND LITERATURE 



EDITED BY 

PROFESSOR EDWARD ARBER 




I>ENSIiUJ2ST 



LONDON 

ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO. LTD. 

1909 



This Edition is limited to J^o copies 
for England and America 



■f| A 



Edinburgh : T. and A Constable, Printers to His Majesty 



CONTENTS 





Date of Events 


Date of 


Date of 








Described. 


Composition. 


Publication. 


Page. 


I, 


The Manner of the Triumph at 












Calais 


1532 


1532 


1532 


I 


2. 


The Coronation of Anne Boleyn, 


1533 


1533 


1533 


C 


3- 


How Cromwell helped Cranmer's 












Secretary, .... 


1539 


1565 (?) 


1570 


29 


4- 


The late Expedition into Scotland, 


1544 


1544 


1544 


37 


5- 


Patten's Expedition into Scotland, 


1547 


1547 


1548 


53 


6. 


John Bon and Master Parson, 


— 


1548 (?) 


1548 


159 


7- 


Underhill's Narrative, . 


1553-4 


1562 (?) 


1859 


170 


8. 


History of Wyatt's Rebellion, 


1554 


1554 


1555 


199 


9- 


Brice's Register of Martyrs, 


1555-8 


1559 


1559 


259 


10. 


The Winning of Calais by the 












French, 


1558 


— 


1569 


289 


II. 


The Siege of Guisnes, . 


1558 


— 


1579 


321 


12. 


The Death of Queen Mary, . 


1558 


— 


1570 


331 


13- 


The Imprisonment of Princess 












Elizabeth, .... 


1553-5 


— 


1563 


333 


14. 


Elizabeth's Coronation Procession, 


1559 


1559 


1559 


365 


15- 


Elizabeth arms England, 


1559 (?) 


— 


1588 


396 


16. 


The Burning of S. Paul's, . 


1561 


I561 


1561 


401 


17. 


A False Imagination of Fire at 












Oxford, 


1556 (?) 


— 


1563 


409 


18. 


The Spoil of Antwerp, 


1576 


1576 


1576 


419 


19. 


The Apprehension of Campion, . 


1581 


I581 


1581 


451 


20. 


The Scottish Queen's Burial, 


1587 


— 


1589 


475 


21. 


The Spanish Armada, . 


1588 


1588 


1588 


485 



INTRODUCTION 

Of all the forms and methods of historical representation, 
the best is said to be that which echoes original voices. 
But it is not echoes we hear in this and its fellow-volumes ; 
it is the original voices themselves. They speak in no 
borrowed accents ; no interpreter mars their meaning ; no 
medium muffles their tones. History is a glass through 
which we behold the past ; but the glass is coloured by 
the historian's mind, and we see through it sometimes 
darkly. Contemporary writings are a glass of truth, a 
mirror of the age in which they are written. If we seek 
to know how men thought, and felt, and talked in the 
days of bluff King Hal, or of Good Queen Bess, it is a 
sorry expedient to take down from the shelf the volumes 
of this or of that historian, however learned and accurate, 
brilliant or imaginative he may be. The golden rule is 
to ascend to the fountain-head, to imbibe historical truth 
at its source before it has lost its original purity in its 
tedious passage across the dusty arena of religious and 
secular controversy. 

Not that these Tudor Tracts contain the whole truth 
or nothing but the truth. They are perhaps as full of 
misrepresentations as the news-sheet and review of to-day, 
and errors of fact may crowd their pages as closely as 
those of the most brilliant of modern historians. Their 
writers were no more exempt than we from a human 
delight in error. Nay, since they cared more than we do 

yii 



viii Tudor Tracts 

for what they believed, they were even more anxious than 
we to prove that each other's opinions were the outcome, 
not merely of perverted intelligence, but also of evil hearts. 
There are in these tracts striving and crying and jangling 
enough ; the din of battle is never far off, and the passions 
of war have not subsided in the breasts of those who record 
it. There may be more heat than light, but heat is a 
proper subject of scientific investigation ; it produces more 
than light, and he who would understand history must 
know something of the causes of popular passions. These 
tracts reflect many phases of popular feeling in Tudor 
times ; they are real phenomena, whatever the truth of 
their contentions may be. Of that the reader must judge 
for himself. He stands in the position of the audience 
at an Attic theatre, while the editor, like a Greek chorus, 
may give an occasional hint. As the messengers of the 
Greek stage came on to relate what they had seen and 
heard of the battles, murders, and sudden deaths, which 
Greek sensitiveness would not suffer to be enacted on 
the boards, so in these pages each pamphleteer comes 
forward in turn to tell of ancient deeds of which himself 
was witness or partaker. The use of messengers was the 
nearest approach to dramatic realism which the Greeks 
would tolerate ; the perusal of these tracts will best enable 
modern minds to realise the conditions of a bygone age. 

Metaphors from the drama are naturally suggested by 
the contents of this volume, for these tracts illustrate a 
period, of which the dramatic unity is complete, and the 
dramatic interest unsurpassed. Within the fifty odd years 
between 1532 and 1588 there was fought the greatest 
struggle in English history, the battle for spiritual in- 
dependence between England and the forces of the Roman 



Introduction ix 

Catholic Church. Our first piece marks the inception of 
the contest, our last is a song of triumph. The tide of 
victory flows and ebbs and flows again ; reaction succeeds to 
reform and fails ; and for half a century the issue hangs in 
the balance. Henry Vlll. throws down the challenge to 
Rome by marrying Anne Boleyn in 1533, and in 1588 Anne 
Boleyn's daughter defeats the last effort made by Rome 
to rivet again by force the bonds which Henry had burst. 

The interview between Francis I. and Henry Vlll. 
described in The Manner of the Triumph at Calais and 
Boulogne^ was not the first occasion on which those two 
doughty monarchs had met. Twelve years before, amid 
surroundings of unparalleled splendour, they had pledged 
eternal friendship on the Field of Cloth of Gold ; but 
the display which flaunted over that scene was not 
more portentous than the perfidy which it concealed. 
Henry Vlll. went from his interview with Francis i. to 
negotiate that secret alliance with the Emperor Charles v., 
which in five years' time made Charles dictator of Europe 
and the Pope little more than his chaplain. Wolsey, the 
prime mover in the deception, was one of the first to suffer 
from the Nemesis which dogged its steps. Clement Vll. 
amid the clash of imperial arms was deaf to the mutterings 
of the storm in England ; and, helpless in the Emperor's 
hands, he refused Henry Vlil.'s petition for divorce from 
the Emperor's aunt. The refusal precipitated Wolsey's 
fall, and Henry determined to effect by other means that 
divorce which he had for five years begged in vain from 
the Pope. He had made up his mind that the power of 

^ First printed London, 1532, 4to ; it was reprinted the same year, and then 
not again till 1884, when it appeared in E. M. Goldsmid's Bibliotheca Curiosa. 
Its authorship is unknown. 



X Tudor Tracts 

Rome was but an imposing image. For twenty years 
he had seen its authority spurned by the most Christian 
and Catholic kings, whenever it stood in the way of their 
secular interests; he had watched a humble monk of 
Wittenberg defy all the weapons of the Papal armoury; 
and he had observed the steady growth in England of 
contempt for the Papacy and dislike for the Church. For 
fifteen years Wolsey had staved off the revolution by 
allowing Parliament no voice in the government, and lay- 
men as little as possible, and by plunging the king into 
the maelstrom of foreign war and foreign intrigue. But 
at last that game was played out; the treasures amassed 
by Henry vii. were spent ; the enthusiastic loyalty with 
which Henry viii. had been greeted on his accession was 
turned to discontent ; heavy taxation was demanded and 
refused; and England stood no higher in 1529 in the 
councils of Europe than she had done when Wolsey first 
grasped the reins. From his own point of view Wolsey 
had been right; a Cardinal of the Roman Church could 
not desire a breach with Rome; he had tried the only 
possible means of averting it, and he had failed, as he was 
bound to do.^ 

In 1529, with or without the fall of Wolsey, with or 
without the divorce of Catherine of Aragon, an attack on 
the Church and the Papacy was imminent. The only 
question was, in which ranks would the crown be found 
fighting? The importance of the divorce was that it 
determined Henry viii. to side against the Papacy. It 
brought over to the cause of reform that royal influence, 
the hostility of which had paralysed the anti-ecclesiastical 
movement in the early years of the fifteenth century. The 

* See the present writer, Henry VIII., 1902, cap. iii.-iv. 



Introduction xi 

extent of Henry's power was largely due to the fact that 
he stood between opposing and well-matched forces, 
and that comparatively little was required to turn the 
balance. No one, whose perceptions were not dulled by 
theological bias, would now maintain that in one scale 
were the forces of the Papacy, the wishes of the English 
laity, and the influence of the English Church ; and in the 
other nothing but Henry VIII. and his evil passions. To 
believe that the divorce of Catherine of Aragon was the 
sole cause of the breach with Rome is to be blind not 
merely to the facts of Tudor history, but to the fundamental 
conditions which govern human affairs. No ruler can effect 
anything except by using forces which exist independently 
of his personal will, and Henry VIII. would have been 
powerless against the Church of Rome without the help 
of collaborating tendencies. One man cannot alter a 
nation's character, and it is not possible to believe that, 
but for Henry VIIL, England would have remained per- 
manently within the Roman Catholic communion. 

But, if the divorce was not the sole cause of the breach 
with Rome, neither was Anne Boleyn the sole cause of the 
divorce. Henry Vlll. had had mistresses before Anne, 
without their existence giving rise to the least hint 
of a separation from Catherine of Aragon. They were 
recognised royal institutions, with which Popes no more 
thought of interfering than they expected kings to meddle 
with equally delicate questions of Papal morals. Henry 
did not want a divorce because his marriage with Catherine 
stood in the way of his passion for Anne Boleyn, but 
because it stood in the way of his having a wife who should 
bear him an heir to the throne. He might have had Anne 
as his mistress, he desired her as his wife ; and, if the 



xii Tudor Tracts 

difference was not due to the need of an heir, it was 
due to scruples with which we are not inclined to credit 
Henry VIII. But to marry Anne Boleyn meant a complete 
repudiation of the Pope's authority, and— what seemed 
more important to men of that time— it involved the risk 
of a quarrel with Charles V. Not that any personal insult 
to Catherine would have moved her imperial nephew ; but 
the divorce of Catherine implied the destruction of Haps- 
burg influence at the English court, the ruin of Mary's 
hopes of the English crown and of the prospect of adding 
England to the already monstrous Hapsburg empire. 
Charles's view of the divorce was purely political ; Henry's 
marriage with Anne Boleyn meant that, in the great 
struggle for predominance in Europe, England's weight 
would be transferred from the scale of Charles V. to that 
of Francis I. For that same reason the divorce was 
popular in France, and the interview at Calais in 1532 was 
marked by a genuine desire for friendship which had been 
absent from the meeting on the Field of Cloth of Gold. 
The French king was once more a match for the Emperor, 
and Henry could with impunity brave the Pope so long as 
there was no fear that Charles and Francis would combine 
to carry out the Pope's decrees. 

No allusion to such matters of high policy is, however, 
allowed to transpire in the popular account of the 
meeting. Our tract is confined exclusively to its spec- 
tacular aspect ; and the only symbolical incident appears to 
be the wrestling match in which the Englishmen overthrew 
a band of priests — a possible mimicry of the struggle 
between Church and State then raging in England. It is 
probable, however, that the two monarchs came to a suffi- 
cient understanding. At any rate, events followed each other 
rapidly after Henry's return. In January 1533 Anne Boleyn 



Introduction xiii 

was pregnant ; her issue must at all costs be legitimate. 
It could only be legitimate if the English king were 
divorced from Catherine and married to Anne. Warham, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, had died in the previous 
August ; a successor willing to execute the royal wishes 
was found in Thomas Cranmer. By threatening to deprive 
the Roman curia of the first-fruits of English sees, Henry 
induced the Pope to grant Cranmer his bulls, though 
Clement must have known for what purpose they were 
wanted. As soon as they arrived Cranmer was con- 
secrated, and a few days later he opened his court at 
Dunstable to determine the validity of Henry's marriage 
with his deceased brother's wife. His verdict was a 
foregone conclusion, as was his pronouncement that Henry 
and Anne were legally husband and wife, though the date 
and manner of their union remain doubtful to this day. 
On Whitsunday, the ist of June 1533, took place The 
noble triumphant Coronation of Queen Anne, wife unto the 
most noble King, Henry the Vlllth} The reason of the 
honour done her is plainly indicated in the verses recited 
before her ; she was expected to bear the king a son ; then 
the terror of a disputed succession would cease, and the 
golden age would come to an anxious people (pp. 17, 20, 

^ This tract, which was originally printed in quarto in 1533, has only been 
reprinted in Goldsmid's Bibliotheca Curiosa, 1884. It is obviously an officially 
inspired account, and for a more impartial description the reader is referred to 
the Letters and Papers of Henry VIII., vol. vi. No. 584, where many interest- 
ing and curious details will be found. Anne's popularity was by no means so 
great as this tract would lead us to suppose ; the people as a whole sympathised 
with Catherine, and at times even the royal influence could scarcely protect 
Anne Boleyn from insult. Nicholas Udall, the writer of the verses appended to 
the tract, is famous as the author of the earliest known English comedy ; he was 
also headmaster of Eton and Westminster, his connection with the former school 
being terminated by a very scandalous episode. See Diet. Nat. Biogr., Iviii. 6. 
The MS. of Udall's verses is in the British Museum, Royal MS. 18 a lxiv. 



xiv Tudor Tracts 

2i). The nation had not long to wait for the expected 
issue, but it was not a son. On 7th September following 
Anne gave birth to a child at Greenwich. Chapuys, the 
Spanish ambassador, scarcely deigned to notice the event 
in his despatches to his master. The king's mistress had 
borne a daughter, a matter of no moment to so mighty a 
monarch as the Hapsburg emperor. Yet the child thus 
ushered into a contemptuous world lived to be Queen 
Elizabeth, to humble the pride of Spain, and to bear to a 
final triumph the banner which Henry had raised. 

So the curtain rings down on the first act of the drama. 
It rises on a different scene. The interest of the next tract 
lies in the religious and not the political aspect of the 
Reformation, and the contest is domestic rather than 
foreign. It need hardly be repeated that the motives of 
the separation from Rome were in a very slight degree 
doctrinal ; and few of those who assisted Henry vill. to 
break the Roman yoke had any taste for a tincture of 
Lutheran dogma. That redoubtable monarch had, indeed, 
digested many formulas and swallowed not a few scruples ; 
he was keeping an open and receptive mind for new truth 
and fresh support from whatever quarter it might come ; 
and more than once, when a Catholic storm was brew- 
ing, he signalled for Protestant help by professing his 
anxiety for the preaching of the Word and pretending to 
be a true evangelical. But this was only in extremis; if 
the Pope and the Catholic powers would let him enjoy 
his peculiar conscience in peace, he would abstain from 
Lutheran gods, if not from Lutheran goddesses ; and 
although the imperial ambassador described Anne Boleyn 
and her relatives as the real apostles of the new sect, they 
failed to make a convert of their king. New doctrines 



Introduction xv 

began, however, to spread in England; even the guarded 
precincts of the court were not free from infection, and in 
the privy council itself the two most prominent members 
from 1532 to 1540 were Thomas Cromwell and Thomas 
Cranmer. The archbishop was gradually leaning towards 
Lutheran doctrine, and Cromwell believed in a Lutheran 
policy if not in the Lutheran creed. But they were in a 
minority ; their colleagues, headed by Norfolk and Bishop 
Gardiner, had no love for the two arch-heretics, and their 
enmity often threatened Cranmer and proved fatal to 
Thomas Cromwell. It was almost on the eve of his fall 
that Cromwell was able to do Cranmer the service 
described in the amusing extract here reprinted from 
Foxe (pp. 29-35).! 

From ecclesiastical and domestic questions, we turn 
to a real imperial issue, the Union between England and 
Scotland. That design was the uppermost thought in 
Henry's mind for the last six years of his reign, and, 
indeed, it occupied the attention of Tudor monarchs during 
the whole of the time they sat on the English throne. 
Henry VII. no doubt had it in view when he married his 
daughter Margaret to the Scottish king ; but in the earlier 
years of Henry Vlil. English interests in Scotland had been 
sacrificed to Wolsey's passion for playing a prominent part 
in European politics. As soon as Henry viii. had emanci- 
pated himself from Wolsey's and other clerical control, and 
had triumphantly asserted his authority over Church and 

^ How the Lord Cromwell helped Archbishop Cranmer' s Secretary ; the 
secretary was Ralph Morice, whose anecdotes of Cranmer constitute one of the 
best authorities for the Archbishop's life. As Morice furnished Foxe with 
information for his ecclesiastical works, there is little doubt that this story 
comes from Morice's own lips. It affords some interesting glimpses at the 
court and manners of Henry viil. 's time. 



xvi Tudor Tracts 

State at home, he turned his energy towards the extension 
of England's dominion beyond her borders. He first com- 
pleted the union of England and Wales, he then brought 
Ireland into better order than it had enjoyed since the days 
of Poynings, and finally he set about the reduction of Scot- 
land. The age was one of national expansion and consolida- 
tion, and nature seemed to have designed the formation of 
the British Isles into one empire, quite as clearly as she had 
the union of Castile and Aragon, or of France and Brittany. 
Moreover, the inconvenience of an independent Scotland 
had been forcibly brought home to Henry during his 
struggle with Rome. James V. of Scotland, although, or 
perhaps because, he was Henry's nephew, had been regarded 
by Pope and by Emperor as the most promising instrument 
of their schemes against the schismatic king. Beaton had 
been made a Cardinal and sent from Rome to Scotland 
with the express object of publishing the papal bull of 
deposition on the Borders, and inciting the northern 
counties to revolt ; James himself had been urged to 
claim the English throne ; and a Scots invasion might 
generally be reckoned on, whenever England found itself in 
difficulties. The last and most reckless of these inroads had 
ended in 1542 with the rout of the Scots at Sol way Moss, 
the death of James v., and the succession to the throne of a 
week-old infant, Mary, Queen of Scots. The time seemed 
apt for Henry's intervention ; nearly half the nobility of 
Scotland had been killed or captured at Solway Moss ; and 
before the prisoners were released, they were made to swear 
allegiance to Henry as sovereign of Scotland, and to promise 
their co-operation in effecting a marriage between Queen 
Mary and Henry's son. Prince Edward. But dealing with 
the Scottish Government was no easy task ; there was an 



Introduction xvii 

English faction in Scotland and a French faction, and the 
two were constantly fighting for control of Scottish policy ; 
when an understanding had been reached with a foreign 
state, the opposite faction often expelled its rival and re- 
versed its acts. Such was the case in 1543 ; the disastrous 
effects of the war with England had brought the English 
party into power, and mainly through Henry's abating his 
terms, a treaty was actually signed for the marriage alliance. 
But the arrival of French ships, men, and money produced 
its effect ; the French party was once more in the ascendant. 
The treaty with England was repudiated, and one with 
France was substituted.^ To Englishmen, the Scots Govern- 
ment appeared to have been guilty of the grossest perfidy, 
and to repay it the expedition described in the next tract 
was despatched against Scotland in May 1544.^ 

The object of this invasion, and of the devastation which 
marked its course, is not at once apparent. A desire for 
revenge was the ostensible motive, and partly no doubt the 
real one, but the ultimate end in view was to convince the 
Scots that England could make herself more unpleasant as 
an enemy than France, and therefore that the English 
alliance was the better policy for Scotland to pursue. 
Henry VIII. never attempted to conquer Scotland, for the 
simple reason that he had not the means to hold it when 
conquered, The only union with Scotland effected by force 
was Oliver Cromwell's ; the conquest of Scotland was possible 
to him and to no one else, because Cromwell was head of an 
efficient and permanent army. He ruled Scotland by the 
methods of a military despot, but a military despotism was 

^ For the negotiations during that year, see the latest volume (xvili.) of the 
Letters and Papers of Henry VIII., ed. Gairdner. 

^ See pp. 39-51 ; this tract, which was almost certainly published in 1S44> 
h?is never been reprinted except for this Garner. 

b I 



xviii Tudor Tracts 

an impossibility in Tudor times, and Henry's standing army 
was limited to a few gentlemen-pensioners and yeomen of 
the guard. Hence he had to resort to coercion by methods 
of barbarism, to the slow and feeble policy of repeated and 
ruthless raids, which in the end failed of their purpose. 
Henry Vlll., however, had come within measurable distance 
of success, when he was baulked by the treachery of his 
friend and ally, the Emperor. The experience of 1543 had 
taught him that Scotland would never yield so long as she 
could look for effective assistance from France. So, with 
the object of putting France hors de combat, Henry had 
joined Charles V. in an alliance which was to crush for 
generations the French King's power. Both monarchs led 
powerful armies into France in 1544, but when Charles was 
in the heart of the French dominions, he made peace and left 
the English in the lurch.^ All thoughts of beating Scotland 
to her knees had now to be abandoned ; and England in 
1545 had to bend all her energies towards resisting a 
threatened French invasion. Peace was made in 1 546, and 
in the midst of his preparations for a renewed attack on 
Scotland, Henry died.^ 

His successor, the Protector Somerset, was as resolute as 
Henry had been to effect the union with Scotland by means 
of the marriage between Queen Mary and Edward VI., but 
he approached his task in a somewhat different spirit. He 
first made strenuous efforts to persuade the Scots by 
peaceful means to carry out the treaty of 1543. On their 
failure, he determined to prove by an overwhelming display 

^ See for the latest information on these events vol. vii. of the Calendar of 
Spanish State Papers, ed. M. A. S. Hume. 

- That Henry was resolved to renew his attempt on Scotland, is clear from 
the despatches in the Correspondance Politique d'Odet de Selve, published in 
1 886 by the French Government. 



Introduction xix 

of force the hopelessness of Scots resistance. A large and 
well-equipped army was collected on the Borders in August 
1547 ; a fleet under Clinton sailed up the coast to co-operate 
with the land forces ; and at Pinkiecleugh or Musselburgh, 
the Protector inflicted on the Scots one of the most crushing 
defeats in the whole of their history.^ Somerset, however, 
was no great believer in coercion, and he next set to work 
to secure Scottish consent to the union with England. He 
promised the Scots autonomy ; he suggested that the use of 
the names England and Scotland should be discontinued, 
that the united kingdom should be called by the 'old 
indifferent name' of the Empire of Great Britain, and that 
there should be complete freedom of trade between the 
two.2 But these offers proved unavailing. The French 
faction controlled the Government; zealously aided by the 
Church, it prevented Somerset's terms from reaching the 
ears of the people, and fanned to a flame the inveterate 
hatred of the Scots for their English neighbours. French 

^ The account of this expedition here printed (pp. 53-157) is one of the ear- 
liest, most interesting, and most detailed of military tracts ; it is even furnished 
with sketch maps and plans. The author, William Patten, had excellent oppor- 
tunities for writing a history of the campaign ; he was one of the 'judges of the 
marshalsea,' that is, one of those appointed to administer martial law in the 
provost-marshal's court. His colleague was William Cecil, afterwards the great 
Lord Burghley, who assisted Patten in his literary as well as in his judicial work. 
Patten's book was reprinted in Dalzell's Fragments of Scottish History, 1798 ; it 
was also largely used by Holinshed and by Hay ward in his Reign of Edward VI. 
There are, however, several lacunae in Patten's story ; he makes scarcely any 
allusion to the importance of the presence of the English fleet. Other accounts 
by eyewitnesses are that by the Sieur de Barteville (mentioned on pp. 90, 95), a 
French adventurer in the English service, whose narrative was printed by the 
Bannatyne Club in 1825; the descriptions given to the French ambassador by 
Jean Ribauld, another Frenchman in English service, and by the Scots chan- 
cellor, Huntly, which may be found in the Correspondattce d'Odet de Selve, pp. 
220 sqq. ; the best Scots accounts are in the Diurnal of Occur rents (Bannatyne 
Club), pp. 44-5, and Lesly's ' History' (Bannatyne Club), pp. 195-9. See the 
present writer's England under Protector Somerset, pp. 155-160. 

' Ibid. pp. 163-5. 



XX 



Tudor Tracts 



gold was lavished among the nobility, French arms and 
French soldiers were poured into the country, and eventu- 
ally France herself declared war upon England. Nor was 
that all. At the same time the social discontent, which 
troubled England throughout the Tudor period, came to a 
head ; ^ revolts of the commons broke out in the east and in 
the west ; levies intended for the Scottish Borders, or for 
service in France, had to be diverted to Norfolk and Devon. 
The Protector, whose attempts to alleviate the distress had 
been frustrated by the Council, was held responsible for 
risings due to the rejection of his policy. He was driven 
from office, and his successor, the Duke of Northumberland, 
made an ignominious peace with France and with Scotland, 
in the hope that France would abet him in his unprincipled 
scheme for placing his daughter-in-law on the English 
throne.^ 

But, before we come to that pitiful tragedy, we must refer 
to the predominant factor in the reign of Edward VI., the 
struggle between the old faith and the new. The Reforma- 
tion in England had originally little to do with dogma ; no 
doctrine played the part in England that justification by 
faith did in Germany, or predestination in Switzerland. 
The English movement arose from antagonism to the 
privileges, powers, and possessions of the clergy, and began 
with an attack on clerical fees. When, in the reign of 
Edward vi., theological questions came to the front of the 
political stage, the doctrine round which controversy waged 
most furiously was, for an obvious reason, the doctrine of 
the Eucharist. For, if priests could perform daily miracles, 
there was something more than human about them, some- 
thing which raised them above their fellow men and justified 

* England under Protector Somerset, cap. viii. ' Ibid. , caps. ix. and x. 



Introduction xxi 

their claim to exceptional privileges and exceptional 
authority ; and, in their hatred of these clerical claims, men 
began to attack the doctrinal basis upon which they rested. 
The controversy was fierce, and in its popular manifestations 
at any rate was not very edifying, though the materialistic 
views of the sacrament of the altar expounded by not very 
literate priests were to some extent responsible for the 
coarseness with which they were attacked. The dialogue 
between John Bon and Master Parson ^ is no doubt typical 
of many an argument in the tavern and at the street corner, 
when the leniency of Protector Somerset had opened the 
floodgates of that diversity of opinion which Henry VIII. 
had striven by means of his royal supremacy and his 
statute of Six Articles to keep shut. 

It was not, however, religious motives which precipitated 
the downfall of the Duke of Northumberland and of that 
innocent traitress. Lady Jane Grey. The Duke had earned 
a well-nigh universal detestation by a government that was 
more violent than that of Henry vill. and more pusillanimous 
than that of Mary. Even his daughter-in-law declared 
that he was * hated and evil spoken of by the commons.' 
His judicial murder of his rival, the Duke of Somerset, his 
revival and extension of the harsh laws of Henry Vlii., and 
his attempts to pack parliament and the privy council had 
offended three-quarters of the nation before his insane plot 

^ This metrical tract was published by Luke Shepherd, M.D., in 1548 ; 
Professor Arber from a misapprehension of Underbill's remarks on pp. 194-5 
assigned the tract to 1551, but there is a copy in the British Museum dated 1548, 
there was no Protector in 1551 (see p. 195), and Sir John Gresham (p. 194) was 
Lord Mayor in 1547-8; these facts make the date certain. The tract was 
reprinted in facsimile in 1807 from the only copy known to be extant, and in 
1852 was re-edited for the Percy Society. Bale's opinion that Dr. Shepherd's 
verse was not inferior to Skelton's is scarcely borne out by John Bon and 
Master Parson. The doctor appears to have been imprisoned in Mary's reign 
for his authorship of this work. 



xxii Tudor Tracts 

to alter the succession alienated the rest. It was no question 
of Protestant against Catholic ; the issue was decided against 
Northumberland by the most Protestant parts of the country 
before the Catholics had time to stir. East Anglia and the 
city of London were hotbeds of the new learning, yet the 
men of Norfolk and Suffolk flocked to Mary's standard, and 
London gave her such a welcome as had not been seen in 
the memory of man.^ Even Edward Underbill, the Hot 
Gospeller and author of our next tract,^ would not raise a 
finger for Lady Jane Grey. The people had already suffered 
enough under Northumberland ; that alone would have 
made them side with Mary, and there were powerful reasons 
besides. Then, and throughout the sixteenth century, men 
saw in the Tudor dynasty their only bulwark against a 
recurrence of the Wars of the Roses, and they will submit 
to much from a government when the only alternative is 
anarchy. There were, no doubt, objections to Mary as the 
protig^e of Rome and Spain, but those who felt these objec- 
tions most keenly were not partisans of Lady Jane Grey, but 
of the daughter of Anne Boleyn. Elizabeth was as effectually 
excluded as Mary from the throne by Northumberland's 
plot ; hence its speedy and ignominious collapse. 

Mary's accession was welcomed as a relief from the 
tyranny of Northumberland's rule, and at first she did 
something to justify the high hopes with which she had 
been received. The worst of the treason laws enacted after 
Somerset's fall were repealed, and although there was 

1 See the present writer's England under Protector Somerset, 1900, pp. 31 1 -13. 

- Underhill's Narrative was partly printed by Strype, and also in the 
Chronicles of Queen Jane and Queen Mary (Camden Society) ; but it was first 
printed in full in Narratives of the Reformation (Camden Society) ; it was used 
by Miss Strickland for her Queens of England and by Harrison Ainsworth for 
his Tower of London ; see Diet. Nat. Biogr., Iviii, 29-30. 



Introduction xxiii 

naturally a return to the old religion, there was not at first 
any great persecution of the devotees of the new. Though 
Edward Underhill's Narrative is a graphic description of the 
perils to which Protestants ^ were liable, it also shows that 
escape was comparatively easy even for 'Hot Gospellers' 
so long as they had taken no active part in the ' rebellion ' 
of Lady Jane Grey. But this fair promise soon withered 
away ; the threatened marriage of Mary with Philip of Spain 
revived all those apprehensions upon which Henry Vlll, had 
played so successfully when he pleaded the necessity of a 
male heir to the throne as a justification for his divorce 
from Catherine of Aragon. No Queen had ever wielded the 
English sceptre in peace ; one only had tried to seize it — 
the Empress Matilda — and the effects of that attempt 
had been such as to make Englishmen shrink from the 
prospect of its repetition. It was a popular impression 
in England, based on the experience of four centuries, that 
women were excluded from the English throne, as they 
were from that of France. If a woman succeeded, she must 
either marry or she would leave the kingdom without heirs ; 
if she married, she must wed either an English noble or a 
foreign prince. If she chose an English noble, she would 
provoke a repetition of those jealousies which had led to 
the Wars of the Roses ; and if she preferred a foreign prince, 
she might endanger the nation's independence. By marriage, 
Brittany had been merged in France ; by marriage, the 
Netherlands had been brought under the yoke of Spain, 
with results soon to be luridly illustrated ; by marriage, 
Hungary had come under the sway of the same Hapsburg 

^ The employment of this term by Underhill, pp. 174, 179, 188, is one of the 
earliest occasions on which it is used to denote a religious party in England; 
cf. Dixon, Church History, v. 262, 338, vi. 92. 



XXIV Tudor Tracts 

family, had been torn by civil war and left a prey to the 
Turk. Was it so groundless a fear that by marriage to a 
Hapsburg, Mary might entail upon England the disasters 
that had attended similar unions in other countries ? So 
the prospect of a Spanish marriage evoked a storm of protest 
which no religious reaction could produce, and only a total 
want of preparation robbed Wyatt's rebellion of the success 
to which it so nearly attained.^ 

It was probably well for England that the rising did 
fail, for the capture of London by the insurgents would 
almost certainly have been followed by a religious civil 
war, which might have devastated England for a generation, 
like the wars of religion in France. But the results of the 
failure were bad enough. The rebellion gave Mary and her 
episcopal advisers an excuse for maintaining that treason 
was a natural development of heresy, and that there could 
be no peace until the heretics had been extirpated. Then 
began the bloodiest persecution with which England has 
ever been cursed ; neither old nor young, man nor woman, 
bishop nor parish priest was spared, unless he would 
abjure his faith, or seek safety in craven silence and 
cowardly compliance with the powers that were. Attempts 

^ In this volume we have accounts of Wyatt's rebellion from two different 
points of view. Underhill's Narrative relates to the experience of a gentleman- 
pensioner who helped to defeat the rebels, while Proctor's History is obviously 
compiled from facts supplied by eyewitnesses who accompanied Wyatt's forces. 
John Proctor, who was an ardent adherent of the Roman Catholic faith, had 
already dedicated to Mary, when Princess, a work entitled The Fall of the Late 
Arian, written on Somerset's deposition from the Protectorate. The History 
of Wyatt's Rebellion, originally published in 1554, and here reprinted from the 
second edition of 1555, was largely used by Holinshed, and is described by the 
learned antiquary, Hearne, as 'a book of great authority.' In spite of his 
Romanism, Proctor was in Elizabeth's reign rector of St. Andrew's, Holborn, 
dying in 1584. Tennyson's Queen Mary embodies an interesting dramatisation 
of Wyatt's story. 



Introduction xxv 

have been made to shift from one to another the responsi- 
bility for the blood of the martyrs, enumerated in the 
pages of Foxe and in Brice's Register.'^ Clerical writers 
have pretended that the bishops, like Gardiner and Bonner, 
were ever on the side of mercy, and that it was a * reck- 
lessly base legislature ' which caused the holocaust. Others 
have sought to lighten the burden which lies so heavy on 
Mary's memory. Yet even Mary may claim some Protes- 
tant gratitude ; though the good she did was undesigned. 
It was not Henry VIII., it was not Edward VI., nor even 
Queen Elizabeth who made certain the triumph of the 
Reformation in England. It was the champion of the 
Roman Church herself, whose cruelties planted an in- 
eradicable detestation of Rome in the average English- 
man's heart. 

The final overthrow of the Roman Catholic cause was 
not the only unrehearsed effect of Mary's reign. She not 
merely alienated men's minds from the faith she professed, 
but from the temporal policy she pursued. She had tied 
England to the chariot wheels of Spain, and plunged her 
into war with France to serve the purposes of the Haps- 
burg family. The result was the loss of Calais, which had 
been in England's unbroken possession since its capture by 
Edward III. two centuries before. It was a sore blow to 
English pride ; feebleness abroad was no compensation 
for Mary's ferocity at home. But the ultimate results 
were all for England's good ; the alliance with Spain was 

^ This doggerel tract was published at London in 1559 in duodecimo, and 
another edition was issued in 1597. As it was written some years before Foxe's 
Book of Martyrs, and almost immediately after Mary's death, it is probably the 
most trustworthy list we possess, though the attacks made by S. R. Maitland 
and others on Foxe have not materially impaired the martyrologist's reputation 
for accuracy. See Diet. N^at. Biogr., s.v. Foxe, John; and Canon Dixon's 
Church History, vol. v. p. 327. 



xxvi Tudor Tracts 

hopelessly discredited, and England was relieved from the 
Continental embarrassments in which the retention of 
Calais would have perpetually involved her. Here again 
the responsibility for disaster has been removed from 
Mary's shoulders to those of her privy council. Her 
council, it is true, was most incompetent ; Wentworth, the 
deputy of Calais, was a man of no ability, though even he 
had repeatedly demanded reinforcements which the council 
refused to send.^ But Mary had chosen her own privy 
council ; and if she had made ^he best selections possible, 
the result illustrates the astonishing intellectual sterility 
which seems to have smitten the party of reaction in Eng- 
land. To Mary, indeed, must be ascribed the principal part 
in the blunders and crimes of her reign, as well as in the 
unpremeditated blessings which ultimately flowed from 
them. Yet it is impossible not to feel the pathos of Mary's 
last hours ; she died fully conscious that her life had been 
a failure ; she, like her mother, had lost the love of her 
husband ; to her, as to her mother, the longed-for son was 
denied ; the throne would pass to the daughter of her 
mother's supplanter ; and the faith for which she and her 
mother had suffered so much would become anathema 

^ The story of the loss of Calais is here (pp. 289-330) told in great detail from 
the original sources ; the two main narratives are those of George Ferrers and 
Thomas Churchyard, both of them poets of some repute. Churchyard's account 
is only accessible in Grafton's Chronicle, published in 1569, if so rare a volume 
can be called accessible; and Churchyard's General Ke/tearsal of Warres, 1579, 
is quite out of the reach of any but the most lucky or most lavish of book- 
collectors. The rest c-l' the account is made up from the MS. correspondence of 
the deputy of Calais and his subordinates. So sensational an event — a modern 
parallel might be supplied by the capture of Gibraltar — evoked quite a litera- 
ture on the Continent ; a volume entitled La Reduction de Calais appeared at 
Paris, and an Italian account, Discorso sopra la presa della inespugnabile citth di 
Calh, was published at Rome, both in 1558 ; and two centuries later a novel by 
Guerin de Tencin, dealing with the subject, was published at the Hague, and 
attained a wide popularity (2nd ed. 1739 ; 3rd ed. 1740 ; 4th ed. 1749). 



Introduction xxvii 

unto her people. Well might men say 'that she died of 
thought and sorrow,' and believe, with Mary herself, that 
'Calais would be found in her heart' ^ 

But sombre reflections were little in harmony with men's 
mood when they heard of Mary's death. It was an event 
for which the majority of Englishmen had been eagerly 
watching for years ; and the private grief of the few was 
drowned in the public joy of the multitude. The fear of 
Spanish dominion passed away ; the nation breathed again, 
and its pulse began to beat with a vigour it had never 
known before. The new queen was not half-Spanish like her 
sister ; she was the most English of all English monarchs 
since the Norman Conquest. To trace a drop of foreign 
blood in her veins, men had to go back more than a century 
to her great-great-grandmother, Catherine of France, the 
widow of Henry v., and wife of Owen Tudor. No wonder 
she appealed to 'all English hearts.' ^ It was well for her 
and for England that she established her throne in the 
hearts of her people, for no sovereign inherited a more 
doubtful position or essayed a more arduous task. She 
was beset by perils at home and perils abroad. The mere 
fact that Anne Boleyn's daughter should have ascended 
the throne at all would seem to indicate that the stars in 
their courses fought on her side. Branded, by the strangest 
and most erratic of her father's acts,^ with the stigma of 

^ P. 331 ; the passage relating Queen Mary's death, which is here reprinted 
from Foxe, is the origin of the well-known story about Mary and Calais, which 
was told to Foxe by ' Master Ryse and Mistress Clarentius,' attendants on the 
queen ; from Foxe it was adopted by Holinshed ; Froude, who was apparently 
unaware of its origin, describes the story as 'having come somehow into existence.' 

2 See p. 395. 

' No satisfactory explanation of Henry Vlll.'s motive in divorcing as well as 
beheading Anne Boleyn has yet been suggested ; he gained little or nothing by 
it, while he added enormously to the difficulties with which Elizabeth was sur- 
rounded at her accession. See the present writer's Henry VIII. pp. 232-3. 



xxviii Tudor Tracts 

bastardy from the third year of her childhood, she had been to 
CathoHc Europe, and to many of her own people, the emblem 
of the prevailing of the gates of hell ; she was the fruit of that 
passion which was thought to have led her father into the 
sin of schism ; and the repudiation and shameful death of her 
mother left her with no support but the somewhat capricious 
will of Henry VIII. She had suffered ignominy enough 
in his reign, and in that of her brother Edward VI., though 
she escaped the religious persecution which troubled her 
sister Mary ; she was brought into greater peril by the 
intrigues of her bold, bad lover, Lord Seymour of 
Sudeley.^ Mary's accession placed Elizabeth in an even 
worse case ; that queen was never forgiving, and the 
temptation was strong to visit on Anne Boleyn's daughter 
the wrongs which Anne had inflicted on Mary's mother. 
The desire was inflamed by Mary's suspicion that Eliza- 
beth was the real centre of all the plots against her throne, 
and after Wyatt's rebellion Elizabeth's life hung by a 
slender thread. She was only saved by her consummate 
caution and assumed acquiescence in Mary's religious 
policy. Therein her conduct seems to compare unfavour- 
ably with Mary's stout resistance to the reforming measures 
of Edward VI. ; but no one in Edward's reign thought of 
sending Mary to the block or even to the Tower, while Mary 
would have given her sister short shrift had she displayed 
the religious obstinacy on which Mary had prided herself. 

1 The somewhat compromising relations between Elizabeth and the Lord 
High Admiral are discreetly passed over by Foxe, from whose pages we reprint 
the account of Elizabeth's early years and imprisonment. The curious about 
such matters will find full details in Haynes' Burghley State Papers, from which 
Lingard has printed such particulars as would most damage Elizabeth's character. 
Foxe's encomiums must be received with caution ; he would not be likely to say 
anything disagreeable to the queen in 1563 ; nor would she have let him, had 
he been so minded. 



Introduction xxix 

At length there came a happy issue out of all her 
afflictions, and Elizabeth was no worse a queen for the 
bread of bitterness she had eaten for twenty years. She 
ascended the throne the last of the Tudors ; there was no 
rival to divide the confidence and affection which the 
people lavished on that dynasty, as they did on no other 
before or since. ' Remember old King Henry Vlll.,' shouted 
one in the throng as Elizabeth rode to her coronation^ in 
Westminster Abbey on the 14th of January 1559; and the 
queen, we are told, 'rejoiced at his name whom this Realm 
doth hold of so worthy memory,' while the people hoped 
she would ' in her doings resemble the same.' ^ The hope 
was signally fulfilled ; Elizabeth avoided some errors 
which Henry vili. committed, and she was saved by her 
council from some risks which Henry would not have 
provoked ; but on the whole she carried out with remark- 
able success the work which he had begun. She was a 
true daughter of her father ; and when we speak of Tudor 
characteristics, we really mean those of Henry Vlll. and 
Elizabeth, whose reigns covered nearly eighty years of the 
sixteenth century. Elizabeth had not perhaps the majestic 
force of Henry, but in subtlety of intellect, consummate 
and unprincipled statecraft, indomitable courage and 
superb self-confidence she was little, if at all inferior; and 
the two together stand in a class apart from the rest of 
England's monarchs. 

Both needed all their qualities for the work they had to 
do. Elizabeth came to the throne in a blaze of popular 

^ The tract describing Elizabeth's coronation is reprinted from Tottel's 
edition of 1558, 4to ; another edition appeared in the same year, printed by 
' S. S. for John Bury ' ; neither seems to have been reprinted except for thia 
Gamer. 

» See p. 393. 



XXX 



Tudor Tracts 



favour largely due to Mary's blunders ; and her coronation 
was the occasion of rejoicings in striking contrast with the 
sullen disapproval, which had greeted her mother twenty- 
five years before. But the curtain was raised on the final 
act of the great sixteenth century drama amid omens that 
boded ill for England's victory. Mary had left her country 
well-nigh defenceless, and our second extract ^ dealing with 
Elizabeth's reign describes the measures she took to repair 
the condition of English arms. It was not merely weapons 
but ships and money which England needed ; for the navy, 
of which Henry VIII. has been called the father, had been 
suffered to decay, and the currency consisted of more than 
half alloy.2 Abroad, too, a formidable rival appeared ; one 
Mary succeeded another as the champion of Roman 
Catholicism. The second was Mary Stuart, the infant who had 
been left Queen of Scotland by the death of James v., who 
was now Queen of France by her marriage to Francis II., and 
who claimed to be Queen of England by reason of Eliza- 
beth's bastardy and of her own descent from Margaret, 
sister to Henry VIII. So began the contest which ended in 
the tragic scene at Fotheringay. 

But of all the problems that Elizabeth had to solve, the 
hardest was that of religion. The exact proportion of 
Protestants to Catholics in England at the time of her 
accession was probably unknown to the queen herself, and 
it has been a matter of dispute ever since. It is reasonable 
to suppose that the two parties were not unevenly matched ; 
and it is almost certain that the complete estrangement of 

1 Pp. 396-400; for its author, V^^illiam Harrison, see Diet. Nat. Biog. 
XXV. 46. 

2 For the debasement of the English coinage in the sixteenth century, see 
England ttnder Protector Somerset, pp. 45-52. 



Introduction xxxI 

either at any time within the first five years of her reign 
would have wrecked Elizabeth's throne. Fortunately, there 
was a large class which belonged to neither of the extreme 
parties, and more fortunately still, all but a very few were 
willing, in default of any practicable alternative, to put up 
for a time with the Elizabethan settlement ; they regarded it 
as merely temporary, and hoped, the Puritans for a speedy 
extirpation of papistical remains, and the Catholics for an 
early return to the Roman fold. The object of Elizabeth 
and her council was to keep both in a state of tolerable 
suspense. Uniformity was considered essential to national 
unity, but articles of religion were to be worded so as to 
admit of as many interpretations as possible. Adherents 
of the old learning were persuaded to subscribe the Articles 
because they were Catholic ; adherents of the new, because 
they were Protestant. The same studied ambiguity per- 
vaded the rules about rites and ceremonies ; and it is pro- 
bable that the famous Ornaments Rubric itself, which still 
puzzles the priest and the lawyer, was vague and obscure 
with deliberate intent. It prescribed such ornaments as 
were in use by authority of Parliament in the second year 
of Edward VI. But it is not clear that there were any such 
ornaments, for Parliament did not interpose its authority in 
the matter of ornaments until the third year of Edward VI., 
and the ornaments in use in the second year were the 
result of ancient custom and canon law, and not of Parlia- 
mentary definition. The net result of the Ornaments Rubric 
must have been practically an order to ' go as you please,' 
so long as the peace was kept. That, indeed, was the first 
requisite ; it was Elizabeth's boast that she ' made no 
windows into men's hearts.' There were plenty of Catholics 
at her court ; one commanded her fleet against the Armada; 



xxxii Tudor Tracts 

and Essex's friends were described as ' a damnable crew of 
atheists.' People could believe what they liked, so long as 
they respected the persons of bishops and went to church 
on Sundays. The settlement was not at the time regarded 
as more than a makeshift, and many were indignant at 
what they considered to be paltering with the truth. They 
thought it would bring down on England the wrath of 
Heaven, and interpreted disasters like the burning of St. 
Paul's as divine judgments either for going too far along the 
path of religious change, or else not far enough.^ 

The makeshift was none the less successful ; and 
however much opposing parties to-day may lament the 
indefiniteness of the Elizabethan settlement, it is that very 
indefiniteness which keeps them now and kept them then 
within one Church. It saved England from becoming a 
prey to civil war, as France was at that moment, as 
the Netherlands were to become within ten years, and 
Germany two generations, later. What religious wars 
could mean was vividly brought home to Englishmen by 
the Spoil of Antwerp^ an event comparable to the Sack of 
Rome, the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and the Sack of 
Magdeburg. It was a valuable object-lesson ; it warned 
Englishmen of what they might expect if ever Spanish 
soldiery gained a foothold on English shores ; it con- 
tributed not a little to the zeal with which they rallied 

^ See p. 407. Bishop Pilkington's sermon is not now extant. See Pilking- 
ton's Works (Parker Soc), pp. 481 sqq. A facsimile reprint of this tract on the 
burning of St. Paul's was included in Genealogica Curiosa, vol. iii. 1885. The 
extract from Foxe which here 5^11ows is a piece of pure comedy placed a little 
out of chronological order because of its natural connection with the fire at St. 
Paul's ; the incident must have taken place during Mary's reign. 

2 This tract has only been printed in this Garner ; the documents prefixed to 
it prove conclusively that its author was Gascoigne, and not a hypothetical 
Gaston, as stated in Did. Nat. Biogr., xxi. 38. 



Introduction xxxiil 

round their Queen when danger became acute ; and it made 
them tolerant of the strong measures which Elizabeth and 
her council took to parry plots against the government. 
Genuine Englishmen would look with little patience on the 
schemes of men like the Northern Earls, whose punishment 
is now said to prove Elizabeth more ' bloody ' than Queen 
Mary, but whose efforts, if successful, would then have 
involved England in the throes of civil war, and have left 
her a prey to foreign foes. It is easy to say that the con- 
ditions which prevailed on the continent could not have 
been repeated in England ; but it is difficult to say why not, 
unless it was because the strong right arm and the iron will 
of the Tudors withstood the beginnings of debate. 

The necessity for rigorous rule is not to be denied, but 
necessity is after all the tyrant's facile plea, and it will 
scarcely be held to justify all the steps which Elizabeth 
took to secure her throne. Religious toleration was not 
a popular idea in the sixteenth century, but the cruelties 
they had suffered under Mary made Protestants a little 
ashamed to persecute for religious opinion. At the same 
time, they instinctively regarded Jesuits and other emissaries 
of the Roman Church as enemies to whom no mercy could 
be shown. It was a ready escape from the dilemma to 
represent them not as martyrs to their faith, but as traitors 
to their queen. And, indeed, it was not always easy to 
distinguish religion from politics, especially when a religious 
person like the Pope was also a great political power. 
Had not the Pope excommunicated and deposed Elizabeth? 
Was it not the duty of a faithful Roman Catholic to 
respect and further the decrees of the Holy Father? Then, 
how could a true son of the Church be a loyal subject of 
Queen Elizabeth? The problem was not an easy one to 

c J 



xxxiv Tudor Tracts 

solve ; but of all the Catholic sufferers under Elizabeth, 
none has better title to the martyr's crown than Edmund 
Campion. He was a saint far removed from political 
intriguers 1 like Parsons, for the Jesuits had not yet become 
the instruments of Spanish policy in England, and Campion 
was purely and simply a missioner of his faith. The con- 
duct of George Elliot'^ in using his former intimacy with 
Roman Catholics to effect Campion's arrest has been 
described as patriotic, but it was the kind of patriotism 
which Dr. Johnson defined as the last refuge of scoundrels. 

Another head more illustrious, but less innocent, than 
that of the Jesuit martyr was next to fall on the scaffold. 
The execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, was as illegal as 
that of Charles I., for in neither case had the court which 
tried the prisoner any jurisdiction. But then monarchs 
are not subject to courts of law ; they may murder and 
plot and steal to their hearts' content, and the law cannot 
touch them. Hence it has sometimes happened that not 
only expediency, but also justice has demanded that the 
law should be overridden. It is not so easy to believe that 
Mary's execution was unjust as that it was illegal, and we 
are less indignant with Elizabeth for signing Mary's death- 
warrant than for the infamous means she took to shift the 
responsibility from her own to subordinate shoulders.^ By 

^ For the political intrigues of the Jesuits of Elizabeth's later years, see The 
Archpriest Controversy (Camden Soc), Taunton's History of the Jesuits, and 
Hume's Treason and Plot. 

^ See pp. 451-474, A very true Report of the apprehension and taking of that 
Arch-Papist, Edmund Campion. The official record of the payment to Elliot 
and Jenkins for their services will be found in the Acts of the Privy Council, ed. 
Dasent, 1581-2, p. 398. 

^ See Hume, The Great Lord Burghley, 1898, pp.417-22, where the plot which 
ruined Secretary Davison is exposed ; the wretched man was made to suffer 
under the imputation that he had forged the warrant, in order to save Elizabeth 
from the resentment of the Catholic powers. 



Introduction xxxv 

a strange coincidence Mary was buried ^ in Peterborough 
Cathedral, where fifty-one years before another unfortunate 
queen had been laid to rest. Catherine of Aragon was 
the earliest, as Mary was the latest, crowned victim in the 
strife between England and Rome ; but even in the battle 
of the creeds spotless purity of life counts for little against 
feminine beauty, and Catherine has found no such band of 
defenders as the noble army of writers who have risen to 
champion the doubtful character of the Scottish queen. 
Charles V. believed that his aunt had been poisoned, but no 
imperial hosts flew to avenge the crime. Mary was more 
fortunate ; the greatest fleet that the modern world had 
seen sailed from the ports of Spain to exact retribution for 
her death. Was Philip a truer son of the Church than 
Charles? It may be, but Mary had also bequeathed him 
her claim to the English throne, and he had thus a more 
substantial motive than mere religious zeal for seeking the 
conquest of England. Possibly, too, he was not so wise as 
his father. Henry Vlll. had hinted that a Spanish fleet 
might come to English waters and might not perhaps 
return. ' Surely,' writes Gascoigne of the Spaniards in 
1576 in The Spoil of Antwerp, ' their boasting and bragging 
of iniquity is over great to escape long unscourged ' ; and 
again, ' I leave the scanning of their deeds unto God, who 
will bridle their insolency when He thinketh good and con- 
venient' Twelve years later the hour struck, and the 
Spanish Armada sailed. No Spaniard, except its com- 



1 This description (pp. 475-484) of Mary's funeral does not seem to have 
been reprinted except in this Garner. For Robert Scarlett, see Diet. Nat. 
Biogr, xl. 6. The fact that they were buried by the same sexton creates one 
more curious link between Catherine of Aragon and Mary Queen of Scots. 



xxxvi Tudor Tracts 

mander, doubted of its success ; according to Deloney,^ the 
expedition was even furnished with instruments of torture 
to be applied to the vanquished heretics. The Pope had 
blessed the crusaders, but ' God blew and they were scattered.' 
So ran the inscription on the medal struck to commemorate 
the victory, and so Englishmen loved to think. But the 
winds and the waves only help those who help themselves ; 
they buffet English ships as well as Spanish galleons ; 
in September 1588 they proved fatal to the one and not to 
the other because English arms had already beaten the 
Spaniards from off the English shores. But for that ten 
days' running fight up the English channel, the storm 
would have swept harmlessly over the Spanish Armada as 
it lay snug in Plymouth Sound, in Portsmouth Harbour, or 
under the lee of the Downs. 

With the defeat of the Spanish Armada, the work of the 
Tudors was done. Elizabeth lingered a few more years on 
the stage, but she was losing touch with her people. No 
sooner was the peril from abroad averted than the voice 
of domestic discontent began to be heard in the land. 
Parliament was girding itself for its hundred years' war 
with the Crown. England had proved in the sixteenth 
century that no foreign power should have dominion or 
jurisdiction over her ; she was to prove in the seventeenth 
that she would govern herself in the way that pleased her 
best, caring no more for tyrannous kings than she had done 
for absolute Popes. 

A. F. POLLARD. 

^ These three ballads are only accessible in the original broadsides, in a 
limited edition of thirty copies issued by Halliwell-Phillipps in i860, and in this 
Garner. 




cCJ)e manner of tJ)e 

triumpl) at 
CalaisanliiSoulope. 

%\^t fiecona printing, azuitt) 

more aDtiitions as it 

toafi Uone inDeeD. 

Cum pritjilegio iaegalt* 




C Clie mmt^ of tl^e jljoblenten oi france. 



|[ First, the French King, 

The King of Navarre. 

The Dauphin, Francis, Duke 

de Bretagne. 
Henry, Duke d' Orleans. 
Charles, Duke d'Angouleme. 
Charles, Duke de Vend6me. 
The Duke de Guise. 
The Duke de Longueville. 

The Cardinal de Bourbon. 

The Cardinal de Loraine. 

The Legate, and Cardinal Chan- 
cellor of France, Antony de 
Prayt. 

The Cardinal Tournon. 

The Cardinal Gramond. 

The Marquis de Loraine de 

PONT. 

The Marquis de Rocheline. 

The two sons of the Duke de 

Vend6me. 
The son of the Duke de Guise, 

Comte D'AuMALLE. 
The Comte de Saint Paul, 

Francois de Bourbon. 
The Comte de Nevers. 
The Comte Louis de Nevers, 

Comte Danseore. 
The Lord Marshal, Seigneur de 

Floraine. 
The Lord Mirepois, Marechal 

de la Foy . 
The Comte de Porsean. 
The Comte de Brene. 
The Comte de Tonnore. 



The Comte de Sensare. 
The Comte de Grand Pr£ 
The Comte d'Apremont. 
The Lord Great Master, Anne 

de Montmerancy. 
The Lord Admiral, Philippe 

Chabot. 
The Lord Grand Esquire, 

Galliot. 
The Prince of Molse. 
The Comte de Tande. 
The Comte de Villars. 
The Comte d'Estampes, Jean 

de la berre. 
The Comte de Chambre. 
The Lord Canamples. 
The Lord Barbelviez. 
The Lord Hummeres. 
The Lord Rochepiot. 
The Lord of Saint Andrews. 
The Lord Montigue. 
The Lord Piennes. 
The Lord Pontremy. 
Monsieur de Lange. 
Monsieur de Bellay. 

The Archbishop of Rouen. 
The Archbishop of Vienne. 



The Bishop 
The Bishop 
The Bishop 
The Bishop 
The Bishop 
The Bishop 
The Bishop 
The Bishop 
The Bishop 
The Bishop 



of LiSIEUX. 

of Langres. 
of Chartres. 
of Limoges. 
oPBeauvais. 
of Auvergne. 
of Macon. 
of Castres. 
of Paris. 
of Angouleme. 



C ann a0 concerning tl^e nobler ant) ro^al 
0tate0 of tl)i0 realm ; it neeDetlj not to be 
tV^xz%% b^ name» 



Henry VIII. arrives at Calais. [nov.'is 




Will certify you of our news in the parts of 
Calais. 

First, the nth day of October [1532], which 
was Friday ; in the morning at five o'clock, the 
King's Grace took his ship called the Swallow : 
and so came to Calais by ten o'clock. 

And there he was received with procession, 
and with the Mayor and the Lord Deputy, and 
all the spears [knights] and the soldiers in array ; with a 
great peal of guns : and lay in Calais till the Sunday 
se'nnight after [the 20th of October]. 

And on the i6th day of October, my lord of Norfolk, 
accompanied with my lord of Derby and a great number 
of gentlemen besides, met with the Great Master of France 
six miles from Calais at the *' English Pale : " the said 
Great Master having two great lords in his company of their 
order, and a hundred gentlemen attending upon them. 
And there my lord of Norfolk and the Great Master 
devised the place where the two kings should meet : which 
was at Sandiugfield. And that so done ; they went both to 
Calais with their companies. 

And the said Great Master, with divers other strangers, 
dined that day with the King : and after dinner, my lord of 
Norfolk brought them^ forth of their way a mile or two ; 
and so departed for that time. 

And on the Monday, the 21st day of October, the King of 
England took his way to meet with the French King at the 
place before appointed, with seven score [gentlemen] all in 
velvet coats afore him, lords and knights ; and forty of his 
guard, and others to the number, as we think, of six hundred 
horse, and as well horsed as ever was seen. 

And the King, our Master, met with the French King at 
Sandingfield, within the English Pale three miles. There the 
French King tarried for our Master the space of an hour or 
two : the French King being accompained with the King 
of Navarre, the Cardinal de Lorraine, the Duke de 
Vendome ; with divers others noblemen well and richly 
appointed, being of like number as our King was of, that is 
to say, six hundred persons. 



Nov.'issJ Goes with Francis I. to Boulogne. 5 

There was the lovingest meeting that ever was seen ; for 
the one embraced the other five or six times on horseback ; 
and so did the lords on either party each to other : and so did 
ride hand in hand with great love the space of a mile. 

At the meeting of these two noble Kings, there were [Eng- 
lish] sakers and sakretscast off: and at divers flights [of shot], 
two kites were beaten down, which were soaring in the air, 
with such like pastime, which greatly pleased all the nobles of 
both parties. And then they did light off their horses, and 
drank each to other. The French King drank first to our King : 
and when they had drunk they embraced each other again 
with great love ; and so rode towards Boulogne, our King on 
the right hand. 

And when they came within a mile of Boulogne, there met 
with the Kings, the Dauphin, being accompanied with his 
two brethren the Duke d'Orleans and the Duke d'Angou- 
LfiME ; very goodly children : and attending on them, four 
Cardinals ; with a thousand horse, very well beseen. 

And when they came near the town, the French King 
caused our Master to tarry, while the gunshot was shot; 
which was heard twenty English miles from Boulogne : and 
so entered the town. 

Where stood the Captain with the soldiers in good order. 
And above them stood a hundred Switzers of the French 
King's Guard, in their doublets and their hose of yellow 
velvet cut, goodly persons ; and above them, stood two 
hundred more of the French King's Guard, Scots and 
Frenchmen, in coats of yellow, blue, and crimson velvet, 
bearing halberts in their hands ; and above them stood two 
hundred gentlemen, being in their gowns well and richly 
beseen, every man having a battle axe in his hand, and 
their captains standing by them. 

And so they tarried in Boulogne ; Monday, Tuesday, 
Wednesday, and Thursday all day. 

The Tuesday, being the second day of this their being 
there, the French King gave our King rich apparel wrought 
with needle work purled [fringed] with gold; in the which 
like apparel both the Kings went to our Lady's Church at 
Boulogne. At that time, our King obtained release and 
liberty from the French King, for all prisoners at that time 
prisoners in Boulogne. And in like wise, did the French 
King in Calais of our King and Master at his being there ; 



6 The great cheer at Boulogne, [nov' ,532. 

and obtained grace for all banished men that would make 
suit for their pardon. And to esteem the rich traverses 
\low curtains] that were in our Lady's Church in Boulogne, and 
in our Lady's Church in Calais likewise, for both the Kings ; 
the rich ordinances and provision for the same : it is too 
much to write ! 

And as for the great cheer that was there, no man can 
express it. For the King's Grace was there entertained all 
at the French King's cost and charges. And every day 
noblemen of France desired our nobles and gentlemen home 
to their lodgings : where they found their houses richly 
hanged [with tapestry], great cupboards of plate, sumptuous 
fare, with singing and playing of all kinds of music. And 
also there was sent unto our lodgings great fare with all 
manner of wines for our servants ; and our horses' meat was 
paid for : and all at their charges. 

And every day the French king had at dinner and supper 
with him certain noblemen of England : and the King's 
Grace had in like wise certain of their nobles at dinner and 
supper ; during the time of their being at Boulogne. And 
this continued with as great cheer and familiarity as might be. 
And as concerning ladies and gentlewomen, there were none. 

And on the Friday following, the Kings came towards 
Calais. And the Dauphin, with the Cardinals and all their 
gentlemen, brought the Kings unto the place where they 
first met them ; and then departed. The French King had 
great carriage [baggage] ; for there came more than three 
hundred mules laden with stuff. 

And so coming towards Calais, the Duke of Richmond, 
accompanied with Bishops, and many other noblemen that 
were not with the King at Boulogne ; and all the King's 
Guard, which were with all others marvellously well horsed 
and trimmed ; they stood in a place appointed, in array and 
good order in the way, two miles out of Calais where the 
French King should come : who saluted the French King 
with great honour, in like manner as the King our Master 
was saluted at Boulogne, with amicable and goodlysalutations 
as ever were seen. They were saluted with great melody ; 
what with guns, and all other instruments [!]: and the order 
of the town, it was a heavenly sight for the time ! 

First at Newnam Bridge, 400 shot ; at the Block House, 



Nov. 153: 



.] The two Kings return to Calais. 7 



30 shot ; at Risbank Tower [in Calais harbour] 300 shot ; 
within the town of Calais 2,000 shot, great and small ; 
besides the ships. It was all numbered at 3,000 shot. And 
at Boulogne, by estimation, it passed not 200 shot ; but they 
were great pieces [cannon]. 

Also for the order of the town there was set all serving men 
on the one side, in tawny coats ; and soldiers on the other 
side, all in coats of red and blue, with halberts in their hands. 

And so the Kings came riding in the midst ; and so the 
French King went to Staple Hall; which is a princely house. 

And upon Saturday, both the Kings rode to our Lady's 
Church to mass ; and in the afternoon both their councils 
sat together. 

And upon Sunday, both the Kings heard mass in their 
lodgings. And at afternoon, the King of England rode to 
Staple Hall to the French King ; and there was both bear- 
baiting and bull-baiting till night. 

And at night, the French King supped with our King, and 
there was great banqueting. 

After supper, there came in a Masque, my Lady Marquess 
of Pembroke [i.e., Anne Boleyn], my Lady Mary [Boleyn], 
my lady Derby, my lady FiTZ- Walter, my lady Rochford, 
my lady L'Isle, and my lady Wallop, gorgeously apparelled, 
with visors on their faces : and so came and took the French 
King, and other lords of France, by the hand ; and danced a 
dance or two. 

After that, the King took off their visors ; and then they 
danced with gentlemen of France an hour after : and then 
they departed to their lodgings. 

As for the apparel of the French lords, my tongue cannot 
express it, and especially the French King's apparel passeth my 
pen to write ; for he had a doublet set over all with stones and 
rich diamonds, which was valued by discreet men at a j^ioo,ooo 
[ = ;f 800,000 in the present day]. They far passed our lords and 
knights in apparel and richesse. 

They had great cheer in Calais, and loving also ; and all 
at our King's costs and charges. 

Also the same day that the Kings came from Boulogne, 
the French King made the Duke of Norfolk, and the Duke of 
Suffolk, of the Order of Saint Michael. And upon Monday, 
which was the 29th day of October, at Calais ; our King 



8 Francis I. returns to Paris. [nov;i532, 

made the Great Maister of France and the Admiral of France, 
Knights of the Garter. 

And that day, there was a great wrestling between 
Englishmen and Frenchmen, before both the Kings. The 
French King had none but priests that wrestled, which were 
big men and strong (they were brethren) ; but they had most 
falls. 

As concerning the abundance and liberal multitude of gifts 
that were so lovingly and cordially given on both parties (to 
the great honour of both the Kings) my pen or capacity 
cannot express it : as well among the great lords as with the 
lowest yeoman that bare any office in either King's house ; 
and specially the King's gifts, on both parties, always 
rewarded the one like unto the other. 

And all other gifts were nothing but rich plate, and gold 
coin — silver was of no estimation— besides raiments, horses, 
geldings, falcons, bears, dogs for the game : with many other, 
which were too much to write. 

And upon the 29th day of October, the French King 
departed from Calais to Paris ward : and our King brought 
him as far as Morgyson, which is from Calais, seven miles ; 
and so came to Calais again. 

And he purposeth, GOD willing, to be at Canterbury the 
8th day of November, and so home. Whom GOD, of His 
goodness, ever preserve ! and send good passage, and safe 
again into England. Amen. 

C gmpnnteti bp aiapnfepn De JKUortie, 

untier tl)e grace anU prrtilege of our 

most ropal anti reUoubteD j^rince, 

Mim i^enrp t!)e t}ti)tl), for 3)o]^n 

dPouffl) Duelling at i^aurs 

sate fn C^eap 

\_i.e, Cheapside\, 

Cum prttJilegto. 




C Cl)e noble triumpl)ant 
d^oronation of 

dSueen Qinne, 

aztttfe unto tl)e most 

noble Mim 
^tnxv ti)e toiiitl)* 






iRst, the 29th day of May [1533], being 
Thursday; all the worshipful Crafts and 
Occupations in their best array, goodly 
beseen, took their barges which were 
splayed [displayed] with goodly banners 
fresh and new, with the cognizance and 
arms of their faculty ; to the number of 
fifty great barges, comely beseen, and 
every barge had minstrels making great and sweet harmony. 
Also there was the Bachelors' Barge comely beseen, 
decked with innumerable banners and all about hanged with 
rich cloth of gold ; and foists [swift boats] waiting upon her, 
decked [adorned^ with a great shot of ordnance : which 
descended the river afore all the barges ; the Batchelors' 
Barge foremost. And so following in good order, every Craft 
[i.e., City Company] in their degree and order, till they came 
to Greenwich, and there tarried ; abiding the Queen's Grace : 
which was a wonderful and goodly sight to behold. 

Then at three o'clock, the Queen's Grace came to her 
barge : and incontinent [immediately] all the citizens with 
that goodly company set forth towards London in good 
array, as is before said. And to write what number of gun 
shots — what with chambers, and great pieces of ordnance — 
were shot off as she passed by, in divers places, and especially 
at Ratcliff and at Limehouse out of certain ships ; it passeth 
my memory to write or to tell the number of them ! And so 
the Queen's Grace, being in her rich barge among her nobles, 
the citizens accompanied her to London, unto the Tower 
wharf. 



12 The Procession up the River. [ju„eis33. 

Also ere she came near the Tower, there were shot off 
innumerable pieces of ordnance, as ever there was there by 
any men's remembrances : where the King received her 
Grace with a noble loving countenance ; and so gave thanks 
and praise to all the citizens for all their great kindness and 
loving labour and pains taken in that behalf, to the great joy 
and comfort of all the citizens. 

Also to behold the wonderful number of people that ever 
was seen, that stood on the shore on both sides of the river ; 
it was never seen, in one sight, out of the City of London. 
What in goodly lodgings and houses that be on the river 
side between Greenwich and London ; it passeth all men's 
judgements to esteem the infinite number of them : wherein 
her Grace with all her ladies rejoiced much. 



C 'Mn\Q\)t0 matie at (Breentoiclj ttie fe)unliap 
before (L(ll^it-0unliap, 

C And the Sunday before this Triumph, being the 25th day 
of May [1533] ; the King made at his Manor of Greenwich 
all these knights. 

Sir Christopher Danby. Sir Thomas Butteller. 

Sir Christopher Hylard. Sir William Walgrave. 

Sir Brian Hastings. Sir William Fielding. 
Sir Thomas Methem. 

C ^^t ifntiap, toere malie linigtit^ of tlje Batt), 
nmeteen -, toljo0e name0 follotoetl), 

C" Also on Friday the 30th day of May, the king created 
and made in the Tower of London, nineteen noblemen, 
Knights of the Bath : whose names follow. 

The Lord Marquis Dorset. 
The Earl of Derby. 

The Lord Clifford, son and heir to the Earl of Cumber- 
land. 
The Lord Fitz-Walter, son and heir to the Earl of Sussex. 
The Lord Hastings, son and heir to the Earl of Huntingdon. 
The Lord Berkeley. 



June 1533 



] The large number of Knights made. 13 



The Lord Monteagle. 
The Lord Vaux. 



r Henry Parker, son and heir to the Lord Morley. 

r William Windsor, son and heir to the Lord Windsor. 

r John Mordaunt, son and heir to the Lord Mordaunt. 

r Francis Weston. 

r Thomas Arundell. 

r John Hudleston. 

r Thomas Ponings. 

r Henry Saville. 

r George Fitzwilliam, of Lincolnshire. 

r John Tyndall. 

r Thomas Jermey. 



C Also Saturday, the last day of May, the King made those 
Knights of the sword, in the Tower of London, whose names 
follow : 



r William Drury. 
r John Gerningham. 
r Thomas Rush. 
r Randolph Buerton. 
r George Calverley. 
r Edward Fytton. 
r George Conyers. 
r Robert Nedham. 
r John Chaworth. 
r George Gresley. 
r John Constable. 
r Thomas Umpton. 
r John Horsley. 
r Richard Lygon. 
r John Saint Clere. 
r Edward Maidison. 
r Henry Feryngton. 
r Marmaduke Tunstall. 
r Thomas Halsall. 
r Robert Kirkham. 
r Anthony Windsor. 
r Walter Hubbert. 
r John Willoughby. 



Sir Thomas Kitson. 
Sir Thomas Mysseden. 
Sir Thomas Foulehurst. 
Sir Henry Delves. 
Sir Peter Warburton. 
Sir Richard Bulkeley. 
Sir Thomas Laking. 
Sir Walter Smith. 
Sir Henry Everyngham. 
Sir William Uvedall. 
Sir Thomas Massingberd. 
Sir William Sandon. 
Sir James Baskervylle. 
Sir Edmond Trafford. 
Sir Arthur Eyre. 
Sir Henry Sutton. 
Sir John Nories. 
Sir William Malory. 
Sir John Harcourt. 
Sir John Tyrell. 
Sir William Browne. 
Sir Nicholas Sturley. 
Sir Randolph Manering. 



14 The Coronation Procession. [june*i533. 

C AlsotheSundayafterWhit-sunday, being Trinity Sunday, 
and the 8th day of June ; were made at Greenwich, these 
Knights following. 

Sir Christopher Corwen Sir John Dawn. 

Sir Geofrey Mydleton. Sir Richard Haughton. 

Sir Hugh Trevyneon. Sir Thomas Langton. 

Sir George West. Sir Edward Bowton. 

Sir Clement Herleston. Sir Henry Capel. 
Sir Humphrey Feries. 

C Also all the pavements of the City, from Charing Cross 
to the Tower, were covered over and cast with gravel. 

And the same Saturday, being Whitsun Eve, the Mayor 
with all the Aldermen and the Crafts of the City prepared 
array in a good order to stand and receive her Grace ; and with 
rails for every Craft to stand and lean, from the press of people. 

The Mayor met the Queen's Grace at her coming forth of 
the Tower. All his brethren and aldermen standing in Cheap 
[Cheapside]. 

And upon the same Saturday, the Queen came forth from 
the Tower towards Westminster, in goodly array ; as 
hereafter foUoweth. 

She passed the streets first, with certain strangers, their 
horses trapped with blue silk ; and themselves in blue velvet 
with white feathers, accompanied two and two. Likewise 
Squires, Knights, Barons, and Baronets, Knights of the Bath 
clothed in violet garments, edged with ermine like judges. 
Then following: the Judges of the law, and Abbots. All 
these estates were to the number of two hundred couple and 
more : two and two accompanied. 

And then followed Bishops, two and two ; and the 
Archbishops of York and Canterbury ; the Ambassadors of 
France and Venice ; the Lord Mayor with a mace : Master 
Garter the King of Heralds, and the King's coat armour upon 
him, with the Officers of Arms, appointing every estate in 
their degree. 

Then followed two ancient Knights with old fashioned 
hats, powdered on their heads, disguised, who did represent 
the Dukes of Normandy and of Guienne, after an old 
custom : the Lord Constable of England for the time, being the 



j„„,*,533.] Udall's Pageant at Leadenhall. 15 

Duke of Suffolk ; the Lord William Howard, the Deputy 
for the time to the Lord Marshal, the Duke of Norfolk. 

Then followed the Queen's Grace in her litter, costly and 
richly beseen, with a rich canopy over her : which was borne 
by the Lords of the Five Ports [i.e., Barons of the Cinque 
Ports]. After her, following the Master of her Horse with a 
spare white palfrey richly appointed, and led in his hand. 

Then followed her noble Ladies of Estate richly clothed in 
crimson powdered with ermines ; to the number of twelve. 

Then the Master of the Guard, with the guard on both 
sides of the streets in good array ; and all the Constables well 
beseen in velvet and damask coats with white staves in their 
hand ; setting every man in array and order in the streets 
until she came to Westminster. 

Then followed four rich chariots with Ladies of Honour. 
After them followed thirty Ladies and gentlewomen richly 
garnished : and so the serving men after them. 

And as she was departed from the Tower a marvellously 
great shot of guns [cannonade] was there fired, and shot off. 

So this most noble company passed, till her Grace came to 
Fenchurch ; where was a pageant fair and seemly, with 
certain children who saluted her Grace with great honour 
and praise, after a goodly fashion : and so passed forth to 
Gracechurch. Where was a rightly costly pageant of Apollo, 
with the Nine Muses among the mountains, sitting on the 
mount of Parnassus : and every of them having their instru- 
ments and apparel according to the description of poets, and 
namely [particularly] of Virgil ; with many goodly verses to 
her great praise and honour. 

And so she passed forth through Gracious [Gracechurch] 
Street unto Leaden Hall where was built a sumptuous and 
costly pageant in manner of a castle wherein was fashioned a 
heavenly roof and under it upon a green was a root or a stock, 
whereout sprang a multitude of white and red roses curiously 
wrought. So from the heavenly roof descended a white 
falcon, and lighted upon the said stock and root : and 
incontinent [immediately] descended an angel with goodl}'^ 
harmony, having a close crown between his hands, and set it 
on the falcon's head. And on the said floor sat Saint Anne 
in the highest place. And on that one side, her progeny with 
Scripture, that is to wit, the three Maries with their issue, 



i6 The Pageants IN Cheapside. [j 



uue is33. 



that is to understand, Mary, the mother of Christ, Mary 
Salome the mother [or rather the wife] of Zebedee with the 
two children of them. Also Mary Cleophas with her 
husband Alpheus, with their four children on the other side. 
With other poetical verses [see p. 20] said and sung ; and with 
a ballad in English [see p. 22] to her great praise and honour, 
and to all her progeny also. 

And so she passed forth from thence, through Cornhill ; 
and at the Conduit was a sumptuous pageant of the Three 
Graces. At the coming of the Queen's Grace a poet declared 
the nature of all those three Ladies ; and gave high praises 
unto the Queen. And after this preamble finished, each 
Lady in particular spake great honour and high praise of the 
Queen's Grace. 

And so she passed forth with all her nobles till she came in 
Cheap [Cheapside]. And at the Great Conduit was made a 
costly fountain, where out ran white wine, claret, and red 
wine, in great plenty, all that afternoon. And there was 
great melody, with speeches. 

And so passed forth through Cheap to the Standard, which 
was costly and sumptuously garnished with gold and azure, 
with [coats of] arms and stories [? galleries] : where was 
great harmony and melody. 

And so passed she forth by the Cross in Cheap, which was 
new garnished : and so through Cheap towards the lesser Con- 
duit. And in the midway between, the Recorder of London 
received her before the Aldermen ; with great reverence and 
honour saluting her Grace, with a loving and humble proposi- 
tion, presenting her Grace with a rich and costly purse of gold, 
and in it a thousand marks [= ;^666 or about £5,000 in present 
value] in gold coin; given unto her as a free gift of honour. 
To whom she gave great thanks both with heart and mind. 

And so her Grace passed a little further, and at the lesser 
Conduit was a costly and rich pageant ; whereat was goodly 
harmony of music and other minstrels, with singing. And 
within that pageant were five costly seats, wherein were 
set these five personages, that is to wit, Juno, Pallas, 
Mercury, Venus, and Paris; who having a ball of gold 
presented it to her Grace with certain verses of great honour 
[see p. 25]: and children singing a ballad [see p. 27] to her 
Grace, and praise to all her ladies. 



june^s33.] Those IN St. Paul's Churchyard. 17 

And so passed forth to Paul's Gate, where was a proper 
and sumptuous pageant, that is to wit, there sat three fair 
ladies, virgins, costly arrayed, with a fair round throne over 
their heads; where about was written, Regina Anna prospere! 
procede ! et regna ! that is in English, " Queen Anne prosper ! 
proceed ! and reign!" The lady that sat in the midst having 
a table of gold in her hand, written with letters of azure, 
Vent arnica coronaberis, " Come my love ! thou shalt be 
crowned ! " And two angels having a close crown of gold 
between their hands. And the lady on the right hand had 
a table of silver, whereon was written, DOM IN E ! dirige gressos 
meos ! " LORD GOD ! direct my ways ! " The other on the 
left hand had in another table of silver written, this Confide 
in DOMINO ! " Trust in GOD ! " And under their feet was 
a long roll wherein was written this, Regina Anna novum 
regis de sanguine natum, cum paries poptdis aurea secida tuis. 
" Queen Anne when thou shalt bear a new son of the King's 
blood ; there shall be a golden world unto thy people! " And 
so the ladies cast over her head a multitude of wafers with 
rose leaves ; and about the wafers were written with letters 
of gold, this posy. [Not given by the Writer.] 

And so her Grace passed forth into Paul's Churchyard. And 
at the East end of the Church against the [i.e., Saint Paul's] 
School was a great scaffold, whereon stood the number of 
two hundred children, well beseen : who received her with 
poet's verses to her noble honour. When they had finished, 
she said *' Amen," with a joyful smiling countenance. 

And so passed forth through the long Churchyard ; and so 
to Lud Gate, which was costly and sumptuously garnished 
with gold, colours, and azure; with sweet harmony of 
ballads to her great praise and honour ; with divers sweet 
instruments. 

And thus her Grace came through the City with great 
honour and royalty, and passed through Fleet Street till she 
came to the Standard and Conduit where was made a fair 
tower with four turrets with vanes. Therewithin was a great 
plenty of sweet instruments, with children singing. The 
Standard, which was of mason work, costly made with images 
and angels, costly gilt with gold and azure, with other colours, 
and divers sorts of [coats of] arms costly set out, shall there 
continue and remain : and within the Standard a vice with a 



1 8 The Queen's Coronation in the Abbey, [j^J 



une 1533. 



chime. And there ran out of certain small pipes great plenty 
of wine all that afternoon. 

And so her Grace passed through the city to Temple Bar ; 
and so to Charing Cross : and so through Westminster into 
Westminster Hall, that was well and richly hanged with 
cloth of Arras [tapestry], with a marvellous rich cupboard of 
plate: and there was a void [collation] of spice-plates and wine. 

And that done, the Queen's Grace withdrew her into the 
White Hall for that night ; and so to York Place by water. 



C The Sunday, in the morning, at eight o'clock, the Queen's 
Grace with noble ladies in their robes of estate, assembled 
with all the nobles apparelled in Parliament robes, as Dukes, 
Earls, Archbishops and Bishops, with Barons and the Barons 
of the Five Ports ; with the Mayor of the City and the 
Aldermen in their robes, as mantles of scarlet. 

The Barons of the Five Ports bare a rich canopy of cloth of 
gold, with staves of gold, and four bells of silver and gilt. 
The Abbot of Westminster with his rygals [? regalia] came 
into the Hall in poniificalibus, with his monks in their best 
copes ; the [members of] the King's chapel in their best 
copes: with the Bishops, richly adorned in poniificalibus. 

And the blue 'ray cloth spread from the high dosses [? dais] 
of the King's Bench unto the high altar of Westminster. 

And so every man proceeding to the Minster in the best 
order, every man after his degree appointed to his order and 
office as appertaineth ; came unto the place appointed : 
where her Grace received her crown, with all the ceremonies 
thereof, as thereunto belongeth. And so all ceremonies done, 
with the solemn Mass : they departed home in their best orders ; 
every man to the Hall of Westminster: where the Queen's 
Grace withdrew for a time into her chamber appointed. 

And so after a certain space, Her Grace came into the 
Hall. Then ye should have seen every nobleman doing 
their service to them appointed, in the best manner that hath 
been seen in any such ceremony. 

The Queen's Grace washed. The Archbishop of Canter- 
bury [Cranmer] said grace. Then the nobles were set to 
the table. Therewith came the Queen's service with the 
service of the Archbishop. A certain space, three men with 
the Queen's Grace's service. 



June'is33-] ^^^ DiNNER IN WESTMINSTER HaLL. I9 

Before the said service, came the Duke of Suffolk (High 
Constable that day, and Steward of the feast) on horseback, 
and marvellously trapped in apparel with richesse. Then 
with him came the Lord William Howard, as Deputy to 
the Duke of Norfolk, in the room [office] of the Marshal of 
England, on horseback. 

The Earl of Essex, Carver. The Earl of Sussex, Sewer. 
The Earl of Derby, Cupbearer. The Earl of Arundel, 
Butler. The Viscount Lisle, Panterer. The Lord Braye, 
Almoner. 

These noble men did their service in such humble sort and 
fashion, as it was a wonder to see the pain and diligence of 
them : being such noble personages. 

The service borne by Knights, which were to me too long 
to tell in order : the goodly service of kinds of meat ; with 
their devices from the highest unto the lowest : there have 
not been seen a more goodly nor more honourably done in no 
man's days. 

C There were four tables in the great Hall, along the said 
hall. 

The noblewomen, one table : sitting all on that one side. 

The noblemen another table. 

The Mayor of London another table, with his brethren. 

The Barons of the [Cinque] Ports, with the Master of the 
Chancery, the fourth table. 

And thus all things nobly and triumphantly done at her 
Coronation ; her Grace returned to White Hall, with great 
joy and solemnity. 

And on the morrow, there were great justs at the tilt done 
by eighteen Lords and Knights, where were broken many 
spears valiantly ; and some of their horses would not come 
at their pleasure, near unto the tilt; which was displeasure 
to some that there did run. 

9!mprinteti at Lonnon in iJfleet street li^ 

m^nft^n tie SBorDe, tor Slol^n dD^oug)^* 

Cum pritilegio* 



20 



Nicholas Udall. \ 

English Verses and Ditties at the Coronation i| 
Procession of ^j^een Anne Boleyn. 

[Royal MS. i8. a. Lxiv.] 

il 

At the Pageant representing the Progeny of Saint Anne, 

exhibited at Cornhill, besides Leadenhall. 
Were pronounced unto the Queen's Grace, these words 
following. 
By A Child. 

OsT excellent Queen, and bounteous Lady ! 
Here now to see your gracious Goodness, 
With such honour entering this City ; 
What joy we take, what hearty gladness, 
No pen may write, nor any tongue express ! 
For of you, depend the sure felicity ^ 

And hope, both of us and our posterity. ^ 

For like as from this devout Saint Anne 

Issued this holy generation, 

First Christ, to redeem the soul of man ; 

Then James th'apostle, and th'evangelist John ; 

With these others, which in such fashion 

By teaching and good life, our faith confirmed. 

That from that time yet to, it hath not failed : 

Right so, dear Lady ! our Queen most excellent ! 
Highly endued with all gifts of grace. 
As by your living is well apparent ; 
We, the Citizens, by you, in short space, 




I 



Mayis33-] Verses at the Coronation Procession. 21 



Hope such issue and descent to purchase ; 
Whereby the same faith shall be defended, 
And this City from all dangers preserved. 

Which time that we may right shortly see, 
To our great comfort, joy and solace ; 
Grant the most high and blessed Trinity ! 
Most humbly beseeching your noble Grace, 
Our rude simpleness showed in this place 
To pardon ; and, the brief time considering, 
To esteem our good minds, and not the thing. 

This spoken, opened a cloud, and let down a White 
Falcon, in the descending of which was pronounced, as 
followeth : 
By another Child. 

Ehold and see the Falcon White ! 
How she beginneth her wings to spread, 
And for our comfort to take her flight. 
But where will she cease, as you do read ? 
A rare sight ! and yet to be joyed. 
On the Rose ; chief flower that ever was, 
This bird to 'light, that all birds doth pass ! 

Then out of the same cloud descended an Angel, and 
crowned the same Falcon with a Crown Imperial : at which 
doing, was pronounced as followeth : 

By another Child. 

Onour and grace be to our Queen Anne ! 
For whose cause an Angel celestial 
Descendeth, the Falcon as white as swan, 
To crown with a Diadem Imperial ! 
In her honour rejoice we all. 
For it cometh from GOD, and not of man. 
Honour and grace be to our Queen Anne ! 






2 2 Verses at the Coronation Procession, [u^^tsfs. 

Then, at the departing of the Queen's said Grace, was sung 
this ballad following. 

His White Falcon, 
Rare and geason, 

This bird shineth so bright ; 
Of all that are, 
No bird compare 

May with this Falcon White. 

The virtues all, 
No man mortal. 

Of this bird can write. 
No man earthly 
Enough truly 

Can praise this Falcon White. 

Who will express 
Great gentleness 

To be in any wight ; 
He will not miss, 
But call him this 

The gentle Falcon White. 

This gentle bird 
As white as curd 

Shineth both day and night ; 
Nor far ne near 
Is any peer 

Unto this Falcon White. 

Of body small. 
Of power regal, 

She is, and sharp of sight ; 
Of courage hault 
No manner fault 

Is in this Falcon White. 



Ma}^i533.] Verses at the Coronation Procession. 21 



~o 



In chastity, 
Excelleth she, 

Most like a virgin bright : 
And worthy is 
To live in bliss 

Always this Falcon White. 

But now to take 
And use her make 

Is time, as troth is plight ; 
That she may bring 
Fruit according 

For such a Falcon White. 

And where by wrong, 
She hath fleen long. 

Uncertain where to light ; 
Herself repose 
Upon the Rose, 

Now may this Falcon White. 

Whereon to rest. 
And build her nest ; 

GOD grant her, most of might I 
That England may 
Rejoice alway 

In this same Falcon White. 





24 Verses at the Coronation Procession, [uiy^^il 

At the Conduit in Cornhill was exhibited a Pageant 
of the Three Graces [see p. i6.] 

In which a Child, apparelled like a Poet, pronounced 
unto the Queen's Grace these verses : 

Ueen Anne, behold your servants, the Three 
Graces ! 

Giving unto your Grace faithful assistance. 

With their most goodly amiable faces, 
They attend with their continual presence, 
Where your Grace goeth. Absent in your absence. 
While your Grace is here, they also here dwell 
About the pleasant brinks of this live well. 

Now here to be, they thought it their duty, 

And presently to salu[t]e you, gracious Queen ! 

Entering this day into this noble City, 

In such triumphant wise as hath not been seen : 

Which thing, to your honour and joy may it been ! 

These Three Sisters thought it their rebuke and shame. 

This day to be slack in honouring their Dame. 

Then immediately followed the speeches of the Three 
Graces, in this wise; 



Aglaia. H e arty Gla dness. 

UiEEN Anne ! whom to see, this City doth rejoice ; 
We three Graces, ladies of all pleasance, 
|Clasped hand in hand, as of one mind and voice. 
With our three gifts in all good assurance, 
Shall never fail your Grace, to t'endue and enhance ! 
For I, Hearty Gladness by my name called, 
Shall your heart replenish with joy unfeigned. 




MaySsJ Verses at the Coronation Procession. 25 



T H ALE I A. 



Stable Honour. 




Nd I, Stable Honour, gracious Queen Anne! 
Joying in your joy, with this noble City, 
In honour and dignity, all that I can. 
Shall you advance ! as your Grace is most worthy. 
You to assist, I am bound by my duty. 
For your virtues being incomparable. 
You cannot but live, aye, most honourable. 



EUPHROSYNE, 



Continual Success. 




Nd for the great virtues, which I perceive 
To be in your Grace, so high and excellent ! 
By me, Continual Success, ye receive 
Long fruition, with daily increasement 

Of joy and honour, without diminishment. 

Never to decay, but always to arise ! 

All men, women, and children pray the same wise. 



^ 



At the Little Conduit in Cheapside was exhibited the 
Judgement of Paris [see p. 16], 

In manner and form following: 



Mercury. 




UpiTER,this apple unto thee hath sent. 
Commanding, in this cause, to give 
true judgement ! 



Paris. Jupiter, a strange office hath given me, 

To judge which is fairest of these ladies three. 



Juno. All riches and kingdoms be at my behest, 

Give me the apple! and thou shalt have the best ! 



26 Verses at the Coronation Procession. [nay^i'^S 

Pallas. Adjudge it to me ! and for a kingdom, 
I shall give thee incomparable wisdom ! 

Venus. Prefer me! and I shall reward thee, Paris ! 
With the fairest lady that on the earth is. 

Paris. I should break Jupiter's high commandment, 
If I should for mede or reward give judgement. 

Therefore, lady Venus ! before both these twain, 
Your beauty much exceeding ; by my sentence, 
Shall win, and have this apple. Yet, to be plain! 
Here is the fourth Lady, now in presence, 
Most worthy to have it of due congruence, 
As peerless in riches, wit, and beauty; 
Which are but sundry qualities in you three. 
But for her worthiness, this apple of gold 
Is too simple a reward a thousand fold 1 

The conclusion of this Pageant pronounced by 
A Child. 

! No I Another reward there is 
Ordained for the worthiness of Her Grace ; 
laJAnd not to be disposed by you, Paris ! 

Nor to be given here in this place. 

Queen Anne ! most excellent that ever was, 

For you is ready a Crown Imperial ! 

To your joy, honour, and glory immortal. 

GOD, that of His goodness all things doth us send, 
Hath sent us your Grace, our hearts to make glad. 
Wherefore with as much humbleness we intend 
Your noble Grace to serve, as ever Queen had. 
For nothing there is, that may now make us sad, 
Having your noble Grace, our refuge and rest, 
Provided by Him, that knoweth what is best. 




MaJ^SJ Verses at the Coronation Procession. 



27 



All joy, wealth, and honour, with long space of life, 

Be to your Grace ; with succession royal ! 

And He, that hath power of all prerogative, 

The most blessed Trinity, GOD eternal, 

Save our King Henry in his estate royal ! 

Thus pray all the citizens, wife, child, and man, 

GOD save King Henry, and his Spouse Queen Anne 

At the departing of the Queen's said Grace was sung 
this ballad following : 

Ugsj^lUEEN Anne so gent, 
fG|JO|0f high descent. 
^^JftH Anne excellent 

In nobleness! 
Of ladies all. 
You principal 
Should win this ball 
Of worthiness I 



Passing beauty 
And chastity. 
With high degree, 

And great riches ; 
So coupled be 
In unity, 
That chief are ye 

In worthiness. 



When Jupiter 
His messenger 
Sent down hither, 

He knew certes 
That you, victrice 
Of all ladies. 
Should have the prize 

Of worthiness. 



28 Verses at the Coronation Procession. [Sa^tH 

And wise Paris 
Made judge in this ; 
Anon, I wis, 

Most high Princess ! 
Well understood 
Your virtues good. 
Your noble blood 

And worthiness. 

Your dignity 
When he 'gan see, 
The Ladies Three, 

Queen Anne peerless ! 
He bade give place 
Unto your Grace ; 
As meet it was 

In worthiness. 

The golden ball. 
Of price but small. 
Have Venus shall. 

The fair goddess ! 
Because it was 
Too low and base 
For your good Grace 

And worthiness ! 




29 



John Fox, the Martyrologist. 



[The Ecclesiastical History, containing the 
Acts and Momtments, &'c. and Ed., II., 
PP- I35S-6, 1570- ] 



How the Lord Cromwell helped Archbishop 
Cranmers Secretary, 

[July I539-] 




Ention was made before how King 
Henry, in the 31st year [i 539-1 540] of 
his reign, caused the Six Articles [31. He7i. 
VIII., c. 14. An Act abolishing diversity 
in opinions'] to pass [in June 1 539] ; ^^^o^^"^;^^. 
much against the mind, and MERdisputeth 

contrary to the consent of the pJrlLmJnV" 

Archbishop of CANTERBURY, ftx'^ArHcUs. 
Thomas Cranmer : who had disputed three days against 
the same in the ParHament House, with great reasons and 
authorities. Which Articles, after they were granted and 
passed by the ParHament, the King, for the singular favour 
which he ever bare to Cranmer and reverence to his learning 
(being desirous to know what he had said and objected 
in the Parliament against these Articles; or what could 
be alleged by Learning against the same) required a 
Note of the Archbishop's doings, what he had said and 
opposed in the Parliament touching that matter. And 
this word was sent to him from the King by CROMWELL 
and other Lords of the Parliament, whom the King then 
sent to dine with him at Lambeth : somewhat to comfort 
again his grieved mind and troubled spirits : as hath been 
above recited at page 1,298. 



30 Cranmer's Book AGAINST THE 5/^ ^^TYCz^-i-. pfs^o: 

[The passage referred to runs thus : 

After the Parliament was finished and that matter 
concluded ; the King (considering the constant zeal of 
the Archbishop in defence of his cause ; and partly also 
weighing the many authorities and reasons whereby he 
had substantially confirmed the same) sent [in July 1539] 
the Lord CROMWELL (which within a few days after [or 
rather on lOth June 1540] was apprehended), the two 
Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and all the Lords of 
the Parliament, to dine with him at Lambeth : where 
they signified to him, That it was the King's pleasure 
that they all should, in His Highness's behalf, cherish 
comfort and animate him as one that, for his travail in 
that Parliament, had declared himself both greatly learned, 
and also a man discreet and wise : and therefore they 
willed him not to be discouraged in anything that was 
passed in that Parliament contrary to his allegations. 

He most humbly thanked, first the King's Highness 
of his singular good affection towards him ; and them, 
for all their pains : adding moreover that he so hoped 
in GOD that hereafter his allegations and authorities 
should take place, to the glory of GOD and commodity 
of the realm.] 

Whereupon, when this dinner was finished [in July 1539], 
The name of ^^ next day after the Archbishop (collecting 
this Secretary both his arguments, authorities of Scripture, and 
Ralph Doctors \i.e. the Fathers of the Church'] together) 

ylt'aHve \u^ caused his Secretary to write a fair Book thereof 
ifi 1570]. fQj. ^]^g King, after this order : 

First, the Scriptures were alleged. 

Then, the Doctors. 

Thirdly, followed the arguments deduced from those 
Authorities. 

This book was written in his Secretary's Chamber [at 
Lambeth Palace] ; where, in a by-chamber, lay the Arch- 
bishop's Almoner. 

When this Book was fair written, and while the Secretary 
was gone to deliver the same unto the Archbishop his 
Master, who was, as it chanced, ridden to Croydon ; 
returning back to his chamber, he found his door shut, 
and the key carried away to London by the Almoner. 



J-i^°o;] A Bearbaiting upon the Thames. 31 

At this season also [it] chanced the father of the said 
Secretary to come to the city ; by whose occasion it 
so fell out, that he [Ralph Morice] must needs go to 
London. The Book he could not lay in his chamber, neither 
durst he commit it to any other person to keep ; being 
straitly charged, in any condition, by the Archbishop his 
master, to be circumspect thereof: so he determined to go 
to his father, and to keep the Book about him. 

And so, thrusting the Book under his girdle, he went 
over [the Thames] unto Westminster Bridge, with a 
sculler ; where he entered into a wherry that went to 
London : wherein were four of the Guard, who meant to 
land at Paul's Wharf; and to pass by the King's Highness 
who was then in his barge, with a great number of barges 
and boats about him, then baiting of bears in the water, 
over against the Bank [Side in Southwark]. 

The aforesaid Yeomen of the Guard, when they came 
against the King's barge, they durst not pass by towards 
Paul's Wharf, lest they should be espied : and therefore 
entreated the Secretary to go with them to the Bearbaiting ; 
and they would find the means, being of the Guard, to 
make room and to see all the pastime. 

The Secretary perceiving no other remedy, assented 
thereto. 

When the wherry came nigh the multitude of boats ; 
they with poleaxes got the wherry so far that, being 
encompassed with many other wherries and boats, there 
was no refuge if the bear should break loose and come upon 
them : as, in very deed, within one Paternoster while, 
the bear brake loose ; and came into the boat where the 
Yeomen of the Guard were, and the said Secretary. 

The Guard forsook the wherry, and went into xaii Yeomen, 
another barge ; one or two of them leaping short, but iu Keeper's. 
and so fell into the water. 

The bear and the dogs so shaked the wherry wherein 
the Secretary was, that the boat being full of water sank 
to the ground ; and being also, as it chanced, an ebbing 
tide, he sat there in the end of the wherry up to a Bearbaiting 
the middle in water. To whom came the bear xha^Jesbefore 
and all the dogs. The bear, seeking as it were the King. 
aid and succour of him, came back with his hinder parts 



32 Cranmer's Book floating on the Thames, p-. 



Fox. 
570. 



upon him ; and so, rushing upon him, the Book was loosed 
The Book of from the Secretary's girdle, and so fell into the 

Dr Cranmer _,, . r 1- • u 

against the i-z> Thamcs out oi his reach, 

.^ShLmes. The flying of the people, after that the bear was 
loose, from one boat to another, was so cumbrous that divers 
persons were thrown into the Thames : the King command- 
ing certain men, that could swim, to strip themselves naked ; 
and to help to save them that were in danger. 

This pastime so displeased the King, that he bade, 
" Away, away with the bear ! and let us go all hence ! " 

The Secretary, perceiving his Book to fleet away in 
the Thames, called to the Bearward to take up the Book. 

When the Bearward had the Book in his custody, being 
This Bear- an arrant Papist, far from the religion of his 
princ^ Mistress (for he was the Lady Elizabeth's 
fe^anr"""^ Bearward, now the Queen's Majesty), ere that the 
Secretary could come to land, he had delivered the Book to a 
Dr Cranmer's Priest of his own affinity in religion standing on 
Boo|^^gainst ^^^ ^^^^ , ^j^^^ reading in the Book, and 

deifver?dtoa pcrceiving that it was a manifest Refutation of the 
Popish Priest. Stx A vticles, made much ado ; and told the Bearward 
that whosoever claimed the Book, should surely be hanged. 

Anon, the Secretary came to the Bearward for his Book. 

"What," quoth the Bearward, "dare you challenge this 
Book ? Whose servant be you ?" 

" I am servant to one of the [Privy] Council," said the 
Secretary, " and my Lord of Canterbury is my master." 

" Yea, marry," quoth the Bearward, " I thought as much. 
You be like, I trust, to be both hanged for this Book." 

" Well," said he " it is not so evil as you take it : and, 
I warrant you, my Lord will avouch the book to the King's 
Majesty. But I pray you let me have my Book, and I 
will give you a crown \6s., or in present value about £2] 
to drink." 

" If you will give me 500 crowns, you shall not have it," 
quoth the Bearward. 

With that the Secretary departed from him : and, under- 
standing the malicious forAvardness of the Bearward, he 
learned that Blage the Grocer in Cheapside might do 
much with him. To whom the Secretary brake this matter, 



J f5°o] The Bearward will not give up the Book. 33 

requiring him to send for the Bearward to supper ; and 
he would pay for the whole charge thereof: and besides 
that, rather than he would forego his Book after this 
sort, the Bearward should have 20s. [in present value about 
£6] to drink. 

The supper was prepared. The Bearward was sent for, 
and came. After supper, the matter was intreated ; and 20s. 
offered for the Book. 

But do what could be done ; neither friendship, acquaint- 
ance, nor yet reward of money, could obtain the Book 
out of his hands : but that the same should be delivered 
unto some of the [Privy] Council, that would not so slightly 
look on so weighty a matter as to have it redeemed for 
a supper, or a piece of money. The honest man, Master 
Blage, with many good reasons would have persuaded him 
not to be stiff in his own conceit : declaring that in the end 
he should nothing at all prevail of his purpose, but be 
laughed to scorn ; getting neither penny nor praise for 
his travail. He, hearing that, rushed suddenly out of 
the doors from his friend Master Blage ; without any 
manner of thanksgiving for his supper : more like a 
Bearward than like an honest man. 

When the Secretary saw the matter so extremely to 
be used against him ; he then thought it expedient to 
fall from any farther practising of entreaty with the Bear- 
ward, as with him that seemed rather to be a bear himself 
than master of the beast : determining the next morning to 
make the Lord CROMWELL privy of the chance that 
happened. 

So, on the next day, as the Lord CROMWELL went to 
the Court, the Secretary declared the whole matter unto 
him ; and how he had offered the Bearward 20s. for the 
finding thereof 

" Where is the fellow? " quoth the Lord Cromwell. 

" I suppose," said the Secretary, " that he is now in 
the Court, attending to deliver the book unto some of the 
Council." 

" Well," said the Lord Cromwell, " it maketh no matter. 
Go with me thither, and I shall get you your book 
again. ! " 

C T 



Lord Cromwell rates the Bearward. [ 



J. Fox. 
1570. 



When the Lord CROMWELL came into the Hall of the 
The Bearward Court, there stood the Bearward with the Book 
CRANMER-r' in his hand ; waiting to have delivered the same 
councu."'*' unto Sir ANTHONY BROWNE or unto [STEPHEN 
Gardiner] the Bishop of Winchester, as it was reported. 

To whom the Lord Cromwell said, "Come hither, 
fellow! What Book hast thou there in thy hand?" and 
The Lord with that snatched the Book out of his hand : and 
geuelhfhe looking in the Book, said, " I know this hand well 
Book from enousrh. This is your hand," said he to the 

the Bearward. ° •' 

Secretary. 

"But where hadst thou this Book?" quoth the Lord 
Cromwell to the Bearward. 

"This Gentleman lost it two days ago in the Thames," 
said the Bearward. 

" Dost thou know whose servant he is ? " said the Lord 
Cromwell. 

" He saith," quoth the Bearward, " that he is my Lord 
of Canterbury's servant." 

"Why then didst thou not deliver to him the Book 
when he required it ?" said the Lord CROMWELL. " Who made 
thee so bold as to detain or withhold any Book or writing from 
a Councillor's servant, especially being his Secretary ? It is 
more meet for thee to meddle with thy bears, than with 
such writing : and were it not for thy Mistress's sake, I 
would set thee fast by the feet, to teach such malapert 
knaves to meddle with Councillors' matters. Had not 
money been well bestowed upon such a good fellow as this 
is, that knoweth not a Councillor's man from a cobbler's 
man ! " 

And with those words, the Lord CROMWELL went up 
into the King's Chamber of Presence, and the Archbishop's 
Secretary with him : where he found, in the Chamber, 
the Lord of Canterbury. 

To whom he said, " My Lord, I have here found good 
It^^y^xt °*^ ^^'^^^ ^'^'^ you," showing to him the paper book that 
CROMWKLL^to he had in his hand, " ready to bring both you, and 
Cranmer. this good fellow your man, to the halter : namely 
{especially] if the knave Bearward, now in the Hall, might 
have well compassed it." 



I 



^■J°''o.] MORICE MUST WRITE THE BoOK FAIR AGAIN. 35 

At these words, the Archbishop smiled, and said, " He 
that lost the Book is like[ly] to have the worst bargain : 
for, besides that he was well washed in the Thames, he must 
write the Book fair again." 

And, at these words, the Lord CROMWELL cast the Book 
unto the Secretary, saying, " I pray thee, MORICE, go in 
hand therewith, by and bye, with all expedition : for it 
must serve a turn." 

" Surely, my Lord, it somewhat rejoiceth me," quoth the 
Lord Cromwell, " that the varlet might have had of your 
man 20s. for the Book : and now I have discharged the 
matter with never a penny ; and shaken him well up for his 
overmuch malapertness." 

" I know the fellow well enough," quoth the Archbishop, 
" there is not a ranker Papist within this realm than he is ; 
most unworthy to be a servant unto so noble a Princess," 

And so, after humble thanks given to the Lord 
Cromwell, the said Morice departed with his Book: 
which, when he again had fair written it, was delivered 
to the King's Majesty by the said Lord CROMWELL, within 
four days after. 




ejcpeliition m 
totlanli. 




matie h\> tfje Htng's 

^igfjuess' armi?, untier tfte conUuct 

of tbe Eigbt J£)onourat)le tf)e 

€acl of 8)ertforti, tfie 

pear of our 1L©ED 

eHDD 

1544- 



Londini. 

Cum privilegto ad imprimendum solum. 



39 



The late Expedition in Scotland. 

Sent to the Right Honourable 
Lord Russell, Lord Privy Seal ; 
from the King s army there: 
by a friend of his. 




Fter long sojourning, my very good Lord ! 
of the King's Majesty's army at Newcastle, 
for lack of commodious winds, which long 
hath been at North East and East North 
East, much to our grief; as your Lordship, 
I doubt not, knoweth : the same — as God 
would, who doth all things for the best — 
the first of May [1544], the 36th year of 
His Majesty's most prosperous reign, veered to the South and 
South South West so apt and propice [propitious] for our 
journey ; being of every man so much desired, that there 
was no need to hasten them forwards. To be brief; such 
diligence was used that in two tides the whole fleet, being 
200 sail at the least, was out of the haven of Tynemouth 
towards our enterprise. 

The third day after, we arrived in the Firth of Forth, a 
notable river in Scotland ; having the entry between two 
islands, called the Bass and the May. The same day, we 
landed divers of our boats at a town named Saint Mynettes, 
on the north side of the Frith, which we burnt ; and brought 
from thence divers great boats, that served us afterwards to 
good purpose for our landing. 

That night, the whole fleet came to an anchor, under the 



40 The English army lands near Leith. [,3^^, 

island called Inchkeith, three miles from the haven of Leith. 
The place where we anchored hath, of long time, been called 
the English road: the Scots now take the same to be a 
prophesy of the thing which has now happened. 

The next day, being the 4th day of May, the said army 
landed two miles by west of the town of Leith, at a place 
called Grantham Crag : every man being so prompt 
thereunto, that the whole army was landed in four hours. 
And, perceiving our landing to be so quiet, which we looked 
not for ; having our guides ready, we put ourselves in good 
order of war marching forwards towards the town of Leith 
in three battles — whereof my Lord Admiral led the Vanguard, 
the Earl of Shrewsbury th*; Arrieregard ; and the Earl of 
Hertford being Lord Lieutenant, the Battle — having with 
us certain small pieces of artillery, which were drawn by 
force of men : which enterprise we thought necessary to 
be attempted first of all other, for the commodious lodging of 
our navy there, and the landing of our artillery and victail. 

And in a valley, upon the right hand, near unto the said 
town, the Scots were assembled to the number of 5,000 or 
6,000 horsemen, besides a good number of footmen ; to 
impeach [prevent] the passage of our said army: in which 
place, they had laid their artillery at two straits [passes] 
through which we must needs pass, if we minded to achieve 
our enterprise. And seeming, at the first, as though they 
would set upon the Vanguard : when they perceived our men 
so willing to encounter with them, namely, the Cardinal, 
who was there present, perceiving our devotion to see his 
holiness to be such as we were ready to wet our feet for that 
purpose, and to pass a ford which was between us and them ; 
after certain shot of artillery on both sides : they made a 
sudden retreat ; and leaving their artillery behind them, fled 
towards Edinburgh. The first man that fled was the holy 
Cardinal [Beaton] like a valiant champion ; and with him the 
Governor, the Earls of Huntley, Murray and Bothwell, 
with divers other great men of the realm. At this passage, 
were two Englishmen hurt with the shot of their artillery ; 
and two Scottish men slain with our artillery. 

The Vanguard having thus put back the Scots, and eight 
pieces of their artillery brought away by our hackbutters 
[harquehussiers], who in this enterprise did very manfully 



„,/ The army marches to Edinburgh. 41 

employ themselves ; we marched directly towards the town 
of Leith ; which before we could come to, we must of force 
[necessity] pass another passage, which also was defended a 
while with certain ensigns [compatiies] of footmen and certain 
pieces of artillery ; who being sharply assailed, having three 
of the gunners slain with our archers, were fain to give 
place ; leaving also their ordnance behind them, with which 
ordnance they slew only one of our men and hurt another. 

And in this brunt, the victory being earnestly followed ; 
the town of Leith was entered perforce and won with the 
loss only of two men of ours and hurt of three : where 
the Scots had cast great trenches and ditches purposely to 
have defended it. The same night, the army encamped in 
the said town of Leith ; and by reason of the said ditches 
and trenches, we made there a strong camp. 

The morrow, being the 5th of May, we caused our ships 
ladened with our great artillery and victuals to be brought 
into the haven ; where we discharged the same at our 
pleasure. In the said haven, we found many goodly ships, 
specially two of notable fairness : the one called the Salamander 
given by the French king at the marriage of his daughter 
into Scotland ; the other called the Unicorn, made by the 
late Scottish king [James V.] The town of Leith was found 
more full of riches than we thought to have found any 
Scottish town to have been. 

The next day, the 6th, the army went towards Edinburgh, 
leaving the Lord Sturton in Leith with 1,500 men, for 
the defence of the same. And the army being come near 
to Edinburgh ; the Provost accompanied with one or two 
burgesses and two or three Officers at Arms, desired to speak 
with the King's Lieutenant ; and — in the name of all the town 
— said, " that the keys of the town should be delivered unto 
his Lordship; conditionally, that they might go with bag 
and baggage, and the town to be saved from fire." Whereunto 
answer was made by the said Lord Lieutenant, " that whereas 
the Scots had so many ways fals[ifi]ed their faiths; and so 
manifestly had broken their promises, confirmed by oaths and 
seals, and certified by their whole parliament, as is evidently 
known unto all the world : he was sent thither by the King's 
Highness to take vengeance of their detestable falsehood, to 
declare and show the force of His Highness' sword to all 



42 The army captures & burns Edinburgh. [, 



544- 



such as should make any resistance unto His Grace's power 
sent thither for that purpose. And therefore being not sent 
to treat or capitulate with them, who had before time broken 
so many treaties : " he told them resolutely ; " that unless they 
would yield up their town unto him frankly, without condition, 
and cause man, woman, and child to issue into the fields, 
submitting themselves to his will and pleasure ; he would 
put them to the sword, and their town to the fire." The 
Provost answered, " that it were better for them to stand to 
their defence than to yield to that condition." This was 
rather a false practice of the Provost and the Heralds, thereby 
to espy the force and order of our camp, than for any zeal 
they had to yield their town ; as it appeared afterwards. 
Whereupon commandment was given to the said Provost 
and Officers at Arms, upon their peril, to depart. 

In the meantime, word was brought by a Herald of ours — 
whom the Lord Lieutenant had sent to summon the Castle 
— that the Earl Bothwell and the Lord Hume with the 
number of 2,000 horsemen were entered the town, and were 
determined to the defence thereof. Upon which knowledge, 
the Lord Lieutenant sent with diligence to the Vanward, that 
they should march towards the town. And Sir Christopher 
MoRiCE, Lieutenant of the Ordnance, was commanded to 
approach the gate called the Cany gate [Canongate], with 
certain battery pieces : which gate lay so, that the ordnance 
must be brought up a broad street of the suburbs, directly 
against the said Cany gate ; which was the occasion of the 
loss of certain of our gunners. And before that any battery 
could be made by the said ordnance, divers of the captains 
of the Vanward — the better to comfort their soldiers — 
assailed the said gate with such courage, that they repulsed 
the Scottish gunners from the loupes [embrasures'] of the same, 
and there slew and hurt sundry of their gunners, and by force 
drew one piece of artillery out of one of the said loupes. 

Our archers and hackbutters shot so hotly to the 
battlements of the gate and wall, that no man durst show 
himself at the defence of the same : by reason whereof, our 
gunners had good leisure to bring a cannon hard to the gate, 
which, after three or four shots, made entry to our soldiers; 
who at their breaking in, slew 300 or 400 Scots of such as 
were found armed. In the meantime, the Earl Bothwell 



,5^J HoLYROOD Abbey and Palace burnt. 43 

and the Lord Hume with their company, fled, and saved 
themselves by another way issuing out towards the Castle 
of the said town. The situation whereof is of such strength 
that it cannot be approached, but by one way ; which is by 
the High Street of the town ; and the strongest part of the 
same Castle lieth to beat the said street : which was the 
loss of divers of our men with the shot of the ordnance out 
of the said Castle, which did continually beat along the 
said High Street. And considering the strength of the said 
Castle, with the situation thereof; it was concluded not to 
lose any time, nor to waste and consume our munition about 
the siege thereof. Albeit the same was courageously and 
dangerously attempted ; till one of our pieces, with shot out 
of the said Castle, was struck and dismounted. 

And finally it was determined by the said Lord Lieutenant 
utterly to ruinate and destroy the said town with fire : which 
for that the night drew fast on, we omitted thoroughly to 
execute on that day ; but setting fire in three or four parts of 
the town, we repaired for that night unto our camp. 

And the next morning, very early, we began where we left 
oif, and continued burning all that day and the two days 
next ensuing continually, so that neither within the walls 
nor in the suburbs was left any one house unburnt : besides 
the innumerable booty, spoil and pillage that our soldiers 
brought from thence ; notwithstanding the abundance which 
was consumed with fire. Also we burnt the Abbey called 
Holy Rood House, and the Palace adjoining the same. 

In the meantime, while we held the country thus occupied ; 
there came unto us 4,000 of our light horsemen from the 
Borders, by the King's Majesty's appointment : who after 
their coming, did such exploits in riding and devastating the 
country that within seven miles every way of Edinburgh, 
they left neither pile, village, nor house standing unburnt, 
nor stacks of corn ; besides great numbers of cattle, which 
they brought daily in to the army, and met also with much 
good stuff which the inhabitants of Edinburgh had for the 
safety of the same, conveyed out of the town. 

In this mean season, Sir Nicholas Pointz, by order of 
my Lord Lieutenant, passed the river, and won by force the 
town of Kinghorn ; and burnt the same with certain other 
towns on that side. 



44 The English ravage the country. [,5^^ 

After these exploits done at Edinburgh, and all the country 
thereabouts devastated ; the King's said Lieutenant thinking 
the Scots not to be condignly punished for their falsehood 
used to the King's Majesty, determined not to return without 
doing them more displeasure. He therefore gave orders 
to the said Sir Christopher Morice for the reshipping ol 
the great artillery ; reserving only certain small pieces to 
keep the field : giving also commandment to every captain 
to receive victuals out of the said ships for their companies 
for six days. And for the carriage of the same, caused one 
thousand of our worst horsemen to be set on foot ; and the 
same horses divided equally to every captain of hundreds, 
for the better carriage of their victuals. The men that rode 
upon the said horses being appointed to attend upon the said 
victuals. Which was done. Besides there were divers small 
carts, which we recovered [captured] in the country ; the 
which with such cattle as we had there, did great service in 
drawing of our victuals, tents, and other necessaries. 

These things being supplied, the 14th day of May, we 
brake down the pier of the haven of Leith, and burnt every 
stick of it ; and took forth the two goodly ships, manned 
them, and put them in order to attend upon the King's 
Majesty's ships. Their ballast was cannon shot of iron ; 
which we found in the town to the number of 80,000. The 
rest of the Scottish ships meet to serve, we brought away : 
both they and our own being almost pestered [encumbered] 
with the spoil and booty of our soldiers and mariners. 

That done, we abandoned ourselves clearly from the ships: 
having firm intent to return home by land. Which we did. 
And to give them [the Scots] better occasion to show them- 
selves in the field against us ; we left neither pile, village, 
town, nor house in our way homewards, unburnt. 

In the meantime of the continuance of our army at Leith, 
as is aforesaid ; our ships upon the seas were not idle ; for they 
left neither ship, crayer, nor boat belonging to either village, 
town, creek or haven of either side of the Frith between 
Stirling and the mouth of the river, unburnt or not brought 
away ; which containeth in length fifty miles. Continuing 
of time, they also burnt a great number of towns and villages 
on both sides the said water ; and won a fortress situated on 
a strong island called Inchgarve, which they razed and 
destroyed. 



„,, 1 March homeward; massacring & desolating. 4s 

1544. J ' , ^^ 

The 15th of May, we dislodged our camp out of the town of 
Leith ; and set fire in every house, and burnt it to the ground. 

The same night, we encamped at a town of the Lord 
Seaton's where we burnt and razed his chief castle, called 
Seaton, which was right fair; and destroyed his orchards 
and gardens, which were the fairest and best in order that 
we saw in all that country. We did him the more despite, 
because he was the chief labourer to help their Cardinal out 
of prison : who was the only [sole] author of their calamity. 

The same day, we burnt a fair town of the Earl Bothwell, 
called Haddington, with a great nunnery and a house of friars. 

The next night after, we encamped besides Dunbar, and 
there the Scots gave a small alarm to our camp; but our 
watches were in such a readiness that they had no vantage 
there, but were fain to recoil without doing any harm. 

That night, they looked for us to have burnt the town 
of Dunbar ; which we deferred till the morning, at the 
dislodging of our camp: which we executed by 500 of our 
hackbutters. being backed with 500 horsemen. And by 
reason that we took them in the morning — who, having 
watched all night for our coming, and perceiving our army to 
dislodge and depart, thought themselves safe of us, were newly 
gone to their beds: and in their first sleeps closed in with fire 
— the men, women and children were suffocated and burnt. 

That morning [the 17th] being very misty and foggy, we 
had perfect knowledge by our espials, that the Scots had 
assembled a great power, in a strait [pass] called " the 
Pease." The chiefs of this assembly were the Lords Seaton, 
Hume and Buccleuch : and with them the whole power 
of the [Scotch] Marches and Teviotdale. This day in our 
marching, divers of their prickers [scouts] by reason of the 
said mist gave us alarm, and came so far within our army, 
that they unhorsed one between the Vanward and the Battle; 
being within two hundred feet of the Lord Lieutenant. At 
that alarm, one of their best prickers, called Jock Holly 
Burton was taken : who confessed that the said Scottish 
lords were ready at the passage [pass] with the number of 
10,000 good men. And forasmuch as the mist yet continued 
and did not break, being past noon, the Vanward being 
within a mile of the said passage, entering into dangerous 
ways for an army to march in such weather that one could 



46 The army returns to Berwick. [^j^^. 

not descry another twenty yards off: we concluded if the 
weather did not break up, to have encamped ourselves upon 
the same ground ; where we did remain for the space of two 
hours. And about two of the clock at afternoon, the sun 
brake out, the fog went away, and a clear day was left us : 
whereof every man received as it were a new courage, 
longing to see the enemy ; who, being ready for us at the 
said passage, and seeing us come in good order of battle, as 
men determined to pass through them or to leave our bones 
with them, abode us but two shots of a falcon, but scaled 
every man his way to the high mountains, which were hard 
at their hands, and covered with flocks of their people. The 
passage was such, that having no let [impediment] ; it was 
three hours before all the army could pass it. 

The same night, the army encamped at a pile called 
Ranton, eight miles from our borders: which pile was a 
very ill neighbour to the garrison of Berwick. The same 
we razed and threw down to the ground. 

The next day, being the i8th of May, the whole army 
entered into Berwick, and ended this voyage ; with the 
loss unneth [of scarcely] forty of the King's Majesty's people, 
thanks be to our Lord. 

The same day, at the same instant, that the army entered 
into Berwick, our whole fleet and navy of ships, which we 
sent from us at Leith, arrived before Berwick : as GOD would 
be known to favour our master's cause. Who ever preserve 
his most royal Majesty with long and prosperous life, and 
many years to reign in the imperial seat of the monarchy of 
all Britain. 



C The names of the chief burghs, castles and towns burnt 
and desolated by the King's army, being lately in Scot- 
land : besides a great number of villages, piles, and 
[homejsteads which I cannot name. 




pier destroyed. 



He burgh and town of Edinburgh, with the Abbey 
called Holy Rood House, and the King's Palace 
adjoining to the same. 
The town of Leith burnt, and the haven and 



] Results of the Expedition. 



47 



The castle and village of Craigmillar. 
The Abbey of New Battell. 

Part of Musselburgh town, with the Chapel of our Lady 
of Lawret [Loretto], 

Preston town and castle. 

Haddington town, with the friary and nunnery. 

A castle of Oliver Sanckler's [S/ncl^/hs]. 

The town of Dunbar. 

Lawreston, with the grange. 

Drylawe. 



Wester Craig. 
Enderleigh, the 

the town. 
Broughton. 
Thester Felles. 
Crawnend. 
Duddingstone. 
Stanhows. 
The Picket. 
Beverton. 
Tranent. 
Shenstone. 



Markle, 
Trapren. 
pile and Kirkland hill. 

Hatherwike. 
Belton. 
East Barnes. 
Bowland. 
Butterden. 
Quickwod. 
Blackborne. 
Raunton. 
Byldy, and the tower. 



C Towns and villages burnt by the fleet, upon the seaside ; 
with a great number of piles and villages which I 
cannot name nor rehearse, which be all devastated and 
laid desolate. 

Kinkorne. 

S. Minetes. 

The Queen's ferry. 



Part of Petynwaynes 

[Pittenweem,] 
The Burnt Island. 




48 Lord Eure's raid into Scotland. [,,^ 



Other new and prosperous adventures 
of late against the Scots, 

Fter the time that the Earl of Hertford, 
Lieutenant to the King's Majesty in the North 
parts of the realm, had dissolved the army, which 
lately had been ,'athin Scotland ; and repaired 
to the King's Highness: the Lord Eure, with many 
other valiant wise gentlemen — abiding in the Marches 
of the North part — intending not by idleness to surcease in 
occasions convenient, but to prove whether the Scots had yet 
learned by their importable [unbearable] losses lately chanced 
to them, to tender their own weals by true and reasonable 
uniting and adjoining themselves to the King's Majesty's 
loving liege people — took consultation by the advice of Sir 
Ralph Eure his son, and other sage forward gentlemen ; 
upon the gth day of June [1544] , at a place named Mylnefeld ; 
from whence by common agreement, the said lord with a good 
number of men, made such haste into Scotland, that by 
four of the clock after the next midnight, he had marched 
within a half mile of the town whereunto they tended, named 
Jedworth " 

After their coming, a messenger was sent unto the Provost 
of the said town, letting him to know " that the Lord Eure 
was come before the town to take it into the King's allegiance, 
by means of peace if thereunto the Scots would truly agree, 
or else by force of arms to sack the same if therein resistance 
were found." Whereunto the Provost — even like to prove 
himselfaScot — answered by way of request, " thatthey might 
be respected upon their answer until the noontide or else to 
maintain their town with defence : " having hope that in 
tracting [treating] and driving off time they might work some 
old cowardly subtilty. But upon his declaration made, the 
snake crawling under the flowers easily appeared to them, 
which had experience : knowledge also being had, that the 



I 



,544.] The SACK OF Jedburgh. 49 

townsmen had bent seven or eight pieces of ordnance in the 
market-stead. Wherefore the Lord Eure — part of his 
company being into three bands divided, and abiding at three 
several coasts of the same town, to the end that there might 
be three entries at one time made into the town — appointed 
and devised that the gunners, which had battered certain 
places plain and open, should enter in one side, and the kernes 
on another side, and Sir Ralph Eure's, of the third side. 
But it fortuned that, even upon the approachment of the 
men to their entries, the Scots fled from their ordnance, 
leaving them unshot, into the woods thereabout, with all 
other people in the same town. In which flight was slain 
above the number of 160 Scots, having for that recompense 
thereof, the loss of six Englishmen only. The people thus 
fled, and the town given to Englishmen by chance of war : 
the gunners burned the Abbey, the Grey Friars, and divers 
bastel and fortified houses, whereof there were many in that 
town : the goods of the same town being first spoiled, which 
laded, at their departing, 500 horses ; besides seven pieces 
of ordnance. 

In their return likewise, as they passed, burning divers 
places, towers and castles : as the Tower of Calling Craige, 
the Castle of Sesforth, Otterburn, Cowboge, Marbottle 
church, with many other like ; until they came to a place 
called Kirkyettham, being ten miles from certain villages 
within English ground, named Hetton, Tylmouth and 
Twysell, which appeared to them burning. For the which 
cause Sir Ralph Eure and the Captain of Norham, 
accompanied with 500 horsemen, rode in such haste towards 
the fire, that at what time the said Sir Ralph did set upon 
the Scots which had burned the village, he had not with him 
above 200 horsemen. Nevertheless the Scots, upon the only 
sight of the standards, used for their defence their light feet, 
and fled in so much haste that divers English horses were 
tired in the pursuit : but overtaken there was a great number, 
whereof many were slain, partly by the fierceness of the 
Englishmen, partly by the guilty cowardice of the Scots. 
And truly to speak in a few words ; in this act doing, reason 
will scarcely suffice to persuade the truth : insomuch that 
there were divers Englishmen whereof every man had eight 
or nine prisoners, besides such as were slain whose number 

D I 



50 Other raids over the Border. [,5^^ 

is certainly known to have been a hundred or more. And 
yet in this skirmish, not one EngHshman taken, neither 
slain : thanks be to GOD ! Also further here is to be 
remembered that the Englishmen in their return from the 
sack of Jedworth, drave and brought out of Scotland into 
England, a great number of cattle, both note [neat] and sheep. 



Furthermore to the apparent continuance of GOD's favour 
unto the purposes of the Englishmen, it is to be certainly 
knov^^n, that on the 15th day of June [1544] there was another 
raid made by divers Englishmen to a town called Synlawes, 
whereas divers bastel houses were destroyed, eight Scots 
taken, and 60 oxen brought away. For the return [recovery] 
whereof, a number of Scottish men pursued very earnestly ; 
who for their coming, lost six of their lives, and fifty of their 
horsemen [prisoners]. 

And upon the Tuesday next following, Sir George 
Bowes, Sir John Witherington, Henry Eure, and 
Lionel Grave rode to the Abbey of Coldingham, and 
demanded the same ; but it was denied earnestly, insomuch 
that after an assault made for five hours, it was burnt all 
saving the church, which having fire in the one end smoked 
so by the drift of the wind towards the Englishmen that 
it could not be conveniently then be burned. The store o\ 
the cattle and of the other goods there, served well for the 
spoil of the soldiers. In this Abbey were slain one monk and 
three other Scots. And amongst the English was one only 
gunner slain by a piece of ordnance shot out of the steeple. 

Since this journey, the 20th of June [1544], ^ company of 
Tynedale and Redesdale with other valiant men, ventured 
upon the greatest town in all Teviotdale, named Skraysburgh, 
a town of the Lord Hunthill's ; whereas besides rich spoils 
and great plenty of note [neat] and sheep, 38 persons were 
taken. Adding thereunto, that which is a marvellous truth, 
that is to say, these prisoners being taken, three Scots being 
slain, with divers wounded : not one Englishmen was either 
hurt or wounded. 

In these victories, who is to be most highest lauded but 
GOD ? by whose goodness the Englishmen hath had of a 



,5^J Ascription of praise. 51 

great season notable victories and matters worthy of 
triumphs. And for the continuance of GOD's favour toward 
us, let us pray for the prosperous estate of our noble good 
and victorious Lord Governor and King &c. : for whose sake 
doubtless, GOD hath spreaded his blessing over us, in peace 
to have mirth, and in wars to have victory. 



3|mpnnteti at Lontion in Paul's 

Cljurcj) parD, ftp iRepnolD 

molt; at tbe sign of tfie 

IBta^en Serpent. 

anno 1544. 



Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. 



i 



^ THE 



CypeDition into S)COtlanti of tl)e mosit 

ttjortliilt fortunate prince CtitoarD^ ®ufte of 

^omer^et, uncle unto our mo0t noble ^oU- 

reign lorD, tl^e Bing'js ^laiejst^ Edward tl^e 

VI., (BoUvnot of 1^10 1$iil9nm'^ pmoxx, ann 

j^rotector of ipijs (0race'0 realm^^ tiontinionjai 

ann suWects; mane in tbe jFirst pear of ^is 

Q^ajesti?';^ mo0t prospecous reign : anD 

set out tip toap of Diarp tjp 

C^. patten, lonDoner, 

VIVAT VICTOR. 




Nto the Right Honourable Sir 

William Pjget^ Knight of the most 

7ioble Order of the Garter^ Comptroller oj 

the Kings Majesty's Household^ one of His 

Highnesses Privy Council^ Chancellor of the 

Duchy of Lancaster ; and his most 

benign fautor and patron : 

WiLLIJM PjTTEN mOSt 

heartily wisheth 
felicity. 



I 




55 



^AviNG in these last wars against Scotland, that never 
were any with better success achieved, made notes of 
[the] acts there done, and disposed the same, since my 
coming home, into order of Diary, as followeth ; as 
one that would show some argument of remembrance, Right 
Honourable Sir! of your most benign favour that, as well while I 
was with the Right Honourable my very good Lord and late master, 
the Earl of Ar UN del, as also since, ye have vouchsafed to bear me : 
I have thought meetest to dedicate my travail unto your Honour. 

How smally I either am or have been, by any means, able to merit 
the same your gentleness, by so much the less have I need here to 
show; as your humane generosity, your willing benignity andprompt- 
ness to profit all men, is unto all men so commonly known : for the 
which,your name and honour is so familiar and well esteemed with 
foreign princes abroad, and so worthily well beloved of all estates at 
home. For who was he, of any degree or country, that had any 
just suit or other ado with our late sovereign Lord, the King's 
Majesty deceased, (when His Highness, in these his latter years, for 
your approved wisdom, fidelity, trust, and diligence, had committed 
the special ministry and despatch of his weighty affairs unto your 
hands) that felt not as much then, as I have found since ? or who 
findeth not, still, a constant continuance thereof, where the equity of 
his suit may bear it? Right many, sure[ly], of the small know- 
ledge I have, could I myself reckon both of then and since, which 
here all willingly I leave unattempted to do; both because my rehearsal 
should be very unnecessary and vain to you that know them better 
than I ; and also that I should tell the tale to yourself. Whom, for 
the respect of your honour, as I have a reverence, with vanities from 
your grave occupations [not] to detain; so have I, for honesty's sake, 
a shame to he suspect[ed\, by any means, to flatter. 



56 Dedication to Sir W. Paget, K.G. l']J.f,2 

That same, your singular humanity wherewith ye are wont also 
so gently to accept all things in so thankful a part, and wherewith ye 
have hound me so straightly to you, did first, to say the truth now, 
embolden me in this theme to set pen to the hook ; and now after, in 
this wise, to present my work unto you. The which if it shall please 
your Honour to take well in worth, and receive into your tuition, as 
the thing shall more indeed he dignified by having such a patron 
than your dignity gratified by receiving so unworthy a present ; 
even so what fault shall he found therein I resume, as clearly coming 
of myself. But if ought shall be thought to be aptly said, pleasant, 
anything savouring of wit or learning, I would all men should 
know it as I acknowledge it myself, that it must wholly he referred 
to you, the encouraging of whose favour hath ministered such 
matter to my wit, that like as OviD said to Cesar of his, so may 
I say to you of mine — 

Faster. I. Ingenium vultu statque caditque tuo. 

But now no further, with my talk, to trouble you. 
Thus, with increase of honour unto your Worthiness, most 
heartily f I wish the same continuance of health and wealth. 

Your most bounden client and pupil, 

W. Patten. 




I 



57 





^ A PREFACE 

jsertJing^ Cor itiucl^ part^ in^steaD of arguittettt, 
for tl^e matter of tl^e ^tor^^ enjsuing* 

Lthough it be not always the truest means 
of meeting, to measure all men's appetites by 
one man's affection : yet hereof, at this time, 
dare I more than half assure me, that (even 
as I would be, in like case, myself) so is every 
man desirous to know of the manner and 
circumstances of this our most valiant vic- 
tory over our enemies, and prosperous success of the rest of 
our journey. The bolder am I to make this general judge- 
ment, partly for that I am somewhat by learning, ^l^Jih^\" 
but more by nature instruct[ed] to understand the thirsty 
desire that all our kind hath to Know : and then, for that in 
every company, and at every table, where it hath been my hap 
to be, since my coming home, the whole communication was, 
in a manner, nought else but of this Expedition and wars in 
Scotland. Whereof, many to me then have ministered so 
many Interrogatories as would have well cumbered a right 
ripe tongued Deponent readily to answer ; and I indeed 
thereto, so hastily, could not. Yet, nevertheless, I blame 
them no more for quickness of question, than I would myself 
for slowness of answer. For considering how much in every 



58 The Preface to the Diary [^JaZ^';;?: 

narration, the circumstances do serve for the perfect instruc- 
tion of them that do hear, I can easily think the same were 
as much desired of them to be heard, as necessary of me to be 
told. And specially of this, to say chiefly, of the battle, being 
such a matter as neither the like hath been seen with eyes 
by any of this age now, nor read of in story of any years past. 
So great a power, so well picked and appointed, so restful 
and fresh, so much encouraged by hope of foreign aid, at their 
own doors, nay, in the midst of their house, and at the worst, 
so nigh to their refuge; to be beaten, vanquished, put to 
flight, and slain, by so small a number, so greatly travailed 
and weary, so far within their enemies' land, and out of their 
own ; without hope, either of refuge or rescue. The circum- 
stances hereof, with the rest of our most Triumphant Journey, 
which otherwise aptly, for unaptness of time, I could not 
utter by word of mouth, here mind I, GOD willing ! now to 
declare by letter of writing : not, as of arrogancy, taking upon 
me the thing which I myself must confess many can do 
better; but as, of good will, doing mine endeavour for 
that in me lieth, to make all men privy of that whereof it 
were meet no man were ignorant. As well because they may 
the rather universally be moved to pray, praise, and glorify 
the most merciful LORD, whose clemency hath so continu- 
ally, of these late years, vouchsafed to show His most benign 
favour towards us : as also to worship, honour, and have in 
veneration the reverend worthiness of our most honourable 
Council, by whose general sage consultations and circum- 
spect wisdoms, as friendship with foreign princes, and pro- 
vision for the enemy, hath been continued and made abroad ; 
we guarded from outward invasion or disturbance at home ; 
no prince, with obedience and diligence more nobly served ; 
nor no communalty with justice and mercy more sagely go- 
verned. Even so, by the special invincible virtue and valiant 
policy of my Lord Protector's Grace, we have first, and as it 
were in the entry of this most honourable and victorious 
Voyage, overturned many of our enemies' rebellious Holds ; 



il 



^jar.\M8.] OP '^HE Expedition into Scotland. 59 

and then overcome the double of our number and strength in 
open field, by plain dint of sword ; slain so great a multitude 
of them, with so small a loss of our side ; taken of their 
chiefest, prisoners; won and keep a great sort [ntimber] of 
their strongest forts ; built many new ; taken and destroyed 
their whole navy; and brought the townships in the hither 
parts of their bounds, above twenty miles in compass, into an 
honest obedience unto the King's Majesty. By the martial 
courage of his undaunted hardiness was this Expedition so 
boldly taken in hand ; by the presence and adventure of his 
own person was the same so warily and wisely conducted ; 
by the virtuous policy of his circumspect prowess was this 
Victory, or rather Conquest so honourably achieved : unto 
whose valiance and wisdom, I can entirely attribute so much, 
as to the furtherance of Fortune, nothing at all ; which, as 
Cicero proveth, is either a vain name, or not at ^"^'^'"'^f-i^- 
all, or if there be, is ever subject, as the Platonics affirm, 
to wisdom and industry. The which indeed did so manifestly 
appear in the affairs of this Voyage, that like as in accounts, 
the several numbers of ten, twenty, thirty, forty, being cast 
together, must needs make up the just sum of an hundred : 
even so, such his Grace's providence, circumspection, courage, 
and order (do Fortune what she could) must needs have at- 
tained to such success of victory : that if the Romans were 
content to allow the honour of a Triumph to SciPio tit. Lmus. 
Africanus for overcoming Hannibal and Syphax ; and to 
M. Attilius Regulus, for vanquishing the Salentines ; and, 
thereto, to set up images, the highest honour they had, for a 
perpetual memory of M. Claudius Marcellus and Mutius 
ScEVOLA (the one but for killing Viridomax the French king 
in [the] field at the river of Padua, and for devising how Han- 
nibal might be vanquished, and overcoming but of ^^^f^'- "^' '• 
the only city of Sarragossa : and the other but for ^Xi/f """■ 
his attempt to slay King Porsenna that besieged Rome) : 
what thanks then, what estimation, what honour and rever- 
ence condign, for these his notable demerits [merits] ought 



6o The Preface to the Diary [^k^^"5"•. 

our Protector to receive of his ? Nay, what can we worthily 
give him ? 

Howbeit, if we call to mind, how first Allhallowentide 
was five year, [November] 1542, his Grace, lying as Lord 
Warden in our Marches against Scotland, by the drift of his 
device, both the great invasion of the late Scottish King 
James V. was stoutly then withstood at Solmon Moss [Sol- 
way Moss], the King's death's wound given him, and the most 
part of all his nobility taken. How, the next year after, 
[1544] he, being accompanied by my Lord of Warwick and 
with but a handful [of men], to speak of, did burn both Leith 
and Edinburgh [see pages 39-47] and returned thence trium- 
phantly home; but with an easy march travelling forty- 
four long miles through their mainland. Whose approved 
valiance, wisdom, and dexterity in the handling of our 
Prince's affairs, how can we be but sure that it did not 
smally advance or cause [bring] about the conclusion of an 
honourable peace between France and us, although it did not 
then strait ensue ? when his Grace in the same year, soon 
after his return out of Scotland, was deputed Ambassador to 
treat with the Bishop of Bellay and others the French King's 
Commissioners, at Hardilow Castle. 

In the year [1545] how his Grace, about August, so 
invaded the Scottish borders, wasted and burnt Teviotdale 
and their Marches, that even yet they forthink [grieve over] 
that inroad. 

In February [1545] then next, how, being appointed by 
our late sovereign Lord to view the fortifications in the 
Marches of Calais, the which his Grace having soon done 
with diligence accordingly, he so devised with my Lord the 
Earl of Warwick, then Lieutenant of Boulogne, and took 
such order with the garrisons there, that with the hardy 
approach of but seven thousand men he raised [the camp of] 
an army of twenty-one thousand Frenchmen that had en- 
camped themselves over the river by Boulogne, and therewith 
then wan all their ordnance, carriage, treasure, and tents in 



I 



^ja^^'J'^g] OF THE Expedition into Scotland. 6i 

their camp, wholly as it stood ; with the loss but of one 
man. And from thence, returning by land to Guisnes, wan 
in his way, within the gunshot and rescue of Ardes, the Castle 
of Outings, called otherwise, the Red Pile. 

How hereto, by his force, 1545, was Picardy invaded and 
spoiled, the forts of Newhaven, Blaknestes, and Boulogne- 
berg begun, built, and so well plied in work ; that in a few 
weeks, ere his departing thence, they were made and left 
defensible. 

Calling to mind, I say, (I speak not of his unwearied 
diligence in the mean time) these his valiant incursions, his 
often overthrowings and notable victories over our enemies. 
And yet though this his last be far to be preferred above them 
all, having been so great, and achieving so much in so little 
time, the like not heard nor read of; and, but that there be 
so many witnesses, half incredible : yet is it none other sure 
but such as makes his Grace's virtue rather new again than 
strange, and rather famous than wonderful. We wonder not, 
ye wot ! but at things strange and seldom seen or Cti^^'andem 
heard; but victory to his Grace seems no less j^Troylwhwe^ 
common and appropried [appropriate] than heat to by°o"racie°did 
the fire, or shadow to the body. That, like as the fhen^shouid^' 
well keeping of the Pallady in Troy was ever the Jg°yJ'gjj 
conservation and defence of the city ; even so in y'hen that was 

-' ; , had out of the 

warfare the presence of his person is a certain city, tws not 

* ^ _ unknown to 

safeguard of the host and present victory over the '^e Greeks ; 

° ^ ... DiOMEDESand 

enemy; for the which I have heard many, of right ulysses, in 

"^ . ■" ^ the time of the 

honest behaviour, say that "for surety of themselves, siege there, 

'J . scaled the 

they had rather, in [the] field, be a mean soldier under tower waiu 
his Grace than a great captain under any other." image wa« 

A 1 ri -, , , , r • T kept, killed 

And, sure[ly], but that by my proiession I am the warders, 

•'•''■ and brought 

bound, and do believe all things to be governed, not the image 

1 r 1 1 away with 

by fortune or hap (although we must be content, them. 

, , r r Whereupon, 

m common speech to use the terms, 01 our formers thed^ was 
[predecessors] devised) but by the mighty power of destroyed. 
Almighty GOD, without whose regard a sparrow Matt. .x. 



62 The Preface to the Diary pjaZ^Ms: 

lighteth not upon the ground, I could count his Grace a 
prince that way most fortunate of any living. 

But now remembering my religion, and what Fortune's 
force is, and hereto seeing his Grace's godly disposition and 
behaviour, in the fiercest time of war seeking nothing more 
than peace, neither cruel upon victory, nor insolent upon good 
success, but with most moderate magnanimity, upon the re- 
spect of occasion, using, as the poet saith, 

Virgil. Parceve subjccHs et debellare superbos. 

In peace again, wholly bent to the advancement of GOD's 
glory and truth, the King's honour, and the common's quiet 
and wealth. And herewith conferring the benefits and blessings 
c^Svir*' ^""^ th^*' ^y ^^^ prophet David, the Lord assureth to all 
them that so stand in love and dread of Him: I am compelled 
to think his Grace, as least happy by Fortune, so most blessed 
by GOD ; and sent to us, both King and commons, as a 
Minister by whom the merciful majesty of the LORD, for 
our entire comfort, of both soul and body, will work His 
divine will. That, if, without offence, I may openly utter that 
which I have secretly thought, I have been often at a great 
muse with myself whether the King's Majesty, of such an 
uncle and Governor ; we, of such a Mediator and Protector, 
or his Grace again, of such a Prince and cousin, might most 
worthily think themselves happiest. 

But since I am so certain the excellency of his acts, and 
the baseness of my brain to be so far at odds, as ought that 
I could utter in his praise, should rather obscure and darken 
them, and, as it were, wash ivory with ink ; than give them 
their due light and life : let no man look that I will here 
enterprise to deal with the worthiness of his commendations, 
who, both have another matter in hand, and they again being 
such as might by themselves be an ample theme for a right 
good wit ; wherein to say either little or insufficiently were 
better, in my mind, left unattempted and to say nothing at 
all. 



I 



w. 



jan^^iS] OF THE Expedition into Scotland. 6;^ 

Marry, an epigram made upon the citizens receiving of 
his Grace, and for gratulation of his great success and safe 
return, the which I had, or rather (to say truth and shame 
the devil, for out it will) I stole, perchance more familiarly 
than friendly, from a friend of mine ; I thought it not much 
amiss (for the neatness of making and fineness of sense, and 
somewhat also to serve, if reason would bear it, in lieu of my 
lack) to place here. 

Auspice nohilium {Dux inclyte) turba virorum, 
Utque alacris latos plebs circumfusa per agros. 
Te Patrice patrem communi voce salutent. 
Scilicet et Romam victo sic hoste Camillus, 
Sic rediit victor dotnito POMPEIUS larba 
Ergo tuus felix reditus, pr essentia felix, 
Utque Angli, fusique tua gens ejfera Scotti 
Dextra, qua nunquam visa est victoria mc^or 
Det DE US imperium per te coeamus in unum : 
Simus et unanimes per secula cuncta Britanni, 

Though I plainly told ye not that my friend's name was 
Armigil Wade ; yet, ye that know the man his good 
literature, his wit and dexterity in all his doings, and mark 
the well couching of his clue, might have a great guess, of 
whose spinning the thread were. 

But why these wars by our late sovereign Lord, the King's 
Majesty deceased (a Prince most worthy of eterne fame, 
whose soul GOD have !), were, in his days, begun ; and yet 
continued ? Forasmuch as by sundry publications of divers 
writings, as well then as since, the just title of our King unto 
Scotland, and the Scots often deceits, untruths of promise, 
and perjury hath been among other [things] in the same 
writings so manifestly uttered ; I intend not here now 
to make it any part of my matter, which is but only a 
Journal or Diary of this Expedition into Scotland : wherein 
I have digested out every day's deeds orderly, as they were 



64 The Preface to the Diary {^jJT^H 

done, with their circumstances, so nigh as I could, from the 
time of my Lord Protector's Grace's coming to Newcastle 
until our breaking up of the camp from Roxburgh. And 
herein I doubt not but many things, both right necessary and 
worthy to be uttered, I shall leave untold; but, sure[ly], rather 
of ignorance than of purpose. Although indeed I know it were 
meetest for any writer in this kind to be ignorant of fewest 
and writing of most, yet trust I again it will be considered 
that it is neither possible for one man to know all, nor shame 
to be ignorant in that he cannot know. But as touching 
deeds well done, being within the compass of my knowledge ; 
as, so GOD help me ! I mind to express no man's for flattery, 
so will I suppress no man's for malice. 

Thus battle and field now, which is the most principal 
part of my matter, the Scots and we are not yet agreed how 
it shall be named. We call it Musselburgh Field, because 
that is the best town, and yet bad enough, nigh the place of 
our meeting. Some of them call it Seaton Field, a town there- 
nigh too, by means of a blind prophecy of theirs, which is 
this, or some such toy. 

Between Seaton and the sea 
Many a man shall die that day. 

Some will have it Fauxside Bray Field, of the hill (for so 
they call a Bray) upon the side whereof our Foreward stood, 
ready to come down and join. Some others will have it Under- 
esk [Inveresk] Field ; in the fallows whereof, they stood and we 
met. Some will have it Walliford Field : and some no "Field" 
at all, for that they say "there were so few [English] slain, and 
that we met not in a place by certain appointment, according 
to the order and manner of battle," with such like fond argu- 
ments. Marry, the hinderers of this meeting, I think for 
their meaning, have small sin to beshrew. They, of this 
haste, hoped to have had the whole advantage. For what they 
did appoint upon : without warning, then so early to dislodge, 
and so hastily to approach, who cannot judge? And whether 



^;^*xs48.] OP THE Expedition into Scotland. 65 

they meant to make a Field of their fight, or meant to fight 
at all or not, judge ye ! by this that after ye hear. 

Certain it is that against their assembly and our encounter 
(for they were not un[a]ware of our coming) in the former part 
of the year, they had sent letters of warning to the Estates of 
their realm ; and then caused the Fire Cross in most places 
of their country to be carried : whereof the solemnity is never 
used but in an urgent need, or for a great power, either for 
defence of themselves or invasion of us. And this is a Cross, 
as I have heard some say, of two brands' ends carried across 
upon a spear's point, with Proclamation of the time and 
place when and whither they shall come, and with how much 
provision of victail. Some others say, it is a Cross painted 
all red, and set for certain days in the fields of that Barony, 
whereof they will have the people to come ; whereby all, be- 
tween sixty and sixteen, are peremptorily summoned, that 
if they come not, with their victail according, at the time 
and place then appointed, all the land there is forfeited 
straight to the King's use, and the tarriers taken for traitors 
and rebels. 

By reason of which letters and Fire Cross, there were 
assembled in their camp, as I have heard some of themselves, 
not of the meanest sort, to confess, above twenty-six thousand 
fighting footmen, beside two thousand horsemen, ** prickers " 
as they call them : and hereto four thousand Irish archers 
brought by the Earl of Argyle. All of which, saving cer- 
tain we had slain the day before, came out of their camp to 
encounter with us. Now, where they will have it no Field, 
let them tell their cards, and count their winning ! and they 
shall find it a Field. Howbeit, by mine assent, we shall not 
herein much stick with them: since both without them the 
truth shall have place ; and also, by the courtesy of gaming, 
we ought somewhat to suffer, and ever let the losers have 
their liberty of words. 

But whatsoever it were, Field or no Field, I dare be bold 

E I 



66 The Preface TO THE Diary [']J,%\1 

to say, not one of us all is any whit prouder of it than would 
be the tooth that hath bit the tongue, otherwise than in 
respect that they were our mortal enemies, and would have 
done as much or more to us ; nor are nothing so fain to have 
beaten them as enemies, as we would rejoice to receive them 
as friends ; nor are so glad of the glory of this Field, as we 
would be joyful of a steadfast atonement [at-one-ment {of one 
mind)] : whereby like countrymen and countrymen, like friend 
and friend, nay, like brother and brother, we might, in one 
perpetual and brotherly life, join, love, and live together, 
according as thereto, both by the appointment of GOD at 
the first, and by continuance of Nature since, we seem to 
have been made and ordained ; separate by seas, from all 
other nations ; in customs and conditions, little differing; in 
shape and language, nothing at all. The which things other 
nations viewing in charts [maps] and reading in books ; and 
therewith hearing of this tumult, this fighting, these incur- 
sions and intestine wars between us, do thereat no less 
marvel, and bless them, than they would, to hear Gascoigny 
fight with France ; Arragon, with Spain ; Flanders, with 
Brabant ; or (to speak more near and naturally) friend with 
friend, brother with brother, or rather hand with hand. 

That no little, both wonder and woe it is to me, my 
To the Scots, countrymen ! for I can vouchsafe ye well the name ! 
to consider what thing might move ye? what tale might 
incense ye ? what drift, force ye ? what charm, enchant ye ? 
or what fury, conjure ye ? so fondly to fly from common sense, 
as ye should have need to be exhorted to that for the which 
it were your parts chiefly to sue ; so untowardly to turn 
from human reason as ye will be the hinderers of your own 
weals ; and so untruly to sever from the bonds both of pro- 
mise and covenant as ye will needs provoke your friends to 
plain revengement of open war! 

Your friends indeed, nay, never wink at the word 1 tha"; 
have so long before these wars foreborn our quarrels so just 
that were so loath to begin, and since, that suffered so manj 



M 



\n%Ts2 ^F 'T^^ Expedition into Scotland. 6y 

injuries unrevenged, entreating [treating] your men taken, not 
as captives of our mortal enemies, but as ambassadors of our 
dearest friends ! 

0, how may it be thought to be possible that ye should 
ever forget, or else not ever remember the great munificence 
of our most magnificent Prince, our late King ! that when, 
with most cruelty, by slaughter of subjects and burning of 
towns, your last king, Jamy, with all your nobility, AtAiihaiiow- 
had invaded his realm ; and, soon after, the invin- ^"'"^^ ''^*''' 
cible policy of my Lord Protector's Grace, the lying at Aln- 
wick, as Lord Warden of our Marches, by the sufferance of 
GOD's favour (which, thanks to His ]\Iajesty ! hath not yet 
left us), at Solom Moss, made them captive and thrall to our 
Prince's own will. With whom, for their deeds, if His 
Highness had dealt then as they had deserved, what should 
have blamed him ? or who could have controlled ? since what 
he could do, they could not resist : and what he should do, 
they had set him a sample [an example]. 

But his Majesty, among the huge heap of other his princely 
virtues (being ever of nature so inclined to clemency as never, 
of will, to use extremity), even straight forgetting who they 
were, and soon forgiving what they had done ; did not only 
then receive them into His Highness's grace ; place every of 
them with one of his nobility or council, not in prison like a 
captive; pardon them their raundsommes [ransotus], where- 
with, if they be ought worth, some Prince might have thought 
himself rich ; and hereto most friendly, for the time they were 
here, entertain them : but also, of his princely liberality, im- 
parting treasure at their departing to each of them all, did 
set them frank and free at their own doors ! Touching their 
silks, their chains, and their cheer beside ; I mind not here, 
among matters of weight, to tarry on such trifles. Marry, 
there be among us that saw their habit [dress] and port [state, 
or attendance], both at their coming and at their departing! 
Take it not, that I hit you here in the teeth, with our good 
turns ! (yet know I no cause, more than for humanity's sake, 



68 The Preface to the Diary ["^a,^""'" 



Jan. 154S, 



why ye should be forborne !) but as a man may sometimes, 
without boast of himself, say simply the thing that is true of 
himself, so may the subject without obbraid [iiphraiding] of 
benefits, recount the bounty of his Prince's largesse : al- 
though, perchance, it were not much against manners flatly 
to break courtesy with them, who, either of recklessness for- 
get their friends' benignity, or else of ingratitude will not 
acknowledge it. 

To my matter now! What would Cyrus, Darius, or 
Hannibal, (noble conquerors, and no tyrants) in this case, 
have done? But why so far off? What would your own 
King Jamy have done ? Nay, what King else would have done 
as our King did ? But somewhat to say more. As our Prince 
in cases of pity, was, of his own disposition, most merciful ; 
so wanted there not then of Councillors very near about His 
Highness, that showed themselves their friends ; and lur- 
thered his affects in that behalf to the uttermost : being thus 
persuaded, that as ye of the Nobility appeared men, neither 
rude of behaviour, nor base of birth ; so ye would never show 
yourselves inhuman and ingrate towards him, to whom ye 
should be so deeply bound. 

And though since that time, GOD hath wrought His will 
upon His Majesty (a loss to us, sure[ly], worthy never enough 
to have been lamented ; but that His mercy hath again so 
bountifully recompensed us with an image so nigh represent- 
ing his father's majesty and virtues, and of so great hope and 
towardness) ; yet be there left us most of the Councillors we 
had, who, upon occasion, will bend both power and will to 
show you further friendship. In part of proof thereof, how 
many means and ways hath my Lord Protector's Grace, 
within his time of governance, under the King's Majesty that 
now is, attempted and used to shun these wars, and show 
himself your friend ? What policy hath he left unproved ? 
What shift unsought ? or what stone unstirred ? 

Touching your weals now ! Ye mind not, I am sure, to 
live lawless and headless, without a Prince ! but so to bestow 



^an^^'S] ^^ 'THE Expedition into Scotland. 69 

your Queen, as whose mate must be your King ! And is it 
then possible ye can so far be seduced and brought to believe, 
that in all the world there should be any so worthy a Prince 
as our King ? as well for the nobility of his birth, for his rare 
comeliness of shape, his great excellency of qualities, his 
singular towardness to all godliness and virtues ! any likely 
to be so natural a Prince for you, as His Majesty born, bred 
and brought up under that hemisphere and compass of ele- 
ment, and upon that soil that both ye and we be all, any so 
meet for her, as your Princess's own countryman, a right 
Briton, both bred and born ? a Prince also by birth, of so 
great a power, and of so meet an age ? the joining of whom 
both the Kings, their fathers, did vow in their lives ; and ye, 
since, agreed upon in parliament, and promised also after their 
deaths? 

Than which thing, taking once effect, what can be more 
for your universal commodities, profits, and weals ? whereby, 
even at once, of foreign foes, ye shall be accepted as familiar 
friends! of weak, ye shall be made strong ! of poor, rich ! and 
of bond, free ! And whether this now be rather to be offered 
of us or sued for by you, I make yourselves the judges ! 
What we are able alone to do, both in peace and war, as 
well without you as against you, I need not here to brag. 
Yet seek we not the Mastership of you, but the Fellowship ! 
for if we did, we have, ye wot, a way of persuasion of the 
rigorous rhetoric, so vengeably vehement (as I think ye have 
felt by an Oration or two) that if we would use the extremity 
of argument, we were soon able so to beat reason into your 
heads or about your heads, that I doubt not ye would quickly 
find what fondness it were to stand in strife for the mastery 
with more than your match. 

We covet not to keep you bound, that would so fain have 
you free, as well from the feigned friendship of France (if I may 
call it any friendship at all, that for a few crowns do but stay 
you still in store for their own purpose) whereunto now, both 
ye seem subject, and your Queen ward (which friendship. 



JO The Preface TO THE Diary ['^an'^'S 

nevertheless, whatsoever it be, we desire not ye should break 
with them, for the love of us ; but only in case where ye 
should be compelled to lose either them or us, and, in that 
case, perchance, we may be content again to lose them for 
you) ; as well from the semblance or rather dissembling of 
this feigned friendship, I say, we covet to quit ye ! as also 
from the most servile thraldom and bondage under that 
hideous monster, that venemous aspis and very Antichrist, 
the Bishop of Rome, in the which, of so long time, ye have, 
and yet do most miserably abide ! Whose importable pride 
and execrable arrogancy, as well most presumptuously against 
all the sacred Estates of Princes upon earth, as also most 
contumeliously against the High Majesty of GOD Himself; 
with fastidious and utter contempt, both of GOD and man, 
both the context and tenour of his own decrees, decretals, canons, 
and Extravagants (made and conspired at the Congregations, 
Councils, and Synods, at sundry times, for the maintenance 
and augmenting of his Antichristian authority, in his Holi- 
ness's name assembled) [demonstrate]. And hereto his 
wicked blasphemy against GOD, his devilish dispensations 
against His Divine laws, his obstinate rebellion against all 
powers, his outrageous usurpation in Prince's lands, his cruel 
tyranny for keeping of his kingdom, his covert hypocrisy at 
at home, his crafty conspiracies abroad, his insatiable avarice, 
his subtle superstition, his mischievous malice, his privy 
theft, his open rapine, his sacred simony, his profane whore- 
dom, his ambition, sacrilege, extortion, idolatry, and poison- 
ings; with many other his cardinal virtues besides. And 
also the undoubted witness of Holy Writ, in both the Testa- 
ments, doth most certainly show, and plainly make clear to 
the eyes of all, if ye will not wilfully wink at that ye should 
Ca^i.xi. willingly see! Of him, hardily spake the prophet 
Daniel. He shall be lift up a high, and magnified against all 
that is GOD ; and shall speak presumptuous words, and shall he set 
in a course until tvrath be fulfilled against him. In the san>e 
chapter. He shall set at nought the GOD of their fathers ; and 



w 



jan^^'s+s".] OF THE Expedition into Scotland. 71 

; shall be in the daliances and desires of women, and shall pass 
j nought for GOD; but shall obstinately be stubborn, and rise against 
j all. And the holy prophet Ezekiel. Thy heart was lift up 
I very high, and saidest, " / am GOD, and sit in GOD's cap. xxviii. 
seat;" where thou art but man, and not GOD , and nevertheless hast 
framed thy heart like the heart of GOD ! The apostle Saint 
Paul also, in whom the graces of GOD did so plentifully 
abound, seemed not utterly to forget this prelate, when, in 
his Epistle to the Thessalonians, he said, The Lord 2 xhess. a. 
I Jesu shall not come till first there be a failing, and that wicked 
man be discover ed^ the Child of Perdition; who is adversary and 
exalted against all that is called GOD, in such sort, as he sticks 
not to sit in the temple, vaunting himself that he is GOD. And 
addeth, a little after, Whom the Lord Jesu shall quell with the 
spirit of His holy mouth. 
M Of him and his abominable behaviour is there much in 
' both the Holy Testaments; and a great deal more, jer. xxUi. 

I must confess, than I know my cunning can Apaxi^'^i., 
I recite ; so plain in sense, and easy to be under- ""'■ 

stood, that if ye confer the words of the same with the acts 
of his life, ye shall have no more cause to doubt whether he 
be the only Antichrist ; than ye may have whether He were 
the only Christ, of whom Saint John the Baptist said, 
Behold the Lamb of GOD ! and the Centurion, This Mni. 
was, sure[ly], the very Son of GOD ! ^ ''"■ ^' 

I speak neither of spite, nor of speciality of this precious 
prelate, Paul IV,, that now is alone ; but of him and his 
whole ancestry, of these many years past. Of whom, sure[lyj, 
A'ho list to say aught, it were meet they said truth ; and who 
list to say truth, can say no good. For their acts by their 
office, and their lives by their profession, are not less certainly 
known unto all the world to be thus, than is the lion, as they 
say, by the paw; or the day, by the sunshine. The trees of 
that stock never bear other fruit. And therefore was it that 
neither the Greeks, the Ruthens [Russians], nor many nations 
in the East parts besides (whom we cannot but count 



72 The Preface to the Diary [7Jan^^"48: 

Christians) could never be brought once so much as to taste 
Contrary to ^f it: and wouW never abide the presumptuous 
whose w^« usurpation of his insolent Impery ; but utterly, at 
'\kf^as '"^ the first, did wisely refuse the unwieldy weight of 
Matt.«. SQ heavy a burden, and the painful wringing of so 
uneasy a yoke. 

The Bohemians and Germans, of later years, have quite 
rejected, and cast him up. 

And we, at last, not so much led by the example of others' 
well doing, as moved by the mere mercy and grace of 
Almighty GOD ; who (as, by David, He hath promised) is 
Psa. cxiv. ever at hand, and nigh to all them that call upon him 
in truth, and always ready to do that He came for, that is, to 
Matt, xviii. save that [which] was forelorn. Through the aid 
and goodness of His mighty power and eterne wisdom 
strengthening his worthy Champion, our late sovereign 
Lord ; and instructing his circumspect Council : have we, 
most happily, exterminated, and banished him our bounds. 
Whereby, as we have now the grace to know and serve but 
one GOD, so are we subject but to one King. He naturally 
knoweth his own people ; and we obediently know him our 
only Sovereign. His Highness's Estate brought and reduced 
from perdition, and in a manner subjection unto the old 
princely entire and absolute power again: and ours, redeemed 
from the doubt as to whom we should obey. The great 
polling and intolerable taxes of our money, yearly, both from 
His Majesty and us, now saved clear[ly] within his realm. 
Not fain, now, to fetch justice so unjustly ministered, as he 
that bids most (like Calais market), whatsoever be the cause, 
shall be sure of the sentence ; and that so far from home, 
and with so great cost of money and danger of life. Our 
consciences, now, quite unclogged from the fear of his vain 
terriculaments and rattle-bladders ; and from the fondness of 
his trimtrams and gugaws [gewgaws], his interdictions, his 
cursings, his damning to the devil, his pardons, his [asjsoilings, 
his plucking out of purgatory, his superstitious sorts of sects 



^ar^'iMsG o^ ^^^ Expedition into Scotland. 73 

of religion, his canonization of saints, forbidding and licensing 
the eating of meat, singing and saying and wot not a word ! 
roving a procession, gadding a pilgrimage, worshipping of idols. 
Oblations and offerings of meats, of otes, images of ^^"'^,^,3^^ 
wax, bound pens and pins for deliverance of bad |^|[||^|^°gs'' 
husbands, for a sick cow, to keep down the belly, Saint syth. 
and when " Kit had lost her key." Setting up candles to 
saints in every corner, and knakkynge [knocking] of bead- 
stones [beads] in every pew, tolling of bells against tempests, 
Scala colli masses, pardon beads, " Saint Anthony's bells," 
Tauthrie laces, rosaries, collets, charms for every disease, and 
sovereign suffrages for every sore : with a thousand toys else, 
of his devilish devices, that lack of opportunity doth let [hinder] 
me here to tell. 

We are, now, no more by them so wickedly seduced, to 
the great offence of GOD's dignity, and utter peril of our 
souls. Now, have we, by His divine power, wound ourselves 
out of the danger of His just indignation that we worthily 
were in for our former obstinacy and turning from His truth : 
and have received, with most humble thanksgiving, His 
Holy Word, whereof we have the free use in our own 
tongue. 

These goodly benefits, or rather GOD's blessings, if ye 
will yourselves ! shall we, with GOD's assistance, bring you 
to enjoy as well as ourselves ! but if ye will not, but be still 
stubborn in your ungodliness, refuse His graces that He 
daily offereth, wilfully wry so far from His truth, and be 
utterly obstinate in upholding the Antichrist ! as, first, 
Daniel the prophet doth declare what ye are, and show you 
the state ye stand in by these words. They shall magnify Him ! 
as many as have drunk of the wine of the wrath of GOD, and 
whose names are not written in the hook of life ! Even so, think 
ye hardily that the just judgement, which the Head Priests 
and Seniors of the Jews (in answering Christ, unawares to 
themselves) did give of themselves, unto your confusion, shal] 
be verified upon you ! which is, Without mercy, shall the LORD 



74 The Preface tothe Diary [^^a^'S 

Matt. xxi. undo [destroy] the evil, and set out his vineyard to 
other good husbands [husbandmen], that will yield him fruit in 
due times. And that soon after himself said to them, 
Exod. c. Therefore the kingdom of GOD shall be taken from 
you, and be given to the nation that will do profit ! And hereto 
the sharp sentence of Saint Paul to be pronounced specially 
against you ! The Lord Jesu, with the angels of his bliss, 
I Thess. ii. shall come from heaven in a flame of fire ; taking 
vengeance upon all them that will not know GOD, and obey the 
gospel of him our Lord ^ESU CHRIST. They shall be punished 
by death for ever, from the glory of his virtue ; when he shall 
come to be glorified among his holy, and be wonderful in the eyes 
of all that believe. 

As well, nevertheless, that ye may be delivered from the 
be^ved of°the d^eadful danger of this most terrible sentence, as 
KerbTo'a'^ also that the LORD, of His immeasurable mercy, 
1n"i'den'rf ^''' ^^^^ °^^^ vouchsafe to open your eyes, and waken 
mus""ncaria ^^^ ^^^ °^ ^^^^ drowsy Endymion's dream*, or 
kisledh^m rather this mortal Lethargy t, wherein by the biting 
cic. i. tj(sc. of this most venemous aspis X, the Pope I say, ye do 
lamentably lie a slumber, being benumbed of all the 
limbs of your soul and lacking the use of all your spiritual 
senses. However, of grace, ye shall be moved to do, we shall of 
+ A disease charity most heartily pray : for we do not so much 

coming of burnt , i i r , c • 

choier, com- rcmcmbcr our quarrel and forget our profession, 

pelling the r i -11 11 

patient to covet Dut that we cau wish rather your amendment than 

nought but 1 ., , • I 

drowsy sleep, your dcstruction ! 

things, and to And hcrcto that once also, ye may see the 

in 'a trance. ' mlscrablc subjectiou whereunto ye are thrall ! and 

xiii. ' ' ' • have the grace, to pray for grace to the LORD 

t Bitten with that ye may be quitted of that captivity, and be 

this serpent are j "^ -^ r j ^ 

castinadeadiy madc apt to rcccive the truth and His Holy Word, 

slumber, with j . j ' 

astifflingand aud then to know who be your friends, and whether 

benumbing of . , , 

all parts; and wc Will vou wcll ! With whom by so many means, 

With a yoxe do . j j ^ 

soon die. ' since GOD, of good will, hath so nigh joined you, 
seem not you, of frowardness, to sever asunder against the 



^'J^^jj^g;] OF THE Expedition into Scotland. 75 

thing that should be a general wealth and common concord, 
the provision of Nature, and ordinance of GOD ! And against 
His Holy Word, which not all unaptly, perchance, here may 
be cited. 

Quos DEUS conjunxit, homo ne separet ! Matt. xix. 

The great mischiefs rising by this disunion and severing, 
and the manifold commodities coming by the contrary, being 
shortly by you had in considerance ; this marriage, I doubt 
not, between our Princes shall be consummated, all causes of 
quarrel ceased, atonement made between us, and a firm 
alliance of friendship for ever concluded. The which thing, 
as most heartily, for my part, I dai'y wish for ; so have I good 
hope shortly to see, and herewith betake you to GOD ! 

But now to return out of my digression, for though I have 
been long a talking to my countrymen abroad in the North : 
yet were I loath to seem to forget my friends at home in the 
South ; and fare like the diligent servant that walks so 
earnestly on his master's errand, that, in the midst of his way, 
he forgets whither he goeth. 

Howbeit I might well, perchance, think it, even here, high 
time to leave [off] ; were it not that since I am in hand to utter, 
in this case, what I know, and nooseld [nourished] of my 
nurse never to be spare of speech : though I be but a bad 
evangelist, yet will I leave as few unwritten verities as I can. 

As my Lord's Grace, my Lord of Warwick, the other 
estates of the Council there, with the rest of the dignity of 
the army did, at our setting outward, tarry a few days at 
Berwick; the well-appointing of the noblemen for their 
bands, and of the knights and gentlemen for themselves and 
servants, I mean specially of the horsemen ; which though, 
but at musters, was never showed of purpose, yet could it not, 
at that time, be hid, but be bright and apparent in every 
man's eye : and was, if I can ought judge, I assure you, for 
the goodly number of the likely men and ready horses ; for 
their perfect appointment of sure armour, weapons, and 



76 The Preface to the Diary |7J;i!^";S: 

apparel ; and their sumptuous suits of liverers [serving-men] 
beside (whereof I must of duty, if I must of duty say truth, 
most worthily prefer and give the chiefest price and praise to 
my Lord Protector Grace's train, and to my Lord of War- 
wick's), was, I say, so generally such, and so well furnished: 
that both their duty toward their Prince, their love toward 
their country and to the rulers were there ; and hereto the 
ancient English courage and prowess, might have easily in 
this assembly been viewed. Men going out, never better, at 
any time, in all points, appointed ; never better beseen, with 
more courage and gladder will : whereof with speed (for no 
doubt our enemies had factors at this mart among us, though, 
as wisdom was, they did not openly occupy) the Scots had 
soon knowledge. And as they are merry men, and feat 
jesters hardily, they said, as we heard, " that we were very 
gay, and came belike a wooing." The which, though they 
spake dryly more to taunt the sumpt [sumptuousness] of our 
show than to seem to know the cause of our coming; yet said 
they therein more truly than they would kindly consider. 
For, indeed, even as they were ascertained by my Lord 
Grace's Proclamation, as well at and before our entry into 
their country, that the cause of our coming then, was nothing 
else but touching the performance of covenants, on both sides, 
about this marriage, that had been before time, on both sides, 
agreed upon ; which should be greatly for the wealths of us 
both: and not to make war, sure[ly], nor once to be enemy, 
but only to such as should appear to be hinderers of so godly 
and honourable a purpose. Even so, according to the promise 
of the Proclamation, neither force nor fire was used wittingly 
against any other, during all our time of abode in the country. 
Howbeit, the truth was so, that having doubt of the worst, it 
was wisely consulted so to go to commune with them as 
friends, as nevertheless, if needs they would, we might be able 
to meet them as foes : the which thing proved, after, not the 
worst point of policy. 

But what a marvellous unkind people were they, that where 



?kn^^"t8:] o^ THE Expedition into Scotland. ']'j 

we came, as wooers come, not otherwise, but for good love and 
quiet; they to receive us with hatred and war! It was too 
much ungentleness and inhumanity, sure[ly], in such a case 
to be showed. Yet since we so quit [requited] them their kind- 
ness ; and departed so little in their debt ; let us bear some- 
what with them ! Marry, I wot they were not all so well 
content with the payment. For the Earl Huntley (a 
gentleman of a great sobriety and very good wit, as by his very 
presence is half uttered), being asked of a man of Estate with 
us, by way of communication, as I heard, how " he bare his 
affection towards the joining of the two Princes ? " taie' i'ndeJd be- 
" In gude faith," quoth he, " I wade it sud gae furth, 'jfe^if/j^^YhL 
and baud weil with the marriage: but I like not h^j|n^^ot^e„ 
this wooing. ' ' '«^^i of'o"^ 

o Lord to make a 

But now lest I may worthily be doubted by the ™^"j ""^^.^ 

J J J one first with a 

plot of my Prologue to have made the form of my J^eld^henwith 
book* like the proportion of Saint Peter's man : I an exceeding 

•'^ '^ ' little neck : and 

will here leave off further process of Preface, and so forth, with 

^ ' such inequality 

fall to the matter. of proportion. 

^ FINIS. 



^CERTAIN 

jQoble men auD otl^er^, being special 
£Dflicer0 in t\)x^ Cjcpenftion* 

He Duke of Somerset, my Lord Protector's Grace, 
General of the Army : and Captain of the Battle 
[the main body'], having in it 4,000 footmen. 
The Earl of Warwick, Lord Lieutenant of 
the Army ; and having the Foreward, of 3,000 footmen. 




78 The Officers of the Expedition. Han'^'isTs: 

The Lord Dacres, the Rereward, of 3,000 footmen. 

The Lord Grey of Wilton, Lord Lieutenant of Boulogne, 
High Marshal of the Army, and Captain General of all the 
Horsemen there. 

Sir Ralph Sadler Knight, Treasurer of the Army. 

Sir Francis Bryan Knight, Captain of the Light Horse- 
men, being in number, 2,000. 

Sir Ralph Vane Knight, Lieutenant of all the Men of 
arms and Demi-lances, being in number, 4,000. 

Sir Thomas Darcy Knight, Captain of all the King's 
Majesty's Pensioners and Men of arms. 

Sir Richard Lee Knight, Devisor [i.e., Engineer] of the 
fortifications to be made. 

Sir Peter Mewtys Knight, Captain of all the Hackbutters 
a foot, being in number, 600. 

Sir Peter Gamboa Knight, a Spaniard, Captain of 200 
Hackbutters on horseback. 

Sir Francis Fleming Knight, Master of the Ordnance. 

Sir James Wilford Knight, Provost Marshal. 

Sir George Blague and Sir Thomas Holcroft, Com- 
missioners of the Musters. 

Edward Shelley, my Lord Grey; Lieutenant of the 
Men of arms of Boulogne. 

John Bren, Captain of the Pioneers, being 1,400. 

e ^fCitm upon tlje ^ea» 

C The Lord Clinton, Lord Admiral of the Fleet : which 
was of sixty vessels ; whereof the Galley and thirt}^ - four 
more good ships were perfectly appointed for war, and the 
residue for carriage of munition and victail. 

Sir William Woodhouse Knight, his Vice Admiral. 

There in the Army, of great ordnance, drawn forth with 
us, by horses, Fifteen pieces. 

And of carriages; 900 carts, besides many waggons. 



79 




THE STORY 

anD ptocm of tlje 3!ournet, 




Saturday, VL!^* Wt^HM^'^x!^]^ Lord Protector's Grace, 

the 2yth of il m^^^ ^M (whom neither the length 
August [1547]. Illl^^^SIf^ "^'^ weariness of the way 

did any whit let [hinder], 
speedily to further that he 
had deliberately taken in 
hand) riding all the way 
from London, his own 
person, in post, accompanied by [Lord GreyJ my Lord 
Marshal, and Sir Francis Bryan, was met a six mile on 
this side of Newcastle by my Lord Lieutenant [the Earl of 
Warwick], and Master Treasurer [Sir Ralph Sadler] (who 
for the more speedy despatch of things were come to town 
there, three or four days before), and all the nobles, knights, 
and captains of the army, on horseback, attending upon 
them. 

And coming thus to town, my Lord's Grace was honourably, 
for the dignity of the place, with gun shot and the presence 
of the Mayor, Aldermen, and commoners there, about three 
o'clock in the afternoon, received and welcomed : and lay at 
the house of one Peter Ryddell. 



8o The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^ 



W. Patten 
an. 1548 



Sunday, the ^ ^f ^^^ "^^^ morning, in the fields in the 
28th of August, ^m ^m north-east side of the town, muster 
^0 i^ was made of such Demi-lances and 
Light Horsemen as were come; 
whereat my Lord's Grace was himself, with my Lord Lieu- 
tenant and other of the council of the army. 

In the afternoon, came the Laird of Mangerton, with a 
forty Scottish gentlemen of the East borders, and presented 
themselves to my Lord, at his lodging : whom his Grace did 
gently accept. 

It should not be forgotten, and it were but for example's 
sake, how a new pair of gallows were set up in the market 
place ; and a soldier hanged for quarrelhng and fighting. 



Monday, the 
2gth of August. 




Ll Captains with their bands, that had 
been mustered, were commanded 
forward. My Lord's Grace himself 
did early also then depart the town ; 
dined at Morpeth, twelve miles on the way; and lay that 
night at Alnwick Castle, with Sir Robert Bowes Knight 
Lord Warden of the Middle Marches; being twelve miles 
further. Where neither lacked any store of guests, nor of 
good cheer to welcome them with ; in the provision whereof, 
a man might note great cost and diligence, and in the 
spending, a liberal heart. 



Tuesday, the 
^oth of August. 




His day, his Grace, having journeyed 
in the morning a ten mile, dined at 
Bamborough Castle ; whereof one 
Sir John Horsley Knight is Captain. 
The plot of this castle standeth so naturally strong, that 
hardly can anywhere, in my opinion, be found the like. In- 
accessible on all sides, as well for the great height of the 
crag whereon it standeth ; as also for the outward form of 
the stone whereof the crag is, which, not much amiss per- 
chance, I may liken to the shape of long bavens [a brush 
faggot bound with only one withe] standing on end with their 
sharper and smaller ends upward. Thus is it fenced round 
about : and hath hereto, on the east side, the sea, at flood, 
coming up to the hard walls. This castle is very ancient, and 
was called in Arthur's day, as I have heard, Joyous Gard, 



W. Patten. 
Jan. 1548. 



•] The English Army leaves Berwick. 81 



Hither came my Lord Clinton from shipboard to my Lord, 

In the afternoon, his Grace rode to Berwick, fourteen miles 

further ; and there received with the Captains, garrisons, and 

with the officers of the town, lay in the Castle, with Siir 

Nicholas Strelley Knight, the Captain there. 



Wednesday, 
the last of 
A ugust. 




UcH part of this day, his Grace occupied 
in consultation about orders and matters 
touching this Voyage and army. 

This day, to the intent we might save 
the store of the victail we carried with us in the army by 
cart, and to be sure rather, among us, to have somewhat too 
much than any whit too little; and also that we should 
not need to trouble our ships for victail till we came to the 
place, by my Lord's Grace appointed: every man of the army, 
upon general commandment, made private provision for 
himself, for four days' victail. 



Thursday, 
the first oj 
September. 




Is Grace, with not many more than his own 
band of horsemen, rode to a town in the 
Scottish borders, standing upon the sea 
coast, a six mile from Berwick, and is 

: where there runneth a river [Eye Mill 

and 



called Eyemouth 

water] into the sea, the which he caused to be sounded ; 
perceiving then the same to be well able to serve for a haven, 
hath since caused building to be made there, whereof both 
Master and Captain is Thomas Gower, Marshal of Berwick. 



Friday, 
the 2nd of 
September. 




PoN commandment generally given, by 
sound of trumpet, all save the council, 
departed the town ; and encamped a two 
flight-shots off, upon the sea-side, toward 



Scotland. 

This day, my Lord Clinton with his fleet took the seas 
from Berwick toward Scotland, and herefore the rather, that 
though they might not have always wind at will to keep their 
course still with us ; yet, and it were but with the driving of 
tides, they might, upon any our need of munition or victail, 
not be Ions: from us. 



82 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. ^JkZ^"'^. 

My Lord Lieutenant and Master Treasurer, who remained 
at Newcastle after my Lord's Grace, for the full despatch of 
the rest of the army, came this day to Berwick. 

Saturday, Ih W§i ^1^ Lord Lieutenant, from out of the town, 
the ^rd of i^m l ^id camp in the field with the army. To 
September, f^^ ( the intent, the excuse of ignorance either 
LfiiSlnfiri^ l q£ ^j^g cause of my Lord Grace's coming, 
or of his goodness to such of the Scots as should show them- 
selves to favour the same coming, might quite be taken from 
them ; his Grace's Proclamation, whereof they could not but 
hear, was openly pronounced by Herald, after sound of 
trumpet, in three several places of our camp. 

Besides the mere matter of the journey, I have here to 
touch a thing, which seem it ever so light to other, yet is 
it of more weight to me, than to be let pass unspoken of. 

In the morning of this day, my Lord's Grace, walking upon 
the rampart of the town walls on the side towards Scotland, 
did tell, I remember, that, not many nights before he dreamt 
he was come back again to the Court, where the King's 
Majesty did heartily welcome him home, and every Estate 
else [also] : but yet him thought he had done nothing at all 
in this voyage : which when he considered the King's 
Highness's great costs, and the great travail of the great 
men and soldiers, and all to have been done in vain, the 
very care and shamefast abashment of the thing did waken 
him out of his dream. What opinion might we conceive 
of his waking thoughts? that even, dreaming, was moved 
with so pensive a regard of his charge towards his Prince, 
and with so humane a thought toward all men else! 

Howbeit, my mind is rather to note the prognostication and 
former advertence of his future success in this his enterprise, 
the which, I take it, was hereby then most certainly showed 
him : although, of right few, or rather of none, the same be 
so taken. That if, for ensample like to this, I should rehearse 
Gen. xii. to you out of the Old Testament, how the seven plenti- 
ful years, and the seven years of famine in Egypt were plainly 
signified afore to Pharaoh by his dreams of seven fat oxen, and 
seven full ears of corn ; and by seven lean oxen that devoured 
the fat, and seven withered ears consuming the full ears. 
jusTiNi //. 1. And hereto, out of profane authors, how Astyages, 



^aii^'S'sJ The Duke of Somerset's d ream. 83 

King of the Medians, was, many a day before, admonished 
that he should be overcome by a nephew* of his, as •Hisnamewas 
yet then ungotten and unborn, and lose his kingdom, Cyrus. 
and this by a dream also, wherein he thought there sprang 
out of the womb of his daughter Mandane, Joskphusot* 

1.1 1 • r 1 1 1 antiquit. lib. 

a vme, by the spreadmg 01 whose branches xvii. ta/zv. 
all Asia was shadowed. And how Archelaus, ^^^^"^- 
King of Cappadocia, was warned afore of his ban- VALEi^7i. l 
ishment out of his country and kingdom by his '^iw-i. Devir. 
dream of ten wheat ears, full ripe, that were eaten uiuur.cap. 
of oxen. And hereto the multitude of ensamples ccelius ah- 
besides touching this case in Tully, Valerius ^«^/xm/''"''' 
Maximus, Pliny the second, [L.l Ccelius [Riche- ^"""Trl'^* 

. ..„., UOMITIAN 

Rius] Rodigtnus, Suetonius, and in mnnite authors cap.xxm. 
more; they should be too cumberous and irksome both forme 
to write and you to read. 

The natural cause of which kind of prophecying, as I may 
call it, whether it come, as astronomers hold opinion, by the 
influence of the air or by constellation ; or else by sobriety of 
diet, and peculiar to the melancholic, as both f^^^Jp^^-^ 
Plato and also physicians affirm; or by gift of £>e Rej^. ix. 
GOD as divine judge : I trust I shall be borne with, 
although I do not here take upon me to discuss, but leave it 
for a doubt among them as I found it. 

Yet that there is such dignity and divinity in man's soul, 
as sometimes in dreams, we be warned of things to come ; 
both the learning of ancient philosophers, iambmcus 
Plotinus, Iamblicus, Mercurius, Trisme- 'JkfyJ^"^"' 
GiSTUS, with many other doth avow; Holy j^^^^^^j^j^^j. 
Scripture and profane stories do prove ; and in Pymand. 
experience to them that do mark it, doth also show. 

But to this now, that my Lord's Grace dreamt one thing, 
and the contrary came to pass ; writers upon the exposition of 
dreams, and specially Artemidorous do make two Lib. \. cap. ii. 
special kinds of dreams. The one, Speculative, whereby we 
see things, the next day after (for the most part), much like as 
we saw them in dream : the other Allegoric, which warneth 
us, as it were by riddle, of things more than a day, at the least, 
after to come. And in these Allegoric dreams, he saith, 
" the head betokeneth the father, the foot the servant, the 
right hand signifieth the mother, the left, the wife," and so 



84 The Expedition into Scotland in i547- Han-^'S 

/:,•*. ii. fa/, ixv. forth. And sometimes one contrary is meant by 
the other, as to seem for some cause to weep or be sorry is 
a token of gladness to come; and again to joy much is a 
Lib iii cap sign of care ; to see foul water coming into the 
xxvii. house is a sign to see the house burning. Apollo- 

Lib. iv. cap. NiDES, a surgeon, thought he went out, and wounded 
"'• many : and soon after he healed many. 

Of which sort of dreams, this of my Lord's Grace was, 
that showed that he had done nothing, and signified, as we 
may now be held to conster, he should do so much as it were 
scant possible to do more. Howbeit, as I would have no man 
so much to note and esteem dreams, as to think there are 
none vain, but all significative; a thing indeed, both fondly 
superstitious, and against the mind of GOD uttered in the 
Deut. x>d!i. Old Law : so would I have no man so much to 
contemn them as to think, we can at no time, be warned by 
them ; a thing also both of too much incredulity, and 
Actsii. against the promise of GOD rehearsed in the New 

joeiii. Law, by Peter out of the prophet Joel. 

But least, with my dreams, I bring you a sleep [asleep] ; I 
shall here leave them, and begin to march with the army. 



Sunday, 
the /\th of 
September. 




|Y Lord's Grace came from out of the 
town, and the army raised from out of 
the camp. 
And after this disposition of order. 
That Sir Francis Bryan, the Captain of Light Horsemen, 
with a four hundred of his band, should tend to the scout, a 
mile or two before ; the carriage to keep along by the sea- 
coast ; and the Men of arms and the Demi-lances (divided 
into three troops, answering the three Wards) so to ride, in 
array, directly against the carriages a two flight shot asunder 
from them. 

Our three Battles kept order in pace between them both. 
The Foreward, foremost ; the Battle, in the midst; and the 
Rereward, hindermost : each Ward, his troop of horsemen, 
and guard of ordnance; and each piece of ordnance, his aid 
of Pioneers, for amendment of ways, where need should be 
found. 

We marched a six mile, and camped by a village called 
Roston [Reston\ in the barony of Bonkendale, 



^ki!^"48J Summoning Dunglas Castle. 85 



Monday, 

the $th of 
September. 




E MARCHED a seven mile, till we came to 
a place called The Peaths [Pease Bridge]. 
It is a valley running from a six mile 
* west, straight eastward and toward the 
sea ; a twenty score [400 yards] broad from bank to bank 
above, and a five score [100 yards] in the bottom, wherein 
runs a little river. So steep be these banks on either side, 
and deep to the bottom, that he who goeth straight down 
shall be in danger of tumbling; and the comer up so sure 
of puffing and pain. For remedy whereof, the travellers that 
way, have used to pass it, not by going directly, but by paths 
and footways leading slopewise : from the number of which 
paths they call it, somewhat nicely indeed, " The Peaths." 

A bruit [rumour], a day or two before, was spread among 
us, that hereat the Scots were very busy a working ; and 
how we should be stayed and met withal by them : where- 
unto, I heard my Lord's Grace vow that "he would put it in 
proof, for he would not step one foot out of his appointed 
course." 

At our coming, we found all in good peace. Howbeit the 
sideways, on either side, most used for ease, were crossed 
and cut off in many places with the casting of traverse 
trenches, not very deep indeed, and rather somewhat hinder- 
ing than utterly letting [preventing]. For whether it were 
more by policy or diligence, as I am sure neither of both did 
want, the ways, by the Pioneers, were soon so well plained, 
that our army, carriage, and ordnance were quite set over, 
soon after sunset, and there as then we pight [pitched] our camp. 

But while our army was thus in passage, my Lord's Grace 
(willing to lose no time, and thatthe Scots, as well by deed as by 
bruit, should know he was come) sent a Herald to summon a 
castle of George Douglas, called Dunglas, that stood at 
the end of the same valley, nearer the sea, and a mile from 
the place of our passage. 

The Captain thereof, Matthew Home, a brother's son of 
Lord Home, upon this summons, required to speak with my 
Lord's Grace. It was granted, and he came. To whom, 
quoth his Grace, " Since it cannot be, but that ye must be 
witting, both of our coming into these parts, and of our 
Proclamation sent hither before and proclaimed also since ; 
and ye have not yet come to us, but keep this Hold thus : we 



86 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. K^'S 

have cause to take you as our mere enemy. And therefore, 
be ye at this choice (for we will take none advantage of your 
being here now) ! whether ye and your company will render 
your Hold, and stand, body and goods, at the order of our 
will ! or else to be set in it, as ye were : and we will assay, 
to win it as we can." 

The Captain, being brought in great doubt, about this 
riddle, what answer well to make, and what best to do; at last, 
stricken with the fear of cruelty that by stubbornness he should 
well deserve, and moved, again, with the hope of mercy that 
by submission he might hap to have, was content to render 
[surrender] all at his Grace's pleasure : and thereupon com- 
manded to fetch his company, returned to the castle. 

In the time of tarrying for fetching his guard, we saw our 
ships, with a good gale and fair order, sailing into their Frith; 
which is a great arm of the sea, and runneth westward into 
their country above four mile. Upon this standeth Leith, 
Blackness, Stirling, and Saint John's road; and all the best 
towns else in the south part of Scotland. 

This Captain came, and brought with him his band to my 
Lord's Grace, which was of twenty-one sober soldiers, all so 
apparelled and appointed, that, so GOD help me 1 I will say 
it for no praise, I never saw such a bunch of beggars come 
out of one house together in my life. The Captain, and six 
of the Worshipful of the Company were stayed, and com* 
manded to the keeping of the Provost Marshal, more, (hardly), 
to take " Monday's handsell " than for hope of advantage. 
The residue were licensed to " gae their gate," with this 
lesson that if they were ever known to practice or do aught 
against the army, while it was in the country, and thereupon 
taken, they should be sure to be hanged. 

After this surrender, my Lord John Grey, being Captain 
of a number (as for his approved worthiness, right well he 
might be) was appointed to seize and take possession of the 
Manor "with all and singular the appurtenances in and to 
to the same belonging." With whom, as it hapt, it was my 
chance to go thither. The spoil was not rich, sure[ly], but 
of white bread, oaten cakes, and Scottish ale ; whereof was 
indifferent good store, and soon bestowed among my Lord's 
soldiers accordingly. As for swords, bucklers, pikes, pots, pans, 
yarn, linen, hemp, and heaps of such baggage besides, they 



^an^''is48:] Capture OF Thornton and Innerwick. Sy 

were scant stopped for, and very liberally let alone : but yet, 
sure, it would have rued any good housewife's heart to have 
beholden the great unmerciful murder that our men made of 
the brood geese and good laying hens that were slain there 
that day; which the wives of the town had penned up in 
holes in the stables and cellars of the castle ere we came. 

In this meantime, my Lord's Grace appointed that the ■ 
house should be overthrown. Whereupon [John Been] the 
Captain of the Pioneers, with a three hundred of his labourers 
were sent down to it ; whom he straight set a digging about 
the foundation. 

In the town of Dunglas, which we left unspoiled and 
unburnt, we understood of their wives (for their husbands 
were not at home) that it was George Douglas's device 
and cost to cast those cross trenches at The Peaths ; and it 
stood him in four Scottish pounds, which are as much sterling 
as four good English crowns of five shillings a piece [ = almost 
3^10 in all, now], A meet reward for such a work ! 

Tuesday, Ip^^^ Ur Pioneers were early at their work again 
the 6th of I ^^ I about the castle ; whose walls were so 
September, S^^^A thick and foundation so deep, and thereto 
' ' set upon so craggy a plot, that it was not 

an easy matter soon to underdig them. 

Our army dislodged, and marched on. In the way we 
should go, a mile and a half from Dunglas northwards, there 
were two Piles or Holds, Thornton and Anderwick, [Inner- 
wick] both set on craggy foundation, and divided, a stone's 
cast asunder, by a deep gut, wherein ran a little river. 

Thornton belonged to the Lord Home, and was kept then 
by one Tom Trotter. Whereunto, my Lord's Grace, over 
night, for summons, sent Somerset his Herald. Towards 
whom, four or five of this Captain's prickers [Light horseman], 
with their gads ready charged, did right hastily direct their 
course : but Trotter both honestly defended the herald, 
and sharply rebuked his men ; and said, for the summons, 
" he would come and speak with my Lord's Grace himself." 

Notwithstanding, he came not ; but straight locked up a 
sixteen poor soldiers, like the soldiers of Dunglas, fast within 
the house, took the keys with him, and commanding them 
they should defend the house and tarry within (as they could 



88 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [ jan xms! 

not get out) till his return, which should be on the morrow 
with munition and relief; he, with his prickers, pricked quite 
his ways. 

Anderwick [Innerwick] pertained to the Lord of Hamble- 
TON [i.e. Hamilton], and was kept by his son and heir 
To be known (whom, of custom, they call, the Master of Hamble- 
thlttheSwts ton), and eight more with him ; gentlemen, for the 
andhri/of most part, we heard say. 

Kiiftef'of My Lord's Grace, at his coming nigh, sent 
the house unto both these Piles; which, upon summons, 
fkthlr°is cSied refusing to render, were straight assailed. Thorn- 
^''^' ton, by a battery of four of our great pieces of 

ordnance, and certain of Sir Peter Mewtys's hackbutters to 
watch the loopholes and windows on all sides ; and Ander- 
wick, by a sort [company] of these hackbutters alone. Who 
so well bestirred them [selves], that where these keepers had 
rammed up their outer doors, cloyed and stopped up their 
stairs within, and kept themselves aloft for defence of their 
house about the battlements ; the hackbutters got in, and 
fired the underneath, whereby being greatly troubled with 
smoke and smother, and brought in desperation of defence, 
they called pitifully, over their walls, to my Lord's Grace, 
for mercy : who, notwithstanding their great obstinacy and 
the ensample others of the enemy might have had by their 
punishment, of his noble generosity, and by these words, 
making half excuse for them, " Men may sometimes do that 
hastily in a gere [btcsmess], whereof, after, they may soon 
repent them," did take them to grace, and therefore sent one 
straight to them. But, ere the messenger came, the hack- 
butters had got up to them, and killed eight of them aloft. 
One leapt over the walls, and, running more than a furlong 
after, was slain without, in a water. 

All this while, at Thornton, our assault and their defence 
was stoutly continued : but well perceiving how on the one 
side they were battered, mined at the other, kept in with 
hackbutters round about, and some of our men within also 
occupying all the house under them, for they had likewise 
shopped [shut] up themselves in the highest of their house, 
and so to do nothing, inward or outward, neither by shooting 
of base [small cannon], whereof they had but one or two, 
nor tumbling of stones, the things of their chief annoyance, 



JL.^fsT'] DuNGLAs Castle blown up. 89 

whereby they might be able any while to resist our power or 
save themselves ; they plucked in a banner that afore they 
had set out in defiance, and put out over the walls, a white 
linen clout tied on a stick's end, crying all, with one tune, 
for " Mercy ! " but having answer by the whole voice of 
the assailers, " They were traitors ! It was too late ! " they 
plucked in their stick, and sticked [stuck] up the banner of 
defiance again, shot off, hurled stones, and did what else 
they could, with great courage on their side, and little hurt 
of ours. Yet then, after, being assured by our earnesty 
that we had vowed the winning of their hold before our 
departure, and then that their obstinacy could deserve no 
less than their death, they plucked in their banner once 
again, and cried upon " Mercy ! " And being generally 
answered, *' Nay, nay ! Look never for it ! for ye are arrant 
traitors ! " then, made they petition that '* If they should 
needs die, yet that my Lord's Grace would be so good to 
them, as they might be hanged : whereby they might some- 
what reconcile themselves to GOD, and not to die in malice, 
with so great danger of their souls ! " A policy, sure[ly], in 
my mind, though but of gross heads, yet of a fine device, 
Sir Miles Partridge being nigh about this Pile, at the 
time, and spying one in a red doublet, did guess he should 
be an Englishman ; and, therefore, the rather came and 
furthered this petition to my Lord's Grace. Which then 
took effect. They came and humbled themselves to his 
Grace : whereupon, without more hurt, they were but com- 
manded to the Provost Marshal. 

It is somewhat here to consider, I know not whether the 
destiny or hap of man's life. The more worthy men, the 
less offenders, and more in the Judge's grace, were slain; 
and the beggars, the obstinate rebels that deserved nought 
but cruelty, were saved. 

To say on now. The house was soon after so blown with 
powder, that more than one half fell straight down to 
rubbish and dust, the rest stood, all to be shaken with rifts 
and chinks. Anderwick was burned, and all the houses of 
office [servants' rooms], and stacks of corn about them both. 

While this was thus in hand, my Lord's Grace, in turning 
but about, saw the fall of Dunglas, which likewise was 
undermined and blown with powder. 



90 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^ki^"l8; 

This done, about noon, we marched on, passing soon after 
within gunshot of Dunbar, a town standing long-wise upon 
the seaside : whereat is a castle, which the Scots count very 
strong, that sent us divers shots as we passed; but all in vain. 

Their horsemen showed themselves in their fields beside 
us ; towards whom Barteville, with his eight men, all 
hackbutters on horseback (whom he had right well appointed), 
and John de Ribaude, with divers others, did make: but no 
hurt on either side, saving that a man of Barteville's slew 
one of them with his piece. The skirmish was soon ended. 

We went a four mile further, and having travelled that day 
a ten mile, we camped nigh Tantallon ; and hath, at night, 
a blind [false] alarm. 

Here had we, first, certain advertisement that the Scots 
were assembled in camp at the place where we found them. 

Wednesday, Ik '^^"'rflARCHiNGthis morning a two mile, we came 
the yth of gh^M i ^° ^ ^^^^ river called Lyn [now called 
September, p^^ \ Tyne], running all straight eastward to 

' ' wards the sea. Over this river there is a 

stone bridge, that they name Linton Bridge, of a town 
thereby on our right hand, and eastward as we went, that 
stands on the same river. 

Our horsemen and carriages passed through the water, for 
it was not very deep : our footmen over the bridge. The 
passage was very straight for an army ; and therefore the 
longer in setting over. 

Beyond this bridge, about a mile westward, for so me- 
thought, as then we turned, upon this same river, on the 
south side, stands a proper house and of some strength be- 
like. They call it Hailes Castle. It pertaineth to the Earl 
Bothwell; but was kept, as then, by the Governor's appoint- 
ment, who held the Earl in prison. 

Above the south side of this castle lieth a long hill east and 
west, whereupon did appear, in divers plumps, about three 
hundred of their prickers : some making towards the passage 
to be in wait there to take up stragglers and cut off the tail 
of our host. My Lord's Grace and my Lord Lieutenant 
did stay awhile [over] against the castle, upon a hill over 
which we should pass ; as well for the army, that was 
not all come, as also to see a skirmish that some of these 



^^^'slfl The Earl of Warwick's services. 91 

prickers by coming over the river towards us, began to make, 
but did not maintain. Whereupon our Foreward marching 
softly afore, his Grace then took his way after : at whom, out 
of the Castle there were roundly shot off, but without hurt, 
six or seven pieces ; which before that (though some of our 
men had been very nigh) yet kept they all covert. 

In this meantime, did there arise a very thick mist, my 
Lord the Earl of Warwick, then Lord Lieutenant, as I told 
you, of the Army, did so nobly quit himself upon an adventure 
that chanced then to fall, as that his accustomed valiance might 
well be acknowledged; whereby first, and first of all men (a 
little but not without purpose now to digress) being Lord 
Lieutenant of Boulogne next after it was won [in 1544] — 
beaten [battered]on all sides, weak without, ill harbour within, 
and (now to say truth, for the danger is past) scant tenable 
as it was — did so valiantly defend it against the Dauphin 
then, and all his power; that, as I remember, was reckoned at 
fifty-two thousand. Of whom, in a camisado [? night attack] 
then, as they had slain many of our men and won the base 
[lower] town ; his Lordship killed above eight hundred, 
counted [accounted] of the best soldiers in all France ; drave 
the rest away ; and recovered the town from them again. 

And the next year after [1545], occupying his OfBce of 
Lord Admiral upon the sea, in person himself, what time the 
great Fleet of France, with all their galleys, which was no 
small power, came to invade our coasts ; he preferred battle 
unto the French Admiral and all his navy : which fight, I 
will not say how cowardly, he utterly refused. His Lordship 
repelled their force, and made them fain to fly back again home 
with their brags and cost in vain. 

And, the same year, but with a seven thousand, whereof 
not five thousand landed, maugre all France, he burnt 
Treport and divers villages there beside; and returned to 
ship again, with the loss but of one David Googan, and no 
more. 

And the year then next after, 1546, his diligence so well 
showed among the rest of the Commissioners, that an 
honourable and friendly peace was concluded between France 
and us; his Lordship was sent over, by our late sovereign 
Lord, to receive the oath of the late French King, for con- 
firmation of the same peace. In which journey, how nobly, 



92 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. RkJS 

he did advance his port [state] for the King's Majesty's 
honour and estimation of the realm, and yet not above his 
degree, all men that saw it will easily confess with me, that it 
was too much then to be showed in few words here. 

Very few things else, to say truth, that have been any- 
where in these wars, against the enemy either nobly 
attempted or valiantly achieved, wherein his Lordship hath 
not been, either the first there in office or one of the fore- 
most in danger ; that if it fell so fit for my purpose to speak of 
his Lordship's honour at home, as it hath done somewhat to 
touch [on] his prowess abroad; I could, sure[ly], for com- 
mendation thereof, move myself matter, wherein I were able 
to say rather liberally much, than scarcely enough. 

But omitting that therefore, and to turn to my tale again, 
his Lordship regarding the danger our Rereward was in, by 
reason of the disorder, caused at this passage, by the thickness 
of this mist, and nighness of the enemy ; himself, with scant 
a sixteen horse (whereof Barteville and John de Ribaude 
were two ; seven or eight light horsemen more, and the rest 
of his own servants), returned towards the passage, to see to 
the array again. 

The Scots perceiving our horsemen to have passed on 
before (and thinking, as the truth was, that some Captain of 
honour did stay for the looking to the order of his Rereward) 
keeping the south side of the river, did call over to some of 
our men to know, ** Whether there were any nobleman nigh 
there ? " 

They were asked, " Why they asked ? " 

One of them answered that *' he was" such a man (whose 
name our men knew to be honourable among them), "and 
would come in to my Lord's Grace ; so that he might be sure 
to come in safety." 

Our young soldiers, nothing suspecting their ancient false- 
hood, told him that "my Lord Lieutenant, the Earl of War- 
wick was nigh there ; by whose tuition, he should be safely 
brought to my Lord Grace's presence ! " 

They had conned their lesson, and fell to their practice ; 
which was this. 

Having come over the water, in the way that my Lord 
should pass, they had couched behind a hillock about a two 
hundred of their prickers, a forty had they sent beside, to 



^a^^MS.] Lord Warwick's chase of Dandy Car. 93 

search where my Lord was : whom when they found, part of 
them pricked very nigh ; and, these again, a ten or twelve of 
my Lord's small company, did boldly encounter, and drave 
them well nigh home to their ambush, flying, perchance, not 
so much for fear of their force, as for falsehood to trap 
[entrap] them. 

But hereby informed that my Lord was so nigh, they sent 
out a bigger number, and kept the rest more secret : upon 
this purpose, that they might either, by a plain onset, have 
distressed him; or that not prevailing, by feigning of flight, 
to have trained him under their ambush. And thus in- 
struct [ed], they came pricking towards his Lordship apace. 

" Why," quoth he, ** and will not these knaves be ruled ? 
Give me my staff [spear] ! " With the which, then, with so 
valiant a courage, he charged at one, (as it was thought, 
Dandy Car, a Captain among them) that he did not only com- 
pel Car to turn, but himself chased him above twelve score, 
[i.e., 240 yards] together, all the way, at the spear point ; so 
that if Car's horse had not been exceeding good and wight 
[swift], his Lordship had surely run him through in this race. 
He also, with his little band, caused all the rest to flee amain. 

After whom then, as Henry Vane, a gentleman of my 
Lord's, and one of this company, did fiercely pursue ; four 
or five Scots suddenly turned, and set upon him. And though 
they did not altogether 'scape his hands, free ; yet by hewing 
and mangling his head, body, and many places else, they did 
so cruelly intreat [treat] him, as if rescue had not come the 
sooner, they had slain him outright. But saved as he was, 
I dare be bold to say, many a thousand in war or elsewhere, 
have died with less than half the less hurt. 

Here was Barteville run at sideling [sideways] and 
hurt in the buttock : and one of our men slain. Of Scots 
again, none slain ; but three taken : whereof one was 
Richard Maxwell, hurt in the thigh. Who had been 
long in England, not long before, and had received right 
many benefits, as I heard himself confess, both of the late 
King's Majesty, and of my Lord Lieutenant, and of many 
other nobles and gentlemen in the Court beside ; and there- 
fore for his ingratitude and traiterous untruth threatened to 
be hanged. But as otherwise he had a great deal too much 
more than he deserved, so had he here somewhat too little : 



94 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. []^„.^fj;|"- 

for how my Lord's Grace bestowed him, I wot not; but 
hanged indeed he was not. 

To make my tale perfect : it is certainly thought that if my 
Lord Lieutenant had not thus valiantly encountered them ere 
they could have warned their ambush how weakly as he was 
warded, he had been beset round about by them, ere ever he 
could have been [a]ware of them or rescued of us ; where 
now hereby his Lordship showed his wonted worthiness, 
saved his company, and discomfited the enemy. 

Soon after, he overtook my Lord Protector, being as then 
set at dinner; to whom he presented these prisoners, and 
recounted his adventures. 

Whose Grace, in the meantime, had happed upon a fellow 
like a man, but I wot not of what sort ; small of stature, red 
headed, curled round about and shedded [parted] afore, of a 
forty year old, and called himself Knockes. To say some- 
what of his [bejhaviour, his coat was of the colour of a well 
burnt brick (I mean not black), and well worth twenty 
pence a broad yard. It was prettily fresed, half with an 
ado ; and hemmed round about very suitably with pasmain 
lace of green caddis [worsted ribbon], Methought, he repre- 
sented the state of a sumner in some city or of a pedler in 
some borough. How far soever he had travelled that day, 
he had not a whit filed [defiled] his boots ; for he had none 
on. Harmless, belike, for he wore no weapon. He rode 
on a trotting tit [horse], well worth a couple of shillings ; the 
loss whereof, at his taking, he took very heavily : yet did my 
Lord's Grace cause him to be set on a better. 

I take his learning was but small, but his utterance was 
great, sure[ly], for he never leaved babbling, very moist 
mouthed, and somewhat of nature disposed to slaver ; and 
therefore fain, without a napkin to wipe his lips, to supp at 
every word. Some said it was no fault in the man ; but the 
manner of the country. Indeed they have many moist mists 
there. No lack of audacity or store of wit ; for being taken, 
and brought in for a spy, and posed in that point, whither he 
went : neither by the honesty of his errand, nor goodness of 
his wit was he able to make any likely excuse. The tenour 
of his talk so tempered throughout, and the most of his 
matter so indifferently mingled, as, if they make him not 
both, it was hard for any there to judge whether they might 



I 



Tan^^Ms"] English courtesy to a Lady. 95 

count him a foolish knave or a knavish fool. At whom, my 
Lord's Grace and others had right good sport. 

As Barteville, that day, had right honestly served, so did 
the Lord's right honourably quite [requite] it. For straight 
upon the overtaking of my Lord's Grace, my Lord Lieu- 
tenant did get him a surgeon. Dressed he was, and straight 
after laid and conveyed in my Lord Grace's own chariot, that 
was both right sumptuous for cost, and easy for carriage. 
The rest that were hurt, Scots and others, were here also 
dressed. 

We had marched that day a nine mile, and camped at 
night, by a town upon the Frith, called Lang Nuddrey 
[Longniddry]. 

Here we found a gentlewoman, some said a Lady, the wife 
of one Hugh Douglas. She was great with child, and, in 
a house of hers, there abode her good time of deliverance ; 
and had with her, an ancient gentlewoman her mother, a 
midwife, and a daughter: whose estate, the council under- 
standmg, my Lord's Grace and my Lord Lieutentant took 
order, that all night, without danger or damage, she was well 
preserved. But soon after our departure in the morning, I 
heard that some of our northern prickers had visited her; 
not much for her profit, nor all for their honesty; that had 
they then been caught with their kindness, they should have 
been sure of thanks accordingly. Good people be they; but 
given much, as they say, to the spoil. 



Thursday, the 
8th of Septem- 
ber; being our 
Lady Day. 



m 



His morning, in the time of our dislodg- 
ing, sign was made to some of our 
ships (whereof the most part and 
chiefest [biggest] lay a ten or twelve 
mile in the Frith beyond us, over against Leith and Edin- 
burgh) that the Lord Admiral should come ashore to speak 
with my Lord's Grace. 

In the meantime, somewhat early, as our Galley was coming 
towards us, about a mile or more beyond our Cape, the Scots 
were very busy a wafting her ashore towards them, with a 
banner of Saint George that they had. But my Lord 
Lieutenant soon disappointed that policy: for making towards 
that place where my Lord Admiral should land, our men 



96 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^]-J.f;^. 

on the water, by the sight of his presence, did soon discern 
their friends from their foes. 

By and by then, my Lord Clinton, the Admiral, came to 
land: who, with my Lord Lieutenant rode back to my Lord's 
Grace ; among whom order was taken, that our great ships 
should remove from before Leith, and lie before Musselburgh, 
and their camp : and our smaller vessels, that were victuallers, 
to lie nearer us. This thus appointed, my Lord Admiral 
rode back to take the water again. 

And as our army had marched onward a mile or two, there 
appeared upon a hill that lay longwise east and west, and on 
the south side of us, a six hundred of their horsemen 
prickers, whereof some were within a two flight shot directly 
against us, upon the same hill : but the most further off. 
Towards these, over a small bridge, for there ran a little 
river also by us, very hardily did ride about a dozen of our 
hackbutters on horseback, and held them at bay so nigh to 
their noses, that whether it were by the goodness of our men 
or badness of theirs, the Scots did not only not come down 
to them, but also very courteously gave place, and fled to 
their fellows. And yet I know they lack no heart ; but they 
cannot so well away with these cracks. 

Our army went on, but so much the slower, because our 
way was somewhat narrow, by means of the Frith on the 
one side, and certain marshes nigh on the other. 

The Scots kept always pace with us, upon their hill ; and 
showed themselves, upon sundry brunts, very crank and 
brag. At whom, as our captains did look to the ordering 
and arraying again of the Battles ; my Lord Protector's 
Grace appointed two field pieces to be turned. Each piece 
shot off twice, whereof one Gold, the Master Gunner there, 
discharged one, and did so well direct it, that, at his former 
shot, he struck off the leg of a black horse, right fair, and as 
it was thought the best in the company ; and, at his next 
shot, he killed a man. 

Hereby, rather somewhat calmed than fully content, they 
went their ways; and we saw no more of them, till the time 
of our camping. 

Then showed they themselves very lordly aloft upon this 
hill again, over against us, as though they stood there to 
take a view of our camping and muster of our men. My 



^^n'^^.'J'^y T H E Army reaches Prestonpans. 97 

Lord Marshal [Lord Grey] minding to know their commis- 
sion, did make towards them with a band of horsemen : but 
they went wisely their way, and would never abide the 
reasoning of the matter. 

In the way, as we came, not far from this place, George 
Ferrers, a gentleman of my Lord Protector's, and one of 
the Commissioners of the Carriages in the army, happened 
upon a cave in the ground ; the mouth whereof was so worn 
with the fresh print of steps, that he seemed to be certain 
there were some folk within : and having gone down to try, 
he was readily received with a hackbut or two. Yet he left 
them not till he had known, whether they would be content 
to yield and come out. Which they fondly [foolishly] refusing : 
he went to my Lord's Grace, and upon utterance of the 
thing, got licence to deal with them as he could; and so 
returned to them, with a score or two of pioneers. 

Three vents had their cave, which we were [ajware of. He 
first stopped up one. Another he filled full of straw and set 
it a fire ; whereat they within did cast water apace : but it 
was so well maintained without, that the fire prevailed, and 
they within, fain to get them, belike, into another parlour. 

Then devised we, for I happened to be with him, to stop 
the same up ; whereby we should either smother them, or 
find their vents, if they had any more. As this was done, at 
another issue, about a twelve score [240 yards] off, we might 
see the fume of our smoke to come out. The which con- 
tinued with so great a force and So long a while, that we 
could not but think they within, must needs get them out or 
smother. And forasmuch, as we found not that they did the 
one : we thought it for certain, they were sure of the other. 
So we had done that we came for, and so left them. 

By this time, our ships (taking mannerly their leave of 
Leith with a score of shot or more ; and, as they came by, 
saluting the Scots, in their camp, also with as many) came 
and lay, according to appointment. 

We had gone this day about a five mile, and camped, to- 
wards night, nigh a town they call Salt Preston by the Frith 
[Prestonpans]. Here one Charleton, a man, before time, 
banished out of England, and continuing all the while in 
Scotland, came in, and submitted himself to my Lord's 
Grace ; who took him to mercy, 

G I 



98 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^f^lf^^: 

Friday, Iw^ f%S|^^^ ^^y ^^ marked in the Calendar with 

the gth 0/ ^ Sj the name of Saint Gorgon ; no famous 

September. ^Q^S saint, sure[ly] ; but either so obscure that 

|if«by <iffl^ | ^^ ^^^^ knows him, or else so ancient as 

every man forgets him. Yet were it both pity and blame 
that he should lose his estimation among us. And, methinks, 
out of that little that I have read, I could somewhat say to 
bring him to light again : but then I am in doubt what to 
make of him, a He-Saint, a She-Saint, or a Neuter ; for we 
have all in our Calendar. Of the male and female saints, 
every leaf there showeth samples enough : and, as for the 
neuter, they are rather, I wot, unmarked than unknown, as 
Saint Christmas, Saint Candlemas, Saint Easter, Saint Whit- 
suntide; and sweet Saint Sunday comes once a week. 

Touching my doubt, now. If the day bear name in the 
worship and memory of him whom the Preacher Horace 
doth mention in his first book of Sermons, by these words 

X satira ii. PastUlos R UFILLUS oUt, GoRGONlUS Mrcum. 

then may we be bold to believe it was a He-Saint; but yet a 
very sloven saint, and, belike, a nesty. 

If this name were calendared of Medusa Gorgon * that had 
the hair of her head turned into adders, whom Perseus 
overcame and killed, as Doctor Ovid declares in his fourth 
book Of changes 

[Lii.w.-i GOKGONIS anguicomcB PERSEUS superator, 

then may we be sure it was a She-Saint. But if it were in 
the honour of Pallas's shield, wherein this Medusa Gorgon's 
head was graven, as Titus Strozza (a devout Doctor, but of 
later days) doth say 

* Phorcus, King of the isles Corsica and Sardinia, had four daughters, 
SCYLLA, Medusa, Stenio, and Euriale, called Gorgons. Of whom, as 
Neptune had ravished Medusa Gorgon in the temple of Pallas : this 
goddess for displeasure of the fact, changed all the hair of her head into 
snakes and adders ; and gave her a further gift of that whosoever saw 
her should be turned straight into stone. 

Perseus coveting to kill this monster, borrowed of Mercury his wings 
and falchion ; and struck off her head as she slept, and brought it with 
him ; which Pallas did after set in her shield : and it had the same 
power still after, as it had while she lived. 



^kn^^'s's^] James of the Sink-hole, 99 
GORGONIS anpuicomcB ccelatos aeide vultus, „ 

" , , o ' Stroz. /r. 

Pallas habet. moIo iv. 

Then was it neither a He, nor a She, but a plain Neuter- 
Saint. And thus with the ancient authority of mere poetical 
Scriptures, my conscience is so confounded, as I wot not in 
the world what saint to make of him. 

James * of the Sink-hole, saving your reverence ! a friar, 
forsooth, that wrote the Legendaury, telleth me a * Jacobus de 
very preposterous order in good cookery, of one 
Gorgon t and his fellow DoROTHEUSthat were first l^^f"^'^ 
sauced with vinegar and salt, and after that, then c«a awviii. 
broiled on a girdiron [grid-iron]. But to be plain, as it is best 
for a man to be with his friends, he hath farced [stuffed] his 
book so full of lies, that it is quite out of credit in all honest 
company. And, for my part, I am half ashamed to say that 
I saw it : but since it is said, and somewhat to tell you what 
I saw, he makes me Thomas the traitor. Lupus the lecher, 
Peter the knave, if I may call a conjuror so, all thomas 
to be his high and holy saints in heaven ; and that xl/wscaf''"' 
with such prodigal impudency, and so shameless ^^^'^"^ 
lying, as I may safely think he had either a Bull to ca. ixxiiii. 
make saints of devils, or else a Placard to play the knave as 
he list. 

But as for Gorgon, be he as he may be, it makes no great 
matter : for he shall have my heart while he stands in the 
calendar ; he hath been ever so lucky ! But what saint so- 
ever he be, he is, sure[ly], no Scotsman's friend : but a very 
angry saint towards them. 

For, upon his day, thirty-four years past, they had a great 
overthrow by us at Flodden Field, and their King Jamy the 
Fourth slain : and therefore is this day not smally marked 
among them. 

To tell our adventures that befell now upon it, I think it 
very meet that lirst I advertise how as we here lay. 

Our camp and theirs were either [each] within the sight 
and view of others [each other] ; and, in distance, as I guessed, 
a two mile and [a] little more asunder. We had the Frith 
on the north ; and this hill, last remembered, as I said, on 
the south ; the west end whereof is called Fauxside Bray 
\i%ow Falside Brae], whereupon standeth a sorry castle and 



Peter 

■cist. 



loo The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [ j^n .'S 

half a score of houses of Hke worthiness by it. We had west 
ward, before us, them lying in camp. 

Along this hill, being about a mile from us, were they very 
busy pranking up and down, all the morning: and fain would 
have been of counsel with the doings of our camp. We, 
again, because their army seemed to sit to receive us, did 
diligently prepare that we might soon go to them ; and there- 
fore kept our camp all that day : my Lord's Grace and the 
council sitting in consultation ; and the captains and officers 
providing their bands with store of victail and furniture of 
weapons, for furtherance whereof, our vessels of munition 
and victuals were here already come to the shore. 

The Scots continued their bravery on the hill ; the which 
we not being so well able to bear, made out a band of Light 
Horsemen and a troop of Demi-lances to back them. Our 
men gat up on the hill, and thereby, of even ground with the 
enemy, rode straight towards them, with good speed and 
order ; whom, at the first, the Scots did boldly countenance 
and abide ; but, after, when they perceived that our men would 
needs come on, they began to prick [ride away], and would 
fain have begone ere they had told their errand. But our 
men hasted so speedily after, that, even straight, they were at 
their elbows, and did so stoutly then bestir them, that, what 
in the onset at the first, and after in the chase, which lasted 
a three mile, well-nigh to as far as the furthest of their camp 
on the south side, they had killed of the Scots, within a three 
hours, above the number of thirteen hundred, and taken the 
Master of Home, Lord Home's son and heir, two priests and 
six gentlemen (whereof one, I remember, by Sir Jacques 
Granado) : and all, upon the highest, and well nighest 
towards them, of the hill ; within the full sight of their whole 
camp. 

Of our side, again, one Spanish hackbutter was hurt : and 
Sir Ralph Bullmer Knight, Thomas Gower, Marshal of 
Berwick, and Robert Crouch (all Captains of several 
bands of our Light Horsemen, and men of right good courage 
and approved service) were taken at this time ; distressed by 
their own forwardness, and not by the enemy's force. 

After this skirmish, it was marvelled on their side, that we 
used so much cruelty; and doubted, on ours, that we had 
killed so many. Their marvel was answered, that they had 



^aZ^'5] Cavalry Fight on Falside Brae, ioi 

picked the quarrel first themselves, and showed us a prece- 
dent at Paniarhough [Penial Heugh] ; where, of late years, 
without any mercy, they slew the Lord Evers and a great 
company with him. Our doubt was cleared by the witness 
of their own selves, who confessed that there were two thou- 
sand that made out of their camp (fifteen hundred horsemen 
for skirmish and five hundred footmen to lie close in ambush, 
and be ready at need) and that of all these, for certain, not 
seven hundred returned home. 

After this skirmish, we also heard that the Lord Home 
himself, for haste in this flight, had a fall from his horse, and 
burst so the canell bone [collar bone] of his neck, that he 
was fain to be carried straight to Edinburgh, and his life was 
not a little despaired of. 

Then, also, my Lord's Grace, my Lord Lieutenant, and other 
of the council, with but a small guard, did take, upon this 
Fauxside Bray (where the slaughter, as Lsaid, was made), 
about half a mile south-east of them, full view of their camp: 
whereof the tents, as I noted them, were divided into four 
several orders and rewes [rows] lying east and west, and a 
prickshot asunder ; and mustered not unlike, as methought, 
unto four great ridges of ripe barley. 

The plot where they lay was so chosen for strength, as in 
all their country, some thought there was not a better. Safe 
on the south, by a great marsh ; and on the north by the 
Frith ; which side also they fenced with two field pieces and 
certain hackbuts a crock, lying under a turf wall. Edinburgh, 
on the west, at their backs : and eastward, between us and 
them, they were strongly defended by the course of a river, 
called the Esk, running north into the Frith ; which, as 
[though] it was not very deep of water, so [yet] were the 
banks of it so high and steep (after the manner of the Peathes 
mentioned in our Monday's journey), as a small sort [company] 
of resistants might have been able to keep down a great 
number of comers-up. 

About a twelve score [240 yards] off from the Frith, over 
the same river, is there a stone bridge, which they did keep 
also ; well warded with ordnance. 

From this hill of Fauxside Bray, my Lord's Grace, my 
Lord Lieutenant, and the others descended along before their 
camp ; within less than two flight shots into a lane or street 



I02 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. Pjkn^^""!; 

of a thirty foot broad, fenced on either side with a wall of 
turf, an ell in height ; which way did lead straight north- 
ward, and nigh to a church called Saint Michael's of Under- 
esk [Inveresk], standing on a mean rising hill somewhat 
higher than the site of their camp. 

Thus this viewed, they took their return directly homeward 
to our tents. At whom, in the way, the Scots did often 
shoot : but with all their shots, and of all our company, they 
killed but one horse in the midst of three, without any hurt of 
the rider. 

And as my Lord's Grace was passed well nigh half the way 
homeward, a Scottish Herald, with a coat of his Prince's arms 
upon him as the manner is, and a trumpeter with him, did 
overtake his Grace, we thought, upon some errand ; and 
therefore every man gave them place to come, and say their 
errands : which, as I might guess, partly by the answers as 
follow, were these or to this effect. 

The Herald, first : " My Lord the Governor hath sent me 
to your Grace to inquire of prisoners taken, and therewith to 
say, that for the pity he hath of the effusion of Christian blood, 
which, by battle, must needs be shed ; and because your 
Grace hath not done much hurt in the country ; he is content 
ye shall return, as ye came, and will proffer your Grace honest 
conditions of peace." 

And, then, the trumpeter : " My Lord and master, the Earl 
of Huntley hath willed me to show your Grace that because 
[in order that] this matter may be the sooner ended, and with 
less hurt ; he will fight with your Grace for the whole quarrel, 
twenty to twenty, ten to ten, or else himself alone with your 
Grace, man to man." 

My Lord's Grace, having kept with him my Lord Lieutenant, 
had heard them both thoroughly, and then, in answering, spake 
somewhat with a louder voice than they had done their 
messages ; whereupon we, that were the riders by, thinking 
his Grace would have it no secret, were somewhat the bolder 
to come the nigher. The words whereof, as it seemed to me, 
were uttered so expeditely with honour, and so honourably 
with expedition as I was, for my part, much moved then to 
doubt whether I might rather note in them the promptness 
of a singular prudence, or the animosity [bravery] of a noble 
courage. And they were thus : 



%^\"48:] George Douglas's feigned defiance. 103 

" Your Governor may know that the special cause of our 
coming hither, was not to fight, but for the thing that should 
be the weal of both us and you : for, we take GOD to record ! 
we mind no more hurt to the realm of Scotland, than we do 
to the realm of England ; and therefore our quarrel being so 
good, we trust GOD will prosper us the better. But as for 
peace, he hath refused such conditions at our hands as we will 
never proffer again, and therefore let him look for none till, 
this way we make it ! 

"And thou, Trumpet! say to thy master! he seemeth to 
lack wit, to make this challenge to me, being, by the suf- 
ferance of GOD, of such estate, as to have so weighty a charge 
of so precious a jewel, the Governance of a King's person, and, 
then, the Protection of all his realms : whereby, in this case, 
I have no power of myself; which, if I had, as I am true 
gentleman! it should be the first bargain I would make. 
But there be a great sort [number] here among us, his 
equals, to whom he might have made this challenge without 
refusal." 

Quoth my Lord Lieutenant to them both. " He showeth 
his small wit to make challenge to my Lord's Grace- and he so 
mean ! but if his Grace will give me leave, I shall receive it ; 
and, trumpeter ! bring me word thy master will so do, and 
thou shalt have of me a hundred crowns " [= ^^30 then = about 
£300 now], 

" Nay," quoth my Lord's Grace, " the Earl Huntley is not 
meet in estate with you, my Lord! But, Herald ! say to the 
Governor and him also that we have been a good soier is the 
season in this country ; and are here now but with a PhJ^eb'^STe 
sober company, and they a great number: and if Scots do sig- 
they will meet us in field, they shall be satisfied ^lu^^Jlsy, or 
with fighting enough. And,Herald! bring me word ■^^"^*''- 
they will so do, and, by my honour ! I will give thee a thou- 
sand crowns [= ;^300 then = about ;£'3,ooo now]. 

" Ye have a proud sort among you, but I trust to see their 
pride abated shortly, and of the Earl of Huntley's too. I 
wis his courage is known well enough : but he is a glorious 
young gentleman." 

This said, my Lord Lieutenant continued his requests that 
he might receive this challenge : but my Lord's Grace would, 
in no wise, grant to it. 



I04 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. K^'J's: 

These messengers had their answers, and therewith leave 
to depart. 

It is an ancient order in war, inviolably observed, that the 
Heralds and trumpeters, at any time, upon necessary messages, 
may freely pass to and fro between the enemies, without hurt 
or stay of any, as privileged with a certain immunity and free- 
dom of passage : likewise that, during the time of any such 
message, hostility on both sides should utterly cease. 

The Scots, notwithstanding (what moved them, I know not, 
but somewhat besides the rules of stans puer ad mensam) shot 
three or four shot at us, in the midst of this message doing ; 
but as hap was, wide enough. 

On the morrow after, they had everyone of their guns taken 
from them ; and put into the hands of them that could use 
them with more good manners. 

It becometh me not, I wot, apertly [openly] to tax their 
Governor, with the note [slur] of Dissimulation : for however 
he be our enemy, yet is he a man of honourable estate, and 
worthy, for aught I know, of the office he bears. 

Howbeit, touching this message sent by the Herald, to say 
as I think, I am fully persuaded he never sent it either because 
he thought it would be received by my Lord's Grace, whose 
courage, of custom, he knew to be such that would never 
brook so much dishonour as to travel so far to return in vain ; 
or else that he meant any sparing or pity of us, whom, in his 
heart, he had already devoured. But only to show a colour 
[appearance] of kindness, by the refusal whereof he might first, 
in his sight, the more justly, as he should list, use extremity 
against us ; and then, upon victory, triumph with more glory. 
For he thought himself no less sure of victory than he was 
sure he was willing to fight. And that which makes me, in 
this case, now to be so quite out of doubt, were these causes; 
whereof I was after certainly informed. 

And they were, first, his respect of our only strength, as 
he thought, our horsemen : which (not so much upon policy 
to make his men hardy against us, as for that he plainly so 
took it) he caused to be published in his host, that "they 
were wholly but of very young men, unskilful of the wars, 
and easy to be dealt withal." 

And, then, his regard to the number and place of our 
power and his : the which, indeed, were far unequal. 



'jan^^'j^s:] Scots coming out to catch the English. 105 

And hereto, his assured hope of twelve galleys and fifty- 
ships that he always looked to be sent out of France, to come 
in at our backs. 

He, with his host, made themselves hereby so sure of the 
matter, that in the night of this day, they fell aforehand to 
playing at dice for certain of our noblemen and captains of 
fame. For as for all the rest, they thought quite to despatch 
us, and were of nothing so much afraid as lest we should 
have made away out of the country ere they and we had met; 
bruiting among them, that our ships, the day before, removed 
from before Leith only to take in our footmen and carriages, 
to the intent our horsemen then, with more haste and less 
cumber, might thence be able to hie them homeward. For 
the fear hereof also, they appointed, this night, to have given 
us a camisado [night attack] in our camp, as we lay : whereof, 
even then, we happened to have an inkling ; and therefore 
late in the night, entrenched our carriages and waggon- 
borough, and had good scout without and sure watch within : 
so that if they had kept appointment (as what letted [hindered] 
them, I could not learn) they should not have iDcen un- 
welcomed nor unlooked for. 

Yea, the great fear they had of our hasty departure made 
them so hasty, as the next morrow, being the day of the battle, 
so early to come towards us, out of their camp: against whom, 
then, though they saw our horsemen readily to make ; yet 
would they not think, but that it was for a policy to stay them, 
while our footmen and carriage might be stowed a shipboard. 

Marvellous men ! They would not believe there were any 
bees in the hive, till they came out and stang them by the 
nose. They fared herein (if I may compare great things to 
small, and earnesty to game) like as I have wist a good 
fellow, ere this, that hath come to a dicing board, very hastily 
thrusting, for fear lest all should be done ere he could begin ; 
and hath soon been shred [stripped] of all that ever he brought : 
but, after, when he hath come from the board with his hands 
in his bosom, and remembered there was never a penny in 
his purse, he could quickly find that the fondness was not in 
tarrying too long, but in coming too soon. 

We are warned, if we were wise, of these witless brunts, by 
the common proverb that saith, "It is better to sit still, than 
rise up and fall." But, belike, they know it not, 



io6 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^a?S 

In the night of this day, my Lord's Grace appointed that 
early in the next morning, part of our ordnance should be 
planted in the lane I spake of, under the turf wall next to 
their camp ; and some also to be set upon the hill, nigh to 
Underesk Church, afore remembered: and these to the intent 
we should, with our shot, cause them either wholly to re- 
move their camp or else much to annoy them as they lay. 
It was not the least part of our meaning, also, hereby to win 
from them certain of their ordnance that lay nearest this 
Church. 

It will be no great breach of order I trust ; though here I 
rehearse the thing that not till after, I heard touching the 
trumpeter's message from the Earl Huntley : which was, 
as I heard the Earl himself say, that he never sent the same 
to my Lord's Grace, but George Douglas, in his name. 
And this was devised by him, not so specially for any challenge 
sake, as that the messenger should maintain, by mouth, his 
talk to my Lord's Grace, while his eyes were rolling to toote 
[glance] and pry upon the state of our camp, and whether 
we were packing or not : as, indeed, the fellow had a very 
good countenance to make a spy. 

But my Lord's Grace (of custom, not using so readily to 
to admit any kind of enemy to come so nigh) had despatched 
them both, with their answers, as I said, ere ever they came 
within a mile of our camp. 

As I happed, soon after, to rehearse the excuse of the Earl, 
and this drift of Douglas, a gentleman Scot that was a 
prisoner and present, sware *' By the mis [mass] ! it was like 
enough : for he kenned George full well," and said " he was 
a meet man to pick quarrels for other men to fight for." 



To the intent I would show my good will to make all things 
as easy to the sense of the reader as my knowledge could 
instruct : and forasmuch as the assault, especially of our 
horsemen at the first ; their retire again : and our last onset, 
pursuit, and slaughter of the enemy cannot all be showed well 
in one plot : I have devised and drawn, according to my 
cunning, three several views of them [see pp. 114, 115, 118, 
119], placed in their order, as follow in the battle. Wherem 
are also other towns and places remembered, such at that 



^^IS:] The two Armies march to each other. 107 

time, I thought meet to mark; and in my memory could 
since call to mind. No fine portraiture indeed, nor yet any 
exquisite observance of geometrical dimension; but yet neither 
so gross nor far from the truth, I trust, but they may serve for 
some ease of understanding. 

But since the scantness of room will not suffer me plainly 
and at length to v^^rite there every place's name, I am 
therefore fain instead of a name to set up a letter. The 
reader must be content to learn his A. B. C. again ; such as 
I have there devised for the expounding of the same views. 

They that list to learn ; I trust, in this pomt will not much 
stick with me : considering also that 

Ignoratis terminis, ignoratur et ars. Aristotle. 

If they know not my A. B. C, they cannot well know my 
matter : like as he that knows not Raymond's ^'sfrsul^'' 
Alphabet shall never come to the composition of ca. vi. 
his quintessence; what he shall do though, some practi- 
tioners do doubt. 

And minding to interrupt the process of the battle that 
followeth, with as few mean matters as I may; I have 
thought good, to have written this here before. 



Saturday, the 
10th of September. 
The day of the 
battle.* 




His day morning, somewhat before 
eight o'clock, our camp dislodged : 
and our host march straight to- 
wards the Church of Underesk, as 



well for intent to have camped nigh the same, as for placing 
our ordnance, and other considerations afore remembered. 

The Scots, I know not whether more for fear of our depart- 
ing or hope of our spoiling, were out of their camp ; coming 
towards us, passed the river, gathered in array, and well nigh 
at this Church ere we were half way to it. 

They had quite disappointed our purpose ; and this, at the 
first, was so strange in our eyes, that we could not devise 
what to make of their meaning : and so much the stranger, 
as it was quite beside our expectation or doubt, that they 
would ever forsake their strength [strong position], to meet us 

* This day was long after known in Scotland as "Black Saturday" : 
and the battle then fought, was the last conflict between the Scotch and 
the English, as separate nations. E. A- 



io8 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. lj-J.%2 

in field. But we, after, understood that they did not only 
thus purpose to do : but also to have assailed us in our camp, 
as we lay, if he had not been stirring the timelier. 

And to the intent, at this time, that as well none of their 
soldiers should lurk behind them in their camps, as also that 
none of their captains should be able to flee from their enter- 
prise : they had first caused all their tents to be let flat down 
to the ground ere they came out ; and they that had horses 
(as well nobles as others, a few expected), that were not horse- 
men, appointed to leave their horses behind them, and march 
on with their soldiers afoot. 

We came on speedily a both sides ; neither, as yet, one 
whit ware [aware] of [the] other's intent: but the Scots in- 
deed at a rounder pace. 

Between the two hillocks betwixt us and the Church, they 
mustered somewhat brim [exposed] in our eyes : at whom, as 
they stayed there awhile, our galley shot off, and slew the 
Master of Greym [Graham] with a five and twenty near by 
him : and therewith so scared the four thousand Irish archers 
brought by the Earl of Argyle ; that where, as it was said, 
they should have been a wing to the Foreward, they could 
never after be made to come forward. 

Hereupon, did their army hastily remove ; and from thence, 
declining southward, took their direct way towards Fauxside 
Bray. 

Of this, Sir Ralph Vane, Lieutenant of all our Horsemen, 
(as I think, he, first of all men, did note it) quickly advertised 
my Lord ; whose Grace thereby did readily conceive much 
of their meaning : which was to win of us the hill, and thereby 
the wind, and sun (if it had shined, as it did not ; for the 
weather was cloudy and lowering) ; the gain of which three 
things, whither [whichever] party, in fight of battle, can hap 
to obtain, hath his force doubled against his enemy. 

In all this enterprise, they used, for haste, so little the help 
of horses, that they plucked forth their ordnance by draught 
of men ; which at this time began freely to shoot off towards 
us : whereby we were furthered warned that they meant more 
than a skirmish. 

Herewith began every man to be smitten with the care of 
his office and charge ; and thereupon accordingly to apply him 
about it. Herewith began still riding to and fro. Herewith 



^kn^^MsG The English plan of battle. 109 

a general rumour and buzzing among the soldiers ; not unlike 
the noise of the sea, being heard afar off. And herewith, my 
Lord's Grace and the council, on horseback as they were, 
fell straight in consultation : the sharpness of whose circum- 
spect wisdoms, as it quickly spied out the enemy's intents, 
so did it, among other things, promptly provide therein to 
prevent them; as needful it was, for the time asked no leisure. 

Their device was thus. That my Lord Grey, with his 
band of Boulogners, with my Lord Protector's band, and my 
Lord Leiutenant's ; all to the number of an eighteen hundred 
men, on the East half: and Sir Ralph Vane, with Sir 
Thomas Darcy Captain of the Pensioners, and my Lord 
FiTZWALTER with his band of Demi-lances ; all to the 
number of a sixteen hundred, to be ready and even with my 
Lord Marshal, on the West half : and thus, all these together, 
afore [before], to encounter the enemy a front : whereby 
either to break their array, and that way weaken their power by 
disorder ; or, at the least, to stop them of their gate [march], 
and force them to stay, while our Foreward might wholl)' 
have the hill's side, and our Battle and Rereward be placed 
in grounds next that in order, and best for advantage. 

And after this, then that the same our horsemen should re- 
tire up the hill's side ; to come down, in order, afresh, and 
infest them on both their sides; while our Battles should 
occupy them in fight a front. 

The policy of this device, for the state of the case, as it was, 
to all that knew of it, generally allowed to be the best that 
could be : even so, also, taken to be of no small danger for 
my Lord Marshal, Sir Ralph Vane, and others the assailers; 
the which, nevertheless, I know not whether more nobly and 
wisely devised of the council, or more valiantly and willingly 
executed of them. 

For even there, with good courage taking their leaves of 
the council, my Lord Marshal requiring only that if it went 
not well with him, my Lord's Grace would be good to his wife 
and children ; he said, " he would meet these Scots ! " And 
so, with their bands, these captains took their way towards 
the enemy. 

By this, were our Foreward and theirs with a two flight 
shot asunder. The Scots hasted with so fast a pace, that it 
was thought of the most part of us, they were rather horse- 



no The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^]-Zfs7. 

men than footmen. Our men, again, were led the more 
with speed. 

The Master of the Ordnance, to our great advantage, then 
plucked up the hill certain pieces ; and, soon after, planted 
two or three cannon of them well nigh upon the top there ; 
whereby, having so much the help of the hill, he might shoot 
nighest, over our men's heads, at the enemy. 

As my Lord's Grace had so circumspectly taken order for 
the array and station of the army, and for the execution of 
every man's office besides ; even as it is meetest that the 
head should be the highest, that should well look about for 
the safeguard of all the other members and parts of the body ; 
so did his Grace, first perfectly appointed in fair harness 
[armour], accompanied with no more, as I noted, than with 
Sir Thomas Challoner Knight, one of the Clerks of the 
King's Majesty's Privy Council, take his way towards the 
height of the hill, to tarry by the ordnance, where he might 
both best survey us all, and succour with aid where he saw 
need ; and also, by his presence, be a defence to the thing 
that stood weakest in place and most in danger. The which 
thereby, how much it did steed anon, shall I show. 

As his Grace was half up the hill, my Lord Lieutenant, 
as it chanced, by him, he was ware [aware] the enemy were 
all at a sudden stay, and stood still a good while. The sight 
and cause hereof was marvellous to us all ; but understand- 
able of none. 

My Lord's Grace thought, as indeed it most likely was, 
that the men had overshot themselves, and would fain have 
been home again ; and herewith said to this effect, " These 
men will surely come no farther. It were best to cast 
where we should camp for, pain of my life ! they will never 
fight ! " 

It had been hardly, I wot not how bad, but I am sure no 
good device, for our power to have forsaken their ground, to 
assail them where they stood, so far from the hill that we 
had wellnigh won so hardly and should keep to so much 
advantage. And in warfare, always, timely provision is 
counted great policy. Hereto his Grace was sure that we 
were able, better and longer to keep our hill, than they their 
plain. 

As for fighting now, it might be more than likely to who- 



w, 



jkn^^'st":] The Scotch Order of Battle, hi 

ever considered it, that their courage was quite quailed, and 
therefore that they had no will to come any further; but 
would have been glad to have been whence they came. First, 
because, at that time, besides the full muster of our footmen 
(of whom they thought, we had none there ; but all to have 
been either shipped or a shipping): then, they saw plain that 
we were sure to have the gain of the hill ; and they, the 
ground of disadvantage, out of their Hold, and put from 
their hope. 

And hereto, for that their Herald gave my Lord's Grace no 
warning, the which by him, if they had meant to fight it 
out, who would not have presumed that (for the estimation 
of their honour) they would little stuck to have sent by him ; 
and he, again, and it had been but for his thousand crowns, 
would have been right glad to have brought ? 

These be the considerations that, both then and since, did 
persuade me, my Lord's Grace had good cause to say, " They 
would not fight ! " 

Howbeit hereunto if I wist and disclosed but half as much 
now, as, I am sure, of circumspection, his Grace knew then ; 
I do not doubt but I were able sufficiently to prove he might 
well be no less certain of that he had said, than any man, 
might be of an undone deed. The which, nevertheless, how 
true it was, the proof of the matter soon after did declare ; 
which was that the Scots ran quite their way [away] and 
would never tarry stroke with our footmen where the fight, 
on both sides, should have been showed. 

Notwithstanding, by this time considering, belike, the state 
they stood in, that as they had left their strength too soon, 
so, now to be [it was] too late to repent : upon a change of 
countenance, they made hastily towards us again, I know 
not (to say truth) whether more stoutly of courage, or more 
strongly of order ; methought then, I might note both in their 
march. 

But what after I learned, specially touching their order, 
their armour, and their manner of fight, as well in going to 
offend, as in standing to defend : I have thought necessary 
here to utter. 

Hackbutters have they few or none : and they appoint their 
fight most commonly always afoot. 



112 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [ jan '548: 

They came to the field, all well furnish with jack [light 
iron jackets covered with white leather] and skull [helmet], dagger, 
buckler, and swords all notably broad and thin, of exceed- 
ing good temper and universally so made to slice, that as I 
never saw any so good, so think I it hard to devise the better. 
Hereto, every man his pike ; and a great kercher wrapped 
twice or thrice about his neck ; not for cold but for [against] 
cutting. 

In their array, towards the joining with the enemy, they 
cling and thrust so near in the fore rank, shoulder to shoulder 
together, with their pikes in both hands straight afore 
them ; and their followers in that order so hard at their 
backs, laying their pikes ovei their foregoers' shoulders; that 
if they do assail undissevered, no force can well withstand 
them. 

Standing at defence, they thrust shoulders likewise so nigh 
together; the fore rank, well nigh to kneeling, stoop low 
before their fellows behind holding their pikes in both hands, 
and therewith on their left [arm] their bucklers ; the one end 
of the pike against their right foot, the other against the 
enemy breast high ; their followers crossing their pike points 
with them foreward ; and thus, each with other, so nigh as 
place and space will suffer, through the whole Ward so thick, 
that as easily shall a bare finger pierce through the skin of 
an angry hedgehog, as any encounter the front of their 
pikes. 

My Lord Marshal, notwithstanding, whom no danger 
detracted from doing his enterprise, with the company and 
order afore appointed, came full in their faces from the hill's 
side toward them. 

^ountenan e of Herewith waxcd it very hot, on both sides, with 
war. pitiful cries, horrible roar, and terrible thundering 

of guns besides. The day darkened above head, with smoke 
of shot. The sight and appearance of the enemy, even at 
hand, before. The danger of death on every side else. The 
bullets, pellets, and arrows flying each [every] where so thick, 
and so uncertainly lighting, that nowhere was there any 
surety of safety. Every man stricken with a dreadful fear, 
not so much, perchance, of death as of hurt ; which things, 
though they were but certain to some, were yet doubted of 



% 



^aZ^SsJ The Charge of the English Cavalry. 113 

all. Assured cruelty at the enemy's hands, without hope of 
mercy. Death to fly, and danger to fight. 

The whole face of the field, on both sides, upon this point 
of joining, both to the eye and the ear, so heavy, so deadly, 
lamentable, outrageous, terribly confused, and so quite 
against the quiet nature of man : as if, to our nobility, the 
regard of their honour and fame ; to the knights and captains, 
the estimation of their worship and honesty ; and generally 
to us all, the natural motion of bounden duty, our own safety, 
hope of victory, and the favour of GOD that we trusted we 
had for the equity of our quarrel ; had not been a more 
vehement cause of courage that the danger of death was 
cause of fear, the very horror of the thing had been able to 
make any man to forget both prowess and policy. 

But my Lord Marshal and the others, with present mind 
and courage, warily and quickly continued their course 
towards them : and my Lord's Grace was then at this post, 
by the ordnance aloft. 

The enemy were in a fallow field, whereof the furrows lay 
sideling towards our men. 

By the side of the same furrows, next us, and a stone's 
cast from them, was there a cross ditch or slough, which our 
men must needs pass to come to them : wherein many, that 
could not leap over, stack fast, to no small danger of them- 
selves, and some disorder of their fellows. 

The enemy, perceiving our men's fast approach, disposed 
themselves to abide the brunt ; and in this order, stood still 
to receive them. 

The Earl of Angus, next us, in their Foreward, as Captain 
of the same : with an eight thousand men ; and four or five 
pieces of ordnance on his right side, and a four thousand 
horsemen on his left. 

Behind him, somewhat westward, the Governor [with the 
Battle] with a ten thousand Inland men, as they call them ; 
counted the choicest men of their country. 

And the Earl Huntley in the Rereward, well nigh even 
with the Battle on the left side, with eight thousand men also. 
The four thousand Irish archers, as a wing to them both, last 
indeed in order, and first (as they said) that ran away. 

The Battle and Rereward were warded also with their 
ordnance, according[ly]. 

H I 



114 



V^E5T/ 




EASr. 



ITS 

Cl)e jFirst Cable. 

C CI)e ejcpo^ition of t^e Letters of H)i^ Cable. 

A. Signifieth the place we camped in, before the battle. 

B. Our Rereward. 

C. Our Battle. 

D. Our Fore ward. 

E. The square Close. 

F. The foot of the hillside. 

G. My Lord Protector's Grace. 
H. The Master of the Ordnance, 
I. Our Horsemen. 

K. The Slough. 

L. The lane and the two turf walls. 

M. Their Foreward, and horsemen by the same. 

N. Their Battle. 

0. Their Rereward. 

P. P. The two hillocks before the church. 

Q. St. Michael's of Underesk [Inveresk]. 

R. Muskelborowe [Musselburgh]. 

S. Their horsemen at the end of Fauxside Bray. 

T. T. T. T. Their rows of Tents. 

V. The turf wall towards the Frith. 

W. Our Carriages. 

X. The Marsh. 

Y. Our Galley. 

Z, Edinburgh Castle. 



€i)t signification of certain otl)er noteft 

• Signifieth a Footman. 

° a Horseman. 

»- a Hackbutter a foot. 

® a Hackbutter on horseback. 

^ an Archer. 

\ a Footmen slain. 

or SL Horsemen slain. 

)|i The fallow field whereon their army stood. 



ii6 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^ 



W. Patten. 

an. 1548. 



Edward Shelley, Lieutenant under my Lord Grey, of his 
band of Boulogners, was the first on our side that was over this 
slough, my Lord Grey next ; and so then after, two or three 
ranks of the former [leading] bands. But badly, yet, could 
they make their race ; by reason, the furrows lay travers to 
their course. That notwithstanding, and though there were 
nothing likely well to be able thus a front to come within them 
to hurt them, as well because the Scottish men's pikes were as 
long or longer than their staves [spears], as also for that their 
horses were all naked without barbs [breastplates] whereof, 
though there were right many among us, yet not one put on : 
forasmuch as at our coming forth in the morning, we looked 
for nothing less than for battle that day : yet did my Lord, 
and Shelley, with the residue, so valiantly and strongly give 
the charge upon them, that, whether it were by their prowess 
or power, the left side of the enemy that his Lordship did set 
upon, though their order remained unbroken, was yet com- 
pelled to sway a good way back and give ground largely; and 
all the residue of them besides, to stand much amazed. 

Before this, as our men were well nigh at them, they stood 
very brave and braggart, shake their pike-points, crying, 
" Come here, lounds [rascals] ! Come here, tykes [dogs] ! 
Come here, heretics ! " as hardly they are fair mouthed men. 
Though they meant but small humanity ; yet showed they 
hereby much civility : both of fair play, to warn ere they 
struck, and of formal order, to chide ere they fought. 

Our captains that were behind (perceiving, at eye [at a 
glance], that both by the unevenness of the ground, by the 
sturdy order of the enemy, and for that their [own] fellows 
were so nigh and straight before them ; they were not able, to 
any advantage, to maintain this onset), did therefore, accord- 



^a^^i^sG -^ Balaclava Charge in 1547. 117 

ing to the device in that point appointed, turned themselves, 
and made a soft [slow] retire up towards the hill again. 

Howbeit, to confess the truth, some of the number (that 
knew not the prepensed [aforethought] policy of the council, in 
this case) made, of a sober advised retire, a hasty temera- 
rious flight. 

Sound to any man's ear as it may, I shall never admit, for 
any affection towards country or kin, to be so partial as will, 
wittingly, either bolster the falsehood or bury the truth : for 
honour, in my opinion, that way gotten, were unworthily won, 
and a very vile gain. Howbeit hereby I cannot count any lost, 
where but a few lewd soldiers ran out of array, without 
standard or captain; upon no cause of need, but a mere indis- 
cretion and madness. A madness, indeed ! For, first, the 
Scots were not able to pursue, because they were footmen : 
and, if they could, what hope by flight? so far from home 
in their enemy's land ! where there was no place of refuge ! 

My Lord Marshal, Edward Shelley, little Preston, 
Brampton, and Gerningham, Boulogners ; Ratcliffe, the 
Lord Fitzwalter's brother ; Sir John CLERE'sson and heir ; 
DiGGES of Kent ; Ellerker, a Pensioner ; Segrave. Of my 
Lord Protector's band, my Lord Edward, his Grace's son, 
Captain of the same band; Stanley, Woodhouse, Coonisby, 
Horgill, Morris, Dennis, Arthur, and Atkinson ; with 
others in the forerank, not being able, in this earnest 
assault, both to tend [attend] to their fight afore, and to the 
retire behind : the Scots, again (well considering hereby how 
weak they remained) caught courage afresh, ran sharply for- 
ward upon them, and, without any mercy, slew every man 
of our men that abode furthest in press; a six more, of 
Boulogners and others, than I have here named : in all, to 
the number of twenty-six, and the most part, gentlemen. 



ii8 






%})t ^ttonh Cable 

^fiotoetj) tj)e placing of out footmen; tbe glaugbter 

of (ZBDtoarti ^Dellep anu fte ofters; tfte retire 

of our bann of Norsemen up tfie bill, 

ann tj)e ftreacl) of arrap of tfie 

0tragglers from tbem. 

But touching the exposition of the notes and letters ; I 
refer the reader to the Table before [p. 115]. 



T2l\y/^ 




EAIT 



TI9 

f^ Ct)t6 Cl)irti Cable 

^boltjing tbe coming into arrap of our fjorsemen upon 

thz t)iU again; tije placing of tf)e lj)ackt)uttet:s a= 

gainst tbe enemp; tbe sfiooting of our arcf)er0: 

anti t\}m tbe coming Doton of our fiorscmen 

after, atiout tbe cbase ann slaugbter 

of tf)e enemp. 

M. Signify the pikes and weapons let fall by the Scots, in 
N. the place where they stood. 

O. As for the other characters, I refer the Reader again 
to the first Table |>. 115]. 

"I 




•■ViT-ET'T 



-tvreJ H'lvA^:/. J'; 




I R xn";!; "d. .•• •> •:, .'•■ ..o^V '''^oh,^- 




^^^ 



I20 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^3 



Patten, 
an. 1548. 



Yet my Lord Grey and my Lord Edward (as some grace 
was) returned, but neither all in safety, nor without evident 
marks they had been there : for the one, with a pike through 
the mouth, was raced [torn] along from the tip of the tongue, 
and thrust that way very dangerously, more than two inches 
with the neck ; and my Lord Edward had his horse under 
him, wounded sore with swords, and I think to death. 

Like as also, a little before this onset. Sir Thomas Darcy 
upon his approach to the enemy was struck glancing wise, 
on the right side, with a bullet of one of their field pieces ; 
and thereby his body bruised with the bowing in of his 
harness, his sword hilts broken, and the forefinger of his right 
hand beaten flat: even so, upon the parting of this fray, was 
Sir Arthur Darcy flashed at with swords, and so hurt upon 
the wedding finger of his right hand also, as it was counted 
for the first part of medicine to have it quite cut away. 

About the same time, certain of the Scots ran out hastily 
to the King's Majesty's Standard of the Horsemen, the 
which Sir Andrew Flammack bare ; and laying fast hold of 
upon the staff thereof, cried, " A King ! A King ! " that if 
both his strength, his heart, and his horse had not been 
good ; and hereto, somewhat aided, at this pinch, by Sir 
Ralph Coppinger a Pensioner, both he had been slain, and 
the standard lost ; which the Scots, nevertheless, held so 
fast that they brake and bare away the nether [lower] end of 
the staff to the burrell [ring] and intended so much to the 
gain of the standard, that Sir Andrew, as hap was, 'scaped 
home all safe, and else without hurt. 

At this business, also, was my Lord Fitzwalter, Captain of 
a number of Demi-lances, unhorsed ; but soon mounted again, 
escaped, yet in great danger, and his horse all [that] he wan. 

Hereat further, were Cavarley, the Standard Bearer of the 
Men of Arms, and Clement Paston a Pensioner, each of 
them thrust into the legs with pikes; and Don Philip, a 
Spaniard, in the knee : divers others maimed and hurt ; and 
many horses sore wounded beside. 

C By this time, had our Foreward, accordingly, gotten the 
full vantage of the hill's side ; and, in respect of their march, 
stood sideling towards the enemy: who, nevertheless were 
not able, in all parts, to stand full square in array by reason 
that at the west end of them, upon their right hand and 




w 



jan^^'S:] Principal Officers of the Foreward. 121 

towards the enemy, there was a square plot enclosed with turf, 
as their manner of fencing [making with walls] in those parts 
is ; one corner whereof did let the square of the same array. 
Our Battle, in good order, next them, but so as in continu- 
ance of array: the former part thereof stood upon the hill's 
side, the tail upon the plain. And the Rereward wholly upon 
the plain. 

So that by the placing and countenance of our army in 
this wise, we showed ourselves, in a manner, to compass them 
in, that they should, in no way 'scape us : the which, by our 
power and number, we were as well able to do, as a spinner's 
web to catch a swarm of bees. Howbeit, for heart and courage, 
we meant to meet with them, had they been as many more. 

Those indiscreet gadlings that so fondly brake array from 
the horsemen in the retire, as I said, ran so hastily through 
the orders and ranks of our Foreward, as it stood, that it did 
both disorder many, feared many, and was a great encourage- 
ment to the enemy. 

My Lord Lieutenant, who had the guiding of the Foreward, 
right valiantly had conducted them to their standing : and 
there did very nobly encourage and comfort them ; bidding 
them, " Pluck up their hearts ! and show themselves men ! for 
there was no cause of fear. As for victory, it was in their 
own hands, if they did abide by it ! and he himself, even 
there, would live and die among them ! " 

And surely, as his Worthiness always right well deserveth, 
so was his Honour, at that time, worthily furnished with 
worthy captains. 

First, Sir John Lutterell, who had the leading of a 
three hundred of his Lordship's men, that were the foremost 
of this Foreward ; all with harness and weapon : and, in all 
points else, so well trimmed for war that, like as, at that 
time, I could well note my Lord's great cost and honour, for 
their choice and perfect appointment and furniture ; so did I 
then also consider Sir John Luttrell's prowess and wisdom 
for their valiant conduction, and exact observance i mean such a 
of order. Whom (knowing, as I know) for his wit, bTl?aSv"re 
manhood, good qualities, and aptness to all gentle [hnteii^''^n^ 
feats besides; I have good cause to count both a ws book of 
good Captain a warfare in field, and a worthy dothfrTmer 
Courtier in peace at home. 



122 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^an^^'S 

Then in the same Foreward, Sir Morice Dennis, another 
Captain, who wisely first exhorting his men " to play the 
men, showing thereby the assurance of victory," and then to 
the intent they should be sure he would never shrink from 
them, he did with no less worship than valiance, in the 
hottest of this business, alighted among them, and put his 
horse from him. 

But if I should (as cause, I confess, there was enough) 
make here any stay in his commendation therefore, or of the 
forward courage of Sir George Haward, who bear the 
King's Majesty's Standard in the Battle ; or of the circum- 
spect diligence of Sir William Pickering and Sir Richard 
Wingfield, Sergeants of the Band to the Foreward ; or of 
the prompt forwardness of Sir Charles Brandon, another 
captain there ; or of the painful industry of Sir James 
WiLFORD, Provost Marshal, who placed himself with the 
foremost of this Foreward ; or of the good order in march of 
Sir Hugh Willoughby and William Dennis Esquire, 
both captains ; or of the present heart of John Challoner, 
a captain also in the battle ; or of the honest respect of 
Edward Chamberlain, Gentleman Harbinger [Quartermaster] 
of the Army, who willingly as then, came in order with the 
same Foreward; or of right many others in both these Battles 
(for I was not nigh the Rereward) whose behaviour and 
worthiness were, at that time, notable in mine eye (although 
I neither knew then all of them I saw ; nor could since 
remember of them I knew) I might well be in doubt it should 
be too much an intrication to the matter, too great a tedious- 
ness to the reader. And therefore to say on. 

The Scots were somewhat disordered with their coming 
out about the slaughter of our men ; the which they did so 
earnestly then intend, they took not one to mercy. But 
more they were amazed at this adventurous and hardy onset. 
My Lord's Grace having before this, for causes aforesaid, 
placed himself on this Fauxside Bray, and thereby quickly 
perceiving the great disorder of these straggling horsemen, 
hemmed them in from further straying ; whom Sir Ralph 
Vane, with great dexterity, brought in good order and array 
again. 

And therewith, the rest of our strengths, by the policy of 



Xn-^fsS?"] '^^^ Scotch first see the English Foot, i 2 



J 



my Lord's Grace, and the diligence of every captain and 
officer beside, were so opportunely and aptly applied, in their 
feat, that where this repulse by the enemy and retire of us 
were doubted by many, to turn to the danger of our loss : 
the same was wrought and advanced, according as it was 
devised, to our certainty of gain and victory. 

For, first, at this slough, where most of our horsemen had 
stood. Sir Peter Mewtys, Captain of all the Hackbutters 
afoot, did very valiantly conduct, and place a good number of 
his men, in a manner, hard at the face of the enemy. 
Whereunto, Sir Peter Gamboa, a Spaniard, Captain of a 
two hundred Hackbutters on horseback, did readily bring his 
men also : who, with the hot continuance of their shot, on 
both parties, did so stoutly stay the enemy, that they could 
not well come further forward. 

Then our archers that marched in array, on the right hand 
of our footmen, and next to the enemy, pricked them sharply 
with arrows, as they stood. 

Therewith, the Master of the Ordnance, to their great 
annoyance, did gall with hail shot and other [shot] out of the 
great ordnance directly from the hill top ; and certain other 
gunners, a flank, from our Rereward. Most of our artillery 
and missive engines then wholly thus at once, with great 
puissance and vehemency, occupied about them. 

Herewith, the full sight of our footmen, all shadowed from 
them before, by our horsemen and the dust raised ; whom 
then they were ware [aware] , in such order, to be so near upon 
them. And to this the perfect array of our horsemen again 
coming courageously to set on them afresh. Miserable men ! 
perceiving themselves, then all too late, how much too much 
they were misinformed, began suddenly to shrink. Their 
Governor, that brought them first to the bargain, like a 
doughty Captain, took hastily his horse that he might run 
foremost away. Indeed, it stood somewhat with reason that 
he should make first homeward that first made outward ; but, 
as some of them said, scant [scarcely] with honour, and with 
shame enough. The Earl of Angus and other chief captains 
did quickly follow, as their Governor led ; and with the fore- 
most, their Irishmen. 

Therewith then turned all the whole rout, kest [cast] down 
their weapons, ran out of their Wards, off with their jacks 



124 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. K^"^^ 

and with all that ever they might, betook them to the race 
that their Governor began. 

Our men had found them at the first (as what could 
escape so many thousand eyes?), and sharply and quickly, 
with an universal outcry, " They fly ! They fly ! " pursued 
after in chase amain : and thereto so eagerly and with such 
fierceness, that they overtook many, and spared indeed but 
few; as it might then hardly have been both folly and peril 
to have showed any pity. 

But when they were once turned ; it was a wonder to see 
how soon, and in how sundry sorts they were scattered. The 
place they stood on like a wood of staves [pikes] strewed on 
the ground as rushes in a chamber; impassable they lay so 
thick, for either horse or man. 

Here, at the first, they let fall all their pikes after 
that, everywhere, they scattered swords, bucklers, daggers, 
jacks, and all things else that either was of any weight, or 
might be any let to their course. Which course among 
them, they made specially three ways. Some along the 
sands by the Frith, towards Leith. Some straight towards 
Edinburgh, whereof part went through the park there : in 
the walls whereof, though they be round about of flint stone; 
yet were there many holes already made. And part of them 
by the highway that leads along by Holy Rood Abbey. And 
the residue, and, as we noted then, the most of them towards 
Dalkeith : which way, by means of the marsh, our horsemen 
were worst able to follow. 

Sundry shifts, some shrewd, some sorry, made they in their 
running. Divers of them in their courses, as they were ware 
[aware] they were pursued but of one, would suddenly back, 
and lash at the legs of the horse or foin [thrust] him in 
the belly. And sometime did they reach at the rider also : 
whereby Clement Paston in the arm, and divers others 
otherwise, were hurt in this chase. 

Some other lay flat in a furrow, as though they were dead, 
and thereby were passed by of our men untouched; as I heard 
say, the Earl of Angus confessed he couched till his horse 
happed to be brought him. Other some, to stay in the river, 
cowering down his body, his head under the root of a willow 
tree, with scant his nose above water for breath. A shift, 
but no succour, it was to many that had their skulls [helmets] 



^jaZ^Ms] The Panic, and frightful Pursuit. 125 

on, at the stroke of the follower, to shrink their heads into 
their shoulders, like a tortoise into its shell. Others, again, 
for their more lightness, cast away shoes and doublets ; and 
ran in their shirts. And some were also seen in this race, to fall 
flat down all breathless, and to have run themselves to death. 

Before this, at the time of our onset, came there eastward, 
a five hundred of their horsemen, up along this Fauxside 
Bray, straight upon our ordnance and carriage. My Lord's 
Grace, as I said, most specially for the doubt of the same, 
placing himself thereby, caused a piece or two to be turned 
towards them ; with a few shots whereof, they were soon 
turned also, and fled to Dalkeith. But had they kept on, 
they were provided for accordingly. For one parson Keble, 
a Chaplain of his Grace's, and two or three others, by and by 
discoverd four or five of the carts of munition, and therewith 
bestowed pikes, bills, bows and arrows to as many as came. 
So that of carters and others there were soon weaponed, there, 
about a thousand men ; whom parson Keble and the others 
did very handsomely dispose in array, and made a pretty 
muster. 

To return now. Soon after this notable strewing of their 
footmen's weapons, began a pitiful sight of the dead corpses 
lying dispersed abroad. Some, with their legs off ; some but 
bought [ham-strung] and left lying half dead : others, with the 
arms cut off; divers, their necks half asunder; many, their 
heads cloven ; of sundry, the brains pasht [smashed] out ; 
some others again, their heads quite off: with a thousand 
other kinds of killing. 

After that, and further in the chase, all, for the most part, 
killed either in the head or in the neck ; for our horsemen 
could not well reach them lower with their swords. 

And thus, with blood and slaughter of the enemy, this 
chase was continued five miles in length westward, from the 
place of their standing, which was in the fallow fields of 
Underesk [Inveresk], unto Edinburgh Park, and well nigh to 
the gates of the town itself, and unto Leith ; and in breadth, 
nigh three miles, from the Frith sands, towards Dalkeith 
southward. In all which space, the dead bodies lay as thick 
as a man may note cattle grazing in a full replenished 
pasture. The river ran all red with blood : so that in the 
same chase were counted, as well by some of our men that 



126 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^an^^'^'s: 

somewhat diligently did mark it, as by some of them taken 
prisoners, that very much did lament it, to have been slain 
above thirteen thousand. In all this compass of ground, 
what with weapons, arms, hands, legs, heads, blood, and 
dead bodies, their flight might have easily been tracked to 
every [each] of their three refuges. 

And for the smallness of our number, and the shortness of 
the time, which was scant five hours, from one till well nigh 
six, the mortality was so great, as it was thought the like 
aforetime had not been seen. Indeed, it was the better 
maintained with their own swords that lay each where 
[everywhere] scattered by the way ; whereof our men, as they 
brake one, still took up another. There was store enough : 
and they laid it on so freely, that right many among them, at 
this business, brake three or four ere they returned homeward 
to the army. 

I may well, perchance, confess that herein we used some 
sharpness, although not as much as we might have, and little 
courtesy : and yet I can safely avow, all was done by us as 
rather by sundry respects driven and compelled, than either 
of cruelty or of delight in slaughter. And like, some way, 
to the diligent master that sharply sometimes, when warning 
will not serve, doth beat his scholar : not hardly [probably] for 
hate of the child or his own delight in beating, but for love, 
he would have him amend his faults or negligence ; and beats 
him once surely, because he would need to beat him no 
more. 

One cause of the correction we used, I may well count to 
be, the tyrannous Vow that they made, which we certainly 
heard of, that whensoever they fought and overcame, they 
would slay so many and spare so few : a sure proof whereof 
they plainly had showed at our onset before, where they 
killed all, and saved not a man. 

Another respect was to revenge their great and cruel 
tyranny at Panyar Hough [? Penial Heugh], as I have said 
before, where they slew the Lord Evers, whom otherwise 
they might have taken prisoner and saved ; and cruelly killed 
as many else of our men as came into their hands. 

We were forced yet hereto, by a further and very earnest 
regard, which was the doubt of the assembling of their army 
again; whereof a cantel [fraction], for the number, had been 



I 



w 



]'J,%Ts] The Gentlemen taken prisoners. 127 

able to compare with our whole host, when it was at the 
greatest : and so, perchance, we should have been driven, 
with double labour, to beat them again, and make two works 
out of one; whereas we well remembered that " a thing once 
well done, is twice done." 

To these, another, and not the meanest matter. The name of 
was that their armour among them so little differed, t^keVn'Tiife''""' 
and their apparel was so base and beggarly: signification of 
wherein the Lurdein was, in a manner, all one do: but a 
with the Lord; and the Lound with the La[i]rde: them'n^e'it, 
all clad alike in jacks covered with white leather ; fjt^?^{l,;iy, 
doublets of the same or of fustian ; and most us. 
commonly all white hosen. Not one! with either namro"f 
chain, brooch, ring, or garment of silk that I could vTain'^or ^idi 
see; unless chains of latten [pewter] drawn four •'''«• 
or five times along the thighs of their hosen, and doublet 
sleeves for cutting: and of that sort I saw many. This 
vileness of port [dress] was the cause that so many of their 
great men and gentlemen were killed; and so few saved. 
The outward show, the semblance and sign whereby a stranger 
might discern a villain from a gentleman, was not to be seen 
among them. As for words and goodly proffer of great 
ransoms, they were as common and rife in the mouths of the 
one as the other : and therefore it came to pass that after, in 
the examination and counting of the prisoners, we found we 
had taken above twenty of their villains to one of their 
gentlemen : whom no man need to doubt we had rather have 
spared than the villains, if we could have known any difference 
between them in the taking. 

And yet, notwithstanding all these our just causes and 
quarrels to kill them, we showed more grace, and took more 
to mercy, than the case on our side, for the causes aforesaid, 
did well deserve or require. 

For, beside the Earl Huntley who was appointed in good 
harness (likest a gentleman of any of them that I could hear 
of or see) who could not then escape because he lacked his 
horse ; and therefore happed to be taken by Sir Ralph Vane ; 
and beside the Lord of Yester: Hobby Hambleton [Hamil- 
ton], Captain of Dunbar; the Master of Sampoole [Seinple] : 
the Laird of Wimmes, taken by John Bren ; a brother of 
the Earl of CassilFiIs ; besides one Moutrell. taken by 



128 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^an^^'5. 

beiike^'^f'the CoRNELius, Comptroller of the Ordnance of this 
Eario'fARGYLE army; and one of the Camals [? Campbells], an 
nam'e^s'°^^' Irish gentleman, taken by Edward Chamberlain ; 
^v^AMPBELL] and besides many other Scottish gentlemen more, 
likeas the Earl whosc namcs and takers I remember not well, the 
DouGLAs/and prisoncrs accounted by the Marshal's book, were 
huntlL^'s is numbered to above fifteen hundred. 
Gordon. Touching the slaughter, sure[ly] we killed noth- 

heraw wa^aiso ^"S ^o many as, if we had minded cruelty so much, 
taken: but for the time and opportunity right well we might. 
pfaced°: For my Lord's Grace, of his wonted mercy, much 

LOTd^s cTaw moved with the pity of this sight, and rather glad 
fonhwith"' °^ victory than desirous of cruelty, soon after (by 
freely to be gucss) fivc o'clock. Stayed his Standard of his 
witToutra^rom Horscmcn, at the furthest part of their camp 
or loss. westward; and causedthetrumpetsto blow a retreat. 

Whereat also, Sir Ralph Sadler, Treasurer (whose great 
diligence at that time, and ready forwardness in the chiefest 
of the fray before, did worthily merit no small commendation) 
caused all the Footmen to stay, and then, with much travail 
and great pains, made them to be brought into some ordef 
again. It was a thing not yet easily to be done, by reason 
they all, as then, somewhat busily applied their market, the 
spoil of this Scottish camp : wherein were found good pro- 
vision of white bread, ale, oaten cakes, mutton, butter in pots, 
cheese ; and, in divers tents, good wine also. Good store, to 
say truth, of good victail, for the manner of their country. 

And in some tents among them, as I heard say, were also 
found a dish or two, two or three goblets, or three or four 
chalices of silver plate : which the finders (I know not with 
what reverence, but hardly with some devotion) plucked out 
of the cold clouts and thrust into their warm bosoms. 

Here now, to say somewhat of the manner of their camp. 
As they had no pavilions or round houses of a commendable 
compass : so were there few other tents with posts, as the 
used manner of making is ; and of these few also, none of 
above twenty foot in length, but most far under. For the 
most part, they were all sumptuously beset, after their fashion, 
with fleur de lys, for the love of France, some of blue buck- 
ram, some of black, and some of some other colours. 

These white ridges, as I called them, that, as we stood on 



%^*i"48;]'^^^ Pursuit is stayed at 5 p.m. 129 

Fauxside Bray, did make so great a muster towards us, which 
I did take then to be a number of tents : when we came, we 
found them to be a linen drapery, of the coarser camerick 
[cambric] indeed, for it was all of canvas sheets. 

They were the tenticles or rather cabins and couches of 
their soldiers : which (much after the common building 
of their country besides) they had framed of four sticks, about 
an ell long a piece : whereof two fastened together at one end 
aloft, and the two ends beneath stuck in the ground an ell 
asunder, standing in fashion like the bow of a sow's yoke. 
Over two such bows, one, as it were, at their head, the other 
at their feet, they stretched a sheet down on both sides 
whereby their cabins became roofed like a ridge, but scant 
shut at both ends ; and not very close beneath, on the sides, 
unless their sticks were the shorter, or their wives the more 
liberal to lend them larger napery. Howbeit within they 
had lined them, and stuffed them so thick with straw, that as 
the weather was not very cold, when they were once couched, 
they were as warm as [if] they had been wrapped in horsedung. 

The plot of their camp was called Edminston Edge, nigh 
Gilberton [? Gilmerton], a place of the Lord of Brunston[e]s, 
half a mile beyond Musselburgh, and a three mile on this side 
Edinburgh; and occupied in largeness, with divers tents and 
tenticles in sundry parts out of square, about a mile's com- 
pass. Wherein, as our men, upon the sound of retreat, at their 
retire, were somewhat assembled ; we all, with a loud and 
entire outcry and hallowing [holloaing], in sign of gladness and 
victory, made a universal noise and shout : whereof the 
shrillness, as we heard after, was heard unto Edinburgh. 

It was a wonder to see, but that as they say " many hands 
make light work " how soon the dead bodies were stripped, 
even from as far as the chase went, unto the place of our onset, 
whereby the personages of the enemies might, by the way, 
easily be viewed and considered : which for their tallness 
of stature, cleanness of skin, bigness of bone, with due pro- 
portion in all parts, I, for my part advisedly noted, to be 
such as but that I well saw that it was so, I would not have 
believed, sure [ly], so many of that sort to have been in all their 
country. 

Among them, lay there many priests and " Kirkmen," 
as they call them; of whom it was bruited among us, that 

I I 



I30 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. K^'S 

there was a whole band of a three or four thousand : but 
we were afterwards informed that it was not altogether so. 

At the place of the charge given by us, at the first, we there 
found our horses slain all gored and hewn, and our men so 
ruefully gashed and mangled, in the head especially, as not one 
could, by the face, be known who he was. 

Little Preston was found there with both his hands cut 
off by the wreasts [wrists] ; and known to be him, for that it 
was known he had on each arm a bracelet of gold : for the 
which they so chopped him. 

Edward Shelley, alas, that worthy gentleman and valiant 
Captain! lay all pitifully disfigured and mangled among 
them; and nothing discernable but by his beard. Of whom, 
besides the properties of his person, for his wit, his good 
qualities, his activities in feats of war, and his perfect honesty, 
for the which he was, by all men of all estates, so much 
esteemed and so well beloved : and hereto, for that he was my 
so near friend, I had cause enough here, without parsimony 
to praise his life and lament his death, were it not that the 
same should be too great a digression, and too much inter- 
ruption of the matter. 

But touching the manner of his death, I think his merit 
too much, to let pass in silence : who not inferior, in 
fortitude of mind, either unto the Roman Curtius * or the 
two Decii : he, being in this business, foremost of all our 
men against the enemy : considering with himself, that as 
his hardy charge upon them, was sure to be their terror, and 
very likely to turn to the breach of their order; and herewith 
also that the same should be great courage to his followers 
that came to give the charge with him ; and pondering again 
that his turning back at this point, should cause the contrary, 

* As there fell suddenly in Rome, a great dungeon, and swallowing of 
ground, CURTIUS, a Roman Gentleman, for the pleasing of the gods, and 
that the same might cease, mounted on his horse and leapt down into the 
same, which then after closed up again. Valerius Maximus, /z. vi. ca. vi. 

Decius Mus and Publius Decius his son, Consuls of Rome, as they 
should fight, the father against the Latins, and the son after that against 
the Samnites ; and were warned, by dream, that those armies should 
have the victory, whose Captains were first slain in field : they both ran 
willingly into the hosts of their enemies. They were slain, and their 
armies wan the field. 

Plutarch, Be Decio preparal. xxxvii. Et Livius de P. Decio It. x. 
dec. i. 



^;Z^i548.] Edward Shelley, Lord Grey. 131 

and be great danger of our confusion, was content, in his 
King's and country's quarrel, in hopes the rather to leave 
victory unto his countrymen, thus honourably to take death 
to himself. 

Whom, let no man think ! no foolish hardness or weari- 
ness of life drave unto so hard an enterprise, whose sober 
valiance of courage hath often otherwise, in the late wars 
with France, been sufficiently approved before ; and whose 
state of living, I myself knew to be such as lacked nothing 
that might pertain to perfect worldly wealth. 

I trust it shall not be taken that I mean, hereby, to 
derogate fame from any of the rest that died there, GOD 
have their souls ! who, I wot, bought the bargain as dear as 
he : but only to do that in me may lie, to make his name 
famous who, among these, in my opinion, towards his 
Prince and country, did best deserve. 

Nigh this place of onset, where the Scots, at their running 
away, had let fall their weapons, as I said : there found we, 
besides their common manner of armour, certain nice 
instruments of war, as we thought. They were new boards' 
ends cut off, being about a foot in breadth and half a yard in 
length : having on the inside, handles made very cunningly 
of two cords' ends. These, a GOD's name ! were their 
targets against the shot of our small artillery ; for they were 
not able to hold out a cannon. 

And with these, found we great rattles, swelling bigger 
than the belly of a pottle [half gallon] pot, covered with old 
parchment or double paper, small stones put in them to make 
a noise, and set upon the end of a staff of more than two ells 
long. And this was their fine device to fray [frighten] our 
horses, when our horsemen should come at them. Howbeit, 
because the riders were no babies, nor their horses any colts ; 
they could neither duddle the one, nor affray the other. So 
that this policy was as witless, as their power forceless. 

Among these weapons, and besides divers other banners, 
standards, and pennons, a banner of white sarsenet was 
found, under which, it was said these " Kirkmen " came, 
Whereon was painted a woman, with her hair about her 
shoulders, kneeling before a crucifix ; and on her right hand, 
a church : after that, written along upon the banner, in great 
Roman letters, 



132 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^;^^"^ 

AFFLICTiE SPONS^,NE O BLI VI SCARI S! 

which words declared that they would have this woman to 
signify the Church, Christ's Spouse, thus, in humble wise, 
making her petition unto Christ her husband that He 
would not now forget her, His Spouse, being scourged and 
persecuted ; meaning, at this time, by us. 

It was said it was the Abbot of Dunfermline's banner: 
but whether it were his, or the Bishop of Dunkeld's, the 
Governor's brother (they, I understand, were both in the field) ; 
and what the number of these " kirkmen " was ; I could not 
certainly learn. But, sure[ly], it was some devout Papist's 
device, that not only, belike, would not endeavour to do 
ought for atonement and peacemaking between us ; but, all 
contrariwise, brought forth his standard stoutly to fight in 
field himself against us, pretexing [pretending] this his great 
ungodliness thus bent towards the maintenance of a naughty 
quarrel, with colour [pretext] of religion, to come in aid of 
Christ's Church. 

Which Church, to say truth, coming thus to battle full 
appointed with weapon, and guarded with such a sort 
[company] of deacons to fight; however in painting he had set 
her out, a man might well think that, in condition, he had 
rather framed her after a curst quean that would pluck her 
husband by the pate, except she had her will; than like a 
meek spouse that went about humbly by submission and 
prayer to desire her husband's help for redress of things 
amiss. 

Howbeit for saving upright the subtilty of this godly man's 
device, it is best we take what he meant the most likely, 
that is, the Church malignant and Congregation of the 
Wicked, whereunto that Antichrist, the Bishop of Rome, is 
John ca. 2. husband, whom Christ said, as a thief, comes never 
but to steal, slay, and destroy; and whose good son, this 
holy Prelate, in his thus coming to the field, with his 
AFFLICTiE, now showed himself to be. 

There was upon this Fauxside Bray (as I have before said, 
p. 99) a little Castle or Pile, which was very busy all the 
time of the battle, as any of our men came nigh it, to shoot 
at them with such artillery as they had ; which was none 
other than hand-guns and hackbuts, and of them not a do2en 



i 



^kJ^iSl i3»ooo Scots killed in the battle. 133 

either. Little hurt did they : but as they saw their fellows 
in the field thus driven and beaten away before their faces ; 
they plucked in their pieces, like a dog, his tail ; and couched 
themselves within all mute. But, by and by, the house 
was set on fire : and they, for their good will, burnt and 
smothered within. 

Thus, through the favour of GOD's bounty, by the valiance 
and policy of my Lord Protector's Grace, by the forward 
endeavour of all the nobles and council there besides ; and 
by the willing diligence of every captain, officer, and true 
subject else : we, most valiantly and honourably, wan the 
victory over our enemies. 

Of whom, thirteen thousand were slain thus in field, of 
which number, as we were certainly informed by sundry and 
the best of the prisoners then taken, beside the Earl of 
LoGHEN [Louden] were the Lord Fleming, the Master of 
Greym [Graham], the Master of Arskyn [Erskine], the Master 
Ogleby [? Oglevy], the Master of Avondale, the Master of 
Rouen[? Rowan]; and many others of noble birth among them. 

There were slain of Lairds, Laird's sons, and other gentle- 
men, above twenty-six hundred : five hundred were taken 
prisoners, whereof many were also gentlemen ; among whom 
were there of name, as I have before named, the Earl 
Huntley, Lord Chancellor of the Realm there, the Lord 
of Yester, Hobby Hambleton [Hamilton], Captain of 
Dunbar; the Master of Sampoole [Semple], the Laird of 
Wemmis, and a brother of the Earl of Cassil[i]s. 

Two thousand, by lurking and lying as though they were 
dead, 'scaped away in the night, all maimed and hurt. 

Herewith wan we of their weapons and armour more than 
we would vouchsafe to give carriage for : and yet were there 
conveyed thence, by ship, into these parts, of jacks specially, 
and swords, above thirty thousand. 

This night, with great gladness, and thanksgiving to GOD 
(as good cause we had), we pitched our camp at Edgebuckling 
Bray [Brae], beside Pynkersclough [Pinkie Cleugh] ; and a 
mile beyond the place we camped at before. 

About an hour after that, in some token, as I took it, of 
GOD's assent and applause showed to us touching this 
victory; the heavens relented and poured down a great 
shower of rain that lasted well nigh an hour : not unlike and 



134 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. {^fj,%';^: 

according, as after our late sovereign Lord's conquest of 
Boulogne, plentiful showers did also then ensue. 

And as we were then a settling, and the tents a-setting 
up, among all things else commendable in our whole journey, 
one thing seemed to me an intolerable disorder and abuse. 
That whereas always, both in all towns of war and in all 
camps of armies, quietness and stillness, without noise, is 
principally in the night, after the watch is set, observed (I 
need not reason why) : our Northern prickers, the Borderers, 
notwithstanding (with great enormity, as thought me, and 
not unlike, to be plain, a masterless hound howling in a 
highway, when he hath lost him he waited on) some 
" hoop "-ing, some whistling, and most with crying, " A 
Berwick ! a Berwick ! " "A Fenwick ! A Fenwick ! " "A 
BuLMER ! a BuLMER ! " or so otherwise as their Captains' 
name were, never ceased these troublous and dangerous 
noises all the night long. 

They said they did it to find out their captains and 
fellows : but if the soldiers of other countries [counties] and 
shires had used the same manner, in that case, we should 
have ofttimes had the state of our camp more like the outrage 
of a dissolute hunting, than the quiet of a well ordered army. 
It is a feat of war, in mine opinion, that might right well be 
left. I could rehearse causes (but that I take it, they are 
better unspoken than uttered, unless the fault were sure to 
be amended) that might show they move always more peril 
to our army but in their one night's so doing, than they 
show good service, as some say, in a whole voyage. 

And since it is my part to be plain in my process, I will be 
the bolder to show what further I noted and heard. Another 
manner have they among them, of wearing handkerchers 
rolled about their arms, and letters broidered upon their 
caps. They said themselves, the use thereof was that each 
of them might know his fellow, and thereby the sooner 
assemble or in need to aid one another, and such like 
respects. Howbeit there were of the army among us (some 
suspicious men, perchance) that thought they used them for 
collusion ; and rather because they might be known to the 
enemy as the enemy are known to them, for they have their 
marks too : and so, in conflict, either each to spare the 
other, or gently each to take the other. 



^jkn^^MsH The disorder of the Borderers. 135 

Indeed men have been moved the rather to think so, 
because some of their crosses [i.e., the badge of the English 
army, a red cross on a white ground] were so narrow, and so 
singly [slightly] set on, that a puff of wind might have blown 
them from their breasts : and that they were found, right 
often, talking with the Scottish prickers within less than 
their gad's [spear's] length asunder ; and when they perceived 
they had been spied, they have begun to run at one another 
But so apparently perlassent [i.e., in a make believe manner], 
as the lookers on resembled their chasing, like the running 
at base in an uplandish town, where the match is made for a 
quart of good ale : or like the play in Robin Cook's school ; 
where because the punies may learn, they strike few strokes, 
but by assent and appointment. 

I heard some men say, it did much augment their sus- 
picion that way, because, at the battle, they saw these 
prickers so badly demean themselves, more intending the 
taking of prisoners than the surety of victory: for while 
other men fought, they fell to their prey ; that as there were 
but few of them but brought home his prisoner, so were 
there many that had six or seven. 

Many men, yet I must confess, are not disposed always to 
say all of the best; but are more ready, haply, to find other 
men's faults than to amend their own. Howbeit, I think, 
sure[ly], as for our prickers, if their faults had been fewer, 
their infamy had been less. Yet say I not this so much to 
dispraise them ; as a means for amendment. Their captains 
and gentlemen again, are men, for the most part, all of right 
honest service and approved prowess : and such, sure[ly], as 
for their well-doing, would become famous, if their soldiers 
were as toward as they themselves be forward. 

As things fell after in communication, one question among 
others arose, '* Who killed the first man this day, in field ? " 
The glory whereof one Jeronimo, an Italian, would fain have 
had : howbeit it was, after, well tried, that it was one Cuth- 
BERT MusGRAVE, a gentleman of my Lord of Warwick's, 
who right hardily killed a gunner at his piece in the Scots' 
Forward, ere ever they began any whit to turn. The fact, 
for the forwardness, well deserving remembrance ; I thought 
it not meet to let it slip in silence. 

This night, the Scottish Governor, when he once thought 



136 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. ^an^^'J8; 

himself in some safety, with all speed, caused the Earl 
BoTHWELL to be let out of prison : which whether he did it 
for the doubt he had that we would have released him, 
" willed he, nilled he " ; or whether he would show himself 
fain to do somewhat before the people, to make some 
amends of his former fault, I do not know: but this, sure[ly], 
rather for some cause of fear than for any good will ; which 
was well apparent to all men, in that he kept the Earl so 
long before in hold, without any just cause. 

Sunday, l^b ^T^^ the morning, a great sort [company] 
the 11th o/^ra ^ of us rode to the place of onset, where 
September, ^y ^ our men lay slain : and, what by gentle- 
' ^r J jjjgj^ fQj. their friends, and servants for 
their masters, all of them that were known to be ours were 
buried. 

In the meantime, the Master and Officers of the Ordnance, 
did very diligently get together all the Scottish ordnance : 
which, because it lay in sundry places, they could not in 
[bring in] all overnight. And these were in number, a thirty 
pieces : whereof one culverin, three sakers, and nine smaller 
pieces were of brass; and of iron, seventeen pieces more, 
mounted on carriages. 

These things thus done. Somewhat afore noon, our camp 
raised. We marched along the Frith side, straight towards 
Leith ; and approaching nigh the same about three o'clock 
in the afternoon, we pight [pitched] our field [i.e., the camp] 
a prick shot on this side the town, being on the south-east 
half, somewhat shadowed from Edinburgh by a hill [Calton 
Hill] , but the most of it lying within the full sight and shot 
of the Castle there, and in distance somewhat above a 
quarter of a mile. 

My Lord's Grace, guarded but with a small company, was 
come to Leith well-nigh half an hour before the army; which 
he found all desolate of resistance, or anybody else. There 
were in the haven that runneth unto the midst of the town, 
a thirteen vessels of divers sorts. Somewhat of oade, 
wines, wainscot, and salt were found in the town : but as 
but little of that, so nothing else of value. For how much of 
other things as could well be carried, the inhabitants, over- 
night, had packed away with them. 



I 



1 



?;n^^"48.] The Army MARCHES TO Leith. 137 



My Lord Marshal and most of our horsemen were bestowed 
and lodged in the town. My Lord's Grace, my Lord Lieu- 
tenant, and the rest of the army in the camp. 



Monday, 
the 12th of 
September. 




His day, my Lord's Grace with the council 
and Sir Richard Lee, rode about the 
town, and to the plots and hillocks, on 
either side, nigh to it, to view and con- 



sider whether the same, by building, might be made tenable 
and defensible. 



Tmsday, 
the i^th of 
September. 




Ertain of our small vessels burnt King- 
horn, and a town or two more standing on 
the north side of the Frith, againstLeith. 
In the afternoon, my Lord's Grace rowed 
up the Frith a six or seven miles westward, as it runneth into 
the land ; and took in his way an island there, called Saint 
Colms Ins [Inchcolm] which standeth a four mile beyond 
Leith, and a good way nearer the north shore than the south : 
yet not within a mile, of the nearest. It is but half a mile 
about ; and hath in it a pretty Abbey (but the monks were 
gone), fresh water enough, and also conies [rabbits] ; and is 
is so naturally strong as but by one way it can be entered. 

My Lord's Grace considering the plot whereof, did quickly 
cast to have it kept : whereby all traffic of merchandise, all 
commodities else coming by the Frith into their land ; and 
utterly the whole use of the Frith itself, with all the havens 
upon it, should quite be taken from them. 



Wednesday, 
the i^th of 
September 




His day ; my Lord's Grace riding back 
again, eastward, to view divers things 
and places, took Dalkeith in his way ; 
where a house of George Douglas's 
doth stand: and coming somewhat near it, he sent Somerset 
his Herald with a trumpet before, to know "Who kept it; and 
whether the keepers would hold it, or yield it to his Grace?" 
Answer was made, that " there were a sixty persons within, 
whom their master, lying there the Saturday at night, after the 
battle, did will that they, the house, and all that was in it, 
should be at my Lord Grace's commandment and pleasure." 
Whereupon the chiefest came out ; and, in the name of 



138 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. |7Jan^^"48. 

all the rest, humbled himself unto my Lord's will ; preferring 
his Grace, in his master's name, divers fair goshawks ; the 
which my Lord's Grace (how nobly soever he listed to show 
mercy upon submission, yet uttering a more majesty of 
honour than to base [abase] his generosity to the reward of 
his enemy) did, but not contemptuously, refuse. 

So, without coming in, passed by ; and rode to the place 
where the battle was begun to be struck : the which having 
a pretty while overseen, he returned by Musselburgh, and so 
along by the Frith ; diligently marking and noting things by 
the way. 

Many were the houses, gentlemen, and others that, as 
well in his return as in his going out, upon submission, his 
Grace received into his protection. 

This day, my Lord's Grace, as well for countenance [the 
appearance] of building as though he would tarry long; as 
also to keep our Pioneers somewhat in exercise (whom a little 
rest would soon make nought), caused along the east side of 
Leith, a great ditch and trench to be cast towards the Frith : 
the work whereof continued till the morning of our departing. 

Thursday, i'k ^&^ gjjY Lord Clinton, High Admiral, as I said, 
the 15/A ^/ ll^ i of the Fleet, taking with him the Galley, 
September j ^^^ ^ whereof one Broke is Captain, and four 

' ' or five of our smaller vessels besides, all 

well appointed with munition and men, rowed up the Frith 
a ten mile westward, to an haven town standing on the south 
shore, called Blackness, whereat, towards the water side, is 
a castle of petty strength : as nigh whereunto as the depth of 
water there would suffer, the vScots, for safeguard, had laid 
the Mary Willoughby and the Anthony of Newcastle ; two tall 
ships which, with extreme injury, they had stolen from us 
beforetime, when there was no war between us. With these, 
lay there also another large vessel, called by them the Bosse, 
and a seven more ; whereof a part were laden with merchan- 
dise. 

My Lord Clinton and his company, with right hardy 
approach, after a great conflict betwixt the castle and our 
vessels, by fine [sheer] force, wan from them those three ships 
of name ; and burnt all the residue, before their faces, as 
they lay. 



W. Patten."! 
Jan. 1S48J 



Rescue of English ships at Blackness, i 39 



Friday, 
the 16th of 
September. 




HELaird of Brunston[e], a Scottish gentle- 
man who came to my Lord's Grace from 
their Council, for cause of communication 
belike, returned to them ; having with 
him NoRROY a Herald and King of Arms of ours : who found 
them with the old Queen [Mary of Lorraine], at Stirling, 
a town standing westward upon the Frith, a twenty [or 
rather forty] mile beyond Edinburgh. 



Saturday, 

the lyth of 
September. 




Here was a fellowtaken in our camp, whom 
the Scots called " English William." 
An Englishman indeed, that, before time, 
having done a robbery in Lincolnshire, 
did run away into Scotland ; and, at this time, coming out of 
Edinburgh Castle as a spy for the Scots, was spied himself 
with the manner, and hanged for his meed in the best wise 
(because he well deserved) upon a new gibbet somewhat 
beside our camp, in the sight both of the town and castle. 
GOD have mercy on his soul ! 

There is no good logicioner [logician] but would think, I 
think, that a syllogism thus formed of such a thieving major, 
a runaway minor, and a traiterous consequent must needs 
prove, at the weakest, to such a hanging argument. 

Sir John Luttrel Knight, having by my Lord's Grace 
and the council, been elected Abbot, by GOD's sufferance, 
of the monastery of Saint Colms In [Inchcolm] afore re- 
membered ; in the afternoon of this day, departed towards the 
island to be stalled [installed] in his see there accordingly : 
and had with him a Convent of a hundred hackbutters and 
fifty pioneers to keep his house and land there ; and two 
row barks well furnished with munition, and seventy mariners 
for them, to keep his waters. Whereby it is thought, he shall 
soon become a Prelate of great power. The perfectness of 
his religion is not always to tarry at home ; but sometimes 
to row out abroad on a Visitation : and when he goeth, I have 
heard say, he taketh always his Sumners in his bark with 
him ; which are very open mouthed, and never talk but they 
are heard a mile off. So that either for love of his blessings, 
or fear of his cursings, he is likely to be sovereign over most 
of his neighbours. 

My Lord's Grace, this day giving warning that our de- 



I40 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^aZlS 

parture should be on the morrow, and minding before (with 
recompence somewhat according), to reward one Barton, 
that had played an untrue part ; commanded, over night, 
that his house in Leith should be set afire. And as the same 
was done, the same night about five o'clock, many of our 
soldiers that were very forward in firing, fired, with all haste, 
all the town besides : but so far forth, as I may think, 
without commission or knowledge of my Lord's Grace as that 
right many horses, both of his Grace's and of divers others, 
were in great danger ere they could be then quitted from out 
[got quit] of the town. 

Six great ships lying in the haven there, that for age and 
decay were not so apt for use, were then also set afire ; which 
all the night did burn with a great flame very solemnly. 

In the time of our camping here, many Lairds and gentle- 
men of the country nigh there, come to my Lord to require 
his protection : the which his Grace did grant to whom he 
thought good. 

This day also, came the Earl of Bothwell to my Lord's 
Grace, a gentleman of a right comely port and stature ; and 
hereto, of right honourable and just meaning and dealing 
towards the King's Majesty : whom my Lord's Grace did 
therefore, according to his degree and demerits, very friendly 
welcome and entertain. Having supped, this night, with his 
Grace ; he, after, departed. 

There stood south-westward, about a quarter of a mile 
from our camp, a monastery they call Holy Rood Abbey. 
Sir Walter Bonham and Edward Chamberlain got license 
to suppress it. Whereupon these Commissioners making 
their first Visitation there, found the monks all gone : but the 
church and much [a great] part of the house well covered 
with lead. Soon after, they plucked off the lead ; and had 
down the bells, which were but two : and, according to the 
statute [i.e., the English Act of Parliament for the suppression of 
the Monasteries], did somewhat hereby disgrace the house. As 
touching the monks ; because they were gone, they put them 
to their pensions at large. 

Sunday, W^^^ Lord's Grace, for considerations moving 

the 18th of iK^ 3 him to pity, having, all this while, spared 

September. |^^| Edinburgh from hurt; did so leave it: 

' ' but, Leith and the ships still burning, 



^^^"^^g;] The Army returns by Lauderdale. 141 

soon after seven o'clock in this morning, caused the camp to 
dislodge. And as we were parted from where we lay, the 
Castle shot off a peal (with chambers hardly and all) of a 
twenty-four pieces. 

We marched south-eastward from the Frith, into the land- 
ward. 

But part of us kept the way that the chief of the chase was 
continued in ; whereby we found most part of the dead 
corpses lying very ruefully, with the colour of their skins 
changed greenish about the place they had been smitten in, 
and as there too above ground unburied. Many also, we 
perceived to have been buried in Underesk churchyard ; the 
graves of whom, the Scots had, very slily for sight, covered 
again with green turf. By divers of these dead bodies were 
there set up a stick with a clout, with a rag, with an old 
shoe, or some other mark for knowledge : the which we 
understood to be marks made by the friends of the dead 
party, when they had found him ; whom then, since they 
durst not for fear or lack of leisure, convey away to bury 
while we were in those parts ; they had stickt [stuck] up a 
mark to find him the sooner when we were gone. 

And passing that day, all quietly, a seven mile ; we 
camped early, for that night, at Crainston [Cranstoun] by 
a place of the Lord of Ormiston. 

This morning, his Grace making Master Andrew Dudley 
(brother unto the Earl of Warwick) a knight, as his valiance, 
sundrywhere tried, had well before deserved it, despatched 
my Lord Admiral and him, with ships full fraught with men 
and munition, towards the winning of a Hold in the east side 
of Scotland, called Broughty Crak [Broughty Castle] which 
standeth in such sort at the mouth of the river Tay, that 
being gotten, both Dundee, Saint John's Town, and many 
towns else (the best of the country in those parts, set upon 
the Tay) shall either become subject unto this Hold or else 
be compelled to forego their whole use of the river from 
having anything thereby coming inward or outward. 

Monday, Ihtkt^d.^ went a ten mile, and camped toward 
the igth of K^^yM night, a little a this side a market town 
September, ^j^O called Lauder : at the which, as we had 
' ^^^^ indeed no friendly entertainment, so had 
we no envious resistance : for there was nobody at home. 



142 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. ^ja^^'S 

Here as our tents were a pitching, a dozen or twenty of 
their hedge-creepers, horsemen that lay lurking thereby (like 
sheep-biter curs to snatch up, and it were but a sorry lamb 
for their prey) upon a hill, about half a mile south-east from 
us, ran at, and hurt one of our men. 

For acquittal whereof, my Lord's Grace commanded that 
three or four houses, such as they were, standing also upon 
a hill two flight shot southward from our camp, should be 
burnt. Thomas Fisher, his Grace's Secretary, rode straight 
thither, with a burning brand in his one hand and his gun in 
the other, accompanied with no more but one of his own 
men, and fired them all by and by [at once] . I noted it, for 
my part, an enterprise of a right good heart and courage : 
peradventure, so much the rather, because I would not gladly 
have taken in hand to have done it so myself; specially since 
part of these prickers stood then within a flight shot of him. 
Howbeit, as in all this journey, upon any likelihood of 
business, I ever saw him right well appointed, and as 
forward as the best ; so at the skirmish which the Scots 
proffered at Hailes Castles on Wednesday the 7th of this 
month, afore written [p. go], I saw none so near them as 
he. Whereby I may have good cause to be the less in doubt 
of his hardiness. 

Here also as we were settled, our Herald Norroy returned 
from the Scots Council, with the Laird of Brunston and 
Ross their Herald : who, upon their suit to my Lord's Grace, 
obtained that five of their Council should have his Grace's 
safe conduct that, at any time and place, within fifteen days, 
during our abode in their country or at Berwick, the same 
five might come and common [commune] with five of our 
Council touching the matters between us. 



Tuesday, ||"«iV*y]Oss the Herald departed early with this 
the 20th of R ^^^ safe conduct. Our camp raised, and we 
September. fi^^S' went that day a seven mile to as far as 
' ' 1 Home Castle : where we camped on the 

west side of a rocky hill that they call Harecra[ijg ; which 
standeth about a mile westward from the castle [now called 
Hirsil] . 

The Lord Home, as I said, lay diseased [ill] at Edinburgh, 



^^^""^g:] Surrender of Home Castle at Hirsil, 143 

of his hurt in his flight, at the Friday's skirmish before the 
battle. The Lady his wife came straight to my Lord's 
Grace, making her humble suit that like as his goodness had 
graciously been shown to right many others, in receiving 
them and their houses into his Grace's protection and 
assurance ; even so that it would please him to receive and 
assure her and her house, the castle. 

My Lord's Grace minding never otherwise but to assure 
her she should be sure so to forego it, turned straight her 
suit of assurance into communication of rendering. For 
my part, I doubt not but the terror of extremity by their 
obstinacy, and the profit of friendship by their submission 
was sufficiently showed her. The which, having well, belike, 
considered ; she left off her suit, and desire respite for con- 
sultation till the next day at noon : which having been 
granted her, she returned to the castle. 

They say, " a match well made, is half won." We were 
half put in assurance of a toward answer by the promise of a 
prophecy among the Frenchmen, which saith 

Chateau qui parte, et femme qui ecout 
L'un veut rendre, et V autre, 

and so forth. 

There were certain hackbutters that, upon appointment 
before, had beset the castle : who then had further command- 
ment given them, that taking diligent heed none should pass 
in or out without my Lord's Grace's licence, they should 
also not occupy [use] any shot or annoyance till upon further 
warning. 

Wednesday, fmrn^ His lady, in this mean time, consulted 
the 21st 0/ 1^ ^ with her son and heir, prisoner with us ; 
September. ^3 ^ and with other her friends, the keepers of 

the castle : and, at the time appointed, 

returned this day to my Lord's Grace, requiring first a longer 
respite till eight o'clock at night, and therewith safe conduct 
for Andrew Home her second son, and John Home, Lord 
of Col dam Knowes [? Cowden Knowes] a kinsman of her hus- 
band. Captains of this castle, to come and speak with his 
Grace in the meanwhile. 

It was granted her, whereupon these Captains, about three 



144 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. "^al^'S 

o'clock, came to his Lordship ; and, after other covenants, 
with long debating, on both parts agreed upon ; she and these 
Captains concluded to give their assent to render the castle, 
so far forth as the rest of the keepers would therewith be 
content. For two or three within, said they, were also in 
charge as well as they in keeping it. For knowledge of 
whose minds, my Lord's Grace then sent Somerset his Herald, 
with this Lady to the castle to them ; who, as the Herald had 
made them privy of the Articles, would fain have had leisure 
for twenty-four hours longer to send to their Lord to Edin- 
burgh to know his will : but being wisely and sharply called 
upon by the Herald, they agreed to the covenants concluded 
on before by their Lady and the Captains. 

Whereof part were, as I saw by the sequel, that they should 
depart thence, the next day morning, by ten o'clock, with bag 
and as much baggage as they could carry ; saving that all 
munition andvictail were to be left behind them in the castle. 

Howbeit forasmuch as before their nation had not been 
altogether so just of covenant, whereby we might have cause 
then firmly to credit their promise : my Lord's grace (provi- 
ding each way to be ready for them) caused this night eight 
pieces of our ordnance fenced with baskets of earth, to be 
planted on the south side, towards the castle within power 
[range] of battery; and the hackbutters to continue their 
watch and ward. 

Thursday, |B^S^^^ morning, my Lord's Grace having 
the 22nd of f^ ^8 deputed my Lord Grey to receive the ren- 
Sebtemher. ^ ^^ dering of the castle, and Sir Edward 
* ^^ ^^ Dudley, after, to be Captain of the same ; 
they both departed to it : and, at the time set, Andrew Home 
and four others of the chiefest there with him, came out ; and 
yielding the castle, delivered my Lord the keys. 

His Lordship causing the residue (who were in all seventy- 
eight in number], to come out then, saving six or seven to 
keep their baggage within) entered the same, with Master 
Dudley and divers other gentlemen with him. He found 
there indifferent good store of victual and wine : and of ord- 
nance, two bastard culverins, one saker, and three falconets 
of brass ; besides eight pieces of iron. The castle standeth 
up on a rocky crag, at a proud height over all the country 



^^^jj^gj The Fortification at Roxburgh. 145 

about it ; well nigh fenced in on every side by marshes ; with 
thick walls, almost round in form ; and which is a rare thing 
upon so high and stony a ground, a fair well within it. 

The keeping of this castle, my Lord betaking to Master 
Dudley accordingly, returned to my Lord's Grace at the 
camp. 

TPvirJ^M |K(Si^JB RAISED [the camp], and came this 

the 2'^rd of ^VkiM rnoi'i^ing to Roxburgh, a three mile irom 

Sebtemher. AAjS Home. Our camp occupied a great fallow 

HMfttf'nflrffri i ^gj^ between Roxburgh, and Kelsey 

[Kelso] which stood eastward a quarter of a mile off, a pretty 
market town, but they were all gone forth there. 

My Lord's Grace, with divers of the council, and Sir 
Richard Lee (whose charge in this expedition specially was 
to appoint the pioneers each where in work as [wherever] he 
should think meet ; and then, where my Lord's Grace 
assigned, to devise the form of building for fortification : 
whom surely the goodness of his wit and his great experience 
hath made right excellent in that science) went straight to 
Roxburgh, to cast [plan] what might be done there for 
strengthening. 

The plot and site thereof hath been, in time past, a castle : 
and standeth [about a mile from Kelso] naturally very strong, 
upon a hill east and west, of an eight score [= 160 yards] in 
length and three score [ = 60 yards] in breadth, drawing to 
narrowness at the east end : the whole ground whereof, the old 
walls do yet environ. Besides the height and hardness to 
come to, it is strongly fenced, on either side, with the course 
of two great rivers, Tweed on the north, and Teviot on the 
south : both of which joining somewhat nigh together at the 
west end of it. The Teviot, by a large compass about the 
fields we lay in, at Kelsey doth fall into this Tweed : which, 
with great depth and swiftness, runneth from thence eastward 
into the sea at Berwick ; and is notable and famous for two 
commodities [ejspecially, salmon and whetstones. 

Over this, betwixt Kelsey and Roxburgh, there hath been a 
great stone bridge with arches, the which the Scots, in time 
past, have all to broken ; because [in order that] we should not 
come that way to them. 

Soon after my Lord's Grace's survey of the plot and deter- 

K I 



146 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^ 



Patten, 
an. 1548. 



mination to do as much indeed for making it defensible as the 
shortness of the time and the season of the year could suffer : 
which was that one great trench of twenty feet broad, with 
depth accordingly, and a wall of like breadth and height, 
should be made across within the castle from the one sidewall 
to the other, and a forty foot from the west end ; and that a 
like trench and wall should likewise be cast a travers, within 
about a quoit's cast from the east end. And hereto that the 
castle walls, on either side, where need was, should be mended 
with turf, and made with loopholes as well for shooting for- 
ward as for flanking at hand. The work of which device did 
make that besides the safeguard of these trenches and walls, 
the keepers [garrison] should also be much fenced by both the 
end walls of the castle. 

The pioneers were set awork, and diligently applied in the 
same. 

This day, the Laird of Cesforth [Cessford], and many other 
Lairds and gentlemen of Teviotdale and their Marches there, 
having come and communed with my Lord's Grace, made us 
an " assurance," which was a friendship and, as it were, a 
truce ; for that day, till next day at night. 

This day, in the mean while their assurance lasted, these 
Lairds and gentlemen aforesaid, being the chiefest of the 
whole Marches and Teviotdale, came in again : whom my 
Lord's Grace, with wisdom and policy, without any fighting 
or bloodshed, did win into the obedience of the King's 
Majesty ; for the which they did willingly then also receive 
an oath. Whose names follow. 



Lairds. 



The Laird of Cesforth. 
The Laird of Fernyhurst. 
The Laird of Greenhead. 
The Laird of Hunthill. 
The Laird of Huntley. 
The Laird of Markstone by 

Mereside. 
The Laird of Browniedworth. 
The Laird of Ormiston. 



The Laird of Mallestaines. 

\_Mellerstane\. 
The Laird of Walmesey. 
The Laird of Linton. 
The Laird of Edgerston. 
The Laird of Marton \^Merton\. 
The Laird of Mowe. 
The Laird of RiddelL 
The Laird of Beamerside. 



IW. Patten."! 
Jan. 1548.J 
J< 
B 
A 



The building of Roxburgh Castle. 147 
Gentlemen, 



George Trombull [Turnbull], 

John Hollyburton. 

Robert Car. 

Robert Car, of Greyden. 

Adam Kirton. 

Andrew Meyther. 

Saunders Spurvose, of Erleston. 

Mark Car, of Litleden. 

George Car, of Faldenside. 

Alexander Macdowell. 

Charles Rotherford. 



Thomas Car, of the Yare. 
John Car, of Meinthom. 
Walter Halyburton. 
Richard Hanganside. 
Andrew Car. 
James Douglas, of Cavers. 
James Car, of Mersington. 
George Hoppringle. 
William Ormiston, of Endmer- 

den. 
John Grimslow. 



Many more there were, there, besides ; whose names also for 
that they remain in register with these, I have thought the 
less necessary to write here. 

My Lord's Grace did tender so much the furtherance of 
this work in the Castle [of Roxburgh], that, this day, as every 
day else during our camping there, his Grace did not stick to 
dig with a spade above two hours himself. Whereby, as his 
Estate, sure[ly] was no more embased [lowered] than the 
majesty of great Alexander, what time he set, curtius nd. 
with his own hands, the poor cold soldier in his own '''"• 
chair of Estate, to relieve him by his fire : so, by the example 
hereof, was every man so moved, that there were but few of 
the Lords, Knights, and gentlemen in the field, but with spade, 
shovel, or mattock, did their parts therein right willingly and 
uncompelled. 



Sunday, 
the 25th of 
September. 




His day, began the Scots to bring victail 
to our camp ; for the which they were so 
well entreated and paid, that, during the 
time we lay there, we wanted none of the 



commodities their country could minister. 



Monday, jSf^^^O notable thing, but the continuance 
the 26th of ? I^y \ of our work at the Castle. For further- 
Septemher. S^Vt ance whereof, order was taken that the 
* ^ Captains of footmen, each after other, 

should send up his hundred soldiers thither to work an hour's 
space. 



148 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^j 



. Patten. 
an. 1548, 



Tuesday, 
the 2yth of 
September. 



^M 



He Laird of Coldam Knowes [Cowden 
Knowes] not having so fully kept his 
appointment, made at Home Castle, 
touching his coming again to my Lord's 



Grace at Roxburgh; Sir Ralph Vane, with a two or three 
hundred horse, about three o'clock in this morning, was sent 
to his house for him : which was a seven mile from us. The 
which charge. Master Vane did so earnestly apply, as he was 
there, with his number, before six. But the Laird, whether 
he was warned thereof by privy scout or spy or not, he passed 
by another way; and, soon after seven, was with my Lord's 
Grace in the camp. Master Vane was welcomed : and having 
no resistence made, but all submission, and profer of good 
cheer (for so had the Laird charged his wife to do) ; soon 
after, returned to the camp. 

This day, my Lord's Grace was certified by letter from my 
Lords Clinton and Sir Andrew Dudley, that, on the 
Wednesday last, being the 21st of this month, after certain 
of their shot discharged against the Castle of Droughty Crak, 
the same was yielded unto them. The which, Sir Andrew 
did then enter ; and, after, keep as Captain. 



Wednesday, 
the 28th of 
September. 




Scottish Herald, accompanied with cer^ 
tain Frenchmen (that were, perchance, 
more desirous to mark our army, than to 
wit [know] of our welfare) came, and de- 
claredfrom their Council, that, within asevennight [week] after, 
their Commissioners, to whom my Lord's Grace had before 
granted his safe conduct, should come and commune with 
our Council at Berwick: Whose coming my Lord Lieutenant, 
Master Treasurer, and the other of our Commissioners did, so 
long while, there abide. 

But these Scots (as men that are never so just, and in 
nothing so true as in breach of promise and using untruth) 
neither came, nor, belike, meant to come. And yet sure[ly], 
I take this for no fetch of a fine device : unless they mean 
thereby to win that they shall never need, after, to promise : 
inEpigr. using the feat of Arnus : who with his always 
Mori. swcaring, and his ever lying, at last, obtained that 

his bare word was as much in credit as his solemn oath : but 
his solemn oath no more than an impudent lie. However since 



^kmlS] Honours given to the Chivalry. 149 



I am certain that sundry of them have showed themselves 
right honest ; I would be loath hereto be counted so unadvised 
as to arret [impute] the faults of many to the infamy of all. 

It was said among us, they had in the meantime received 
letters of consolation, and many gay offers from the French 
King : yet had that been no cause to have broken promise 
with the Council of a realm. Howbeit, as these letters were 
to them but an unprofitable plaster to heal their hurt then ; 
so are they full likely, if they trust much therein to find them 
a corzey [corasive] that will fret them a new sore. 

My Lord's Grace considering that of virtue and well doing, 
the proper need is honour (as well therefore for reward to 
them that had afore done well, as for cause of encourage[ment] 
to others, after, to do the like), did, this day afternoon, adorn 
many Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen, with dignities, as follow. 
The names and promotions of whom, I have here set in order, 
as they were placed in the Heralds' book. 

Ba?tnerets, 

Sir Ralph Sadler, Treasurer. 
Sir Francis Byran, Captain of the Light Horsemen. 
Sir Ralph Vane, Lieutenant of all the Horsemen. 
These Knights were made Bannerets : a dignity above a Knight, and 
next to a Baron : whose acts I have partly touched in the stoiy before. 



Knights, 



The Lord Grey, of Wilton ; High 

Marshal. 
The Lord Edward Seymour, my 

Lord Grace's son. 
Of these, the readers shall also find 

before. 
The Lord Thomas Howard. 
The Lord Walldike. 
Sir Thomas Dacres. 
Sir Edward Hastings. 
Sir Edmund Bridges. 
Sir John THYNNE,my Lord Grace's 

Steward of his Household. 
Sir Miles Partridge. 
Sir John Conway. 
Sir Giles Poole. 
Sir Ralph Bagnolle, 
Sir Oliver Lawrence. 



Sir Henry Gates. 

Sir Thomas Chaloner, one of the 
Clerks of the King's Majesty's 
Privy Council, and in this 
army, as I might call him. 
Chief Secretary : who, with his 
great pains and expedite dili- 
gence in despatch of things 
passing from my Lord's Grace 
and the council there, did make 
that his merit was not with the 
meanest. 

Sir Francis Flemming, Master of 
the Ordnance there. A gentle- 
man whom long exercise and 
good observance hath made in 
that leat right perfect : where- 
unto, in this Voyage, he joined so 



150 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^kZ^'S 



much heed and diligence, as it 
was well found how much his 
service did stead. 

Sir John Gresham. 

Sir William Skipwith. 

Sir John Buttes. 

Sir George Blage. 

Sir William Francis. 

Sir Francis Knowles. 

Sir William Thorborow. 

Sir George Haward. 

Sir James Wilford. 

Sir Ralph Coppinger. But that 
I have written in the Story [p. 
122], with what forward hard- 
ness Sir George Haward did 
bear the King's Majesty's 
Standard in the battle ; and 
there also of the industrious 
pain of Sir James Wilford 
[p. 122] ; and Sir RALPH COP- 
PINGER did aid, not smally, in 
safeguard of the Standard of 
our Horsemen [p. 120] ; I have 
been more diligent to have re- 
hearsed it here. 



Sir Thomas Wentworth. 

Sir John Marven. 

Sir Nicholas Straunge. 

Sir Charles Sturton. 

Sir Hugh Ascue. 

Sir Francis Salmin. 

Sir Richard Townley. 

Sir Marmaduke Constable. 

Sir George Audley. 

Sir John Holcroft. 

Sir John Southworth. 

Sir Thomas Danby. 

Sir John Talbot. 

Sir Rowland Clerk. 

Sir John Horsely. 

Sir John Forster. 

Sir Christopher Dies. ] 

Sir Peter Negroo. \s/ZLrds. 

Sir Alonso de Ville. J 

Sir Henry Hussey. 

Sir James Granado. 

Sir Walter Bonham. 

Sir Robert Brandling, Mayor 
of Newcastle, and made Knight 
there, at my Lord Grace's re- 
turn. 



As it is not to be doubted but right many more in the 
army, besides these, did also well and valiantly quit them 
(although their preferment was rather then deferred than 
their deserts yet to be forgotten) ; even so, among these were 
there right many, the knowledge of whose acts and demerits 
I could not come by : and yet would have no man any more 
to doubt of the worthiness of their advancement, than they 
are uncertain of his circumspection and wisdom, who pre- 
ferred them to it. Whereupon, all men may safely thus far 
forth, without offence, presume ; that his Grace unworthily 
bestowed this honour on no man. 

By this day, as Roxburgh was sufficiently made tenable 
and defensible (the which my Lord's Grace seemed half to 
have vowed to see, before he would depart thence) his Grace 
and the council did first determine that my Lord Grey should 
remain upon the Borders there, as the King's Majesty's 
Lieutenant. And then took order for the forts, that Sir 
Andrew Dudley, Captain of Broughty Crak, had left with 
him, two hundred soldiers of hackbutters and others, and a 



^^Z^'S] ^^^ Expedition from the West Marches, i 5 1 

sufficient number of pioneers for his works ; Sir Edward 
Dudley, Captain of Home Castle, sixty hackbutters, forty 
horsemen, and a hundred pioneers ; Sir Ralph Bulmer, 
Captain of Roxburgh, three hundred soldiers, of hackbutters 
and others, and two hundred pioneers. 

Thursday, WM^^^i ^ things were thus concluded : and 

the 2gth of whk^ warning given overnight that our 

September, being [^^^ camp should, this day, dissolve : 

Michaelmas Day. ' ' every man fell to packing apace. 

My Lord's Grace, this morning, was passed over the Tweed 
here, soon after seven o'clock. The best place whereof for 
getting over (which was over against the west end of our 
camp, and not far from the broken arches of the broken 
bridge) was yet, with great stones in the bottom, so uneven 
of ground ; and by reason of rain that lately fell before, the 
water was so deep and the stream so swift ; that right many 
of our horsemen and footmen were greatly in peril at their 
passage, and one or two drowned. Many carriages also 
were overthrown, and in great danger of being lost. 

My Lord's Grace took his way straight towards Newcastle; 
and thence homeward. 

My Lord the Earl of Warwick, my Lord Grey, and Sir 
Ralph Sadler, with divers others, rode towards Berwick, 
to abide the coming of the Scottish Commissioners. 

In the mean time of tarrying there, my Lord of Warwick 
did make five knights : 

Sir Thomas Nevil, the Lord Nevil's brother. 

Sir Anthony Strelley. 

Sir — Verney. 

Sir John Bartevile, a Frenchman. 

And another. 
But the Scots (like men though slipper in covenant, yet 
constant in usage, and therefore less blushing to break 
promise than custom) came not at all. Whereupon my Lord 
and the other of our Commissioners having tarried for them 
the full time of appointment, which was until the 4th of 
October; the next day after, departed thence homeward. 

In part of the meantime, while my Lord's Grace was thus 



152 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^: 



Patten, 
an. 1548. 



doing the exploits in Scotland, as I have before written ; the 
Earl of LiNNOS [Lennox], with my Lord Wharton, Lord 
Warden of our West Marches against Scotland, according as 
his Grace had before taken order, with a number of five 
thousand, entered Scotland by the West Marches ; and, first 
passing a two mile, after a day's and night's defence, they 
won the Church of Annan: a strong place, and very noisome 
always unto our men, as they passed that way. There they 
took seventy-two prisoners, the keepers of the same ; burnt 
the spoil, for cumber [encumbrance] of carriage ; and caused 
the Church to be blown [up] with powder. 

Passing thence, a sixteen mile within the land ; soon after, 
they won a Hold called the " Castle of Milk " : the which 
they left well furnished with munition and men, and so 
returned. 

Divers other notable acts they did, here left unwritten of 
by me, because unknown to me : but as much as I certainly 
heard of, I have thought meet to add hereunto ; because I 
may well count them as part of this Expedition and Voyage. 




1 



153 




^A PERORATION 

unto tlft gentle Mtaut, tuitl) a 

^l)ou tti)tatm of tl^e 

action Done* 




Have thus absolved my book : but neithei 
with such speed as, perchance, it had been the 
office of him that would take upon him to write 
of this matter ; nor as the dignity of the argu- 
ment required publication. 

For it may well be thought a man that 
had been forth in no part of the voyage, 
with mean diligence might, in this space, have learned and 
written as much by inquiry at home. And since the power 
of time is, in each case, so great as things indifferently good, 
by choice of opportunity, are made much commendable ; and 
again, by coming out of season may be much disgraced : 
right small then may I take my merit to be, that come now 
so intempestively [out of time] to tell that tale, whereof all 
men's ears are full of, a four months before. 

Yet for excuse of my slackness (as who would not be 
blameless ?), trusting that my plain confession may the rather 
move you to take things to the better, I have thought it best 
to render you the very cause thereof. 

Which is, that after I had somewhat entered into this 
business, and thereby was compelled to consider the precis^ 



154 Peroration to the gentle Reader, [^^n^^"*^ 

observance of deeds, words, and, in a manner, gestures ; the 
diligent marking of the situation of towns, castles, and 
churches ; of the lying of the hills, plains, and fields ; of the 
course of rivers, of respect of winds ; and of infinite such 
other things that ought first to have been made there while 
they were a doing, and while a man had been at them (the 
which indeed, I had not so perfectly written in my notes; 
therefore was driven to stress my memory the more for 
calling the same to mind again) : and, herewith, regarding 
the great heed that ought to be had in rehearsal of circum- 
stances, and in placing of things in writing, accordingly as 
they were done, seen, or heard — I found the enterprise a great 
deal more weighty than the slenderness of my wit was able 
quickly to pass with. 

Howbeit, when, upon deeper consideration, I pondered 
with myself what a thing it was to make any Monument in 
this so prosperous a commonalty ; whereof the Governors are 
so absolutely wise, and wherein an infinite number of men 
are so finely witted and so profoundedly learned beside : I 
In de Art. Tathcr regarded the counsel of the wise poet Horace, 
^'''*' who wills a man to keep his writings in his hands nine 

years (meaning a good while for correction) than to have any 
haste of publication, whereby at once I should lose my liberty 
of amendment. Which liberty, though, after, I might have 
never so well, yet because it is nothing so commendable to 
mend a fault as to make no fault ; I would gladly before have 
had the leisure to look that the thing might have passed as 
faultless from me, as my diligence could have made it. 

And surely, had it not been more for answering the expec- 
tation of some men of honour (who knew I was in hand with 
the matter ; and who else, peradventure, might have doubted 
my diligence) than it was for mine own desire to have my 
doings to come soon abroad : I would have taken a better 
breath, ere they had come out yet. 

But since the chance is cast, and the word thus uttered 
cannot be called again ; whereby I have jeoparded [jeopardize] 



4 



^kZ^"48•] -^ Special Correspondent's troubles. 155 

with your three hours' reading, to make you Censor of my 
three months' writing : judge ye, I pray you ! as ye may with 
favour ! and conster my meaning to the best ! 

I know my need is to pray much. For I am not so foolish 
as to think myself so wise, that with a text all faultless, I 
can drive forth so long a process. But as I, for the time, 
have endeavoured to say, rather as well as I can, than as 
well as can be ; so shall there be, for me, liberty to all men to 
write what else they can utter, either further or better : which 
if they do, I shall, with all my heart, become then as benign 
a reader to them, as I would wish you now to be here to me. 

To the intent now I would quite [be quit] from the cumber 
of inquiry or question, such as, haply, would wit, " What a 
do I had in the army ? or how I had any knowledge of that 
I have written? " I have thought it courtesy, not to be dan- 
gerous to show, that it pleased my very good Lord, the Earl 
of Warwick, Lieutenant of the Host (who thereby had power 
to make Officers), to make me one of the Judges of the Mar- 
shalsy [i.e., in connection with the High Marshal of the Army, 
Lord Grey], as Master William Cecil, now Master of the 
Requests [and afterwards Lord Burghley] was the other. 
Whereby, we both (not being bound so straightly, in days of 
travel, to the order of march ; nor otherwhile, but when we 
sat in Court, to any great affairs) had liberty to ride to see 
the things that were done, and leisure to note occurrences that 
came. The which thing, as it chanced, we both did : but so 
far from appointment between us, as neither was witing of 
the other's doing till somewhat before our departure home- 
ward. Marry, since my coming home, indeed, his gentleness 
being such as to communicate his notes to me, I have, I 
confess, been thereby, both much a certained [confirmed] in 
many things I doubted, and somewhat remembered [put in 
mind] of that which else I might hap to have forgotten. 

But now, forasmuch, as it hath pleased the most benign 



156 Peroration to the gentle Reader. L^ja^\"'^. 

goodness of GOD, so favourably to aid us in these our affairs, 
and so much to tender the equity of our cause, as by His 
Minister, and our Head in this journey. My Lord Protector's 
Grace, we have turned our enemy's intents for destruction of 
us, unto their own confusion. And, first, overturned of their 
Holds, Dunglas, Thornton, Anderwick, and Annan Church ; 
overcome them, with half of their number of thirty-two thou- 
sand men; slain fifteen thousand three hundred; maimed two 
thousand ; taken fifteen hundred ; burnt Leith and KinghorUj 
as we might also more of their towns, if our Chieftain had 
been as willing as our captains were ready ; won the best 
part of their navy, and burnt the residue ; won from them, 
and keep in the midst of their land, Saint Coomes Inn and 
Droughty Crak, and thereby, but by our leave, keep them 
from their whole intercourse of merchants; won also and 
keep the Castle of Milk and Home Castle ; won of ordnance, 
in their forts and at the field, above eighty pieces ; built 
Roxburgh Castle and Eymouth ; and gained unto the King's 
Majesty's obedience, all Teviotdale and their Marches : all 
this, in so short a time, as within twenty-five days, with so 
small a loss of our side, as of under the number of sixty 
persons in all the whole Voyage; 

And that, in this, the first year of our King's Majesty's 
dominion and rule : whereby, according to his singular to- 
wardness, else evident, we may well conceive an assured hope 
that His Highness too, shall have a most happy, and, with 
GOD's grace, a long reign — 

I would wish and exhort that ye which were not there 
(for though ye were far from any danger of the loss, yet can 
ye not be but full partners of the winning) should effec- 
tually, v^ith us (according as we all have cause) give and wish, 
first, glory and praise unto GOD, obedience and victory to 
our Sovereign, honour and thanks unto our Protector and 
Councilors [i.e., the Privy Council], worship to our Chivalry, 
commendation unto the rest that were out, and a better mind 
unto our enemies. 



V'rj:] Te D E UM! LA UD AM us, 157 

And I, trufji:ing unto the benignity of your gentle acceptance, 
who[ever] shall hap to be reader of this work (with such in- 
differency of request touching the same, as Horace made to 
his well beloved friend Numitius) shall thus take my leave of 
you 

Vive I Vale I si quid novisti rectius istis, Epist. 1. 

Candidus imperii, si non, his utere mecum. 

Out of the Parsonage of Saint Mary's Hill, in London, this 
28th of January, 1548, 





M PRINTED in Londo7t^ the last day of 
yune^ in the second year of the 
reign of our Sovereign Lord^ 
King Edward the VI, ; 
by Richard Grafton^ 
Printer to his most 
royal Majesty, 
M. D. X L V I 1 I. 



CI Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. 



J 



30{)n iSon anli 
mast l^arson* 



Picture of a 

procession of Priests 

bearing the Host. 



IS- <aia!S, poor fool0 1 00 0ore je be latie ? 
^0 macbel 10 it, tlioufflj pour 0l)oultier0 acljet 
for pe bear a great g;oti tobtclj pe pouc0eltie0 matie* 
Sl^afee of it, toljat ?e toilU it i0 a (Lfllafer Cal^e ; 
ianti between ttoo iron0, printeti it i0 anU bafee* 
Sinti loofe, tobere idolatry i0, Cljri^t toill not be tberej 
Cfflltierefore, la? Dolon pour burden i ^n idol, pe do bear i 
t^' aia0, poor fool0 j 



i6i 




3ol)n iSon anli 

What, John Bon ! Good morrow to thee ! 

Now, good morrow, mast[er] Parson, so mut I thee ! 

What meanest thou, John ! to be at work so soon ? 

The sooner I begin, the sooner shall I have done, 
For I 'tend to work no longer than none. 

Par0om 

Marry, John, for that, GOD's blessing on thy heart ! 
For, surely, some there be, will go to plough and cart ; 
And set not by, this holy Corpus Christi even. 

They are the more to blame, I swear by Saint Stephen ! 
But tell me, mast[er] Parson, one thing, and you can ; 
What Saint is Copsi Cursty, a man, or a woman? 



i62 The Interlude of yoBJv Boj\r[^''^^^^^^'^^"^''^^^^ 

Why, John ! knowest not that ? I tell thee, it was a man. 
It is Christ His own self, and to-morrow is His day. 
We bear Him in procession, and thereby know it ye may. 

I know ! mast[erj Parson ! and nay, by my fay ! 
But methink it is a mad thing that ye say. 
That it should be a man. How can it come to pass ? 
Because ye may Him bear within so small a glass. 

Why, neighbour John, and art thou now there ? 
Now I may perceive ye love this new gear. 

God's forbod ! master ! I should be of that faction. 
I question why, your masship, in way of cumlication. 
A plain man, ye may see, will speak as cometh to mind : 
Ye must hold us excused, for ploughmen be but blind. 
I am an eld fellow, of lifter winter and more, 
And yet, in all my life, I knew not this before. 

pargfoiu 

No did I Why sayest thou so ? Upon thyself, thou lyest ! 
Thou hast ever known the sacrament to be the body of 
Christ 1 

Yea, sir, ye say true ! All that, I know indeed ; 
And yet, as I remember, it is not in my Creed : 
But as for Cropsy Cursty to be a man or no, 
I knew not till this day, by the way my soul shall to ! 

^ar0on* 

Why, foolish fellow ! I tell thee it is so 1 

For it was so determined by the Church long ago ; 

It is both the sacrament and very Christ himself. 



Luke Shep-.<.rd. M.D.j A N D M A S T^E R^ P A R S N , 1 63 

No spleaser, mast[er] Parson! Then make ye Christ an elf; 
And the maddest made man, that ever body saw ! 

What ! peace, mad man ! Thou speakest like a daw 1 
It is not possible his manhood for to see. 

Why, sir ; ye tell me it is even very He : 

And if it be not His manhood, His godhead it must be. 

^ar0om 

I tell thee, none of both 1 What meanest thou ? Art thou 
mad? 

No, neither made nor drunk; but to learn I am glad: 
But to displease your masship, I v^ould be very loath, 
Ye grant me here plainly, that it is none of both, 
Then it is but a cake : but I pray ye, be not wroth ! 

i9ai:0om 

Wroth, quoth ha ! By the mass ! (thou makest me swear 

an oath), 
I had leaver with a Doctor of Divinity to reason, 
Than with a stubble cur, that eateth beans and peason. 

I cry ye mercy, mast[er] Parson ! Patience for a season ! 
In all this cumlication is neither felony nor treason. 

^ar0om 

No, by the mass ! But hearest thou ! It is plain heresy. 



i64 The Interlude of ^oi/n Boj\rl^''^'^\'^^'"^''^^f^-^ 

I am glad it chanced so, there was no witness by ; 
And if there had, I cared not ; for ye spake as ill as I, 
I speak but as I heard you say, I wot not what ye thought. \d 

Ye said " It was not God, nor man," and made it worse than '^ 

nought. 

par0om 

I meant not so. Thou tookest me wrong 1 

A, sir ! Ye sing another song I 
I dare not reason with you long. 
I see well, now, ye have a knack 
To say a thing, and then go back. 

No, John ! I was but a little overseen ; 
But thou meantest not good faith, I ween. 
In all this talk that was us between. 

I ! No, trow, it shall not so been 

That John Bon shall an heretic be called, 

Then might he lay him so foul befald. 

But, now, if thou wilt mark me well ! 
From beginning to ending, I will thee tell 
Of the godly service that shall be to-morrow ; 
That, ere I have done, no doubt, thou wilt sorrow 
To hear that such things should be foredone. 
And yet, in many places, they have begun 
To take away the old, and set up new. 
Believe me, John ! this tale is true. 



Luke Shepherd, M.D.-j ^ ^ ^ M A S t\_E R^ P A R S O N , I 65 

Go to, mast[er] Parson ! Say on, and well to thrive ! 
Ye be the jolliest gemman [gentleman] that ever saw in my 
life. 

Par0om 

We shall first have Matins. Is it not a godly hearing ? 

3I Oy n [^^ '•f fow speaking, aside\ , 

Fie ! yes. Methink 'tis a shameful gay cheering, 

For oftentimes, on my prayers, when I take no great keep, 

Ye sing so arrantly well, ye make me fall asleep ! 

Then have we Procession, and Christ about we bear. 

That is a poison holy thing, for GOD Himself is there. 

^ar0om 

Then come we in, and ready us dress. 
Full solemnly to go to Mess. 

Is not here a mischievous thing ! 

The Mess is vengeance holy, for all their saying! 

Then say we Confdeor and Miseriatur. 

Jeze lord ! 'tis abominable matter ! 

And then we stand up to the altar. 

This gear is as good as Our Lady's Psalter. 



i66 The Interlude of ^ oun BojvI'^'''''^'''^^'''^''^^^'^, 

And so go forth with the other deal 
Till we have read the Pistel and Gospel. 

That is good, mast[er] Parson, I know right well. 

^ar0om 

Is that good ! Why, what say'st thou to the other ? 
Marry ! horribly good ! I say none other. 

i9ac0om 

So is all the Mess, I dare avow this. 

As good in every point as Pistel or Gospel is. 

The foul evil it is ! Who would think so much ? 
In faith, I ever thought that it had been no such. 

^ar0om 

Then have we the Canon, that is holiest. 
A spiteful gay thing, of all that ever I wist. 

^ar0om 

Then have we the Memento, even before the sacring. 

Ye are morenly well learned ! I see by your reck'ning 
That ye will not forget such an elvish thing. 

^ac^om 

And after that, we consecrate Very God and Man ; 
And turn the bread to flesh, with five words we can. 



Luke Shepherd, M.D.J ^ ^ ^ M A S t\_E r'\ P A R S N , I 67 

The devil ye do ! I trow this is pestilence business ! 
Ye are much bound to GOD for such a spittle holiness ! 
A gallows gay gift ! With five words alone, 
To make both God and Man; and yet we see none ! 
Ye talk so unreasonably well, it maketh my heart yearn, 
As eld a fellow as I am, I see well I may learn. 

Yea, John! and then, with words holy and good. 
Even, by and by, we turn the wine to blood. 

Lo ! Will ye se ? Lo ! who would have thought it ? 
That ye could so soon from wine to blood ha brought it ? 
And yet, except your mouth be better tasted than mine, 
I cannot feel it other but that it should be wine. 
And yet I wot ne'er a cause there may be, why 
Perchance, ye ha drunk blood oftner than ever did I. 

Truly, John, it is blood, though it be wine in taste. 
As soon as the word is spoke, the wine is gone and past 

A sessions on it ! for me. My wits are me benumme : 
For I cannot study where the wine should become ? 

#ar0om 

Study, quoth ha ! Beware, and let such matter go ! 
To meddle much with this, may bring ye soon to woe. 

Yea, but, mast[er] Parson ! think ye it were right. 
That, if I desired you to make my black ox white ; 
And you say, " It is done ! " and still is black in sight ; 
Ye might me deem a fool, for to believe so light? 



«1 



i68 The Interlude of John ^o^ [Luke shepherd, m.d. 

pardon* 

I marvel much, ye will reason so far I 
I fear if ye use it, it will ye mar ! 

No, no, sir! I trust of that I shall be 'ware, 
I pray you, with your matter again forth to fare i 

|^ar0om 

And then we go forth, and Christ's body receive ; 
Even the very same that Mary did conceive. 

The devil it is ! Ye have a great grace 
To eat GOD and Man in so short a space. 

#ar0om 

And so we make an end, as it lieth in an order. 

But now the blessed Mess is hated in every border, 

And railed on, and reviled, with words most blasphemous : 

But I trust it will be better with the help of Catechismus. 

For though it came forth but even that other day. 

Yet hath it turned many to their old way: 

And where they hated Messe, and had it in disdain, 

There have they Messe and Matins in Latin tongue again. 

Yea, even in London self, John, I tell the truth ! 

They be full glad and merry to hear of this, GOD knoweth ! 

By my troth ! mast[er] Parson, I like full well your talk ! 
But mass me no more messings ! The right way will I walk. 
For, though I have no learning, yet I know cheese from 

chalk. 
And each can perceive your juggling, as crafty as ye walk ! 
But leave your devilish Mass, and the Communion to you take 1 
And then will Christ be with you ; even for His promise 

sake ! 



Luke Shepherd, M.D.J ^ j^ j) M A S t\^E r'\ P A R S O N . 169 

Sanson* 

What, art thou such a one, and kept it so close ! 

Well, all is not gold, that hath a fair gloss, 

But, farewell, John Bon ! GOD bring thee in better mind ! 

I thank you, sir ! for that you seem very kind ; 

But pray not so for me ! for I am well enough. 

Whistle, boy ! drive forth ! GOD speed us and the plough ! 

Ha ! browne done ! forth, that horson crab ! \Tiuse are cries 

to the plough 

Reecomomyne, garled ! with haight, black hab ! horses.-\ 

Have a gain, bald before ! hayght ree who ! 
Cherrily, boy, come off I that homeward we may go. 

if 1 11(0. 

US' gimprinteti at HonDon, bp lo^n 2Da^, anti 

William ^zxz% Dtoellino; in fe)£pulc^ce£f 

^an0^, at tlie ^\^xi of tl)e Ee^urcection, 

a UttU abote ^olbovn ConOuite* 

CVM GRATIA ET PRIV I LEGIO AD 
IM PRI M EN BUM SOLUM. 




170 



Edward Underhill, Esq. 

of the Band of Gendemen Pensioners, 

surnamedj " The hot Gospeller." 

Examination and Imprisonment in August 
1553 ; with anecdotes of the Time. 

[Harl. MS. 425.] 
[Narratives of tJie Days 0/ the Reformation. Camden Society. 1859.] 

A Note of the Examination and Imprisonment of Edward 
Underhill (son and heir of Thomas Underhill of 
Honingham, in the county of Warwick, Esquire) being 
of the Band of the Pensioners \see pp. 191, 192, for a 
ballet that he made against the Papists, immediately 
after the Proclamation of Queen MARY at London ; she 
being in Norfolk. 

He next day [4th] after the Queen was come to 
the Tower [ow the ^rd of August, 1553] ; the fore- 
said ballet [ballad] came into the hands of Secretary 
[Sir John] Bourne ; who straightways made 
inquiry for me, the said Edward, who dwelt at 
Limehurst [Limehouse] ; which he having intelligence of, sent 
the Sheriff of Middlesex, with a company of bills and glaives 
[lances, with a cutting Made at the end of each] ; who came unto 
my house, I being in my bed, and my wife being newly laid 
in child-bed. 

The High Constable, whose name was Thomas Ive, dwelt 
at the next house unto me, the said Edward ; whom the 
Sheriff brought also with him. He, being my very friend, 
desired the Sheriff and his company to stay without, for [fear 
of af] frighting of my wife, being newly laid ; and he would go 
and fetch me unto him. Who knocked at the door, saying, 
" He must speak with me." 

I, lying so near that I might hear him, called unto him, 
willing him " to come unto me ! " for that he was always my 
very friend, and earnest in the Gospel. Who declared unto 




E. underhm.-j Underhill AT THE Council Door. 171 

me that the Sheriff, with a great company with him, was 
sent for me. 

Whereupon I rose, made me ready, and came unto him, 
demanding, " What he would with me ? " 

" Sir," said he, " I have commandment from the Council 
to apprehend you, and forthwith to bring you unto them." 

"Why," said I, "it is now ten o'clock in the night; ye 
cannot, now, carry me unto them 1 " 

" No, Sir," said he, " you shall go with me to my house to 
London, where you shall have a bed : and to-morrow, I will 
bring you unto them at the Tower." 

" In the name of GOD ! [=^most certainly]," said I : and so 
went with him, requiring [inquiring of] him, " If I might 
understand the cause." 

He said, ** He knew none." 

** This needed not, then," said I ; " any one messenger 
might have fetched me unto them " : suspecting the cause 
to be, as it was indeed, the ballet. 

On the morrow [^th of Atigust, 1553], the Sheriff, seeing me 
nothing dismayed, thinking it to be some light matter, went 
not with me himself : but sent me unto the Tower with two of 
his men, waiting upon me with two bills [men with halberts], 
prisoner-like, who brought me unto the Council Chamber ; 
being commanded to deliver me unto Secretary Bourne. 

Thus standing waiting at the Council Chamber door, two 
or three of my fellows, the Pensioners, and my cousin-german 
Gilbert Wynter, Gentleman Usher unto the Lady Eliza- 
beth [see p. 342], stood talking with me. 

In the meantime, cometh Sir Edward Hastings [see 
page 149], newly made Master of the Horse to the Queen, 
and seeing me standing there prisoner, frowning earnestly 
upon me, said, "Are you come? We will talk with you or 
your party, I warrant you ! " and so went into the Council. 

With that, my fellows and kinsman shrank away from me, 
as men greatly afraid. 

I did then perceive the said Sir Edward bare in re- 
membrance the controversy that was betwixt him and 
me in talk and questions of religion at Calais, when the 
Right Honourable the Earl of Huntingdon, his brother, 
went over. General of 6,000 men : with whom I went the 
same time, and was Controller of the Ordnance, 



172 Old disputations at Calais. [^•^' 



rE. UnderhiU. 
1562. 



The Earl being visited with sickness when he came 
thither, for that I went over in his company, and could 
play and sing to the lute, therewith to pass away 
the time, on the nights being long, for we went over 
in Christmas [1552], would have me with him in his 
chamber ; and had also a great delight to hear his brother 
reason with me in matters of religion. Who would be 
very hot, when I did overlay him with the texts of the 
Scripture concerning the natural presence of Christ in 
the sacrament of the altar ; and would swear great oaths, 
specially, ** by the Lord's foot ! " that after the words 
spoken by the priest there remained no bread, but the 
natural body that Mary bare. 

" Nay, then, it must needs be so," would I say, " and 
[«/] you prove it with such oaths !" 

Whereat the Earl would laugh heartily, saying, 
" Brother, give him over ! Underhill is too good for 
you ! " Wherewith he would be very angry. 

The greatest hold that he took of, was of the 3rd of 
John, upon those words, "And no man ascendeth up to 
heaven, but He that came down from heaven, that is to 
say, the Son of Man which is in heaven." I drove him 
from the 6th of John and all other places that he could 
allege ; but from this, he would not be removed, but 
that those words proved his natural body to be in heaven 
and in the sacrament also. I told him he as grossly 
understood Christ, as Nicodemus did in the same place, 
of " being born anew." 

In my opinion, any man that is not given up of GOD, 

may be satisfied concerning the natural presence in the 

Supper of the Lord, by the Gospel of Saint John, reading 

from the first chapter to the end of the seventeenth ; with 

the witness of the first of the Acts of the Apostles of 

Christ's ascension and coming again ; if ever he will be 

satisfied, without the help of any Doctors. 

Undoubtedly, the apprehending of me was for this matter : 

but the great mercy of GOD so provided for me, that Master 

Hastings was not at my examination. For tarrying thus at 

the Chamber door. Doctor Cox [afterwards Bishop of Ely] 

was within ; who came forth, and was sent to the Marshalsea. 

Then came forth the Lord Ferrers, [Viscount Hereford], 



E. underhiiLj Before THE Privy Council. 173 

and was committed to the Tower. Then it was dinner time, 
and all were commanded to depart until after dinner. 

My two waiting men and I went to an alehouse to dinner ; 
and, longing to know my pain [punishment], I made haste to 
get to the Council Chamber door, that I might be the first. 

Immediately, as they had dined, Secretary Bourne came 
to the door, looking as a wolf doth for a lamb; unto whom 
my two keepers delivered me, standing next unto the door : 
for there were more behind me. 

He took me in greedily, and shut to the door; leaving 
me at the nether [lower] end of the Chamber, he went unto 
the Council showing them of me : and then beckoned me to 
come near. 

Then they began the table, and sat them down. The Earl 
of Bedford sat as chief, uppermost upon the bench. Next 
unto him, the Earl of Sussex ; next him, Sir Richard 

SOUTHV^ELL. 

On the side next me, sat the Earl of Arundel; next him, 
the Lord Paget. By them, stood Sir John Gage, then 
Constable of the Tower; the Earl of Bath, and Master 
[afterwards Sir John] Mason. 

At the board's end, stood Serjeant Morgan [who, later on, 
condemned Lady Jane Grey] that afterwards died mad ; and 
Secretary [Sir John] Bourne. 

The Lord Wentworth [the Lord Deputy of Calais, when 
lost; see p. 292J stood in the bay window, talking with one, 
all the while of my examination, whom I knew not. 

My Lord of Bedford being my very friend, (for that my 
chance was to be at the recovering of his son, my Lord 
Russell, when he was cast into the Thames against the 
Limehurst, whom I carried to my house and got him to 
bed ; who was in great peril of his life, the weather being 
very cold) would not seem to be familiar with me, nor 
called me not by my name, but said, " Come hither, 
sirrah ! did not you set forth a ballet of late, in print ? " 
I kneeled down, saying, " Yes, truly, my Lord ! Is that 
the cause I am called before your Honours ? " 

" Ay, marry," said Secretary Bourne, " you have one of 
them about you, I am sure." 

" Nay, truly, have I not," said I, 



174 Sharply questioned for his Ballad. [^•^?"'^''5S 

Then he took one out of his bosom, and read it over dis- 
tinctly ; the Council giving diligent ear. 

When he had ended, " I trust, my Lords," said I, ** I have 
not offended the Queen's Majesty in this ballet ; nor spoken 
against her title, but maintained it." 

" You have, sir," said Morgan, " yes, I can divide your 
ballet, and make a distinction in it ; and so prove at the least 
sedition in it." 

"Ay, sir," said I, " you men of law will make of a matter 
what ye list ! " 

*' Lo," said Sir Richard Southwell, " how he can give 
a taunt ! You maintain the Queen's title, with the help of 
an arrant heretic, Tyndale." 

"You speak of Papists there, sir," said Master Mason, "I 
pray you, how define you a Papist ? " 

I look upon him, turning towards him ; for he stood on the 
side of me, " Why, sir," said I, " it is not long since you 
could define a Papist better than I " [meaning that he had 
turned with the new change of religion']. With that some 
of them secretly smiled ; as the Lords of Bedford, Arundel, 
Sussex, and Paget. 

In great haste, Sir John Gage took the matter in hand, 
"Thou callest men Papists there," said he, "who be they 
that thou judgest to be Papists ? " 

I said, " Sir, I do name no man, and I came not hither to 
accuse any, nor none will I accuse ; but your Honours do 
know that in this Controversy that hath been, some be called 
Papists, and some Protestants." 

" But we must know whom thou judgest to be Papists, and 
that we command thee, upon thine allegiance to declare ! " 

" Sir," said I, " I think if you look among the priests in 
Paul's, ye shall find some old Mumpsimuses there." 

" Mitinpsiimcses, knayel" said he, " Mimipsimusesl Thou 
art an heretic knave, by God's blood ! " 

" Ay, by the mass ! " says the Earl of Bath, " I warrant 
him an heretic knave indeed." 

" I beseech your Honours ! " said I, speaking to the Lords 
that sat at table ; for those other stood by, and were not 
then of the Council, "be my good Lords ! I have offended no 
laws, and I have served the Queen's Majesty's father and 
brother a long time ; and in their service have spent and con- 



E. Underhm.-| QrDERED TO BE SENT TO NeWGATE. 1 75 

sumed part of my living, never having, as yet, any preferment 
or recompense ; and the rest of my fellows likewise, to our 
utter undoings, unless the Queen's Highness be good unto 
us. And for my part, I went not forth against Her Majesty; 
notwithstanding that I was commanded, nor liked those 
doings." 

" No, but with your writings, you would set us together by 
the ears ! " said the Earl of Arundel. 

" He hath spent his living wantonly," saith Bourne, " and 
now saith he has spent it in the King's service ; which I am 
sorry for. He is come of a worshipful house in Worcester- 
shire." 

" It is untruly said of you," said I, " that I have spent my 
living wantonly : for I never consumed any part thereof until 
I came into the King's service ; which I do not repent, nor 
doubted of recompense, if either of my two masters had lived. 
I perceive you [to be] Bourne's son of Worcester ; who was 
beholden unto my uncle Wynter, and therefore you have no 
cause to be my enemy : nor you never knew me, nor I you 
before now, which is too soon." 

" I have heard enough of you," said he. 

" So have I of you," said I, " how that Master Sheldon 
drave you out of Worcestershire, for your behaviour." 

With that, came Sir Edward Hastings from the Queen, 
in great haste, saying, " My Lords ! you must set all things 
apart, and come forthwith to the Queen." 

Then said the Earl of Sussex, " Have this gentleman unto 
the Fleet until we may talk further with him ! " though I 
was " knave," before, of Master Gage. 

" To the Fleet ! " said Master Southwell, " have him to 
the Marshalsea ! " 

** Have the gentleman to Newgate ! " saith Master GaGE 
again, " Call a couple of the Guard here." 

" Ay," saith Bourne, " and there shall be a letter sent to 
the keeper how he shall use him ; for we have other manner 
of matters to him than these." 

" So had ye need," said I, " or else I care not for you ! " 

" Deliver him to Master [after Sir William] Garrard, 
the Sheriff [of London]," said he, " and bid him send him to 
Newgate." 

*' My Lord," said I, unto my Lord of Arundel, (for that he 



176 Appeals in vain to Lord Hastings. [^•^'"^'S: 

was next to me) as they were rising, " I trust you will not 
see me thus used, to be sent to Newgate. I am neither thief 
nor traitor." 

" You are a naughty fellow ! " said he, ** you were always 
tutting in the Duke of Northumberland's ear, that you 
were ! " 

" I would he had given better ear unto me," said I ; '* it 
had not been with him then, as it is now" [waiting his trial in 
the Tower]. 

Master Hastings passing by me, I thought good to prove 
him ; although he threatened me, before noon. 

" Sir," said I, " I pray you speak for me, that I be not 
sent to Newgate ; but rather unto the Fleet, which was first 
named. I have not offended. I am a Gentleman, as you know; 
and one of your fellows, when you were of that Band of the 
Pensioners." 

Very quietly, he said unto me, " I was not at the talk, 
Master Underhill; and therefore I can say nothing to it." 
But I think he was well content with the place I was ap- 
pointed to. 

So went I forth with my two fellows of the Guard, who 
were glad they had the leading of me, for they were great 
Papists. 

"Where is that knave, the printer [of the ballad]?" said 
Master Gage. 

" I know not," said I. 

When we came to the Tower gate, where Sir John 
Brydges [afterwards Lord Chandos of Sudeley, see p. 345] had 
the charge, [who was there] with his brother Master Thomas ; 
with whom I was well acquainted, (but not with Sir John) 
who, seeing the two of the Guard leading me, without their 
halberts, rebuked them ; and stayed me while they went for 
their halberts. 

His brother said unto me, " I am sorry you should be an 
offender. Master Underhill." 

" I am none. Sir ! " said I, " nor went I against the Queen." 

" I am glad of that," said he. 

And so forth we went at the gate, where was a great throng 
of people to hear and see what prisoners were committed : and 



E.Underhm.J BeFRIENDED BY ShERIFF, & LORD RuSSELL I 77 

amongst whom stood, my friend Master IvE, the High Con- 
stable, my next neighbour. 

One of the Guard went forth at the wicket before me, to 
take me by the arm, the other held me by the other arm ; 
fearing, belike, I would have shifted [escaped] from them 
amongst the people. 

When my friend, who had watched at the gate all the fore- 
noon saw me thus led ; he followed afar off, as Peter did 
Christ, to see what should become of me. Many also fol- 
lowed, some that knew me : some to learn who I was ; for 
that I was in a gown of satin. 

Thus passed we through the streets, well accompanied, 
unto Master Garrard, the Sheriff's house, in the Stocks 
Market. My friend Master Ive tarried at the gate. 

These two of the Guard declared unto Master Sheriff, that 
they were commanded by the Council to deliver me unto him, 
and he to send me unto Newgate : saying, " Sir, if it please 
you, we will carry him thither," 

With that, I stepped unto Master Sheriff, and, taking him 
a little aside, requested him that, forasmuch as their commis- 
sion was but to deliver me unto him, and he to send me into 
Newgate, that he would send me by his officers : for the 
request was of mere malice. 

" With a good-will ! " said Master Sheriff. 

" Masters ! " said he, " you may depart ! I will send my 
officers with this gentleman anon ; when they be come in." 

"We will see him carried, Sir! " said they, "for our dis- 
charge." 

Then the Sheriff said sharply unto them, ** What I do you 
think that I will not do the Council's commandment ? You 
are discharged by delivering him unto me ! " 

With that, they departed. 

My friend, Master Ive, seeing them depart and leave me 
behind, was very glad thereof: and tarried still at the gate 
to see farther. 

All this talk in the Sheriffs hall, did my Lord Russell, 
son and heir to the Earl of Bedford, hear and see ; who was 
at commandment [under arrest] in the Sheriff's house, and his 
chamber joining into the hall, wherein he might look : v/ho 
was very sorry for me, for that I had been familiar with him 
in matters of religion, as well on the other side the seas as 

M T 



178 ISLOCKED UP IN NeWGATE. P' H""^""^". 

at home. He sent me on the morrow, 20s. [=about £10 now] ; 
and every week as much, while I was in Newgate. 

When these two companions of the Guard were gone, the 
Sheriff sent two of his officers with me, who took no bills 
with them, nor lead me ; but followed a pretty way behind 
me : for as I said unto Master Sheriff, "But for order's sake 
and to save him blameless, I would have gone unto Newgate 
myself, at the Council's commandment, or his either." 

When I came into the street, my friend Master Ive, seeing 
me have such liberty, and such distance betwixt me and the 
officers, he stepped before them, and so went talking with me 
through Cheapside : so that it was not well perceived that I 
was apprehended, but by the great company that followed. 

The officers deUvered me unto the Keeper of Newgate, as 
they were commanded : who unlocked a door, and willed me 
to go up the stairs into the Hall. My friend Ive went up 
with me; where we found three or four prisoners that had the 
liberty of the house. 

After a little talk with my friend, I required him not to let 
my wife know that I was sent to Newgate, but [to say] to 
the Counter, until such time that she were near her churching : 
and that she should send me my night-gown, my Bible, and 
my Lute. And so he departed. 

In a while after, it was supper time [i.e., about 5 p.m.]. 
The board was covered in the same hall. The Keeper, whose 
name was Alexander, and his wife came to supper ; and 
half a dozen prisoners that were there for felonies : for I was 
the first, for religion, that was sent unto that prison; but the 
cause why, the Keeper knew not. 

One of those prisoners took acquaintance of [recognised] 
me, and said, " He was a soldier under Sir Richard Crom- 
well in the journey [in July, 1543] to Landreci [in Hain- 
ault], where he did know me and whose servant I was, 
at the same time ; and who, the next year following 
[1544], when the famous King Henry VIII. went unto 
Boulogne, did put me unto his Majesty into the room of 
a man-at-arms. Of the which Band, there were 200 of 
us, upon barded horses, all in one suit of red and yellow 
damask, the bards of our horses and plumes of feathers 
of the same colours, to attend upon his Majesty for the 
defence of his person." 



E. underhiu."! Becomes THE White Son of the Keeper 179 

After supper, this good fellow whose name was Brystow 
procured me to have a bed in his chamber. He could play well 
upon the rebeck [violin]. He was a tall man, and aftei wards 
of the Queen Mary's Guard, and yet a Protestant, which he 
kept secret : " For else," he said, "he should not have found 
such favour as he did at the Keeper's hands, and his wife's ; 
for to such as love the Gospel, they were very cruel." 

•' Well," said I, " I have sent for my Bible ; and by GOD's 
grace, therein shall be my daily exercise. I will no hide it 
from them." 

** Sir ! " said he, *' I am poor ; but they will bear with you, 
for that they see your estate is to pay well ; and I will shew 
you the nature and manner of them : for I have be n here a 
a good while. They both do love music very well ; where- 
fore you with your lute, and I to play with you on my rebeck, 
will please them greatly. He loveth to be merry, and to 
drink wine ; and she also. If you will bestow upon them 
every dinner and supper a quart of wine, and some music : 
you shall be their white son, and have all the favour that 
they can shew you ! " And so it came to pass. 

And now I think it good a little to digress from my 
matter concerning my imprisonment and my deliverance; 
and to note the great mercy of GOD shewed unto his 
servants in that great Persecution in Queen Mary's 
time : how mightily and how many ways he preserved 
such as did fear Him, even as He preserved Daniel, 
Jeremy, Paul, and many in the old time. 

Some were moved by His Spirit to flee over the seas. 
Some were preserved still in London, that, in all the 
time of persecution, never bowed their knees unto Baal: 
for there was no such place to shift [hide] in, in this 
realm, as London, notwithstanding their great spiall and 
search ; nor no better place to shift the Easter time 
[to avoid being houselled, i.e., taking the sacrament] than in 
Queen Mary's Court, serving in the room I did, as shall 
be shewed hereafter 

A great number, God did strengthen constantly to 

stand to His Word, to glorify His name, which be 

praised for ever and ever, world without end ! And some 

be preserved for these days. 

And now again to prosecute the matter of my trouble and 



i8o Falls dangerously ill, of the Ague, p- ^;"'^^*^']•. 

wonderful deliverance out of that loathsome gaol of New- 
gate. 

When that I had been there about two weeks [^th-iSth 
August, 1553], through the evil savours, and great unquietness 
of the lodgings, as also by occasion of drinking of a draught 
of strong Hollock [a sweet] wine, as I was going to bed, 
which my chamber fellow would needs have me to pledge 
him in, I was cast into an extreme burning ague, that I could 
take no rest, and desiring to change my lodging. And so did, 
from one to another, but none could I abide ; there was so 
many evil savours, and so much noise of prisoners. 

The Keeper and his wife offered me his own parlour, where 
he himself lay : which was furthest from noise ; but it was 
near the kitchen, the savour of which I could not abide. 
Then did she lay me in a chamber, where she said never a 
prisoner lay, which was her store chamber, where all her 
plate and money lay ; which was much. 

So much friendship I found at their hands, notwithstand- 
ing that they were spoken unto, by several Papists. And 
the Woodmongers of London, with whom I had had a great 
conflict for presenting them for false marking of billets ; 
they required the Keeper to show me no favour, and to lay 
irons upon me, declaring that ** I was the greatest heretic in 
London." 

My very friend Master Recorde, Doctor of Physic, 
singularly seen in all the seven sciences, and a great Divine, 
visited me in the prison (to his great peril if it had been 
known, who long time was at charges and pains with me, 
gratis), and also after I was delivered. By means whereof, 
and the Providence of GOD, I received my health. 

My wife then was churched before her time, to be a suitor 
for my deliverance ; who put up a Supplication unto the 
Council declaring my extreme sickness and small cause to be 
committed unto so loathsome a gaol ; requiring that I might 
be delivered, putting in sureties to be forthcoming to answer 
farther when I should be called. Which she obtained by the 
help of Master [afterwards Sir] John Throgmorton, being 
the Master of the Requests, and my countryman [i.e., of 
Worcestershire] and my kinsman. He, understanding who 
were my enemies, took a time in their absence, and obtained 




^•^,"'^';^"j;] How HIS SON Guildford was christened i8i 



[on 2ist August, 1553] a letter to the Keeper, subscribed by the 
Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Sussex, [Stephen Gardiner 
the Bishop of] Winchester, [Sir Robert] Rochester 
[Comptroller of the Household], and [Sir Edward] Walde- 
GRAVE, to be delivered ; putting in surety, according to the 
request of my wife's Supplication. 

With whom Winchester talked, concerning the 
christening of her child at the church at the Tower Hill; 
and the gossips [sponsors], which were the Duke of 
Suffolk, the Earl of Pembroke, and the Lady Jane, 
then being Queen : with the which, he [Gardiner] was 
much offended. 

My Lady Throgmorton, wife unto Sir Nicholas 
Throgmorton, was the Queen's deputy ; who named 
my son Guildford after her [the Queen's] husband. 

Immediately after the christening was done [on the 
igth of July, 1553], Queen Mary was proclaimed in 
Cheapside; and when my Lady Throgmorton came 
into the Tower, the Cloth of Estate was taken down, 
and all things defaced. A sudden change ! She would 
have gone forth again ; but could not be suffered. 
But now again to my matter. 

When my wife had obtained the letter, joyful she was ; and 
brought her brother, John Speryne of London, merchant, 
with her ; a very friendly man, and zealous in the LORD : 
who was bound with me, according to the Council's letters 
before Master Chedely, Justice of the Peace : who came 
into the prison unto me ; for I was so sick and weak that I 
was constrained to tarry a while longer, and my wife with me 
day and night. 

During all the time of my sickness, I was constrained to 
pay 8(^. [ = about 6s. 8d. now] every meal; and as much for 
my wife, and for every friend that came to see me, if they 
were alone with me at dinner or supper time, whether they 
came to the table or not ; and paid also 40s. for a fine for 
irons [i.e., for not being chained] which they said, "They 
shewed me great favour in ; I should have else paid £^ or ■£$." 
Thus, when they perceived I did not amend, but rather 
[grew] worse and worse ; they thought it best to venture the 
the matter and provided a horse litter to carry me home to 
Limehurst. I was so weak that I was not able to get down 



l82ls DELIVERED OUT OF N E W G A T E . [^- ^""^^^g]". 

the stairs ; wherefore one that was servant to the gaoler, who, 
beforetime, had been my man, who was also very diligently 
and friendly unto me, took me in his arms, and carried 
me down the stairs to the horse-litter, which stood ready 
at the prison door; and went with me to my house. 

Many people were gathered to see my coming forth, who 
praised GOD for my deliverance, being very sorry to see my 
state, and the lamentation of my wife and her friends, who 
judged I would not live until I came home. 

I was not able to endure the going of the horse-litter, 
wherefore they were fain to go very softly, and oftentimes 
to stay; at which times, many of my acquaintances and 
friends and others resorted to see me : so that it was two 
hours ere we could pass from Newgate to Aldgate ; and so 
within night, before I could get to my house. Where many 
of my neighbours resorted to see me taken out of the horse- 
litter; who lamented and prayed for me, thinking it not pos- 
sible for me to escape death, but by the great mercy of GOD. 

Thus I continued for the space of eight or ten days, with- 
out any likelihood or hope of amendment. 

I was sent to Newgate, the 5th day of August ; and was 
delivered the 5th day of September. 

The ist day of October, was Queen Mary crowned ; by 
which time I was able to walk up and down my chamber. 
Being very desirous to see the Queen pass through the City, I 
got up on horseback, being scant able to sit, girded in a 
long night-gown ; with double kerchiefs about my head, a 
great hat upon them ; my beard dubbed [clotted] hard too. My 
face so lean and pale that I was the very Image of Death ; 
wondered at of all that did behold me ; and unknown to any. 
My wife and neighbours were too too sorry that I would needs 
go forth ; thinking I would not return alive. 

Thus went I forth, having on either side of me a man to 
stay [uphold] me ; and so went to the West end of Paul's ; and 
there placed myself amongst others that sat on horseback to 
see the Queen pass by. 

Before her coming, I beheld Paul's steeple bearing top and 
top-gallant [yards] like a royal ship, with many flags and 
banners : and a man [Peter, a Dutchman] triumphing and 
dancing in the top. 



£.Underhm.-| Queejj MaRY's CORONATION PROCESSION. 1 83 

I said unto one that sat on horseback by me, who 
had not seen any coronation, *' At the coronation of King 
Edward, I saw Paul's steeple lie at anchor, and now she 
weareth top and top-gallant. Surely, the next will be 
shipwreck, ere it be long ! " which chanceth sometimes 
by tempestuous winds, sometimes by lightnings and fire 
from heaven. 

But I thought that it should rather perish with some 

horrible wind, than with lightning or thunderbolt 

[evidently alluding to the destruction by lightning of the 

Steeple, on the 4th June, 1561] ; but such are the wonderful 

works of GOD, whose gunners will not miss the mark 

that He doth appoint, be it never so little. 

When the Queen passed by, many beheld me, for they 

might almost touch me, the room [space] was so narrow ; 

marvelling, belike, that one in such a state would venture 

forth. Many of my fellows the Pensioners, and others, and 

divers of the Council beheld me : and none of them all knew 

me. 

I might hear them say one to another, ** There is one that 
loveth the Queen well, belike ; for he ventureth greatly to 
see her. He is very like never to see her more." Thus my 
men whose hearing was quicker than mine, that stood by me, 
heard many of them say. 

The Queen herself, when she passed by, beheld me. Thus 
much I thought good to write, to shew how GOD doth pre- 
serve that which seemeth to man impossible; as many that 
day did judge of me. Thus returned I home. 

And about two months after [i.e., in December], I was able 
to walk to London at an easy pace ; but still with my kerchiefs 
and pale lean face. I muffled me with a sarsenet, which the 
rude people in the streets would murmur at, saying, ** What 
is he ? Dare he not show his face ? " 

I did repair to my old familiar acquaintance, as drapers, 
mercers, and others : and stood talking with them, and 
cheapened their wares ; and there was not one of them that 
knew me. 

Then would I say unto them, "Do you not know me? 
Look better upon me ! Do you not know my voice ? " For 
that also was altered. 



i84 Physical force Christianity. {^-Vlf.: 

" Truly," would they say, " you must pardon me 1 I can- 
not call you to remembrance." 

Then would I declare my name unto them ; whereat they 
so marvelled, that they could scarcely credit me, but for the 
familiar acquaintance that I put them in remembrance of. 

Thus passed I forth the time at Limehurst until Christmas 
[1553] was passed, then I waxed something strong. I then 
thought it best to shift from thence ; for that I had there 
fierce enemies; especially [Henry More] the Vicar of 
Stepney, Abbot quondam of [St. Mary de Grace on] Tower 
Hill. [He died in November, 1554.] 

Whom I apprehended in King Edward's time, and 
carried him to Croydon to Cranmer, Bishop of Canter- 
bury, for that he disturbed the Preachers in his Church [at 
Stepney] causing the bells to be rung when they were at 
the Sermon ; and sometimes begin to sing in the Choir 
before the sermon were half done, and sometimes chal- 
lenge the Preacher in the Pulpit. For he was a strong 
stout Popish prelate : whom the godly men of the parish 
were weary of; specially my neighbours of the Lime- 
hurst, as Master Driver, Master Ive, Master Pointer, 
Master Marche, and others. 

Yet durst they not meddle with him, until it was my hap 
to come and dwell amongst them : and for that I was the 
King's Servant, I took it upon me ; and they went with 
me to the Bishop to witness those things against him. 
Who was too full of lenity. A little he rebuked him, 
and bad him do no more so. 

" My Lord," said I, " methinks, you are too gentle 
unto so stout a Papist ! " 

" Well," said he, " we have no law to punish them by." 

** We have, my Lord ! " said L " If I had your 
authority, I would be so bold to un-Vicar him ; or minister 
some sharp punishment unto him, and such other. If 
ever it come to their turn ; they will show you no such 
favour." 

*' Well," said he, " if GOD so provide, we must abide it." 

" Surely," said I, " GOD will never cone you thank 
for this ; but rather take the sword from such as will not 
use it upon His enemies." And thus we departed. 




g.Underhm.-j'pjjj, PRINCIPAL DiCERS OF THE TIME 185 



The like favour is shewed now [i.e., in Elizabeth's 
reign] ; and therefore the like plague will follow. 

There was also another spiteful enemy at Stepney, 
called Banbery, a shifter, a dicer, &c., like unto Dapers 
the dicer, Morgan of Salisbury Court, busking [Sir 
Thomas, also called Long] Palmer, lusty Young, [Sir] 
Ralph Bagnall [see page 149], [Sir] Miles Part- 
ridge [idem], and such others. With which companions, 
I was conversant a while; until I fell to reading the 
Scriptures, and following the Preachers. 

Then, against the wickedness of those men, which 
I had seen among them ; I put forth a ballet, uttering the 
falsehood and knavery that I was made privy unto. 
For the which, they so hated me that they raised false 
slanders and bruits of me, saying that " I was a spy for 
the Duke of Northumberland " : and calling me 
[Bishop] ** Hooper's companion," for a bill that I set 
up upon Paul's gate, in defence of Hooper ; and another 
at St. Magnus's Church, where he was too much abused, 
with railing bills cast into the pulpit and other ways. 

Thus became I odious unto most men, and many times 
in danger of my life, even in King Edward's days. As 
also for apprehending one Allen, a false prophesier 
[of whom Underhill says elsewhere, This Robert 
Allen was called the God of Norfolk, before they re- 
ceived the light of the Gospel] ; who bruited [in January, 
155 1] that King Edward was dead, two years before it 
came to pass ; who was a great calculator for the same. 
But these jugglers and wicked dicers were still in favour 
among the magistrates, and were advanced ; who were the 
sowers of sedition, and the destroyers of the two Dukes. 

I pray God the like be not practised by such flatterers 
in these days [i.e., in Elizabeth's reign], according to 
the old proverb, " He that will in Court dwell, must curry 
Fauvell." And 

He that will in Court abide, 
Must curry Fauvell back and side, 

\i.e., he must curry or groom a horse, of Fauvell (a bright yellow or 
tawny) colour (opposed to Sorell, a dark colour), back and side.] 

for such get most gain. 



1 86 "He is all of the Spirit!" [ 



E. Underhin. 
1563. 



I was also called "the hot Gospeller !'' jesting and 
mocking me, saying, " He is all of the Spirit ! " 

This was their common custom, at their tables, to 
jest and mock the Preachers and earnest followers of the 
Gospel ; even among the magistrates : or else [speak] in 
wanton and ribald talk ; which when they fell into, one 
or other would look through [alojtg] the board, saying, 
"Take heed that Underhill be not here ! " 

At Stratford on the Bow [now Stratford at Bow], I 
took the pix of the altar; being of copper, stored with 
copper gods : the Curate being present, and a Popish 
Justice dwelling in the town, called Justice Tawe. 

There was commandment it should not hang in a 
string over the altar; and then, they set it upon the 
altar. 

For this act, the Justice's wife with the women of the 

town, conspired to have murdered me; which one of 

them gave me warning of, whose good will to the Gospel 

was not unknown unto the rest. Thus the Lord preserved 

me from them, and many other dangers more ; but 

specially from hell fire, but that, of His mercy. He called 

me from the company of the wicked. 

This Banbery, aforesaid, was the spy for Stepney parish ; 

as John Avales, Beard, and such others were for London : 

who [i.e., Banbery] caused my friend and neighbour Master 

Ive to be sent unto the Marshalsea, but the LORD shortly 

delivered him. Wherefore I thought it best to avoid [leave] ; 

because my not coming to the church there, should by him be 

marked and presented. 

Then took I a little house in a secret corner, at the nether 
[lower] end of Wood Street ; where I might better shift the 
matter. 

Sir Humphrey Ratcliffe was the Lieutenant of the 
Pensioners, and always favoured the Gospel ; by whose 
means I had my wages still paid me [70 marks a year = £/[6 
13s. /{d.^=about ^500 now ; besides a free diet]. 

When [Sir Thomas] Wyatt was come to Southwark [6th 
February, 1554] the Pensioners were commanded to watch in 
armour that night, at the Court : which I hearing of, thought 
it best, in like sort, to be there ; lest by my absence I might 



E. Underhili; 



1562.] The Pensioners watch at Whitehall. 187 



have some quarrel piked unto [picked with] me; or, at the 
least, be stricken out off the book for receiving any more 
wages. 

After supper, I put on my armour as the rest did ; for we 
were appointed to watch all the night. 

So, being all armed, we came up into the Chamber of 
Presence, with our poleaxes in our hands. Wherewith the 
Ladies were very fearful. Some lamenting, crying, and 
wringing their hands, said, " Alas, there is some great mis- 
chief toward ! We shall all be destroyed this night ! What 
a sight is this ! to see the Queen's Chamber full of armed 
men. The like was never seen, nor heard of! " 

The Master [John] Norris, who was a Gentleman Usher 
of the Utter [Outer] Chamber in King Henry VIII. 's time, 
and all King Edward's time; always a rank Papist, and 
therefore was now Chief Usher of Queen Mary's Privy 
Chamber : he was appointed to call the Watch, and see if any 
were lacking. Unto whom, Moore, the Clerk of our Cheque, 
delivered the book of our names ; which he perused before he 
would call them at the cupboard. And when he came to my 
name, " What ! " said he, " what doth he here ? " 

"Sir," said the Clerk, "he is here ready to serve as the 
rest be." 

" Nay, by God's body ! " said he, ** that heretic shall not 
be called to watch here ! Give me a pen ! " So he struck out 
my name out of the book. 

The Clerk of the Cheque sought me out, and said unto me, 
" Master Underhill, you need not to watch ! you may depart 
to your lodging ! " 

" May I ? " said I, " I would be glad of that," thinking I 
had been favoured, because I was not recovered from my 
sickness : but I did not well trust him, because he was also 
a Papist. " May I depart indeed ? " said I, "will you be my 
discharge ?" 

" I tell you true," said he, " Master Norris hath stricken 
you out of the book, saying these words, ' That heretic 
shall not watch here ! ' I tell you true what he said." 

" Marry, I thank him ! " said I, " and you also ! You 
could not do me a greater pleasure ! " 

" Nay, burden not me withal ! " said he, " it is not my 
doing." 



i88Denied entrance at Ludgate, [7•^"'^^5. 

So departed I into the Hall, where our men were appointed 
to watch. I took my men with me, and a link ; and went 
my ways. 

When I came to the Court gate, there I met with Master 
Clement Throgmorton [ father of Job Throgmorton, the 
Martinist of 1589], and George Ferrers [the Poet and His- 
torian; see p. 289], tending their links, to go to London. 
Master Throgmorton was come post from Coventry ; and 
had been with the Queen to declare unto her the taking of 
the Duke of Suffolk. Master Ferrers was sent from the 
Council unto the Lord William Howard, who had the 
charge of the watch at London Bridge. 

As we went, for that they were both my friends and 
Protestants, I told them of my good hap, and manner of dis- 
charge of the Watch at the Court. 

When we came to Ludgate, it was past eleven o'clock. 
The gate was fast locked ; and a great watch within the gate 
of Londoners, but none without : whereof Henry Peckham 
had the charge, under his father; who, belike, was gone to 
his father, or to look to the water side. 

Master Throgmorton knocked hard, and called to them, 
saying, *' Here are three or four gentlemen come from the 
Court that must come in ; and therefore open the gate ! " 

*' Who ? " quoth one, " What ? " quoth another ; and much 
laughing they made. 

" Can ye tell what you do, sirs ? " said Master Throg- 
morton, declaring his name, and that he had been with the 
Queen to shew her Grace of the taking of the Duke of 
Suffolk, " and my lodging is within, as I am sure, some of 
you do know ! " 

" And," said Ferrers, '* I am Ferrers, that was Lord of 
Misrule with King Edward ; and am sent from the Council 
unto my Lord William, who hath charge of the Bridge as 
you know, upon weighty affairs : and therefore let us in, or 
else ye be not the Queen's friends ! " 

Still there was much laughing amongst them. 

Then said two or three of them, " We have not the keys. 
We are not trusted with them. The keys be carried away 
for this night." 

'• What shall I do ? " said Master Throgmorton, " I am 



^■^r"'^*S] ^^'^ ^^"^ ADMITTANCE THROUGH NeWGATE. 1 89 

weary and faint, and I now wax cold. I am not acquainted 
hereabout ; nor no man dare open his doors at this dangerous 
time ; nor am I able to go back again to the Court. I shall 
perish this night ! " 

" Well," said I, '' Let us go to Newgate ! I think I shall 
get in there." 

" Tush ! " said he, " it is but in vain. We shall be answered 
there as we are here." 

" Well," said I, " and [if] the worst fall, I can lodge ye in 
Newgate. Ye know what acquaintance I have there ! and the 
Keeper's door is without the gate." 

" That were a bad shift ! " said he, " I had almost as leave 
die in the streets ; yet I will, rather than wander again to the 
Court." 

" Well," said I, " let us go and prove ! I believe the 
Keeper will help us in at the gate, or else let us in through 
his wards, for he hath a door on the inside also. If all this 
fail, I have a friend at the gate, Newman the ironmonger ; in 
whose house I have been lodged : where, I dare warrant you, 
we shall have lodging, or at the least, house-room and fire." 

** Marry, this is well said ! " saith Ferrers. 

So to Newgate, we went: where was a great Watch without 
the gate, which my friend Newman had the charge of; for 
that he was the Constable. They marvelled to see there, 
torches coming at that time of the night. 

When we came to them, " Master Underbill," said 
Newman, ** what news, that you walk so late ? " 

" None but good! " said I, " We come from the Court, and 
would have gone in at Ludgate, and cannot be let in : where- 
fore, I pray you, if you cannot help us in here, let us have 
lodging with you ! " 

" Marry, that ye shall! " said he, *' or go in at the gate 
whether ye will ! " 

" Godamercy, gentle friend 1 " said Master Throgmorton ; 
" I pray you let us go in, if it may be ! " 

He called to the Constable within the gate, who opened 
the gate forthwith. " How happy was I ! " said Master 
Throgmorton, " that I met with you. I had been lost 
else." 

When Wyatt was come about [i.e., from Southwark, through 



r 



i9oSirJ. Gageallinthedirt. [^-t™ 

Kingston, to Westminster on yth February 1554], notwith- 
standing my discharge of the watch by Master Norris, I put 
on my armour, and went to the Court [at Whitehall Palace] : 
where I found all my fellows in the Hall, which they wer-e 
appointed to keep that day. 

Old Sir John Gage was appointed without the utter [outer] 
gate, with some of his Guard, and his servants and others with 
him. The rest of the Guard were in the Great Court, the gates 
standing open. Sir Richard Southwell had charge of the 
back sides, as the Wood Yard and that way, with 500 men. 

The Queen was in the Gallery by the Gatehouse. 

Then came Knevett and Thomas Cobham with a com- 
pany of the rebels with them, through the Gatehouse from 
Westminster: wherewith Sii* John Gage and three of the 
Judges [of the Common Pleas] that were meanly armed in 
old brigantines [jackets of quilted leather, covered with iron 
plates] were so frighted, that they fled in at the gates in such 
haste, that old Gage fell down in the dirt and was foul 
arrayed : and so shut the gates, whereat the rebels shot many 
arrows. 

By means of this great hurly burly in shutting of the gates, 
the Guard that were in the Court made as great haste in 
at the Hall door ; and would have come into the Hall amongst 
us, which we would not suffer. Then they went thronging 
towards the Water Gate, the kitchens, and those ways. 

Master Gage came in amongst us, all dirt ; and so 
frighted that he could not speak to us. Then came the three 
Judges; so frighted that we could not keep them out, except 
we should beat them down. 

With that we issued out of the Hall into the Court, to see 
what the matter was ; where there were none left but the 
porters, the gates being fast shut. As we went towards the 
gate, meaning to go forth. Sir Richard Southwell came 
forth of the back yards into the Court. 

" Sir ! " said we, " command the gates to be opened that 
we may go to the Queen's enemies ! We will else break them 
open ! It is too much shame that the gates should thus be 
shut for a few rebels ! The Queen shall see us fell down her 
enemies this day, before her face ! " 

" Masters ! " said he, and put his morion off his head, " I 
shall desire you all, as you be Gentlemen, to stay yourselves 



^' ^""^'iSG The Pensioners,the Queen's last refuge 191 

here ; that I may go up to the Queen to know her pleasure ; 
and you shall have the gates opened. And, as I am a Gentle- 
man ! I will make speed ! " 

Upon this, we stayed; and he made a speedy return : and 
brought us word, the Queen was content that we should have 
the gates opened : *' But her request is," said he, " that you 
will not go forth of her sight ; for her only trust is in you, for 
the defence of her person this day." 

So the gate was opened, and we marched before the Gallery 
window: where she spake unto us; requiring us, "As we 
were Gentlemen, in whom she only trusted, that we would 
not go from that place." 

There we marched up and down the space of an hour ; and 
then came a herald posting, to bring the news that Wyatt 
was taken. 

Immediately came Sir Maurice Berkeley and Wyatt 
behind him ; unto whom he did yield at the Temple Gate : 
and Thomas Cobham behind another gentleman. 

Anon after, we [the Gentlemen Pensioners] were all brought 
unto the Queen's presence, and every one kissed her hand ; 
of whom we had great thanks and large promises how good 
she would be unto us : but few or none of us got anything, 
although she was very liberal to many others, that were 
enemies unto GOD's Word, as few of us were. 

Thus went I home to my house, where[in] I kept, and came 
little abroad, until the marriage was concluded with King 
Philip. 

Then was there [the] preparing [in July, 1555] to go with 
the Queen, unto Winchester; and all the Books of the 
Ordinaries were perused by [Stephen Gardiner] the Bishop 
of Winchester and the Earl of Arundel, to consider of 
every man. 

Sir Humphrey Ratcliffe, our Lieutenant, brought unto 
him the Book of the Pensioners ; which when they overlooked, 
they came unto my name. 

" What doth he here ? " said the Earl of Arundel. 

*' I know no cause why he should not be here," said Master 
Ratcliffe, ** he is an honest man. He hath served from 
the beginning of the Band [founded in December y 1539, as the 



192 The Queen's Marriage at Winchester. [^"Y"™ 

Band of Spears. It consisted of a Captain, Lieutenant, Standard 
bearer, Clerk of the Cheque, and Gentleman Harbinger, and fifty 
Gentlemen ; chosen out of the best and most ancient families of 
England. Some of them sons to Earls, Barons, Knights, and 
Esquires : men thereunto specially recommended for their worthi- 
ness and sujficiency ; without any stain or taint of dishonour, or 
disparagement in blood], and was as forward as any to serve the 
Queen, in the time of Wyatt's rebelHon." 

" Let him pass then ! " said the Bishop. 

" Well," said the Earl, " you may do so ; but I assure you, 
my Lord ! he is an arch-heretic 1 " 

Thus I passed once again. 

When we came to Winchester, being in the Chamber of 
Presence, with my fellows. Master Norris came forth of the 
Queen's Privy Chamber ; unto whom we did reverence, as 
his place required. 

" What ! " saith he unto me ; " what do you here ? " 
" Marry, sir 1 " said I, " what do you here ? " 
" Eh ! " said he, " are you so short with me ? " 
*' Sir ! " said I, " I must and will forbear, for the place you 
be in ; but if you were in the place you were in, of the Outer 
Chamber, I would be shorter with you ! You were then the 
doorkeeper ; when we waited at the table. Your office is not 
to find fault at my being here. I am at this time appointed 
to serve here, by those that be in authority ; who know me, 
as well as you do ! " 

" They shall know you better ! " said he, " and the Queen 
also." 

With that, said Master John Calveley, one of my fellows 
(brother unto Sir Hugh Calveley, of Cheshire), who served 
at the journey to Laundercei in the same Band that I did, 
" In good faith ! Master Norris, methinks you do not well ! 
This gentleman, our fellow, hath served of long time, and 
was ready to venture his life in defence of the Queen's Majesty 
at the last service, and as forward as any was there; and 
also being appointed and ready to serve here again now, 
to his great charges, as it is unto us all, methinks you do 
not the part of a Gentleman thus to seek him 1 " 
*' What ! " said he, " I perceive you will hold together ! " 
** Else we were worse than beasts," said my fellow ; " if we 



^■"{'"''SJ^^UNCE, THE PREACHING BRICKLAYER I93 

would not, in all lawful cases, so hold together ; he that 
toucheth one of us, shall touch all." 

So went he from us, into the Privy Chamber ; and from 
that time never meddled more with me. 

On the marriage day [z^thjuly, 1555, a^ Winchester], the King 
and the Queen dined in the hall in the Bishop's Palace ; 
sitting under the Cloth of Estate, and none else at that table. 
The Nobility sat at the side tables. We were the chief 
servitors, to carry the meat ; and the Earl of Sussex, our 
Captain, was the Sewer. 

The second course at the marriage of a King is given unto 
the bearers ; I mean the meat, but not the dishes, for they 
were of gold. 

It was my chance to carry a great pasty of a red deer in a 
great charger, very delicately baked ; which, for the weight 
thereof, divers refused [i.e., to carry]. The which pasty I sent 
unto London, to my wife and her brother; who cheered there- 
with many of their friends. 

I will not take upon me, to write the manner of the mar- 
riage, of the feast, nor of the dancing of the Spaniards, that 
day ; who were greatly out of countenance, specially King 
Philip dancing with the Queen, when they did see my Lord 
Bray, Master Carew, and others so far exceed them ; but 
will leave it unto the learned, as it behoveth him to be, that 
shall write a Story of so great a Triumph. 

Which being ended, their repair w^as to London. Where, 
shortly after, began the cruel persecution of the Preachers 
and earnest professors and followers of the Gospel ; and 
searching of men's houses for their books. Wherefore I got 
old Henry Daunce, the bricklayer of Whitechapel ; who 
used to preach the Gospel in his garden, every holiday, where 
I have seen a thousand people : he did inclose my books in a 
brick wall by the chimney's side in my chamber ; where they 
were preserved from moulding or mice, until the first year 
of our most gracious Queen Elizabeth, &c. 

Notwithstanding that, I removed from thence, and went 
unto Coventry ; and got me a house a mile out of that city in 
a wood side. But before I removed from the said house [in 
Wood Street] in London ; I had two children born there, a 



194 7 OHN Bon AND MAST Persoi^, p-^"*^'*?]; 

wench \i.e., a girl, his fifth daughter, Anne, horn, 4.th January, 
1554], and a boy [his second son, Edward, born 10th February 

^555]. . ^ , . ^, ^ 

It was a great grief to me, to see so much mnocent blood 
shed for the Verity. I was also threatened by John Avales 
and Beard: which I understood by Master Luke [Shepherd], 
my very friend, of Coleman Street, physician ; who was great 
with some that kept them company, and yet were honest 
men. Whom I caused to let them understand, that "If they 
did attempt to take me, except they had a warrant signed 
with four or five of the Council's hands, I would go further 
with them than Peter did, who strake off but the ear of 
Malchus; but I would surely strike off head and all." 
Which was declared unto them ; so that I oftentimes met 
them, but they would not meddle with me. So mightily the 
merciful LORD defended me ; as also from being present at 
that blasphemous Mass, in all the time of Queen Mary. 

This Luke [Shepherd] wrote many proper books 
against the Papists, for the which he was imprisoned 
in the Fleet ; especially a book called JOHN BoN and 
mast. Person, who reasoned together of the natural pre- 
sence in the Sacrament [see pp. 161-9]. Which book he 
wrote in the time of King Edward ; wherewith the 
Papists were sore grieved, specially SiR JOHN Gresham, 
then being Mayor \i.e., October \^\J -October 1548 ; but on 
/. 185 Underhill dates in 155 1 Allen s prophecy, which 
he here represents as made at the time of the publication of 
foHN Bon, i.e. 1548]. 

John Day did print the same book \in 1 548] ; whom the 
Mayor sent for, to know the maker \author'\ thereof saying 
"He should also go to prison, for printing the same." 

It was my chance to come in the same time ; for that 
I had found out where [Robert] Allen the Prophesier, 
had a chamber ; through whom there was a bruit in the 
city, that the King was dead : which I declared to the 
Mayor, requiring him to have an Officer to apprehend 
him. 

" Marry," said the Mayor, " I have received letters to 
make search for such this night at midnight." 

He was going unto dinner ; who willed me to take part 
of the same. 



^' ^°*^'i6s2:] RoBERtAlLEN, the PROPHESIERI95 

As we were at dinner, he said " There was a book put 
forth, called John Bon; the maker whereof, he would 
gladly search for." 

" Why so ? " said I, ** that book is a good book. 1 
have one of them here, and there are many of them in 
the Court." 

" Have you so ? " said he, " I pray you, let me see it ; 
for I have not seen any of them." 

So he took it, and read a little of it, and laughed 
thereat, as it was both pithy and merry. By means 
whereof, John Day, sitting at a sideboard after dinner, 
was bidden [to] go home; who had, else, gone to prison. 
When we had dined, the Mayor sent two of his 
Officers with me to seek Allen ; whom we met withal 
in Paul's [Church], and took him with us unto his 
chamber; where we found figures set to calculate the 
nativity of the King, and a judgement given of his death ; 
whereof this foolish wretch thought himself so sure, 
that he, and his counsellors the Papists, bruited it all 
over. 

The King lay at Hampton Court, the same time ; and 
my Lord Protector [tke Duke of Somerset] at the Sion 
\^Sion House, near Isleworth] ; unto whom I carried this 
Allen, with his books of conjurations, calculations, 
and many things belonging to that devilish art : which 
he affirmed before my Lord, "was a lawful science, for 
the statute [33 Hen. VIII. c. 8.] against such was 
repealed [by i Edw. VI. c. 12]." 

" Thou foolish knave ! " said my Lord, "if thou, and 
all that be of thy science tell me what I shall do to- 
morrow, I will give thee all that I have ! " Com- 
manding me to carry him unto the Tower : and wrote a 
letter to Sir John IVIarkham, then being Lieutenant, to 
cause him to be examined by such as were learned. 

Master Markham, as he was both wise and zealous 
in the LORD, talked with him. Unto whom he did 
affirm that " He knew more of the science of Astronomy 
than all the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge." 
Whereupon he sent for my friend, before spoken of, 
Doctor Records ; who examined him : and he knew 
not the rules of Astronomy ; but ** Was a very unlearned 



196 Allen's friends— Morgan and Gaston. p-^"^'Jg: 

ass ; and a sorcerer, for the which he was worthy hang- 
ing," said Master Recorde. 

To have further matters unto [in reference to] him, we 
sent for Thomas Robyns alias Morgan, commonly called 
Little Morgan or Tom Morgan (brother unto great [big] 
Morgan, of Salisbury Court, the great dicer) ; who, when 
I was a companion with him, told me many stories of 
this Allen : what a cunning man he was ! and what 
things he could do ! as, to make a woman love a man, to 
teach men how to win at the dice, what should become 
of this realm ; [there was] nothing, but he knew it 1 So 
he had his chambers in divers places of the city, whither 
resorted many women, for things stolen or lost, to know 
their fortunes, and their children's fortunes ; where the 
ruffling roister[er]s and dicers made their ma[t]ches. 

When this Morgan and Allen were brought together; 
Morgan utterly denied that ever he had seen him, or 
known him. 

** Yes," said Allen, "you know me ! and I know you ! " 
For he had confessed that, before his coming. 

Upon this, Master Lieutenant stayed Little Morgan 
also a prisoner in the Tower. 

I caused also Master Gaston the lawyer [not to be con- 
founded with Gascoigne the Poet, of Gray's Inn ; who did 
not marry Widow Breton till after i^th June, 1559], who 
was also a great dicer, to be apprehended. In whose 
house, Allen was much ; and had a chamber there, 
where many things were practised. 

Gaston had an old wife, who was laid under the board 
all night, for dead; and when the women, in the morning, 
came to wind her, they found that there was life in her ; 
and so recovered her: and she lived about two years 
after. 

By the resort of such as came to seek for things 
stolen and lost, which they would hide for the nonce, to 
blear their husband's eyes withal, [afterwards] saying, 
"the wise man told them"; of such, Gaston had choice 
for himself and his friends, young lawyers of the Temple. 



ir 



^- ^""^"JS:] Underbill's daily Prayer. 197 

Thus became I so despised and odious unto the 
lawyers, Lords and ladies, gentlemen, merchants, knaves, 
and thieves ; that I walked as dangerously as Daniel 
amongst the lions. Yet from them all, the LORD de- 
livered me : notwithstanding their often devices and 
conspiracies by violence to have shed my blood, or with 
sorcery [to have] destroyed me. 

These aforesaid were in the Tower about the space of 

a year; and then by friendship delivered. So 'scapeth 

always the wicked, and such as GOD commandeth should 

not live among the people. 

Yea, even now in these days also ; so that, methinks, I see 

the ruin of London and this whole realm to be even at hand ; 

for GOD will not suffer any longer. Love is clean banished. 

No man is sorry for Joseph's hurt. 

A Prayer, taken out of the Psalms of Da vid^ 

daily and nightly, to be said of 

Edward Underhill. 

Ord ! teach me the understanding of Thy com- 
mandments ! that I may apply myself for the keep- 
ing of the same, as long as I live ! Give me such 
wisdom that I may understand, and so to fulfil the 
thing that Thy law deviseth ! to keep it also with my whole 
heart, that I do nothing against it! Guide me after the true 
understanding of Thy commandments ! for that hath been 
always my special desire. Incline mine heart unto the love 
of Thy statutes, and cause me utterly to abhor covetousness ! 
Turn mine eyes aside ! lest they be 'tangled with the love of 
most vain things ; but lead me, rather, unto life through Thy 
warnings ! Set such a Word before Thy servant, as may 
most chiefly further him to worship Thee ! Take away the 
shame that I am afraid of ! for Thy judgements are greatly 
mixed with mercy. As for me, verily, I have loved Thy 
commandments ; wherefore keep me alive according to Thy 
righteousness ! 




198 Specimen OF his Religious Verse. p-^^^'^^^^S: 

Love GOD, above all things ! and thy neighbour as thyself! 

That this is Christ's doctrine, no man can it deny, 
Which Httle is regarded in England's commonwealth, 

Wherefore great plagues at hand be, the realm for to 
destroy. 

Do as thou wouldst be done unto ! No place here he can have. 

Of all he is refused. No man will him receive. 
But Private Wealth, that cursed wretch, and most vile 
slave ! 

Over all, he is embraced ; and fast to him, they cleave. 

He that hath this world's goods, and seeth his neighbour lack ; 

And of him hath no compassion, nor sheweth him no love, 
Nor relieveth his necessity, but suffers him to go to wrack ; 

GOD dwelleth not in that man, the Scriptures plainly prove. 

Example we have by Dives, that daintily did fare, 
In worldly wealth and riches therein he did excel ; 

Of poor Lazarus's misery he had thereof no care : 
Therefore was suddenly taken, and tormented in hell. 

Edward Underhill. 



•g>_ 





The History of Wyat'sjwj 



i 



Rebellion : 






With the order and manner VWi 



imi 



of resisting the same. j 



5 Whereunto, in the end, is added J5?? 



An earnest Conference with 

the degenerate and seditious 

rebels for the search of 

the Cause of their 

daily disorder. 

Made and compiled by 
John Proctor. 

[Second Edition.] 
Mense Januarii, anno 1555. 



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7b M^ ^^^^jif excellent and most virtuous Lady, our most 

gracious Sovereign, Mary, by the grace of GOD, 

Queen of England, France, Naples, Hierusalem, and 

Ireland; Defender of the Faith ; Princess of Spain, 

and Sicily ; Archduchess of Austria: Duchess of 

Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant; Countess of Haps- 

burg, Flanders, and Tyrol ; 

your Majesty's most faithful, loving, and 

obedient subject, John Proctor, wisheth 

all grace, long peace, quiet reign, 

from GOD the Father, 

the Son, and the 

HOLY GHOST. 




IJT hath been allowed, most gracious Sovereign, 
for a necessary policy in all Ages, as stories 
do witness, that the flagitious enterprises of 
the wicked, which have at any time attempted 
with traitorous force to subvert or alter the Public 
State of their countries, as also the wise and virtuous 
policies of the good practised to preserve the Common 
Weal and to repel the enemies of the same, should by 



202 Dedicatory Epistle to Queen Mary, [,/j 



Proctor, 
an. isss. 



writing be committed to eternal memory. Partly that they 
of that Age in whose time such things happened might by 
the oft reading conceive a certain gladness in considering 
with themselves, and beholding as it were in a glass, from 
what calamity and extreme ruin, by what policy and 
wisdom, their native countries were delivered ; besides the 
great misery and peril they themselves have escaped : partly 
for a doctrine and a monition serving both for the present 
and future time. But chiefly and principally that the 
traitors themselves (who, through hatred to their Prince or 
country, shall, either of their own malicious disposition be 
stirred ; or else by other perverse counsel thereunto induced) 
may always have before their eyes the miserable end that 
happeneth as just reward to all such caytives \caitiffs\ as, 
either of ambition not satisfied with their own state will 
seek preposterously to aspire to honour ; or of malice to 
their Prince, will enter into that horrible crime of Privy 
Conspiracy or Open Rebellion. 

The industry of Writers doth sufficiently declare in a 
number of stories that conspiracy and treason hath always 
turned to the authors a wretched and miserable end : and if 
their persons happen at any time to escape temporal 
punishment, as rarely they have done ; yet their names, 
specially of the notorious and principal offenders, have 
been always had in such vile and odible detestation in all 
Ages and among all nations as, for the same, they have 
been ever after abhorred of all good men. 

These general considerations, moving others to indict 
\endite\ and pen stories, moved me also to gather together 
and to register for memory the marvellous practice of 
Wyat his detestable Rebellion ; little inferior to the most 
dangerous reported in any history, either for desperate 



,o-jan'°i1ss'] '^^^ ^osT History of Wyat's Rebellion 203 

courage in the author, or for the monstrous end purposed by 
his Rebellion. 

Yet I thought nothing less at the beginning than to 
publish the same at this time, or at this Age : minding 
only to gather notes thereof, where the truth might 
be best known, for the which I made earnest and 
diligent investigation ; and to leave them to be published 
by others hereafter, to the behoof of our posterity. 

But hearing the sundry tales thereof, far dissonant in 
the utterance, and many of them as far wide from truth, 
fashioned from the speakers to advance, or deprave, as 
they fantased \_favoured\ the parties ; and understanding 
besides what notable infamy sprang of this Rebellion to 
the whole country of Kent, and to every member of the 
same, where sundry and many of them, to mine own 
knowledge, shewed themselves most faithful and worthy 
subjects, as by the story [itjself shall evidently appear, 
which either of haste or of purpose were omitted in a 
printed book late[ly] set forth at Canterbury. I thought 
these to be special considerations whereby I ought, of 
duty to my country \County\ to compile and digest such 
notes as I had gathered concerning that Rebellion, in some 
form or fashion of History ; and to publish the same in 
this Age, and at this present, contrary to my first intent : 
as well that the very truth of that rebellious enterprise 
might be thoroughly known, as that also the Shire where 
that vile Rebellion was practised might, by opening the full 
truth in some part, be delivered from the infamy which, as 
by report I hear, is made so general in other Shires as 
though very few of Kent were free from Wyat's conspiracy. 



204 Obedience and unspotted loyalty, [,o^jan'°i'ss5. 

Most humbly beseeching your Highness to take this 
my travail in so good and gracious part ; as of your Grace's 
benign and gentle nature it hath pleased you to accept 
my former books dedicated unto your Highness. Whereby 
I mind nothing less than to excuse, or accuse, any affec- 
tionately [partially] ; but to set forth each man's doings 
truly according to their demerits : that by the con- 
templation hereof both the good may be encouraged in 
the execution of perfect obedience and unspotted loyalty ; 
and the wicked restrained from the hateful practice of such 
detestable purposes. 



The Blessed Trinity preserve your Highness I 







205 

To the Loving Reader. 

He safe and sure recordation of pains and perils 
past hath present delectation, saith TULLY. 
For things, were they never so bitter and un- 
pleasant in the execution, being after in peace 
and security renewed by report or chronicle, are both 
plausible [praiseworthy'] and profitable, whether they 
touched ourselves or others. 

Being thus in this point persuaded, loving Reader, I 
thought it a travail neither unpleasant for thee, nor un- 
thankful for me, to contrive the late Rebellion practised 
by Wyat in form of a Chronicle, as thou seest. Whereby 
as I mean not to please the evil, nor displease the good ; 
so I much desire to amend the one by setting before his 
eye the lamentable Image of hateful Rebellion, for the 
increase of obedience ; and to help the other by setting 
forth the unspotted loyalty of such as adventurously and 
faithfully served in this dangerous time, for the increase of 
knowledge and policy the better to repress the like dangers, 
if any hereafter happen. 

And further, although hereby I covet not to renew a fear 
of a danger past, yet would I gladly increase a care and 
study in every good man's heart to avoid a like danger that 
may happen, and most times happeneth ; when a danger 
with much difficulty avoided is not sufficient warning to 
beware of the next. 

I have forborne to touch any man by name, Wyat only 
except ; and a few others which the story would not permit 
to be left out. Yet take me not that I mean to excuse any 
man's fault thereby. For what, should I shew myself so 
ungrate or unnatural unto my natural countrymen ; as 



2o6The Image of hateful Rebellion, [,/j, 



Proctor, 
an. 1555. 



namely to blaze them to the World whom, either their own 
good hap or the Queen's surpassing mercy, would to be 
covered at this time ? 

And although I touch some by name, terming them in 
certain places " traitors and rebels," just titles of their 
deserts : yet, GOD is my witness ! , I do it not of malice 
or envy to any of their persons. I never hated any of 
them ; no, not Wyat himself! whom, although he was 
utterly unknown unto me, yet for the sundry and singular 
gifts wherewith he was largely endued, I had him in great 
admiration. And now I rather pity his unhappy case than 
malice his person : and do much lament that so many good 
and commendable qualities were abused in the service of 
cursed Heresy ; whose reward was never other than shame- 
ful confusion, by one way or other, to all that followed her 
ways. 

Finally, if thou suppose I have not fully set forth the 
whole case, all as it was, I shall not againsay it ; neither 
thought I it necessary so to do ; but rather so much as 
for this time might be both plausible [^praiseworthy'] and 
profitable, and should satisfy such points as in the Dedicatory 
Epistle to the Queen's Majesty are expressed. 

Hereafter it may be that further be said touching this 
matter. In mean time thou hast no just cause, I trust, 
to be offended with this my present enterprise, either for 
the manner of handling or for the matter herein handled : 
the one having sufficient perspicuity and plainness, the other 
full truth ; for which I have made such diligent investi- 
gation, as I have found it and have herein expressed the 
same, especially so much as concerneth Kent 

Vale ! 



207 




Wyats Rebellion: 

with the order and manner of 

resisting the same^ 




Hat a restless evil Heresy is ! ever travail- 
inef to brinff forth mischief! The dangerous 

° . ^ , ,111 nature of 

never ceasing to protrude all Heresy, 
those in whose hearts she is received to 
confusion ! By what plausible allure- 
ments at her entry, she catcheth favour- 
able entertainment ! With what ways 
of craft and subtilty she dilateth her 
dominion ! and finally how, of course, she toileth to be 
supported by Faction, Sedition, and Rebellion ! to the great 
peril of subversion of that State where, as a plague, she 
happeneth to find habitation : as well the lamentable history 
of the Bohemians and Germans, with all others treating of 
like enterprises by heretics, as also Wyat's late conspiracy 
practised with open force, doth plenteously declare. Who, 
as it should evidently seem by the trade of his life Heresy the 
and the late disclosing of himself, was so fervently o^ wya?™""'* 
affected to heresy, although he laboured by false Rebellion, 
persuasion otherwise to have coloured it ; that, burning 
inwardly with a prepensed treason in his breast for the con- 
tinuance of the same within the realm, he persuaded to 
himself such an impossibility therein (the Queen's Highness 



2o8 Wyat's Rebellion begins at Maidstone. [ Jjan^^s: 

prospering and bearing the sceptre of high governance) as 
could by no means be brought about without rebellion : the 
only refuge, as I said, that indurate heretics have 
OTiylefuVo* always sought, for maintenance of their heresy ; 
heretics. living undcr a Catholic Prince. 

He therefore, being thus inflamed, could no longer contain, 
wyat per- but immediately upon the beginning of the Queen's 
the Ouee'Jfand ^^ost happy rcign, forsaking his habitation in the 
Heresy could country. Went to London of purpose to stir 
^osS. [Henry Grey,] the Duke of Suffolk and his 
brethren, with others of power in further countries [Cotmttes], 
Wyat's repair whom he kncw to be Hkc affected to heresies and 
to ^°?*^^"j'J' consequently to burn in sembable desire for con- 
his Rebellion, tinuance of the same : leaving nevertheless such 
behind him in Kent, to solicit his and their unhappy case ; 
whom he knew so much addicted thereunto as, in his absence, 
for their diligence in such a ministry needed no overseer. 

He remained in London till he thought himself thoroughly 
furnished every way, and everywhere within the realm, to 
attempt his determined enterprise ; when apt time should 
Wyat's return scrve. Which donc, he returned into Kent : not 
into Kent. of purpose then to proceed ; but, understanding 
his strength, practised there by his agents to set things in 
order, and so to return to London ; abiding the time 
appointed therefore by him and his complices. 

But, so it befell, in the mean time, that, at his being in the 
country, the [Privy] Council committed a Gentleman of that 
Shire to ward, one to Wyat above all others most dear : 
whereby the common bruit grew that he, (suspecting his 
secrets to be revealed, and upon that occasion to be sent for 
by the Council) felt himself, as it were for his own surety, 
Wyat pre- compelled to anticipate his time. But whether 
t^T ' that were the cause or no, doubtful it is. 

But certain it was that Wyat, then proceeding in his 
detestable purpose, armed himself and as many as he could : 
and, giving intelligence of his determination to his com- 
The first day pliccs, as wcll at Londott as elsewhere, the 
at Mlfd^ston^' Thursday after, at Maidstone, in the market time, 
being the 25th day of January [1554], in the first year of the 
Queen's reign, by Proclamation in writing, published his 
devilish pretence. 



Jj^lTssl'l Wyat raises Kent against Strangers. 209 

And considering with himself that to make the pretence 
of his Rebellion to be the restoring or continuance The cause why 
of the new and newly-forged Religion was neither ^f 'Reil^ton 
agreeable to the nature of Heresy (which always t^e outward 

o • \ ^ pretence 01 

defendeth itself by the name and countenance of his Rebellion. 
other matter more plausible) ; neither so apt to further his 
wicked purpose, being not a case so general to allure all 
sorts to take part with him : he determined to speak no 
word of Religion, but to make the only colour The colour of 
[presence] of his commotion, only to withstand Rebtuion. 
Strangers [i.e. the Spaniards], and to advance Liberty. 

For as he made his full reckoning that such as accorded 
with him in religion would wholly join with him in that 
rebellion ; so he trusted that the Catholics for the most part 
would gladly embrace that quarrel against the Strangers ; 
whose name he took to become odible to all sorts by the 
seditious and malicious report which he and his had 
maliciously imagined and blown abroad against ^^^^.^ 
that nation, as a preparative to their abominable parative to his 

. ' r- 1- Rebellion. 

treason. 

His Proclamation therefore published at Maidstone, and 
so in other places, persuaded that quarrel to be taken in 
hand in the defence of the realm from overrunning by 
Strangers and for the advancement of Liberty : where, in 
very deed, his only and very matter was the continuance of 
heresy : as by his own words at sundry times shall hereafter 
appear. 

And to the end the people should not think that he alone, 
with a few other mean Gentlemen, had taken that traitorous 
enterprise in hand without comfort or aid of higher ^y^'^'p„, 
powers, he untruly and maliciously added further suasions to 
to his Proclamation, by persuasion to the people : RebeiLnf 

That all the Nobility of the realm and the whole [Privy] 
Council (one or two only except) were agreeable to his 
pretensed treason, and would with all their power and 
strength further the same ; (which he found most untrue, to 
his subversion): and That the Lord ABERGAVENNY, [Sir 
Thomas Cheyney,] the Lord Warden [of the Cinque 
Ports], Sir Robert Southwell, High Sheriff, with all 
other Gentlemen would join with him in this enterprise, and 
set their foot by his, to repel the Strangers. 

O I 



2IO Wyat would restore Protestantism. [J-^ 



Proctor. 

an. 1555 



This Proclamation and such annexed persuasions made at 
wyat's Maidstone on the market day, and in other parts 
uiftmeplr-^^ of the Shirc, had so wrought in the hearts of the 
ibuse°dthe people that divers (which before hated him, and 
people. jjg them) were now, as it seemed, upon this occa- 

sion, mutually reconciled ; and said unto him, " Sir, is your 
quarrel only to defend us from overrunning by Strangers 
and to advance Liberty ; and not against the Queen ? " 
The nature of « jv^^q," quod Wyat, " we mind nothing less 
say one thing than any wise to touch her Grace ; but to serve 
anoth'er"'' her and honour her, according to our duties." 

" Well," quod they, " give us then your hand. We will 
stick to you to death in this quarrel ! " 

That done, there came to him one other, of good wealth, 
saying, " Sir," quod he, " they say I love potage well. I will 
sell all my spoons, and all the plate in my house rather than 
your purpose shall quail ; and sup my potage with my 
mouth [see p. 234]. I trust," quod he, "you will restore the 
right religion again." 

" Whist ! " quod Wyat, " you may not so much as name 
wyat's own religion, for that will withdraw from us the hearts 
words to prove of many. You must only make your quarrel for 
th^l^ound of overrunning by Strangers. And yet to thee, be it 
his Rebeihon. g^j^ jj^ counscl, as unto my friend, we mind only 
the restitution of GOD's Word. But no words ! " 

By these his words it appeared that his principal intent 
was not to keep out Strangers, which commonly do not 
invade to our hindrance but by rebellion amongst ourselves ; 
nor to advance Liberty, which ever decayeth through 
treason : but to advance Heresy, the Lady Regent of his 
life and doings. 

This same Thursday [25th January 1554] as Wyat, 
Thomas Isley, and others were occupied at Maidstone 
with Proclamations to stir the people and such like ; so were 
others his confederates occupied in like manner by Pro- 
clamations at Milton, Ashford, and other towns in the east 
parts of the Shire. Through whose allurements, the multi- 
tude were grown so earnestly affected to Wyat's purpose 
that they suffered Master CHRISTOPHER ROPER, a man of 
good worship and so esteemed of them, to be taken of 



JjS.%Ts^ Wyat arrests Roper, Tucke, & Dorrel2ii 

Wyat's ministers, and carried out of the market place, 
without any manner of rescue : for that he, The apprehen. 

. i'i 1 /-iir-i 1 ^'°° °' Master 

havmg his heart and eye luU tixed upon the Christopher 
Queen, not only withstood the reading of Wyat's f^Zfl! ^^ '^"^ 
traitorous Proclamation at Milton ; but also in the same place 
proclaimed him and all his, traitors. And being roughly 
charged therewith by Wyat and others his gallants. Master 
when he was brought to Rochester, he answered, RoPER^°words 
" This tongue spake it, and doth now avow it." to wyat. 

They suffered Master TuCKE also, and Master Dorrel 
of Calehill, being Gentlemen of good worship and ^^^ ^ ^^^^^_ 
Justices of Peace, to be taken out of their houses sion of Master 
by the rebels ; and conveyed, without any manner M^tLr ^° 
of rescue, in the day time, to Rochester, being ^°'"'^'" 
twenty miles distant : where they, with Master ROPER, were 
kept as prisoners in great danger of life. 

In like manner, Sir Henry Isley, ANTHONY Knevet, 
William Knevet, with others, were at Tonbridge, Seven- 
oaks, and other towns in the west parts of the Shire, stirring 
the people by alarms, drums, and Proclamations. 

Now ye shall understand that the evening afore [24th 
January 1554] the publishing his pretence at HowWvat 
Maidstone, Wyat sent a letter, by one THOMAS sherfffof'hfs 
Monde, a man of much honesty, to Sir Robert intent to stir. 
Southwell, being Sheriff of the Shire : unto whom long 
before, as I can understand, he had neither spoken nor 
written other than in defiance ; they being in contention for 
matters of religion as it was said. Nevertheless to serve his 
purpose, dissembling his great malice and haughty courage, 
he wrote a letter to him of such effect as followeth : 

T/ie effect of Wyat's letter to Sir Robert 
Southwell, Sheriff of Kent. 

Fter hearty commendations. There hath been 
between you and me many quarrels and grudges, 
and I ever the sufferer ; and yet have you 
sought the end which is now friendly offered unto 
you, if you be willing to receive it. 




2I2Wyat's Proclamation at Maidstone. Qo^ja^^^fSs'; 

But whatsoever private quarrel you have to me, I doubt 
not but your wisdom is too much, seeing so many perils at 
hand to us both (this pretensed Marriage {of King Philip to 
Queen Mary] taking effect), to dissent from us in so neces- 
sary a purpose as wherein we now determine to enter for the 
common wealth of the whole realm. And that you may 
the better understand our pretence, I send you the copy of 
our Proclamation comprehending the sum and effect of our 
meaning : whereunto if the common wealth shall find you 
an enemy, say not hereafter but that you were friendly 
warned. 

We forbear to write to the Lord ABERGAVENNY ; for 
what you may do with him, if you list, we know. 

The style of Wyat's Proclamation. 

A Proclamation agreed unto by Thomas 
TVyat, George Harper, Henry Isley, 
^JsumpSof Knights ; and by divers of the best 

commons of the same. 

[Orasmuch as it is now spread abroad, and certainly 
pronounced by [STEPHEN GARDINER, Bishop 
of Winchester] the Lord Chancellor and others 
of the [Privy] Council, of the Queen's determinate 
pleasure to marry with a Stranger, &c. We there- 
Because. fore Write unto you, because you be our friends, 

and because you be Englishmen, that you will join with us, 
as we will with you unto death, in this behalf; protesting 
unto you before GOD, that no earthly cause could move us 
unto this enterprise but this alone : wherein we seek no 
Such Council- harm to the Queen, but better counsel and Coun- 
Sa^s^^uld' cil^oJ's ; which also we would have foreborne in all 
fevour heresy, othcr matters, saving only in this. For herein 
lieth the health and wealth of us all. 
For trial hereof and manifest proof of this intended pur- 
Lo, loud lie 1 pose, lo now, even at hand, Spaniards be now 
already arrived at Dover, at one passage, to the number of a 




/ian'°il5s-] The Sheriff's speech to Thomas M0NDE213 

hundred, passing upward to London in companies of ten, 
four, and six, with harness [armour] harquebusses and 
morians [^flmels] with match light[ed] ; the foremost com- 
pany whereof be already at Rochester. 

We shall require you therefore to repair to such places as 
the bearers hereof shall pronounce unto you, there to 
assemble and determine what may be best for the advance- 
ment of Liberty and common wealth in this behalf, and to 
bring with you such aid as you may. 

Tke end of Wya ts Proclamation. 



The messenger that brought the letter, with the Proclama- 
tion, from Wyat to the Sheriff, being not privy to the con- 
tents thereof and having charge, upon his life, to return an 
answer with all speed, importuned the Sheriff so much there- 
fore (although he saw him greatly busied in giving advertise- 
ment throughout the Shire of Wyat's traitorous determina- 
tion) as he nevertheless (to satisfy the messenger, whom he 
knew to be a right honest man ; notwithstanding his diligence 
was abused in so lewd a message), made him answer out of 
hand as followeth : 



The Sheriff's answer to the Messenger 
that brought Wyaits letter. 

ElGHBOUR Monde, rather to satisfy your im- 
portunity than to answer Wyat's letter, whom 
in this case I disdain to answer, or to speak with 
you apart coming from a traitor, you may say 
unto him, That as indeed I have been desirous of 
his friendship for neighbourhood's sake, so have I much more 
desired his reformation in divers points of great disorder: 
whereby he certainly knew, as well by my speech to himself 
as other means coming to his knowledge, that I have sithens 
the beginning of the Queen's reign holden him and some of 
his colleges [colleagues] in this conspiracy vehemently suspect- 
ed for like matters as now they have attempted. 




214 Wyat marches to Rochester. [xo^jan!°'s5s: 

" Wherein seeing he hath not deceived me, but by opening 
himself hath manifestly verified mine opinion conceived of 
him ; I purpose not to purchase his friendship so dear[ly] as 
for the game of him to lose myself and my posterity in 
perpetual infamy. And if such things which his fond \^foolish'\ 
head hath weighed for perils, to the condemnation of the 
whole wisdom of the realm (they allowing the same for good), 
had been indeed as perilous as he with others, for want of 
due consideration, deemeth them : his duty had been to have 
opened his opinion therein as a humble and reverent 
petitioner to the Queen's Highness, or to some of her Grace's 
Council. But to press his Sovereign, in any suit or upon 
any occasion, with weapon and armour, by stirring her 
subjects to rebellion ; that is, and always hath been, account- 
ed the part of the most arrogant and presumptuous traitors : 
and so do I note him and his mates, as you may tell them ; 
and shall, GOD willing, provide for them accordingly. 

" Now good man Monde, it shall be in your choice 
whether you will carry this message or no. But, as your 
friend, I shall advise you to seek out better company." 

The messenger excusing himself by ignorance, departed to 
Wyat with answer: and, soon after, returned to the Sheriff; 
under whom he served the Queen very faithfully. 

The Sheriff being made privy, as ye have heard, by Wyat 
to his traitorous pretence the night before he stirred ; and 
wanting no good will, as it should seem, with the help of the 
Lord Abergavenny who was as forward as he, to have 
resisted the reading of Wyat's Proclamation at Maidstone 
the day following and to disperse his force, sent for Gentle- 
men and yeomen in all haste to that end. 

But before he could gather Power meet to attempt the 
repressing of such a force (sundry of his neighbours of 
greatest possessions, and towns most populous, which should 
have been his chief aid, being contrary bent), Wyat accom- 
panied with a force well armed and weaponed marched to 
Rochester the same Thursday [25th January 1554]; HARPER 
and others meeting him in the way. Where fortifying the 
east parts of the town, and breaking up the bridge towards 
the west ; he abode the coming of his appointed strength : 
suffering all passengers to pass quietly through the town, to 



I 



io^jan'°il55.'] I SLEY's PROCLAMATION AT ToNBRIDGE. 215 

London, or to the sea ; taking nothing from them but only 
their weapons. 

And being the Friday [26th January] all day at Rochester, 
and not hearing from ISLEY, the town of Tonbridge, and 
other his conj urates of the west part of the Shire ; he 
addressed an earnest letter the Saturday morning [27th 
January] to ISLEY, the Knevets, and others, with the town of 
Tonbridge, requiring them to accelerate their coming unto him. 

According whereunto ISLEY, the Knevets, with others, 
being newly returned from Penshurst (where they rifled Sir 
Henry Sidney [of] his armour; he being The rifling of 
attendant upon the Queen's Highness as a faithful IJ^^eTuI 
subject), perceiving Wyat to long for their com- armour. 
ing, resolved to observe their promise and march forwards 
that night towards Wyat. 

But understanding that the Lord Abergavenny, the 
Sheriff, and GEORGE Clarke had now gathered a force, and 
were prest to encounter them : first ere they departed out of 
the town, they thought it good by some kind of Proclamation, 
to alienate the people's hearts from them ; as they did in the 
manner following : 



The copy of the Proclamation made at Tonbridge^ 

by Sir Henry Isley, Antony Knevet 

and his brother, with others. 

Ou shall understand that HENRY [NEVILLE] 
Lord Abergavenny, Robert Southwell 
Knight, George Clarke Gentleman, have most 
traitorously, to the disturbance of the common 
wealth, stirred and raised up the Queen's most 
loving subjects of this realm to defend the most wicked and 
devilish enterprise of certain of the wicked and perverse 
Councillors, to the utter confusion of this her Grace's realm, 
and the perpetual servitude of all the Queen's most loving 
subjects. In consideration whereof, we Sir Thomas Wyat 
Knight, Sir GEORGE Harper Knight, Sir Henry Isley 
Knight, Antony Knevet Esquire, with all the faithful 
Gentlemen of Kent and trusty commons of the same, do 




2i6 The Queen's Herald at Rochester. [Ji^!:"'^;: 

pronounce the said Henry Lord ABERGAVENNY, ROBERT 
Southwell and George Clarke Gentleman, to be traitors 
to GOD, the Crown, and the common wealth. 

This done, with all speed calling their company together 
by noise of drums, and leaving their direct way to Rochester, 
for that they would not come under the wing of the Lord 
Abergavenny and the Sheriff, they marched that night 
[27th January] to Sevenoaks. Taking order with such as 
were left behind in the town [of Tonbridge], that they should 
be in a readiness to come whensoever they should be sent 
for by Wyat ; and that by no ways they should believe any 
tales. " For," quod they, " th« Council will now send abroad 
flying lies and tales to discredit us and discomfort you : for 
it is their policy." 

Antony Knevet, after he was lept to his horse, took one 
by the hand, and said, " Fare you well. And if you hap to 
hear that I am taken, never believe it: for undoubtedly I 
will either die in the field or achieve my purpose." But 
within four and twenty hours he brake his promise, and ran 
away no faster than his legs could carry him. 

Well, I shall now leave them marching to Sevenoaks ; and 
The Herald's retum to Wyat at Rochester. This present 
ROTheler. Saturday [27th January] came unto him from the 
Queen's Highness a Herald and a trumpeter. 

Wyat, at the sound of the trumpet, came to the bridge, 
where the Herald was with his coat armour carrying 
the Arms of England on his back. But Wyat, with- 
out using any reverence to him either for his coat or office, 
would not suffer him to come into the town to declare his 
message ; and [the Herald] pressing to come in, he offered to 
strike him : whereupon the Herald stayed and did his message 
there, so that only Wyat with a few with him heard it. 
Which, as men could gather by the report of them that heard 
it, was promise of pardon to as many as would retire to their 
houses within four and twenty hours after the Proclamation, 
and become good subjects. But Wyat would not suffer his 
soldiers in anywise to hear it, nor any other Proclamation 
coming from the Queen. 

In the mean time also, Sir Thomas Cheyney, Lord 



10^;^!°^] ^^^ Queen's forces at Malling. 217 

Warden, being a most faithful and noble subject, had sent 
him such salutations as of honour ought to be used The Lord 
to a traitor. And being very desirous to be doing ^^tlng to 
with him, and to prove on his body what in ^""^'r- 
words of greeting he had affirmed, felt yet by his discretion 
and long experience great causes of stay. For Wyat 
desired nothing more than his coming forth ; persuading 
[himself] that he wanted no friends about him, nor any 
others that would take in hand to repress him with force 
gathered in that Shire, And, undoubtedly, doubtful were 
the hearts of the people, and marvellously bent to favour 
Wyat and his purpose ; as by daily events appeared. 

The Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff who, the 
Saturday [27th January] next after Wyat's stir, were at 
Mailing in the way towards Rochester (where Wyat lay) ; 
having with them a company of well appointed subjects. 
In whom notwithstanding for the more part they had good 
opinion of trustiness and honesty : yet having the general 
case of the people's disposition in their eye ; and not without 
cause suspecting in their Band, amongst so many faithful 
and good, some such to be, upon trust of whose trustless 
and brittle aid it were no good policy to adventure far — 
pondering therewith that this illusion of the people, whereby 
they were so far drawn from their right course and duty, 
grew chiefly by such crafty and false persuasions as Wyat 
and his mates had set forth in sundry parts of the Shire, 
by way of Proclamation in writing : wherein, amongst other 
gross lies they had set forth also matters of untruth to 
discredit the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff; as 
Wyat, in his persuasions, that they would join with him ; 
and ISLEY, in his Proclamation that they had traitorously 
assembled the Queen's loving subjects against her Grace 
and the realm. 

It seemed unto them very good and necessary to spend 
some time at Mailing in advising and lessening [lessomn^;-] 
the multitude ; and by way of exhortation to impugn those 
traitorous Proclamations, and refell such gross and false 
lies therein contained ; and finally to dissuade the people, 
which, that day being market day, were assembled to a great 
number of all sorts, from the traitors and their attempts. 



2 1 8 The Sheriff's Exhortation at Malling. [JjS.%H: 

And accordingly the Sheriff had penned an Exhortation 
to that purpose, which was pronounced out of writing in 
Mailing; and sent after by him into other parts. The 
hearing whereof did undoubtedly much move the people, 
as after shall appear. 

I shall report the same in substance truly; howbeit not 
fully in the same form and manner as I found it, and as 
it was penned and pronounced by the Sheriff: who, in 
the utterance and setting forth thereof, spared not to speak 
plainly and touch sharply, as then the present time and 
case employed vehement occasion. 



An Exhortation made by Sir Robert Southwell 
Knight, Sheriff of Kent, at Malling, the Satur- 
day being the 2yth day of January, and 
market day there, to a great assembly 
of people ; refelling and confuting 
Wyat and his complices 
traitorous Proclama- 
tions. Wya t being 
at Rochester^ 
four miles 
distant. 

OviNG neighbours and friends. Where of late 
there hath been most pestilent and traitorous 
Proclamations, as ye have heard, set forth by 
Thomas Wyat, George Harper, Henry 
ISLEY, and others, as most arrant traitors to the 
Queen and the realm ; some of them the Queen's ancient 
enemies aforetime, and double traitors : yet notwithstanding 
accounting themselves to be the best of the Shire in their 
Proclamations ; and in the same reputing and pronouncing 
others as traitors whom ye can witness to have been, from 
time to time, true and faithful subjects to the Queen and 
this our common weal, as the Lord ABERGAVENNY here 



« 



,o-jan'°iS] Spaniards have not arrived at Dover. 219 

present, myself, and other Gentlemen now prest and 
ready with you, according to our duty, to serve our noble 
Queen. I shall need to spend the less time to declare 
unto you how evil they be, or how evil their enterprise 
is that they have taken in hand : forasmuch as this their 
arrogant presumption and presumptuous pride in advancing 
themselves so far from all truth, and in depraving of others 
so maliciously for executing their bounden duty, ought 
abundantly to persuade what they be, to all of consideration, 
without further circumstance. 

"But forasmuch as in their Proclamations they fill the 
ears of the Queen's liege people with gross and manifest 
lies to stir them against her Grace, in the utterance whereof 
they use this demonstration, " Lo ! " signifying some notable 
thing near at hand, for credit worthy impression in their 
memory, as : — 

' Lo, a great number of Strangers be now arrived 

at Dover in harness \armour\ with harquebusses 

morians and matchlight' 

" I say unto you, neighbours and friends, upon pain to 

be torn in pieces with your hands, that it is untrue ; and 

a manifest lie invented by them to provoke and irritate 

the Queen's simple people to join with them in their traitorous 

enterprise. And therefore I have perfect hope that you, 

being afore time abused with their crafty and deceitful 

treason, will not now once again (having experience of 

their former evil) be trapped, for any persuasion, in so 

heinous a snare as this most vile and horrible crime of 

treason. 

"Do you not see and note that, as in the beginning 
of the Queen's most gracious reign, some of them sought 
to deprive her Grace of her princely estate and rightful 
dignity, minding to advance thereunto the Lady Jane, 
daughter to the Duke of SUFFOLK ; so are they and others 
newly confedered [confederatedl with the Duke and his 
brethren, being in arms at this present for the same purpose, 
and daily looking for aid of these traitors and others of 
their conspiracy : as by the Queen's most gracious letters, 
signed with her own hand, and ready to be read here, may 
plainly appear unto you ? And will you now nevertheless 
aid them any ways, or sit still whilst they go about thus 



220 They blear you as to Strangers. [xo-jan^Sss." 

wrongfully and traitorously to depose their, and our, most 
gracious Sovereign Lady and Queen ! the comfort of us 
all ! the stay of us all ! the only safeguard of us all ! to 
whom can no displeasure or danger chance, but the same 
must double [doubly] redound to all and every of us ! 

" No, friends and neighbours, I trust never to live to 
see you so far abused. They go about to blear you with 
matters of Strangers, as though they should come to overrun 
you and us also. He seemeth very blind, and willingly 
blinded, that will have his sight dimmed with such a fond 
{foolish'] mist ! For if they meant to resist Strangers, as 
they mind nothing less : they would then prepare to go to 
the sea coasts ; and not to the Queen's most royal person, 
with such a company in arms and weapon[s]. 

" Ye can consider, I trust, this noble Gentleman, the Lord 
Abergavenny here present, being of an ancient and great 
parentage, born among you ; and such other Gentlemen 
as you see here, which be no strangers unto you ; myself 
also, although a poor Gentleman (who I trust at no time 
hath abused you), hath somewhat to lose as well as they ; 
and would be as loth to be overrun with Strangers as 
they ; if any such thing were meant. But for that we 
know most certainly that there is meant no manner of evil 
to us by those Strangers ; but rather aid profit and comfort 
against other strangers, our ancient enemies [the French] ; 
with whom they, as most arrant and degenerate traitors, 
do indeed unkindly and unnaturally join : we, in her Grace's 
defence, will spend both life and what we have beside, to 
the uttermost penny, against them. 

"Well, I can no more now say unto you, but (under- 
standing the Queen's Highness, as a most merciful Princess, 
to be once again determined to pardon as many as, by 
their traitorous and deceitful Proclamations and other 
illusions, were allured to this last treason ; so they repair 
to their habitations within four and twenty hours after 
her Grace's Proclamation read, and become true subjects 
to her Grace) to advise such as hath taken part with those 
traitors, or have withdrawn themselves (contrary to their 
allegiance) from aiding and serving of their Sovereign, 
according to their duties, against her enemies, thankfully 
to accept and embrace her most gracious pardon ; and use 



Jj^nXTs'^ I CHARGE YOU TO AVOID WyAT S PlACES ! 2 2 1 

means of themselves to apprehend those arrant and principal 
traitors, and make a present of them to the Queen's 
Highness ; or leave them to themselves, as most detestable 
traitors : who being once so graciously and mercifully 
forgiven could not but carry the clemency of the same in 
their hearts to the furtherance of all obedience whiles they 
lived, if there had been any spark of grace in them. 

" And further I have to say unto you that as these 
traitors, by their Proclamations without authority, have 
moved you to stir against the Queen your Sovereign ; and 
appointed you places where to meet and consult for the 
furtherance of their traitorous purpose and to bring with 
you such aid as you can: so shall I require you, and in 
her Grace's name charge you that be here present, not 
to come there ; but that you, and such as be absent, taking 
knowledge hereby, repair to such places as I, the Queen's 
Sheriff and Officer, shall appoint you, with such aid as 
you can bring for the better service of the Queen and the 
Shire : where you shall be assured to receive comfort, 
thanks, and honesty to the end of your lives and your 
posterity. And the other way but endless shame and 
utter undoing to you and yours ; which shall be worst to 
yourselves, and yet a great grief to us your neighbours : 
whose advice in all other your private causes you have 
been content to follow; and now in this weightiest that 
hath, or may, happen to you will refuse us, and follow 
them that hath ever abused you to your and their utter 
confusion. 

At Mailing, the 27th of January [1554], anno Marim primo. 
GOD save Queen Mary and all her well willers ! " 

The Sheriff reading this Exhortation, caused one Barram, 
a Gentleman and servant to the Lord Abergavenny, to 
pronounce it, as he read it, so loud and so distinctly as 
the people assembled round about him, to a very great 
number, in manner of a ring, might easily hear and under- 
stand every word proceeding from Barram : who of his 
own head cried out unto them, "You may not so much 
as lift up your finger against your King or Queen ! " 

And after the people had heard the Sheriff's Exhortation ; 



22 2 The people at Malling defy Wyat. [r^j^nXZ: 

and cried "GOD save Queen Mary!" which they did 
most heartily, spending therein a convenient time; the 
Sheriff used these words unto them : 

"Masters," quod he, "although I alone did speak unto 
The Sheriff's V^^ ' ^^^ what words were spoken to you by me 
speech to the were also spoken to you by the Lord Aber- 
muititude. GAVENNY and all the Gentlemen here present: in 
whose persons I then spake ; and now require at your hands 
a plain and resolute answer. Will you now therefore join 
with such as you see evidently to be arrant traitors ; or 
else with the Lord Abergavenny and such Gentlemen 
as you see here present, that will live and die with you 
in defence of our rightful Queen against these traitors ? " 

The people with one voice defied Wyat and his complices 
The eo le's ^^ arrant traitors, and said that they now well 
answer to the cspicd they had but abused them. Wherefore in 
Sheriff. defence of Queen Mary, they would die upon 

them : expressing their minds with such earnest shouts and 
cries as shewed to proceed unfeignedly from their hearts ; 
which after was confirmed by a better experience the day 
following, as ye shall anon hear. 

But by the way ye shall understand that Wyat hearing 
wyat's of this Proclamation, said, " I know that Barram 

S^^RAM°J well ; but yet I never took him to have so wide a 
reward. throat. If I Hvc, I may happen to make him 

crow a higher note in another place." What trow you 
should then have become of the author ? 

In the Sunday following [28th January 1554], the Lord 
Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the rest of the Gentlemen 
were determined to have marched in the morning early 
towards Rochester, to have aided the Duke of NORFOLK 
The Duke of and Sir Henry Jerningham Captain of the 
sir henry^** Guard, then being at Gravesend, towards Wyat ; 
^AM'^scoming with a certain Band [Re^-zment] of White Coats, 
to Gravesend. to the number of 600, sent unto them from 
London ; whereof Bret and others were their Captains. 
Roger ^ ROGER Appulton Gentleman was also at 

thom''as°swan Gravesend with the Duke, attendant to serve: 
nicn.^^'""'' wherein likewise was THOMAS SWAN Gentle- 
man. 



JjL'TsTs'^ The night alarm at Malling. 223 

This Saturday [27th January] at night, the Lord ABER- 
GAVENNY suspecting Wyat and his complices (Hving within 
four miles of them ; and being so much provoked in that 
they were, in the day, so rightly set forth in their colours 
[illusions] at Malling) would, for revenge, work some 
annoyance to them or his Band that night, either by a 
camasado [night attack'] or by some other means ; did 
therefore, to prevent the same, set a strong watch in the 
market place at Mailing and other parts of entry The Lord 
into the town : and gave the watchword himself tS^^l^idh 
before he would take any rest. '" person. 

But between one and two of the clock in the night, when 
everybody was taken to rest save the watch, there a larom at 
happened a larom [an alarm], sundry crying, Mailing. 
" Treason ! Treason ! We are all betrayed ! " in such sort 
that such as were in their beds or newly risen thought 
verily that, either Wyat with his Band had been in the 
town, or very near. 

The thing was so sudden and happened in such a time as 
men not acquainted with like matters were so amazed 
that some of them knew not well what to do : and yet 
in the end it proved to [be] nothing. 

For it grew by a messenger that came, very late in the 
night, desiring to speak with the Lord ABERGAVENNY or 
Master Sheriff, to give them certain advertisement. That 
Sir Henry Isley, the two Knevets, and certain others, 
with 500 Wealdish men [i.e., from the Weald of Kent] were 
at Sevenoaks ; and would march in the morning early from 
thence towards Rochester, for the aid of Wyat a meaning ot 
against the Duke of NORFOLK : and in their way, bu^^n M^istl^ 
burn and destroy the house of GEORGE Clarke george 

. . , ^ Clarke s 

aforesaid. house. 

Whereupon the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff, 
by the advice of the Gentlemen before named, for that 
the said CLARKE had been a painful [painstaking] and 
serviceable Gentleman, changed their purposed journey from 
Rochester, to encounter with ISLEY and his Band, to cut 
them [off] from Wyat and save Clarke from spoil. 

And so, in the morning early, being Sunday [28th Jan- 
uary 1554], the Lord Abergavenny; the Sheriff; War- 



2 24 6oo Queen's men go to fight Isley, &c. [xo-jan'*S. 

RAM SENTLEGER, RICHARD COVERT, THOMAS ROYDON, 

The marching Antony Weldon, Henry Barney, George 

Abergavenny CLARKE, JOHN DODGE, THOMAS WATTON, 

and^the^herifF HuGH Catlyn, Thomas Henley, Christopher 

toencounter j^qj^j^^j^^ HUGH CARTWRIGHT, JOHN SYBIL, 

Esquires; John Clarke, Darsie of Wrotham, Thomas 
Chapman, James Barram, Jasper Iden, John Lambe, 
Walter Heronden, Walter Taylor, John Ray- 
NOLDES, Thomas Tuttesham, John Allen, and Thomas 
Holdiche, Gentlemen ; with yeomen to the number of 
600 or thereabouts ; marched out of Mailing in order till 
Wrotham they Came to Wrotham Heath : where they might 
Heath. easily hear the sound of the traitor's drums ; and 

so, making haste, pursued them till they came to a place 
Barrow Green. Called Barrow Green {Borough Green] through 
which lay their right and ready way that the traitors 
should take, marching from Sevenoaks towards Master 
Clarke. 

The Lord ABERGAVENNY, being very glad that he had 
prevented {anticipated] them in winning the Green, sent 
out spials [spies] to understand their nearness, and to dis- 
crive [ascertain] their number : reposing themselves there 
till the return of his spials : who at their coming said, That 
he needed not to take further pains to pursue them, for 
they were at hand, coming towards him as fast as they could 
march. Which was glad tidings to the Lord Abergavenny 
and his Band. And taking order forthwith to set his men 
in array ; he determined to abide their coming, and there 
to take or give the overthrow. 

Which the traitors understanding, Whether it was for 
that they misliked the match, or the place to fight ; whiles 
The shrinking the Lord ABERGAVENNY and his Band were busy 
of the rebels, jj^ placing themselvcs ; they shrank as secretly as 
they could by a bye-way. And were so far gone before 
the Lord Abergavenny understood thereof by his spials ; 
as for doubt [fear] of overtaking them afore their coming 
to Rochester, he was driven to make such haste for the 
overtaking of them as divers of his footmen were far behind 
at the onset giving. 

The first sight that the Lord ABERGAVENNY could have 
of them, after they forsook their purposed way, was as they 



JjS°il°55^ The Skirmish at Blacksoll Field. 225 

ascended Wrotham Hill, directly over [against] Yaldam, 
Master Peckham's house. Where they, thinking to have 
great advantage by the winning of the Hill, dis- The displaying 
played their Ensigns bravely : seeming to be in Insig^I 
great ruff. But it was not long after ere their courage 
was abated. For the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, 
and the rest of the Gentlemen, with such other of the 
Queen's true and faithful subjects, as with great pains 
taking to climb the Hill and to hold way with xherebei-s 
the Horsemen, overtook the rebels at a field 
called Blacksoll Field in the parish of Wrotham, ftJt°^^ 
a mile distant from the very top of the Hill ; where the 
Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, the Gentlemen afore- 
named, and others the Queen's true and faithful subjects, 
handled them so hot and so fiercely that, after a The skirmish. 
small shot with long bows by the traitors, and a fierce 
brag shewed by some of the Horsemen, they took their 
flight away as fast as they could. Yet of them were taken 
prisoners above three score. 

In this conflict Warram Sentleger, who brought with 
him a good company of soldiers and [was] always a ser- 
viceable Gentleman, also George Clarke, Antony 
Weldon, and Richard Clarke did very honestly 
behave themselves. William Sentleger, hearing of 
a fray towards between the Queen's true subjects and the 
traitors, came to the Lord Abergavenny into the field, 
with all haste, not an hour before the Skirmish ; who with 
the rest of the Gentlemen, with certain of the Lord 
Abergavenny's and [the] Sheriff's servants, being all 
well horsed, served faithfully : and from thence chased 
the Horsemen till they came to a wood called The chase of 
Hartley Wood, four miles distant from the place tiie Horsemen. 
where the onset began. 

The Queen's true subjects did so much abhor their 
treason, and had the traitors in such detestation, as with 
great difficulty any escaped with life that were taken 
prisoners ; and yet were they all very well armed and 
weaponed, and had also great advantage by the place of 
fight. Sir Henry Isley lay all that night in the Wood, 
and fled after into Hampshire. The two Knevets, being 
well horsed, were so hastily pursued as they were driven 

P I 



2 26 Flight of Isley and the two Knevets. [xo^ja^^lsl 

to leave their horses, and creep into the Wood ; 
and for haste to rip their boots from their legs and 
run away in the vampage of their hose. The chase 
continued so long as night came on before it was full 
finished. 

Thus were ISLEY, the Knevets, and their Band over- 
thrown by the faithful service of divers Gentlemen and 
yeomen serving under the Lord ABERGAVENNY and the 
Sheriff; whose forwardness courage and wisdom in this 
traitorous broil no doubt was very much praiseworthy ; as 
well for their speedy acceleration of their strength which 
(considering how they were every way [enjcompassed with 
the traitors) was no small matter in so little space ; and for 
their wise and politic handling also in keeping them 
together from Wyat, who marvellously and by sundry 
ways sought to allure them away. For had not they, in 
their own persons, to the encouraging of their company 
adventured far ; and by their wisdom, discretion and great 
charge, politically handled the matter : some think that 
Wyat had been at London before he was looked for by 
any good man, with no small train ; whose journey was 
greatly hindered, and his company very much discomfited 
by this repulse given to ISLEY and his Band. Where, 
amongst other things, GOD's secret hand was greatly felt, 
to the great comfort and present aid of true subjects against 
the traitors : who having such advantage of the place, as 
indeed they had, were like rather to give, than receive, 
so foul an overthrow. But this it is, you see, to serve in a 
true cause ; and her whom GOD so favoureth that he 
will not suffer the malice and rage of her enemies at any 
time to prevail against her : to whom he hath given so 
many notable victories and so miraculous that her enemies 
might seem rather to have been overthrown Spiritu DEI 
than vanquished humano robore. 

The Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the Gentle- 
Thanksgiving men with them, after they had given humble 
victory. thanks to GOD for the victory, which they did 

very reverently in the Field, and taken order for the prisoners, 
were driven to divide themselves for want of harborough 
[lodging] and vittaile [victuals] for the soldiers, that had 
well deserved both. The Lord ABERGAVENNY and certain 



I 



lo^ian^^lssG Harper runs away from Wyat. 227 

with him went to Wrotham. The Sheriff and certain with 
him to Otford, where they had much to do to get vittaile 
for their soldiers. 

The Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff (suspecting 
that some of those Gentlemen lately discomfited in this 
Skirmish would not long tarry in the realm, but make 
shift to pass the seas ; yea, by spial [spies], understanding 
that Wyat himself with some of his company thereunto 
bent) devised to lay [warn] the country [round] about, that 
they might not escape. And considering that they would 
not do it at Dover, nor in that coast [dts^rici] ; they 
knowing [Sir Thomas Cheyney] the Lord Warden to have 
such watch unto them : but rather, for sundry respects, 
at Rye, or more southward. And having great thomas 
proof of Thomas Dorrell the younger his i^cotney^'the*^ 
fidelity ; he returned the same Dorrell, being younger. 
newly come unto him with 80 men well appointed, into 
Sussex : giving him strait charge that, consulting with Sir 
John Guildford, they should, both day and night, set 
a sure watch for the passing of any that way to the sea- 
coast ; and further to take such order as no munition, fish, 
wine, or other vittaile coming out of these parts, should pass 
to the relief of the traitors. 

Antony Knevet, notwithstanding great and strait watch 
laid round about the country by the Sheriff for the appre- 
hension of him and others that fled, arrived that Sunday 
[28th January 1554] at night late at Rochester: where 
his news was so joyful that Harper forthwith harper's 
found the mean[s] to rid himself out of their fromWvAT^^ 
company, without any leave taking ; and ran to the Duke 
of Norfolk. To whom he seemed so greatly to lament 
his treason, that the Duke, pitying his case, the rather for 
the long acquaintance between them in times past, received 
him to grace. But, within a day after, he ran from the 
Duke and returned to his old mate ; as hereafter shall 
appear. 

Wyat hearing of ISLEY his overthrow, and under- 
standing by the proceeding at Mailing the day before, that 
those things set forth in his Proclamations whereby he 
thought his strength at home to be most surely knit unto 
him, were now become rather a weakening than otherwise ; 



228 Wyat, weeping, thinks to fly over sea. [JjJ^J^, 



Proctor 
I55S- 



the people there being ready to fall from him for his so 
abusing of them : he fell into so great extreme anguish and 
sorrow, as writing a letter of expostulation to some of his 
familiars abroad, in reprehension of their infidelity in that 
Wyat bewail- they sticked not to him so fast as they promised, 
wuh^leaTs!^ he bedewed the paper whereupon he wrote with 
tears issuing so abundantly from his eyes as it would bear 
wvAT'scoatof no ink. And so leaving to write, calling for a 
wrtiTa'irgeisf privy coat [of armour] that he had quilted with 
angels [a gold coin of the value of ioj.] not long afore ; 
which might serve both for his defence, and [also be] a 
refuge for his necessity being in another country : he 
avyat's prac practlsed with such as were near unto him, where 
uc^etoflyby ^^^ might have ready passage, and most for 
their surety to take the sea. " For England," said he, " is 
no place for us to rest in." 

His company also shrank from him as fast as they could 
devise means to escape : whereunto THOMAS ISLEY and 
others had a greater respect than himself; he seeming to 
take care for nothing but how he might safely convey 
himself [away] ; being well friended, it was thought, with 
some of the ship-masters. 

Thus was Wyat so mated by the Lord ABERGAVENNY, 
Wyat mated, the Sheriff, and their Band as he was at his 
wits' end, as ye have heard : and chiefly by keeping him 
from that, which by spial about him they afterwards under- 
stood him specially to desire ; which was offer of battle. 
He and his being fully persuaded that there could be no 
great force raised against him in the Shire ; whereof the 
most part should not be his when it should come to the 
shew. Wherein although he might be deceived, as indeed 
he was ; yet his quarrel, with the disposition of the 
people thereunto well considered, with the end of his 
travail which could be but spoil and ravin (ready means 
and lures to draw the careless multitude unto him) : it 
seemed to the Lord Abergavenny and such as served 
with him, better policy for to weary Wyat, and weaken 
him by the cutting away of his strength from him ; than to 
offer him battle till the Duke of Norfolk's coming : whom 
the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff knew to be at 
hand towards Wyat ; unto whom they and all the Gen- 



\ 



,o"ja^'°i'555-] ^^^ Duke of Norfolk at Rochester. 229 

tiemen of their Band, after their Skirmish with Isley, made 
the haste possible they might. 

But before their coming, the case was wonderfully 
changed, to the great discomfort of all the Queen's true 
subjects : and that came to pass that [zvkz'c/i] of all men 
was least feared. For who was it that suspected such 
cruel and malicious disposition to remain in any English 
heart towards his country, in any subject's thought towards 
his Sovereign, that, receiving her Grace's armour weapons 
and money, would have played so traitorous a part as 
these Captains did with their Band ? It is so strange a 
case as the world never saw. It is so malicious a part as 
the Jew would not have done the like, having received his 
hire to serve. 

So it was that the noble Duke, being an ancient and 
worthy Captain (and yet, by long imprisonment, so dis- 
wonted from the knowlege of our malicious World and the 
iniquity of our Time, as he suspecting nothing less than 
that which followed ; but judging every man to accord 
with him in desire to serve truly) marched forth the 
Monday [29th January 1554], about ten of the The Duke's 
clock in the morning, from Gravesend to Stroud stTOud"to *^'°°' 
towards Rochester ; and about four of the clock Rochester. 
in the afternoon of the same day, he arrived at Stroud, near 
unto Rochester : having with him the Captain of The names of 
the Guard ; MAURICE GRIFFITH, now Bishop of 'erv-^g^uXr" 
Rochester; Sir Edv^ard Braye, Sir JOHN FOGGE, theDuke. 
Knights ; JOHN COVERTE, Roger Appulton, Esquires ; 
and Thomas Swan, Gentleman : with certain of the Guard, 
and others, to the number of 200 or thereabout. 

Besides BRET and other five Captains : who, with their 
Band, being 600, all in white coats, tarried behind j, ^, . , 

' o ' , ' Bret, Chief 

at a hill called Spittle [Hospifaf] Hill, near unto captain of the 
Stroud ; whiles the Duke went to Stroud to see 
the planting of the ordnance. Which being ready charged 
and bent upon the town of Rochester ; and perceiving 
Wyat and the other traitors, by hanging out their flags 
upon the bridge wall, to be in great bravery ; which 
considering the miserable state they were in the night 
before, could not be, had they not received some new comfort 



230 The Revolt of the 600 White Coats. [xo^jan'°l^sI: 

by some traitorous mean[s] : the Duke commanded one of 
the pieces to be fired for shot into Rochester. 

And, as the gunner was firing the piece, Sir EDWARD 
Bray's eldest son came in all haste to the Duke saying, 
"Sir, did I not tell your Grace, this morning, that yonder 
false wretches would deceive you ? " 

" How know you that?" quod the Duke. 

"Why, Sir," quod Braye, "you may see them, as false 
traitors [ready] bent against you," 

And immediately Bret and other Captains of the White 
Coats with their Band, being upon the Hill and at the 
back of the Duke, made great and loud shouts sundry 
The revolt of times. Crying " We are all Englishmen! We are 
the Captains all Englishmen ! " : fashioning themselves in array, 

of the White 1 u ^ -i-l- ^U • ^ i. ^U 

Coats and ready bent with their weapons to set upon the 
their Band. j^uke, if he had made any resistance. 

Whereupon the Duke and the Captain of the Guard 
commanded the pieces that were bent upon the town, to 
be turned upon Bret and his Band. But, upon further 
consideration, the shot was spared : and the Duke's Grace 
with the Captain of the Guard Sir HENRY JerningHAM, 
considering (not without bleeding hearts) their chief strength 
thus turned upon them, so that they were now environed 
both behind and before with traitorous enemies, shifted 
themselves away ; as did also their company. 

After whose departure, Wyat, accompanied with two 
or three and not many more, came out of Rochester half 
a mile from the town at the least, to meet the six Captains 
of the White Coats. Amongst whom was Harper, not- 
^jj,^^ withstanding his crouching and kneeling before 
retnroedto the Duke ; and fair promises that he would under- 
mate. ^^^^ ^^^^ Wyat should have yielded. Who, 
footing afore the other Captains, with his sword drawn, 
said to Wyat, " I promised you a good turn, and say 
not now but I have paid it." 

Who had seen the embracing, clipping, and congratulation 
used at this meeting from traitor to traitor, might justly 
wonder thereat. Shortly after they had well clawed one 
another, they went together like themselves into Rochester. 

When this, of all other most infortunate chance[s], came to 



lo-j^^] The return of the Sheriff to Malling 2 ;i 

the knowledge of the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, 
and their friends ; they were not a little troubled with the 
strangeness of the case : much doubting that the people, 
which before seemed brought to good frame, would be 
impaired by this alteration ; and such as were afore evil 
disposed would not be greatly amended thereby. 

The Sheriff, being the same night at Maidstone, that had 
come the same day from Otford, fourteen miles ^ _^ ._ 

rr^ y^ r^ The b.benffs 

distant, to meet Thomas Guildford, Steven beings: 
Djrrell, Edward Horden, John Robartes, ^^'^^"'°'- 
and John Finch, Esquires, to march towards the Duke. 
And in the morning, so far from any mistrust of that which 
followed the same day [Monday, 29th January 1554], as 
having no sure place to convey the prisoners, taken the 
day before in the Skirmish with ISLEY, he left tlie chiefest 
and trustiest of his servants and friends, both Gentlemen 
and yeonien, of all his Band at Mailing, for the 
safeguard of the prisoners ; where also lay the Lord 
Abergavenny and his Band : doubting [/^arifi^] tliat 
ISLEY and the rest that escaped would have made some means 
that night to have recovered the prisoners ; sundr\- of whom, 
being men of good wealth and well friended, and [at that 
moment] living within four miles of Wyat. 

Upon these news, whether it were for the absence [from 
Maidstone] of tlie Lord Abergavenny and his Tbeshera-s 
strengtli. or mistrusting false measure in the to\'kTi sea«t remm 
[o{ Maidstone], or moved witli example of the "* ^^' 
revolt of tlie White Coats : he thought, it should seem, 
Maidstone no meet place for him to make any abode ; 
nor yet good policy, all parts considered, to disclose the 
time of his removing. But judging plainly himself the 
only mark of these parts whereat the traitors shot ; or falling 
an\- ways into their hands, so newly after the case of the 
Duke, one part of tlie traged\- to be Uien ended : he returned 
to his streng^ ; giving knowledge to the Gentlemen re- 
maining in Maidstone to repair to his house for consultation, 
What was to be done for theredubbing ofthat unhappy chance? 

In which consultation tliere did rise so many different 
opinions ; some saying, The}- would to the Queen ; and 
some, to the Earl of Pembroke being h^r Graces 
Lieutenant : that the Sheriff, witliout furtlier debating, 



232 Wyat's letter to the Duke of Suffolk. [Jja^y^'sss. 

intreating the Lord ABERGAVENNY and certain Gentlemen 
to remain and entertain such of their Bands as they could 
hold till his return, which he promised should be without 
delay, [and then] went to the [Privy] Council for knowledge 
of their pleasure ; where he tarried uneth [scarcely] two hours, 
but returned in post the same night [to Mailing]. And 
at his coming, the Lord ABERGAVENNY and he assembled 
as many of their force as they could call together. 

The traitors and their friends were grown as men revived 
from death to life, flattering themselves that a thing so 
far above men's expectation could not have happened to 
them so fortunately but by GOD'S miraculous provision, as 
favouring greatly their case : and so it blew abroad, as well 
by wind as by writing ; the more part of the people being 
ready to believe it, as the case, in the heads of the multitude, 
was wonderfully changed both for strength and opinion. 

Wyat advertised by his letter the Duke of SUFFOLK 
wyat of his victory " by GOD'S provision " as he termed 

totheDXe"of it: whose letter was intercepted in Essex, as 
Suffolk. the mcssengcr passed the ferry, by a servant 
of Sir Robert Southwell's ; and brought to the Council. 

He wrote also to the Duke of Norfolk, but in another 
style ; his letters being open and importing such matter as 
follloweth : 

" Be it known to all men, and especially to the Duke of 
wy^T's letter NORFOLK, that I have taken nothing in hand 

to the Duke of i t -n • • • i i 

Norfolk. but what 1 Will mamtam with the expense of my 
life ; which, before it depart out of my body, shall be 
sold full dear, &c." 

Such of those parts as hung in the wind, as Neuters, 
(whereof were no small number that had lurked in caves 
An Invective ^^ ^^ tempcst, watching but where should come 
against the the victory, that for example of the evil were 

Neuters. , . . V- . , ^ 

nothing mferior to the arrantest traitors but 
rather for a number of respects much worse), began to appear 
very cheerful, giving themselves great thanks for handling 
the matter so finely, that conveying themselves out of the 
way by their policy could avoid charge and peril so wittily. 



io"Jan'°i'55s'.] ^^ InVECTIVE AGAINST THE NeUTERS. 233 

And as they met with such as had served faithfully, with 
whom they durst be frank, they spared not to open their 
mouths largely, pouring out such language as could be but 
lamentable, or rather odible, to every true ear, to understand 
any subject so far perverted from his allegiance and duty 
that, for gain or security of their own persons, would rejoice 
in sitting still as indifferent where the Crown is a party; 
or to persuade security to themselves, be they never in so 
strong a hold, where their Sovereign is in peril. Which, all 
things rightly weighed, seemed a strange persuasion to 
account either gain or saving in sparing some part of the 
accidents by sitting still to adventure the loss of the 
principal whereupon life and the whole dependeth ; or by 
affecting a little corruption inordinately, to lose both honest 
fame and good opinion of his country [Couuij] ; which every 
honest man ought to seek to preserve as tenderly as the well- 
doing of himself and his whole posterity. 

Thus may we evidently see the divers effects of divers 
inclinations according to truth and untruth of perfect 
obedience prevailing in men's hearts. These Neuters, or 
counterfeits (that would be neither open foes nor adven- 
turous friends ; but as wily vultures, hovering in the wind to 
catch and gripe some part of the prey, although they would 
no part of the fray) persuaded themselves to save that which 
in their opinion the true hearty subject should lose by giving 
such adventure ; that was security of body and goods. 
Which grant they saved ; yet, in the just judgment of the 
honest, they deserved thereby the same blot of infamy that 
is due to the open enemies. 

On the other side, the true and faithful, whose hearts and 
hands such dim colour \illusion'\ of unthankful policy could 
not withhold from the utterance of needful service in such 
general case of danger, thought it rather a gain to adventure 
body and goods ; whereby either to preserve the head and 
the whole, which was cruelly pursued ; or at least by defence 
of the same to purchase unto them and their names the 
honest opinion of unspotted members, and the immortalitj' 
of good fame wherewith truth always rewardeth unfeigned 
service. For such an incomparable virtue is faithful loyalty, 
so much abhorring all corruptible allurements, that whose 
hearts she hath in governance ; with such, neither savour of 



I 



234 A Council of the rebels at Rochester. [Jjan'^Sl 

gain nor hope of security, neither persuasion of friendship ne 
other enticement, can so much prevail as, for any respect, they 
will digress from the right course of true service. Where 
the contrary, wanting that perfection (to taste of Fortune's 
corruptible members, whereafter they gape ; to obtain quiet 
to the restive carcase, and lucre to themselves, the thing they 
only seek), are easily drawn to run a clean contrary race. 

The naughty [worthless] brood therefore of Counterfeits, of 
all others not tolerable in a common weal, are specially to be 
looked to in their beginning ; lest their evil example by long 
sufferance grow to such a precedent at the last, that the 
common saying " Good to sleep in a whole skin," being 
espied to escape without danger of reprehension, be taken 
for a policy ; and thereby outweigh the just peize [iveight] of 
bounden duty. 



After this most unhappy chance, the traitors with their 
,j ^. ^ new adjuncts fell to a great and solemn council 
of the rebels that samc night at Rochester for their proceeding 
of't"e' whit7^' in their pretensed [intended] treason. In discourse 
Coats. whereof proceeded such unfitting talk, as well 

towards the Queen's Highness as her honourable Council, 
tending to the alteration of the whole State, as abhorred the 
ears of some of the self traitors ; that, understanding by 
that talk the end of their purpose, whereof before they were 
ignorant, wished themselves under the earth for being so 
unhappy as to be so much as acquainted with so damnable 
an enterprise. Such an opinion had they, as they deemed 
very few Councillors, or Officers of authority or of Nobility, 
within the realm worthy the places whereunto they were 
called : and persuading great choice to be amongst them- 
selves for the supplying of that want, such overweening had 
they of themselves and made so sure a reckoning of the 
victory, as they disposed the honourable Offices of the Realm 
among themselves. 

Wyat thought himself now so sure of the victory as 
seeing him that offered " to sell his spoons and all the plate 
that he had rather than his purpose should quail, and sup his 
pottage with his mouth" [j). 210], warranted him, That he 
should eat his pottage with silver, as he did. 



io-Jan"^S] T^^ REBELS RELY ON THE LONDONERS. 235 

England, when good counsel should stand it in most 
available steed, needed no better counsellors than such as 
they were, if they had half the wit they thought themselves 
to have, coupled with grace and honesty. But what they 
had indeed, their acts declare plainly to their own confusion ; 
as it hath always, and ever hereafter shall, to as many as be 
of like disposition. 

One of them, that had some wit indeed, although he 
wanted grace, perceiving by their talk in what fond \^foolisJi\ 
frenzy they were entered ; to interrupt them therein, he said, 
That such matters were good to be treated of at further 
opportunity : but for the present it were meet to devise upon 
their next journey [expedition'] ; and whether it should be 
good policy in them, minding to march towards London, to 
leave the Lord ABERGAVENNY and the Sheriff at liberty 
(that annoyed their friends, and by all likelihood would not 
so cease as they may or dare) at their back, being left at 
large. 

One of them, taking upon him first to answer, thought 
nothing more necessary than their sequestration : and if his 
advice might have been heard in the beginning 
[of the Rebellion], the Sheriff should have been apprThend^the 
in hold, as I have heard, before anything should ^''^"ff- 
have been attempted. 

But the Captains to the White Coats (meet counsellors for 
such an enterprise ! ), having the spoil of London in their 
eyes, would not dispute that was past : but for the present 
they persuaded clean contrary to the former opinion ; saying 
That their going about the apprehension of the Sheriff 
should be but a loss of time. " For London," said they, 
" longed sore[ly] for their coming ; which they The mis- 
could by no means protract without breeding the''r°ebeif °^ 
great peril and weakness to themselves." And "p°" London. 
having London at their commandment, whereof they were 
in no manner of doubt, if it were not lost by their sloth ; 
their revenge to the Lord ABERGAVENNY, the Sheriff, with 
others [of] their enemies, would easily follow. 

Wyat, savouring full well their disposition, and under- 
standing their meaning by their arguments, and knowing 
also that without his assenting thereto he could not long 
have their company, yielded to their counsel. 



236WYAT REACHES GrAVESEND & DaRTFORD. [_Jj 



Proctor, 
an. 1555. 



And so, being out of measure exalted into haughty 
courage and pride by the revolt of the White Coats, he 
marched the day after, being Tuesday [30th January 1554], 
in great pomp and glory, carrying with him six pieces of 
ordnance which they had gotten of the Queen's, besides their 
own, to Cowling Castle, a hold of the Lord Cobham's, four 
miles distant from Rochester ; and not much out of their 
way towards London : where the Lord CoBHAM was. 

Wyat at his coming to Cowling Castle, bent his ordnance 

against the gate ; and with great and sundry shots 

Cowi^g^" ° and fire brake and burned up a way through the 

Castle. g^^.g -pj^g Lqj.^^ Cobham defended his Castle as 

stoutly as any man might do, having so few against so great 
a number ; and so little munition ; [he] himself discharging 
his gun at such as approached the gate right hardily. And 
in that assault two of his own men were slain. 

After this assault, and talk with the Lord COBHAM, Wyat 
marched to Gravesend ; where he reposed that night. 

From Gravesend, he and his Band marched, the Wednes- 
wyat's march- day next after [31st January 1554], to Dartford, 
fofd.° ^ ' where he reposed that night. 

Whither came Sir Edward Hastings, Master of the 
The coming of Quectt's Horse, and Sir THOMAS CORNWALLIS 
the Hors^and Kuights, both of her Grace's honourable Privy 
coRNWALus Council, sent from the Queen to WVAT to under- 
to Wyat. stand the cause of his commotion ; and also, as it 
was said, finding any repentant submission in him, to promise 
pardon, or at the least great hope thereof. 

Wyat, understanding [of] their coming and taking with 
him certain of his Band, went to the west end of the town, 
where he had planted his ordnance ; and at the [a]lighting 
of Master HASTINGS and Sir Thomas Cornwallis from 
their horses, Wyat, having a partisan [/la/derd] in his hand, 
advanced himself somewhat afore such Gentlemen as were 
Pride. with him ; and, using but little reverence due from 

a subject to [Privy] Councillors, traced near them. 

To whom, the Master of the Horse spake in substance as 
followeth : 

"The Queen's Majesty requireth to understand the very 
cause wherefore you have thus gathered together in arms her 



io'jan'°l5s'] WyAT's DEMAND OF THE PrIVY CoUNCIL. 237 

liege people, which is the part of a traitor ; and yet, in your 
Proclamations and persuasions, you call yourself a true sub- 
ject : which cannot stand together." 

" I am no traitor," quod Wyat, "and the cause whereof I 
have gathered the people is to defend the realm from our 
overrunnning by Strangers ; which follows, this Marriage 
taking place." 

" Why," quod the Queen's Agents, " there be no Strangers 
yet come whom either for power or number ye need to sus- 
pect. But if this be your only quarrel, because, ye mislike 
the Marriage : will ye come to communication touching that 
case ? and the Queen, of her gracious goodness, is content ye 
shall be heard." 

To whom Wyat shaped such answer as clearly might 
declare his malicious intent and traitorous heart wyat's arro- 
to the Queen's own person and royal estate. " I s^"' answer. 
yield thereto," quod Wyat, " but for my surety I will rather 
be trusted than trust. And therefore I demand the custody 
of the Tower, and [of] her Grace in the Tower ; the dis- 
placing of certain Councillors, and placing others in their 
rooms as to me shall seem best." 

Upon this lewd answer, long and stout conference was 
between them : insomuch that the Master of the Horse said 
unto him, with a stout courage, " Wyat, before thou shalt 
have that thy traitorous demand granted, thou shalt die and 
20,000 with thee ! " 

Shortly after, the Master of the Horse with Master CORN- 
WALLIS, finding him an arrant traitor and desperately set to 
all mischief, returned to the Queen's Majesty. 

The common people being with him, and calling to their 
remembrance how Wyat, in all appearance, made his 
whole matter of stir for Strangers, and no ways against the 
Queen ; and perceiving how unreverently he used himself as 
well to the Queen's Herald at Rochester as to the Privy 
Council[lors] at Dartford ; and considering within them- 
selves also that he would suffer none of the Queen's Pro- 
clamations to be read among them : their hearts began to 
rise against him. And among themselves sundry of them 
much murmured, wishing with the loss of all they had they 
had never been acquainted with Wyat rxor his doings ; and 
indeed sought as many ways as they could to be rid of him 



238 The Nobles' suit & the Queen's reply. [Jj^[°', 



Proctor. 

SS5- 



Which perceived by Wyat and his mates, they devised a 
A craft ^^"^^ [rumotir] to be sounded in his Band, that the 

pofi^y/ Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff did cause to 
be hanged as many as they could take, coming from Wyat's 
Band : wherewith the people, standing in a great maze what 
to do, were wonderfully perplexed. 

The Queen understanding by the Master of the Horse and 
Sir Thomas Cornwallis the arrogancy of Wyat, and not- 
withstanding that she perceived her merciful inclination 
rather to provoke him than otherwise : yet seemed she 
nothing willing, even then, by violence and force, as she 
easily might, to suppress him : but yet a longer time to 
suffer and abide, if by delay and mercy her enemy might be 
won to reconciliation. 

The Nobility (which were at that time with her Grace, 
N^bieftothe^ pcrceiving such surmounting mercy rather to 
Queen. increase than any ways to abate courage and 

malice in the insolent and proud heart of the traitors ; 
and further understanding that the traitors deemed the 
contation or forbearing to proceed rather of debility or fear 
than of mercy and clemency) counselled with her Grace that, 
with her gracious leave and licence, they might set upon him 
and his Band before he should pass Blackheath : declaring 
that to suffer such an arrogant traitor, being but a mean 
member, to approach thus contemptuously so near her royal 
person, as it were in defiance of her Grace and her true 
subjects, should greatly redound to their dishonours in the 
opinion of all faithful men throughout the world. 

The Queen gave them all most hearty and loving thanks 
The Queen's saying That she nothing doubted of their true hearts 

answer to the j 1 1 

Nobles. towards her : yet was she loth to make any proof 

or trial thereof in such quarrel as should be with loss of blood. 
" For to repress them with violence, and subdue them by the 
sword could not have so happy success but many of my 
poor subjects" quod she, "should dearly bye [adtde] it with the 
loss of their lives." Wherefore she determined to suffer as 
long as she might; and to forbear that practice till there 
were no other hope ne remedy. For albeit in the capital 
traitors there could be but great default : yet in the multitude 
she was persuaded to be no malice, but only misled by their 



,o^jan'°i*5'5sG ^HE Queen's Speech at the Guild Hai,L239 

Captains ; and rather seduced by ignorance than upon any 
evil purpose meant to her Grace. Wherefore she desired 
them to be contented : for she was fully determined to con- 
tinue her merciful sufferance and other her gentle means so 
long as she might ; and [to] vanquish her enemies without 
the sword, if any sparkle of obedience or natural zeal remain 
in their hearts. Notwithstanding, she required them to 
prepare and retain their force in a readiness, if their [the 
rebels''\ stony hearts should drive her to use extremity. 

But her Highness doubting {fearing] that London, being 
her Chamber and a city holden of dear price in her princely 
heart, might, by Wyat and such ruffens \r21ffians] as were 
with him, be in danger of spoil, to the utter ruin of the 
same : her Highness therefore, as a most tender and loving 
Governess, went the same day [31st January 1554] in her 
royal person to the Guild Hall to foresee those perils. 

Where, among other matter proceeding from her incom- 
parable wisdom, her Grace declared how she had The Queens 
sent that day two of her Privy Council to the g^u^ A°i^ 
traitor Wyat : desirous rather to quiet their tumult '" London. 
by mercy than by the justice of the sword to vanquish : 
whose most godly heart fraight[ed] with all mercy and 
clemency, abhorred from all effusion of blood. 

Her Highness also there shewed the insolent and proud 
answer returned from Wyat : whereat the faithful citizens 
were much offended ; and in plain terms defied him as a 
most rank traitor, with all his conj urates. 

And touching the Marriage, her Highness affirmed that 
nothing was done herein by herself alone, but with consent 
and advisement of the whole Council, upon deliberate con- 
sultation, that this conjunction and Second Marriage should 
greatly advance this realm (whereunto she was first married) 
to much honour, quiet, and gain. 

" For," quod her Grace, " I am already married to this 
Common Weal and the faithful members of the same ; the 
spousal ring whereof I have on my finger : which never 
hitherto was, nor hereafter shall be, left off. Protesting unto 
you nothing to be more acceptable to my heart, nor more 
answerable to my will, than your advancement in wealth and 
welfare, with the furtherance of GOD's glory." And to 
declare her tender and princely heart towards them, she 



240 WyAT and 4,000 MEN REACH DePTFORD. [ro-jan':°S 

promised constantly not to depart from them, although by 
her Council she had been much moved to the contrary : but 
would remain near and prest to adventure the spense 
\shedding\ of her royal blood in defence of them. 

Such matter passed from her besides as did so wonder- 
fully enamour the hearts of the hearers as it was a world to 
hear with what shouts they exalted the honour and 
magnanimity of Queen Mary. 

This done her Grace returned towards Whitehall, and 
passing through the streets, being full of people pressing to 
behold her Grace wherein they had singular delight and 
pleasure, one amongst all, most impudent of all others, 
Amaiepert Stepped lorward saying, "Your Grace may do 
Artificer. vvell to makc your Foreward [ Vanguard'\ in battle, 
of your Bishops and Priests : for they be trusty, and will not 
deceive you ! " 

For which words, he was commanded to Newgate : who 
deserved to be hanged at the next bough, for example to all 
others, so impudently and arrogantly to assault his Sovereign 
and Queen with such seditious and traitorous language. The 
voice went that he was a Hosier. Out of all doubt, he was 
a traitor and a heretic ; whose heart was wholly in Wyat's 
bosom, although his body were absent. For it was not 
possible any faithful subject, or true Christian, to utter such 
shameless speech to his liege Lady and Princess as he did 
then. But such is the fruit of heresy. Contempt of GOD 
and man ; as by daily experience is seen. 

The Thursday next after [ist February 1554], Wyat hav- 
wyat's ing fourteen Ensigns in his Band and not past four 

DepS "* thousand men, although they were accounted of a 
strand. far greater number, marched to Deptford strand, 

eight miles from Dartford and within four miles of London. 
Where, upon such advertisement as he received by espial of 
the Queen's being in the Guild Hall and the order of the 
people to her, he remained that night and the next whole 
day : divers of his own company doubting [stispecti7tg\ by his 
longer tarrying there than he did in other places, with other 
presumptions, that he would have passed the water [i.e. the 
Thames] into Essex. 

His prisoners, as Master Christopher Roper, George 



Jj^'XTsi Wyat arrives at London Bridge. 241 

DORREL of Calehill [and] John Tucke Esquires, who were 
kept very straitly, being sickly and having within ^^^ j^ ^^^^ 
the town no convenient harborough or attendance, of Master 
were licensed by Wyat, upon promise of ropmmS'^'' 
their worship to be true prisoners, to provide for dorrL from 
themselves out from the town, where they best wvat. 
might. But they, thinking no part of their worship stained 
in breaking promise with a traitor, sought ways to escape ; 
and came no more at him. 

On the Saturday following [3rd February 1554], very 
early, Wyat marched to Southwark : where 
approaching the Gate at London Bridge foot, [he] ma^rching to 
called for the opening of the same; which he Southwark. 
found not so ready as he looked for. 

After he had been a little while in Southwark, divers of 
the soldiers went to Winchester Place [^/le town residence of 
the Bishop of Winchester^. Where one of them, being a 
Gentleman, began to shew his game before all the cards were 
full[y] dealed ; I mean, to rifle and spoil : which indeed was the 
determinate end of their purpose ; but the time was not yet 
come, nor they come to the place, where they should begin it. 

Whereunto Wyat, having further respect than the young 
Gentleman had, shewed himself, with stern and fiery visage, 
so much to be offended with his doings that he made divers 
believe that he would have hanged him upon the wharf 
Which whereof it grew, either of hatred to the evil, or of 
policy to purchase credit for a further mischief, as well the 
nature and course of rebellion, as also Wyat's own words, 
may easily let us understand. 

Who, the Monday [22nd January 1554] next afore this 
stir, devising with two of his friends for the execution of his 
pretensed {intendedl purpose ; one of them at length said 
unto him, " I have no doubt but you shall be able to assemble 
a great force : but how you shall be able to continue the 
same with you, having not sufficient treasure and money, 
the only bait wherewith the multitude is holden, I stand 
much in doubt." 

" What then ? " quod Wyat, 

" Marry," said the other, " methinketh a good way for your 
provision thereof, after your force is once gathered, that ye 

Q I 



Proctor, 
an. 1555. 



242 Wyat reckons on the spoil of London. [Jj 

apprehend [Sir Thomas Cheyney] the Lord Warden, the 
Lord Abergavenny, Sir Robert Southwell, Sir Thomas 
MOYLE, with others ; of whose hearts and affections towards 
you and your case you stand in doubt : whereby ye shall not 
only have them in safety which are most like[ly] within the 
Shire to withstand your enterprise; but also provide you 
both treasure and money, which they want not, for the relief 
of your Band." 

" Ah," quod Wyat, " is this the best counsel ye can give ? 
If we pretend to keep out Strangers, and begin our quarrel 
with the spoil of our own country [County] men ; what will 
the whole realm, trow ye, then deem of us ? Nay, your advice 
is naught ; and your way, the next way to accelerate our 
confusion. For if we will go forwards in our matter and 
make the best of it to our purpose, Spoil and Tyranny may 
not be our guides. We must, by all means, devise, and all 
little enough, to continue good opinion in the heads of the 
multitude of some plausible [praiseworthy] end to succeed by 
our stir : otherwise we undo ourselves. For perceiving at 
our entry that our minds run of spoil : who will not rather 
resist us, and abide the adventure of that whereof we bear 
them in hand ; than to be in certain to be spoiled by us ? 
And I see no cause why you should doubt of money ; seeing 
ye know that such Gentlemen as are confedered with us, 
keeping appointment ; their soldiers shall come ready 
furnished to bear their own charges for nine days : and our 
hap shall be very hard if we be not at London shortly after 
we stir ; and that with so great a company as shall be out of 
danger to be stopped by any of the Shire upon such a sudden, 
or letted [hindered] of entry into London finding half the 
friends there as we think to have. And being once in 
wy^y^ London, and having the Tower in our hands ; I 

th?°p"oTof L !-^"^^ y°^ \}i\\x\V we shall not lack money long after. 
Tower and if any be to be had there, or in the Aldermen's 

London. cofferS." 

To that said another, that had spoken as yet never a word, 
" I know Commoners in London that have more ready money 
than some of the Aldermen." 

" Soft," quod Wyat, " I pray you in any wise forbear all 
such talk till we come to the place where we would be. In 
mean time let us work secretly ; and by all tokens and signs 



io-Jan'°l5s'] LORD W. H OWARD DEFENDS LONDON. 243 

shew ourselves to favour and maintain our pretence of 
Strangers only." 

Such and the Hke communication was betweeen Wyat 
and two others the Monday [22nd January] before his 
rising. Whereby it is evident that their final intent was 
to advance themselves by spoil of other men's goods : 
although they pretended otherwise. 

And to colour {make pretence of'\ the same, Wyat so fell 
out with this Gentleman for rifling the Lord Chancellor's 
House \i.e., the House in Southwark of Stephen Gardiner, 
Bishop of Winchester^ that he made a number believe he 
would have hanged him out of hand : had not Bret and 
others entreated for him. 

When they had lien in Southwark a day or two, and 
found themselves deceived in London : which (by „. , . 

, ,.,. , .... ... /. , "^ The Lord 

the great diligence and politic handling of that william 
worthy and faithful Knight, the Lord William Admi^rrof 
Howard, Admiral of England, that had the E^g'^^'^'^- 
special charge thereof ; with the aid of Sir Thomas Wight, 
Knight, Mayor of London, his brethren [the Aldermen] and 
citizens) was so well preserved as the traitors thereby 
were disappointed of that they looked most certainly for — 
Wyat, as a man desperate and setting all at sixe[s] and 
seven, adventuring the breaking down of a wall out of a 
house joining to the Gate at the Bridge foot, wyat's com- 
whereby he might enter into the leads over the porter's i^dge 
Gate, came down into the Lodge about eleven ^l^}^^^^^^ 
of the clock in the night : where he found the 
Porter in a slumber ; [and] his wife with others Care away, 
waking, watching a coal. 

But seeing Wyat, they began suddenly to start as 
greatly amazed. 

" Whist ! " quod Wyat, " as you love your lives, sit you 
still ! You shall have no hurt ! " 

Glad were they of that warranty, pardye ! What should 
they do, people better accustomed with the tankard of beer 
to pass forth the night, than acquainted with target and 
spear to endure the fight. 

Wyat and a few with him went forth as far as the 
Drawbridge [in the middle of London Bridge] : on the 



244Wyat's night visit to London Bridge. [xo^jan^^Ss: 

further side whereof he saw the Lord Admiral, the Lord 
Mayor, Sir ANDREW JUDD, and one or two otheis in con- 
sultation for ordering of the Bridge : whereunto he gave 
diligent ear a good time, and [was] not seen. At length 
[he] conceived by their talk more than he could digest ; 
and, perceiving the great ordnance there bent, returned, 
saying to his mates, " This place is too hot for us." 

And when he was come to his colleges {colleagues], and 
declared upon his exploit what he had heard and seen ; 
they then all together fell to a new council what was to be done. 

Some would then return to Greenwich, and so pass the 
The rebels at watcr luto Essex (whercby their company as they 
their wits' thought should increase), and enter into London 
"'■ by Aid Gate. 

And some would to Kingston-upon-Thames, and so 
further west[ward]. 

And some, of the which Wyat himself was chief, would 
return into Kent to meet with the Lord ABERGAVENNY, 
the Sheriff, Sir Thomas Moyle, Sir Thomas Kemp, Sir 
Thomas Finch, that were at Rochester, coming on Wyat's 
back with a great company well appointed : falsely per- 
suading himself that he should find among them more 
friends than enemies. But whether his desire to return into 
Kent grew upon hope he had to find aid there ; or whether 
it was to shift himself away ; it was much doubted of his 
own company. And some of them that knew him well, 
except they were much deceived, reported not long before 
their execution, that his desire to retire into Kent was only 
to shift himself over the sea. 

The Lord Warden [SiR Thomas Cheyney] being now 
The Lord come to Rochester, as ye heard, and very honour- 
warden'sbeing ably fumishcd with horse and men well appointed, 
towa°rds^''" to no Small number, entering into consultation 
w^Ai"- with such Gentlemen as were there, for the 

better proceeding in their service, shewed a great desire 
to accelerate the onset upon the traitors : lest malice 
should impute both his former and present stay rather to 
want of forwardness than to good policy. Wherefore he 
desired to pursue after them with all expedition. 



1 



lo^jan'^Ss-] The Queen's forces at Rochester. 245 

Whereunto the Gentlemen, being then in arms with him, 
said, " As for your Lordship's contation [de/ay] hitherto, 
it shall be weighed not as fools by fancy and malice deem ; 
but as wise men shall measure it by their discretion of 
wisdom. We see not but unadvised hardiness [ras/mess] 
and preproperous [? preposteroiis\ haste in most matters 
have these two companions : Error in the beginning, and 
Repentance in the end. And for this our case, whoso 
understandeth the same cannot but confess your Lordship's 
deliberate forbearing to have proceeded of great wisdom, 
as wherein haste could little prevail. And whereas your 
Lordship is so desirous to pursue after Wyat and his 
Band, you see how they have lien in Southwark and within 
four miles of London these four days [Thursday ist, to 
Sunday 4th February 1554] ; and yet not meddled with by 
the Queen's army, being so near : which is neither for want 
of men, nor of forwardness in that noble Gen- xheEariof 
tleman, the Earl of Pembroke, the Queen's fh^gSs 
Lieutenant ; but upon great policy and further Lieutenant, 
respect no doubt than we seem to conceive. 

" Wherefore your Lordship may do better to pause, 
and first to advertise the Queen's Majesty and the Lord 
Lieutenant [the Earl of PEMBROKE] both what your Lord- 
ship, upon grave and deep consideration, hath conceived in 
this doubtful time, and also in what readiness your Lordship 
is, and other Gentlemen with you : whose pleasures known, 
we may then happily proceed in service ; both with good 
contentation to them above [us], and best surety for our- 
selves. Otherwise if fortune should not favour our journey 
\expedition\, there may be thought in us more impotent 
will to haste than provident policy to speed. And danger 
hereby can none follow, our enemies lying between her 
Grace's army and us : considering withal that London 
is so well furnished, and so willing to resist their entry." 

Whereupon the Lord Warden went in post to the Queen ; 
leaving the Lord ABERGAVENNY and the rest of the 
Gentlemen with his and their Bands until his return : which 
was very shortly after. 

Who, according to his first purpose, with the rest of 
the Gentlemen, marched forth towards Wyat. Which who 
had seen so well appointed, and with what willing hearts 



Proctor, 
an. 1555. 



246 The advice of the rebels to Wyat. [Jj 

they went ; and had known withal the faithful dealing of 
sundry Gentlemen besides in other parts of the Shire, ought 
to say, That notwithstanding there were many evil ; yet were 
there many worthy. Gentlemen and honest faithful yeomen 
in Kent, free from Wyat's conspiracy : and that the same 
[would] 'receive some injury at his hand that, taking upon 
him to set forth any Chronicle, should name only four 
Gentlemen of this Shire to be workers against Wyat. 
For though every man pursued him not in the beginning, 
many of them dwelling far from him : yet were they as 
well occupied where they were, and as much towards 
Wyat's confusion, by staying and withholding [a] great 
force, through their earnest persuasions and labour, that 
else would have been with Wyat. 

Now to return to Wyat : whom in this meantime Bret 
and the other Captains espying to have a desire to be gone, 
dissembling the knowledge thereof, [they] wrought all the 
secret means they could devise to stay his going ; as 
having the weight of their lives depending upon this enter- 
prise as well as he. 

One of them, by agreement in their consultation, said 
to him : " You see," quod he, " with what difficulty you 
keep your soldiers here : notwithstanding they be in a 
town where they are in a manner as pent in, and thereby 
the more uneasy to get away ; being so narrowly looked to. 
And now if you shall leave the town and retire into Kent, 
as some of your company suspect you will, whereby they 
and all others shall judge you to be in despair of the aid 
of London ; the hope whereof hath been hitherto the 
greatest occasion of stay of such as be already here, and 
the comfort for the coming of others to the increase of 
your power : you may assure yourself that such as be 
here will not tarry long after with you, finding time to 
escape as they shall easily enough, being at large; nor 
such as be absent will have haste to repair unto you, when 
they shall perceive you to be in despair of London. And 
so you shall weaken yourself, to the comfort of your enemies 
and discomfort of your friends." 

Bret, under colour [preUnce] of singular affection to 
Wyat, devising an apt occasion to avoid suspicion (which 



io^jan'°l55G " ^^^ WhITE CoATS WILL BE OUR RUIN !"247 

wanted not among them), required to speak with him 
apart ; and having him alone, said : 

" It shall not be amiss that, for your own surety, you have 
in remembrance the effect of the several Proclama- bret's words 
tions made at Dartford : the one by Master WiL- '° "^■'^t. 
LIAM Roper, wherein you were betraitored ; the other by 
Master Appulton, which, as I hear, was also made at London 
and in other parts of the realm, wherein is promised the 
inheritance of One Hundred Pounds [in] land to such as 
can apprehend and present you to the Queen. 

" Now what fantasies may grow into the heads of your 
own fellows, for the safeguard of themselves ; of whom you 
have had already some experience, it is to be doubted : or 
what may grow in the heads of (your soldiers when, failing 
of the aid of London, they shall be in despair of your 
enterprise, it is also to be doubted. On the other part, 
when such of Kent, on whom it seemeth you repose some 
trust, shall hear of your retire : their disposition perhaps 
will be much changed. And therefore it standeth you in 
hand to look to the matter substantially." 

Wyat (having the same confidence in Bret, that Bret 
would Wyat to have had in others ; remem- Trustless 
bering his most deceitful treason to the Queen, traitors i 
contrary to the trust reposed in him for the conduct of the 
White Coats ; and feeling his grief doubled, and his desire 
to convey himself away so much the more increased, by 
Bret's secret talk with him) ; as a stricken deer, wandereth 
aside, all alone complaining with himself [of] his most 
unhappy fate. 

And soon after calling THOMAS ISLEY unto him, said, 
"Ah, cousin Isley, in what extreme misery are we? 
The revolt of these Captains with the White Coats seemed 
a benefit in the beginning ; and as a thing sent by GOD 
for our good, and to comfort us forward in our enterprise : 
which I now feel to our confusion. Ah, cousin, this it is 
to enter such a quarrel, which notwithstanding we now see 
must have a ruthful end ; yet of necessity we must prosecute 
the same." 

Wyat as desperate (finding others to accord with Bret's 
opinion, upon his conference with them : by whom for 
direction of his traitorous journey [expedition] he was chiefly 



248 Wyat's force crosses Kingston bridge. [xo-jiS'^'Jss. 

advised ; although for this shifting away there were others 
whom he better trusted) marched, the Tuesday being Shrove 
Wyat's Tuesday [6th February 1554], out of South wark to 

marching to Kingston upoH Thames, ten miles distant ; where 
Kingston. ^^^^ arrived about four of the clock in the after- 
noon. 

And finding thirty feet or thereabouts of the bridge taken 
away, saving the posts that were left standing ; Wyat prac- 
ticed {^bargained'] with two mariners to swim over to convey 
a barge unto him. Which the mariners, tempted with great 
promises of preferment, did. Wherein Wyat and certain 
Wyat- ^^^^ ^^"^ Were convcyed over : who, in the time 

passage at that the number of the soldiers baited {l2mcked'\ in 
ingston. ^j^^ town, caused the bridge to be trimmed with 
ladders planks and beams, the same tied together with ropes 
and boards as, by ten of the clock in the night, [it] was in 
such plight that both his ordnance and Band of men might 
pass over without peril. 

And so, about eleven of the clock in the same night, Wyat 
with his Band, without either resistance or peril, marched 
over the bridge towards London ; having such a loving heart 
in his body to the Queen as before day he meant to have 
been at the Court Gate [of Whitehall]. Which he could 
never have attempted, having any sparkle of that good zeal 
in his breast to the Queen's surety as, to further his treason, 
he outwardly pretended to the World ; considering the 
danger that might have grown, by the fear thereof, to her 
Grace. 

But, as GOD would, partly by weariness of his soldiers, 
and partly by the breach [break down'] of the wheels that 
carried his ordnance ; it was nine of the clock of the day 
following, being Ash Wednesday [7th February 1554], before 
he came so far as Hyde Park : where his courage, being 
tofore as ye have heard not very lusty, began now utterly to 
die ; beholding as it were before his face the present bane 
and confusion whereunto his malicious intent was shaped. 

Yet desperation being his lewd guide, he marcheth for- 
ward ; and Cometh within the power of Sir WILLIAM 
Herbert, Earl of Pembroke ; being, that day, the Queen's 
Lieutenant General in the field. Who yet (with divers other 
Noblemen and faithful subjects, being then in arms with him 



I 



Jj^'!^lll^ The Action at Hyde Park Corner. 249 

prest and ready to receive so impudent a race of traitorous 
rebels to their deserved breakfast) understanding, partly by 
sure spial, partly by their own view, that the rebels exceeded 
not the number of four thousand, and most of them naked 
[unarmed], void of all policy and skill ; considering withal 
that they could not set upon Wyat and his whole Band but 
great effusion of blood should follow, the Queen's army 
being so greedy to be revenged and the other so impotent to 
resist, determined rather by policy to achieve the victory 
than by bloodshed to confound the rebels. Wherein they 
should please GOD, answer the Queen's merciful expecta- 
tion, and purchase unto themselves most renown and honour 
of that day's service. 

Upon these resolutions, they permitted WVAT with the 
fore part of his Band to pass quietly along ; and through 
between the Queen's Majesty's Horsemen : the Lord 
Clinton being Marshal of the Field and Captain of the 
barbed horses and Demi-lances on the south side ; Jack of 
MUSGRAVE being Captain of the Light Horsemen on the 
north side. The great ordnance being charged to shoot full 
upon the breast of the rebels coming eastward : the Earl of 
Pembroke with the Main Battle of footmen as well for 
handguns, morishpikes, bows, and bills, standing in goodly 
array on the north-east side, behind the said great ordnance, 
ready to set upon the rebels in the face coming towards 
Holborn. 

Wyat, coming in the forefront of his Band, perceiving that 
he was thus beset with horsemen on both sides, the great 
ordnance and the footmen before his face north-eastward ; so 
that he could no ways escape, but necessarily must fall into 
their hands, although for policy he was suffered and a great 
part of his men to pass so far quietly and without resistance 
through the Horsemen — he suddenly forsook his way 
intended through Holborn ; and, with might and main, as 
fast as they could, he and his mates ran down underneath the 
Park Wall of brick adjoining to the Queen's Manor House, 
called St. James's. 

The Lord Clinton, observing his time ; first with his 
Demi-lances brake their array, and divided Wyat's Band in 
two parts. Then came the Light Horsemen, who so hardly 



250 Wyat surrenders at Temple Bar. [xo-jan'^'sss: 

pursued the tail of his Band, that they slew many, hurt more, 
and took most of them. 

Whilst the said Horsemen were thus in fight with the tail 
of his Band ; Wyat himself and 500 men or thereabouts 
peked [pushed'] on still all along under St. James's Park Wall 
until he came to Charing Cross : where divers of the Queen's 
Household servants and others fought with them, and in the 
end killed 16 of the rebels. 

Nevertheless Wyat, having escaped with a part of his 
company, marching along in battle [arjray, entered into 
Fleet street, and came over Fleet Bridge towards Lud Gate. 

And although no man resisted his passage through the 
streets thus far : yet, when at length he perceived that he 
had no help of friends at London and the suburbs as he 
looked for, [he] left his men standing still in battle array ; 
and rode back as far as the Temple Bar Gate, with a 
naked [drawn] sword in his hands the hilts upward, as some 
report. 

At which Gate, he would have gone through towards 
Charing Cross, to the residue of his men : but he was then 
stopped by force, of the Queen's true subjects ; who would 
not suffer him to pass without Temple Bar. 

At length came one Sir MAURICE BERKELEY Knight unto 
him, and required him to consider that he could not prevail 
in this wicked purpose ; and that his men were all taken and 
slain in the Field : and therefore willed him to cease off 
from any further occasion of bloodshed ; exhorting him to 
yield himself prisoner, and to stand to the Queen's mercy. 

Which to do, Wyat refused ; and said That he would 
rather be slain than yield to any man. 

And yet, nevertheless, as it chanced, there came a Herald 
of Arms immediately, riding in the Queen's Coat Armour to 
this place : to his Coat shortly after Wyat submitted him- 
self prisoner ; and so went to the Court at Westminster, and 
there was brought before the Privy Council ; and shortly 
after, within one hour, sent from thence to the Tower of 
London [a] prisoner. 

Amongst other things this is to be remembered, that 
whiles the said Wyat and certain of his men, as aforesaid. 



,oy'°S55.] ^^^ FRIGHT AT WHITEHALL PaLACE. 25 I 

were coming thus towards Fleet street ; a certain Captain of 
the said rebels, with divers of his soldiers, returned from 
Charing Cross down to the Court Gate at Whitehall, and 
gave a larum [an alarm] before the Gate : and shot divers 
arrows into the said Court, the Gate being open. Insomuch 
that one Master Nicholas Rockewood, being a Gentleman 
of Lincoln's Inn and in armour at the said Court Gate, was 
shot through his nose with an arrow by the rebels. [See 
Edward Underhills account of this fright in this Vol., 
p. 190.] 

For the coming of the said rebels was not looked for that 
way : but [it was] thought that the Queen's army should 
have joined battle with them in the Field ; according to 
promise made by the said Wyat on his behalf: who pro- 
mised that he would come to the Queen's Foot Battle 
\Infantry\ and fight with them pike against pike and man 
to man. Which, when it came to the very point, he 
refused ; and shrank [by] a bye way by Saint James's Park 
Wall for his refuge, as you have heard before : where many 
of them were slain by Horsemen, so that they came not nigh 
the Queen's power of the Foot Battle. Which increased 
some desperate boldness in the despairing rebels : not 
without great discomfiture to all the Court and the city 
of London ; perceiving that he was himself, and so many 
rebels with him, come through the Queen's army thus 
far. 

Whereupon grew great admiration [wonderment'] amongst 
them that knew not their doings in the Field ; how for policy, 
and to avoid much manslaughter, Wyat was suffered pur- 
posely to pass along. Insomuch divers timorous and cold 
hearted soldiers came to the Queen, crying, " All is lost ! 
Away ! Away ! A barge ! A barge ! " 

Yet her Grace never changed her cheer, nor removed 
one foot out of the House: but asked for the Lord of 
Pembroke, in whom her Grace had worthily reposed great 
confidence. 

Answer being made. That he was in the Field. 

" Well then," quod her Grace, " fall to prayer ! and I 

warrant you, we shall hear better news anon. For my Lord 

will not deceive me, I know well. If he would, GOD will 

not : in whom my chief trust is, who will not deceive me." 



252 How London was shut in, and kept, [xo^jan'^'ssj: 

And indeed, shortly after, news came all of victory, [and] 
how that Wyat was taken. 

This day [7th February 1554], the Judges in the Common 
Place [Common Pleas] at Westminster sat in armour. The 
Mayor, Aldermen, and the householders of the city, by four 
of the clock in the morning, were in armour: the Lord 
William Howard, High Admiral, being amongst them. 
Who, as I have tofore said, was by the Queen's Majesty 
appointed Captain General and Lieutentant for the time, 
to confer in counsel and join in execution with the Lord 
Mayor and his Brethren [the Aldermen] for the sure 
and speedy guarding and warding of the city : to the 
preservation whereof the Queen's Grace had special regard. 
The Gates were diligently watched ; every Gate with 100 
men : Moor Gate being closed up and rampired. 



Thus was this wily heretic and open traitor Wyat, and 
his complices, brought to their confusion ; and to the end 
which never missed all such malicious[ly] disposed wretches. 
Partly by the wisdom and policy of him that was armed in 
the Field, the worthy Earl of PEMBROKE ; but chiefly by the 
mighty hand of GOD, at the contemplation of her high 
merits and virtues ; who remaining in the closet of stedfast 
hope and confidence, being appointed with the armour of 
faith, fought with ardent and continual prayer, in perfect 
devotion, under the banner and ensign of GOD : who indeed 
alone gave this victory, and alone without policy or might of 
man overthrew her enemies ; yet so that he therewith 
declared his special favour and pleasure towards his servant, 
that noble Knight, the Earl of PEMBROKE, in appointing him 
chief champion this day to defend his chosen and elect 
Virgin ; whose faith hath not been wavering in his Catholic 
religion nor his truth and service doubtful at any time 
towards his Prince. 

Wyat, as is said, was committed to the Tower. So were 
divers other Gentlemen : as, soon after, was HENRY Grey 
Duke of Suffolk and his two brethren. 

The Duke, being so hardly pursued by the Lord 



lo'Ian'^i's'ssG '^^^ EXECUTION OF WyAT's ACCOMPLICES. 253 

Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon, was by him appre- 
hended in Leicestershire. Whereby he declared ^he Duke of 
himself, as well in honour and unspotted loyalty Suffolk's 

, 1 . • , J 1 • i apprehension 

as m parentage and patrimony, to succeed his great by the Eari of 
grandfather the Lord HASTINGS ; whose fidelity hustings. 
and stedfast truth towards King EDWARD IV. and his 
children, the Chronicles report to his immortal honour. 

Of the common people there was such a number taken in 
the chase by the Earl of Pembroke that besides the usual 
gaols, sundry churches in London were made places for their 
safeguard, till order was taken for their enlargement. 

The Duke [of Suffolk] was arraigned by his Peers, and 
by verdict found guilty of Treason, before the Duke of 
Norfolk, being Lord Constable, and that day his Judge. 
Both he, and his brother Thomas, at several days, made 
their end at Tower Hill, by loss of their heads. 

Sundry others of Wyat's complices, being arraigned, and 
condemned upon their confession of treason, suffered in 
divers parts of the Shire, as : 

Henry Isley Knight, Thomas Isley his brother, and 
Walter Mantel, at Maidstone; where Wyat first 
displayed his standard. 

Anthony Knevet, William his brother, with another 
of the Mantels, at Sevenoaks. 

Bret, at Rochester, hanging in chains. 

And of the common sort very few were executed, save 
only of the White Coats ; that, to say truth, deserved it 
trebly. 

Wyat himself, last of all, was arraigned at Westminster ; 
the Earl of SUSSEX, Sir Edward Hastings, and Sir 
Thomas Cornwallis being his Judges : where and before 
whom, he most earnestly craved life ; not by plea of his 
matter or justifying of himself, but by earnest suit, in 
humble submission, for the Queen's mercy. 

It seemeth not amiss here to make report of such special 
words as by him were uttered at his arraignment: wyat's words 
which I myself heard, standing not ten feet from mea^^^'^" 




2 54 Wyat's words at his arraignment. [,oy!:°'S 

him at that time. By the which words may appear 
both what he himself thought of his doings, how much 
he mishked the same, and also how penitent and sorrowful 
he was therefor. 



Certain words proceeding from TVyat, 
at his arraignment. 

y Lords, I must confess myself guilty ; as, in 
the end, truth must enforce me to say: and 
that I am justly plagued for my sins, which 
most grievously I have committed against GOD ; 
who hath suffered me to fall into this beastly 
brutishness and horrible offence of treason. And lo, in 
me the like end ; as all such that have attempted like 
enterprizes, from the beginning have had. For peruse 
the Chronicles throughout, and you shall find that rebellion 
never from the beginning prospered. For the love of GOD, 
all you Gentlemen that be here present remember! and 
be here taught by the examples past, and also by this 
my present infelicity and heinous offence ! 

"O most miserable, mischievous, brutish, and beastly 
furious imagination of mine! For I thought that by the 
marriage of the Prince of Spain, this realm should have been 
in danger : and that I, that have lived a free born man, 
should, with my country, have been brought to bondage and 
servitude by aliens and Strangers. Which brutish beastli- 
ness then seemed reason ; and wrought so far and to such 
effect as it led me to the practice and use of this committed 
treason: that now understanding the great commodity 
honour and surety which this realm shall receive by this 
marriage ; if it shall please the Queen to be merciful to me 
there is no man living that shall be more trusty and faithful 
to serve her Grace ; no, nor more ready to die at her 
Highness's foot, whatsoever the quarrel be." 

Thus far touching Wyat's words at his arraignment, 
I thought not superfluous here to report, to the end that all 
others blindly fallen into the same error, would by the 



K 



io^jan'°i1ssG Wyat is beheaded on Tower Hill. 255 

example of Wyat rise also to repentance ; as well confessing 
to the World with open voice their detestable mischief, as 
also from the very heart with tears detesting the same ; as, in 
utterance of the former words, he plentifully did. 

He lost his head at Tower Hill ; and his body, divided, 
was set up in divers parts about London. 

Other poor men, being taken in Wyat's Band, and kept a 
time in divers churches and prisons without the of such as did 
city [of London], kneeling all, with halters about penance by 
their necks, before the Queen's Highness at haiters before 
Whitehall ; her Grace mercifully pardoned, to the '^^ ^"'"°- 
number of 600 : who immediatey thereupon, with great 
shouts, casting their halters up into the air, cried " GOD 
save your Grace ! GOD save your Grace ! " 

Howbeit sundry of them that did wear halters afore the 
Queen's Highness were afterwards, by means, called before 
the Justices in the country to be arraigned : but her Grace, 
being moved thereof by the Sheriff, would them to be no 
further vexed. 

Thus have ye heard of Wyat's end, and [of] some of his 
complices : by whose lamentable tragedy, and others of like 
sort that happened in our Age, not only we, but such as 
shall succeed us, may be abundantly taught to foresee what 
it is to enter into rebellion. For neither could Wyat with 
his stoutness, nor yet with the pretence of his quarrel 
coloured with a meaning to defend his country from over- 
running by Strangers, nor yet through the aid of sundry 
conspirators of great power, ne by any other policy, prevail. 

Six of the Gentlemen that were offenders were pardoned, 
going to their execution, by the Queen's clemency, at 
Rochester : as were also all the others of the whole Kentish 
Gentlemen remitted ; a few of the rankest excepted, that, 
only for example, suffered. 

The Queen's Highness, not long after, sent out her 
Commission to Sir Thomas Moyle, Sir John Guildford. 



256 The Queen's Commission for Kent, [xoy'"'^ 

Sir Thomas Kemp; Warram Sentleger, Thomas 
RoYDON, Christopher Roper, George Dorrell of 
Calehill, GEORGE Fane, John Tucke, John Robarts, 
Thomas Lovelace, John Leonard, Esquires ; with others : 
not only to bail and set at large such as were in prison in the 
country [County of Kent] for that offence, being of no small 
number; but also to compound [firie] with the offenders, 
according to the quality of their offences. Which manner of 
order, being not heard of in the like case, or at the least very 
rarely, declared a singular clemency and benignity in the 
Queen : that, being followed so cruelly, would yet be so 
moved with pity as to vouchsafe to answer them with so 
much lenity, in the executing of so few, in comparison 
to so great a number and so large a cause ; being all in her 
Grace's mercy to dispose at her pleasure. And besides [to] 
suffer the rest to escape with so small abashment of their 
countenance \small amount of fine\ after so heinous [an] 
offence. 



He that shall peruse this Story diligently, and consider 
all parts thereof exactly, with remembrance of things past 
since the beginning of the Queen's most happy reign, must 
of force recognize, of what condition soever he be, the 
magnificence mercy and fortitude of this most noble Princess, 
as from time to time with such patience to endure so great 
malice of her own subjects, with such lenity to forbear the 
revenge of so intolerable outrage, with such mercy in the 
end to pardon and remit so heinous and great offenders. 
Happy was it with those heinous offenders that her Grace's 
most worthy and honourable Council were so agreeable to 
her virtuous inclination ! as inclined rather to pursue 
merciful pardon for continuance of life than to prosecute 
revenge by execution of death. 

It is to be wished by all good men with one assent that, 
provoked with so great clemency, these degenerates reform 
themselves ! and forbear thus to attempt so gracious a 
Princess ! unto whom, by GOD'S authority, the sword is not 
vainly committed ; lest thereby they procure to themselves 
damnation in seeking by such outrage their own death and 
confusion. From the desire whereof we see, by a number of 



I 



io-jan!°1ssG Proctor's laudation of Queen Mary 257 

evident arguments, the Queen's Highness and her honour- 
able Council to be so far as, by all means they can imagine, 
they seek to eschew that they by most wilful 
and malicious means follow to 
their subversion. 



[The following are omitted for want of space.] 

An earnest Conference with the Degenerates 

and Seditious y for the search of the cause 

of their great disorder. 



A Table [or Index]. 



Imprinted at London by ROBERT Caley within the 
Precinct of the late dissolved House of the 
Grey Friars, now converted to a Hospi- 
tal called Christ's Hospital 
The loth day of January 1555. 



Cu7n privilegio ad imprimetidum solum. 



J 



C Z compentitoujS laegister in 

metre, containing tl^e nantejs ann patient 

sufferings of tbe memtjers of 31esus CWst, ano tbe 

totmenteO, anO cruelly tiumeti toitbin OBnglanti; 

since t6e oeatj) of our famous Eing, of immortal 

memory, e d w a r d tfje ^irtf), to tbe entrance 

anO tjeginning of tfte reign of our ^otjereign 

and Dearest laop Elizabeth, of 

CnglanD, jFrance, ano 31telanD, Ciueen; 

Defender of tbt JTaitl) ; to toftose ^igftness 

trufe and properlp appertainet{), nert 

and immediately under (5HDD, tbe 

supreme potoer and autboritg 

of tjje Cburcljes 

of 

Cngland and 

3lreland» 

So be it. 
Jnno, 1559. 




Apocalypse 7. 

Nd one of the angels (saith Saint 

John) spake^ saying unto me^ '' What 

are they^ which are arrayed in long white 

garments; and whence come they f " (before 

the people^ before sealed by the angel). And 

I said unto him^ " Lord^ thou wottest ! " 

And he said unto me^ " These are they 

which came out of great tribulation ; and 

washed their garments^ and made 

them white in the blood of the 

Lamb, Therefore are they in 

the presence of the Throne of 

GOD^ and serve Him^ day and 

nighty in His Temple : 

and He that sitteth 

in the Throne 

will 

dwell among 

them" 



I 



26t 



'^■ra^ 




Co tl^e Big^t i^onourable 

JLorti ^an, aparaui^ of j^ortliampton ; 

Cftomas TBtice, pout lorOsbip's nailp HDrator, 

toi0l)et() continual increase of grace, 

concom, anO consolation in ^im 

t6at is, toas, ano is to come, 

etien tbe jFirst ano 

tbe Hast 

amen* 

|T MAY please your goodness, Honourable Lord ! to 
receive in good part, the little labour of my pen : 
which, albeit the rudeness and quantity thereof 
procureth not to be dedicate[d] to so honourable a 
Personage ; yet the matter itself is of such worthiness, as 
duly deserveth to be graven in gold. But who goeth about so 
finely to depict with Apelles's instrument, this said Register, 
thinking to exceed the rest ? Not I ! poor wretch ! because 
I am assured that such a worthy work as thereof may be 
written, cannot, neither shall pass untouched among so 
many godly learned. But were it, that no man hereafter 
should, in more ample and learned manner, set forth the 
same ; yet should my presumption (if I so meant) be turned 
to reproach : for this I believe, that they be in such sort 
registered in the Book of the Living, as passeth either pen, 
ink, or memory to declare. 




262 Dedicatory Epistle to [Ip'^lngViS: 

This my simplicity and too bold attempt might move your 
Honour to conjecture in me much rudeness, or, at the least, 
might persuade me so to think : but that experience hath 
showed me the humility and gentleness of your long tried 
patience ; the certain knowledge whereof hath pricked me for- 
ward in this my pretence. And being thereunto requested of 
a faithful brother and friend ; I have, with more industry than 
learning, GOD knoweth ! finished the same. 

Which being, as I thought, brought to good end; I 
desired, according to the accustomed manner, to dedicate 
the same unto such [an] one, as would not contemn so 
simple a gift. And calling you to mind, Right Honourable 
Lord ! I knew none more meet. First, because your know- 
ledge in Christ teacheth you the same godly and virtuous 
life ; which not only your Lordship, but all other Honourable, 
&c., ought to ensue. Secondly, because these late years, you 
have had good experience of the troubles and miseries of the 
faithful, which have patiently embraced in their arms, the 
comfortable, although painful, cross of Christ ; which, in so 
great a number, is commonly not so plenteous as commend- 
able. But what stand I praising this patience in them 
(which yet deserveth the same) ? seeing the mighty GOD 
and His Christ hath prepared, from everlasting, for such, 
a glorious, rich and incomprehensible Crown of Felicity and 
continual comforts. 

This my short and simple work, I commend and dedicate 
unto your Lordship ! craving pardon at your hands, for this 
my too homely and rude enterprise : considering that albeit 
golden fruit were offered in pewter and by the hands of a 
simple man ; yet is the fruit notwithstanding still precious, 
and neither abased by the pewter, nor the giver. Even so. 
Honourable Lord I though the verses be simple, and the 
giver unworthy : yet the fruit or matter is precious, com- 
fortable and good. 

The order to attain to the perfect understanding of my 
mind, in setting forth the same with figures and letters, 



springVilsfl Lord Parr, Marquis of Northampton. 263 

shall largely appear in this book : which I have not only done 
to make plain unto your Honour, the year, month, and day ; 
but also, to all others that hereafter shall read it. For that 
I do pretend [design], if GOD and favour will permit it, to 
use the same as common to the profit of all : for which cause, 
I have also placed a Preface to the Reader. 

But that it may please your Honour, in respect of the pre- 
mises, to extend your favourable assistance to the manifest 
setting forth of this short and simple work, to the glory of the 
great and mighty GOD, and to the comfort of Christians : I, 
as unworthy and too bold a suitor, most humbly craveth your 
Lordship's aid and supportation in the same ; especially to 
bear [with] the rudeness of my unlearned style, which, alas, I 
lament. 

But now ceasing to trouble your Lordship any longer, this 
shall be my continual prayer for you. 

The wisdom of GOD direct your Honour ! 

The mercy of GOD give you spiritual power I 

The HOLY GHOST guide and comfort 

you, with all fulness of 

consolation in 

Christ Jesus I 

A men. 

Your Lordship's daily orator, 

Thomas Brice. 



i^ 





264 



Co fi)z (Bmtlt iSeatier, 
xmxcv ant) peaces 

Ay it please thee, gentle Reader, to take in good 
worth this short and simple Register, containing 
the names of divers, although not all, both men, 
women, and virgins, &c., who, for the pro- 
fession of Christ their Captain, have been most 
miserably afflicted, tormented, and [im]prisoned ; and, in fine, 
either died by some occasion in prison, or else erected [gone 
to heaven] in the charret [fiery chariot] of Elias, since the 4th 
day of February, 1555, to the 17th day of November, 1558, 
wherein (according to the determination of our most merciful 
Father) our longwished forand most noble Queen, Elizabeth, 
was placed Governess and Queen, by general Proclamation ; 
to the great comfort of all true English hearts. 

This I commit to thy friendly acceptation and favourable 
scanning, gentle Reader, and albeit, I doubt not but some, 
of godly zeal, both wise and learned, will not negleet, here- 
after, to set forth so worthy a work, namely, of the martyrdom 
and patient sufferings of Christ's elect Members ; and also of 
the tyrannical tragedies of the unmerciful Ministers of Satan : 
yet, at the request of a dear friend, to whom love and Nature 
hath linked me, I could not, without ingratitude, deny his 
lawful desire, attempting the same ; also, rather because it 
might be manifest to the eyes of the world, and also put the 
learned, of godly zeal, in memory more amply to enlarge ; 
and, at their good discretion, to set forth the same. Pardon 
my rudeness, therefore, I beseech thee ! considering that 
will in the unable is to be esteemed. Look not upon the 
baseness of the metre ! the true number whereof cannot 
easily be observed in such a gathering of names: but, with 
lifted eyes of the mind, meditate upon the omnipotent power of 
GOD ! which hath given and wrought such constancy in His 
children, in these our days, that even in fiery flambes [flames] 
and terrible torments, they have not ceased to invocate and 



Rev. T. Brice.l 
Spring of 1 559 -J 



To THE Reader. 



265 



extol the name of their Creator, Redeemer, and Comforter, 
according to the saying of the cxlviii. Psalm, " Young men 
and maidens, old men and children " have set forth His 
worthy and excellent praise. So that the same just and 
righteous GOD, who, for our sins, corrected us, and gave us 
over into the hands of the most bloody and viperous genera- 
tion, to be eaten like bread : hath now, of His mercy alone, 
" exalted the horn of His people." Therefore all His saints 
shall praise Him. 

Farewell 1 

T. B. 



Cl^e manner l^oto to unner^tanD tl^e 
Itttm ant) figures* 

[A specimen of a Stanza of the Register as originally given by Brice, 
will help the reader to understand the unnecessarily complicated form in 
which he put it ; and also the following Instructions, which were omitted in 
subsequent impressions. 

Three stanzas occupy each page of the original edition. They are 
printed like this. 



63 

28 

28 


1558. 

March. 


c 

7 


When that John Dewneshe and Hugh Foxe, 
In Smithfield, cruel death sustained, 
As fixed foes to Romish rocks ; 
And CuTHBERT Symson also slain. 
When these did worthily receive their death, 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 





A comparison of this Stanza, with its fellow at page 283, will show our 
method of reproducing this text.] 




266 The declaration of the [fp7iJ/Js'^ 

A'' PRIMUS, the figures, which are always four in 
number, are placed in the middle of the two 
strykes [strokes, or rules], which go between the 
verses, within two short strikes ; signify the year 
wherein those persons were slain under them 
contained. 

And where you see a little cross, *^, on the outside of the 
outmost line, it signifieth the changing of the year [i.e., on 
the 2$th March], as from 1554 to 1555 ; and in such manner. 

The letters which stand in the little square place, on the 
right side of the book, signified the month wherein they died ; 
and for the plainer understanding thereof I have used twelve 
letters, for the twelve months: that is, A, for January ; B,for 
February ; C, for March ; D, for April ; E, for May ; F, for 
June ; G, for July; H, for August ; I, for September; K, for 
October ; L, for November ; M, for December. 

But where one letter standeth in the little square place ; 
and another is placed under it between the two lines before 
the verse be ended ; it signified the changing of the month : 
so that the person or persons, where against the letter so 
changed doth stand, was put to death in that month which 
that letter doth signify. 

And whereas, in the third Verse [or Stanza, p. 270], and no- 
where else, there standeth figures on the right side, between 
the two lines ; that giveth to understand that Hunter, 
HiGBYE, Picket, and Knight, which are placed in one line, 
were burnt at three sundry days. 

The figures which standeth in the little square place, on 
the left side of the book, is but the sum of the Verses. But 
those which stand between the two lines on the left side of 
the book, signified the day of the month, wherein that 
person or persons died, where against those figures stand. 

The figures, which stand without both the lines, on the top 
of the right side, signifieth the folio or number of the sides ; 
but the figures which stand underneath the nether strike, 
between the two lines, is the number of persons murdered on 
that side [i.e., of the page]. 

This is done, gentle Reader ! that thou shouldest under- 
stand the year, month, and day wherein every person died ; 
according to the knowledge that I have learned. 

Also, in some places, where you shall see a name or names 



SpHngV/SG LETTERS AND FIGURES. 267 

stand without figures ; that signifieth the certain day to be 
unknown. Some, therefore, perchance, will judge much 
rashness in me to write with ignorance; to whom, with 
reverence, I answer, that as I received the names registered 
and gathered by a good gentleman : even so, at a friend's 
desire, I have put them in metre, in this little book, thinking 
that, by pleasantness of reading, and easiness [cheapness] of 
price, they might be the more largely blown and known. 

For my desire is that all men should participate [in] this 
my travail : and were the author and inditing half so 
worthy as the matter ; then would I most earnestly wish and 
desire that it might be conveyed and delivered to the Queen's 
Majesty's own hands. Wherein Her Grace might see, what 
unmerciful Ministers had charge over the poor sheep ; who, 
wolfishly, at their wills, devoured the same : and, also, what 
ruin and decay of Her Grace's subjects (that might have 
been), they have brought to pass. Therein might Her Grace 
see, as in a glass, how that bloodthirsty generation, neither 
spared hore [hoary] headed and ancient age, which all men 
ought to honour ; neither youth, nor middle age ; neither 
wife, nor widow ; young man, nor tender virgin. But like 
the unnatural eggs of Astyages that tyrant, destroy, and 
spill the blood of all : besides stocking [putting in the stocks], 
racking [putting on the rack], and whipping of the younger 
sort ; whom shame would not suffer to kill, as some are well 
enough known, and I am not altogether ignorant [of]. 

Should such tyrannical tragedies be kept one hour, from 
the hands of so noble and virtuous a Governess ? whose 
princely and natural heart, I doubt not, should have occasion 
thereby to be, in both kinds, both heavy and joyful : heavy, 
for the innocent blood spilt ; but joyful for the praises of her 
GOD, and that our GOD shall be honoured thereby, while 
the world doth endure. I doubt whether [doubt not but] Her 
Grace, inwardly wrapt up with Paul and John in divine science, 
will brast [burst] out and say, " O happy Latimer ! Cran- 
MER ! Hooper ! Rogers ! Farrer ! Taylor ! Saunders ! 
Philpot ! Cardmaker ! Bradford ! &c. ; you members of 
Christ ! you faithful Fathers and preaching Pastors ! you, 
that have not defiled yourselves with abomination, but have 
washed your garments white in the blood of the Lamb ! you, 
that in fiery torments, with Stephen, have called upon the 



268 The DECLARATION, &C. g^ngVxS 

name of your Redeemer, and so finished you lives ! you that 
are now clothed in white garments of innocency, with crowns 
of consolation, and palms of victory in your hands, follow- 
ing the Lamb withersoever He goeth ! " Or else, in anguish 
of soul, sighingly to say, " O thou tyrannous and unmer- 
ciful world ! thou monstrous and unnatural generation ! what 
devil inflamed thy mind such malicious mischief? to tor- 
ment and shed the blood of such innocent livers, perfect 
preachers and worthy counsellors, learned ministers, diligent 
divines, perfect personages, and faithful shepherds. They 
were constant Confessors before, but thou (with the Roman 
Emperor) thoughtest to prevent the determination of GOD, 
in making them Martyrs, to be the sooner with their Christ, 
whom they so much talked of. O cruel Neros ! that could 
kill, through malice, such worthy men, as have often preached 
to our dear father [Henry VIII. ] and brother [Edward VL] 
the everlasting gospel of GOD. Could neither honourable 
age, innocent single life, chaste matrimony, inviolate virginity, 
nor yet pity move you to cease shedding of blood ! Alas, too 
much unnaturalness ! " 

Whether the sight of this simple book, I say, should bring 
to her Grace's natural heart, the passions of heaviness or joy, 
I doubt : but I think rather both. 

Therefore, would to God ! it were worthy to enter into the 
hands of so noble and natural a Princess and Queen ; whom 
the LORD, of His eternal and foreseeing determination, hath 
now placed in this royal dignity : to the redress of such un- 
natural and bloody facts, as in this book are contained. 

But forasmuch as some imperfection is, and may easily be 
in this Gathering; I commend it to thy goodness, gentle 
Reader! beseeching thee, not to be precise in perusing the 
day ; for it may, that, either through my negligence, or [that 
of] some other writing [manuscript] before me, we may miss 
so narrow a mark. 

Such as it is, I commend 

unto thee ! only, judge 

well! 



I 




269 



The Book to the Reader. 



Eruse with patience, I thee pray ! 
My simple style, and metre base. 
The works of GOD, with wisdom weigh I 
The force of Love, the strength of Grace. 



Love caused GOD, His grace to givey 
To such as should for Him be slain. 
Grace wrought in them, while they did live, 
For love, to love their Christ again. 

Now Grace is of such strength and mighty 
That nothing may the same withstand. 
Grace putteth death and hell to flight, 
And guides us to the Living Land, 

The force of Love also is such, 
That fear and pain it doth expel ; 
Love thinketh nothing over much ; 
Love doth all earthly things excel. 

Thus Love and Grace of GOD began 
To work in them, to do His will : 
These virtues* force wrought Love in man, 
That fear was past, their blood to spill. 



FINIS. 



270 



Cbe Eegistet of tbt ^attprs. 



1555. 




reign of tyrants 



February IrmsniS^II^B^S^I Hen raging 

stout, 
Causeless, did cruelly conspire 
To rend and root the Simple 

out. 
With furious force of sword and 
fire ; 

When man and wife were put to death : 
We wished for our Queen Elizabeth. 

February 4 When Rogers ruefully was brent ; 

8 When Saunders did the like sustain ; 

When faithful Farrar forth was sent 

His life to lose, with grievous pain ; 

22 When constant Hooper died the death : 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 

February 9 When Rowland Taylor, that Divine, 
At Hadley, left this loathsome light ; 
24 When simple Lawrence, they did pine, 

22 With Hunter, Higby, Pigot, and Knight ; 

23 When Causun, constantly, died the death: 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 



I 



1^ 



springV.SG ^^^ Register [of the Martyrs]. 



271 



1555. 

March 5 When Tomkins, tyranny did abide, 

Having his hand, with torchlight brent ; 
7 When Lawrence, White, and Diggell died, 

With earnest zeal and good intent ; 
14 When William Flower was put to death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

April 2 When Awcocke, in Newgate prisoner, 

His latter end, with joy, did make; 
II When John Warren and Cardmaker, 

Kissed each other at the stake; 
24 When March, the Minister, was put to death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



June 



When William Cowley, for offence. 
Was forthwith hanged at Charing Cross ; 
Buried; then burned, of fond pretence; 
Thus carion carcass they did toss : 
When such insipients put men to death, 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 



June 10 When worthy Wattes, with constant cry, 

Continued in the flaming fire; 
II When Simson, Hawkes, and John Ardlie 

Did taste the tyrant's raging ire ; 
II When Chamberlaine was put to death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



June 12 When blessed Butter and Osmande, 

With force of fire, to death were brent ; 
12 When SHiTTERDUN,sir Franke, and Blande, 
12 And HuMFREY Middleton of Kent ; 
I When Minge, in Maidstone, took his death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



272 The Register [of the Martyrs], [f^^^^ 



T. Brice. 
of 1559. 



July 



1555. 

When Bradford, beautified with bliss, 
With young John Least, in Smithfield, died; 
When they, Hke brethren, both did kiss, 
And in the fire were truly tried ; 
When tears were shed for Bradford's death : 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 



July 12 When Dirick Harman lost his life ; 

12 When Launder, in their fume, they fried ; 
12 When they sent Everson from strife, 
With moody minds, and puffed pride ; 
12 When Wade, at Dartford, died the death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

July 21 When Richard Hooke, limbless and lame, 

At Chichester, did bear the cross ; 

22 When humble Hall, for Christcs name, 
Ensued the same, with worldly loss ; 

23 When Joan Polley was burnt to death : 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 

July 23 When William Ailewarde, at Reading, 

In prison died of sickness sore ; 
23 When Abbes, which feigned a recanting 

Did wofully weep, and deplore ; 
23 When he, at Bury, was done to death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



August 23 When Denly died, at Uxbridge town, 
With constant care to CnRisTes cause ; 
23 When Warren's widow yielded down 
Her flesh and blood, for holy laws; 
When she, at Stratford, died the death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



sprikJof^iSG ^^^ Register [of the Martyrs]. 273 

1555. 

August 23 When Laurence, Collier, Coker, and 
Stere, 
At Canterbury, were causeless slain, [fire, 

23 With Hopper and Wrighte; Six in one 
Converted flesh to earth again ; 

24 When Roger Corriar was done to death : 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 

August 26 When Tankerfielde, at St. Albans, 
26 And William Bamford, spent his blood ; 
When harmful hearts, as hard as stones, 
30 Burnt Robert Smith and Stephen Har- 
wo[o]d ; 

29 When Patrick Pattingham died the death : 

We wished for our Elizabeth, 

August 31 When John Newman, and Thomas Fusse, 
At Ware, and Walden, made their end ; 

30 When William Hailes, for Christ Jesus, 
With breath and blood did still contend ; 

31 When he, at Barnet, was put to death : 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 

August 31 When Samuell did firmly fight. 
Till flesh and blood, to ashes went ; 
3 When constant Cob, with faith upright. 
At Thetford, cruelly was brent : 
When these with joy did take their death ; 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

September 2 When William Allen, at Walsingham, 
For truth was tried in fiery flame ; 
3 When Roger Code, that good old man ! 
Did lose his life, for Christcs name ; 
When these, with others, were put to death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

S ^ 



274 The Register [of the Martyrs]. L|\^;J/,5^. 

1555. 

September 6 When Bradbridge, Streter, and Bur- 

WARDE, 

6 Tuttie, and George Painter of Hyde, 
Unto their duty, had good regard ; 
Wherefore in one fire, they were fried : 
When these, at Canterbury, took their death ; 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

September When John Lesse, prisoner in Newgate, 

10 By sickness turned to earth and clay ; 
When wicked men, with ire and hate, 
13 Burnt Thomas Heywarde, and Goreway ; 
13 When Tingle, in Newgate, took his death ; 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

September 14 When Richard Smith in Lollards' 
Tower ; 

15 Androwes and Kyng, by sickness, died ; 
In fair fields they had their bower. 
Where earth and clay doth still abide : 
When they, in this wise, did die the death ; 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 

September 19 When Glover, and Cornelius 
Were fiercely brent at Coventry ; 
4 When Wolsey and Pigot, for Christ Jesus 

At Ely, felt like cruelty. 
19 When the poor bewept Master Glover's 
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death, 

October When learned Ridley, and Latimer, 

16 Without regard, were swiftly slain ; 
When furious foes could not confer 
But with revenge and mortal pain. 

When these two Fathers were put to death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



I 



sprin/of^iS] ^^^ Register [of the Martyrs], 275 

1555. 

October 13 When worthy Web, and George Roper, 
In Elias' car to heaven were sent ; 
13 Also when Gregory Painter, 

The same straight path and voyage went ; 
When they, at Canterbury, took their death ; 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



December 7 When godly Gore in prison died, 

14 And Wiseman in the Lollards' Tower : 
18 When Master Philpot, truly tried. 
Ended his life with peace and power ; 
When he kissed the chain, at his death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



1556. 

January 27 When Thomas Whitwell, and Bartlet 
Greene, 
27 Annis Foster, Joan Lasheforde, and 

Broune, 
27 TuTSUN, and Winter; these Seven were 
seen. 
In Smithfield, beat their enemies down ; 
Even Flesh and Devil, World and Death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

January 31 When John Lowmas and Ann Albright, 
31 Joan Soale, Joan Painter, and Annis 
Snod, 
In fire, with flesh and blood did fight ; 
When tongues of tyrants laid on lode ; 
When these, at once, were put to death. 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



276 The Register [of the Martyrs]. Q^^^J 



Brice. 
I5S0. 



1556. 

February When two women in Ipswich town, 

f9 Joyfully did the fire embrace ; 

When they sang out with cheerful sound, 
Their fixed foes for to deface ; 
When Norwich no-body put them to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

March 12 When constant Cranmer lost his life 

And held his hand into the fire ; 
When streams of tears for him were rife. 
And yet did miss their just desire : 
When Popish power put him to death. 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



March 



April 



April 



l* Bonner.] 



24 



When Spencer and two brethren more, 
Were put to death at Salisbury ; 
Ashes to earth did right restore, 
They being then joyful and merry: 
When these, with violence, were burnt to 

We wished for our Elizabeth. [death, 

When Hulliarde, a Pastor pure. 
At Cambridge, did this life despise ; 
When Hartpooles death, they did procure 
To make his flesh a sacrifice ; 
When Joan Beche, widow, was done to 

We wished for our Elizabeth. [death : 



10 



When William Timmes, Ambrose, and 
Drake, 
10 Spurge, Spurge, and Cavell duly died, 
Confessing that, for Christcs sake. 
They were content thus to be tried : 
10 When * London little-grace put them to 
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death. 



I 



spriiig^of^iSJ ^^^ Register [of the Martyrs]. 277 

1556. 

April 28 When lowly Lister, Nicoll, and Mase, 

28 John Hammon, Spencer, and Yren also, 
At Colchester, in the Postern Place, 
Joyfully to their death did go ; 

5 When two, at Gloucester, were put to death : 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 

May When Margaret Eliot, being a maid, 

13 After condemning, in prison died ; 
15 When lame Lavarocke, the fire assayed, 

15 And blind apRice with him was tried : 
When these two impotents were put to 

death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

May 16 When Katherine Hut did spend her 

blood 

16 With two maids, Elizabeth and Joan ; 
When they embraced both reed and wood. 
Trusting in Christ His death alone : 
When men unnatural drew these to death, 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 

May 21 When two men and a sister dear, 

At Beccles were consumed to dust ; 
31 When William Sleche, constant and clear, 
In prison died, with hope and trust ; 
When these, our brethren, were put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

June 6 When John Oswold, and Thomas Reede, 

6 Harland, Milwright, and Evington ; 
With blazing brands their blood did bleed 
As their brethren before had done. 
When tyranny drave these to death, 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 



278 The Register [of the Martyrs]. [spring^^r^xS: 

1556. 

Tune 20 When Whod the Pastor, with Thomas 

At Lewes, lost this mortal gain ; [Milles 
Compassed with spears, and bloody bills. 
Unto the stake for to be slain : 
23 When William Adheral did die the death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

June 27 When Ja[c]kson, Holywel, and Wye, 

27 BowiER, Lawrence, and Addlington ; 
27 When Roth, Searles, Lion, and Hurst 

did die : 
27 With whom, two women to death were done ; 
When DoRiFALL, with them, was put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

June 27 When Thomas Parret, prisoner, 

30 And Martin Hunte died in the King's 
Bench ; 
When the young man at Leicester, 
And Clement died, with filthy stench ; 
25 When Careless, so took his death : 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

July 16 When Askue, Palmer, and John Gwin 

Were brent with force, at Newbury ; 
Lamenting only for their sins. 
And in the LORD were full merry : 
When tyrants merciless, put these to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

July 18 When John Forman, and mother Tree, 

i*Gnnsieaa.] At * Grenstcdc, cruelly were slain ; 

18 When Thomas Dungate, to make up three, 
With them did pass from woe and pain : 
When these, with others, were put to death; 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



spHnJof^iSJ ^^^ Register [of the Martyrs]. 279 

1556. 

August 20 When the weaver at Bristow died, 
And, at Derby, a wedded wife ; 
When these with fiery flames were fried, 
For CHRiSTes cause, losing their life ; 
When many others were put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

September 24 When Ravensdale and two brethren more, 
To earthly ashes were consumed ; 
25 A godly glover would not adore 

Their filthy idol ; whereat they fumed ; 
When he, at Bristol, was put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

September 26 When John Horne, with a woman wise, 
At Newton, under hedge were killed. 
Stretching their hands with lifted eyes. 
And so their years, in earth fulfilled ; 
When these, with violence, were put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

September When Dunston, Clarke, and Potkin's 

wife, 
William Foster, and Archer also, 
In Canterbury, did lose their life 
By famishment ; as the talk do go. 
When these, alas, thus took their death. 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



October When three, within one castle died. 

And in the fields were layed to rest. 
When at Northampton, a man was tried 
Whether GOD or Mammon he loved best. 
When these, by tyranny, were put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



28o The Register [of the Martyrs]. [sS^J^f 



Brice. 
ISS9- 



1557. 

January 2 When Thomas Finall and his man, 
2 Foster and three good members more, 
Were purged with their fiery fan 
At Canterbury, with torments sore. 
When they with cheerfulness took theirdeath, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

January When two at Ashford, with cruelty, 

For Christcs cause, to death were brent ; 
2 When, not long after, two, at Wye, 
Suffered for Christ His Testament: 
When wily wolves put these to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



April 2 When Stanly's wife, and Annis Hyde, 

Sturtle, Ramsey, and John Lothesby 
Were content, torments to abide. 
And took the same right patiently ; 
When these, in Smithfield, were done to 
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death, 

May 2 When William Morant and Steven 

Gratwick 
Refused, with falsehood to be beguiled, 
And for the same, were burned quick. 
With fury, in Saint George's Field ; 
When these, with others were put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

June 16 When Joan Bradbridge, and a blind maid, 

16 Appelby, Allen, and both their wives ; 
16 When Manning's wife was not afraid, 
But all these Seven did lose their lives. 
When these, at Maidstone, were put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



s7in''^of^i559-] ^^^ Register [of the Martyrs]. 281 

1557. 

June 19 When John Fiscoke, Perdue, and 

White ; 
19 Barbara, widow; and Benden's wife; 
19 With these, Wilson's wife did firmly fight, 
And for their faith, all lost their life ; 
When these, at Canterbury, died the death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

June 22 When William Mainarde, his maid and 

22 Margery Mories, and her son ; [man ; 

22 Denis, Burges, Stevens, and Wo[o]dman; 

22 Glove's wife, and Ashdon's, to death were 

done ; [death. 

When one fire, at Lewes, brought to them 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 

July When Ambrose died in Maidstone Gaol, 

And so set free from tyrant's hands ; 
2 When Simon Milner they did assail, 
2 Having him, and a woman in bands ; 

When these, at Norwich, were done to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

July 2 When ten, at Colchester, in one day, 

Were fried with fire, of tyrants stout ; 
Not once permitted truth to say, 
But were compassed with bills about : 
When these, with others, were put to death. 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

July 2 When George Egles, at Chelmsford 

Was hanged, drawn, and quartered ; [town, 
His quarters carried up and down, 
And on a pole they set his head. 
When wrested law put him to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



282 The Register [of the Martyrs]. [spHn/on]^ 

1557. 

July 5 When Thurston's wife, at Chichester, 

5 And Bourner's wife, with her also ; 
20 When two women at Rochester, 
20 With father Frier were sent from woe : 
23 When one, at Norwich, did die the death. 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



August 10 When Joyce Bowes, at Lichfield died, 
Continuing constant in the fire ; 
When fixed faith was truly tried, 
Having her just and long desire. 
When she, with others were put to death. 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

August 17 When Richard Rooth and Ralph 
Glaiton, 
17 With James Auscoo and his wife 
Were brent with force at Islington, 
Ending this short and sinful life ; 
When they with cheerfulness, did take their 
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death ; 

October 18 When Sparrow, Gibson, and Holling- 

DAY, 

In Smithfield, did the stake embrace ; 
When fire converted flesh to clay, 
They being joyful of such grace : 
When lawless liberty put them to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

December 22 When John Roughe, a Minister meek, 

22 And Margaret Mering, with courage died: 
Because Christ only they did seek, 
With fire of force, they must be fried ; 
When these, in Smithfield, were put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



spiilijof'^ilsg-] ^^^ Register [of the Martyrs]. 283 

1558. 

March 28 When that John Dewneshe and Hugh 

FOXE, 

In Smithfield, cruel death sustained, 
As fixed foes to Romish rocks ; 
28 And CuTHBERT Symson also slain. 

When these did worthily receive their death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

March When Dale deceased in Bury gaol, 

According to GOD's ordinance ; 
When widow Thurston they did assail ; 
And brought Ann Bonger to Death's Dance ; 
When these, at Colchester, were done to 
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death, 

April 9 When William Nicoll, in Ha[ve]rfor[d]- 

Was tried with their fiery fire : [west, 

20 When Symon fought against the best, 
20 With Glover, and Thomas Carman ; 
When these, at Norwich, did die the death. 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



May 



JUNB 



26 When William Harris, 
Day; 

26 And Christian George 



and Richard 

[brent : 

with them was 



Holding their enemies at a bay 
Till life was lost, and breath all spent ; 
When these, at Colchester, were put to 
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death, 

27 When SouTHAN, Launder, and Ricarbie; 
27 HoLLYDAY, Hollande, Ponde, and Flood, 

With cheerful look and constant cry, 
27 For Christcs cause, did spend their blood : 

When these in Smithfield were put to death* 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 



284 The Register [of the Martyrs]. [springVis; 



Bricc- 
559- 



1558. 

June When Thomas Tyler passed this place • 

And Matthew Withers also died. 
Though suit were much, yet little grace 
Among the Rulers could be spied : 
In prison, patiently, they took their death, 
We wishing for Elizabeth. 

July 10 When Richard Yeman, Minister, 

At Norwich, did his life forsake ; 
19 When Master Benbrike, at Winchester, 
A lively sacrifice did make. 
When these, with others, were put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

July 14 When William Peckes, Cotton, and 

Wreight, 
The Popish power did sore invade ; 
To Burning School, they were sent straight, 
14 And with them went, constant John Slade : 
When these, at Brainford, were put to death, 
We wished for our Elizabeth. 

November 4 When Alexander Geche was brent, 

4 And with him Elizabeth Launson ; 
When they with joy, did both consent 
To do as their brethren had done ; 

When these, at Ipswich, were put to death, 
We wished for Elizabeth. 

November 5 When John Davy, and eke his brother, 

5 With Philip Humfrey kissed the cross ; 
When they did comfort one another 
Against all fear, and worldy loss ; 
When these, at Bury, were put to death, 

We wished for our Elizabeth. 



fpH^gV/swG '^HE Register [of the Martyrs]. 285 

November. When, last of all (to take their leave !), 

[11] At Canterbury, they did some consume, 
Who constantly to Christ did cleave ; 
Therefore were fried with fiery fume : 
But, six days after these were put to death, 
GOD sent us our Elizabeth ! 

Our wished wealth hath brought us peace. 
Our joy is full ; our hope obtained ; 
The blazing brands of fire do cease, 
The slaying sword also restrained. 
The simple sheep, preserved from death 

By our good Queen, Elizabeth. 

As Hope hath here obtained her prey, 
By GOD's good will and Providence ; 
So Trust doth truly look for stay, 
Through His heavenly influence, 
That great Goliath shall be put to death 

By our good Queen, Elizabeth. 

That GOD's true Word shall placed be, 
The hungry souls, for to sustain ; 
That Perfect Love and Unity 
Shall be set in their seat again : 
That no more good men shall be put to death ; 

Seeing GOD hath sent Elizabeth. 

Pray we, therefore, both night and day, 
For Her Highness, as we be bound. 
O LORD, preserve this Branch of Bay ! 
(And all her foes, with force confound) 
Here, long to live ! and, after death. 

Receive our Queen, Elizabeth ! 
Amen. 

Apoc. 6. How long tarriest thou, LORD, holy and true ! 
to judge, and avenge our blood on them that dwell ait the earth. 

FINIS. 



286 

The wishes of the Wise, 
Which long to he at vest ; 
To GOD, with lifted eyeSf 
They call to be redressed. 




Hen shall this time of travail cease 
Which we, with woe sustain ? 
When shall the days of rest and peace, 
Return to us again ? 

When shall the mind be moved right 
To leave this lusting life? 
When shall our motions and delight 
Be free from wrath and strife ? 



When shall the time of woful tears 

Be moved unto mirth ? 
When shall the aged, with grey hairs, 

Rejoice at children's birth ? 

When shall Jerusalem rejoice 
In Himi, that is their King? 

And Sion's hill, with cheerful voice, 
Sing psalms with triumphing ? 

When shall the walls erected be, 
That foes, with fury, 'fray ? 

When shall that perfect Olive Tree, 
Give odour like the Bay ? 



When shall the Vineyard be restored, 
That beastly boars devour ? 

When shall the people, late abhoried, 
Receive a quiet hour ? 



spring^of^/S] The wishes of the Wise. 287 

When shall the SPIRIT more fervent be, 

In us that want good will ? 
When shall Thy mercies set us free 

From wickedness and ill ? 

When shall the serpents, that surmise 

To poison Thine Elect, 
Be bound to better exercise, 

Or utterly reject ? 

When shall the blood revenged be, 

Which on the earth is shed ? 
When shall sin and iniquity 

Be cast into the bed ? 

When shall that Man of Sin appear 

To be, even as he is ? 
When shall thy babes and children dear 

Receive eternal bliss ? 

When shall that painted Whore of Rome 

Be cast unto the ground ? 
When shall her children have their doom, 

Which virtue would confound ? 

When shall Thy Spouse, and Turtle Dove 

Be free from bitter blast ? 
When shall Thy grace, our sins remove, 

With pardon at the last ? 

When shall this life translated be, 

From fortune's fickle fall ? 
When shall True Faith and Equity 

Remain in general ? 

When shall Contention and Debate, 

For ever slack and cease ? 
When shall the days of evil date. 

Be turned unto peace ? 



288 The wishes of the Wise. [l^^lngV/^s': 

When shall True Dealing rule the rost 

With those that buy and sell ; 
And Single Mind, in every coast, 

Among us bide and dwell ? ' 

When shall our minds wholly convert 

From wealth, and worldly gain ? 
When shall the movings of our heart 

From wickedness refrain ? 

When shall this flesh return to dust, 
From whence the same did spring? 

When shall the trial of our trust 
Appearing with triumphing ? 

When shall the Trump blow out his blast, 

And thy dear babes revive ? 
When shall the Whore be headlong cast, 

That sought us to deprive ? 

When shall Thy Christ, our King, appear 

With power and renown ? 
When shall Thy saints, that suffer here, 

Receive their promised crown ? 

When shall the faithful, firmly stand ? 

Before Thy face to dwell ; 
When shall Thy foes, at Thy left hand, 

Be cast into the hell ? 

Apoca. 22. 
Come, LORD J E SU ! 

T. B. 

C Smpdntet) at lontion, tp JoSn Emgston for 
iRicbarti atiams. 



289 



The winning of Calais by the French^ 

^January 1558 a.d. 

General Narrative of the Recapture, 

By George Ferrers, the Poet. 



[Grafton's Chronicle. 1569.] 




290 The Battle of St. Quentin. p/^^sl; 

Or if ought were won by the having of St. Quentin, 
England got nothing at all ; for the gain thereof 
came only to King Philip : but the loss of Calais, 
Hammes, and Guisnes, with all the country on 
that side of the sea, which followed soon after, 
was such a buffet to England as [had] not happened in more 
than an hundred years before ; and a dishonour wherewith 
this realm shall be blotted until GOD shall give power to 
redubbe it with some like requital to the French. 

At this time, although open hostility and war were between 
England and France, yet, contrary to the ancient custom 
afore used, the town of Calais and the forts thereabouts were 
not supplied with any new accrues [reinforcements] of soldiers; 
which negligence was not unknown to the enemy, who, long 
before, had practised [plotted] the winning of the said town and 
country. The French King therefore (being sharply nettled 
with the late loss of St. Quentin and a great piece of his 
country adjoining, and desirous of revenge) thought it not 
meet to let slip this occasion ; and having presently a full 
army in a readiness to employ where most advantage should 
appear, determined to put in proof, with all speed, the enter- 
prise of Calais; which long, and many times before, was 
purposed upon. 

This practice [design] was not so secret but that the 
Deputies of Calais and Guisnes had some intelligence 
thereof; and informed the Queen [Mary] and her Council 
accordingly : nevertheless, either by wilful negligence there, 
or lack of credit by the Queen's Council here, this great case 
was so slenderly regarded as no provision of defence was 
made until it was somewhat too late. 

The Duke of Guise [known as, Le Balafre], being General 
of the French army, proceeded in this enterprise with mar- 
vellous policy. For approaching the English frontier [known 
in our history as the English Pale], under colour to victual 
Boulogne and Ardes ; he entered upon the same, on a sudden 
[on 1st January, 1558] ; and took a little bulwark [fortification] 
called Sandgate, by assault. He then divided his army into 
two parts, sending one part with certain great pieces of 
artillery along the downs [sandhills] by the sea- side towards 
Risbank [or Riiishank, a detached fort in Calais harbour. See 
this Vol. p. 304] ; and the other part, furnished also with battery 



I 



^■f^'Tsas.] Capture of Newnham Bridge & Ruisbank. 291 

pieces, marched straight forth to Newnham [or Newhaven] 
Bridge : meaning to batter the two forts, both at one time. 
Which thing he did with such celerity, that coming thither very 
late in the evening, he was master of both by the next morning. 

At the first shot discharged at Newnham Bridge, the head 
of the Master Gunner of that piece [fort], whose name was 
HoRSELEY, was clean stricken off. The Captain [Nicholas 
Alexander] considering the great power of the French 
army; and having his fort but slenderly manned to make 
sufficient resistance, fled to Calais. And by the time he was 
come thither, the other part of the French army that went 
by the seaside, with their battery, had won Risbank ; being 
abandoned [by Captain John Harlestone] to their hands. 

The next day [2nd of January], the Frenchmen, with five 
double-cannons and three culverins, began a battery from 
the sandhills next Risbank, against the town of Calais ; and 
continued the same, by the space of two or three days, until 
they made a little breach in the wall next unto the Water 
Gate, which, nevertheless, was not yet assaultable : for that 
which was broken in the day, was by them within the town 
made up again in the night, stronger than afore. But the 
battery was not begun there by the French because they in- 
tended to enter in that place ; but rather to abuse [deceive] the 
English, to have the less regard to the defence of the Castle : 
which was the weakest part of the town, and the place where 
they were we ascertained, by their espials, to win an easy entry. 

So that while our people travailed fondly to defend that 
counterfeit breach of the town wall, the Duke had in the 
mean season, planted fifteen double-cannons against the 
Castle. Which Castle being considered by the Rulers of 
the town to be of no such force as might resist the battery of 
cannon, by reason that it was old, and without any rampires 
[ramparts] ; it was devised to make a train with certain 
barrels of powder to this purpose, that when the Frenchmen 
should enter, as they well knew, that there they would, to 
have fired the said train, and blown up the Keep : and for 
that purpose left never a man within to defend it. But the 
Frenchmen, at their entry, espied the train, and so avoided 
the same. So that the device came to no purpose ; and, 
without any resistance, they entered the Castle; and thought 
to have entered the town by that way. 



292 Surrender of Calais in three days, p-,' 



Ferrers. 
1568. 



But [on the 6th of January] by the prowess and hardy 
courage of Sir Anthony AGER[^t/<:^^^|, Knight [j-^^//4w Vol., 
pp. ii<,sqq\ and Marshal of the Town, ^yith his soldiers, they 
were repulsed and driven back again into the Castle : and 
followed so hard after, that our men forced them to close 
and shut the Castle gate for their surety, lest it should have 
been recovered against them. As it was once attempted 
[p. 3 1 5] by Sir Anthony Ager : who there, with his son and heir, 
and a Pursuivant at Arms called Calais, and divers others, to 
the number of fifteen or sixteen Englishmen, lost their lives. 

The same night, after the recule [retreat] of the French- 
men, whose number so increased in the Castle, that the town 
was not able to resist their force ; the Lord Wentworth, 
Deputy of Calais, sent a Pursuivant called Guisnes, unto 
the Duke of Guise, requiring composition ; which, after long 
debate, was agreed to, upon this sort. 

First. That the town, with all the great artillery, 
victuals and munition, should be freely yielded to the 
French King. 

The lives of the inhabitants only saved; to whom safe 
conduct should be granted, to pass where they listed. 

Saving the Lord Deputy, with fifty others, such as the 
Duke should appoint, to remain prisoners ; and be put 
to their ransom. 

The next morning [yth of January] y the Frenchmen entered 
and possessed the Town : and forthwith all the men, women, 
and children, were commanded to leave their houses, and to 
go into the two churches, of Our Lady, and Saint Nicholas; 
upon pain of death. Where they remained a great part of 
that day, and one whole night, and until three o'clock at 
afternoon the next day [Uh] : without either meat or drink. 

And while they were thus in the churches, the Duke of 
Guise, in the name of the French King, in their hearing, 
made a Proclamation straitly charging and commanding all 
and every person that were inhabitants of the Town of 
Calais, having about them any money, plate, or jewels to the 
value of [but] one groat [^d.] to bring the same forthwith, 
and lay it down on the high altars of the said churches, 
upon pain of death : bearing them in hand [inducing them 
to think] also that they should be searched. 

By reason of which Proclamation, there was made a great 



^•,^'7s68.] The English Exodus out of Calais. 293 

and sorrowful Offertory. And while they were at this offering 
within the churches, the Frenchmen entered into their 
houses, and rifled the same ; where was found inestimable 
riches and treasure, but specially of ordnance, armour, and 
other munition. 

About two o'clock, the next day at afternoon, being the 
7th of January; all the Englishmen, except the Lord Deputy 
and the others reserved for prisoners, were suffered to pass 
out of the town in safety ; being guarded through the army 
by a number of Scottish Light Horsemen. 

There were in this town of Calais, 500 English soldiers 
ordinarily, and no more : and of the townsmen, not fully 
200 fighting men : a small garrison for the defence of such 
a town ! And there were in the whole number of men, 
women, and children, as they were counted when they went 
out of the gate, 4,200 persons. 

But the Lord Wentworth, Deputy of Calais ; Sir Ralph 
Chamberlain, Captain of the Castle ; [John] Harlestone, 
Captain of Risbank ; Nicholas Alexander, Captain of 
Newn[h]ambridge ; Edward Grimstone, Controller; with 
others of the chief of the town, to the number of fifty, as 
aforesaid, such as it pleased the Duke of Guise to appoint, 
were sent prisoners into France. 

Thus have ye heard the discourse of the Overthrow and 
Loss of the Town of Calais; the which enterprise was begun 
and ended in less than eight days, to the great marvel of 
the world, that a town of such strength, and so well 
furnished of all things as that was, should so suddenly be 
taken and conquered : but most specially, in the winter 
season ; what time all the country about, being marsh 
ground, is commonly overflown with water. 

The said town was won from the French by King Edward 
in. in the time of Philip de Valois, then French King: and, 
being in the possession of the Kings of England, 211 years; 
was, in the time of Philip and Mary, King and Queen of 
England, lost within less than eight days being the most 
notable fort that England had. 

For the winning whereof, King Edward aforesaid, in the 
2ist year of his reign [1346], was fain to continue a siege one 
whole year or more : wherefore it was judged of all men. 



294 Negligence of Queen Mary's Council. l^-f^'HH 

that it could not have so come to pass, without some secret 
treachery. 

Here is also to be noted, that when Queen Mary and 
her Council heard, credibly, of the Frenchmen's sudden 
approach to that town; she, with all possible speed, but 
somewhat too late, raised a great power for the rescue 
thereof : which, if wind and weather had served, might, 
haply, have brought succour thither in time. But such 
terrible tempests then arose, and continued the space of four 
or five days together, that the like had not been seen before 
in the remembrance of man ; wherefore some said " That 
the same was done by necromancy, and that the Devil 
was raised up, and become French : " the truth whereof is 
known to GOD. But very true it is that no ship could 
brook the seas, by reason of those extreme storms and 
tempests. And such of the Queen's ships as did adventure 
the passage, were so shaken and torn, with the violence of 
the weather ; as they were forced to return with great danger, 
and the loss of all their tackle and furniture. 

Thus by the negligence of the Council at home, conspiracy 
of traitors elsewhere, force and false practice of enemies, 
helped by the rage of most terrible tempests of contrary 
winds and weather; this famous Fort of Calais was brought 
again to the hands and possession of the French. 

So soon as this Duke of Guise, contrary to all expectation, 
had, in a few days, gained this strong town of Calais, afore 
thought impregnable, and had put the same in such order as 
best seemed for his advantage : proud of the spoil, and press- 
ing forward upon his sudden fortune, without giving long time 
to the residue of the Captains of the forts there to breathe 
on their business; the 13th of the same month, with all 
provision requisite for a siege, he marched with his army 
from Calais into the town and fort of Guisnes, five miles 
distant from thence. 

Of which town and castle, at the same time, there was as 
Captain, a valiant Baron of England, called William, Lord 
Grey of Wilton [See fh's Vo/.p.-^jg]: who, not without 
cause suspecting a siege at hand ; and knowing the town of 
Guisnes to be of small force (as being without walls or 
bulwarks, and only compassed with a trench), before the 
Frenchmen's arrival, caused all the inhabitants of the town 



G. Ferrers."! 
? 



T568.] The Duke of Guise attacks Guisnes. 295 



to advoid [depart] ; and so many of them as were apt to 
bear arms, he caused to retire into the Castle. Which was 
a place well fortified, with strong and massy Bulwarks 
[redoubts or batteries] of brick : having also a high and mighty 
tower, of great force and strength, called the Keep. 

The town being thus abandoned, the Frenchman had the 
more easy approach to the Castle ; who, thinking to find 
quiet lodging in those vacant houses, entered the same with- 
out any fear : and being that night, at their rest as the}* 
thought, a chosen band of soldiers, appointed by Lord Grey, 
issued out by a postern of the said Castle, and slew no small 
number of their sleepy guests. The rest, they put out of 
their new lodgings ; and (maugre the Duke and all the French 
power) consumed all the houses of the town with fire. That 
notwithstanding, the said Duke, with all diligence, began his 
trenches : and albeit the shot of the great artillery from the 
Castle was terrible, and gave him great impeachment ; yet 
did he continue his work without intermission, and, for 
example's sake, wrought in his own person as a common 
pioneer or labourer. So that, within less than three days, 
he brought, to the number of thirty-five battery pieces, hard 
to the brim [edge] of the Castle ditch, to batter the same on 
all sides, as well right forth as across. But his principal 
battery, he planted against the strongest bulwark of all, 
called Mary Bulwark [a detached fort]; thinking by gaining of 
the stronger, to come more easily by the weaker. 

His battery being thus begun, he continued the same bji 
the space of two days, with such terrible thundering of great 
artillery, that, by the report of [F. de] Rabutin a French 
writer, there were, in those few days, discharged well near 
to the number of 8,000 or 9,000 cannon shot. 

Through the violence whereof, by the 20th of the said 
month, the said great Bulwark was laid wide open, and the 
breach made reasonable and easy enough for the assault ; 
nevertheless, the said Duke (being a man of war, and nothing 
ignorant of what devices be commonly used in forts and be- 
sieged towns to entrap and damage the assailants) afore he 
would put the persons of his good soldiers to the hazard of 
the assault, caused the breach to be viewed once or twice by 
certain forward and skilful soldiers ; who, mounting the top 
of the breach, brought report that the place was saultable 



296 French assaults on the Mary Redoubt, [^•j^'V^'g'g'; 

[assaultable]. Nevertheless, to make the climb more easy ; he 
caused certain harquebussiers to pass over the ditch, and to 
keep the defendants occupied with shot, while certain pioneers 
with mattocks and shovels, made the breach more plain and 
easy. [See Churchyard's account of this assault at p. 324. 
He was one of the defenders.'] 

Which thing done accordingly, he gave order to Monsieur 
D'Andelot, Colonel of the French Footmen, that he, with 
his Bands, should be in readiness to give the assault, when 
sign should be given. 

In which meantime, the Duke withdrew himself to an 
higher ground ; from whence he might plainly discover the 
behaviour as well of his soldiers in giving the assault, as also 
of the defendants in answering the same. And not perceiving 
so many of the English part appearing for the defence, as 
he looked for; he gave order forthwith, that a regiment of 
his most forward Lance Knights [the Reiters] should mount 
the breach to open the first passage, and that Monsieur 
D'Andelot with his Bands of the French, should back them. 

Which order was followed with such hot haste and des- 
perate hardiness, that, entering a deep ditch full of water, 
from the bottom whereof to the top of the breach was well 
forty feet, without fear either of the water beneath or the fire 
above, they mounted the breach : and whereas the Duke had 
prepared divers bridges made of plank-boards, borne up with 
caske and empty pipes [i.e., barrels of the size of a Pipe] tied 
one to another, for his men to pass the said ditch ; many of 
the said assailants, without care of those bridges, plunged 
into the water, and took the next way to come to the assault. 

Which hot haste notwithstanding, the said assailants were, 
in this first assault, so stoutly repulsed and put back by the 
defendants, being furnished with great store of wild fire and 
fricasies for the purpose, that they were turned down headlong, 
one upon another, much faster than they came up : not with- 
out great waste and slaughter of their best and most brave 
soldiers ; to the small comfort of the stout Duke, who, as is 
said before, stood, all this while, upon a little hill to behold 
this business. Wherefore, not enduring this sight any longer, 
as a man arraged [enraged], he ran among his men; so reproving 
some and encouraging others, that the assault was foot hot 
renewed with much more vehemence and fury than before : 



V*"s68.] OUTSIDE THE CaSTLE OF GuiSNES. 297 

and with no less obstinacy and desperation received by the 
defendants ; whereby all the breach underneath was filled 
with French carcases. 

This notwithstanding, the Duke still redoubled his forces 
with fresh companies ; and continued so many assaults, one 
upon another, that at the last charge, being most vehement 
of all others, our men being tired, and greatly minished in the 
number by slaughter and bloody wounds, were, of fine [sheer 
force, driven to avoid, and give place of entry to the enem^ 

Which was not done without a marvellous expense of blood, 
on both sides. For, of the French part, there were slain and 
perished in these assaults, above the number of 800 or 900 
[Churchyard says, at p. 330 4,000] : and of the English, but 
little fewer [800, p. 2,29] ; amongst whom the greatest loss 
lighted on the Spaniards, who took upon them the defence 
of the said Mary Bulwark : insomuch, as the report went, 
that of the 500 [or rather 450 ; whereof but 50 were Spaniards, 
the rest English and Burgundians,see p. 327] brave soldiers which 
King Philip sent thither for succour, under the conduct of a 
valiant Spanish Captain, called Mount Dragon, there were 
not known to have come away any number worth the reckon- 
ing, but all were either slain, maimed or taken. 

These outrageous assaults were given to the Castle of 
Guisnes, on St. Sebastian's day, the 20th of January aforesaid. 

At the end of which day, there were also gained from the 
English, two other principal Bulwarks of the said Castle ; 
which, being likewise made assaultable by battery, were 
taken by the Almains [PSwws], who entered in by the breaches. 

The Lord Grey, with his eldest son, and the chief Captains 
and soldiers of the said garrison, who kept the Inner Ward of 
the Castle, where the most high and principal Tower, called 
the Keep, stood ; thinking themselves in small surety there 
(being a place of the old sort of fortification) after they saw 
the Utter Ward possessed by the enemy, and such a number 
of the most forward soldiers consumed and spent ; and no 
likelihood of any more aid to come in time : by the advice of 
the most expert soldiers there, concluded for the best, to treat 
with the Duke for composition : according to the which advice, 
he sent forth two gentlemen, with this message in effect. That 
the Duke (being a man of war, and serving under a 
King) should not think it strange if the Lord Grey 



298 Lord Grey surrenders Guisnes; [^-j' 



Ferrers. 
1568. 



likewise (being a man of war, and serving his Prince, in 
manner) did his like deavour [endeavour] in well defending 
the place committed to his charge, so far forth, as to 
answer and bide the assault; considering that otherwise, 
he could never save his own honour, neither his truth 
and loyalty to his Prince. In respect whereof, according 
to the law of arms, he required honourable composition. 
Which message, though it was well accepted of the Duke; 
yet he deferred his answer until the morrow. What [At 
which] time, the messengers repairing to him again, composi- 
tion was granted in this sort. 

First. That the Castle with all the furniture thereof, 
as well victuals as great artillery, powder, and other 
munitions of war, should be wholly rendered ; without 
wasting, hiding, or minishment thereof. 

Secondarily. That the Lord Grey, with all the 
Captains, Officers, and others having charge there, 
should remain prisoners, at the Duke's pleasure ; to be 
ransomed after the manner of war. 

Thirdly. That all the rest, as well soldiers as others, 

should safely depart, with their armour and baggage to 

what parts, it seemed them best : nevertheless, to pass, 

without sound of drum or trumpet, or displaying of an 

ensigns [flags] ; but to leave them behind. 

These conditions being received and approved on either 

party, the day following, that is to wit, the 22nd day of the 

said month of January, all the soldiers of the said fortress, as 

well English as strangers, with all the rest of the inhabitants 

and others (except the Lord Grey, Sir Arthur his son, Sir 

Henry Palmer Knight, Mount Dragon the above named 

Captain of the Spaniards, and other men of charge reserved by 

the Composition) departed, with their bag and baggages, from 

thence, towards Flanders. At whose issuing forth, there was 

esteemed [estimated] to the number of 800 or goo able men for 

the war : part English, part Burgundians, with a small 

remnant of Spaniards. 

After the winning of this town and Castle, the Duke, advis- 
ing well upon the place, and considering that if it should 
happen to be regained by Englishmen, what a noisome 
neighbour the same might be to Calais, now being French ; 
and specially what impeachment should come thereby for the 



I; 



^/""es'.] WHICH IS THEN RAZED TO THE GROUND. 299 

passage thither from France ; considering also the near 
standing thereof to the French King's fortress of Ardes, so 
that to keep two garrisons so nigh together should be but a 
double charge, and not only needless, but also dangerous, for 
the cause afore rehearsed : upon these considerations, as the 
Frenchmen write, he took order for all the great artillery, 
victuals, and other munition to be taken forth ; and the 
Castle, with all the Bulwarks and other fortifications there, 
to be razed and thrown down, with all speed, and the stuff to 
be carried away, and employed in other more necessary places. 

Then there rested nothing, within all the English Pale on 
that side, unconquered, but the little Castle or Pile called 
Hammes : which, though it were but of small force, made by 
art and industry of man's hand, and altogether of old work- 
manship, without rampiers [ramparts] or Bulwarks [redoubts] ; 
yet, nevertheless, by the natural situation thereof, being en- 
vironed on all sides, with fens and marsh grounds, it could not 
easily be approached unto: either with great ordnance for the 
battery, or else with an army to encamp there, for a siege ; 
having but one straight passage thereto by a narrow causey 
[causeway], traversed and cut through, in divers places, with 
deep ditches always full of water. Which thing, being well 
foreseen by Edward Lord Dudley, then Captain there, hav- 
ing as good cause to suspect a siege there as his neighbours, 
had, afore the Frenchmen's coming to Guisnes, caused all the 
bridges of the said eausey, which were of wood, to be broken ; 
to give thereby the more impeachment [obstacles] to the French, 
if they should attempt to approach the same ; as, shortly 
after, they did, and kept divers of the passages. 

But to deliver the Duke and his soldiers from that care, 
there came to him glad news from those that had charge to 
watch the same causey ; how the Captain, having intelligence 
of the rendering of Guisnes, had conveyed himself with his 
small garrison, secretly, the same night [of the zznd oj January] 
by a secret passage over the marshes into Flanders. Where- 
by, the Duke, being now past care of any further siege to be 
laid in all that frontier, took order forthwith to seize the said 
little fort into his hands ; as it was easy to do, when there 
was no resistance. 

When this place was once seized by the French, then 
remained there none other place or strength of the English on 



w 



300 The French King visits Calais, p/^^g^l: 

all that side the sea, for the safeguard of the rest of the 
country : whereby the French King became wholly and 
thoroughly Lord and Master of all the English Pale : for now, 
as ye have heard, there was neither town, castle, or fortress, 
more or less, on that side (saving Bootes Bulwark, near to 
GraveHnes; which now, [in 1568] King Philip keepeth as 
his) ; but it was either taken away by force, or else abandoned 
and left open to the enemy. And, as the Frenchmen write, 
besides the great riches of gold and silver coin, jewels, plate, 
wool, and other merchandise (which was inestimable [i.e., 
beyond reckoning]) there were found 300 pieces of brass, 
mounted on wheels, and as many pieces of iron : with such 
furniture of powder, pellets [bullets], armour, victuals, and 
other munitions of war, scarcely credible. 

Thus have heard the whole discourse of the Conquest of 
the noble town of Calais with all the English fortresses and 
country adjoining, made by the Duke of Guise. The news 
whereof, when it came to the French King: [there is] no need 
to ask how joyfully it was received ! not only by him and all 
his Court, but also universally through the whole realm of 
France. For the which victory, there was, as the manner is, 
Te DEUM sung, and bonfires made everywhere, as it is 
wont to be in cases of common joy and gladness for some 
rare benefit of GOD. Shortly, upon this conquest, there was 
a public Assembly at Paris of all the Estates of France : who 
frankly (in recompense of the King's charges in winning 
Calais and the places aforesaid, and for maintenance of his 
wars to be continued afterwards) granted unto him 3,000,000 
of French Crowns [ = about ;^goo,ooo then = about ^^9, 000,000 
now] ; whereof the clergy of France contributed 1,000,000 
[crowns] besides their dimes. 

And no marvel though the French did highly rejoice at the 
recovery of Calais out of the Englishmen's hands ! For it is 
constantly affirmed by many that be acquainted with the affairs 
of France, that ever since the town was first won by the 
Englishmen, in all solemn Councils appointed to treat upon 
the state of France, there was a special person appointed to 
put them in remembrance, from time to time, of Calais : as it 
were to be wished that the like were used in England until it 
were regained from the French. 

Now seemed every day a year, to the French King, until he 




^■?*^'Ts68:]The Marriage of Mary, Queen of Scots. 301 

personally had visited Calais and his new conquered country. 
Wherefore, about the end of January, aforesaid, he took his 
j voyage thither, accompanied with no small number of his 
nobility. And immediately upon his arrival there, he perused 
the whole town and every part thereof, from place to place : 
and devising with the Duke of Guise for the better fortifica- 
tion thereof; what should be added to the old, what should 
be made new, and what should be taken away. And after 
order taken for that business ; he placed there a noble and 
no less valiant Knight, called Monsieur de Thermes, to be 
j Captain of the town : and so departed again to France. 
I After the French King's departure from Calais, he made 
great haste for the accomplishment of the marriage moved 
between Francis, his eldest son, called the Dauphin, and 
Mary Stuart, daughter and sole heir of James V., late 
King of Scotland : which Princess (if the Scots had been 
faithful of promise, as they seldom be) should have married 
with King Edward VI. For the breach of which promise, 
began all the war between England and Scotland, in the latter 
end of King Henry VIII. and in the beginning of Edward 
VI. 

This marriage (though it be not my matter) I thought not 
to omit ; for many things were meant thereby, which, thanks 
be to GOD ! never came to pass. But one special point was 
not hidden to the world, that, by the means of the same, the 
Realm of Scotland should, for evermore, have remained as 
united and incorporated to the Crown of France; that as 
the Son and Heir of every French King doth succeed to the 
inheritance and possession of a country, called the Doulphyn 
[Dauphine], and is therefore called Doulphyn [Dauphin] ; and 
as the Principality of Wales appertaineth to the Eldest Son of 
England, who is therefore called the Prince of Wales: even so, 
that the Dauphin and Heir of France should thereby have been 
King of Scotland, for evermore. Which name and title, upon 
this marriage, was accordingly given to Francis the Dauphin 
and heir apparent of France, to be called " King Dauphin " : 
the meaning whereof was, utterly to exclude for evermore any 
to be King of Scotland, but only the Eldest Son of France. 

This memorable marriage was solemnized in the city of 
Paris, the 24th day of April, 1558, with most magnificent 
pomp and triumph. 



302 




Lord Wentworth, the Lord Deputy 
of Calais, and the Council there. 

Letter to ^^iieen Mary^ 2i^rd May^ i557« 

[State Pajyers. Foreign, MARY, Vol. X. No. 615. In Public Record Office.] 

T may please ycur Highness to understand that, 
where upon circumspect consideration and view 
of your Majesty's store here of munition and 
other habiliments of war, there is presently \al 
this moment] found not only a great want of many 
kinds thereof, but also such a decay in divers other things 
as the same are not serviceable, and will be utterly lost 
if they be not with speed repaired and put in better estate ; 
as this bearer, Master Highfield, Master of your Ordnance 
here [p. 312], can declare more amply the particularities 
thereof, either unto your Majesty, or unto such of your 
Council as shall please your Highness to direct him : we 
have thought it our bounden duties to be most humble 
suitors to your Majesty, that it would please the same to 
give immediate order, as well for the supplement of the said 
lacks, as also for your warrant to be addressed hither, for the 
repairing of all other things requisite to be done within his 
office. 

And thus we continually pray Almighty GOD for the long 
preservation of your Highness in most prosperous estate. 
From your town of Calais, the 23rd of May, 1557. 

Your Majesty's 
Most humble bounden and obedient subjects and servants, 

Wentworth, William Grey, 

Ralph Chamberlain, A. Cornwallis, 
Edward Grymstone, Eustace Hobynton. 



303 




Lords Wentworth and Grey, and the 
Council at Calais. 

Report to ^^een Ma r f, 
2"] th December^ i^Sl- 

[State Papers. Foreign, MARY, Vol. XI. No. 698. 

Ur bounden duties most humbly remembered unto 
your Highness. Upon the receipt of the intelli- 
gences sent unto your Majesty this other day, 
from me your Grace's Deputy ; I forthwith dis- 
patched to my Lord Grey [at Guisnes], requiring 
his Lordship to repair to this town, that we might consult 
of the state of your Highness's places and country on this side. 
So his Lordship coming hither, we have conferred together 
our several intelligences : and finding the same in effect to 
agree, it hath very much augmented our suspicion that this 
train [design] now meant by the enemy, should be made 
towards your Highness's country or pieces. Whereupon we, 
all together, have considered the state of the same ; and 
said our opinions therein, as it may appear unto your High- 
ness by these articles which we send herewith to your 
Majesty, which we have thought our duties to signify unto 
you. Most humbly beseeching your Highness to return 
unto us your pleasure therein. 

So, we pray Jesu, grant your Majesty long and prosperous 
reign. 

At your town of Calais, 27th December, 1557. 
Your Highness's, &c. 

Our Consultation, made the 2'jtk December, 1557. 

Guisnes. 

Fivsi. ifc. ji*. JilAviNG no supplement of men other than is 

1 presently there, we think it meetest, if the 

enemy should give the attempt, to abandon 

the Town (which could not be, without very 

great danger of the Castle) ; and defend the Turnpike, 





„ _^ /^TTT-.T^»,T A/r \T>\r TThe Lord Deputy and Council, 

EPORT TO yUEEN iViARY. [_ at Calais, 27 Dec. 1557. 

which is of the more importance, because that way only, 
in necessity, the relief to the Castle is to be looked for. 

Item. There is great want of wheat, butter, cheese, and 
other victuals. 

Item. It is requisite to have some men of estimation and 
service to be there [i.e., at Guisnes], that might be able 
to take the charge in hand ; if either sickness or other 
accident should fortune to me the Lord Grey: which 
I, the said Lord Grey the rather require, by reason of 
Sir Henry Palmer's hurt ; being of any other person 
at this present utterly unfurnished. 

Hampnes Castle. 

Item. |tK^i%ii|B THINK the same sufficiently furnished of men 

for the sudden; albeit this hard and frosty 

weather, if it continue, will give the enemy 

great advantage : yet we put in as much 

water as is possible. 

Of victuals, that place is utterly unprovided ; except 
the Captain's store. 

That we also thought meet to have there some man of 
estimation and service, for the respects contained in the 
article of Guisnes : which also the Lord Dudley 
requires. 

Newnam Bridge. 

Item. |K(K Ail|E think it meet, upon the occasion, to with- 
draw the bands [companies of soldiers] from the 
Causeway thither ; and then are of opinion, 
the same to be sufficient to defend that piece 
for a season ; unless the enemy shall get between this 
town and the bridge. 

It is clean without victuals, other than the Captain's 
own provision. 

R y s B A N K . 

EcAUSE that place standeth upon the sea, and by 
the shore side, may the enemy come in a night to 
it: we think it meet to appoint hither a band 
[company] of the low country [the open district round 

Calais, within the English pale] under the leading of 

Captain Dodd. 






lT,e Lord Deputy and^C^^^^^^^^^^^ TO QuEEN MaRY. 3O5 




It is altogether unfurnished of victuals, other than for 
the Captain's own store. 

Calais. 

Hereas all your Majesty's pieces on this side, make 
account to be furnished of victuals and other 
necessaries from hence ; it is so, that of victuals 
your Highness hath presently none here : and also 
this town hath none, by reason that the restraint in the 
realm hath been so strait as the victuallers (as were 
wont to bring daily hither good quantities of butter, 
cheese, bacon, wheat, and other things) might not, of 
late, be suffered to have any recourse hither ; whereby 
is grown a very great scarcity of all such things here. 

Finally. [^^^^Orasmuch as all the wealth and substance 

of your Majesty's whole dominion on this 

side, is now in your low country (a thing 

not unknown to the enemy) : and if with 

this his great power, coming down (as the bruit goeth) 

for the victualling of Ardes, he will give attempt on your 

Highness's country ; we do not see that the small 

number here, in respect of their force, can, by any 

means, defend it. 

And if we should stand to resist their entry into the 
country [the open district], and there receive any loss or 
overthrow ; the country should nevertheless be overrun 
and spoiled: and besides it would set the enemy in a 
glory, and also be the more peril to your Highness's 
pieces [towns]. We therefore, upon the necessity, think 
it meet to gather all our men into strengths [fortresses] ; 
and with the same to defend your pieces to the utter- 
most. 

Notwithstanding, all the power on this side is insuffi- 
cient to defend the pieces, in case the enemy shall tarry 
any space in the field. 




Wentworth, 
Anthony Auchar, 
Edwarde Grimestone, 
Eustace Hobyngton. 



William Grey, 
John Harleston, 
N. Alexander, 




3o6 

Lord WENTWORTH,at Calais. 
Letter to ^j^een Ma r y^i January^ 1 5 5 8, 

[State Papers. Foreign, MARY, Vol. XII. No. i. 

[One cannot help seeing that in this and the next letter, Lord Went- 
WORTH, quite hopeless of any successful attempt, was trying to make 
things look as pleasant as he could to the Queen.] 

T MAY PLEASE YOUR HiGHNESS, 

having retired the Bands from the Causeway the 
last night [31 December 1557], and placed them at 
the Bridge [at Newhaven or Newnham] and within 
the Brayes [i.e., Calais walls] : this morning early, 
I returned them to the said Causeway, to defend that passage 
in case the enemy would attempt to enter there ; and also to 
offer skirmish to take some of them, and to learn somewhat 
of their power. 

Between nine and ten, the enemy showed in a very great 
bravery about six ensigns [regiments] of footmen, and certain 
horsemen ; and came from the Chalk Pits down the hill 
towards the Causeway. Whereupon some of ours issued 
and offered the skirmish ; but the enemy would in no wise 
seem to meddle. 

During this their stillness, they caused about 200 harque- 
bussiers to cut over the marsh from Sandgate and get between 
ours and the Bridge, and then to have hotly set on them on 
both sides. In this time also, at a venture, I had caused 
your Majesty's Marshal, with the horsemen, to go abroad, 
and maintain the skirmish with the footmen : and by that 
[time] the Marshal came there, the enemy's harquebussiers 
that passed the marshes were discovered ; and ours took a 
very honest retire. Which the enemies on the land side per- 
ceiving, came on, both horsemen and footmen, marvellously 
hotly ; to whom ours gave divers onsets, continually skir- 
mishing till they came to the Bridge, and there reposed 
themselves. The bridge bestowed divers shot upon the 
enemy, and hurt some. Of ours, thanked be GOD ! none slain 
nor hurt, save a man-at-arms stricken in the leg with a carrion. 



r 



LordWen^worth.-j'j'jjg FIRST APPEARANCE OF THE FrENCH. 307 

The alarm continued till one o'clock in the afternoon ; 
before the end whereof our enemy's number increased : for 
eleven ensigns more of footmen came in sight, and three 
troops of horsemen. 

Besides, the alarm went round about our country at that 
instant, even from Sandgate to Guisnes ; and bands of the 
enemy at every passage. 

They have gotten Froyton Church, and plant themselves 
at all the streights [passages] into this country. The bulwarks 
[ ? earth works] of Froyton and Nesle have this day done their 
duty very well ; to whom I have this afternoon sent aid of 
men, and some shot and powder. Howbeit I am in some 
doubt of Nesle this night. 

I am perfectly advertised, their number of horsemen and 
footmen already arrived is above 12,000 ; whereof little less 
have come in sight here. The Duke of Guise is not yet 
arrived, but [is] hourly looked for with a more [greater] 
number. 

This evening, I have discovered 500 waggons ladened with 
victuals and munition ; and have further perfect intelligence, 
that thirty cannons be departed from Boulogne hitherwards. 

They [i.e., the French army] are settled at Sandgate, Galley 
Moat, Causeway, Froyton, Calkewell, Nesle, and Syntrecase. 
At one o'clock after midnight, I look for them ; being low 
water at the passage over the haven. 

Thus having set all things in the best order I can, I make 
an end of three days' work; and leave your Majesty to con- 
sider for our speedy succour. Beseeching GOD to grant 
your Highness victory, with long and prosperous reign. 

At your town of Calais, this New Year's Day, at nine of 
the night, 1557. 

I have received your Majesty's letter [0/315^ December] by 
[John Highfield] Master of the Ordnance [at Calais], who 
came in this morning. The contents whereof I follow as 
near as I can. 

Your Highness's 

Most humble and obedient servant and subject, 

Wentworth 




3o8 



Lord Wentworth at Calais. 

Letter to ^^een Mar f, 2 January^ '558, 

\o p.m, 

[State Papers, <5r»c.] 

Fter my humble duty remembered, it may please 
your Highness. This last night our enemies lay 
still, without anything attempting in the places 
mentioned in my last letters ; as we did well 
perceive, during the whole night, by great fires 
made in the same places. 

This morning early, I put out fresh footmen to the Bridge, 
to relieve the watched men. 

About nine a clock, the enemies in very great number 
approached the Bridge, and offered the skirmish : whereupon 
issued out some of our harquebussiers and bowmen, and kept 
them in play, with the help of the shot from the Bridge, more 
than an hour ; and in the end, being overmatched with 
multitude, made their retire with the Turnpike, without any 
loss or hurt. The enemies shadowing [sheltering] themselves 
under the turnpike wall, with their curriors (which assuredly 
shot very great bullets, and carry far) kept themselves in 
such surety, as our pieces of the Bridge could not annoy 
them, till at eleven o'clock, certain of ours, bored holes with 
augers through the turnpike, and with harquebusses beat 
them out into the shot of ordnance, and so made them retire 
to the Causeway. 

This forenoon, certain Swiss and Frenchmen, to the 
number of 500, got within the marshes between Froyton and 
Nesle bulwarks : and the men of the Bulwarks seeing them- 
selves to be compassed on all sides, and seeing also that time 
yet served them well to depart ; and (fearing they should not 
so do, if they tarried till they were assailed on both sides, as 
they could not indeed), forsook their Bulwarks, and right 
manfully, notwithstanding their enemies between them and 
home, saved themselves through the marshes. In the retire 
of the enemies, one Cookson, a man-at-arms, and few other 
soldiers, with the countrymen, rescued most part of the 



LordWentworth.-| 35^000 FrENCH AND SwiSS SOLDIERS. 309 

booty (which was certain kine); and took three prisoners of 
the Captain of Abbeville's Band. 

The report of this enterprise of the enemy being brought 
to me, fearing Colham Hill, I forthwith appointed your 
Majesty's Marshal with the Horsemen, and 200 footmen to 
repair thither; and as they should see their match, so to 
demean themselves. Ere these men had marched a quarter 
of a mile, the enemies were retired out of the country, upon 
occasion that wading, as they entered in, up to the girdle 
stead ; and perceiving the water to increase, [they] thought 
good to make a speedy return : and nevertheless, for all their 
haste, went up to the breast. And if they had tarried a little 
longer, I had put in so much water, as I think would have 
put them over head and ears : and, GOD willing, at the next 
tide, I will take in more. 

This afternoon, they have been quiet, and we, in the 
meantime, be occupied in cutting up of passages to let in 
more water about the Bridge and that part of the marshes ; 
whereby the enemies shall have very ill watering. 

I would also take in the salt water about the town [of 
Calais], but I cannot do it, by reason I should infect our 
own water wherewith we brew : and, notwithstanding all I 
can do, our brewers be so behindhand in grinding and other- 
wise, as we shall find that one of our greatest lacks. I 
therefore make all the haste and provision I can there, and 
howsoever the matter go, must shortly be forced to let in 
the salt water. 

The three men taken to-day be very ragged, and ill-ap- 
pointed. In examining, they confess that "there is great 
misery in their camp, and great want of money and victuals." 
They say (and I partly believe it, because it almost appeareth 
to me), "their number to be 25,000 footmen, whereof 10,000 
[are] Swiss ; and 10,000 horsemen. The Duke of Guise 
is already among them, and the only deviser and leader of 
this enterprise." They say also, " a shot from the Bridge- 
way to the Causeway yesterday, struck off the Master of the 
Camp's leg, called Captain Gourdault." 

I am also perfectly advertised, both by these men and 
otherwise, that they have no great ordnance yet come, but 
look for it daily by sea. It is eighty pieces, whereof thirty be 
cannons : and are laden, with munition and victuals, in 140 



3IO Spanish Harquebussiers at St.Omer. [^^'"'^ rj^"°3. 

vessels which shall land at Sandgate ; or rather I think at 
Boulogne, it to be taken out of great ships [there], and so 
again embarked at Sandgate in lesser vessels, as they have 
done most part of their victuals and carriage that they have 
hitherto occupied [tised]. And, surely, if your Majesty's ships 
had been on this shore, they might either have letted 
[hindered] their voyage ; or, at the least, very much hindered 
it : and not unlike[ly] to have distressed them, being only 
small boats. Their ordnance that comes, shall be conveyed 
in the same sort : it may therefore please your Majesty to 
consider it. 

I have also now fully discovered their enterprise ; and am 
(as a man may be) most sure they will first attempt upon 
Rysbanke ; and that way chiefly assail the town. Marry ! I 
think they lie hovering in the country, for the coming of 
their great artillery, and also to be masters of the sea. 
And therefore I trust your Highness will haste over all things 
necessary for us with expedition. 

Under your Majesty's reformation [correction], I think, if 
you please to set the passage at liberty for all men to come 
that would, bringing sufficient victuals for themselves for a 
season ; I am of opinion there would be enow, and with more 
speed than can be made by order. Marry ! then must 
it well be foreseen to transport with expedition, victuals 
hither. 

I have written to the King's Majesty [Philip II.] of the 
enemies being here : and was bold humbly to beseech his 
Majesty to give commission to the governors of his frontiers 
[that] I might, in necessity, upon my letter, have 300 or 
400 harquebussiers, Spaniards, that now be placed about St. 
Omer; whereof I thought it my duty to advertise your 
Majesty, for your pleasure, whether I may write to the 
Governors to that effect, upon his Majesty's answer, and 
take them or not ? 

I, with the rest of the Council here, are forced to put your 
Majesty to some charges: for having taken in a confused 
number of countrymen [i.e., peasantry within the English Pale], 
we must needs reduce them to order, and the commoners 
also; and have therefore called them into wages, and 
appointed Captains of the fittest men that presently [at this 
moment] be here. 



^'•^ 7j^''°5'^8:] Wentworth's last letter to Mary. 311 

I have placed Dodd with his Band in Rysbank, and the 
rest of the extraordinary [i.e., volunteer] Bands be at the 
Bridge, and in the Brayes of this town. 

As I was making this discourse, six Ensigns [regiments] of 
footmen, and certain Bands [troops] of horsemen, came from 
Sandgate by the downs, within the sight of Rysbank : on 
whom, that piece, and this town also, bestowed divers shots. 

This evening, they have made their approach to Rysbank, 
without any artillery : and, as far as I can perceive, do mind 
to make the assault with ladders, hurdles, &c., and other 
things, and that way get it. 

At Calais, the 2nd of January, at ten in the night, 1557. 

As I was in communication with your Mayor and Alder- 
men, touching the state of this town (whom I find of marvel- 
lous good courage, and ready to hve and die in this town), I 
received letters from my Lords of the Council, of your 
Majesty's aid provided for us. 

I fear this shall be my last letter, for that the enemy will 
stop my passage ; but I will do what I can tidily [duly from 
time to time] to signify unto your Majesty, our state. 

Your Majesty's most humble and obedient 
servant and subject, 

Wentworth. 




312 




John Highfield, Master of the 
Ordnance at Calais. 

To the ^ueen^ our sovereign 'Lady, 

[Lord Hardwick's Miscellaneous State Papers, i. 114. Ed. 1788.] 

Leaseth it your Highness to understand the 
Declaration of your humblest and faithful servant 
John Highfield, concerning the besieging and 
loss of your Grace's town of Calais. 

First, being appointed by your most honourable 
Council {i.e., the Privy Council in Calais] to repair into 
England [on the previous 2ird May, seep. 302] ; I came. And 
after some intelligence that the French Army drew towards 
the English Pale, I was commanded to return with diligence 
to my charge at Calais ; and I arrived there on New Year's 
Day in the morning, the enemy being encamped about 
Sandgate. 

The said morning, after I had delivered letters to my 
Lord Deputy, from your Grace's said Council, the said Lord 
Deputy told me how the alarm was made the night before, 
and also what he thought meet for me to be done for the 
better furniture of those fortresses which were in most 
danger, as the Bulwarks of the High Country [Fvoyton and, 
Nesle], Guisnes, Newhaven Bridge, and Rysbank: and also 
for the defence of the Low Country, because his Lordship 
thought their enterprise had tended only to the spoil thereof. 
Then I showed that there was a sufficient store of all muni- 
tions, and that I would send to all places as need required ; 
which was done. 

Item. On Sunday following [2nd January, 1558], we per- 
ceived the French ordnance was brought to their camp ; 
whereby appeared that the enemy meant to batter some 
place : and thereupon were two mounts repaired for the 
better defence. At the same time, I desired to have some 
pioneers appointed to help the cannoneers, who were not 
forty in number, for the placing and entrenching of our great 
ordnance ; which pioneers I could never get. 



j-mSisS] ^n Artillerist's view of the Siege. 313 

The same day, the enemy forced our men to forsake the 
Bulwarks of the High Country. And then it was moved to 
my Lord Deputy that the sea might be let in, as well to 
drown the Causeway beyond Newhaven Bridge, as also 
other places about the town : wherein was answered, " Not 
to be necessary without more appearance of besieging," and 
because that "the sea being entered in, should hinder the 
pastures of the cattle, and also the brewing of the beer." 

The same day, my Lord took order that victuals and other 
necessaries should be sent to Newhaven Bridge for six days; 
which was done. 

Item. On Monday [^rd January] in the morning, my Lord 
Deputy, with the rest of the Council there, perceiving that 
the enemy intended to approach nearer, were in doubt 
whether they might abandon the Low Country : and by 
advice, my Lord gave order that the Bailiff of Marke should 
appoint the servants and women of the Low Country, with 
their superfluous cattle, to draw (if need happened) into the 
Flemish Pale ; and the said Bailiff with his best men, to 
repair to Marke Church, and there to abide further orders. 

The same morning before day, the enemy had made their 
approaches, and did batter both Newhaven Bridge and the 
Rysbank ; which were given up before nine o'clock. 

The Captain of Newhaven Bridge had word sent him that 
if he saw no remedy to avoid the danger, that then he should 
retire with his company into the Town. 

The Captain of Rysbank did, about the same time, 
surrender ; because, as he told me since, his pieces were all 
dismounted, and the soldiers very loth to tarry at the breach : 
wherein I know no more. 

But after the enemy was entered, I caused the said 
Rysbank to be battered ; and when my Lord saw how little 
it profited, he commanded to cease. 

The same day, the passages being both lost, the enemy 
planted their ordnance on the Sand Hill, to batter the north 
side of the town ; and then I moved my Lord to call in as 
many countrymen [English peasantry] as he could, and to 
appoint them Captains and their several quarters, for the 
relief of those which did most commonly watch and attend 
on the walls. Who answered, " He had determined already 
so to do." Howbeit the women did more labour [watch] 



314 The French Attack on the Town. [ASsS 

about the ramparts than the said countrymen; which, for 
lack of order in time, did absent themselves in houses and 
other secret places. 

The same evening, Captain Saligues [or Sellyn] came 
into Calais ; whereupon the people rejoiced, hoping some suc- 
cour: but after that time, it was too late to receive help by land, 
because the French horsemen were entered the Low Country. 

Item. On Tuesday [^th January] in the morning, the 
enemy began their battery to the Town ; on which side I had 
placed fourteen brass pieces. Howbeit, within short time, 
the enemy having so commodious a place, did dismount 
certain of our best pieces, and consumed some of the 
gunners, which stood very open for lack of mounds and 
good fortification. For if the rampart had been finished, 
then might divers pieces have been brought from other 
places ; which were above sixty in number, ready mounted : 
but lacking convenient place, and chiefly cannoneers and 
pioneers, it was hard to displace the French battery. Which 
counter battery could not have been maintained for lack of 
powder. For, at the beginning, having in store, 400 barrels; 
I found there was spent within five days, 100. 

Item. On Wednesday [^th January], the enemy continued 
their battery on the town, without great hurt done, because 
they could not beat the foot of the wall, for that the contremure 
was of a good height, and we reinforced the breach, in the 
night, with timber, wool, and other matter sufficiently ; and 
we looked that the enemy would have attempted the assault 
the same evening; whereupon I caused two flankers to be 
made ready, and also placed two bombards, by the help of 
the soldiers, appointing weapons and fireworks to be in readi- 
ness at the said breach. At which time, my Lord commanded 
the soldiers of the garrison to keep their ordinary wards, and 
Master Grimston to the breach with the residue of the best 
soldiers. And then my Lord exhorted all men to fight, with 
other good words as in such cases appertaineth. And my 
Lord told me, divers times, that " although there came no 
succour ; yet he would never yield, nor stand to answer the 
loss of such a town." 

Item. On Thursday [6th January], began one other battery 
to the Castle ; which being a high and weak wall without 
ramparts, was made [asjsaultable the same day. Whereupon, 



ASh SI] T H E I R Attack on the Castle. 315 

the Captain of the Castle desired some more help to defend 
this breach, or else to know what my Lord thought best in 
that behalf. Then, after long debating, my Lord determined 
to have the towers overthrown, which one Saulle took upon 
him to do ; notwithstanding, I said openly that " if the Castle 
were abandoned, it should be the loss of the Town." 

The same night, my Lord appointed me to be at the breach 
of the town with him : and, about eight of the clock, the 
enemy waded over the haven, at the low water, with certain 
harquebussiers, to view the breaches ; and, coming to the 
Castle, found no resistance, and so entered. Then the said 
Saulle failed to give fire unto the train of powder [seep, 330]. 

Then my Lord, understanding that the enemy were en- 
tered into the Castle, commanded me to give order for battering 
of the Castle ; whereupon incontinent there were bent three 
cannons and one saker [p. 399] before the gate, to beat the 
bridge; which, being in the night, did not greatly annoy. 

The same time, Master Marshall [Sir Anthony Aucher, 
see p, 292] with divers soldiers, came towards the Castle, 
lest the enemy should enter the town also. And after we had 
skirmished upon the bridge, seeing no remedy to recover 
the Castle, we did burn and break the said bridge : and there 
was a trench immediately cast before the Castle, which was 
[the] only help at that time. 

Within one hour after, upon necessity of things, [my Lord] 
determined to send a trumpet with a herald, declaring that 
" If the Frenchmen would send one gentleman, then he would 
send one other in gage." Whereupon my Lord sent for me, 
and commanded that I should go forth of the town for the 
same purpose ; wherein I desired his Lordship that he would 
send some other, and rather throw me over the walls. Then 
he spake likewise to one Windebanke, and to Massingberd, 
as I remember, which were both to go unto such service. 

Then my Lord sent for me again, in Peyton's house; and 
being eftsoons commanded by the Council there, I went forth 
with a trumpet [trumpeter], and received in a French gentle- 
man : who, as I heard, was brought to my Lord Deputy's 
house, and treated upon some Articles; which were brought, 
within one hour, by one Hall, merchant of the staple. 

Then Monsieur D'Andelot entered the town with certain 
French gentlemen ; and the said Hall and I were brought to 



3 1 6 Is AN English gage in the French Camp. [/mHJS 

Monsieur de Guise, who lay in the sand hills by Rysbank, 
and there the said Hall delivered a bill : and we were sent 
to Monsieur D'Estrees' tent. 

The Friday after ['jth January], Monsieur D'Estrees told 
me that my Lord Deputy had agreed to render the town with 
loss of all the goods, and fifty prisoners to remain. 

On Saturday [d>th January], he brought me into the town, 
willing me to tell him what ordnance, powder, and other 
houses did belong unto my office ; because he would reserve 
the same from spoiling by the French soldiers. And after he 
had knowledge that all my living was on that side [i.e., he had 
only his Mastership of the Ordnance at Calais], he was content 
that I should depart into Flanders. 

Notwithstanding, I was driven off till Wednesday, {12th 
January]. Then he said, " He would send me away, if I 
would promise him to make suit that his son might be re- 
turned in exchange for the Captain of the Castle," who, being 
prisoner, desired me also to travail in it, for he would rather 
give 3,000 crowns [=^^900 then=-about ^^9,000 now], than re- 
main a prisoner. Whereupon I promised to inquire and 
labour in the same matter to the best of my power. 

On my said return into the town, I found my wife, which 
showed me that, in my absence, she had bestowed my money 
and plate to the value of ;£'6oo [=about £"6,000 now] ; which 
was found before my coming, saving one bag with 350 crowns 
[=£io^=:about £1,000 now], which I offered to give unto 
Monsieur D'Estrees if he would promise me, on his honour, 
to despatch me on horseback to Gravelines [then held by the 
Spaniards], Which he did. 

And there I met with Monsieur de Vandeville, to whom 
I told, that " I thought the enemy would visit him shortly"; 
and, among other things, I inquire where Monsieur D' 
EsTREES' son did lay ; who told me, " He was at Bruges." 

Then, at my coming to Dunkirk, there were divers English- 
men willing to serve [i.e., in Philip II. 's army] : whereupon I 
spake to the Captain of the town ; who advised me to move 
it to the Duke of Savoy. 

Then I rode to Bruges, beseeching him to consider the 
poor men, and how willing they were to serve the King's 
Majesty, if they might be employed. Then he answered, that 



ii^cflSs.] ^S IMPRISONED BY THE DuKE OF SaVOY. 317 

he " thought my Lord of Pembroke would shortly arrive at 
Dunkirk and then he would take order." 

Further, the said Duke asked me, " After what sort the 
town was lost ? " 

I answered that " The cause was not only by the weakness 
of the Castle, and the lack of men ; but also I thought there 
was some treason, for, as I heard, there were some escaped 
out of the town : and the Frenchmen told me, that they had 
intelligence of all our estate within the town." 

Then I put the Duke in remembrance of Guisnes ; who 
told me, that *' he would succour the Castle, if it were kept 
four or five days." 

Then I took leave to depart from him, and when I was 
going out of the house, he sent his Captain of his Guard to 
commit me to prison, where I have remained nine weeks, 
[January — Ma^'cA, 1558], without any matter laid to my charge; 
saving he sent to me, within fourteen days after, to declare 
in writing, after what sort the town was lost, which I did as 
nigh as I could remember. 

And at the Duke's next return to Bruges, I sent him a 
supplication, desiring that, if any information were made 
against me, I might answer it in England, or otherwise at 
his pleasure. 

[In the Public Record Office, State Papers, Foreign, Marv, is the 
following letter in French. 

1558 Emanuel Philibert, Dtike of Savoy to Queen Mary. 
March 14. She will have been advertised that, soon after the French had 
entered Calais, John Highfield, late Master of the Artillery 
St. Omer. there, came to Bruges. From strong suspicion that there had 
been an understanding between him and the French, had 
caused him to be arrested and detained at Bruges, where he 
has been until now. 

Lately, while repassing through that town, was importuned 
by the prisoner's wife to set him free. Sends her under the 
charge of a French gentleman, Francis du Bourch, the 
bearer.] 
Whereupon he took order to send me hither \i.e., to England] 
without paying any part of my charges, which I have pro- 
mised to answer. 

Most humbly praying your Highness to consider my poor 
estate, and willing heart, which I bear, and am most bounden 
to your Grace's service : beseeching God to conserve your 
Majesty in all felicity. 



3i8 




John Fox, the Martyrologist. 
Mistress Thorpe's Escape at Calais. 

[Actes and Monutnenies, p. 1702, Ed, 1563.] 

He worthy works of the LORD's mercy toward His 
people be manifold, and cannot be comprehended: 
so that who is he living in the earth almost, who 
hath not experienced the helping hand of the 
LORD, at some time or other upon him ? 
Amongst many other, what a piece of GOD's tender provi- 
dence was shewed, of late, upon our English brethren and 
countrymen, what time Calais was taken by the tyrant 
Guise (a cruel enemy to GOD's truth, and to our English 
nation) ; and yet by the gracious provision of the LORD, 
few, or none at all, of so many that favoured Christ and His 
Gospel, miscarried in that terrible Spoil. 

In the number of whom, I know a godly couple, one John 
Thorpe and his wife, which fear the LORD and loveth His 
truth ; who being sick the same time, were cast out into the 
wild fields, harbourless, desolate, and despairing of all hope 
of life ; having their young infant moreover taken from them 
in the said fields, and carried away by the soldiers. Yet the 
LORD so wrought, that the poor woman, being almost past 
recovery of life, was fetched and carried, the space of well 
nigh a mile, by aliens whom they never knew, into a village, 
where she was recovered for that night. 

Also the next day, coming towards England, she chanced 
into the same inn at the next town, where she found her 
young child sitting by the fireside. 





319 



Lord Grey of Wilton, Governor of 
Guisnes. 

Letter to ^lueen Mary^ \th 

January^ \SS^' 7 ^-'^^^ 

[State Papers. Foreign, MARY, Vol. xii. No. 711.] 

Y MOST bounden duty humbly premised to your 
Majesty. Whereas I have heretofore always in 
effect written nothing to your Highness but good, 
touching the service and state of your places 
here ; I am now constrained, with woful heart, 
to signify unto your Majesty these ensuing. 

The French have won Newhaven Bridge, and thereby 
entered into all the Low Country and the marshes between 
this \Guisnes\ and Calais. They have also won Rysbanke, 
whereby they be now master of that haven. 

And this last night past, they have placed their ordnance 
of battery against Calais, and are encamped at St. Peter's 
Heath before it : so that I now am clean cut off" from all 
relief and aid which I looked to have (both out of England, 
and from Calais) and know not how to have help by any 
means, either of men or victuals. 

There resteth now none other way for the succour of 
Calais and the rest of your Highness's pieces on this side, 
but a power of men out of England, or from the King's 
Majesty [Philip H.] ; or from both, without delay, able to 
distress and keep them from victuals coming to them, as well 
by sea as land ; which shall force them to leave their siege 
to the battle, or else drive them to a greater danger. 

For lack of men out of England, I shall be forced to 
abandon the Town \pf Guisnes], and take in the soldiers 
thereof for the Castle. I have made as good provision of 
victuals as I could, by any means, out of the country ; with 
which, GOD willing ! I doubt not to defend and keep this 
piece as long as any man, whosoever he be, having no better 
provision, and furniture of men and victuals than I have: 



320 Assuredly English, even to the death! [/jlJ.^5^ 

wherein your Grace shall well perceive that I will not fail 
to do the duty of a faithful subject and Captain, although 
the enemy attempt never so stoutly ; according to the trust 
reposed in me. 

I addressed letters presently to the King's Majesty by this 
bearer, most humbly desiring aid from him; according to the 
effect aforesaid. 

I might now very evil[ly] have spared this bringer, my 
servant and trusty Officer here, in this time of service. 
Howbeit considering the great importance of his message, I 
thought him a meet man for the purpose ; desiring your 
Majesty to credit him fully, and to hear him at large, even as 
directly as your Grace would hear me to open my mind in 
this complaint of imminent danger. 

Thus trusting for relief and comfort forthwith from your 
Majesty for the safeguard of Calais, and other your pieces 
here ; I take my leave most humbly of your Grace. 

At your Highness's Castle of Guisnes, most assured Eng- 
lish even to the death, the 4th January, 1557, at seven of the 
clock in the morning. 

Your Majesty's most humble servant, 

And obedient servant, 

William Grey. 






321 



Thomas Churchyard, the Poet. 

Share in^ and Eye Witness account of the 
Siege of Guisnes. wth— 22nd January^ 

1558, A.D. 

\A General Rehearsai 0/ Wars, &'c. 1579. The title in the headlbe is CHURCHYARlfs Choice. ^ 

Ir William Drury, now \in 1579] Lord Justice 
of Ireland, was so inclined to martial affairs, that, 
when foreign wars were ended, he sought enter- 
tainment at Guisnes, and those parts ; which had 
war with the French, for King Phillip's Quarrel. 
And he, having charge, and a lusty Band of Horsemen, did 
many things that merit good liking. 

For at that time, [there] was much ado : a Band [regiment] 
of horsemen, very well appointed and full of gentlemen, was 
sent from [Sir Thomas Cheney, K.G.] the Lord Warden [of 
the Cinque Ports], an honourable and a worthy gentleman, 
most full of nobleness; the Lord Cheney's father, now living. 
In this band, and belonging to that charge, were sundry of the 
Keyes, gentlemen of good service : Master Grippes having 
the leading of all that company. There were sent, in like 
sort, from the Prince [Sovereign, i.e., Queen Mary]: Master 
William Herbert's (of St. Gillian) brother, called Master 
George Herbert, with a Band of footmen ; and one Captain 
Borne, whose Lieutenant I was, at the siege of Guisnes. 

These bands, a good season before Calais and Guisnes 
were taken, joining with other bands of Calais, did make 
divers journeys into Bollinnoyes [the Boullognois, or district 
round Boulogne] ; and sped very well : Sir William Drury, 
at every service, deserved no little praise ; and one Captain 
WiNNiBANK, an ancient soldier, was oftentimes so forward, 
that he was once run through with a lance. Many Gentle- 
men in those services did well and worthily : and sundry 
times the Lord Warden's Band was to be craised. 



322 Cavalry raids beyond the Pale, ["^^ ^^""^^fj J 

And, at length, a voyage was made, by the consent and 
whole power of Calais and Guisnes, to fetch a prey from 
Boulogne gates ; Monsieur Snarpoule [? Senarpont] then 
being Governor of Boulogne : but we could not handle the 
matter so privily, but the French, by espial, had gotten 
word thereof. Notwithstanding, as soldiers commonly 
go forward with their device, so we marched secretly all 
the whole night to come to our proposed enterprise : with 
our footmen, whereof Sir Harry Palmer, a man of great 
experience, had the leading. He remained, with the whole 
power of [the] footmen, near the Black Neasts, as a stale 
[decoy] to annoy the enemy, and succour for such as 
were driven in, if any such occasion came. So the Horse 
Bands [troops] brake into the country, and pressed near 
Boulogne ; where there was a great number of gallant 
soldiers to receive them : but our horsemen, making small 
account of the matter, began to prey [upon] the country, and 
drive a booty from the face of the enemy. The French 
horsemen, taking their advantage, offered a skirmish, to 
detract time, till better opportunity served to give a charge. 
This courageous bickering grew so hot, that the French 
bands began to show ; and our men must abide a shock, or 
retire hardily with some foil : whereupon the chiefest of our 
horsemen charged those of the French that were nearest 
danger ; by which attempt, the French stayed a while. But, 
upon small pause, they charged our men again, and over- 
threw of the " Black Lances " a thirty : carrying away with 
them into Boulogne, eighteen gentlemen, prisoners. This 
skirmish began at seven o'clock in the morning ; and lasted, 
in very great service, till a leven [eleven]. From this over- 
throw, came divers soldiers, sore wounded, to our Foot bands 
[companies] ; whose heaviness made the valiant sort pluck up 
their hearts, and seek a revenge. 

Then, albeit, that Foot Captains and gentlemen seldom 
leave their Bands, and venture beyond their charge (a rule to 
be much regarded!), yet the stoutest Captains and gentlemen 
found means to horse themselves on cart horses and victual- 
lers' nags : and put certain scarfs, in manner of guidons 
[standards] on staves* [spears'] ends ; showing those guidons 
under a hill in several sorts, sometimes appearing with 
twenty men, sometimes with fifty. And, last of all, made 



T. Churchyard.-| ^g p^j^ ^g ^j^g GATES OF BOULOGNE. 323 

show of all our number, which was not fifty ; and so, with a 
courageous cry, set upon the enemy (leaving some of these 
devised guidons behind on the hill top), and charged them 
with such a fury that they left their booty, and stood to their 
defence : but, in fine, were forced to retire, for by the little 
stay we held the enemy in, our footmen had leisure to march ; 
the sound of whose drums gave no great courage to the 
French. For they thereon, gave back, and left some of their 
best soldiers behind them ; whom we brought to Guisnes : 
driving the prey before us, that was gotten in the morning, 
lost in a skirmish, and recovered again at noon. At this 
service, were Sir William Drury, Captain Alexander of 
Newnham Bridge, Captain Crippes, Captain Keyes, and 
three of his brethren, Captain George Herbert, and 
sundry others, in like manner, that merit good respect. 

Our power met many times together ; and did much hurt 
in the Boullognois. We besieged Fines Castle, and wan it : 
and Blossling Church, and overthrew it ; and killed all the 
men that we found therein, because Sir Harry Palmer was 
there hurt through the arm, with a shot. 

A long season, our fortune was good ; till, at length, by 
some oversight or mishap (Let the blame fall where it ought !) 
we lost Calais and Guisnes. 

But a little, I pray you ! give me leave to touch truly the 
Siege of Guisnes : not because I had some charge there ; but 
because sundry reports hath been raised thereof, by those 
that never thoroughly knew or understood the matter. 

The very truth is, after Calais was won, and that all hope 
was taken from us of any succour out of England, our 
General, the honourable Lord Grey [of Wilton], that is dead 
[he died in 1562], and Master Lewis Dive [p. 327], his Lieu- 
tenant, Sir Harry Palmer, and all the Captains of Guisnes, 
determined to abide the worst that Fortune or the French 
could do. 

And the day [i^ih of January, 1558] of the first approach 
the enemy made, we offered a hot and stout skirmish ; but 
being driven in by an over great power, though our whole 
people were 1,300 men, and kept the Town awhile. But 
considering the Castle to be strongest, and doubting [fearing] 
that by a Cambozade or sudden assault, the town might be 
won, for it was but weak ; we retired our whole power into 



324 GUISNES IS GARRISONED BY I,300 MEN. ['^•^?"^^ 

the Castle : and so manned the base Court, the Braies, and 
Bulwarks, the Keep, the Catte, the Heart of the Castle, and 
all that was necessary, with double men. 

At the present siege, there came out of Flanders, fifty 
valiant Spaniards; and a band of Burgundians, Monsieur 
DiEFFKiE, being their Captain. Monsieur Mount Dragon 
was leader of the Spaniards : who were placed in the Braies ; 
where Captain Lambert had some shot [harquebussiers] to 
succour them. 

The Burgundians were placed in Mary Bulwark; with 
Captain Borne's Band, whose Lieutenant I was. Against 
this Bulwark, which was thought impregnable, the [French- 
men's] great Isattery was planted : albeit, three or four days 
[i$th-i8th January, see pp. 296-97] were spent (we held the 
enemy such play), iDefore the battery was planted. 

One day, we issued [forth], and set upon Monsieur [i.e., the 
Duke] De Guise, as he was in a place called Mill Field, 
viewing the ground ; and had taken him, had he not left his 
cloak behind him : of the which white cloak, one of our 
Gentlemen had hold of. And though he was succoured, we 
brought away some of his company : and retired with little 
loss or none at all. [Sir Arthur], the Lord Grey that now 
is [1579], was at the hard escape of Monsieur De Guise. 

We set upon a great troop of horsemen, not long before 
this, that came from the spoil of Calais ; and took numbers 
of them. I had, for my part, a couple of fair horses and a 
prisoner. At both these services, were old Captain Andrea, 
Captain John Savage, and a sufficient number of lusty soldiers. 

We made divers sallies, but that prevailed not. For the 
battery went off, and many other great cannons did beat at 
the high towers ; the stones whereof did marvellously annoy 
us : and the shot was so great ; and the enemy had gotten 
such great advantage of ground, that we could not walk, nor 
go safely any way within the Castle. For our General and 
Sir Harry Palmer sitting on a form, devising for our com- 
modity, were in such danger, that a cannon shot took 
away the form, and brake Sir Harry Palmer's leg ; of which 
hurt, he died in Paris after. And a great shot took off 
Master Wake's head, as he was sleeping under a great tree. 
So sundry, that thought themselves safe, were so dribbed at 
with cannon shot, that they never knew who did hurt them. 



I 



T. Churchyard.-| "^j^^y BuLWARK DEFENDED BY 450 MEN. 325 

Well, the time drew on, after the breach was made, we 
must defend the assault that was given to Mary Bulwark ; 
which stood out [side] of the Castle, and far from succour of 
any : because the gate was rammed up ; and we could not 
pass into the Castle but by the way, first, along the Braies, 
and then, between two gates. Which way, the enemy had 
espied : and placed many great shot, full upon that passage. 

Now [i.e., 18th January, 1558] Monsieur Diffkie, Captain 
Borne, Captain Oswold Lambert [with their companies], djidi 
the fifty Spaniards, [to the number in all of about 450 men] were 
forced to abide the assault; which began at eleven o'clock, 
and lasted till night. Mount Dragon came into Mary Bul- 
wark, and three gentlemen more ; and stood stoutly to our 
defence : two of whom were slain. My Captain's head was 
smitten off with a cannon's shot : and unto our Band were left 
no more but one Master Holford and I, to guide the whole 
company. And Captain Diffkie was wounded to the death, 
whose Band fought manfully in the revenge of their Captain. 
The old Captain Andrea, covetous of fame, was desirous 
to have our fellowship : but he had no Band [company] nor 
people to do us pleasure. Captain Lambert was crossed 
[struck] with a great shot ; and mine armour, with the break- 
ing of a great piece, was stricken flat upon my body ; but [it] 
being unbraced, I might continue the service. Which 
service, in mine opinion, was so terribly handled by the 
French (Monsieur D'Andelot being the leader of the 
assault), that both Englishman, Burgundian, and Spaniard, 
at that Bulwark, had enough to do to keep the enemy out : 
and, as I believe, at this assault, we lost 150 good soldiers. 

But the night coming on, the French surceased their fury, 
and yet kept themselves closely, under the top of the breach, 
where our shot nor flankers could do them no harm : for all 
our great ordnance was dismounted, long before the enemy 
made any approach for the giving of an assault. 

The next day [the igth of January], within three half hours, 
the battery had beaten the breach so bare (it moulded away, 
like a hillock of sand) that we [reduced now to about 300 men] 
were forced to fight on our knees. Having been kept waking 
all the night before, with false allarummes [alarms] ; our men 
began to faint, and wax weary of working at the breach : but 
we defended Mary Bulwark so well all that dangerous day, 



326 Fighting on our knees! ["^^ ^'^T^^f;,: 

that the French lost i,ooo soldiers, by their own confession, at 
the same service ; and yet the assault endured to the very 
dark night, with as much cruelty as could be devised. And 
always when the enemy's first men did wax feeble with 
labour ; there was a second and new relief of fresh bands to 
continue the assault : so that, as long as the daylight served, 
it seemed by the fight, a bloody broil hath no end, nor season 
to take breath in ; which certainly would have daunted any 
heart living. 

The next night, was so plied with politic practices, that we 
had scarcely leisure to take any rest or sustentation. And, 
indeed, with overwatching, some of our men fell asleep " in the 
middle of the tale " and time of greatest necessity to debate 
and argue of those things that pertained to life and liberty, 
and to avoid utter servitude and shame [i.e., they slept in the 
course of the fight]. 

And now we, that were without the Castle, might hear 
great business and stir throughout the whole body and heart 
of the piece [fortress] . 

For, the next morning [20th of January, 1558], which was 
the third day we were assaulted, our General looked for a 
general assault, and to be roundly assailed : as, of troth, he 
was. In the meanwhile, we might speak one to another afar 
off, and our friends answered us over the wall ; for nearer 
together, we might not come : and for succour or aid to our 
soldiers in Mary Bulwark, we hoped not after. Every man 
was occupied with his own business and charge ; that no one 
person might be spared from his place. 

Well, as GOD would permit, the poor Spaniards [in the 
Braie] and such Burgundians as were left alive in Mary 
Bulwark, fell to make a counterscarf, to beat out the enemy 
from the Braie, when the Bulwark should be won : as it was 
likely to be lost, the breach was so bare, and the entry for 
the enemy was so large; for, in a manner, they might assault 
our Bulwark round about, on all sides. And they did lodge 
at the very edge of the breach, to the number of 2,000, of their 
bravest Bands : minding to assail us, as soon as the day 
began to peep out of the skies. 

Which they performed, when the third day approached. 
For a general assault was given to every place of the Castle: 
which assault endured till the very night came on. The 



I 



T. Churchyard. J Qnly 1 5 ESCAPE FROM Mary Bulwark. 327 

French, in this assault, wan the Base Court ; and were 
ready to set fire under the gate, and blow it up with powder. 

Monsieur D'Andelot, in his own person, with 2,000 
soldiers, entered the Mary Bulwark ; who slew the Spaniards 
in the Braie : and forced, as many Burgundians and English 
as were left alive, which were but 15 (Captain Andrea, 
Captain Lambert, and myself; with twelve common soldiers) 
out of 400, to leap down into the dykes, and so to scramble 
for their lives ; and creep into a hole of a brick wall that my 
Lord Grey had broken out to receive such as escaped from 
the assault. But when we had entered the hole in the wall, 
the French followed at our heels ; and we, to save our lives, 
turned again, bending pikes against the passage, and so shot 
off one hargaboze [harquibus] : by which means, the enemy 
followed no further. 

And yet we were in as great distress as before. For we 
were between two gates : and at the gate we should have 
entered, were two great cannon, ready charged to be shot 
off, to drive them back that would have set fire on the gate. 
And the cry and noise was so great and terrible, on all sides, 
that we could not be heard to speak. But, as GOD would. 
Master Lewis Dive [p. 323] (now, a man of worship in Bed- 
fordshire) heard my voice. Then I plied the matter so sore, 
for life : so that, with much ado. Master Dive received us 
into the heart of the Castle. And yet, in the opening of the 
gate, the French were like to enter pelley melley [pell mell] 
with us, if a cannon shot had not made place, whiles the gate 
was a shutting. 

But now, we were no sooner come before my Lord Grey : 
but all the soldiers cried, "Yield up the Castle, upon some 
reasonable composition ! " And when the soldiers saw they 
could not have the Castle yielded ; they threatened " to fling 
my Lord Grey over the walls " : and that was determined ; 
if my Lord had not prevented [forestalled] them with a policy. 
Whereupon the Captains were called together ; and there, 
they agreed to send me to Monsieur De Guise, with an 
offer, that " If we might all march, with bag and baggage, 
ensign displayed, and six pieces of ordnance: we would yield 
the Castle into the hands of the French." 

Now it was night, and I must be let out at Master Harry 
Norwitch his Bulwark; but neither Drum nor Trumpet 



32 8 Churchyard sent to Duke of Guise, [^•^'^"rt^;J 

went with me : because a Trumpeter was slain as he sounded 
to have a parley; and, as I heard say, a Drum[mer] that 
would have followed me, was shot in the leg. But there was 
no remedy. I must wade over the water, in which there lay 
certain galthroppes, as they term them, which were great 
boards, full of long spikes of iron ; on the which, having good 
boots and a stay in my hand, I was taught daintily to tread : 
and the night was so dark, that the enemy might not take any 
good mark of me, albeit they shot divers times. 

So, with some hazard, and no great hope to attain that I was 
sent for, I was taken by the watch ; and brought to Monsieur 
De Guise's tent, where the Duke D'Aumale and many great 
Estates were in presence. 

My message being said, with due reverence made : the 
Duke told me, that "all our ordnance was dismounted, and 
that thereby our malice was cut off; and we could not do 
his camp any annoyance. Wherefore," said he, " this was a 
stout brag, to seek a capitulation with such advantage upon." 

I replied to his Excellency, and told, *' We had flankers 
[guns with a cross fire] and other great pieces, which would 
not be discovered till the next assault : " declaring likewise, 
" Our soldiers had sworn rather to die in their [own] defence, 
than not to march away, like men of war." 

The noblemen, on this mine answer, bade me " Return ! 
and with the rest of the Castle, to do the worst they could!" 

So I departed, and the Duke of Guise beholding, as he 
thought, we were resolved to see the uttermost of fortune ; 
called me back again : and fell to questions and arguments 
with me, such as I liked not [i.e., he tried to bribe Church- 
yard in some way] ; but other answer did I not make, than 
you have heard before. Wherewith, he called for some meat ; 
and made me to sit down. 

After I had a little refreshed myself, I demanded to know 
his pleasure. 

Who straightways told me, ** There was no help to be had ; 
but to become all captives and prisoners to the French King." 

"Not so. Sir," I answered; "and that should the next 
assault make trial of." 

Then, he went to talk with the Noblemen ; and there, they 
concluded, " That the soldiers should march away with bag 
and baggage : and the Captains and Officers should remain 



T. Chiu-chyard.J ^q TREAT FOR SURRENDER OF GuiSNES. 329 

prisoners:" which I knew would not be lilced: and so 
desired to be sent to my Lord Grey. 

But when I came into the Castle, and the soldiers had 
gotten word that they might march away at their will : they 
came to me, and threatened me with great words, command- 
ing me, "To make despatch, and yield up the fort !" For 
they said, " Since the matter is in talk, and likely to be 
brought to a good purpose ; they would cut my throat, if I 
made not, hastily, an end of the case." And thereupon had 
they made a great hole in a wall ; and so they thrust me out 
among the Almains, who rudely handled me. 

But my Lord Grey, at my departure, bade me tell the 
Duke, that the Almains were about to break into the Castle, 
and to set the gate afire : and my Lord said, " He would 
shoot off his great ordnance among them ; if the Law of 
Arms were not better observed ! " 

But, in the meantime, at another place was entered Mon- 
sieur DeTre [D'EsTREES] Master of the [French] Ordnance; 
and [Sir Arthur] the Lord Grey that now is, was sent to 
the Camp, for the pawn [security] of Monsieur D'Estrees. 

But I was come to Monsieur De Guise before those 
things were finished : and had told him my message. And 
he, like a noble Prince and faithful Captain, rode to the gate 
(causing me to mount behind Master Harry Dudley) ; 
where the Almains were busily occupied about some naughty 
practice : and, with a great truncheon, he stroke divers of 
the Almains and others, to make them retire ; and laying [a] 
load [i.e., of blows] about him, he made such way, that the 
gate was free, and the capitulation was, at leisure, talked of. 

But I was not suffered to enter any more into the Castle ; 
and so stayed as a prisoner. 

Notwithstanding, look what promise Monsieur De Guise 
made, it was so well kept and observed that our soldiers 
marched away, with all their wealth, money, and weapons. 
And great wealth was borne by them from Guisnes : inso- 
much that divers poor soldiers were made thereby, for all 
[the] days of their life after. And this is to be noted. There 
was great honour in the Duke of Guise. For the Bands 
[originally 1,300^. 298; but now about 500, having lost 800, see 
below] that parted [departed] (either sick or sound, hurt or 
whole) were honestly conveyed, and truly dealt withal ; even 



330 8oo English, and 4,000 French lost. [^•^•^"^^79! 

as long as they were in any danger, albeit they had great 
sums of money and treasure with them : and the General 
with his Captains and Officers were courteously used, so long 
as they were in the Duke of Guise his camp. 

And, to say the truth, I think our peace was not so 
dishonourable, as some report. For 
Succour, had we no hope of. 
The next assault had overthrown us. 
The whole members [i.e., the external fortifications] of the 

Castle were cut off from us. 
There remained but the bare body of the Castle in our 

custody. 
The enemy's cannons did beat us from the breach on 

the inside. 
The Castle was subject to every shot; both from the 

Keep, the Catte, and the Mary Bulwark. 
The French possessed all the special places of our 

strength and comfort. 
The best and chiefest of our soldiers were slain, or lay 

maimed in most miserable state. 
And we had lost 800 men in these assaults and services ; 
which did their duty so well, that the enemy con- 
fessed that they had lost 4,000, before we could be 
brought to any parley or composition. 
But some of our Officers, by craft and cunning, escaped 
homewards out of the Frenchmen's hands ; came to 
Court, and made up their Bands [companies] again ; to the 
great reproach of those that meant no such matters. So, by 
that subtilty and shift, they that escaped got a pay or some 
reward of the Prince : and those that abode out the brunt 
and hazard of the bloody broil, were left in prison. 

And the world thought, by seeing so many come home, we 
had lost but a few at the siege of Guisnes ; which is other- 
wise to be proved and affirmed for a truth ; when true trial 
[inquiry] shall be made. 

Calais was lost before, I cannot declare how. But well 
I wot, Sir Anthony Ager, a stout gentleman, and a valiant 
Knight, there lost his life : and one Captain Saule was terribly 
burnt with powder, in making a train to destroy the enemy 



131 




John Fox, the Martyrologist. 
The death of ^ueen Mary, 

[The Ecclesiastical History ii. 2296, Ed. 1570]. 

[Ow then after these so great afflictions falling upon 
this realm from the first beginning of Queen Mary's 
reign, wherein so many men, women, and children 
were burned ; many imprisoned, and in prisons 
starved, divers exiled, some spoiled of goods and 
possessions, a great num.ber driven from house and home, so 
many weeping eyes, so many sobbing hearts, so many children 
made fatherless, so many fathers bereft of their wives and 
children, so many vexed in conscience, and divers against 
conscience constrained to recant, and, in conclusion, never a 
good man in all the realm but suffered something during all 
the time of this bloody persecution. After all this, I say, 
now we are come at length, the LORD be praised ! to the 
17th day of November, which day, as it brought to the perse- 
cuted members of Christ rest from their careful mourning, 
so it easeth me somewhat likewise of my laborious writing ; 
by the death, I mean, of Queen Mary. Who, being long 
sick before, upon the said 17th day of November, 1558, about 
three or four a clock in the morning, yielded her life to nature, 
and her kingdom to Queen Elizabeth, her sister. 

As touching the manner of whose death, some say that she 
died of a tympany [dropsy] ; some, by her much sighing 
before her death, supposed she died of thought and sorrow. 
Whereupon her Council seeing her sighing, and desirous to 
know the cause, to the end they might minister the more 
ready consolation unto her, feared, as they said, that ** She 
took that thought for the King's Majesty her husband, which 
was gone from her." 

To whom she answering again, *' Indeed," said she, ** that 



332 "You SHALL FIND CaLAIS IN MY HEARt!" [^'l 



Fox. 
570- 



may be one cause ; but that is not the greatest wound that 
pierceth my oppressed mind ! " but what that was, she would 
not express to them. 

Albeit, afterwards, she opened the matter more plainly to 
Master Ryse and Mistress Clarentius [p. 362] (if it be true 
that they told me, which heard it of Master Ryse himself) ; 
who (then being most familiar with her, and most bold about 
her) told her that " They feared she took thought for King 
Philip's departing from her." 

" Not that only," said she, ** but when I am dead and 
opened ; you shall find Calais lying in my heart," &c. 

And here an end of Queen Mary and her persecution. Of 

which Queen, this truly, may be affirmed, and left in story 

for a perpetual Memorial or Epitaph, for all Kings and Queens 

that shall succeed her, to be noted, that before her, never was 

read in story of any King or Queen in England, since 

the time of King Lucius, under whom, in time of peace, 

by hanging, heading, burning, and prisoning, so much 

Christian blood, so many Englishmen's lives were spilled 

within this realm, as under the said Queen Mary, for 

the space of four years, was to be seen ; and I beseech 

the LORD may never be seen hereafter. 



t 




333 



John Fox, the Martyrologist. 

The Imprisonment of the Princess 

Elizabeth. 



334 




John Fox, the Martyrologist. 

The Imprisonment of the Princess 
Elizabeth. 

{Actes attd Monttmentes, &'c., p. 1710. Ed. 1563.] 

|Irst, therefore, to begin with her princely birth, 
being born at Greenwich, «««(? 1534 [1533], of the 
famous and victorious Prince, King HENRY VIII., 
and of the noble and most virtuous Lady, Queen 
Anne her mother ; sufficiently is committed to 
the story before. Also of the solemn celebration of her 
baptism in the said town, and Grey Friar's Church, of 
Greenwich; having to her godfather, Thomas Cranmer, 
Archbishop of Canterbury. 

After that, she was committed to godly tutors and gover- 
nors. Under whose institution her Grace did so greatly 
increase, or rather excel in all manner of virtue and know- 
ledge of learning, that I stand in a doubt whether is more to 
be commended in this behalf, the studious diligence of them 
that brought her up, or the singular towardness of her own 
princely nature to all virtuous disposition ; so apt and so 
inclinable : both being notwithstanding the gifts of GOD, for 
which we are all bound to give Him thanks. What tongue 
is it that Her Grace knoweth not ? What language she 
cannot speak ? What liberal art or science, she hath not 
learned ? And what virtue wherewith her noble breast is not 
garnished ? In counsel and wisdom, what Councillor will go 
beyond Her Majesty ? 

If the goodness of nature, joined with the industry of Her 
Grace's institution, had not been in her marvellous, how 
many things were there, besides the natural infirmity of that 
sex, the tenderness of youth, the nobility of estate, allure- 
ments of the world, persuasions of flatterers, abundance of 
wealth and pleasures, examples of the Court, enough to carry 



I 



^'S'] ^^^ Princess's maidenly modesty. 335 

her Grace away after the common fashion and rule of many 
other Ladies, from gravity to lightness, from study to ease, 
from wisdom to vanity, from religion to superstition, from 
godliness to gawishness, to be pricked up with pride, to be 
garish in apparel, to be fierce in condition ? 

Eloquently is it spoken, and discreetly meant of Tully, 
the eloquent orator: "To live," saith he, "a good man in 
other places, is no great matter : but in Asia, to keep a sober 
and temperate life, that is a matter indeed praiseworthy ! " So 
here, why may I not affirm without flattery, that [which] 
every man's conscience can testify ? In that age, that sex, 
in such State and fortune, in so great occasions, so many 
incitements : in all these, to retain so sober conversation, so 
temperate condition, such mildness of manners, such humble- 
ness of stomach, such clemency in forgiving, such travailing 
in study : briefly, in the midst of Asia, so far to degenerate 
from all Asia ; it hath not lightly been seen in Europe ! 
Hitherto, it hath been seen in very few. Whereby it may 
appear not only what education, or what Nature may do ; but 
what GOD, above Nature, hath wrought in her noble breast, 
adorning it with so worthy virtues. 

Of which her princely qualities and virtuous disposition, 
such as have been conversant with her youth can better 
testify. That which I have seen and read, I trust I may 
boldly repeat without suspicion either of feigning or flattery. 
For so I have read, written, and testified of Her Grace by 
[according to] one, both learned and also that can say some- 
thing in this matter. Who in a certain book, by him set 
forth, entreating of Her Grace's virtuous bringing up, what 
discreet, sober, and godly women she had about her; 
speaketh, namely, of two points in Her Grace to be con- 
sidered. One concerning her moderate and maidenly be- 
haviour ; the other one concerningher training up in learning 
and good letters. Declaring, first, for her virtuous modera- 
tion of life, that seven years after her father's death [i.e. in 
1553], she had so little pride of stomach, so little delight in 
glistering gazes of the world, in gay apparel, rich attire, and 
precious jewels, that in all that time [i.e., through her brother 
Edward's reign] she never looked upon those, that her father 
left her (and which other Ladies commonly be so fond upon) 
but only once ; and that against her will. And, moreover, 



336 General admiration of the Princess. [J-,^^^ 

after that, so little gloried in the same, that there came 
neither gold nor stone upon her head, till her sister enforced 
her to lay off her former soberness, and bear her company in 
her glistening gains : yea, and then, she so ware it, as every 
man might see that her body bare that which her heart 
misliked. Wherein the virtuous prudence of this Princess, 
not reading but following the words of Paul and Peter, 
well considered True Nobility to consist not in circumstances 
of the body, but in substance of the heart ; not in such things 
which deck the body, but in that which dignifieth the mind, 
shining and blazing more bright than pearl or stone, be it 
never so precious. 

Again, the said author, further proceeding in the same 
matter, thus testifieth, that he knew a great man's daughter 
receiving from the Lady Mary, before she was Queen, goodly 
apparel of tinsel, cloth of gold and velvet, laid on with 
parchment lace of gold. When she saw it she said, ** What 
shall I do with it ? " 

** Marry ! " said a gentlewoman, ** wear it ! " 

" Nay! " quoth she, " that were a shame ! To follow my 
Lady Mary, against GOD's Word; and leave my Lady 
Elizabeth, which followeth GOD's Word." 

Let noble Ladies and gentlewomen here learn either to 
give, or to take good example given : and if they disdain to 
teach their inferiors, in well doing ; yet, let it not shame 
them, to learn of their betters. 

Likewise also at the coming in of the Scottish Queen [in 
155 1 ]> when all the other Ladies of the Court flourished in 
their bravery, with their hair frounced and curled, and double 
curled ; yet she altered nothing ; but to the shame of them 
all, kept her old maidenly shamefastness. 

Let us now come to the second point, declaring how she 
hath been trained in learning ; and that not vulgar and 
common, but the purest and the best, which is most com- 
mended at these days, as the Tongues, Arts, and GOD's 
Word. Wherein she so exceedingly profited, as the foresaid 
author doth witness, that being under twenty years of age 
[i.e., before 1554], she was not, in the best kind of learning, 
inferior to those that all their life time had been brought up 
in the Universities, and were counted jolly fellows. 

And that you may understand that there hath not been, 



^'St'] Testimony of Aylmer and Castiglione. 337 

nor is in her, learning only without nature, and knowledge 
without towardness to practice ; I will tell what hath been 
heard of her first schoolmaster [John Aylmer], a man very 
honest and learned : who reported of her, to a friend of his, that 
" He learned every day more of her, than she of him." Which 
when it seemed to him a mystery, as indeed it was, and he 
therefore desired to know his meaning therein, he thus 
expounded it : "I teach her words," quoth he, " and she, me 
things. I teach her the tongues to speak ; and her modestly 
and maidenly life teacheth me words to do. For," saith he, 
" I think she is the best inclined and disposed of any in all 
Europe," 

It seemed to me a goodly commendation of her, and a 
witty saying of him. 

Likewise [Castiglione] an Italian, which taught her his 
tongue (although that nation lightly praise not out of their 
own country), said once to the said party, that " He found in 
her two qualities, which are never lightly yokefellows in one 
woman ; which were a singular wit, and a marvellous meek 
stomach." 

If time and leisure would serve to peruse her whole life 
past, many other excellent and memorable examples of her 
princely qualities and singular virtues might here be noted ; 
but none, in my mind, more worthy of commendation, or that 
shall set forth the fame of her heroical and princely renown 
more to all posterity, than the Christian patience, and incre- 
dible clemency of her nature showed in her afflictions, and 
towards her declared enemies. Such was then the wicked- 
ness and rage of that time, wherein what dangers and 
troubles were among the inferior subjects of this realm of 
England, may be easily gathered when such a Princess, of 
that Estate, being a King's daughter, a Queen's sister, and 
Heir Apparent to the Crown, could not escape without her 
cross. 

And therefore, as we have hitherto discoursed [of] the afflic- 
tions and persecutions of the other poor members of Christ, 
comprehended in this History before ; so likewise, I see no 
cause why the communion of Her Grace's afflictions also, 
among the other saints of Christ, ought to be suppressed in 
silence: especially seeing the great and marvellous workings ot 
GOD's glory, chiefly in this Story, appeareth above all the rest. 

Y I 



338 Edward VI. 's love for Elizabeth. [■ 



J. Fox. 
1563- 



And though I should, through ingratitude or silence, pass 
over the same ; yet the thing itself is so manifest, that what 
Englishman is he which knoweth not the afflictions of Her 
Grace to have been far above the condition of a King's 
daughter : for there was no more behind, to make a very 
Iphigenia of her, but her offering up upon the altar of the 
scaffold. 

In which her storms and tempests, with what patience 
Her Highness behaved herself, although it be best known to 
them who, then being her adversaries, had the minding [m- 
prisoning] of her. Yet this will I say, by the way, that then 
she must needs be in her affliction, marvellous patient : which 
sheweth herself now, in this prosperity, to be utterly without 
desire of revenge ; or else she would have given some token, 
ere this day, of remembrance, how she was handled. 

It was no small injury that she suffered, in the Lord Pro- 
tector's days, by certain venomous vipers ! But to let that 
pass ! was it no wrong, think you ! or small injury that she 
sustained, after the death of King Edward, when they sought 
to defeat her and her sister from their natural inheritance 
and right to the Crown ? 

But to let that pass likewise ! and to come more near to 
the late days of her sister. Queen Mary. Into what fear, 
what trouble of mind, and what danger of death was she 
brought ? 

First, with great solemnity, with bands of harnessed men 
[i.e., in arms and armour] (Happy was he that might have 
the carrying of her !) to be fetched up, as the greatest traitor 
in the world ; clapped in the Tower : and, again, to be tossed 
from thence, from prison to prison, from post to pillar. At 
length, also prisoner in her own house ; and guarded with a 
sort [number] of cutthroats, which ever gaped for the spoil of 
the same, that they might have been fingering of somewhat. 

Which Story, if I should set forth at large, through all the 
particulars and circumstances of the same, and as the just oc- 
casion of the history requireth ; peradventure, it would move 
offence to some, being yet alive. Yet notwithstanding, I 
intend, by the grace of Christ, therein to use such brevity 
and moderation as may be to the glory of GOD, the discharge 
of the Story, the profit of the reader, and hurt to none : sup- 
pressing the names of some, whom here, although I could 



i 




J- f°^^^ She is arrested at Ashridge. 339 

recite, yet I thought not to be more cruel in hurting their 
name, than the Queen hath been in pardoning their life. 

Therefore, now to enter into the description of the matter. 
First, to declare her undeserved troubles; and then, the 
most happy deliverance out of the same, this is the Story. 



N THE beginning of Queen Mary's reign, mention 

is made before, how the Lady Elizabeth, and the 

Lord Courtney were charged with false suspicion 

of [being being concerned in] Sir Thomas Wyatt's 

rising [in January, 1554, see p. 207 sqg.'] 

Whereupon, Queen Mary, whether for that surmise, or for 
what other cause I know not, being offended with the said Lady 
Elizabeth her sister, at that time lying in her house at Ash- 
ridge [near Great Berkhampstead], sent to her two Lords [or 
rather WiLLiAM, Lord Howard, Sir Edward Hastings, 
afterwards Lord HASTINGS of Loughborough ; and Sir 
Thomas Cornwallis], and Sir John Williams, after- 
wards Lord [Williams] of Thame, with their retinue, and 
troop of horsemen, to the number of 250, who at their sudden 
and unprovided [unexpected] coming [on the 11th February, 1554] , 
found her at the same time, sore sick in bed, and very feeble 
and weak of body. 

V/hither, when they came ; ascending up to Her Grace's 
Privy Chamber, willed there, one of her Ladies whom they 
met, to declare unto Her Grace that "There were certain 
Lords come from the Court, which had a message from the 
Queen." 

Her Grace having knowledge thereof, was right glad of 
their coming : howbeit, being then very sick, and the night 
far spent, which was at ten of the clock, requested them by 
the messenger, that they would resort thither in the morning. 

To this, they answered, and by the said messenger sent 
word again, that "They must needs see her; and would do 
so, in what case soever she were in." Whereat, the Lady 
being aghast, went to shew Her Grace their words ; but they 
hastily following her, came rushing as soon as she, into Her 
Grace's chamber, unbidden. 

At whose so sudden coming into her bedchamber. Her 
Grace being not a little amazed, said unto them, " My Lords I 



340 Brought in a litter to London, p- 



Fox. 

1563- 



is the haste such, that it might not have pleased you to come 
to-morrow, in the morning ? " 

They made answer, that " They were right sorry to see Her 
Grace in that case." 

" And I," quoth she, " am not glad to see you here, at this 
time of the night !" 

Whereunto, they answered that " They came from the 
Queen to do their message and duty ; which was to this 
effect, that the Queen's pleasure was that she should be at 
London, the 7th [? 12th] day of that present month." 

Whereunto, she said, " My Lords ! no creature [can be] 
more glad than I, to come to Her Majesty ; being right sorry 
that I am not in case at this time, like to wait on her ; as 
you yourselves, my Lords ! do see and can well testify ! " 

" Indeed, we see it true," quoth they, "that you do say; 
for which we are very sorry : albeit we let you to understand 
that our Commission is such, and so straineth us, that we 
must needs bring you with us, either quick or dead." 

Whereat she being amazed, sorrowfully said that " Their 
commission was very sore ! but yet, notwithstanding, she 
hoped it to be otherwise, and not so straight." 

** Yes, verily ! " they answered. 

Whereupon the Lords calling for two physicians. Doctor 
Owen and Doctor Wendif, demanded of them, " Whether 
she might be removed from thence, with life or not ? " whose 
answer and judgement was this, "That there was no impedi- 
men to their judgement to the contrary ; but that she might 
travel without danger of life." 

In conclusion, they willed her to prepare against the 
morning, at nine of the clock, to go with them, declaring 
that " they had brought with them, the Queen's litter for 
her." 

After much talk, the Lords declaring how there was no 
prolonging of times and days, so departed to their chamber; 
being entertained and cheered as appertained to their 
Honours. 

On the next morrow [12th February], at the time pre- 
scribed, they had her forth as she was, very faint and feeble ; 
and in such case as she was ready to swoon three or four 
times between them. What should I speak here that [which] 
cannot well be expressed ! What a heavy house there was 



I 



J- ,53.] Shut up at the Court. 341 

to behold the unreverent and doleful dealing of the Lords ; 
but especially the careful fear and captivity of their innocent 
Lady and mistress. 

Now to proceed in their journey. From Ashridge, all sick 
in the litter, she came to Redborne ; where she was guarded 
all night. 

From thence, to St. Albans, to Sir Ralph Rowlet's 
house; where she tarried that night all heavy, both feeble in 
body, and comfortless in mind. 

From that place, they passed to Master Dodd's house, at 
Mimms [near Potters' Bar] ; where they also remained that 
night. 

And so from thence, she came to Highgate : where she, 
being very sick, tarried that night and the next day : during 
which time of her abode, there came many pursuivants and 
messengers from the Court unto the Lords ; but what about, 
I cannot tell. 

From that place, she was conveyed to the Court ; where 
by the way came to meet her, many gentlemen to accompany 
Her Highness, which were very sorry to see her in that case: 
but especially a great multitude of people that were standing 
by the way ; who then flocking about her litter, lamented 
and greatly bewailed her estate. 

Now when she came to the Court, Her Grace was there 
straightways shut up, and kept as close prisoner for a 
fortnight, seeing neither Queen, nor Lord, nor friend at that 
time ; but only then, the Lord Chamberlain, Sir John Gage, 
and the Vice-Chamberlain, which were attendant upon the 
doors. 

About which time, 5ir William St. Lo was called before 
the Council ; to whose charge was laid, that he knew of 
Wyatt's rebellion : which he stoutly denied, protesting that 
he was a true man, both to God and his Prince, defying all 
traitors and rebels. But being straitly examined, was, in 
conclusion, committed to the Tower. 

The Friday before Palm Sunday [16th March], [Stephen 
Gardiner] the Bishop of Winchester, with nineteen others 
of the Council (who shall be here nameless, as I have 
promised) came unto Her Grace, from the Queen's Majesty ; 
and burdened [accused] her with Wyatt's conspiracy : which 



ffll 



342 



Examined by the Council 



p. Fox. 



1563. 



she utterly denied, affirming that ** she was altogether guilt- 
less therein." 

They being not contented with this, charged Her Grace 
with the business made by Sir Peter Carew and the rest of 
the Gentlemen of the West Country ; which she also utterly 
denying, cleared her innocency therein. 

In conclusion, after long debating of matters, they declared 
unto her, that " It was the Queen's will and pleasure that she 
should go unto the Tower, while the matter were further 
tried and examined." 

Whereat, she being aghast, said that " She trusted the 
Queen's Majesty would be a more gracious Lady unto her ; 
and that Her Highness would not otherwise conceive of her, 
but that she was a true woman." Declaring furthermore to 
the Lords, that " She was innocent in all those matters, 
wherein they had burdened her, and desired them therefore 
to be a further mean to the Queen her sister, that she, being 
a true woman in thought, word, and deed, towards Her 
Majesty, might not be committed to so notorious and doleful 
a place " : protesting that she would request no mercy at 
her hand, if she should be proved to have consented unto 
any such kind of matter as they laid unto her charge. And 
therefore, in fine, desired their Lordships to think of her what 
she was; and that she might not so extremely be dealt 
withal for her truth. 

Whereunto, the Lords answered that ** There was no 
remedy. For that the Queen's Majesty was fully determined 
that she should go unto the Tower" ; wherewith the Lords 
departed, with their caps hanging over their eyes [this was 
a purposed sign of disrespect] . 

But not long after, within the space of an hour or a little 
more, came four of the foresaid Lords of the Council, with 
the Guard, who warding the next chamber to her, secluded 
all her Gentlemen and yeomen, Ladies and gentlewomen ; 
saving that for one Gentleman Usher, three Gentlewomen, 
and two Grooms of her Chamber, were appointed in their 
rooms, three other men, and three waiting women of the 
Queen's, to give attendance upon her ; that none should have 
access to her Grace. 

At which time, there were a hundred of Northern soldiers, 
in white coats, watching and warding about the gardens all 



Jf5^3j Ordered to be sent to the Tower. 343 

that night : a great fire being made in the midst of the Hall; 
and two certain Lords watching there also with their Band 
and company. 

Upon Saturday, being Palm Sunday Eve [lyth March], two 
certain Lords of the Council, whose names here also we do 
omit [but who were the Marquis of Winchester and the Earl 
of Sussex], came and certified Her Grace that "forthwith 
she must go unto the Tower ! the barge being prepared for 
her, and the tide now ready, which tarrieth for nobody." 

In heavy mood, Her Grace requested the Lords, that ** She 
might tarry another tide ; " trusting that the next would be 
more joyous and better [because in the day time]. 

But one of the Lords [i.e., Winchester] replied that 
** Neither tide nor time was to be delayed ! " 

And when Her Grace requested him, that she might be 
suffered to write to the Queen's Majesty, he answered that 
'* He durst not permit that ; " adding that, " in his judge- 
ment it would rather hurt than profit Her Grace in so doing." 

But the other Lord, who was the Earl of Sussex, more 
courteous and favourable, kneeling down, told Her Grace 
that '* She should have liberty to write, and, as he was a true 
man, he would deliver it to the Queen's Highness ; and 
bring an answer of the same, whatsoever came thereof." 

Whereupon she wrote; albeit she could not, nor might 
not speak with her; to her great discomfort, being no offender 
against Her Majesty. 

[The actual letter written by the Princess, at this moment, is in the State 

Paper Office. Domestic, Mary, Vol. IV. No. 2. 

The Lady Elizabeth to the Queen. 

If any ever did try this old saying, that A Kin^s word wets more than 
another man's oath, I most humbly beseech your Majesty to verify it in 
me ; and to remember your last promise, and my last demand, that " I be 
not condemned without answer and due proof," which it seems that I now 
am : for, without cause proved, I am, by your Council, from you, com- 
manded to go to the Tower, a place more wonted for a false traitor than a 
true subject, which, though I know I desire it not, yet, in the face of all 
this realm, [itl appears proved. While I pray to GOD I may die the 
shamefuUest death that ever any died afore, if I may mean any such thing! 
and to this present hour I protest before GOD (who shall judge my truth, 
whatsoever malice shall devise), that I never practised, counselled, nor 
consented to anything that might be prejudicial to your person any way, 
or dangerous to the State by any means. And therefore, I humbly be- 



344 Her passionate, touching letter. p-,^°4- 

seech your Majesty to let me answer afore yourself and not suffer me to 
trust to your Councillors ; yea, and that afore I go to the Tower, if it be 
possible, if not, before I be further condemned. Howbeit, I trust assuredly 
your Highness will give me leave to doit, afore I go ; that thus shamefully, 
I may not be cried out on, as I now shall be : yea, and without cause ! 

Let conscience move your Highness to take some better way with me 
than to make me be condemned in all men's sight afore my desert known I 
Also I most humbly beseech your Highness to pardon this my boldness, 
which innocency procures me to do ; together with hope of your natural 
kindness which I trust will not see me cast away, without desert : which 
what it is, I would desire no more of GOD but that you truly knew ; but 
which thing, I think and believe you shall never by report know ; unless 
by yourself you hear. 

I have heard of many, in my time, cast away for want of coming to 
the presence of their Prince ; and, in late days, I heard my Lord of 
Somerset say that " If his brother {The Admiral Thomas Lord 
Seymour] had been suffered to speak with him, he had never suffered ; 
but persuasions were made to him so great that he was brought in belief 
that he could not live safely if the Admiral lived, and that made him give 
consent to his death." Though these persons are not to be compared to 
your Majesty ; yet, I pray GOD, as evil persuasions persuade not one 
sister against the other ! and all for that they have heard false report, and 
not hearken to the truth not known. 

Therefore, once again, kneeling with humbleness of heart, because I 
am not suffered to bow the knees of my body ; I humbly crave to speak 
with your Highness : which I would not be so bold as to desire, if I knew 
not myself most clear, as I know myself most true. 

And as for the traitor Wyatt, he might peradventure, write me a letter ; 
but, on my faith, I never received any from him. And as for the copy of 
the letter sent to the French King, I pray GOD may confound me eternally 
if ever I sent him word, message, token, or letter, by any means ! And to 
this truth, I will stand in to my death. 

Your Highness's most faithful subject, that hath been from the begin- 
ning, and will be to my end, ELIZABETH. 

I humbly crave but only one word of answer from yourself.] 

And thus the tide \scason\ and time passed away for that 
time, till the next day, being Palm Sunday, when, about nine 
of the clock, these two came again, declaring that "it was 
time for Her Grace to depart." 

She answered, " If there be no remedy, I must be con- 
tented ; " willing the Lords to go on before. 

And being come forth into the garden, she did cast up her 
eyes towards the window ; thinking to have seen the Queen, 
which she could not. Whereat she said, " She marvelled 
much, what the Nobility of the realm meant ; which, in that 
sort, would suffer her to be led forth into captivity, the 
LORD knew whither! for she did not." 



^■fs63.'] ISSHUT UP IN THE ToWER. 345 

After all this, she took her barge, with the two aforesaid 
Lords, three of the Queen's Gentlewomen,and three of her own, 
her Gentleman Usher, and two of her Grooms : lying and 
hovering upon the water,an hour; for that they could not shoot 
the Bridge [the tide used to rush through the narrow spaces of 
old London bridge, with the force of a mill-race] : the bargemen 
being very unwilling to shoot the same so soon as they did, 
because of the danger thereof. For the stern of the boat 
struck upon the ground, the fall was so big, and the water 
was so shallow. 

Then Her Grace desired of the Lords, that " She might 
not land at the stairs where all traitors and offenders 
customably used to land" [called the Traitor's Gate]. 

They answered that " it was past their remedy ; for that 
otherwise they had in commandment." 

*'Well," said she, "if it be so, my Lords! I must needs 
obey it : protesting before all your Honours, that here now 
steppeth as true a subject as ever was, towards the Queen's 
Highness. And before thee, O GOD ! I speak it ; having 
none other friends, but only Thee ! " 

The Lords declared unto her that "there was no time then 
to try the truth." 

" You have said well, my Lords ! " quoth she, " I am 
sorry that I have troubled you ! " 

So then they passed on [i.e., through the Traitor's Gate], and 
went into the Tower : where were a great company of har- 
nessed men, and armed soldiers warding on both sides: 
whereat she being amazed, called the Lords to her, and 
demanded *' the cause, why those poor men stood there ? " 

They declared unto her, that " it was the use and order of 
the place so to do." 

** And if it be," quoth she, " for my cause ; I beseech you 
that they may be dismissed." 

Whereat, the poor men kneeled down, and with one voice, 
desired GOD to preserve Her Grace; who, the next day, 
were released of their cold coats. 

After this, passing a little further, she sat down upon a 
cold stone, and there rested herself. 

To whom, the Lieutenant [Lord Chandos, see ^. I76]then 
being, said, "Madam, you were best to come out of the rain! 
for you sit unwholesomely." 



346 Lord Sussex, again her friend, [^f^^^^ 

She then replying, answered again, " Better sitting here, 
than in a worse place ! For, GOD knoweth ! I know not 
whither you will bring me ! " 

With that, her Gentleman Usher wept. She demanded of 
him, " What he meant so uncomfortably to use her, seeing 
she took him to be her comforter, and not her dismayer : 
especially for that she knew her truth to be such, that no 
man should have cause to weep for her." But forth she 
went into the prison. 

The doors were locked and bolted upon her; which did 
not a little discomfort and dismay Her Grace. At what 
time, she called to her gentlewoman for her book [i.e., her 
Bible], desiring GOD, "Not to suffer her to build her 
foundation upon the sands, but upon the rocks ! whereby all 
blasts of blustering weather should have no power against 
her." 

After the doors were thus locked, and she close shut up ; 
the Lords had great conference how to keep ward and watch, 
every man declaring his opinion in that behalf, agreeing 
straightly and circumspectly to keep her : while that one of 
them, I mean the Lord of Sussex, swearing, said, " My 
Lords ! let us take heed ! and do no more than our Com- 
mission will bear us! whatsoever shall happen hereafter. 
And, further, let us consider that she was the King our 
Master's daughter! and therefore let us use such dealing, 
that we may answer unto it hereafter, if it shall so happen ! 
For just dealing," said he, " is always answerable." 

Whereunto the other Lords agreed that it was well said of 
him : and thereupon departed. 

It would make a pitiful and strange story, here by the way, 
to touch and recite what examinations and rackings of poor 
men there were, to find out the knife that should cut her 
throat ! what gaping among the Lords of the Clergy to see 
the day, wherein they might wash their goodly white rochets 
in her innocent blood ? But especially the Bishop of Win- 
chester, Stephen Gardiner, then Lord Chancellor, and 
ruler of the rost. 

Who then, within few days after [March, 1554], came unto 
her, with divers other of the Council, and examined her of 
of the talk that was at Ashridge, betwixt her and Sir James 
A Croft concerning her removing from thence to Don- 



J-,^^*] Is CONFRONTED WITH SiR JaMES A CrOFT. 347 

nington Castle, requiring her to declare, "What she meant 
thereby?" 

At the first, she, being so suddenly taken, did not well 
remember any such house : but within a while, well advising 
herself, she said, "Indeed, I do now remember that I have 
such a place : but I never lay in it, in all my life. And as 
for any that hath moved me thereunto, I do not remember." 

Then to enforce the matter, they brought forth Sir James 
A Croft. 

The Bishop of Winchester demanded of her, "What she 
said to that man ? " 

She answered that, " She had little to say to him, or to 
the rest that were then prisoners in the Tower. But my 
Lords ! " quoth she, "you do examine every mean prisoner 
of me ! wherein, methinks, you do me great injury ! If they 
have done evil, and offended the Queen's Majesty, let them 
answer to it accordingly. I beseech you, my Lords ! join not 
me in this sort with any of these offenders ! And as con- 
cerning my going unto Donnington Castle, I do remember 
Master Hoby and mine Officers, and you Sir James a Croft ! 
had such talk : but what is that to the purpose, my Lords ! 
but that I may go to my own houses at all times?" 

The Lord of Arundel, kneeling down, said, " Your Grace 
saith true ! and certainly we are very sorry that we have so 
troubled you about so vain matters." 

She then said, "My Lords, you did sift me very narrowly ! 
But well I am assured, you shall do no more to me, than 
GOD hath appointed : and so, GOD forgive you all ! " 

At their departing. Sir James a Croft kneeled down, 
declaring that " He was sorry to see the day in which he 
should be brought as a witness against Her Grace." " But, 
I assure your Grace," said he, " I have been marvellously 
tossed and examined touching your Highness ; which, the 
Lord knoweth ! is strange to me. For I take GOD to 
record ! before all your Honours ! I do not know anything 
of that crime that you have laid to my charge ! and will 
thereupon take my death, if I should be driven to so straight 
a trial." 



348 Sir J. Gage's threat to her Gentlemen, p-,^^^ 

That day or thereabouts, divers of her own Officers, who 

had made provision for her diet, brought the same to the 

utter [outer] gate of the Tower ; the common 

Ihese were not , "- , , . ° . . .. i • i ,, 

the Officers of rascal soldiers receivmg it : which was no small 
suchi'^vvent^n' gricf unto thc Gentlemen, the bearers thereof. 
white and green, whcrcfore thcy required to speak with [Sir 
John Gage] the Lord Chamberlain, being then Constable of 
the Tower : who, coming before his presence, declared unto 
his Lordship that " they were much afraid to bring Her 
Grace's diet, and to deliver it unto such common and 
desperate persons as they were, which did receive it ; be- 
seeching His Honour to consider Her Grace, and to give 
such order that her viands might at all times be brought in 
by them which were appointed thereunto." 

"Yea, sirs ! " said he, " who appointed you this office ? " 

They answer, *' Her Grace's Council ! " 

" Council! " quoth he, " there is none of them which hath 
to do, either in that case, or anything else within this place ; 
and, I assure you ! for that she is a prisoner, she shall be 
served with the Lieutenant's men, as the other prisoners are." 

Whereat the Gentlemen said that " They trusted for more 
favour at his hands ! considering her personage," saying 
that " They mistrusted not, but that the Queen and her 
Council would be better to Her Grace than so ! " and there- 
with shewed themselves to be offended at the ungrateful 
[harsh] words of the Lord Chamberlain, towards their Lady 
and Mistress. 

At this, he sware, by GOD ! stroking himself on the breast ; 
that " If they did either frown or shrug at him ; he would set 
them where they should see neither sun nor moon ! " 

Thus taking their leave, they desired GOD to bring him 
into a better mind towards Her Grace, and departed from him. 

Upon the occasion whereof [there being always a fear oj 
poisoned food], Her Grace's Officers made great suit unto the 
Queen's Council, that some might be appointed to bring her 
diet unto her ; and that it might no more be delivered in to 
the common soldiers of the Tower : which being reasonably 
considered, was by them granted. Thereupon were appointed 
one of her Gentlemen, her Clerk of the Kitchen, and her two 
Purveyors, to bring in her provisions once a day. All which 
was done. The warders ever M^aiting upon the bringers 



^Ss'] ^^^ Cook is too much for Sir John. 349 

thereof (and the Lord Chamberlain himself, being always 
with them), circumspectly and narrowly watched and 
searched what they brought ; and gave heed that they should 
have no talk with any of Her Grace's waiting servants ; and 
so warded them both in and out. 

At the said suit of her Officers, were sent, by the command- 
ment of the Council, to wait upon Her Grace, two Yeomen 
of her Chamber, one of her Robes, two of her Pantry and 
Ewry, one of her Buttery, another of her Cellar, two of her 
Kitchen, and one of her Larder : all which continued with 
her, the time of her trouble. 

Here the Constable (being at the first not very well pleased 
with the coming in of such a company against his will) would 
have had his men still to have served with Her Grace's men: 
which her servants, at no hand, would suffer; desiring his 
Lordship to be contented, for " that order was taken that no 
stranger should come within their offices." 

At which answer, being sore displeased, he brake out into 
these threatening words : " Well," said he, " I will handle 
you well enough ! " 

Then went he into the kitchen, and there would needs 
have his meat roasted with Her Grace's meat ; and said 
** His cook should come thither, and dress it." 

To that. Her Grace's Cook answered, " My Lord ! I will 
never suffer any stranger to come about her diet, but her 
own sworn men, so long as I live ! " 

He said, "They should!" 

But the Cook said, ** His Lordship should pardon him for 
that matter ! " 

Thus did he trouble her poor servants very stoutly : though 
afterward he were otherwise advised, and they were more 
courteously used at his hands. And good cause why ! For 
he had good cheer, and fared of the best ; and Her Grace 
paid well for it. 

Wherefore he used himself afterwards more reverently 
towards Her Grace. 

After this sort, having lain a whole month there, in close 
prison ; and being very evil at ease therewithal ; she sent 
[in April] for the Lord Chamberlain and Lord Chandos 
[see p.T,4.S]^o come and speak with her. 

Who coming, she requested them that " She might have 



350 The Princess may walk in a garden. [J-Jg 

liberty to walk in some place, for that she felt herself not 

well." 

To the which, they answered that " They were right sorry 
that they could not satisfy Her Grace's request; for that 
they had commandment to the contrary, which they durst 
not in any wise break." 

Furthermore, she desired of them, " If that could not be 
granted; that she might walk but into the * Queen's Lodgings.'" 

" No, nor that ! " they answered, ** could, by any means, 
be obtained, without a further suit to the Queen and her 
Council." 

" Well," said she, " my Lords ! if the matter be so hard 
that they must be sued unto, for so small a thing ; and that 
friendship be so strait, God comfort me I " 

And so they departed : she remaining in her old dungeon 
still ; without any kind of comfort, but only GOD. 

The next day after, the Lord Chandos came again unto 
Her Grace, declaring unto her that " He had sued unto the 
Council for further liberty. Some of them consented there- 
unto. Divers others dissented, for that there were so many 
prisoners in the Tower. But in conclusion, they did all 
agree that Her Grace might walk into those * Lodgings ' ; 
so that he and the Lord Chamberlain, and three of the 
Queen's Gentlewomen did accompany her : and the windows 
were shut, and she not suffered to look out at any of them." 
Wherewith, she contented herself; and gave him thanks for 
his goodwill in that behalf. 

Afterwards, there was liberty granted to Her Grace to walk 
in a little garden, the doors and gates being shut up ; which, 
notwithstanding, was as much discomfort unto her, as the 
walk in the garden was pleasant and acceptable. At which 
times of her walking there, the prisoners on that side straightly 
were commanded not to speak, or look out at the windows 
into the garden, till Her Grace were gone out again : having 
in consideration thereof, their keepers waiting upon them for 
that time. 

Thus Her Grace, with this small liberty, contented herself 
in GOD, to whom be praise therefore. 

During this time, there used a little boy, the child of a 
man in the Tower, to resort to their chambers, and many 



^'S^l ^^^^ LITTLE Flower Boy of the Tower. 351 

times to bring Her Grace flowers ; which likewise he did to 
the other prisoners that were there. Whereupon naughty 
and suspicious heads thinking to make and wring out some 
matter thereof, called, on a time, the child unto them, pro- 
mising him figs and apples, and asking, " When he had been 
with the Earl of Devonshire ? " not ignorant of the child's 
wonted frequenting unto him. 

The boy answered that *' He would go by-and-by thither." 

Further they demanded of him, " When he was with the 
Lady Elizabeth ? " 

He answered, " Every day ! " 

Furthermore they examined him, " What the Lord Devon- 
shire sent by him to Her Grace ? " 

The child said, " I will go [and] know what he will give to 
carry to her." Such was the discretion of the child, being 
yet but three years of age. 

" This same is a crafty boy ! " quoth the Lord Chamber- 
lain ; ** what say you, my Lord Chandos ? " 

*' I pray you, my Lord ! give me the figs ye promised me ! " 

** No, marry," quoth he, "thou shalt be whipped if thou 
come any more to the Lady Elizabeth, or the Lord 
Courtney ! " 

The boy answered, ** I will bring the Lady, my Mistress, 
more flowers ! " 

Whereupon the child's father was commanded to permit 
the boy no more to come into their chambers. 

And the next day, as Her Grace was walking in the garden, 
the child, peeping in at a hole in the door, cried unto her, 
saying, " Mistress ! I can bring you no more flowers ! " 
Whereat, she smiled, but said nothing; understanding 
thereby, what they had done. 

Wherefore, afterwards, the Lord Chamberlain rebuked his 
father highly ; commanding him to put him out of the house. 

" Alas, poor infant ! " quoth the father. 

" It is a crafty knave ! " quoth the Lord Chamberlain. 
" Let me see him here no more ! " 

The 5th day of May [1554], the Constable was discharged 
of his office of the Tower ; one Sir Henry Bedingfield being 
placed in his room. A man unknown to Her Grace, and 
therefore the more feared : which so sudden [a] mutation 
was unto her, no little amaze. 



352 Sent from the Tower to Woodstock, [-^-^^j; 

He brought with him a hundred soldiers in blue coats ; 
wherewith she was marvellously discomforted ; and demanded 
of such as were about her, " Whether the Lady Jane's scaf- 
fold were taken away or not ? " fearing, by reason of their 
coming, least she should have played her part. 

To whom, answer was made, that " The scaffold was taken 
away ; and that Her Grace needed not to doubt [fear] any 
such tyranny, for GOD would not suffer any such treason 
against her person." 

Wherewith, being contented, but not altogether satisfied, 
she asked, "What Sir H. Bedingfield was ? and whether he 
was of that conscience or not, that if her murdering were 
secretly committed to his charge, he would see the execution 
thereof?" 

She was answered that " They were ignorant what manner 
of man he was." Howbeit they persuaded her that GOD 
would not suffer such wickedness to proceed. 

" Well ! " quoth she, " GOD grant it be so ! For Thou ! 
GOD ! art the withdrawer and mollifier of all such tyrannous 
hearts and acts ! and I beseech Thee ! to hear me thy 
creature ! which am Thy servant and at Thy commandment ! 
trusting by Thy grace ever so to remain." 

About which time, it was spread abroad, that Her Grace 
should be carried from thence ; by this new jolly captain and 
his soldiers; but whither, it could not be learned. Which 
was unto Her Grace a great grief, especially for that such a 
kind of company was appointed to her guard : requesting 
rather to continue there still, than to be led thence with such 
a rascal company. 

At last, plain answer was made by the Lord Chandos, 
that *' There was no remedy ; but from thence she must needs 
depart to the Manor of Woodstock, as he thought." 

Being demanded of her, " For what cause ? " 

'• For that," quoth he, " the Tower is like[ly] further to be 
furnished." 

Whereat she, being more greedy, as far as she durst, de- 
manded, " wherewith ! " 

He answered, " With such matter as the Queen and 
Council were determined in that behalf: whereof he had no 
knowledge." And so departed. 



^S-] Lord Williams, her staunch friend. 353 

In conclusion, the i6th day of May she was removed from 
the Tower : the Lord Treasurer [the Marquis of Winchester] 
being then there, for the lading of her carts, and discharging 
the Place of the same. 

Where Sir Henry Bedingfield, being appointed her 
goaler, did receive her with a company of rakehells to guard 
her ; besides the Lord of Derby's Band [servants] wafting in 
the country about, for the moonshine in the water[!]. Unto 
whom, at length came, my Lord [Williams] of Thame, 
joined in Commission, with the said Sir Henry for the safe 
guiding of her to prison. And they together conveyed Her 
Grace to Woodstock, as hereafter followeth. 

The first day [i6th May], they conducted her to Richmond, 
where she continued all night : being restrained of her own 
men, which were laid out in chambers ; and Sir Henry 
Bedingfield his soldiers appointed in their rooms, to give 
attendance on her person. 

Whereat she, being marvellously dismayed, thinking verily 
some secret mischief a working towards her, called her Gen- 
tleman Usher, and desired him with the rest of his company 
to pray for her, "For this night," quoth she, "I think to die." 

Whereat he being stricken to the heart, said, " GOD 
forbid that any such wickedness should be pretended [in- 
tended] against your Grace ! " 

So comforting her as well as he could, he at last burst out 
in tears ; and went from her down into the court where were 
walking the Lord [Williams] of Thame, and Sir Henry 
Bedingfield; and he staying aside the Lord of Thame, who 
had proffered to him much friendship, desire to speak with 
him a word or two. 

Unto whom, he familiarly said, " He should with all his 
heart." 

Which when Sir Henry standing by, heard, he asked, 
" What the matter was ? " 

To whom the Gentleman Usher answered, *' No great 
matter, sir, but to speak with my Lord a word or two ! " 

Then when the Lord of Thame came to him he spake in 
this wise, " My Lord ! you have always been my good Lord, 
and so I beseech you to remain. Why I come to you at this 
time, is to desire your Honour, unfeignedly to declare unto 

Z I 



354 Sir H.Bedingfield grunts! [J-.^j! 

me, whether any danger is meant unto my Mistress this night 
or not ? that I and my poor fellows may take such part as [it] 
shall please GOD to appoint. For certainly we will rather 
die, than she should secretly and innocently miscarry." 

" Marry," said the Lord of Thame, " GOD forbid that 
any such wicked purpose should be wrought ! and rather than 
it should be so, I, with my men, are ready to die at her feet also." 

And so, GOD be praised ! they passed that doubtful night, 
with no little heaviness of heart. 

The next day [lyth May] passing over the water [i.e., the 
Thames] at Richmond, going towards Windsor ; Her Grace 
espied certain of her poor servants standing on the other side, 
which were very desirous to see her. Whom, when she 
beheld, turning to one of her men standing by, said, '* Yonder, 
I see certain of my men ; go to them ! and say these words 
from me, Tanquam ovis ! " 

So, she passing forward to Windsor, was lodged there that 
night, in the Dean of Windsor's house : a place indeed more 
meet for a priest, than a Princess. 

And from thence [on i8th May] Her Grace was guarded and 
brought the next night, to Master Dormer's house ; where 
much people standing by the way, some presented to her one 
gift, and some another. So that Sir Henry was greatly 
moved thereat, and troubled the poor people very sore, for 
shewing their loving hearts in such a manner ; calling them 
" Rebels ! " and " Traitors ! " with such like vile words. 

Besides, as she passed through the villages, the townsmen 
rang the bells, as being joyful of her coming ; thinking verily 
it had been otherwise than it was indeed : and as the sequel 
proved after, to the poor men. For immediately the said 
Sir Henry hearing the same, sent his soldiers hither : who 
apprehended some of the ringers, setting them in the stocks, 
and otherwise uncourteously misused some others for their 
good wills. 

On the morrow [igth May] Her Grace passed from Master 
Dormer's, where was, for the time of her abode, a straight 
watch kept; came to the Lord of Thame his house [at Thame] 
where she lay all the next night ; being very princely enter- 
tained, both of Knights and Ladies, gentlemen and gentle- 
women. Whereat Sir Henry Bedingfield gronted [grunted] 



9 



Jfj^,^:] AND IS MOCKED AT FOR HIS COARSENESS. 355 

and was highly offended, saying unto them that " They could 
not tell what they did, and were not able to answer to their 
doings in that behalf; letting them to understand that she 
was the Queen's Majesty's prisoner, and no otherwise ; ad- 
vising them therefore to take heed, and beware of after claps ! " 

Whereunto, the Lord of Thame answered him in this wise, 
that " He was well advised of [in] his doings, being joined in 
Commission as well as he," adding with warrant, that " Her 
Grace might, and should, in his house, be merry." 

After this, Sir Henry went up into a chamber, where were 
appointed for Her Grace, a chair, two cushions, and a foot- 
carpet, very fair and prince-like ; wherein presumptuously he 
sat, calling for Barwick, his man, to pull off his boots: which 
as soon as it was known among the ladies and gentles, every 
one musing thereat, did laugh him to scorn ; and observed his 
indiscreet manners in that behalf, as they might very well. 

When supper was done, he called my Lord, and willed him 
that all the Gentlemen and Ladies should withdraw them- 
selves ; every one to his lodging : marvelling much that he 
would permit there such a company ; considering so great a 
charge was committed to him. 

" Sir Henry !" quoth my Lord, "content yourself! All 
shall be voided, your men and all." 

"Nay, my soldiers," quoth Sir Henry, "shall watch all 
night." 

The said Lord of Thame answered, " It shall not need," 

"Well," said he, "need or need not, they shall do so," 
mistrusting, belike, the company ; which, GOD knoweth, was 
without cause. 

The next day [20th May] Her Grace took her journey from 
thence, to Woodstock ; where she was enclosed, as before 
in the Tower of London ; the soldiers guarding and warding 
both within and without the walls, every day to the number 
of three score, and, in the night, without the walls forty; 
during the time of her imprisonment there. 

At length, she had gardens appointed for her walks, which 
were very comfortable to Her Grace. Always when she did 
recreate herself therein, the doors were fast locked up, in as 
straight a manner as they were in the Tower; there being at 
the least five or six locks between her lodging and her walks ; 
Sir Henry himself keeping the keys, trusted no man therewith. 



^^6 The joke of the stray Welsh goat, p.^"^^; 

Whereupon she called him " her gaoler : " Lnd he, kneeling 
down, desired Her Grace not to call him so, for he was 
appointed there to be one of her Officers. 

"From such Officers," quoth she, " good Lord, deliver me 1 " 

And now, by way of digression, or rather of refreshing the 
reader (if it be lawful in so serious a story to recite a matter 
incident, and yet not impertinent to the same) occasion 
here moveth or rather enforceth me to touch briefly what 
happened in the same place and time, by a certain merry con- 
ceited man, being then about Her Grace. Who (noting the 
straight and strange keeping of his Lady and Mistress by the 
said Sir Henry Bedingfield, with so many locks and doors, 
with such watch and ward about her, as was strange and 
wonderful) spied a goat in the ward where Her Grace was ; 
and (whether to refresh her oppressed mind, or to notify her 
straight handling by Sir Henry ; or else both), he took it up 
on his neck, and followed Her Grace therewith, as she was 
going to her lodging. Who, when she saw it, asked him, 
" What he would do with him ? " willing him to let it alone. 

Unto whom, the said party answered, " No, by Saint 
Mary ! if it like your Grace ! will I not ! For I cannot tell 
whether he be one of the Queen's friends or not. I will, GOD 
willing ! carry him to Sir Henry Bedingfield, to know what 
he is." 

So, leaving Her Grace, went, with the goat on his neck, 
and carried it to Sir Henry Bedingfield ; who, when he saw 
him coming with it, asked him half angrily, " What he had 
there ? " 

Unto whom the party answered, saying, "Sir! I cannot 
tell what he is. I pray you, examine him ! for I found him 
in the place where my Lady's Grace was walking, and what 
talk they have had, I cannot tell. For I understand him not, 
but he should seem to me to be some stranger ; and I think 
verily a Welshman, for he hath a white frieze coat on his 
back. And forasmuch as I being the Queen's subject, and 
perceiving the strait charge committed to you of her keeping, 
that no stranger should have access to her, without sufficient 
license : I have here found a stranger (what he is, I cannot 
tell) in the place where Her Grace was walking ; and, there- 
fore, for the necessary discharge of my duty, I thought it 



I 



JJgj.] S^^ Henry nervous as to pens and paper. 357 

good to bring the said stranger to you to examine, as you see 
cause." And so he set him down. 

At which his words, Sir Henry Bedingfield seemed much 
displeased, and said, " Well ! well ! you will never leavethis 
gear, I see." And so they departed. 

Now to return to the matter from whence we have digressed. 

After Her Grace's being there a time [i.e., about a year], 
she made suit to the Council, that she might be suffered to 
write to the Queen ; which, at last, was permitted to Her 
Grace. So that Sir Henry Bedingfield brought her pen, 
ink, and paper; and standing by her, while she wrote, which 
he very straitly observed ; always, she being weary, would 
carry away her letters, and bring them again when she called 
for them. 

In the finishing thereof, he would have been messenger to 
the Queen of the same; whose request Her Grace denied, 
saying, "One of her own men should carry them ; and that 
she would neither trust him, nor none of his thereabouts." 

Then he answering again, said, " None of them durst be so 
bold," he trowed, " to carry her letters, being in her present 
case ! " 

" Yes," quoth she, " I am assured I have none so dishonest 
that would deny my request in that behalf; but will be as 
willing to serve me now as before." 

" Well," said he, " my Commission is to the contrary ; and 
may not suffer it." 

Her Grace, replying again, said, " You charge me very 
often with your Commission ! I pray GOD you may justly 
answer the cruel dealing ye deal with me ! " 

Then he kneeling down, desired Her Grace to think and 
consider how he was a servant, and put in trust there by the 
Queen to serve Her Majesty : protesting that if the case were 
hers, he would as willingly serve Her Grace, as now he did 
the Queen's Highness. 

For the which answer, Her Grace thanked him, desiring 
GOD that she might never have need of such servants as he 
was : declaring further to him that his doings towards her 
were not good or answerable, but more than all the friends 
he had, would stand by ; for in the end, she plainly told him, 
they would forsake him. 



358 The Princess is a prisoner at [J-^^- 

To whom, Sir Henry replied, and said that " There was 
no remedy but his doings must be answered ; and so they 
should, trusting to make a good account thereof." 

The cause which moved Her Grace so to say, was for that 
he would not permit her letters to be carried, four or five days 
after the writing thereof. But, in fine, he was content to send 
for her Gentleman from the town of Woodstock, demanding 
of him, " Whether he durst enterprise the carriage of Her 
Grace's letters to the Queen or not ? " 

And he answered, " Yea, sir ! That I dare, and will, with all 
my heart." 

Whereupon, Sir Henry, half against his stomach, took 
them to him, to the effect aforesaid. 

Then, about the 8th of June [1555] came down Doctor 
Owen and Doctor Wendif, sent by the Queen to Her Grace, 
for that she was sickly ; who ministering to her, and letting 
her blood, tarried there, and attended on Her Grace five or six 
days : who being well amended, they returned again to the 
Court, making their good report to the Queen and Council, 
of Her Grace's behaviour and humbleness towards the Queen's 
Highness ; which Her Majesty hearing, took very thankfully. 
But the Bishops thereat repined, looked black in the mouth, 
and told the Queen, they " marvelled she submitted not her- 
self to Her Majesty's mercy, considering that she had offended 
Her Highness." 

Wily champions, ye may be sure I and friends at a need I 
GOD amend them ! 

About this time, Her Grace was requested by a secret friend, 
" to submit herself to the Queen's Majesty ; which would be 
very well taken, and to her great quiet and commodity." 

Unto whom, she answered that " She would never submit 
herself to them whom she had never offended ! For," quoth 
she, "if I have offended, and am guilty; I then crave no mercy, 
but the law ! which I am certain I should have had, ere this, 
if it could be proved by me. For I know myself, I thank 
GOD 1 to be out of the danger thereof, wishing that I were 
as clear out of the peril of my enemy ; and then I am sure I 
should not be so locked and bolted up within walls and doors as 
I am. GOD give them a better mind ! when it pleaseth Him." 



JfjgjG ^'^^^^^'^^^^ ^^^ MORE THAN A YEAR. 359 

About this time [i.e., after the Queen's marriage on ^rd July 
1554] was there a great consulting among the Bishops and 
gentlemen, touching a marriage for Her Grace : which some 
of the Spaniards wished to be with some stranger, that she 
might go out of the realm with her portion. Some saying 
one thing, and some another. 

A Lord [Lord Paget] being there, at last said that " the 
King should never have any quiet common wealth in Eng- 
land; unless her head were stricken from the shoulders." 

Whereunto the Spaniards answered, saying, " GOD forbid 
that their King and Master should have that mind to consent 
to such a mischief! " This was the courteous answer of the 
Spaniards to the Englishmen speaking, after that sort, against 
their own country. 

From that day, the Spaniards never left off their good per- 
suasions to the King, that the like honour he should never 
obtain as he should in delivering the Lady Elizabeth's 
Grace out of prison : whereby, at length, she was happily 
released from the same. 

Here is a plain and evident example of the good nature and 
clemency of the King and his Councillors towards Her Grace. 
Praised be GOD therefore ! who moved their hearts therein. 

Then hereupon, she was sent for, shortly after, to come to 
Hampton Court. 

In her imprisonment at Woodstock, these verses she wrote 
with her diamond, in a glass window. 

Much suspected by me, 
Nothing proved can he, 
Quoth Elizabeth the prisoner. 

[In the Second Edition of his Actes, &c., published in 1 570 under the fresh 
title of Ecclesiastical History, p. 2,294 ; John Fox gives the following 
additional information of the Woodstock imprisonment. 

And thus much touching the troubles of Lady Elizabeth 
at Woodstock. 

Whereunto this is more to be added, that during the same 
time the Lord [Williams] of Thame had laboured for the 
Queen, and became surety for her, to have her from Wood- 
stock to his house, and had obtained grant thereof. But 
(through the procurement either of Master Bedingfield, or 
by the doing of [the Bishop of] Winchester, her mortal 



360 After Mary's marriage, is delivered pj"^ 

enemy), letters came over night, to the contrary: whereby 
her journey was stopped. 

Thus, this worthy Lady, oppressed with continual sorrow, 
could not be permitted to have recourse to any friends she 
had; but still in the hands of her enemies, was left desolate, 
and utterly destitute of all that might refresh a doleful heart, 
fraught full of terror and thraldom. Whereupon no marvel, 
if she hearing, upon a time, out of her garden at Woodstock, 
a certain milkmaid singing pleasantly, wished herself to be a 
milkmaid, as she was : saying that *' Her case was better, and 
life more merry than hers, in that state she was.] 

Sir Henry Bedingfield and his soldiers, with the Lord 
[Williams] of Thame, and Sir Ralph Chamberlain guard- 
ing and waiting upon her, the first night [July 1555] from 
Woodstock, she came to Rycot. 

The next night to Master Dormer's; and so to Cole- 
brook, where she lay all that night at the George. By the 
way, coming to the said Colebrook, certain of her gentle- 
men and yeomen, to the number of three score met Her 
Grace, much to all their comforts : which had not seen Her 
Grace of long season before, neither could : but were com- 
manded, in the Queen's name, immediately to depart the 
town," to Her Grace's no little heaviness and theirs, who 
could not be suffered once to speak with from them. So 
that night all her men were taken her, saving her Gentleman 
Usher, three gentlewomen, two Grooms, and one of her 
Wardrobe ; the Soldiers watching and warding round-about 
the house, and she shut up close within her prison. 

The next day Her Grace entered Hampton Court on the 
back side, unto the Prince's Lodgings. The doors being shut 
to her ; and she, guarded with soldiers as before, lay there a 
fortnight at the least, ere ever any had recourse unto her. 

At length, came the Lord William Howard, who mar- 
vellously honourably used Her Grace; whereat she took 
much comfort, and requested him to be a means that she 
might speak with some of the Council. 

To whom, not long after came the Bishop of Winchester, 
the Lord of Arundel, the Lord of Shrewsbury, and Secre- 
tary Petre ; who, with great humility, humbled themselves 
to Her Grace. 



J-,^^^] FROM PRISON AT WoODSTOCK. 36 1 

She again likewise saluting them, said, " My Lords! I am 
glad to see you ! For, methinks, I have been kept a great 
while from you, desolately alone. Wherefore I would desire 
you to be a means to the King's and Queen's Majesties, that 
I may be delivered from prison, wherein I have been kept a 
long space, as to you, my Lords, is not unknown ! " 

When she had spoken, Stephen Gardiner, the Bishop of 
Winchester kneeled down, and requested that " She would 
submit herself to the Queen's Grace ; and in so doing he had 
no doubt but that Her Majesty would be good unto her." 

She made answer that "rather than she would do so, she 
would lie in prison all the days of her life : " adding that 
" she craved no mercy at Her Majesty's hand, but rather 
desired the law, if ever she did offend her Majesty in thought, 
word, or deed. And besides this, in yielding," quoth she, 
** I should speak against myself, and confess myself to be an 
offender, which I never was towards Her Majesty; by occasion 
whereof, the King and Queen, might ever hereafter conceive 
an ill opinion of me : and, therefore, I say, my Lords ! it 
were better for me to lie in prison for the truth, than to be 
abroad and suspected of my Prince." 

And so they departed, promising to declare her message to 
the Queen. 

On the next day [July 1555] the Bishop of Winchester 
came again unto Her Grace, and kneeling down, declared that 
" The Queen marvelled that she should so stoutly use herself, 
not confessing to have offended ; so that it should seem the 
Queen's Majesty wrongfully to have imprisoned Her Grace." 

"Nay," quoth my Lady Elizabeth, "it may please her 
to punish me, as she thinketh good." 

" Well," quoth Gardiner, " Her Majesty willeth me to 
tell you, that you must tell another tale ere that you be set 
at liberty." 

Her Grace answered that " She had as lief be in prison 
with honesty and truth, as to be abroad suspected of Her 
Majesty. And this that I have said, I will stand to. For I 
will never belie myself! " 

The Lord of Winchester again kneeled down, and said, 
" Then your Grace hath the vantage of me and the other 
Lords, for your long and wrong imprisonment." 

" What vantage I have," quoth she, " you know ; taking 



362 The Queen sees her, at night. l^-} 



J. Fox. 

563. 



GOD to record, I seek no vantage at your hands, for your so 
dealing with me. But GOD forgive you, and me also ! " 

With that, the rest kneeled, desiring Her Grace that " all 
might be forgotten," and so departed, she being fast locked 
up again. 

A sevennight after [J^uly 1555], the Queen's Majesty sent 
for Her Grace, at ten of the clock in the night, to speak with 
her. For she had not seen her in two years before. Yet for 
all that, she was amazed at the so sudden sending for, 
thinking it had been worse for her, than afterwards proved ; 
and desired her gentlemen and gentlewomen to *' pray for her ! 
for that she could not tell whether ever she should see them 
again or not." 

At which time, coming in with Sir Henry Bedingfield and 
Mistress Clarencius [p. 332], Her Grace was brought into 
the garden, unto a stairs' foot, that went into the Queen's 
Lodging ; Her Grace's gentlewomen waiting upon her, her 
Gentleman Usher and his grooms going before with torches. 
Where her gentlemen and gentlewomen being all commanded 
to stay, saving one woman; Mistress Clarencius conducted 
her to the Queen's bedchamber, where Her Majesty was. 

At the sight of whom, Her Grace kneeled down, and 
desired GOD to "preserve Her Majesty! not mistrusting, but 
that she should try herself as true a subject towards Her 
Majesty as ever any did," and desired Her Majesty even so 
to judge of her; and said "she should not find her to the 
contrary; whatsoever false report otherwise had gone of her." 

To whom, the Queen answered, "You will not confess 
your offence ; but stand stoutly in your truth ! I pray GOD ! 
it may so fall out." 

" If it do not," quoth she, " I request neither favour nor 
pardon at your Majesty's hands." 

" Well," said the Queen, " you stiffly still persevere in 
your truth ! Belike, you will not confess but that you have 
wrongly punished ! " 

" I must not say so, if it please your Majesty ! to you ! " 

" Why, then," said the Queen, " belike you will to others." 

" No, if it please your Majesty ! " quoth she, " I have 
borne the burden, and must bear it. I humbly beseech your 
Majesty to have a good opinion of me, and to think me to be 
your true subject ; not only from the beginning, hitherto ; but 
for ever, as long as life lasteth." 



Jfj^^:] Elizabeth in charge of Sir T. Pope. 363 

And so they departed [separated], with very few comfortable 
words of the Queen in English. But what she said in 
Spanish, GOD knoweth ! It is thought that King Philip 
was there, behind a cloth [tapestry], and not shewn; and that 
he shewed himself a very friend in that matter, &c. 

Thus Her Grace departing, went to her lodging again ; and 
the sevennight after, was released of Sir Henry Beding- 
FiELD, " her gaoler," as she termed him, and his soldiers. 

So Her Grace, set at liberty from imprisonment, went into 
the country, and had appointed to go with her, Sir Thomas 
Pope, one of Queen Mary's Councillors ; and one of her 
Gentleman Ushers, Master Gage ; and thus straitly was she 
looked to, all Queen Mary's time. 

And this is the discourse of Her Highness's imprisonment. 

Then there came to Lamheyre, Master Jerningham, and 
NoRRis, Gentleman Usher, Queen Mary's men ; who took 
away from Her Grace, Mistress Asheley to the Fleet, and 
three others of her gentlemen to the Tower; which thing was 
no little trouble to Her Grace, saying, that "she thought 
they would fetch all away at the end." But God be praised ! 
shortly after was fetched away Gardiner, through the merci- 
ful providence of the LORD's goodness, by occasion of whose 
opportune decease [13^^ November, 1555], the life of this so ex- 
cellent Prince that is the wealth of England, was preserved. 

After the death of this Gardiner ; followed the death also, 
and dropping away of others, her enemies ; whereby, by little 
and little, her jeopardy decreased, fear diminished, hope of 
more comfort began to appear, as out of a dark cloud ; and 
though as yet Her Grace had no full assurance of perfect 
safety, yet more gentle entertainment daily did grow unto 
her, till the same day, which took away the said Queen Mary, 
brought in the same her foresaid sister. Lady Elizabeth in 
to the right of the Crown of England. Who, after so long 
restrainment, so great dangers escaped, such blusterous 
storms overblown, so many injuries digested and wrongs 
sustained : the mighty protection of our merciful GOD, to 
our no little safeguard, hath exalted and erected, out of thrall, 
to liberty ; out of danger, to peace and rule ; from dread, to 
dignity ; from misery, to majesty ; from mourning, to ruling; 
briefly, of a prisoner, hath made her a Prince ; and hath 






364 Elizabeth's generosity to Sir Henry. [J-,^°* 

placed her in her royal throne, being placed and proclaimed 
Queen with as many glad hearts of her subjects, as ever was 
any King or Queen in this realm before, or ever shall be (I 
think) hereafter. 

In whose advancement, and this her princely governance, 
it cannot sufficiently be expressed what felicity and blessed 
happiness this realm hath received, in receiving her at the 
LORD'S almighty and gracious hand. For as there have 
been divers Kings and Rulers over this realm, and I have 
read of some ; yet could I never find in English Chronicles, 
the like that may be written of this our noble and worthy 
Queen, whose coming in was not only so calm, so joyful, so 
peaceable, without shedding of any blood ; but also her 
reigning hitherto (reign now four years and more) hath been 
so quiet, that yet (the LORD have all the glory !) to this 
present day, her Sword is a virgin, spotted and polluted with 
no drop of blood. 

In speaking whereof, I take not upon me the part of the 
Moral, or of the Divine Philosopher, to Judge of things done ; 
but only keep me within the compass of an Historiographer, 
declaring what hath been before; and comparing things done, 
with things now present, the like whereof, as I said, is not to 
be found lightly in Chronicles before. And this, as I speak 
truly, so would I to be taken without flattery; to be left to our 
posterity, ad sempiternam clementicB illuis memoriam. 

In commendation of which her clemency, I might also here 
add, how mildly Her Grace, after she was advanced to her 
Kingdom, did forgive the said Sir Henry Bedingfield; 
suffering him, without molestation, to enjoy goods, life, lands, 
and liberty. But I let this pass. 

Thus hast thou, gentle Reader ! simply but truly described 
unto thee, the time, first, of the sorrowful adversity of this 
our most Sovereign Queen that now is; also, the miraculous 
preserving her in so many straights and distresses : which I 
thought here briefly to notify, the rather for that the won- 
drous works of the LORD ought not to be suppressed; and 
that also Her Majesty, and we her poor subjects likewise, 
having thereby a present matter always before our eyes, be 
admonished how much we are bound to His Divine majesty, 
and also to render thanks to Him condignly for the same. 



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TI/E PASSAGE 

of our most dread Sovereign 

\\ Lady^ ^^een Elizabeth^ 

% 

through the City of Lon- 
don to Westminster^ 
the day before her 
% Coronation, 

Anno. 1558. 

Cum privilegio. 



■^ 




The Receiving of the Queens Majesty, 




jjPoN Saturday, which was the 14th day of 
January, in the year of our Lord God, 
1558 [i.e., 1559], about two of the clock, at 
after noon, the most noble and Christian 
Princess, our most dread Sovereign Lady, 
Elizabeth, by the grace of GOD, Queen 
of England, France, and Ireland, Defender 
of the Faith, &c., marched from the Tower, 
to pass through the City of London, towards Westminster : 
richly furnished, and most honourably accompanied, as well 
with Gentlemen, Barons, and other the Nobility of this realm, 
as also with a noble train of goodly and beautiful Ladies, 
richly appointed. 

And entering the City, was of the people received marvel- 
lous entirely, as appeared by the assembly's prayers, wishes, 
welcomings, cries, tender words, and all other signs : which 
argue a wonderful earnest love of most obedient subjects 
towards their Sovereign. And, on the other side, Her Grace, 
by holding up her hands, and merry countenance to such as 
stood afar off, and most tender and gentle language to those 
that stood nigh to Her Grace, did declare herself no less 
thankfully to receive her people's good will, than they lov- 
ingly offered it unto her. 

To all that " wished Her Grace well 1 " she gave '* Hearty 
thanks ! " and to such as bade " GOD save Her Grace ! " she 



•68 The Queen's loving behaviour, [j 



an. 1559. 



said again, ** GOD save them all ! " and thanked with all 
her heart. So that, on either side, there was nothing but 
gladness ! nothing but prayer ! nothing but comfort ! 

The Queen's Majesty rejoiced marvellously to see that so 
exceedingly shewed towards Her Grace, which all good Princes 
have ever desired ; I mean, so earnest Love of Subjects, so 
evidently declared even to Her Grace's own person, being 
carried in the midst of them. The people, again, were won- 
derfully ravished with the loving answers and gestures of 
their Princess ; like to the which, they had before tried, at her 
first coming to the town, from Hatfield. This Her Grace's 
loving behaviour preconceived in the people's heads, upon 
these considerations, was then thoroughly confirmed; and 
indeed implanted a wonderful hope in them touching her 
worthy government in the rest of her reign. 

For in all her Passage, she did not only shew her most 
gracious love towards the people in general ; but also 
privately, if the baser personages had either offered Her 
Grace any flowers or such like, as a signification of their 
good will ; or moved to her any suit, she most gently (to the 
common rejoicings of all lookers on, and private comfort of 
the party) stayed her chariot, and heard their requests. So 
that, if a man should say well, he could not better term the 
City of London that time, than a Stage wherein was shewed 
the wonderful Spectacle of a noble hearted Princess towards 
her most loving people ; and the people's exceeding comfort 
in beholding so worthy a Sovereign, and hearing so prince-like 
a voice ; which could not but have set the enemy on fire, 
(since the virtue is in the enemy always commended) much 
more could not but inflame her natural, obedient, and most 
loving people ; whose weal leaneth only upon her Grace, and 
her government. 

Thus, therefore, the Queen's Majesty passed from the 
Tower [see as to her former dismal visit in March, 1554, at p. 345], 
till she came to Fanchurch [Fenchurch] : the people on each 
side, joyously beholding the view of so gracious a Lady, their 
Queen ; and Her Grace no less gladly noting, and observing 
the same. 

Near unto Fanchurch, was erected a scaffold richly fur- 
nished ; whereon stood a noise of instruments; and a child, 



jan'issg] ^^^ First of the Five Pageants. 369 

in costly apparel, which was appointed to welcome the Queen's 
Majesty, in the whole City's behalf. 

Against which place, when Her Grace came, of her own 
will she commanded the chariot to be stayed ; and that the 
noise might be appeased, till the child had uttered his wel- 
coming Oration, which he spake in English metre, as here 
followeth. 

O peerless Sovereign Queen ! Behold, what this thy town 
Hath thee presented with, at thy First Entrance here ! 
Behold, with how rich hope, she leadeth thee to thy Crown ! 
Behold, with what two gifts, she comforteth thy cheer ! 

The First is Blessing Tongues ! which many a " Welcome ! " 
say. [sky ! 

Which pray, thou may'st do well ! which praise thee to the 

Which wish to thee long life ! which bless this happy day ! 

Which to thy Kingdom "Heapes!" [Hips!], all that in 
tongues can lie. 

The Second is True Hearts ! which love thee from their root ! 
Whose Suit is Triumph now, and ruleth all the game, 
Which Faithfulness has won, and all untruth driven out ; 
Which skip for joy, when as they hear thy happy name ! 

Welcome, therefore, O Queen ! as much as heart can think. 
Welcome again, O Queen ! as much as tongue can tell, 
Welcome to joyous Tongues, and Hearts that will not shrink ! 
" GOD, thee preserve ! " we pray ; and wish thee ever well ! 

At which words of the last line, the people gave a great 
shout ; wishing, with one assent, as the child had said. 

And the Queen's Majesty thanked most heartily, both the 
City for this her gentle receiving at the first, and also the 
people for confirming the same. 

Here was noted in the Queen's Majesty's countenance, 
during the time that the child spake, besides a perpetual at- 
tentiveness in her face, a marvellous change in look, as the 
child's words touched either her person, or the people's 

2A J 



370 Subject of the First Pageant is [jan^ss^. 

Tongues and Hearts : so that she, with rejoicing visage, did 
evidently declare that the words took no less place in her 
mind, than they were most heartily pronounced by the child, 
as from all the hearts of her most hearty citizens. 

The same Verses were fastened up in a table [painted board. 
Table is the Elizabethan word for picture] upon the scaffold ; 
and the Latin thereof likewise, in Latin verses, in another 
table, as hereafter ensueth. 

Urbs tua quce ingressu dederit tibi munera primo, 

O Regina ! parent nan habitura, vide ! 
Ad diadema tuum, te spe quam divite mittat, 

Quce duo letitice det tibi dona, vide ! 
Munus habes Primum, Linguas bona multa Precantes, 

QucB te quum laudant, turn pia vota sonant, 
Foelicemque diem hunc dicunt, tibi secula longa 

Optant, et quicquid denique lingua potest. 
A Itera dona feres, vera, et tui A mantia Corda, 

Quorum gens ludum jam regit una tuum : 
In quibus est infracta fides, falsumque perosa, 

Quceque tuo audita nomine lata salit. 
Grata venis igitur, quantum Cor concipit ullum I 

Quantum Lingua potest dicere, grata venis ! 
Cordibus infractis, Linguisque per omnia Icetis 

Grata venis ! salvam te velit esse DE US ! 

Now when the child had pronounced his oration, and the 
Queen's Highness so thankfully received it; she marched 
forward towards Gracious [Gracechurch] Street, where, at the 
upper end, before the sign of the Eagle, the city had erected 
a gorgeous and sumptuous Ark, as here followeth. 

A Stage was made which extended from one side of the 
street to the other, richly vawted [vaulted] with battlements, 
containing three ports [gates] ; and over the middlemost was 
advanced three several stages, in degrees [tiers]. Upon the 
lowest stage, was made one seat royal ; wherein were placed 
two personages representing King Henry VIL, and Eliza- 
beth his wife, daughter of King Edward IV. Both of these 
two Princes sitting under one Cloth of Estate, in their seats ; 



1 



jan'issJ ^-^^ Union of York and Lancaster. 371 

no otherwise divided, but that th[e] one of them, which was 
King Henry VII., proceeding out of the House of Lancaster, 
was enclosed in a red rose ; and the other, which was Queen 
Elizabeth, being heir to the House of York, enclosed with 
a white rose : each of them royally crowned and decently ap- 
parelled, as pertaineth to Princes, with sceptres in their hands, 
and one vawt SvauW] surmounting their heads, wherein aptly 
were placed two tables, each containing the title, of those two 
Princes. And these personages were so set, that the one of 
them joined hands with the other, with the ring of matrimony 
perceived on the finger. 

Out of the which two roses sprang two branches gathered 
into one : which were directed upward to the second stage or 
degree; wherein was placed one representing the valiant and 
noble Prince, Henry VIII., who sprang out of the former 
stock, crowned with a crown imperial. And by him sate 
one representing the right worthy Lady, Queen Anne ; wife 
to the said Henry VIII., and mother to our most sovereign 
Lady, Queen Elizabeth that now is. Both apparelled with 
sceptres and diadems, and other furniture due to the estate of 
a King and Queen : and two tables surmounting their heads, 
wherein were written their names and titles. 

From their seat also, proceeded upwards one branch directed 
to the third and uppermost stage or degree, wherein likewise 
was planted a seat royal ; in the which was set one repre- 
senting the Queen's most excellent Majesty, Elizabeth, now 
our most dread Sovereign Lady, crowned and apparelled as 
the other Princes were. 

Out of the forepart of this pageant was made a standing 
for a child, which, at the Queen's Majesty's coming, declared 
unto her the whole meaning of the said pageant. 

The two sidesof the same were filled with loud noises of music. 

And all empty places thereof, were furnished with sentences 
concerning Unity. And the whole pageant was garnished 
with red and white roses ; and in the forefront of the same 
pageant, in a fair wreath, was written the name and title of 
the same, which was 

THE UNITING OF THE TWO 
HOUSESOFYORKANDLANCASTER. 

This pageant was grounded upon the Queen Majesty's name. 



372 The Queen will preserve concord! [j„.',j5^ 

For like as the long war between the two Houses of York 
and Lancaster then ended, when Elizabeth, daughter of 
Edward IV., matched in marriage with Henry VII., heir 
to the House of Lancaster; so since that the Queen's 
Majesty's name was Elizabeth, and forasmuch as she is the 
only heir of Henry VIII., which came of both Houses as the 
knitting up of concord : it was devised that like as Eliza- 
beth was the first occasion of concord; so She, another 
Elizabeth, might maintain the same among her subjects. 
So that Unity was the end, whereat the whole device shot ; as 
the Queen's Majesty's name moved the first ground. 

This pageant now against the Queen's Majesty's coming, 
was addressed [set forth] with children representing the fore- 
named personages ; with all furniture due unto the setting 
forth of such a well-meant matter, as the argument declared, 
costly and sumptuously set forth, as the beholders can witness. 

Now, the Queen's Majesty drew near unto the said pageant, 
and forasmuch as the noise was great, by reason of the press 
of people, so that she could scarce hear the child which did 
interpret the said pageant ; and her chariot was passed so 
far forward that she could not well view the personages re- 
presenting the Kings and Queens above named ; she required 
to have the matter opened unto her, and what they signified, 
with the End of Unity, and Ground of her Name, according as 
is before expressed. 

For the sight whereof, Her Grace caused her chariot to 
be removed back ; and yet hardly could she see, because the 
children were set somewhat with the farthest in. 

But after that Her Grace understood the meaning thereof, 
she thanked the City, praised the fairness of the work, and 
promised that " She would do her whole endeavour for the 
continual preservation of concord! " as the pageant did import. 

The child appointed in the standing above named, to open 
the meaning of the said pageant, spake these words unto Her 
Grace. 

The two Princes that sit under one Cloth of State : 
The Man in the red rose ; the Woman in the white : 
Henry the Seventh, and Queen Elizabeth his mate, 
By ring of marriage, as man and wife unite. 



Jan.*i559] ^^"^^^ SENTENCES CONCERNING UnITY. ^7 2f 

Both heirs to both their bloods : to Lancaster, the King, 
The Queen, to York ; in one the two Houses do knit. 
Of whom, as Heir to both, Henry the Eighth did spring, 
In whose seat, his true Heir, thou, Queen Elizabeth 1 dost 
sit! 

Therefore as civil war and shed of blood did cease ; 
When these two Houses were united into one : 
So now, that jar shall stint and quietness increase, 
We trust, O noble Queen ! thou wilt be cause alone ! 

The which also were written in Latin verses. And both 
drawn in two tables upon the forefront of the said pageant, 
as hereafter followeth. 

Hii quos jungit idem solium, quos annulus idem : 

Hcec albente nitens, ille ruhente rosa : 
Septimus Henricus rex, regina Elizabetha, 

Scilicet HcBredes gentis uterque sucb. 
Hcec Eboracensis, Lancastrius ille dederunt 

Connubio e geminis quo for et una domus. 
Excipit hos hcBres Henricus copula regum 

Octavus, magni regis imago potens. 
Regibus hinc succedis avis regique parenti 

Patris justa H ceres Elizabetha tut. 

C Sentences placed therein, concerning 

Unity. 

NullcB Concordes animos vires domant. 
Qui juncti terrent, dejuncti timent. 
Discordes animi solvunt, Concordes ligant. 
A ugentur parva pace, magna bello cadunt. 
ConjunctcB manus fortius tollunt onus. 
Regno pro moenibus ceneis civium concordia. 
Qui diu pugnant, diutius lugent. 
Dissidentes principes, subditorum lues. 



374 Subject of the Second Pageant is [jan/,55, 

Princeps ad pacem natus, non ad anna datur. 
Filia concordicB copia, neptis quies. 
Dissentiens respublica hostibus patet. 
Qui idem tenent, diutius tenent, 
Regnum divisum facile dissolviiur. 
Civitas concors armis frustra tentatur. 
Omnium gentium consensus firmat fidem. 
&c. 

These Verses and other pretty Sentences were drawn in 
void places of this pageant, all tending to one end, that quiet- 
ness might be maintained and all dissention displaced : and 
that by the Queen's Majesty, Heir to Agreement, and agree- 
ing in name with her which tofore had joined those Houses, 
which had been the occasion of much debate and Civil War 
with this realm (as may appear to such as well search 
Chronicles ; but be not to be touched in this Treatise, only 
declaring Her Grace's Passage through the City, and what 
provision the City made therefore). 

And ere the Queen's Majesty came within hearing of this 
pageant, as also at all the other pageants ; she sent certain to 
require the people to be silent, for Her Majesty was disposed 
to hear all that should be said unto her. 

When the Queen's Majesty had heard the child's oration 
and understood the meaning of the pageant at large ; she 
marched forward towards Cornhill, always received with like 
rejoicing of the people. 

And there, as Her Grace passed by the Conduit, which was 
curiously trimmed against that time, adorned with rich 
banners, and a noise of loud instruments upon the top thereof: 
she espied the second pageant. And because she feared, for 
the people's noise, that she should not hear the child which 
did expound the same, she inquired what that pageant was, 
ere that she came to it. And there understood, that there 
was a child representing Her Majesty's person, placed in a 
Seat of Government, supported by certain Virtues which sup- 
pressed their contrary Vices under their feet : and so forth, 
as, in the description of the said pageant, shall hereafter 
appear. 



jan'issJ ^^^ Seat of Worthy Governance. 375 

This pageant, standing in the nether end of Cornhill, was 
extended from one side of the street to the other ; and, in the 
same pageant was devised three gates, all open : and over the 
middle part thereof was erected one Chair or Seat royal, with 
Cloth of Estate to the same appertaining, wherein was placed 
a child representing the Queen's Highness, with considera- 
tion had for place convenient for a table, which contained her 
name and title. 

And in a comely wreath, artificially and well devised, with 
perfect sight and understanding to the people, in the front of 
the same pageant, was written the name and title thereof 
which is 

THE SEAT OF WORTHY GOVERNANCE. 

Which Seat was made in such artificial manner, as to the 
appearance of the lookers on, the forepart seemed to have no 
stay; and therefore, of force, was stayed by lively [living] 
personages. Which personages were in number four, stand- 
ing and staying the forefront of the same Seat royal, each 
having his face to the Queen and the people ; whereof every 
one had a table to express their effects. Which are Virtues, 
namely. Pure Religion, Love of Subjects, Wisdom, and 
Justice ; which did tread their contrary Vices under their 
feet : that is to wit. Pure Religion did tread upon Igno- 
rance and Superstition, Love of Subjects did tread upon 
Rebellion and Insolency, Wisdom did tread upon Folly 
and Vainglory, Justice did tread upon Adulation and 
Bribery. Each of these personages, according to their 
proper names and properties, had not only their names in 
plain and perfect writing set upon their breasts, easily to be 
read of all : but also every of them was aptly and properly 
apparelled; so that his apparel and name did agree to 
express the same person, that in title he represented. This 
part of the pageant was thus appointed and furnished. 

The two sides over the two side ports had in them placed 
a noise of instruments [i.e., a hand of players] ; which, imme- 
diately after the child's speech, gave a heavenly melody. 

Upon the top or uppermost part of the said pageant stood 
the Arms of England, royally portraitured ; with the proper 
beasts to uphold the same. One representing the Queen's 



376 The Virtues trampling on the Vices, [jan.'issg 

Highness sat in this Seat, crowned with an imperial crown : 
and before her seat was a convenient place appointed for one 
child, which did interpret and apply the said pageant as 
hereafter shall be declared. 

Every void place was furnished with proper Sentences 
commending the Seat supported by the Virtues; and defacing 
the Vices, to the utter extirpation of rebellion, and to ever- 
lasting continuance of quietness and peace. 

The Queen's Majesty approaching nigh unto this pageant, 
thus beautified and furnished in all points, caused her 
chariot to be drawn nigh thereunto, that Her Grace might 
hear the child's oration, which was this : 

While that Religion True shall Ignorance suppress, 
And with her weighty foot, break Superstition's head ; 
While Love of Subjects shall Rebellion distress. 
And with Zeal to the Prince, Insolency down tread ; 

While Justice can Flattering tongues and Bribery deface ; 
While Folly and Vainglory, to Wisdom yield their hands : 
So long, shall Government not swerve from her right race. 
But Wrong decayeth still, and Righteousness upstands. 

Now all thy subjects' hearts, O Prince of peerless fame ! 
Do trust these virtues shall maintain up thy throne ! 
And Vice be kept down still, the wicked put to shame ; 
That good with good may joy, and naught with naught may 
moan ! 

Which Verses were painted upon the right side of the 
same pageant; and in Latin thereof, on the left side, in 
another table, which were these. 

QucB subnixa alte solio regina superbo est, 
Effigiem sanctce Principis alma refert, 

Quam Civilis Amor fulcit, Sapientia firmat, 
Justicia illustrat, Religioque heat 

Vana Superstitio et crassce Ignorantia froniis 



Jan.*iss9-] Seat of Governance upheld by Virtues t^']'] 

PresscB sub Pura Religione jacent. 
Regis Amor domat Effrcenos, animosque rebelles 

Justus Adtdantes, Donivorosque terit. 
Cum regit Imperium sapiens, sine luce sedehunt 

StuUitia, atque hujus numen inanis honor. 

Beside these Verses, there were placed in every void room 
of the pageant, both in English and Latin, such Sentences 
as advanced the Seat of Governance upholden by Virtue. 

The ground of this pageant was that, Hke as by Virtues 
(which do abundantly appear in Her Grace), the Queen's 
Majesty was established in the Seat of Government ; so she 
should sit fast in the same, so long as she embraced Virtue, 
and held Vice under foot. For if Vice once got up the head, 
it would put the Seat of Government in peril of falling. 

The Queen's Majesty, when she had heard the child, and 
understood the pageant at full, gave the City also thanks 
there ; and most graciously promised her good endeavour for 
the maintenance of the said virtues, and suppression of vices. 

And so marched on, till she came against the Great 
Conduit in Cheap ; which was beautified with pictures and 
sentences accordingly, against Her Grace's coming thither. 

Against Soper Lane's end was extended from the one side 
of the street to the other, a pageant which had three gates, 
all open. 

Over the middlemost whereof, were erected three several 
stages, whereon sat eight children, as hereafter followeth. 
On the uppermost, one child ; on the middle, three ; on the 
lowest, four; each having the proper name of the Blessing 
that he did represent, written in a table, and placed above 
his head. 

In the forefront of this pageant, before the children which 
did represent the Blessings, was a convenient standing cast 
out for a child to stand, which did expound the said pageant 
unto the Queen's Majesty ; as was done in the other before. 
Every of these children were appointed and apparelled 
according to the Blessing, which he did represent. 

And on the forepart of the said pageant was written, in fair 
letters, the name of the said pageant, in this manner following. 



'^ 



378 Subject of the Third Pageant is [jan.' 



I J 59. 



THE EIGHT BEATITUDES, EXPRESSED 

IN THE FIFTH CHAPTER OF THE 

GOSPEL OF SAINT MATTHEW, 

APPLIED TO OUR SOVEREIGN 

LADY QUEEN ELIZABETH. 

Over the two side posts was placed a noise of instruments. 

And all void places in the pageant were furnished with 
pretty Sayings commending and touching the meaning of the 
said pageant ; which were the Promises and Blessings of 
Almighty GOD made to His people. 

Before the Queen's Highness came into this pageant, she 
required the matter somewhat to be opened unto her; that Her 
Grace might the better understand what should, afterward, 
by the child, be said unto her. Which was so, that the City 
had there erected the pageant with eight children, represent- 
ing the Eight Blessings touched in the Fifth Chapter of 
5"^. Matthew; whereof every one, upon just considerations, 
was applied unto Her Highness. And that the people 
thereby put Her Grace in mind, that as her good doings 
before, had given just occasion why that these Blessings 
might fall upon her ; that so, if Her Grace did continue in 
her goodness, as she had entered, she should hope for the 
fruit of these Promises, due unto them that do exercise 
themselves in the Blessings. 

Which Her Grace heard marvellously graciously, and 
required that the chariot might be removed towards the 
pageant, that she might perceive the child's words : which 
were these, the Queen's Majesty giving most attentive ear, 
and requiring that the people's noise might be stayed. 

Thou hast been eight times blest ! O Queen of worthy fame ! 
By Meekness in thy spirit, when care did thee beset ! 
By Mourning in thy grief! by Mildness in thy blame ! 
By Hunger and by Thirst, and justice couldst none get 1 

By Mercy showed, not felt ! by Cleanness of thy heart! 
By seeking Peace always ! by Persecution wrong !, [smart ! 
Therefore, trust thou in GOD ! since He hath helped thy 
That, as His Promise is, so He will make thee strong! 



j Jan/is59.] ^-^^ B EATITUDES APPLIED TO THE QuEEN". 379 

When these words were spoken, all the people wished that 
"As the child had spoken, so GOD would strengthen Her 
Grace against all her adversaries ! " whom the Queen's 
Majesty did most gently thank, for their so loving wish. 

These Verses were painted on the left side of the said 
pageant ; and other, in Latin, on the other side, which were 
these : 

Qui lugent hilar es fient, qui initia gestant 

Pectora, muUa soli jugera culta uietent. 
jfustitiam estiriens sitiensve replebitur, ipsiiiii 

Fas homini puro corde videre DE UM. 
Quern alterius miseret Dominus misercbitur hujus, 

Pacificus qimquis, filius ille DEI est. 
Propter justiti am qidsquis patiettir habetque 

Demissam me?item, ccelica regna capit. 
Huic hominum generi terram, mare, sidera vovit 

Omnipotens, horum quisque beatus erit. 

Besides these, every void place in the pageant was fur- 
nished with Sentences touching the matter and ground of the 
said pageant. 

When all that was to be said in this pageant was ended ; 
the Queen's Majesty passed on forward in Cheap side. 

At the Standard in Cheap, which was dressed fair against 
the time, was placed a noise of trumpets, with banners and 
other furniture. 

The Cross, likewise, was also made fair and well trimmed. 
And near unto the same, upon the porch of Saint Peter's 
Church door, stood the Waits of the City ; which did give a 
pleasant noise with their instruments, as the Queen's Majesty 
did pass by. Who, on every side, cast her countenance, and 
wished well to all her most loving people. 

Soon after that Her Grace passed the Cross, she had espied 
the pageant erected at the Little Conduit in Cheap ; and 
incontinent required to know what it might signify. And it 
was told Her Grace, that there was placed Time. 

" Time ! " quoth she, " and Time hath brought me hither! " 



380 The City's noble gift to the Queen. [j^J, 



an. 1559, 



And so forth the whole matter was opened to Her Grace, as 
hereafter shall be declared in the description of the pageant. 
But when in the opening, Her Grace understood that the 
Bible in English, should be delivered unto her by Truth 
(which was therein represented by a child), she thanked the 
City for that gift, and said that she would oftentimes read 
over that book ; commanding Sir John Parrat, one of the 
knights which held up her canopy, to go before, and to re- 
ceive it : but learning that it should be delivered unto Her 
Grace, down by a silken lace, she caused him to stay. 

And so passed forward till she came against the Aldermen, 
in the high end of Cheap, tofore the Little Conduit ; where 
the Companies of the City ended, which began at Fanchurch 
[Fenchurch Street] and stood along the streets, one by another, 
enclosed with rails hanged with cloths, and themselves well 
apparelled with many rich furs, and their Livery Hoods 
upon their shoulders, in comely and seemly manner ; having 
before them sundry persons well apparelled in silks and 
chains of gold, as Whifflers and Guarders of the said Com- 
panies : besides a number of rich hangings (as well of 
tapestry, arras, cloths of gold, silver, velvet, damask, satin, 
and other silks) plentifully hanged all the way, as the 
Queen's Highness passed from the Tower through the City. 
Out at the windows and penthouses of every house did hang 
a number of rich and costly banners and streamers, till Her 
Grace came to the upper end of Cheap. 

And there by appointment, the Right Worshipful Master 
Ranulph Cholmeley, Recorder of the City, presented to 
the Queen's Majesty, a purse of crimson satin, richly 
wrought with gold ; wherein the City gave unto the Queen's 
Majesty a thousand marks in gold [= £666 = about £^,000 
now] ; as Master Recorder did declare briefly unto the Queen's 
Majesty. [Compare the similar usual gift to her Mother 
25 years before, in this Vol. p. i6|. Whose words tended to 
this end, that "The Lord Mayor, his brethren and commonalty 
of the City, to declare their gladness and good will towards 
the Queen's Majesty, did present Her Grace with that gold ; 
desiring Her Grace to continue their good and gracious 
Queen, and not to esteem the value of the gift, but the mind 
of the givers." 



jan.'issJ ^^^ Queen's noble Speech to the City. 381 

The Queen's Majesty, with both her hands took the 
purse, and answered to him again marvellously pithily ; and 
so pithily that the standers by, as they embraced entirely her 
gracious answer, so they marvelled at the couching thereof : 
which was in words truly reported these. " I thank my 
Lord Mayor, his brethren, and you all ! And whereas your 
request is, that I should continue your good Lady and Queen : 
be ye ensured that I will be as good unto you, as ever Queen 
was to her people ! No will in me can lack ! neither, do I 
trust, shall there lack any power ! And persuade yourselves 
that, for the safety and quietness of you all, I will not spare, 
if need be, to shed my blood ! GOD thank you all ! " 

Which answer of so noble a hearted Princess, if it moved 
a marvellous shout and rejoicing, it is nothing to be mar- 
velled at ; since both the heartiness thereof was so wonder- 
ful, and the words so jointly knit. 

When Her Grace had thus answered the Recorder, she 
marched towards the Little Conduit ; where was erected a 
pageant, with square proportion, standing directly before the 
same Conduit, with battlements accordingly. And in the 
same pageant were advanced two hills or mountains of con- 
venient height. 

The one of them, being on the north side of the same 
pageant, was made cragged, barren, and stony ; in the which 
was erected one tree, artificially made, all withered and 
dead, with branches accordingly. And under the same 
tree, at the foot thereof, sat one, in homely and rude 
apparel, crookedly, and in mourning manner, having over 
his head in a table, written in Latin and English, his name, 
which was 

RUINOSA RESPUBLICA, 

A DECAYED COMMON WEAL. 

And upon the same withered tree, were fixed certain tables 
wherein were written proper Sentences, expressing the causes 
of the Decay of the Common weal. 

The other hill, on the south side, was made fair, fresh, 
green, and beautiful ; the ground thereof full of flowers and 
beauty. And on the same was erected also one tree, very 
fresh and fair ; under which, stood upright one fresh personage, 



382 Subject of the Fourth Pageant is [j^J.^J 

well apparelled and appointed ; whose name also was writ- 
ten, both in English and in Latin, which was 

RESPUBLICA BENE INSTITUTA, 
A FLOURISHING COMMON WEAL. 

And upon the same tree also, were fixed certain tables con- 
taining Sentences, which expressed the causes of a Flourishing 
Common weal. 

In the middle, between the said hills, was made arti- 
ficially, one hollow place or cave, with door and lock 
enclosed ; out of which, a little before the Queen's Highness's 
coming thither, issued one personage, whose name was 
Time (apparelled as an old man, with a scythe in his hands, 
having wings artificially made), leading a personage, of less 
stature than himself, which was finely and well apparelled, 
all clad in white silk ; and directly over her head was set 
her name and title, in Latin and English, Temporis Filia, 
The Daughter of Time. 

"Which two, so appointed, went forward, towards the south 
side of the pageant. 

And on her breast was written her proper name, Veritas, 
Truth ; who held a book in her hand, upon the which was 
written, Verbum Veritatis, The Word of Truth. 

And out of the south side of the pageant, was cast a 
standing for a child, which should interpret the same pageant. 

Against whom, when the Queen's Majesty came, he spake 
unto Her Grace these words : 

This old man with the scythe, old Father Time they call : 
And her, his daughter Truth, which holdeth yonder book; 
Whom he out of his rock hath brought forth to us all. 
From whence, these many years, she durst not once outlook. 

The ruthful wight that sitteth under the barren tree, 
Resembleth to us the form when Common weals decay ; 
But when they be in state triumphant, you may see 
By him in fresh attire, that sitteth under the bay. 



1 



jan/i559-]^ RUINOUS CoMMON Weal, & its opposite. ^Z-^ 

Now since that Time again, his daughter Truth hath 

brought ; 
We trust, O worthy Queen ! thou wilt this Truth embrace ! 
And since thou understandest the good estate and nought ; 
We trust Wealth thou wilt plant, and Barrenness displace ! 

But for to heal the sore, and cure that is not seen, 
Which thing the Book of Truth doth teach in writing plain ; 
She doth present to thee, the same, O worthy Queen 1 
For that, that words do fly, but writing doth remain. 

When the child had thus ended his speech, he reached 
his book towards the Queen's Majesty; which, a little before, 
Truth had let down unto him from the hill : which by Sir 
John Parrat was received, and delivered unto the Queen. 

But she, as soon as she had received the book, kissed it ; 
and with both her hands held up the same, and so laid 
it upon her breast ; with great thanks to the City therefore. 
And so went forward toward Paul's Churchyard. 

The former matter, which was rehearsed unto the Queen's 
Majesty, was written in two tables, on either side the 
pageant, eight verses : and in the midst, these in Latin. 

IIU, vides, falcem IcBva qui sustinet uncam, 

Tempus is est, cui statfilia Vera comes ; 
Hanc pater exesa deductam rupe reponit 

In lucent, quam non viderat ante diu. 
Qui sedet a IcBva cultu male tristis inepto^ 

Quern duris crescens cautibus orbis obit 
Nos monet effigicB, qua sit Respublica quando 

Corruit, at contra quando beata viget, 
Ilk docet juvenis forma spectandus amictu 

Scitus, et ceterna laurea fronde virens. 

The Sentences, written in Latin and English upon both 
the trees, declaring the causes of both estates, were these ; 



384 The connection of the Pageants. [jan.',s59. 

C Causes of a Ruinous Common 
Weal are these. 

Want of the Fear of GOD. Civil disagreement. 

Disobedience to rulers. Flattering of Princes. 

Blindness of guides. Unmercifulness in rulers. 

Bribery in magistrates. Unthankfulness in subjects. 
Rebellion in subjects. 

C Causes of aFlourishing 
Common weal. 

Fear of GOD. Obedient subjects. 

A wise Prince. Lovers of the Common Weal. 

Learned rulers. Virtue rewarded. 

Obedience to officers. Vice chastened. 

The matter of this pageant dependeth of them [i.e., the 
pageants] that went before. For, as the first declared Her 
Grace to come out of the House of Unity; the second, that 
she is placed in the Seat of Government, stayed with virtues 
to the suppression of vice ; and therefore in the third, the 
Eight Blessings of Almighty GOD might well be applied 
unto her : so this fourth now, is to put Her Grace in remem- 
brance of the state of the Common Weal, which Time, with 
Truth his daughter, doth reveal : which Truth also, Her 
Grace hath received ; and therefore cannot but be merciful 
and careful for the good government thereof. 

From thence, the Queen's Majesty passed towards Paul's 
Churchyard. 

And when she came over against Paul's School, a child 
appointed by the Schoolmaster thereof, pronounced a certain 
Oration in Latin, and certain Verses : which also were there 
written, as follows. 

Philosophus ille divinus Plato, inter multa prcedare ac sa- 
pienter dicta, hoc posteris proditum reliquit, Rempuhlicam illam 
felicissimam fore, cui Princeps sophicB studiosa, virtutibusque 
ornata contigerit. Quern si vere dixisse censeamus {ut quidem 
verissime) cur non terra Britannica plauderet ? cur non populus 



I 



jan/i5S9-] ^^^ Latin Speech AT St. Paul's School. 385 

gaudiam atque IcBtitiam agitaret ? immo, cur non hunc diem alho 
(quod aiunt) lapillo notaret ? quo Princeps talis nobis adest, 
qualem priores non viderunt, qualemque posteritas haud facile 
cernere poterit, dotibus quum animi, turn corporis tmdiqtie feli- 
cissima. Casti qtiidem corporis dotes ita aperies sunt, ut oratione 
non egeant. Animi vero tot tantceque, ut ne verbis quidem 
exprimi possint. Hcbc nempe Regibus summis orta, morum atque 
animi nobilitate genus exuperat. Hujus pectus Christi religionis 
amore flagrat. Hcbc gentem Britannicum virtutibus illustrabit, 
clipeoque justitice teget. Hcbc Uteris GrcBcis et Latinis eximia, 
ingenioque prcBpollens est. Hac imperante, pietas vigebit, Anglia 
fiorebit, Aurea Secula redibunt. Vos igitur Angli, tot commoda 
accepturiy Elizabetham Reginam nostram celeherrimam ab ipso 
Christo hujus regni imperio destinatam, honor e debito prose- 
quimini. Hujus imperiis animo libentissimo subditi estote, vosque 
tali principe dignos prcsbete. Et quoniam, pueri non viribus 
sed precibus officium prestare possunt, nos Alumni hujus ScholcB 
ab ipso COLETO, olim Templi Paulini Decano, extrudes, teneras 
palmas ad ccelum tendentes Christum Opt. Maxi. precaiuri 
sumus, ut tuum celsitudinem annos Nestoreos summo cum 
honore Anglis imperitare faciat, matremque pignoribus charis 
J beatam reddat. Amen. 

Anglia nunc tandem plaudas, Icetare, re sulfa, 

Presto jam vita est, prcBsidiumque tibi. 
En tua spes venit tua gloria, lux, decus omne 

Venit jam solidam qucB tibi prestat opem. 
Succurretque tuis rebus qucB pessum abiere. 

Perdita qucB fuerant hcsc reparare volet 
Omnia florebunt, redeunt nunc aurea secla. 

In melius surgent quce cecidere bona. 
Debes ergo illi totam te redder e fidam, 

Cujus in accessu commoda tot capies. 
Salve igitur dicas, imo de pectore summo. 

Elizabeth Regni non dubitanda salus, 
Virgo venit, veniatque optes comitata deinceps. 

2B I 



.^ 



386 The Queen passes out at Ludgate. [jan/,5s^ 

Pignoribus charts, Iceta parens veniat. 
Hoc DEUS omnipotens ex alto donet Olympo, 
Qui ccelum et terram condidit atque regit. 

Which the Queen's Majesty most attentively hearkened 
unto. And when the child had pronounced, he did kiss the 
Oration, which he had there fair written in paper, and delivered 
it unto the Queen's Majesty, which most gently received the 
same. 

And when the Queen's Majesty had heard all that was 
there offered to be spoken ; then Her Grace marched toward 
Ludgate : where she was received with a noise of instru- 
ments ; the forefront of the Gate being finely trimmed against 
Her Majesty's coming. 

From thence, by the way, as she went down toward Fleet 
Bridge, one about Her Grace, noted the City's charge, that 
"there was no cost spared." 

Her Grace answered, that " She did well consider the same, 
and that it should be remembered ! " An honourable answer, 
worthy a noble Prince : which may comfort all her subjects, 
considering there can be no point of gentleness or obedient 
love shewed towards Her Grace ; which she doth not most 
tenderly accept, and graciously weigh. 

In this manner, the people on either side rejoicing, Her 
Grace went forward towards the Conduit in Fleet Street, 
where was the fifth and last pageant, erected in the form 
following. 

From the Conduit, which was beautified with painting, unto 
the north side of the street, was erected a Stage embattled 
with four towers, and in the same, a square plat rising with 
degrees. 

Upon the uppermost degree was placed a Chair or royal 
Seat; and behind the same Seat, in curious artificial manner, 
was erected a tree of reasonable height, and so far advanced 
above the seat as it did well and seemly shadow the same, 
without endamaging the sight of any part of the pageant. 
And the same tree was beautified with leaves as green as Art 
could devise, being of a convenient greatness and containing 
thereupon the fruit of the date tree ; and on the top of the 



ii 



jan'issJ Subject of the Fifth Pageant. 387 

same tree, in a table was set the name thereof, which was, 
A Palm Tree. 

And in the aforesaid Seat or Chair was a seemly and meet 
personage, richly apparelled in Parliament robes, with a 
sceptre in her hand, as a Queen ; crowned with an open crown : 
whose name and title were in a table fixed over her head in 
this sort, Deborah, The Judge and Restorer of Israel. Judic. 4. 

And the other degrees, on either side, were furnished with 
six personages ; two representing the Nobility, two the Clergy, 
and two the Comminalty. And before these personages, was 
written in a table, 

DEBORAH, WITH HER ESTATES, 

CONSULTING FOR THE GOOD 

GOVERNMENT OF ISRAEL. 

At the feet of these, and the lowest part of the pageant, 
was ordained a convenient room for a child to open the 
meaning of the pageant. 

When the Queen's Majesty drew near unto this pageant ; 
and perceived, as in the others, the child ready to speak : 
Her Grace required silence, and commanded her chariot to be 
removed nigher that she might plainly hear the child speak ; 
which said, as hereafter followeth : 

Jabin, of Canaan King, had long, by force of arms, 
Oppressed the Israelites ; which for GOD's People went : 
But GOD minding, at last, for to redress their harms ; 
The worthy Deborah, as Judge among them sent. 

In war. She, through GOD's aid, did put her foes to flight. 
And with the dint of sword the band of bondage brast ; 
In peace. She, through GOD's aid, did always maintain right 
And judged Israel, till forty years were past. 

A worthy precedent, O worthy Queen ! thou hast I 

A worthy woman, Judge! a woman sent for Stay ! 

And that the like to us, endure always thou may'st ; 

Thy loving subjects will, with true hearts and tongues, pray ! 



1 

388 Blue Coat Boys at St. DuNSTAN's.[j3n;,555. 

Which verses were written upon the pageant: and the same 
in Latin also. 

Quando DEI populum Canaan, rex pressit jfABiN, 

Mittitur a magno Debora magna DEO : 
QiicB populum eriperet, sanctum servaret Judan, 

Milite quce patrio frangeret hostis opes. 
Hcec Domino mandante DEO lectissima fecit 

Fcemina, et adversos contudit ense vivos. 
Hcec quater denos populum correxerat annos 

Judicio, bello strenua, pace gravis. 
Sic, sic, populum, helloque et pace, guberna! 

Debora sis Anglis, Elizabetha tuis! 

The void places of the pageant were filled with pretty 
Sentences concerning the same matter. 

The ground of this last pageant was, that forasmuch as 
the next pageant before, had set before Her Grace's eyes the 
Flourishing and Desolate States of a Common Weal; she 
might by this, be put in remembrance to consult for the worthy 
Government of her people ; considering GOD, ofttimes, sent 
women nobly to rule among men, as Deborah which governed 
Israel in peace, the space of forty years ; and that it behoveth 
both men and women so ruling, to use advice of good counsel. 

When the Queen's Majesty had passed this pageant ; she 
marched towards Temple Bar. 

But at St. Dunstan's, where the children of the Hospital 
[i.e., Chrisfs Hospital, now known as the Blue Coat School, see 
p- 394] J were appointed to stand with their Governors ; Her 
Grace perceiving a child offered to make an oration unto her, 
stayed her chariot; and did cast up her eyes to heaven, as who 
should say, " I here see this merciful work towards the poor ; 
whom I must, in the midst of my royalty, needs remember." 
And so, turned her face towards the child, which, in Latin, 
pronounced an Oration to this effect. 

That after the Queen's Highness had passed through 
the City ; and had seen so sumptuous, rich, and noble 
spectacles of the citizens, which declared their most 



fan/issp] '^^^ EVERLASTING SPECTACLE OF MeRCY. 389 

hearty receiving and most joyous welcoming of Her 
Grace into the same : this one Spectacle yet rested and 
remained ; which was the everlasting Spectacle of 
Mercy unto the poor members of Almighty GOD, fur- 
thered by that famous and most noble Prince, King 
Henry VIII. , Her Grace's Father; erected by the City 
of London ; and advanced by the most godly, virtuous, 
and gracious Prince, King Edward VI., Her Grace's dear 
and loving brother. Doubting nothing of the mercy of 
the Queen's most gracious clemency : by the which they 
may not only be relieved and helped, but also stayed 
and defended ; and therefore incessantly, they would 
pray and cry unto Almighty GOD for the long life and 
reign of Her Highness, with most prosperous victory 
against her enemies. 
The child, after he had ended his Oration, kissed the paper 
wherein the same was written, and reached it to the Queen's 
Majesty; who received it graciously both with words and 
countenance, declaring her gracious mind towards their relief. 

From thence, Her Grace came to Temple Bar, which was 
dressed finely, with the two images of Gotmagot the Albion, 
and CoRiNEUSthe Briton ; two giants big in stature, furnished 
accordingly : which held in their hands, even above the gate, 
a table, wherein was written, in Latin verses, the effect of all 
the pageants which the City before had erected. Which 
Verses are these : 

Ecc& sub aspectu jam contemplaberis uno 

Princeps populi sola columna tui ! 
Qiiicquid in immensa passim perspexeris urbe 

Quce cepere omnes unus hie arcus habet. 
Primus, te solio regni donavit aviti, 

H ceres quippe tui vera parentis eras. 
Suppressis vitiis, domina virtute, SectmduSf 

Firmavit sedem regia virgo tuam. 
Tertius, ex omni posuit te parte beatam 

Si, qua ccepisti pergere velle, velis. 
Quarto, quid verum, Respublica Lapsa quid esset, 

Quce Florens staret te docuere tui. 



390 The Verses above Temple B a r. [j^J.^j^. 

Qiiinto, magna loco monuit te Debora, missam 

CcbIUus in regni gaudia longa tut. 
Perge ergo Regina ! tucB spes unica gentis ! 

HcBc Postrema urbis suscipe Vota tucB. 
" Vive diu ! regnaque diu ! virtutibus orna 

Rem patriam, et populi spem tueare tut ! 
Sic, O sic petitur ccelum ! Sic itur in astra I 

Hoc virtutis opus, ccetera mortis erunt ! " 

Which Verses were also written in English metre, in a 
lesse[r] table, as hereafter followeth. 

Behold here, in one view, thou mayst see all that plain ; 
O Princess, to this thy people, the only stay! 
What eachwhere thou hast seen in this wide town ; again, 
This one Arch, whatsoever the rest contained, doth say. 

The First Arch, as true Heir unto thy Father dear. 
Did set thee in thy Throne, where thy Grandfather sat 1 
The Second, did confirm thy Seat as Princess here ; 
Virtues now bearing sway, and Vices beat down fiat ! 

The Third, if that thou wouldst go on as thou began, 
Declareth thee to be blessed on every side ! 
The Fourth did open Truth, and also taught thee when 
The Common Weal stood well, and when it did thence slide ! 

The Fifth, as Deborah, declared thee to be sent 
From heaven, a long comfort to us thy subjects all ! 
Therefore, go on, O Queen ! (on whom our hope is bent) 
And take with thee, this wish of thy Town as final 1 

" Live long ! and as long, reign ! adorning thy country 
With virtues ; and maintain thy people's hope of thee! 
For thus, thus heaven is won ! thus, must thou pierce the sky ! 
This is by virtue wrought ! All other must needs die! '* 



Jan^sSQ-] ^^^ CiTY's FAREWELL ! H'OI'E AND Pj^A YER. 39 1 

On the south side \i.e., of Fleet Street, at Temple Bar] was 
appointed by the City, a noise of singingchildren; and one child 
richly attired as a Poet, which gave the Queen's Majesty 
her Farewell, in the name of the whole City, by these words. 

As at thine Entrance first, Prince of high renown ! 
Thou wast presented with Tongues and Hearts for thy fair ; 
So now, sith thou must needs depart out of this Town, 
This City sendeth thee firm Hope and earnest Prayer I 

For all men hope in thee, that all virtues shall reign ; 
For all men hope that thou, none error wilt support ; 
For all men hope that thou wilt Truth restore again, 
And mend that is amiss ; to all good men's comfort ! 

And for this Hope, they pray thou mayst continue long 
Our Queen amongst us here, all vice for to supplant ! 
And for this Hope, they pray that GOD maymake thee strong. 
As by His grace puissant, so in His truth constant ! 

Farewell ! O worthy Queen ! and as our hope is sure. 
That into Error's place, thou wilt now Truth restore ! 
So trust we that thou wilt our sovereign Queen endure 
And loving Lady stand, from henceforth, evermore ! 

While these words were in saying, and certain wishes 
therein repeated for the maintenance of Truth, and rooting 
out of Error ; she, now and then, held up her hands to heaven- 
ward, and willed the people to say '* Amen ! " 

When the child had ended, she said, " Be ye well assured, 
I will stand your good Queen ! " 

At which saying, Her Grace departed forth, through Temple 
Bar towards Westminster, with no less shooting [i.e., firing 
of guns] and crying of the people, than, when she entered the 
City, with a great noise of ordnance which the Tower shot off, 
at Her Grace's entrance first into Tower Street. 

The child's saying was also, in Latin verses, written in a 
table which was hanged up there. 



392 The City, of itself, beautified itself. [jan.Ss5> 

Regina potens ! quum primam urbem ingredereris 

Dona tibi, Linguas fidaque Corda dedit. 
Discedenti etiam tibi nunc duo munera mittit, 

Omina plena Spei, votaque plena Precum. 
Quippe tuis Spes est, in te quod provida virtus 

Rexerit, errori nee locus ullus erit. 
Quippe tuis Spes est, quod ut verum omne reduces 

Solatura bonas, dum mala tollis, opes. 
Hac Spe freti orant, longum ut Regina guberneSf 

Et regni excindas crimina cuncta tui, 
Hac Spe freti orant, divina ^it gratia fortem, 

Et verce fidei te velit esse basin. 
Jam, Regina, vale I et sicut nos spes tenet una, 

Quod vero indueto, perditus error erit. 
Sic quoqtie speramus quod eris Regina benigna 

Nobis per regni tempora longa tui ! 

Thus the Queen's Highness passed through the City! which, 
without any foreign'^person, of itself, beautified itself; and re- 
ceived Her Grace at all places, as hath been before mentioned, 
with most tender obedience and love, due to so gracious a 
Queen, and sovereign Lady. 

And Her Grace likewise, of her side, in all Her Grace's 
Passage, shewed herself generally an Image of a worthy Lady 
and Governor ; but privately these especial points were noted 
in Her Grace, as signs of a most Prince-like courage, whereby 
her loving subjects may ground a sure hope for the rest of 
her gracious doings hereafter. 




393 





Certain Notes of the ^eens Majesty's 

great mercy^ clemency^ and wisdom 

used in this Passage. 

Bout the nether end of Cornhill, toward Cheap, 
one of the Knights about Her Grace, had espied 
an ancient Citizen which wept, and turned his 
head back. And therewith said this Gentleman, 
" Yonder is an Alderman, " for so he termed him, 
"which weepeth, and turneth his face backward ! How may it 
be interpreted that he doth so ? For sorrow ! or for gladness ? " 
The Queen's Majesty heard him ; and said, " I warrant 
you, it is for gladness ! " A gracious interpretation of a noble 
courage, which would turn the doubtful to the best. And 
yet it was well known, that (as Her Grace did confirm the 
same) the party's cheer was moved, for very pure gladness 
for the sight of Her Majesty's person ; at the beholding 
whereof, he took such comfort, that with tears he expressed 
the same. 

In Cheapside, Her Grace smiled ; and being thereof de- 
manded the cause, answered, " For that she had heard one 
say. Remember old King HENRY VIII / " A natural child ! 
which at the very remembrance of her father's name took so 
great a joy ; that all men may well think that as she rejoiced 
at his name whom this Realm doth hold of so worthy memory, 
so, in her doings, she will resemble the same. 

When the City's charge without partiality, and only the 
City, was mentioned unto Her Grace ; she said, " It should 
not be forgotten ! " Which saying might move all natural 
Englishmen heartily to shew due obedience and entireness to 
their so good a Queen, which will, in no point, forget any 
parcel of duty lovingly shewed unto her. 



394 I'he poor woman's branch of rosemary, [j^^/, 



an. 1555. 



The answer which Her Grace made unto Master Recorder 
of London, as the hearers know it to be true and with melting 
hearts heard the same, so may the reader thereof conceive 
what kind of stomach and courage pronounced the same. 

What more famous thing do we read in ancient histories 
of old time, than that mighty Princes have gently received 
presents offered them by base and low personages. If that 
be to be wondered at, as it is passingly ! let me see any writer 
that in any one Prince's life is able to recount so many pre- 
cedents of this virtue, as Her Grace shewed in that one 
Passage through the City. How many nosegays did Her 
Grace receive at poor women's hands ? How ofttimes stayed 
she her chariot, when she saw any simple body offer to speak 
to Her Grace ? A branch of rosemary given to Her Grace, 
with a supplication, by a poor woman, about Fleet Bridge, 
was seen in her chariot till Her Grace came to Westminster ; 
notwithstanding the marvellous wondering of such as knew 
the presenter, and noted the Queen's most gracious receiving 
and keeping the same. 

What hope the poor and needy may look for, at Her 
Grace's hand ; she, as in all her journey continually, so in her 
hearkening to the poor children of Christ's Hospital, with 
eyes cast up unto heaven, did fully declare ; as that neither 
the wealthier estate could stand without consideration had to 
the poverty, neither the poverty be duly considered unless 
they were remembered, as commanded to us by GOD's own 
mouth. 

As at her first Entrance, she, as it were, declared herself 
prepared to pass through a City that most entirely loved her ; 
so she, at her last Departing, as it were, bound herself by 
promise to continue good Lady and Governor unto that City, 
which, by outward declaration, did open their love to their so 
loving and noble Prince, in such wise as she herself wondered 
thereat. 

But because Princes be set in their Seat by GOD's appoint- 
ment, and therefore they must first and chiefly render the 
glory of Him from whom their glory issueth ; it is to be 
noted in Her Grace, that, forasmuch as GOD hath so 
wonderfully placed her in the Seat of Government over this 
realm; she in all doings, doth shew herself most mindful of 



jan*:£.J ElIZABETH RENDERS THANKS TO GOD. 395 

His goodness and mercy shewed unto her. And amongst all 
other, two principal signs thereof were noted in this Passage. 
First, in the Tower : where Her Grace, before she entered 
her chariot, lifted up her eyes to heaven, and said : 

O LORD ! Almighty and everlasting GOD ! I give Thee 
most hearty thanks, that as Thou hast been so merciful 
unto me, as to spare me to behold this joyful day ! And I 
acknowledge that Thou hast dealt as wonderfully and 
mercifully with me, as Thou didst with thy true and 
faithful servant Daniel, the prophet ; whom thou de- 
liveredst out of the den, from the cruelty of the greedy 
and raging lions : even so, was I overwhelmed, and only 
by Thee ! delivered. To Thee ! therefore, only, be thanks, 
honour, and praise for ever ! Amen. 
The second was, the receiving of the Bible, at the Little 
Conduit, in Cheap. For when Her Grace had learned that 
the Bible in English, should there be offered ; she thanked 
the City therefore, promised the readingthereof most diligently, 
and incontinent commanded that it should be brought. At 
the receipt whereof, how reverently, she did, with both her 
hands, take it ! kiss it ! and lay it on her breast ! to the great 
comfort of the lookers on ! 

GOD will undoubtedly preserve so worthy a Prince; which, 
at His honour, so reverently taketh her beginning. For this 
saying is true, and written in the Book of Truth : " He that 
first seeketh the Kingdom of GOD, shall have all other things 
cast unto him." 

Now, therefore, all English hearts, and her natural people 
must needs praise GOD's mercy, which hath sent them so 
worthy a Prince ; and pray for Her Grace's long continuance 
amongst us. 

31mpnnteD at HonDon in ifleet Street 

toitbin Cemple T5ar, at tbe sign of tlje 

^ann ann ^tar, tip Eicfiarn Cot* 

till, tfte xxiil Dap of IJanuatp* 

[1559] 



396 



Rev. William Harrison, B.D. 

Canon of Windsor, and Rector of 

Rad winter. 

Elizabeth arms England^ "which Mary 
had left defenceless, 

[Book II., Chap. i6 ol Description of England, in Holinshkd's Chronicle. Ed. isSyE-S], 
Reprinted by F. J. Furnivall, M.A., for New Shakspere Society, p. 278, Ed. 1877.] 

Ow well, and how strongly our country hath been 
furnished, in times past, with armour and artil- 
lery, it lieth not in me, as of myself to make 
rehearsal. 
Yet that it lacked both, in the late time of 
Queen Mary ; not only the experience of mine elders, but 
also the talk of certain Spaniards, not yet forgotten, did 
leave some manifest notice. 

Upon the first, I need not stand : for few will deny it. 
For the second, I have heard that when one of the greatest 
Peers of Spain [evidently in Queen Mary's reign] espied our 
nakedness in this behalf, and did solemnly utter in no 
obscure place, that " It should be an easy matter, in short 
time, to conquer England ; because it wanted armour ! " his 
words were then not so rashly uttered, as they were politicly 
noted. 

For, albeit, that, for the present time, their efficacy was 
dissembled; and semblance made as though he spake but 
merrily: yet at the very Entrance of this our gracious Queen 
unto the possession of the Crown, they were so providently 
called to remembrance, and such speedy reformation sought, 
of all hands, for the redress of this inconveniency, that our 
country was sooner furnished with armour and munition 
from divers parts of the main [the Continent], besides great 





Rev. W. Harrison. B.D.J J^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ EnGLISH LONG BOW. 397 

plenty that was forged here at home, than our enemies could 
get understanding of any such provision to be made. 

By this policy also, was the no small hope conceived by 
Spaniards utterly cut off ; who (of open friends, being now 
become our secret enemies ; and thereto watching a time 
wherein to achieve some heavy exploit against us and our 
country) did thereupon change their purposes : whereby 
England obtained rest ; that otherwise might have been 
sure of sharp and cruel wars. 

Thus a Spanish word uttered by one man at one time, 
overthrew, or, at the least, hindered sundry privy practices 
of many at another time. 

In times past, the chief force of England consisted in their 
long bows. But now we have in manner generally given over 
that kind of artillery, and for long bows indeed, do practice 
to shoot compass for our pastime ; which kind of shooting 
can never yield any smart stroke, nor beat down our enemies, 
as our countrymen were wont to do, at every time of need. 
Certes, the Frenchmen and Reitters [i.e.f ReiterSy the German 
or Swiss Lance-knights] deriding our new archery, in respect 
of their corslets, will not let, in open skirmish, if any leisure 
serve, to turn up their tails, and cry, " Shoot, English!" 
and all because our strong shooting is decayed, and laid in 
bed. 

But if some of our Englishmen now lived, that served 
King Edward III. in his wars with France : the breech of 
such a varlet had been nailed to his back with one arrow; 
and another feathered in his bowels, before he should have 
turned about to see who shot the first. 

But as our shooting is thus, in manner, utterly decayed 
among us one way : so our countrymen wax skilful in sundry 
other points; as in shooting in small pieces, the caliver, 
and handling of the pike ; in the several uses whereof, they 
are become very expert. 

Our armour diifereth not from that of other nations ; and 
therefore consisteth of corslets, almain rivets, shirts of 
mail, jacks quilted and covered with leather, fustian, or 
canvas over thick plates of iron that are sewed in the same. 
Of which, there is no town or village that hath not her 
convenient furniture. The said armour and munition like- 



398 1,172,674 FIGHTING Englishmen. [R-.w.Harriso„,B.D. 

wise is kept in one several place of every town, appointed 
by the consent of the whole parish; where it is always 
ready to be had and worn within an hour's warning. 

Sometimes also it is occupied [used], when it pleaseth the 
magistrate, either to view the able men and take note of the 
well keeping of the same ; or finally to see those that are en- 
rolled, to exercise each one his several weapon : at the charge 
of the townsmen of each parish, according to his appoint- 
ment. Certes there is almost no village so poor in England, 
be it never so small, that hath not sufficient furniture in 
a readiness to set forth three or four soldiers (as, one archer, 
one gunner, one pike, and a bill-man), at the least. No, 
there is not so much wanting as their very liveries [imiforms] 
and caps ; which are least to be accounted of, if any haste 
required. So that if this good order continue, it shall be 
impossible for the sudden enemy to find us unprovided. 

As for able men for service, thanked be GOD ! we are 
not without good store. For by the Musters taken in 1574 
and 1575, our number amounted to 1,172,674 ; and yet they 
were not so narrowly taken, but that a third part of this 
like multitude was left unbilled and uncalled. 

What store of munition and armour, the Queen's Majesty 
hath in her storehouses, it lieth not in me to yield account ; 
sith I suppose the same to be infinite. And whereas it was 
commonly said, after the loss of Calais, that England would 
never recover the store of ordnance there left and lost ; the 
same is proved false : since some of the same persons do 
now confess that this land was never better furnished with 
these things in any King's days, since the Conquest. 

The names of our greatest ordnance are commonly 
these : 

Robinet, whose weight is 200 lbs. ; and it hath i^ inches 

within the mouth. 
Falconet, weighing 500 lbs., and his wideness is 2 inches 

within the mouth. 
Falcon hath 800 lbs., and 2^ inches within the mouth. 
Minion poiseth [weigheth] 1,100 lbs., and hath 3^ inches 

within the mouth. 
Sucre hath 1,500 lbs., and is 3^ inches wide in the 

mouth. 



Rev. W. Harrison. B.D.-JS I 2ES, & C, OF A R T I L L E R Y. 399 

Demi-Culverin weigheth 3,000 lbs., and hath 4^ inches 

within the mouth. 
Culverin hath 4,000 lbs., and 5I inches within the 

mouth. 
Demi-Cannon, 6,000 lbs., and 6^ inches within the 

mouth. 
Cannon, 7,000 lbs., and 8 inches within the mouth. 
E, Cannon, 8,000 lbs., and 7 inches within the mouth. 
Basilisk, 9,000 lbs., and 8f inches within the mouth. 

By which proportions, also, it is easy to come by the 
weight of every shot, how many scores [i.e., of yards] it doth 
fly at point blank, how much powder is to be had to the 
same, and finally how many inches in height, each bullet 
ought to carry. 

The names of the t .j^ Weight of Scores [of yards] Pounds of Height of 
Great Ordnance the Shot. lbs. of carriage. Powder. Bullet. Inches. 

Robinet I o \ i 

Falconet 2 14 2 \\ 

Falcon 2^ 16 7.\ l\ 

Minion 4^ 17 4^ 3 

Sacre 5 18 5 3J 

Demi-Culverin 9 20 9 4 

Culverin 18 25 18 5i 

Demi-Cannon 30 38 28 6| 

Cannon 60 20 44 ^\ 

E. Cannon 42 20 20 6f 

Basilisk 60 21 60 8i 

As for the Armouries of some of the Nobility (whereof I 
also have seen a part), they are so well furnished, that within 
some one Baron's custody, I have seen three score or a 
hundred corslets at once ; besides calivers, hand-guns, bows, 
sheafs of arrows, pikes, bills, pole-axes, flasks, touch-boxes, 
targets, &c. : the very sight whereof appalled my courage. 

Seldom shall you see any of my countrymen, above 
eighteen or twenty years old, to go without a dagger at the 
least, at his back or by his side; although they be aged 



400 Every one usually carries arms, l^"''- '^- h^«°". eg. 

burgesses or magistrates of any city who, in appearance, are 
most exempt from brabling and contention. 

Our Nobility commonly wear swords or rapiers, with their 
daggers ; as doth every common serving man also that fol- 
loweth his lord and master. 



Finally, no man travelleth by the way, without his sword 
or some such weapon, with us ; except the Minister, who 
commonly weareth none at all, unless it be a dagger or 
hanger at his side. 




The True Report 

of the burning of the Steeple 

and Church of Paul's 

in London. 



yeremiah xviii. [7, 8.] 

I will speak suddenly against a Nation, or against a Kingdom, 

to pluck it up, and to root it out, and destroy it. But if that 

Nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their 

wickedness ; I will repent of the plague that I 

thought to bring upon them. 



Imprinted at London, at the 

West end of Paul's Church, at 

the sign of the Hedgehog, 

by William Seres. 

Cum privilegio ad tmprimendum sohim. 
Anno 1 561, the \oth of June. 

2C I 



403 




The True Report of the burning of 

the Steeple and Church of 

Paul's in London. 




N Wednesday, being the 4th day of June 
in the year of our Lord 1561 (and in the 
3rd year of the reign of our Sovereign 
Lady ELIZABETH, by the Grace of God, 
Queen of England France and Ireland, 
Defender of the Faith, &c.), between one 
and two of the clock at afternoon, was 
seen a marvellous great fiery lightning ; 
and immediately ensued a most terrible hideous crack of 
thunder, such as seldom hath been heard ; and that, by 
estimation of sense, directly over the city of London. At 
which instant, the corner of a turret of the Steeple of St 
Martin's Church within Lud Gate was torn ; and divers 
great stones casten down ; and a hole broken through the 
roof and timber of the said Church by the fall of the same 
stones. 

For divers persons (in time of the said tempest, being on 
the river of Thames ; and others being in the fields near 
adjoining to the city) affirmed that they saw a long and 
spear-pointed flame of fire, as it were, run through the top of 
the broche \or spire] or shaft of Paul's Steeple ; from the 
East, westward. And some of the parish of St Martin's, 
then being in the street, did feel a marvellous strong air or 
whirlwind, with a smell like brimstone, coming from Paul's 
Church ; and withal heard a rush of the stones which fell 
from their Steeple into the Church. 



404 Paul's Steeple struck by lightning. [lojunliss, 

Between four and five of the clock, a smoke was espied by 
divers to break out under the bowl of the said shaft of Paul's ; 
and namely [particularly} by PETER JOHNSON, Principal 
Registrar to the Bishop of LONDON ; who immediately 
brought word to the Bishop's House. 

But, suddenly after, as it were in a moment, the flame 
brake forth in a circle, like a garland, round about the broche, 
about two yards, to the estimation of sight, under the bowl 
of the said shaft ; and increased in such wise that, within a 
quarter of an hour, or little more, the Cross and the Eagle 
on the top fell down upon the South cross He [Aisle], 

The Lord Mayor being sent for, and his Bretheren [the 
Aldermen], came with all speed possible ; and had a short 
consultation, as in such a case might be, with the Bishop of 
London and others, for the best way of remedy. And 
thither came also [Sir NICHOLAS Bacon] the Lord Keeper 
of the Great Seal, and [William Paulet, Marquis of 
Winchester] the Lord Treasurer : who, by their wisdom 
and authority, directed as good order as in so great confusion 
could possibly be. 

Some there were, pretending experience in wars, that 
counselled the remnant of the Steeple to be shot down with 
cannons ; which counsel was not liked, as most perilous both 
for the dispersing [of] the fire, and [the] destruction of houses 
and people. 

Others (perceiving the Steeple to be past all recovery; 
considering the hugeness of the fire, and the dropping of the 
lead) thought best to get ladders, and scale the Church ; and 
with axes to hew down a space of the roof of the Church to 
stay the fire, at the least to save some part of the said 
Church : which was concluded [decided upon]. But before 
the ladders and buckets could be brought, and things put in 
any order (and especially because the Church was of such 
height that they could not scale it, and no suflficient number 
of axes could be had : the labourers also being troubled with 
the multitude of idle gazers) ; the most part of the highest 
roof of the Church was on fire. 

First, the fall of the Cross and Eagle fired the South cross 
He [Aisle]; which He was first consumed. The beams and 



iojunli56i.] The Bishop of London's Palace saved. 405 

brands of the Steeple fell down on every side, and fired the 
other three parts : that is to say, the Chancel or Quire, the 
North He, and the body of the Church. So that, in one 
hour's space, the broche [or spire] of the Steeple was burnt 
down to the battlements ; and the most part of the highest 
rt)of of the Church likewise consumed. 

The state of the Steeple and Church seeming both 
desperate ; my Lord Mayor was advised, by one Master 
Winter of the Admiralty [i.e. Admiral Sir William 
Winter]^ to convert the most part of his care and provision 
to preserve the Bishop's Palace adjoining to the north-west 
end of the Church ; lest from that House, being large, the 
fire might spread to the streets adjoining. Whereupon the 
ladders, buckets, and labourers were commanded thither ; 
and, by great labour and diligence, a piece of the roof of the 
North He was cut down, and the fire so stayed : and, by 
much water, that part quenched ; and the said Bishop's 
House preserved. 

It pleased GOD also, at the same time, both to turn, and 
calm, the wind : which afore was vehement ; and continued 
still high and great in other parts without the city. 

There were above 500 persons that laboured in carrying 
and filling water, &c. Divers substantial citizens took pains 
as if they had been labourers ; so did also divers and sundry 
Gentlemen, whose names were not known to the Writer 
hereof: but amongst others, the said Master Winter, and 
one Master Stranguish, did both take notable pains in 
their own persons ; and also much directed and encouraged 
others, and that not without great danger to themselves. 

In the evening, came the Lord Clinton, [the] Lord 
Admiral, from the Court at Greenwich ; whom the Queen's 
Majesty (as soon as the rage of the fire was espied by Her 
Majesty and others in the Court, of the pitiful inclination 
and love that her gracious Highness did bear both to the 
said Church and the city) sent to assist my Lord Mayor, for 
the suppressing of the fire : who, with his wisdom authority 
and diligent travail, did very much good therein. 



4o6 The fire lasted from 4 till 10 p.m. [^^jj^^jg, 

About ten of the clock, the fierceness of the fire was past, 
the timber being fallen and lying burning upon the vaults of 
stone ; the vaults yet (GOD be thanked ! ) standing un- 
perished. So as only the timber of the whole Church was 
consumed, and the lead molten : saving the most part of the 
two low lies of the Quire, and a piece of the North He, and 
another small piece of the South He in the body of the 
Church. 

Notwithstanding all which, it pleased the merciful GOD, 
in his wrath, to remember his mercy ; and to enclose the 
harm of this most fierce and terrible fire within the walls of 
this one Church : not extending any part of his wrath in this 
fire upon the rest of the city, which to all reason and sense 
of man was subject to utter destruction. For in the whole 
city, without the Church, no stick was kindled surely. Not- 
withstanding that, in divers parts and streets, and within the 
houses both adjoining and of a good distance, as in Fleet 
Street and Newgate Market, by the violence of the fire, 
burning coals of great bigness fell down almost as thick as 
hailstones ; and flaws of lead were blown abroad into the 
gardens without the city, like flaws of snow in breadth : 
without hurt (GOD be thanked ! ) to any house or person. 

Many fond talks go abroad of the original cause of this. 
Some say. It was negligence of plumbers : whereas, by due 
examination, it is proved that no plumbers or other work- 
men laboured in the Church for six months before. Others 
suspect that it was done by some wicked practice of wild 
fire or gunpowder : but no just suspicions thereof, by any 
examination, can be found hitherto. Some suspect Con- 
jurors and Sorcerers, whereof there is also no great likeli- 
hood : and if it had been wrought that way ; yet could not 
the Devil have done it without GOD's permission, and to 
some purpose of his unsearchable judgments, as appeareth 
in the story of JOB. 

The true cause, as it seemeth, was the tempest, by GOD's 
sufferance. For it cannot be otherwise gathered, but that, 
at the said great and terrible thunderclap, when St Martin's 
Steeple was torn, the lightning (which by natural order 
smiteth the highest) did first smite the top of Paul's Steeple; 



i 



iojuneis6i.] Pilkington's Sermon at Paul's Cross. 407 

and entering in at the small holes, which have always 
remained open for building scaffolds to the works, and find- 
ing the timber very old and dry, did kindle the same : and 
so the fire increasing, grew to a flame, and wrought the 
effect which followed ; most terrible then to behold, and now 
most lamentable to look upon. 

On Sunday following, being the 8th day of June [1561], 
the reverend [Father] in GOD [James Pilkington] Bishop 
of Durham, at St Paul's Cross, made a learned and fruitful 
Sermon ; exhorting the auditory to a general repentance, 
and namely [especially] to humble obedience to the laws and 
Superior Powers, which virtue is much decayed in these our 
days : seeming to have intelligence from the Queen's High- 
ness, that Her Majesty intendeth more severity of laws shall 
be executed against persons disobedient, as well in causes of 
Religion as Civil ; to the great rejoicing of his auditors. 

He exhorted also his audience to take this as a general 
warning to the whole realm, and namely [especially] to the 
city of London, of some greater plague to follow if amend- 
ment of life in all [ejstates did not ensue. He much 
reproved those persons which would assign the cause of this 
wrath of GOD to any particular [ejstate of men ; or that 
were diligent to look into other men's lives, and could see 
no faults in themselves : but wished that every man would 
descend into himself and say with David, Ego sum qui 
peccavi. " I am he that hath sinned." And so forth to that 
effect, very godly. 

He also not only reproved the profanation of the said 
Church of Paul's, of long time heretofore abused [in Paul's 
Walk] by walking, jangling, brawling, fighting, bargaining, 
&c., namely [particularly] in Sermon and Service time : but 
also answered by the way to the objections of such evil- 
tongued persons which do impute this token of GOD's 
deserved ire to alteration, or rather, Reformation of Reli- 
gion ; declaring out of ancient records and histories the like, 
yea, and greater matters, [that] had befallen in the time of 
superstition and ignorance. 

For, in the ist year of King STEPHEN [i 135-6 A.D.] 
not only the said Church of Paul's was burnt : but also a 
great part of the city : that is to say, from London Bridge 



4o8 Previous fires in London. [.ojuJeuei. 

to St Clement's [Church] without Temple Bar, was by fire 
consumed. 

And in the days of King HENRY VI., the Steeple of Paul's 
was also fired by lightning : although it was then stayed by 
diligence of the citizens ; the fire being then, by likelihood, 
not so fierce. 

Many other such like common calamities he rehearsed, 
which happened in other countries, both nigh to this realm 
and far off, where the Church of Rome hath most authority. 
And therefore [he] concluded the surest way to be, that 
every man should judge examine and amend himself; and 
embrace believe and truly follow the Word of GOD ; and 
earnestly to pray to GOD to turn away from us his deserved 
wrath and indignation ; whereof this his terrible work is a 
most certain warning, if we repent not unfeignedly. 

The which GOD grant may come to pass in all estates 
and degrees, to the glory of His name, and to our endless 
comfort in Christ our Saviour. Amen. 

GOD save the Queen, 




409 



Rev. John Fox, the Marty rologist. 

A false fearful Imagination of fire at 
Oxford University, 

{Acts and Monuments, 1576. The passages in brackets, from 1563 Edition.^ 

merry and pleasant Narration, touching a false fearful 
Imagination of Fire raised among the Doctors and 
Masters of Oxford in St. Mary's church, at the 
recantation of Master Malary, Master of Arts of 
Cambridge. 

Itherto, [gentle reader, we have remenibered a 
great number of lamentable and bloody tragedies 
of such as have been slain through extreme cruelty : 
now I will here set before thee again a merry and 
comical spectacle, whereat thou mayest now laugh 
and refresh thyself, which, forasmuch as it did necessarily 
accord with our present enterprise, I have not thought it 
good to pass it over with silence.] 

There was one Master Malary, Master of Arts of 
Cambridge, Scholar of Christ's College, who, for the like 
opinions to those above rehearsed, holden contrary to the 
Catholic determination of holy mother Church of Rome; that 
is, for the right truth of Christ's gospel, was convented 
before the bishops : and, in the end, sent to Oxford, there 
openly to recant, and to bear his faggot; to the terror of the 
students of that University. The time and place were 
appointed that he should be brought solemnly into St. 
Mary's church upon a Sunday; where a great number of the 
head Doctors and Divines and others of the University were 




4IO Mighty audience in St. Mary's church. P'V3if5°6: 

together assembled: besides a great multitude of citizens and 
town dwellers, who came to behold the sight. Furthermore, 
because that solemnity should not pass without some effectual 
sermon for the holding up of the mother Church of Rome, Dr. 
Smith, Reader then of the Divinity Lecture, was appointed 
to make the sermon at this recantation. Briefly, at the 
preaching of this sermon there was assembled a mighty 
audience of all sorts and degrees; as well of students as 
others. Few almost were absent who loved to hear or see 
any news ; insomuch that there was no place almost in the 
whole church, which was not fully replenished with concourse 
and throng of people. 

All things thus being prepared and set in readiness, cometh 
forth poor Malary with his faggot upon his shoulder. Not 
long after, also, proceedeth the Doctor into the pulpit to 
make his sermon; the purpose and argument whereof was 
wholly upon the sacrament : the which Doctor, for the 
more confirmation and credit to his words; had provided the 
holy catholic cake and the sacrament of the altar, there 
to hang by a string before him in the pulpit. Thus the 
Doctor, with his god-almighty, entering his godly sermon, 
had scarce proceeded into the midst thereof (the people 
giving great silence with all reverence unto his doctrine), 
but suddenly was heard in the church the voice of one 
crying in the street, " Fire ! fire ! " The party who thus 
cried first in the street, was called Heuster. 

[The occasion of this exclamation came by a chimney that 
was on fire in the town, wherein the fire, having taken hold 
of the soot and dry matter, burned out at the top of the 
chimney ; and so caused the neighbours to make an outcry.] 

This Heuster coming from Allhallows parish saw the 
chimney on fire, and so passing through the street by St. 
Mary's church, cried "Fire! fire!" as the fashion is ; meaning 
no hurt. 

[Such is the order and manner amongst the Englishmen; 
much diverse and contrary to that which is used among the 
Germans. For whensoever any fire happeneth in Germany, by 
and by, the bells ringing in the steeples stir up the people to 
help. Who immediately are all ready in armour ; some go unto 
the walls, others beset the ways, and the residue are appointed 
to quench the fire. The labour is diversely divided amongst 



""^56^x^576:] Fire! Fire! Where! Where! 411 

them, for whilst some fetch water in leather buckets, other 
some cast on the water, some climb the houses, and some with 
hooks pull them down ; some again attend and keep watch 
without, riding about the fields : so that, by this means, there 
lacketh neither help within, neither safeguard without. But 
the like is not used here in England : for when any such 
thing happeneth, there is no public sign or token given ; but 
the outcry of the neighbours doth stir up all the others to 
help. There is no public or civil order in doing of things, 
neither any division of labour : but every man, running 
headlong together, catcheth whatsoever cometh next to hand 
to quench the fire.J 

This sound of fire being heard in the church, first of them 
that stood outermost next to the church door ; so increased 
and went from one to another: that at length it came unto 
the ears of the Doctors, and at last to the Preacher himself. 
Who, as soon as they heard the matter, being amazed with 
sudden fear, and marvelling what the matter should mean ; 
began to look up into the top of the church, and to behold 
the walls. The residue seeing them look up, looked up 
also. Then began they, in the midst of the audience, to cry 
out with a loud voice, "Fire! fire!" "Where?" saith 
one ; " Where ? " saith another. " In the church ! " saith 
one. The mention of the church was scarcely pronounced, 
when, as in one moment, there was a common cry amongst 
them, " The church is on fire ! The church is set on fire by 
heretics ! " &c. And, albeit no man did see any fire at all ; 
yet, forasmuch as all men cried out so, every man thought it 
true that they heard. Then was there such fear, concourse 
and tumult of people through the whole church, that it 
cannot be declared in words, as it was indeed. 

And as in a great fire (where fire is indeed), we see many 
times how one little spark giveth matter of a mighty flame, 
setting whole stacks and piles a burning : so here, upon a 
small occasion of one man's word, kindled first a general 
cry, then a strong opinion running in every man's head 
within the church, thinking the church to be on fire ; where 
no fire was at all. Thus it pleased Almighty GOD to delude 
these deluders : that is, that these great Doctors and wise 
men of the schools, who think themselves so wise in GOD's 
matters as though they could not err ; should see, by their 



412 They were all exceedingly amazed, [^^sei-fsye: 

own senses and judgments, how blinded and infatuated they 
were, in these so small matters and sensible trifles. 

Thus this strong imagination of fire being fixed in their 
heads, as nothing could remove them to think contrary; but 
that the church was on fire : so everything that they saw or 
heard increased this suspicion in them, to make it seem most 
true which was indeed most false. The first and chiefest 
occasion that augmented this suspicion, was the heretic 
there bearing his faggot : which gave them to imagine that all 
other heretics had conspired with him, to set the church 
on fire. 

After this, through the rage of the people, and running to 
and fro, the dust was so raised, that it showed as it had been 
the smoke of fire : which thing, together with the outcry of 
the people, made all men so afraid ; that, leaving the sermon, 
they began all together to run away. But such was the press 
of the multitude running in heaps together ; that the more 
they laboured, the less they could get out. For while they 
ran all headlong unto the doors, every man striving to get 
out first ; they thrust one another in such sort, and stuck so 
fast: that neither they that were without could get into the 
church again, neither they that were within could get out by 
any means. So then, one door being stopped, they ran to 
another little wicket on the north side, toward the college 
called Brasennose, thinking so to pass out. But there again 
was the like or greater throng. So the people, clustering and 
thronging together; it put many in danger, and brought many 
Much hurt unto their end, by bruising of their bones or sides. 
Arong!'^" There was yet another door towards the West, 
die"^SomeTet whlch albclt it was shut and seldom opened ; yet 
are alive whose now ran they to it with such sway, that the great 
were therr"^ bar of Iron (which is incredible to be spoken) being 
broken. [1576.] puHed out and broken by force of men's hands : 
the door, notwithstanding, could not be opened for the press 
or multitude of people. 

At last, when they were there also past all hope to get out, 
then they were all exceedingly amazed, and ran up and 
down : crying out upon the heretics who had conspired their 
death. The more they ran about and cried out, the more 
smoke and dust rose in the church : even as though all things 
had now been on a flaming fire. I think there was never 



'^Ysei-fsS None cried more than Dr. Smith. 413 

such a tumultuous hurlyburly rising so of nothing heard of 
before ; nor so great a fear where was no cause to fear, nor 
peril at all : so that if Democritus, the merry philosopher, 
sitting in the top of the church, and seeing all things in such 
safety as they were, had looked down upon the multitude, 
and beholden so great a number, some howling and weeping, 
running up and down, and playing the mad men, now hither, 
now thither, as being tossed to and fro with waves or tempests ; 
trembling and quaking, raging and faring, without any 
manifest cause; especially if he had seen those great Rabbins, 
the Doctors laden with so many badges or cognisances of 
wisdom, so foolishly and ridicuously seeking holes and corners 
to hide themselves in ; gasping, breathing and sweating, and 
for very horror being almost beside themselves : I think he 
would have satisfied himself with this one laughter for all 
his lifetime ; or else rather would have laughed his heart out 
of his belly, whilst one said that he plainly heard the noise 
of the fire, another affirmed that he saw it with his eyes, 
and another sware that he felt the molten lead dropping 
down upon his head and shoulders. Such is the force of 
imagination, when it is once grafted in men's hearts through 
fear. 

In all the whole company, there was none that behaved 
himself more modestly than the heretic that was fhTmonk's""^' 
there to do penance ; who, casting his faggot off head was 
from his shoulders upon a monk's head that stood thefagg'^t. 
by, kept himself quiet, minding to take such part as the 
others did. 

All the others, being careful for themselves, never made an 
end of running up and down and crying out. None cried out 
more earnestly than the Doctor that preached (who was, as I 
said, Dr. Smith), who, in manner first of all, cried out in the 
pulpit, saying, " These are the trains and subtleties of the 
heretics against me : LORD have mercy upon me! LORD have 
mercy upon me ! " But might not GOD, as it had been (to 
speak with Job) out of a whirlwind, have answered jobxi. e. 
again unto this preacher thus : " Thou dost now implore my 
mercy, but thou thyself showest no mercy unto thy fellows 
and brethren ! How doth thy flesh tremble now at the 
mention of fire ! But you think it a sport to burn other simple 
innocents neither do ye anything at all regard it. If burning 



414 Terror of the melting of the lead. [^\V3-.J°t 

and to suffer a torment of fire seem so grievous a matter unto 
you, then you should also have the like consideration in other 
men's perils and dangers, when you do burn your fellows and 
brethren ! Or, if you think it but a light and trifling matter 
in them, go to now, do you also with like courage, contemn, 
and with like patience, suffer now the same torments 
yourselves. And if so be I should now suffer you with the 
whole church, to be burned to ashes, what other thing should 
I do unto you than you do daily unto your fellows and 
brethren ? Wherefore, since you so little esteem the death 
of others, be now content that other men should also little 
regard the death of you." With this, I say, or with some 
other like answer, if that either GOD, or human charity, or 
the common sense of natuie would expostulate with them; 
yea if there had been a fire indeed (as they were more feared 
than hurt), who would have doubted, but that it had happened 
unto them according to their deserts ? But now, worthy it 
is the noting, how the vain fear and folly of those Catholics 
either were deluded, or how their cruelty was reproved ; 
whereby they, being better taught by their own example, 
might hereafter learn what it is to put other poor men to the 
fire, which they themselves here so much abhorred. 

But to return again to the description of this pageant, 
wherein (as I said before) there was no danger at all ; yet 
were they all in such fear, as if present death had been over 
their heads. In all this great maze and garboil, there was 
nothing more feared than the melting of the lead, which 
many af&rmed that they felt dropping upon their bodies. 
[For almost all the churches in England are covered with 
lead, like as in Germany they are for the most part tiled.] 

Now in this sudden terror and fear, which took from them 
all reason and counsel out of their minds, to behold what 
practices and sundry shifts every man made for himself it; 
would make not only Democritus, and Heraclitus also, to 
laugh, but rather a horse well near to break his halter. But 
none used themselves more ridiculously than such as seemed 
greatest wise men, saving that in one or two, peradventure, 
somewhat more quietness of mind appeared ; among whom 
was one Claymund, President of Corpus Christi College 
(whom, for reverence and learning's sake, I do here name), 
and a few other aged persons with him ; who, for their age 



^^TsstSel] -^ MONK STUCK FAST IN A WINDOW. 4I5 

and weakness, durst not thrust themselves into the throng 
amongst the rest, but kneeled down quietly before the high 
altar, committing themselves and their lives unto the 
Sacrament. 

The others, who were younger and stronger, ran up and 
down through the press, marvelling at the incivility of men ; 
and waxed angry with the unmannerly multitude that would 
give no room unto the Doctors, Bachelors, Masters, and 
other Graduates and Regent Masters. But as the terror and 
fear was common unto all men, so was there no difference 
made of persons or degrees ; every man scrambling for 
himself. The violet cap, or purple gown, did there nothing 
avail the Doctor ; neither the Master's hood, nor the monk's 
cowl, were there respected. Yea, if the King or Queen had 
been there at that present and in that perplexity; they had 
been no better than a common man. 

After they had long striven and essayed all manner of 
ways, and saw no remedy, neither by force nor authority 
to prevail : they fell to entreating and offering of rewards ; 
one offering twenty pounds [of good money], another his 
scarlet gown, so that any man would pull him out, though it 
were by the ears ! 

Some stood close unto the pillars, thinking themselves safe 
under the vaults of stone from the dropping of the lead : 
others, being without money, and unprovided of all shifts, 
knew not which way to turn them. One, being a President 
of a certain College (whose name I need not here to utter), 
pulling a board out from the pews, covered his head and 
shoulders therewith against the scalding lead ; which they 
feared much more than the fall of the church. Now what a 
laughter would this have ministered unto Democritus 
amongst other things, to behold there a certain grand 
paunch ; who, seeing the doors stopped and every way closed 
up, thought, by another compendious means, to get out through 
a glass window, if it might be by any shift ? But here the 
iron grates letted [hindered] him ; notwithstanding his greedy 
mind would needs attempt, if he could haply bring his 
purpose to pass. When he had broken the glass, and was 
come to the space between the grates where he should creep 
out ; first he thrust in his head with the one shoulder, and it 
went through well enough. Then he laboured to get the 



4i6 They all stuck in the doors. [^7s6iix^5°6: 

other shoulder after ; but there was a great labour about that, 
and long he stuck by the shoulders with much ado ; for what 
doth not importune labour overcome ? Thus far forth he 
was now gotten ; but, by what part of his body he did stick 
fast, I am not certain, neither may I feign : forasmuch as 
there be yet witnesses who did see these things, who would 
correct me, if I should do so. Notwithstanding, this is most 
certain, that he did stick fast between the grates, and could 
neither get out, nor in. 

Thus this good man, being indeed a monk, and having but 
short hose ; by the which way he supposed soonest to escape, 
by the same he fell into further inconvenience, making of one 
danger two. For, if the fire or lead had fallen on the outside, 
those parts which did hang out of the window had been in 
danger ; and, contrariwise, if the flame had raged within the 
church, all his other parts had lien open to the fire. And as 
this man did stick fast in the window, so did the rest stick as 
fast in the doors, that sooner they might have been burned, 
than they could once stir or move one foot. Through the 
which press, at last, there was a way found, that some, going 
over their heads, gat out. 

Here also happened another pageant in a certain monk 
(if I be not misadvised) of Gloucester College, whereat 
"Pienoridet Calphurnius might well laugh with an open 
S-c/^-hXce. mouth. So it happened, that there was a young 
lad in this tumult, who, seeing the doors fast stopped with 
the press or multitude, and that he had not way to get out, 
climbed up upon the door ; and there, staying upon the top 
of the door, was forced to tarry still : for, to come down into 
the church again he durst not for fear of the fire, and to leap 
down toward the street he could not without danger of 
falling. When he had tarried there awhile, he advised 
himself what to do ; neither did occasion want to serve his 
purpose : for, by chance, amongst them that got out over 
men's heads, he saw a monk, coming towards him, who had 
a great wide cowl hanging at his back. This the boy thought 
to be a good occasion for him to escape by. When the monk 
came near unto him, the boy, who was on the top of the door, 
came down, and prettily conveyed himself into the monk's 
cowl ; thinking (as it came to pass indeed) that if the monk 
did escape, he should also get out with him. To be brief, at 



^'iVs-SeJ The BOY IN THE monk's COWL. 417 

last the monk gat out over men's heads, with the boy in his 
cowl, and, for a great while, felt no weight or burden. 

At the last, when he was somewhat more come to himself, 
and did shake his shoulders, feeling his cowl heavier than it 
was accustomed to be, and also hearing the voice of one 
speaking behind in his cowl ; he was more afraid than he was 
before when he was in the throng: thinking, in very deed, that 
the evil spirit which had set the church on fire had flown into 
his cowl. By and by he began to play the exorcist : " In the 
name of GOD," said he, " and all saints, I command thee to 
declare what thou art, that art behind at my back ! " To 
whom the boy answered, ** I am Bertram's boy," said he ; 
for that was his name. " But I," said the monk, " adjure 
thee, in the name of the unseparable Trinity, that thou, 
wicked spirit ! do tell me who thou art, from whence thou 
comest, and that thou get thee hence !" "I am Bertram's 
boy," said he, " Good Master ! let me go ! " and with that 
his cowl began, with the weight, to crack upon his shoulders. 
The monk when he perceived the matter; took the boy out, 
and discharged his cowl. The boy took to his legs, and ran 
away as fast as he could. 

Among others, one wiser than the rest ran with the church- 
door key, beating upon the stone walls; thinking therewith to 
break a hole through to escape out. 

In the meantime those that were in the street, looking 
diligently about them, and perceiving all things to be without 
fear ; marvelled at this sudden outrage, and made signs and 
tokens to them that were in the church to keep themselves 
quiet, crying to them that there was no danger. 

But, forasmuch as no word could be heard by reason of the 
noise that was within the church, those signs made them 
much more afraid than they were before, interpreting the 
matter as though all had been on fire without the church ; 
and for the dropping of the lead and falling of other things, 
they should rather tarry still within the church, and not to 
venture out. This trouble continued in this manner by the 
space of certain hours. 

The next day, and also the week following, there was an 
incredible number of bills [written notices] set upon the church 
doors, to inquire for things that were lost in such variety 

2D I 



41 8 Master Malary completes his penance. [^^:':6^,Js°6: 

and number, as Democritus might here again have had just 
cause to laugh. " If any man have found a pair of shoes 
yesterday in St. Mary's Church, or knoweth any man that 
hath found them, &c." Another bill was set up for a gown 
that was lost. Another entreated to have his cap restored. 
One lost his purse and girdle, with certain money ; another 
his sword. One inquireth for a ring ; and one for one thing, 
another for another. To be short, there were few in this 
garboil ; but that either through negligence lost, or through 
oblivion left something behind them. 

Thus have you heard a tragical story of a terrible fire 
which did no hurt ; the description whereof, although it be 
not so perfectly expressed according to the worthiness of the 
matter, yet because it was not to be passed with silence, we 
have superficially set forth some shadow thereof: whereby the 
wise and discreet may sufficiently consider the rest, if any 
thing else be lacking in setting forth the full narration 
thereof. 

As touching the heretic, because he had not done his 
sufficient penance there by occasion of this hurlyburly; 
therefore the next day following he was reclaimed into the 
Church of St, Frideswide [Christ Church] ; where he supplied 
the rest that lacked of his plenary penance. 






f/0 C)| 





The Spoil 




of 






Antwerp. 

Faithfully reported by a 

true Englishman^ who was 

present at the same. 

November 1576. 







Seen and allowed. 



Printed at London by Richard Jones. 




lb e)!^ q)!^ 



420 



[The first thing here is to settle the authorship of this anonymous 
tract ; which was also anonymously entered at Stationers' Hall, 
probably from political reasons. From internal evidence at pp. 435. 
441, 447', it is clear that the Writer was 7wt one of the Fellowship of 
the English Merchant Adventurers in Antwerp ; but was an English- 
man who had arrived in that city on the 22nd October 1576. Who 
this Writer was would seem to be clearly settled by the following 
extracts from documents in the State Paper Office, London. 

S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vols. 139-140. 

915. George Gascoigne to Lord Burghley. 

From Paris, 15 September 1576. 

The troubles and news of Flanders have set all the soldiers 
of this realm in a triumph. . . . 

But now I mean to become an eyed-witness of the stir in 
Flanders ; and from thence your honour shall shortly (GOD 
willing) hear of me. 

951. George Gascoigne to Lord Burghley. 
From Paris, 7 October 1576. 

Whereof I trust shortly to understand more, for to-morrow 
(GOD willing) I go towards the Low Countries ; and mean 
to spend a month, [or] two, or three, as your Honours shall 
like, in those parts. 

For I mean to spend this winter (or as long as shall be 
thought meet) in service of my country. I beseech your 
Honour to confer with Master Secretary [Sir FRANCIS 
Walsingham] who can more at large make you privy to 
my intent. 

955. Sir A MI AS Paulet, Ambassador for England 

in France, to Sir Francis Walsingham. 

From Paris, 12 October 1576. 

Master Gascoigne is departed towards Flanders ; having 
prayed me to recommend him unto you by my letters, 
and also to convey these letters enclosed unto you. 






''/g No^'SJ ^^^ Spaniards only hold four towns. 421 

If this George G^SCOIGNE, who, as his handwriting shows, is, 
doubtless the Soldier-Poet, left Paris on the 8th October, he could 
very well have come to Antwerp, as the Writer of this narrative states, 
at page 149, he did, by the 22nd of that month. 

Gascoigne the Poet was a very tall man, so that he was called 
" long George." This he seems to refer to at page 441 where he says, 
*' I got up like a tall fellow." 

For further confirmation of GaSCOIGNE being the Author, see pp. 435-7 

2. The best Plan of Antwerp, about the time of the Spanish Fury, 
that we have met with, is that of George Braun's Civitatcs Orbis 
Terr arum, Vol. I., Plan 17. 

3. All the dates in the following narrative are Old Style. 

4. It is to be specially noted that Antwerp was a Roman Catholic 
city that had never, in the least way possible, rebelled against PHILIP 
II. ; and that its awful destruction was made, without the least provoca- 
tion, by the soldiers of its Sovereign, that should have protected it. Its 
only crime was its great wealth. 5,000 merchants met in its Bourse, or 
Exchange, every week. It was then the Venice of the North, with about 
125,000 inhabitants. 

The following extract will explain the general position of affairs in 
Flanders about this time. 

S. P. Foreign. EHz. Vol, 140. 

1,021. Dr \Thomas\ Wilson [Ambassador for 

England in Flanders\ to the Privy Council. 

19 November 1576. 

And except despair drive the Prince [of Orange], I do 
not think that ever he will yield that to [the Duke of 
Anjou, the] Monsieur [of France] which he hath in his 
power ; being now in better case since these late troubles 
than ever he was before : having Zierikzee and Haarlem 
again ; and Tergoes also, which he never had before. 

There are in the Spaniards' possession, Antwerp ; Lierre, 
8 English miles from thence; [Denjdermonde, 18 miles 
distant ; and Maestricht, 50 miles distant ; and more they 
have not in their power. . . . 

The States, so far as I can understand, have none other 
intention, but that the Spaniards may be sent out of the 
country ; and then they offer to live in all obedience to 
their King and Sovereign. The Spaniards will not depart 
except the King expressly command them. In the mean 
season, they do mind nothing but spoil and ravin.] 



42 2 H Eton's letter to Walsingham. [loNov^i^e: i>: 



[5. The following illustrative documents, now in the State Paper 
Office, London, carry on the story of the Spanish Fury to a some- 
what later date. 

The spelling of the word Gascon is so important, that we took 
the opinion of several experts at the State Paper Office upon it. They 
were all unanimous that the word is written GASCON, and not GASTON 
as printed in Volume 140 of the Calendar of those Foreign State 
Papers. That being so and the Christian name being given as George : 
it is clear that Thomas Heton, in the flurry in which he wrote the 
Memorial from the Company, wrote GEORGE GASCON phonetically 
for George Gascoigne. 

6. The next two documents are the letters which the Soldier-Poet 
brought to England, when he got out of Antwerp on 12th November 
1576, as stated at page 

S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140. 

1,009. Thomas Heton to Sir Francis Walsingham. 

From Antwerp, lo November 1576. 

Right Honourable, the 3rd of this month the States' 
men. Horsemen and Footmen, entered this town with 
consent : and on the morrow, which was Sunday the 4th of 
this present, the Spaniards with certain Almains, out of the 
Castle, entered the town and drave away the States' Power 
and they fled as they could : the town [being] put to sack, 
with a pitiful slaughter and a miserable spoil. 

Our House [was] entered by Twelve Spaniards, soldiers, 
who put me and the rest of the Company in great fear. 
We were put to ransom first at 12,000 crowns ; and since it 
it is grown one way and [an]other to 3,000 more : and what 
the Company have lost, that had their chambers and pack- 
houses in the town in burghers' houses, at this present, 
I know not ; but they are spoiled of all. 

In the name of the Company there is a letter written 
to the honourable [Privy] Council of our state \See next 
doauncnt] most humbly beseeching that their Honours 
would be a mean[s] for us to Her Majesty, as to their 
Honours in this case they shall think good. 

If we might have had passport[s] when I revuired it, 
first of the States, then of Monsieur [de] ChampagNEY 



loNov^Se'] '^^^ English Merchants' Memorial. 423 

Governor of this town, and after of the Lords of this town, 
as both by the Intercourse [of 1507] and Privileges we ought 
in right to have had ; then had we avoided this great peril 
of life and miserable spoil which we have sustained. 

And now I most humbly beseech you to move my good 
Lords that some [persons and money] may be sent over for 
our comfort, that we may be permitted to pass out of this 
town in person, and [also] such goods as we have 
remaining. For in this town we shall lack both victuals and 
fuel ; and also be daily in fear of the like spoil that we have 
sustained. 

And thus, what for the great peril that I have sustained, 
and the burden and charge of my Office ; I must crave 
pardon though my writing be not as it should be. 

I do perceive they \the Spaniards] stand here in doubt 
how Her Majesty will take this doing to us. 

The Lord send me and my wife into England, if it be his 
good will. 

At Antwerp, the loth of November 1 576. 

Thomas Heton. 

1,010 The Merchant Adventurers to the Privy Coimcil. 
From Antwerp, [10] November 1576. 

Right Honourable our good and gracious Lords, &c. 
In all humbleness these are showing to your Honours 
that in respect of the troubles all over this country, and 
especially the danger in this town of Antwerp ; such of 
our Society as are here remaining did purpose, and some 
attempted, to have, in due time, removed from this place 
both their persons and goods ; some by water and some 
by land, as well towards England as for Duchland {Germany?^ 
And being letted {JimderecT] of their purpose and attempts 
both the ways, and not suffered to pass their goods out 
of this town ; whereupon [they] sought to have had free 
passage and passport here, according to the Intercourse 
and Safe Conduct. 

But after many delays, from time to time; the 3rd day 
of this month, our requests were plainly denied, either 
to be granted, or by writing answered. 



424 The humanity of George Gascoigne. [ioNov^is"?: 

So as, the 4th day, we are fallen into great peril of our 
lives ; divers of our Company being hurt, and some slain. 
And by sacking of this town ever since, we are not only 
spoiled of our money and goods that were in private houses 
thereof; but also we are further forced, for ransom and 
safeguard of our persons and goods within the principal 
House of our residence here, to answer and content the 
Spanish soldiers and others who, in the Fury, entered our 
said House, accounting charges, above the sum of ;^5,ooo 
Flemish, 

Towards furniture [^furnisking] whereof, we have been 
constrained to give them all the money and plate that was 
in our said House ; and also to use our credit for so much 
as we could get besides. And yet all accounted and 
delivered to them doth not discharge the one half of the 
sum ; and for the rest we have given them Bills payable 
at a month, and some part at two months : so as now we 
have not money to provide for our needful sustentation. 

Wherefore we most humbly beseech your good Lordships 
aud Honours, of your accustomed clemencies, to have 
compassion upon us ; and to be means to our most gracious 
Sovereign Lady, the Queen's Majesty, that speedy order 
may be given for our relief, and release out of this place : 
where presently [at present] we are void of money and 
credit; and shortly are like[ly] to be void of sustenance, 
and not able to get it for money. 

The discourse of these tragedies we omit, and refer the 
same to be reported to your Lordships by this bringer. 
Master GEORGE GASCON ; whose humanity, in this time of 
trouble, we, for our parts, have experimented. 

And so leaving the further and due consideration of our 
case unto your Right Honourable wisdoms and clemencies ; 
we beseech Almighty GOD to preserve your good Lordships 
and Honours in long health and felicity. 

Written at Antwerp, this [loth] day of November 1576, 
By your Lordships' and Honours' 
Most bound and obedient, 
The Governor and Fellowship of the 
English Merchant Adventurers in Antwerp, 

Thomas Heton. 



I 



DrT.^Wiison--] QUR AMBASSADOR TALKS WITH RoDAS. 425 

7, In 1602, an anonymously written Play, based on this Narrative, 
was published in London, under the title, A larum for London, or 
the Siege of Antwerp, in 410. 

8. Five days after Gascoigne got out of Antwerp ; the English 
Ambassador was there. No doubt he helped our Merchant Adventurers 
in their dire extremity. 

Jeronimo De Rodas, or RODA, was the supreme villain in 
command of the troops that had sacked the town ; as Sancho 
d'Avila was in charge of Antwerp Castle. Doctor Wilson thus 
reports a conversation that he had with Rodas on the 17th November 
1576, thirteen days after the massacre began. This gives us the 
Spanish view of the matter ; and also such miserable excuse as they 
could possibly offer for their villany, which however is no excuse at all. 

We must remember that it would be the Ambassador's policy to 
keep fair with RODAS, who was master of the situation for the moment. 

S. p. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140. 

1,021. Dr Thomas Wilson to the Privy Council. 

19 November 1576. 

And now, if it please your Honours, I am to declare 
my coming to RoDAS, who did send unto me a Safe 
Conduct for me and mine, upon a letter that I did write 
to him from Ghent the loth of this month : and the 17th 
of the same, I did speak with him ; immediately after my 
coming to Antwerp. 

And, delivering my Letters of Credit, [I] made him 
acquainted with all that I did at Brussels ; and that my 
coming [to Flanders] was for the King's benefit and honour : 
assuring him that if either the Estates would alienate this 
country [of Flanders] to any foreign Prince, or would convert it 
to themselves in prejudice of the King [Philip II.] ; Her 
Majesty would employ all her force to withstand such attempts. 

These speeches he liked very well : and was persuaded, 
even by plain demonstration before my departure, that 
my coming was to none other end ; as it was not indeed. 

Hereupon he declared unto me at large, the whole doings 
at Brussels, the Mutinies made by the Spaniards at Alost 
and elsewhere after their victory had at Zierikzee ; and 
blamed greatly the young heads at Brussels, and the fury 
of the people to use the King's Council, and to break up 
the door of his Palace, in such sort as they did : \RoDAi 
was very nearly made prisoner in the Palace at Brussels 



426 Dr Wilson remonstrates with Rodas. ['^gNorS. 

on sth September 1576, by the Seigneur De HkzEi\ clearing 
the Council from all intention of evil to the town, or people, 
of Brussels ; making a very great discourse unto me of 
this matter. 

"Well," quoth I, "you are well revenged of the people 
by your late victory here in Antwerp ; which hath been 
very bloody." 

"Can you blame us?" quoth he. "Is it not natural to 
withstand force with force ; and to kill rather than to be 
killed ? and not to lose the King's piece committed to our 
charge?" 

All this I granted : and praised the Spaniards for their 
valiant courage ; that, being so few, could, with policy 
and manhood, overcome so many. 

" But now," quoth I, " I pray you give me leave to speak a 
little. After you were lords of the town — which you got 
wholly and quietly within two hours after your issuing 
forth — what did you mean, to continue still killing, without 
mercy, people of all sorts that did bear no armour at all ; 
and to murder them in their houses ? to fire the chiefest and 
fairest part of the city, after you were in full and quiet 
possession of all? And not contented to spoil the whole 
town, but to ransom those that were spoiled ? And to spare 
no Nation : although they did bear no arms at all ; nor 
yet were dealers in any practice at all against the King's 
Ministers, or the Spaniards?" 

His answer was. That the fury of the soldiers could 
not be stayed : and that it grieved him much when the city 
was on fire ; and [that there] was no sparing to kill, when all 
were conquered. The soldiers of Alost were adventurers, 
had no Captains, desperate persons : and would not be ruled 
by any Proclamation or commandment that could be given 
or made. 

" Well," quoth I, " if the Fury could not be stayed ; yet 
the Ransoming might be forbidden ; which is an act against 
the Law of all Nations." And therefore I required him, 
in the name of the Queen's Majesty, to command restitution 
to be msde to the English Nation. . . . 

To conclude, he told me, That he would be glad to do 
what he might for restitution ; but he thought it would be 
hard. For that which is to be paid with Bills, which for the 



p Perronet-j AnTWERP CITIZENS NOT ALLOWED TO ARM. 427 

Jan. 15770 T^ / 

Company amounteth to 5,000 crowns, at the month's end : 
the same [Bills], he saith, shall be discharged ; and the 
bonds cancelled. Further he hath promised to grant a Safe 
Conduct for all English Merchants to go (with their goods 
remaining, ships, and merchandizes), without danger, wither- 
soever they will : not aiding, or abetting, the King's enemies. 

9, We next give the opinion of the Sieur De Champagney as to how 
the massacre came about. 

In the following January, he was in England : and then presented a 
long Memorial in French, to our Privy Council ; in which occurs the 
following reference to the Spanish Fury. 



S. P. Foreign, Eliz. Vol. 142. 

1,029. The Sieur De Chapagney's Declaration. 

At London, in January 1577. 

That he undertook the Government of Antwerp most 
unwillingly, at the express desire and command of the King 
of Spain. That, during his Government, he did all in his 
power to restrain the excesses of the Spaniards in the 
Citadel ; so far as to incur their odium and hatred. That he 
was unable to prevent the sack of the town, owing to the 
treachery of the Almain Colonels [ Van Einden &c.] of the 
only troops under his command ; who would not suffer the 
burghers to arm in their defence. 

10. Edward Grimeston, in his General History of the Netherlands 
to 1608 (which is mainly based on J. F. Le Petit's C^r<?«/^«^, printed at 
Dordrecht in 1601) gives the following account of the destruction of 
Antwerp Castle, which had been built by the Duke of Alva. 

The inhabitants of Antwerp being still in fear, by reason 
of their Castle, so long as the war was thus wavering, 
fearing they should be, at some time, again surprised (term- 
ing it a den of thieves, an invention of men full of cruelty, a 
nest of tyranny, a receptacle of all filthy villany abomination 
and wickedness) obtained leave of the States to dismantle it 
towards the town. 

The which the burghers began the 28th of August [1577], 



428 Antwerp Castle laid open town-ward. [ 



Le Petit. 

i6ot. 



with such spleen as there was neither great nor small (wives 
children, gentlewomen, and burghers ; and all in general) but 
would pull down a piece of it ; men, women, and servants 
going thither, with their Ensigns displayed, having many 
victuallers on the plain before the Castle \the Esplanade] ; so 
as it seemed a camp. And although the masons' work was 
great, strong, and thick ; yet were they not long in beating 
it down on that side. 

Soon after, in imitation of that of Antwerp, followed the 
dismantling of the Castles of Ghent, Utrecht, Valenciennes, 
Bethune, Lille, Aire, and others ; and the Citadel of Arras 
was laid open towards the town. 




I 




429 



[The following Preface occurs in the Bodleian copy of this Tract.] 



To the Reader, 

Shall earnestly require thee, gentle Reader, 
to correct the errors passed and escaped 
in printing of this pamphlet according to 
this Table. "^ 

And furthermore to understand that this victory 
was obtained with loss of but five hundred Spaniards, 
or six [hundred] at the most ; of whom I heard no 
man of name recounted [as killed] saving only Don 
Emanuel. 

Thus much, for haste, I had forgotten in this treaty 
Sjreatise\ ; and therefore thought meet to place it here 
in the beginning. And therewithal to advertise thee, 
that these outrages and disordered cruelties done to 
our Nation proceeded but from the common soldiers : 
neither was there any of the Twelve which entered the 
English House \see pp. 446, 447], a man of any charge 
or reputation. So that I hope, these extremities not- 
withstanding, the King their master will take such 
good order for redress thereof as our countrymen, in 
the end, shall rest satisfied with reason ; and the amity 
between our most gracious Sovereign and him shall 
remain also firm and unviolate : the which I pray 
GOD speedily to grant for the benefit of this realm. 
Amen. 

• The necessary corrections have been herein made. — E.A. 



431 



The Spoil of Antwerp. 




Ince my hap was to be present at so 
piteous a spectacle as the Sacking and 
Spoil of Antwerp, a lamentable example 
which hath already filled all Europe with 
dreadful news of great calamity, I have 
thought good, for the benefit of my 
country, to publish a true report thereof. 
The which may as well serve for profitable 
example unto all estates of such condition[s] as suffered in the 
same : as also answer all honest expectations with a mean 
truth set down between the extreme surmises of sundry 
doubtful minds ; and increased by the manifold light tales 
which have been engendered by fearful or affectionate 
[prejudiced] rehearsals. 

And therewithal if the wickedness used in the said town 
do seem unto the well disposed Reader, a sufficient cause of 
GOD's so just a scourge and plague ; and yet the fury of the 
vanquishers do also seem more barbarous and cruel than may 
become a good Christian conqueror : let these my few words 
become a forewarning on both hands ; and let them stand as 
a lantern of light between two perilous rocks ; that both 
amending the one, and detesting the other, we may gather 
fire out of the flint and honey out of the thistle. 

To that end, all stories and Chronicles are written ; and 
to that end I presume to publish this Pamphlet ; protesting 
that neither malice to the one side, nor partial affection to 
the other, shall make my pen to swerve any iote \^jot or iota] 
from truth of that which I will set down, and saw executed. 
For if I were disposed to write maliciously against the 
vanquishers : their former barbarous cruelty, insolences, rapes, 
spoils, incests, and sacrileges committed in sundry other 
places, might yield me sufficient matter without the lawful 
remembrance of this their late Stratagem. Or if I would 



432 Mutiny of the Spaniards at Antwerp. [J go^Se: 

undertake to move a general compassion by blazing abroad 
the miseries and calamities of the vanquished : their long 
sustained injuries and yokes of untollerable bondage, their 
continual broils in war, their doubtful dreads in peace, their 
accusations without cause, and condemnations without proof, 
might enable a dumb stone to talk of their troubles, and 
fetch brinish tears out of the most craggy rock to lament and 
bewail the burning houses of so near neighbours. 

But as I said before, mine only intent is to set down a 
plain truth, for the satisfying of such as have hitherto been 
carried about with doubtful reports ; and for a profitable 
example unto all such as, being subject to like imperfections, 
might fall thereby into the like calamities. 

And to make the matter more perspicuous ; I must derive 
the beginning of this Discourse a little beyond the beginning 
of the Massacre : that the cause being partially opened, the 
effect may be the more plainly seen. 

It is then to be understood that the Sacking and Spoil of 
Antwerp hath been, by all likelihood, long pretended 
[designed] by the Spaniards : and that they have done 
nothing else but lie in wait continually, to find any least 
quarrel to put the same in execution. For proof whereof, 
their notable Rebellion and Mutiny began in the same [city, 
on 26th April 1574]; when their watch- word was Fuora 
villiacco ! [This is apparently old Spanish for Oitt with the 
townsfolk/'] might sufficiently bewray their malicious and 
cruel intent. And though it were then smoothly coloured 
over \explained away] and subtilly appeased by the crafty 
devisers of the same : yet the coals of the choler, being but 
raked up in the embers of false semblance, have now found 
out the wicked winds of wiliness and wrath ; which meeting 
together have kindled such a flame as gave open way to their 
detestable devices. 

For the Estates of the Low Countries, being over- wearied 
with the intolerable burden of their tyrannies ; and having 
taken arms to withstand their malice and rebellious mutinies : 
the town of Antwerp, being left open and subject unto the 
Citadel, did yet remain quiet ; and entered not into any 
martial action. 



?s Nov°i!76:] The Spaniards try to starve Antwerp. 433 

Whereat the Spaniards (being much moved ; and having 
not yet opportunity to work their will so colourably \zvith a 
sufficient pretence\ as they wished) bestowed certain cannon 
shot out of the said Castle, and slew certain innocent souls ; 
with some other small harm and damage done to the edifices : 
thinking thereby to harden the hearts of the poor Flemings, 
and to make them take arms for their just defence ; whiles 
they thereby might take occasion to execute their unjust 
pretence. And this was done on the 19th, or 20th, of October 
[1576] last. 

Now to answer all objections ; I doubt not but it will be 
alleged that the Castle bestowed the said cannon shot at the 
town ; because they of the town did not shoot at the Prince 
of Orange's ships, which lay within sight thereof: but alas 
it is easy to find a staff when a man would beat a dog. 

For the truth is, that those ships did no greater hurt either 
to the town or Castle than friendly to waft up \convoy\ all 
manner of grain and victuals for the sustenance of the said 
town : which even then began to want such provisions by 
reason that the said Spaniards had built a Fort on [the] 
Flanders side upon the same river \the Scheldt] ; and thereby 
stopped all such as brought victual to the said town ; burning 
and destroying the country near adjoining, and using all 
terror to the poor people, to the intent that Antwerp might 
lack provision[s]. 

And about the same time also, the Spaniards cut off a 
bridge, which was the open passage between Antwerp and 
Machlen [^M alines], at a village called Walem [ Waeikem] A 
manifest proof of their plain intent to distress the said town, 
and to shut up the same from the rest of Brabant : since they 
were walled in with the river on the one side ; and on that 
other the Spanish horsemen occupied all the country, and so 
terrified the poor people as they durst not bring their 
commodities to the same. 

All this notwithstanding, the chief rulers of the said town 
of Antwerp appeased the people ; and put up [with] these 
injuries until they might be better able to redress them. 

Soon after, the Spaniards, assisted by the treason of certain 

2E I 



434 Estates send 4,000 men to Antwerp, g^^orxfye. 

High Duches [Germans], entered the town of Maestricht 
upon a sudden ; and put the same to sack : killing and 
destroying great numbers of innocent people therein. A 
thing to be noted. For that Maestricht had never revolted ; 
but stood quiet under their garrisons, as faithful subjects to 
their King [PHILIP II]: and the one half thereof pertained 
also unto the Bishop of LlEGE, who had yet meddled nothing 
at all in these actions. 

The chief rulers and people of Antwerp (perceiving thereby 
the cruel intent of the Spaniards ; and doubting [fearing] 
their Duche [German"] garrison, which was of the Count 
Oberstein's Regiment, as they were also which betrayed 
Maestricht) began to abandon the town, leaving their houses 
and goods behind them ; and sought to withdraw themselves 
into some place of safer abode. 

Whereat the Estates, being moved with compassion, and 
doubting that the town would shortly be left desolate, levied 
a Power of 3,000 Footmen and 800 or 1,000 Horsemen 
[mostly Walloons and Germans] ; and sent the same, under 
the conduct of the Marquis D'HAVRfi, the young Count 
[Philip] d'Egmont, Monsieur de Capres, Monsieur DE 
Berselle [or Berselen], Monsieur DE GOGINES, and other 
Nobles and Gentlemen, to succour and defend the town of Ant- 
werp against the cruel pretence [designs] of the said Spaniards. 

And they came before the Gates thereof, on Friday the 
2nd of this instant [November 1576], at a Port on the east 
or south-east side thereof, called Kipdorp Port. Whereat 
the Spaniards, being enraged, discharged sundry shot of 
great artillery from the Castle ; but to small purpose. 

At last. Monsieur [FrEdEric Perrenot, Sieur] DE 
Champagney, who was Governor of the town, and the Count 
Oberstein, which was Colonel of the garrison, demanded 
of the States' [troops], Wherefore they approached the town 
in such order ? 

Who answered. That they came to enter the same as 
friends, and to entrench and defend it from the Spaniards : 
protesting further. That they would offer no manner of 
violent damage or injury to the persons or goods of any such 
as inhabited the same. 

Hereupon the said Monsieur [the Sieur] DE CHAMPAGNEY 



?sNov.°SS ^^^ Writer at Antwerp on 22 Oct. 435 

and Count Oberstein went out unto them, and conferred 
more privately together by the space of one hour: and 
returned into the town, leaving the Estates' Power at a 
village called Borgherhout. 

On the morrow, being the 3rd of this instant [November 
1576], they were permitted to enter, and came into the town : 
21 Ensigns of Footmen and 6 Cornets of Horsemen. 

Immediately after their entry, the inhabitants brought 
them sacks of wool and other such provision ; wherewith 
they approached the Yard or plain ground which lieth before 
the Castle : and, placing the same at the ends of five streets 
which lie open unto the said Castle Yard [Esp/anade], 
entrenched under them with such expedition that in less 
than five hours those streets' ends were all reasonably well 
fortified from the Castle, for any sudden [attack]. 

At this time and twelve days before [i.e. from 22nd 
October 1576], I was in the said town of Antwerp, upon 
certain private affairs of mine own ; so that I was enforced 
to become an eyed- witness [see page 420] of their Entry \i.e. 
of the States' troops] and all that they did : as also afterwards 
— for all the Gates were kept fast shut, and I could not 
depart — to behold the pitiful Stratagem which followed. 

The Castle thundered with shot at the town : but it was a 
very misty day ; so that they could neither find their marks 
very well, not yet see how the streets' ends were entrenched. 

It was a strange thing to see the willingness of the in- 
habitants, and how soon many hands had despatched a 
very great piece of work. For, before midnight, they had 
made the trenches as high as the length of a pike ; and 
had begun one trench for a Counterskarf [Counterscarp] 
between all those streets and the Castle Yard : the which 
they perfected unto the half way from St George's Church- 
yard unto the water's side by St Michael's ; and there 
left from work, meaning to have perfected it the next 
day. 

That Counterscarf had been to much purpose, if it had 
been finished : as shall appear by a Model [Pla7t\ of the 
whole place which I have annexed to this treaty [treatise] \ by 



436 SPANlAkDS CONCENTRATE ON AnTWERP. [J nov.Is"': 

view whereof the skillful Reader may plainly perceive the 
execution of every particularity.* 

These things thus begun and set in forwardness ; it is 
to be noted that the Spaniards (having intelligence of the 
States' PoAver, when it set forward from Brussels ; and per- 
ceiving that it bent towards Antwerp) had sent to Maes- 
tricht, Lierre, and Alost to draw all the Power that could be 
made, unto the Castle of Antwerp. So that on Sunday, the 
4th of this instant [November 1576], in the morning, they all 
met at the said Castle. And their Powers, as far as I could 
gather, were these : 

There came from Maestricht, very near to 1,000 Horsemen, 
led by Alonzo de Vargas who is the General of the 
Horsemen ; and 500 Footmen or more, governed by the 
Camp Master, FRANCESCO DE Valdez. 

There came from Lierre, 500 Footmen or more, governed 
hy the Camp Master, Juliano de Romero. 

There came from Alost, 2,000 Footmen, which were the 
same that rebelled for their pay and other unreasonable 
demands, im.mediately after the Winning of Zierikzee [/. de 
RoDAS, at page 426, states that these 2,000 soldiers were 
*' desperate men."] These had none other conductor than 
their Electo [or Eletto, i.e., their elected Chief ; at this time a 
ifian named N AVAR ette\, after the manner of such as mutiny 
and rebel : but were of sundry Companies, as Don 
Emanuel's, and others. Nevertheless I have been so bold 
in the Model {Platil as to set down the said Don EMANUEL 
for their leader : both because I think that, their mutiny 
notwithstanding, he led them at the exploit ; and also 
because he was sliin amongst them at their entry. 

Thus the number of [the] Spaniards was 4,000 or there- 
abouts ; besides some help that they had of the garrison 
within the Ca?tle. And besides, 1,000 High Almains 
{German s'\ or more ; which came from Maestricht, Lierre, and 
those parts. And they were of three sundry Regiments: 

* This Plan of Antwerp at the time ot the Spanish Fury, drawn up 
from the instructions of George Gascoigne, is wanting in every copy 
of this Narrative that we have met with. We have strenuously searched 
for it in every direction ; but without success. Its disappearance is a 
great loss. — E.A. 



?5 Nov°i576;] Spaniards come to Antwerp Castle. 437 

Charles Fugger's, Polwiller's, and Frondsberger's r 
but they were led all by CHARLES Fugger. So that the 
whole force of the Spaniards and their complices was 
5,000 and upwards. 

The which assembled and met at the Castle, on the said 
4th day [of November 1576], about ten of the clock before 
dinner : and, as I have heard credibly reported, would 
neither stay to refresh themselves, having marched all night 
and the day before ; nor yet to confer of anything but only 
of the order how they should issue and assail : protesting 
and vowing neither to eat nor drink until they might eat and 
drink at liberty and pleasure in Antwerp : the which vow 
they performed, contrary to all men's reason and expectation. 

Their order of entry into the Castle Yard \Esplaiiade\ and 
their approach to the trenches I did not see : for I could not 
get out of the town ; neither did I think it reasonable to be 
Hospes in aliena repiiblica ciiriosus. 

Yet, as I heard it rehearsed by sundry of themselves, I 
will also here rehearse it for a truth : 

The Horsemen and Footmen which came from Maes- 
tricht and Lierre, came through a village on the east side of 
the town called Borgerhout about ten of the clock before 
noon, as beforesaid. The Governor and Estates, being 
thereof advertised, sent out presently part of their Horsemen 
and Footmen to discover and take knowledge of them. But 
before they could issue out of the Gates, the Spaniards were 
passed on the south-east side of the town ditch, and entered 
at a Gate which standeth on the Counterscarf of the Castle 
Yard \Esplanade\ called the Windmill Port. There 
entered the Horsemen and all the Footmen ; saving the 
High Almains \_Gerniaiis\ who marched round about the 
Castle, by a village called Kiel ; and, trailing their pikes 
on the ground after them, came in at a small Postern on 
the Brayes by the river, and on the west side of the Castle. 

Those which came from Alost, came through the said 
village called Kiel, and so, through the Castle, [and] issued 
out of the same at the Fore Gate, which standeth towards 
the town. 

Being thus passed, and entered into the Castle Yard, 
about eleven of the clock ; they of Alost and of the Castle 



43^ The Spaniards attack the Trenches. [J- N^l^sye: 

cast themselves into four Squadrons ; they of Maestricht and 
Lierre into two Squadrons, and their Horsemen into a Troop 
behind them ; and the High Almains [Germans] into a 
Squadron or BattaHon by the river's side. 

Being thus ordered, and appointment given where every 
Squadron should charge and endure ; they cast off certain 
Loose Shot [Skzrjms/iers] from every Squadron, and attacked 
the Scarmouch [ ? Piqitet\. The which continued not one 
hour ; before they drew their Squadrons so near unto the 
Counterscarf and Trenches, that they brake and charged 
pell mell. 

The Castle had, all this while, played at the town and 
trenches with thundering shot : but now, upon a signal given, 
ceased to shoot any more, for fear to hurt their own men ; 
wherein I noted their good order, which wanted no direction, 
in their greatest fury. 

The Walloons and Almains \Germans\ which served in the 
Trenches, defended all this while very stoutly. And the 
Spaniards with their Almains continued the charge with 
such valour, that in fine they won the Counterscarf, and 
presently scaled the Trenches with great fury. The 
Walloons and Almains, having long resisted without any 
fresh relief or supply, many of them in this meanwhile 
being slain and hurt, were not able any longer to repulse the 
Spaniards : so that they entered the Trenches about twelve 
of the clock, and presently pursued their victory down every 
street. 

In their chase, as fast as they gained any cross street, they 
flanked the same with their Musquet[eer]s until they saw no 
longer resistance of any Power ; and they proceeded in 
chase, executing all such as they overtook. In this good 
order they charged and entered ; in this good order they 
proceeded ; and in as good order, their lackays and pages 
followed with firebrands and wild fire, setting the houses on 
fire in every place where their masters had entered. 

The Walloons and Almains which were to defend the 
town [being chiefly those commanded by the Marquis d' Ha vr£\ 
being grown into some security by reason that their Trenches 
were so high as seemed invincible ; and, lacking sufficient 
generals or directors, were found as far out of order as the 



?5 Nov°il?6;] The base treachery of Einden's men. 439 

Spaniards were to be honoured for the good order and direc- 
tion which they kept. 

For those which came to supply and relieve the Trenches 
came straggling and loose. Some came from the furthest 
side of the town. Some, that were nearer, came very 
fearfully ! and many, out of their lodgings, from drinking 
and carousing ; who would scarcely believe that any 
conflict was begun, when the Spaniards now met them in 
the streets to put them out of doubt that they dallied 
not. 

To conclude, their carelessness and lack of foresight was 
such that they never had a Corps du Gard [Block House] to 
supply and relieve their Trenches ; but only one in the 
Market Place of the town, which was a good quarter of a 
mile from their fortifications : and that also was of Almains 
\Ger'ma7is commanded by that double-dyed traitor Cornelis 
Van Einden, or Van Ende\ ; who, when they spied the 
Spaniards, did gently kneel down, letting their pikes fall, 
and crying, Hebe Spaniarden ! O Hebe Spaniarden ! [" O 
dear Spaniards ! " That is. Van Einden traitorously joined 
with the invading Spaniards?^ 

Now I have set down the order of their entry, approach, 
charge, and assault, together with their proceeding in victory ; 
and that by credible report, both of the Spaniards them- 
selves and of others who served in their company : let me 
also say a little of that which I saw executed. 

I was lodged in the English House, ut supra : and had 
not gone abroad that morning by reason of weighty business 
which I had in hand the same day. At dinner time \which 
was then about 1 1 a.m\ the Merchantmen of my country, 
which came out of the town and dined in my chamber, 
told me, That a hot scarmouch \skirmisJt\ was begun in 
the Castle Yard, and that the fury thereof still increased. 
About the midst of dinner, news came. That the shot was 
so thick, as neither ground, houses, nor people could be 
discerned for the smoke thereof: and before dinner were 
fully ended. That the Spaniards were like[ly] to win the 
Trenches. 

Whereat I stept from the table, and went hastily up into 



440 The Writer beyond the Exchange. [^^ NovTs^e! 

a high tower of the said English House : from whence I 
might discover fire in four or five places of the town 
towards the Castle Yard ; and thereby I was well assured 
that the Spaniards indeed were entered within the Trenches. 

So that I came down, and took my cloak and sword, to 
see the certainty thereof: and as I passed towards the Bourse 
[Exc/iang-e] I met many ; but I overtook none. And those 
which I met were no townsmen, but soldiers ; nether walked 
they as men which use traffic, but ran as men which are in 
fear. 

Whereat, being somewhat grieved, and seeing the towns- 
men stand every man before his door with such weapons 
as they had ; I demanded of one of them. What it meant ? 

Who answered me in these words, Helas, Monsieur, il 
fiy a point d'ordre ; et voild la mine de cette ville ! [Alas, 
Sir, there is no order ; and behold the ruin of this 
town ! ] 

Ayez courage, man ami ! [Have courage, my friend !], 
quoth I ; and so went onwards yet towards the Bourse : 
meeting all the way more and more [of those] which mended 
their pace. 

At last, a Walloon Trumpeter on horseback, who seemed 
to be but a boy of years, drew his sword, and laid about 
him, crying Oii est ce que vons enfuyez, canaille ? Faisons 
tete, pour I'hojieur de la patrie ! [Where are you flying to, 
rascals ? Make head, for the honour of our country ! ] 
Wherewith fifty or threescore of them turned head, and 
went backwards towards the Bourse. 

The which encouraged me, par conipagnie, to proceed. 

But alas, this comfort endured but a while. For by that 
time I came on the farther side of the Bourse, I might 
see a great troop coming in greater haste, with their heads 
as close together as a school of young fry or a flock of 
sheep ; who met me, on the farther side of the Bourse, 
towards the Market Place : and, having their leaders fore- 
most (for I knew them by their javelins, boar spears, and 
staves), [they] bare me over backwards ; and ran over my 
belly and my face, [a] long time before I could recover on 
foot. 

At last, when I was up, I looked on every side, and 
seeing them run so fast, began thus to bethink me, " What, 



^5 Nov°i!76:] The GATE OF THE English House shut. 441 

in God's name, do I hear ? which have no interest in 
this action ; since they who came to defend this town 
are content to leave it at large, and shift for themselves." 

And whilst I stood thus musing, another flock of 
flyers came so fast that they bare me on my nose, and 
ran as many over my back, as erst had marched over my 
stomach. In fine, I got up like a tall fellow ; and went 
with them for company : but their haste was such as I 
could never overtake them until I came at a broad cross 
street, which lieth between the English House and the 
said Bourse. 

There I overtook some of them grovelling on the 
ground, and groaning for the last gasp ; and some others 
which turned backwards to avoid the tickling of the 
Spanish Musquets \_Miisketeers\ : who had gotten the ends 
of the said broad cross street, and flanked it both ways. 
And there I stayed a while till, hearing the shot increase 
and fearing to be surprised with such as might follow 
in tail of us ; I gave adventure to pass through the said 
cross street : and, without vaunt be it spoken, passed 
through five hundred shots before I could recover the 
English House. 

At my coming thither, I found many of the Merchants 
standing before the gate : whom I would not dis- 
comfort nor dismay but said, That the Spaniards had 
once entered the town, and that I hoped they were gone 
back again. 

Nevertheless I went to the Governor : and privily per- 
suaded him to draw in the company ; and to shut up the 
gates. 

The which he consented unto : and desired me, because 
I was somewhat better acquainted with such matters than 
the Merchants, to take charge of the key. 

I took it willingly, but before I could well shut and bar 
the gate, the Spaniards were now come forwards into the 
same street ; and passing by the door, called to come 
in ; bestowing five or six musquet shot at the gate, 
where I answered them ; whereof one came very near my 
nose, and piercing through the gate, strake one of the 
Merchants on the head, without any great or dangerous 



442 Antwerp entered and won in 3 hours. [J nTS: 

hurt. But the heat of the pursuit was yet such, that 
they could not attend the spoil ; but passed on in 
chase to the New Town, where they slew infinite 
numbers of people : and, by three of the clock, or before, 
returned victors ; having slain, or put to flight, all their 
enemies. 

And now, to keep promise and to speak without par- 
tiality, I must needs confess that it was the greatest 
victory, and the roundliest executed, that hath been seen, 
read, or heard of, in our Age : and that it was a thing 
miraculous to consider how Trenches of such a height 
should be entered, passed over, and won, both by Footmen 
and Horsemen. 

For immediately after that the Footmen were gotten 
in, the Horsemen found means to follow : and being, many 
of them, Harquebussiers on horseback, did pass by their 
own Footmen in the streets ; and much hastened both the 
flight of the Walloons, and made the way opener unto 
speedy executioners. 

But whosoever will therein most extoll the Spaniards 
for their valour and order, must therewith confess that 
it was the very ordinance of GOD for a just plague 
and scourge unto the town. For otherwise it passeth 
all men's capacity to conceive how it should be possible. 

And yet the disorder and lack of foresight in the 
Walloons did great[ly] help to augment the Spanish glory 
and boast. 

To conclude. The Count d'Oberstein was drowned 
in the New Town. The Marquis d'Havr£ and [Sieur 
de] Champagney escaped out of the said New Town, and 
recovered the Prince of Orange's ships. 

Only the young Count [Philip] of Egmont was taken, 
fighting by St Michael's. Monsieur DE Ci^PRES and 
Monsieur DE GOGINES were also taken. But I heard 
of none that fought stoutly, saving only the said Count 
of Egmont ; whom the Colonel Verdugo, a Spaniard 
of an honourable compassion and good mind, did 
save : with great danger to himself in defending the 
Count 



I 



S N^ov°i^s76.] Horrible Spanish Fury in Antwerp. 443 

In this conflict there were slain 600 Spaniards, 01 
thereabouts. And on the Thursday next following [8th 
November 1576], a view of the dead bodies in the town 
being taken, it was esteemed at 17,000 men, women, and 
children. [This would be apart from those drowned in 
the Scheldt!\ A pitiful massacre, though GOD gave victory 
to the Spaniards. 

And surely, as their valiance was to be much com- 
mended ; so yet I can much discommend their barbarous 
cruelty in many respects. For methinks that as when 
GOD giveth abundance of wealth, the owner ought yet 
to have regard on whom he bestow it : even so, when 
GOD giveth a great and miraculous victory, the con- 
querors ought to have great regard unto their execution. 
And though some, which favour the Spanish faction, will 
alledge sundry reasons to the contrary : yet, when the blood 
is cold and the fury over, methinks that a true Christian 
heart should stand content with victory ; and refrain to 
provoke GOD's wrath by [the] shedding of innocent 
blood. 

These things I rehearse the rather, because they 
neither spared Age nor Sex, Time nor Place, Person nor 
Country, Professson nor Religion, Young nor Old, Rich 
nor Poor, Strong nor Feeble: but, without any mercy, did 
tyrannously triumph, when there was neither man nor 
means to resist them. 

For Age and Sex, Young and Old ; they slew great 
numbers of young children ; but many more women more 
than four score years of age. 

For Time and Place; their fury was as great ten days 
after the victory, as at the time of their entry ; and 
as great respect they had to the Church and Church- 
yard, for all their hypocritical boasting of the Catholic 
Religion, as the butcher had to his shambles or slaughter 
house. 

For Person and Country, they spared neither friend nor 
foe, Portugese nor Turk. 

For Profession and Religion, the Jesuits must give 
their ready coin ; and all other Religious Houses, both 
coin and plate : with all short ends that were good and 
portable. 



444 Hotel de Ville at Antwerp burnt. [Jnov°S6. 

The Rich was spoiled because he had ; and the Poor 
were hanged because they had nothing. Neither Strength 
could prevail to make resistance, nor Weakness move pity 
for to refrain their horrible cruelty. 

And this was not only done when the chase was hot ; 
but, as I erst said, when the blood was cold ; and they 
[were] now victors without resistance. 

I refrain to rehearse the heaps of dead carcases which 
lay at every Trench where they entered ; the thick- 
ness whereof did in many places exceed the height of a 
man. 

I forbear also to recount the huge numbers drowned 
in the New Town : where a man might behold as many 
sundry shapes and forms of man's motion at [the] time 
of death as ever MICHAEL Angelo did portray in 
his Tables of Doomsday {Picture of the Last Judgment^ 

I list not to reckon the infinite number of poor Almains 
[Germans], who lay burned in their armour. Some [with] 
the entrails scorched out, and all the rest of the body 
free. Some [with] their head and shoulders burnt off; 
so that you might look down into the bulk and breast, 
and there take an anatomy of the secrets of Nature. 
Some [were] standing upon their waist ; being burnt off 
by the thighs. And some no more but the very top of 
the brain taken off with fire ; whiles the rest of the body 
did abide unspeakable torments. 

I set not down the ugly and filthy polluting of every 
street with the gore and carcases of horses ; neither do 
I complain that the one lacked burial, and the other flaying, 
until the air, corrupted with their carion, infected all that 
yet remained alive in the town. 

And why should I describe the particularity of every 
such annoyance as commonly happens both in camps and 
castles where martial feats are managed ? 

But I may not pass over with silence the wilful burning 
and destroying of the stately Town House, and all the 
muniments and records of the city : neither can I refrain 
to tell their shameful rapes and outrageous forces presented 
unto sundry honest dames and virgins. 

It is also a ruthful remembrance, that a poor English 



S Nov.°i576:] 5.000 PERSONS KILLED IN COLD BLOOD. 445 

Merchant, who was but a servant, having once redeemed 
his master's goods for 300 crowns, was yet hanged until 
he were half dead, because he had not 200 more to give 
them. And the halter being cut down, and he come to 
himself again ; [he] besought them on knees, with bitter 
tears, to give him leave to seek and try his credit and 
friends in the town, for the rest of their unreasonable 
demand. At his return, because he sped not, as indeed no 
money was then to be had, they hung him again outright : 
and afterwards, of exceeding courtesy, procured the Friars 
Minor to bury him. 

To conclude. Of the 17,000 carcases which were viewed 
on the Thursday : I think, in conscience, 5,000, or few 
less, were massacred after their victory ; because they 
had not ready money wherewith to ransom their goods 
at such prices as they pleased to set on them. At least, 
all the World will bear me witness, that ten days after, 
whosoever was but pointed at, and named to be a Walloon, 
was immediately massacred without further audience or 
trial. 

For mine own part, it is well known that I did often 
escape very narrowly ; because I was taken for a Walloon. 
And on Sunday, the nth of this instant [November 1576], 
which was the day before I gat out of the town, I saw three 
poor souls murdered in my presence, because they were 
pointed [at] to be Walloons : and it was well proved, 
immediately [after], that one of them was a poor artificer, 
who had dwelt in the town eight years before, and [had] 
never managed arms, but truly followed his occupation. 

Furthermore, the seed of these and other barbarous facts 
brought forth this crop and fruit, That, within three days, 
Antwerp, which was one of the richest towns in Europe, 
had now no money nor treasure to be found therein, but only 
in the hands of murderers and strumpets. For every Don 
DiEGO must walk, jetting up and down the streets, with 
his harlot by him, in her chain and bracelets of gold. 
And the notable Bourse, which was wont to be a safe 
assembly for merchants and men of all honest trades, had 
now none other merchandise therein but as many dicing 
tables as might be placed round about it, all the day long. 



446 The English House spoiled by soldiers. [J g^ovS: 

Men will boast of the Spaniards, that they are the best 
and most orderly soldiers in the World : but, sure[ly], if 
this be their order, I had rather be accounted a Besoigner 
[French for an indigent beggar] than a brave soldier in 
such a Band : neither must we think, although it hath 
pleased GOD (for some secret cause only known to his 
divine Majesty) to yield Antwerp and Maestricht thus into 
their hands ; that he will spare to punish this their 
outrageous cruelty, when his good will and pleasure shall 
be to do the same. For surely their boasting and bragging 
of iniquity is over great to escape long unscourged. 

I have talked with sundry of them ; and demanded. Why 
they would command that the Town House should be 
burned .'' 

And their answer was. Because it was the place of 
assembly where all evil counsels were contrived. 

As though it were just that the stocks and stones should 
suffer for the offence of men. But such is their obstinate 
mind and arrogancy that, if they might have their will, they 
would altogether raze and destroy the towns, until no one 
stone were left upon another. Neither doth their stubborn 
blindness suffer them to perceive that in so doing they 
should much endamage the King their Master ; whom they 
boast so faithfully to honour, serve, and obey. 

As for the injuries done by them unto our own Nation 
particularly ; I will thus set down as much as I know. 

We were quiet in the House appointed for the Mansion 
of English Merchants, under safe Conduct, Protection, and 
Placard \Placcaet= Proclamation'] of their King: having 
neither meddled any way in these actions ; nor by any 
means assisted the Estates of the country with money, 
munition, or any kind of aid. Yea, the Governor [THOMAS 
Heton] and Merchants, foreseeing the danger of the time, 
had often demanded passport[s] of the King's Governors 
and Officers to depart. 

And all these, with sundry other allegations, we 
propounded and protested unto them before they entered 
the English House ; desiring to be there protected, according 
to our Privileges and Grants from the King their Master ; 



£Nov.°i576:] A RANSOM OF 12,000 CROWNS ASKED. 447 

and that they would suffer us there to remain, free from 
all outrage spoil or ransom, until we might make our estate 
known unto [Sancho D' Avila] the Castellan [of Antwerp 
Castle] and other Head Officers which served there for the 
said King. 

All which notwithstanding ; they threatened to fire the 
House unless we would open the doors : and, being once 
suffered to enter, demanded presently the ransom of 12,000 
crowns of the Governor. Which sum, being not indeed in 
the House, neither yet one-third part of the same ; they 
spared not with naked swords and daggers to menace the 
Governor, and violently to present him death ; because 
he had not wherewith to content their greedy minds. 

I will not boast of any help afforded by me in that 
distress : but I thank the Lord GOD ! who made me an 
instrument to appease their devilish furies. And I think 
that the Governor and all the Company will confess that I 
used mine uttermost skill and aid for the safeguard of their 
lives, as well as [of] mine own. 

But in the end, all eloquence notwithstanding ; the 
Governor [Thomas Heton], being a comely aged man 
and a person whose hoary hairs might move pity and 
procure reverence in any good mind ; especially the upright- 
ness of his dealing considered : they enforced him, with 
great danger, to bring forth all the money, plate, and jewels 
which were in the House ; and to prepare the remnant of 
12,000 crowns at such days and times as they pleased to 
appoint. 

And of the rest of our Nation, which had their goods 
remaining in their several packhouses and lodgings elsewhere 
in the town ; they took such pity that four they slew, 
and divers others they most cruelly and dangerously hurt : 
spoiling and ransoming them to the uttermost value that 
might be made, or esteemed, of all their goods. Yea, a 
certain one, they enforced to ransom his goods twice ; yea, 
thrice : and, all that notwithstanding, took the said goods 
violently from them at the last. 

And all these injuries being opened unto their chief 
Governors in time convenient ; and whiles yet the whole 
sum, set for [the] several ransoms of our countrymen and 
the English House in general, were not half paid ; so that 



448 The Writer GETS OUT OF Antwerp. [Jgo'^l^ye: 

justice and good order might partly have qualified the 
former rigours proferred by the soldiers : the said Governors 
were as slow and deaf, as the others were quick and light, 
of hearing to find the bottom of every bag in the town. 
So that it seemeth they were fully agreed in all things : 
or, if any contention were, the same was but [a] strife who, 
or which, of them might do greatest wrongs. Keeping the 
said Governor and Merchants there still, without grant of 
passport or safe conduct, when there are scarcely any 
victuals to be had for any money in the town ; nor yet 
the said Merchants have any money to buy it, where it is. 
And as for credit ; neither credit nor pawn can now find coin 
in Antwerp. 

In these distresses, I left them the 12th of this instant 
November 1576; when I parted from them : not as one who 
was hasty to leave and abandon them in such misery ; but 
to solicit their rueful causes here, and to deliver the same 
unto Her Majesty and [the Privy] Council in such sort as I 
beheld it there. 

And this is, in effect, the whole truth of the Sacking and 
Spoil of so famous a town. Wherein is to be noted — that 
the Spaniards and their faction being but 5,000 ; the 
Trenches made against them of such height as seemed 
invincible; the Power within the town, 15,000 or 16,000 
able fighting men well armed, I mean the townsmen ready 
armed being counted : it was charged, entered, and won in 
three hours ; and before six hours passed over, every house 
therein sacked, or ransomed at the uttermost value. 

Thewhichvictory(being miraculous and past man's capacity 
to comprehend how it should be possible) I must needs 
attribute unto GOD's just wrath poured upon the inhabitants 
for their iniquity, more than to the manhood and force of the 
Spaniards. And yet I mean not to rob them of their 
deserved glory ; but to confess that both their order and 
valour in charging and entering was famous : and had they 
kept half so good order, or shewed the tenth part of such 
manly courage, in using their victory and parting of their 
spoil ; I must then needs have said that C^SAR had never 
any such soldiers. And this must I needs say for them that, 
as their continual training in service doth make them expert 



Snov?°J76^] The Walloons and Germans fled. 449 

in all warlike stratagem[s] ; so their daily trade in spoiling 
hath made them the cunningest ransackers of houses, and 
the best able to bring a spoil unto a quick market, of any 
soldiers or master thieves that ever I heard of. 

But I leave the scanning of their deeds unto GOD, 
who will bridle their insolency when he thinketh good and 
convenient. And let us also learn, out of this rueful tragedy, 
to detest and avoid those sins and proud enormities which 
caused the wrath of GOD to be so furiously kindled and 
bent against the town of Antwerp. 

Let us also, if ever we should be driven to like occasion, 
which GOD forbid ! learn to look better about us for good 
order and direction ; the lack whereof was their overthrow. 
For surely the inhabitants lacked but good guides and 
leaders : for (having none other order appointed, but to 
stand every man armed in readiness before his door) they 
died there, many of them, fighting manfully ; when the 
Wallooners and High Duches [Germans] fled beastly. 

Let us also learn to detest the horrible cruelties of the 
Spaniards, in all executions of warlike stratagems ; lest the 
dishonour of such beastly deeds might bedim the honour 
wherewith English soldiers have always been endowed in 
their victories. 

And finally let us pray to GOD for grace to amend our 
lives, and for power and foresight to withstand the malice of 
our enemies : that remaining and continuing in the peaceable 
protection of our most gracious Sovereign, we may give 
Him the glory ; and all due and loyal obedience unto Her 
Majesty, whom GOD now and ever prospect and preserve. 
Amen. 

Written the 25 th day of November 1576, 

by a true Englishman, who was 

present at this piteous Massacre, 

ui supra. 



2F 



A very true Report of the apprehension 

and taking of that arch-Papist Edmund 

Campion, the Pope his right hand; with 

Three other lewd Jesuit Priests, and 

divers other Lay people, most 

seditious persons of like sort. 

Containing also a controlment of a most untrue former 

book set out by one A. M., alias Anthony Munday, 

concerning the same : as is to be proved and justified 

by George Elliot, one of the Ordinary 

Yeomen of Her Majesty's Chamber, 

Author of this Book, and chiefest cause of the 

finding of the said lewd and seditious people, great 

enemies to GOD, their loving Prince, 

and country. 

Veritas non quarit angulos. 



Imprinted at London at the Three Cranes in the 

Vintry by THOMAS DAWSON. 

158 I. 



1 



452 



[The Edinburgh Review of April 1 891, in an article on The Baffling 
0/ the Jesuits, states 

" Until Father PARSONS landed at Dover on June 1 1 
[and Father CAMPION on June 25], 1580; no Jesuit had 
ever been seen in England. IGNATIUS LOYOLA had been 
dead just twenty-five years, and two of his associates in 
founding the Society of jESUS were still alive. Loyola 
during his lifetime had admitted only a single Englishman 
into the order, a lad of nineteen, of whom we know nothing 
but that his name was Thomas Lith, and that he was 
admitted to the novitiate in June 1555. During the next 
ten years, six more Englishmen entered the order, two of 
them being men of some mark — JASPER Heywood, formerly 
Fellow of All Souls' ; and THOMAS Darbyshire, who had 
been Archdeacon of Essex and a Canon of St Paul's. In 
the next decade, about the same number of English recruits 
joined the society ; three, and three only, were scholars of 
any reputation — PARSONS, CAMPION, and HENRY GARNET. 
When the Jesuit Mission to England started, there were not 
thirty English Jesuits in the world." 

At Vol. I., p. 130, is a letter written from Goa, 10 Nov. 1579, by 
Thomas Stevens, one of these English Jesuits. 

The arrest and execution of Edmund Campion— in Latin, Edmundus 
Campianus — was one of the most important events in our political 
history during the year 1581. It made a profound impression through- 
out Western Europe, and occasioned the publication of many tracts in 
various languages. For further information on this subject, the Reader 
is referred to Edmund Campion^ A Biography, by Richard Simpson. 
London, 1867-8; and also to Mr Joseph Gillow's Biographical 
Dictionary of the English Catholics, now in progress. 

The following account of the arrest by the man who made it, is printed 
from a copy of the extremely rare original edition that is now in 
Lambeth Palace Library [Press Mark, xxx. 8. 17.]. It was printed 
[? privately printed] in 1581 ; but it was not entered at Stationers' Hall. 
It was clearly produced before the execution of Campion, on the ist of 
December of that year ; to which there is no allusion in it ; but 
apparently not very much earlier, for the Writer says at page 465 
" Some men may marvel that I would be silent so long." 



^ ™8i*:] The Queen to be horribly dealt with. 453 

By this act of patriotism ; George Elliot earned the titles, among 
the Roman Catholics, of Judas Elliot, and of Elliot Iscariot. It 
is however only fair to him to state what moved him to go hunting after 
Priests, Jesuits, etc. 

Anthony Munday, in his Discovery of Edmund Campion and his 
Confederates, &»e.,^nh\ish&di on 29th January 1582, in giving an account 
of Campion's trial, states : 



George Elliot, one of the Ordinary Yeomen of Her 
Majesty's Chamber, upon his oath, gave forth in evidence, 
as followeth : 

That he, living here in England among certain of that 
sect, fell in acquaintance with one Payne, a Priest ; who 
gave him to understand of a horrible treason intended 
against Her Majesty and the State, which he did expect 
shortly to happen. 

The order, how, and after what manner, in brief is thus : 

That there should be levied a certain company of armed 
men ; which, on a sudden, should enterprise a most mon- 
strous attempt. A certain company of these armed men 
should be prepared against Her Majesty, as many against 
my L[ord] of L[eicester], as many against my L[ord] 
T[reasurer, Lord BURGHLEY], as many against Sir F[rancis] 
W[alsingham], and divers others whose names he doth not 
well remember. 

The deaths of these noble personages should be presently 
fulfilled : and Her Majesty used in such sort as [neither] 
modesty nor duty will suffer me to rehearse. j,g^^ ^.^ 
But this should be the general cry everywhere. Queen of 
" Queen Mary ! Queen Mary ! " ^<=°'" ^^'^-^ 

It was also appointed and agreed upon, Who should 
have this Man of Honour's room, and who should have 
that Office. Everything was determined. There wanted 
nothing but the coming over of such Priests and others as 
were long looked for. 

Upon this report, the aforenamed GEORGE ELLIOT took 
occasion to question with this Payne, How they could 
find in their hearts to attempt an act of so great cruelty ; 
considering how high an offence it should be to GOD, 
besides great danger might arise thereby. 



i 



454 The killing of Elizabeth, no murder ! [^•^Iss^l: 

Whereto PAYNE made answer, That the killing [of] Her 
Maiestv was no offence to GOD, nor the utter- 

A most traitor- J ■' , , , , ^ , r. n 

ousandviiian- most cruelty they could use to her, nor [toj any 
o/everrtrue that took her part : but that they might as law- 
re^'withdue fuHy do it as to a brute beast. And himself 
reverence of would be onc of the foremost in the executing [of] 
person.^^ this villanous and most traitorous action. 

In Lansd. MS. 32, No. 60, in the British Museum, there is a paper to 
the same effect, signed by G. E. [George Elliot]. It is headed 
Certain Notes and Remembrances concerning a Reconciliation, dr'c. ; 
and bears marginal notes by Lord Burghley. 

It will probably be new to most readers that Elliot's arrest of 
Campion was a pure matter of accident. Elliot went to Lyford 
Manor House more particularly in search of Payne the Priest, and 
found Campion there by chance. The Jesuit had been secretly, but 
securely, wandering through the land from one Roman Catholic house- 
hold to another, for more than a year ; despite the utmost efforts of the 
English Government to put their hands on him : and at last he becomes 
their prisoner almost by a pure accident. 

Campion was lodged in the Tower on the 22nd July 1581. Two days 
later, Anthony Munday's Brief Discourse of the takittg of Edmund 
Campion &^c., was entered at Stationers' Hall [Arber, Transcript &^c., 
II. 397]. It was therefore very hurriedly written, and mainly from 
information suppHed by Master Humphrey Foster, High Sheriff of 
Berkshire : who, being himself a Roman Catholic, had been very slack 
at the capture of Campion [p. 462] ; but who, for his own protection, 
puts a better face on things in Munday's hurriedly written Discottrse, 
&^c 



455 




To the Christian Reader^ 

George Elliot wishetb 

all due reverence. 



Ome experience, Christian Reader, that I have 
gathered by keeping company with such seditious 
people as Campion and his associates are, 
partly moveth me to write this book ; and 
partly I am urged thereunto (although my 
wisdom and skill be very slender to set down and pen 
matter of less moment than this) for that I (being one of the 
Two in Commission at that time from Her Highness's most 
honourable Privy Council for the apprehending of the said 
seditious CAMPION and such like ; and the chiefest cause 
of the finding out of the said lewd people, as hereafter more 
at large appeareth) do think it a great abuse that the most 
part of Her Majesty's loving subjects shall be seduced to 
believe an untruth ; and myself and he which was in 
Commission with me (whose name is DAVID JENKINS, one 
of the Messengers of Her Majesty's Chamber) very vilely 
slandered with a book set out by one ANTHONY MUNDAY 
concerning the apprehension of the said lewd people — which, 
for the truth thereof, is almost as far different from truth as 
darkness from light ; and as contrary to truth as an o.^^ is 
contrary in likeness to an oyster. 

And therefore considering I am able to report a truth for 
the manner of the finding and taking of the said seditious 
persons ; although fine skill be far from me to paint it out : 
hoping the wise will bear with my want therein, and esteem 
a true tale, be it never so bluntly told, rather than a lie, be it 
never so finely handled — I have emboldened myself to take 
this treatise in hand ; wherein, God willing, I will describe 
nothing but truth ; as by the sequel shall appear. Which 
is this : 



456 To THE Christian Reader. [hnJ^.K 

That about four years past [?i578], the Devil (being a 
crafty fox and chief Patron doubtless of the Pope's Prelacy ; 
having divers and many Officers and inferior substitutes to 
the Pope, his chief Vicar ; and intending by them to increase 
the kingdom of this Antichrist) dispersed his said Officers 
in divers places of this realm : where, like vagrant persons 
(refusing to live within the lawful government of their 
country) they lead a loose life ; wandering and running 
hither and thither, from shire to shire and country [County] 
to country, with such store of Romish relics. Popish pelf, 
trifles, and trash as were able to make any Christian heart, 
that hath seen the trial of such practices as I have done, 
even for sorrow to bleed. Only thereby to draw the 
Queen's Majesty's subjects their hearts and faiths both from 
GOD and Her Highness ; as namely, by delivering unto them 
Bu//s from Rome, Pardons, Indulgences, Medals, Agnus DEI, 
hallowed grains and beads, crucifixes, painted pictures, and 
such other paltry : every part whereof they will not let [stop] 
to say to be matters very necessary for salvation. 

By reason whereof, most loving Reader, I myself, about 
that time [1578], by the space of one quarter of a year 
together, was deeply bewitched and drawn into their 
darkness, as the blindest bayard of them all. But at the 
last, even then (by GOD's great goodness, mighty providence, 
and especial grace) all their enchantments, witchcrafts, 
sorceries, devilish devices and practices were so broken and 
untied in me ; and the brightness of GOD's divine majesty 
shining so surely in my heart and conscience : that I perceived 
all their doings to be, as they are indeed, only shows without 
substance, manifest errors and deceitful juggling casts, and 
none others. 

Notwithstanding I determined with myself, for certain 
causes which I omit, to sound the depth of their devilish 
drifts, if I might; and the rather therefore used and 
frequented their company : whereby appeared unto me not 
a few of their ungracious and villanous false hearts, faiths, 
and disloyal minds, slanderous words, and most vile treasons 
towards my most excellent and noble mistress, the Queen's 
Majesty, and towards divers of her most honourable Privy 
Council ; in such sort as many times did make mine eyes 
to gush out with tears for ver^ sorrow and fear to think of it. 



f^Nov.fS:] To THE Christian Reader. 457 

Wherefore, lately [about i^th May 1 581], I made my humble 
submission unto the Right Honourable Her Highness's Privy 
Council, for my unlawful living as aforesaid. At whose 
hands I found such honourable dealing, and by their means 
such mercy from Her Majesty, that I wish with all my 
heart all the Papists, which are subjects born to Her Highness, 
to run the same course that I have done : and then should 
they easily see what difference there is between the good 
and merciful dealing of our most gracious loving and natural 
Prince ; and the great treacheries of that great enemy to 
our country, the Pope. For Her Highness freely forgiveth 
offenders ; but the Pope pardoneth for money. Her Grace's 
hands are continually full of mercy, ready to deliver enough 
freely to any that will desire and deserve it : and the Pope 
his great clutches and fists are ready to deliver nothing but 
devilish devices and paltry stuff of his own making, to set 
country and country together by the ears ; and yet for 
these, hath he money. 

Truly it is a most lamentable case that ever any Christian 
should be seduced and drawn from the true worshipping of 
GOD, and their duty to their Prince and country ; as many 
are by the Pope and his Satanical crew. I beseech GOD 
turn their hearts, and grant us all amendment ; which can 
neither be too timely, if it were presently ; nor never too 
late, whensoever it shall happen : unless wilfully they proceed 
in their dealings, which GOD forbid. For hiima^ium est 
errare, perseverare belluimmt. 

Shortly after my submission and reconciliation, as aforesaid, 
it pleased my Lords of Her Highness's most honourable 
Privy Council to grant the Commission that I before spake 
of, to myself and to the said David JENKINS, for the 
apprehension of certain lewd Jesuit Priests and other 
seditious persons of like sort, wheresoever we should happen 
to find them within England. Whereupon we determined 
a certain voyage [journey\ : in which Edmund Campion the 
aforesaid Jesuit and others were by us taken and brought to 
the Tower of London, in manner as hereafter followeth. 



458 



I'he true manner of taking of Edmund 
Campion and his associates. 



MMK ^iM*" 




KJBgl'H 




m 





T happened that after the receipt of ouf 
Commission aforesaid, we consulted 
between ourselves, What way were best 
to take first ? For we were utterly 
ignorant where, or in what place, certainly 
to find out the said CAMPION, or his com- 
peers. And our consultation was shortly 
determined : for the greatest part of our 
travail and dealings in this service did lie chiefly upon mine 
own determination, by reason of mine acquaintance and 
knowledge of divers of [the] like sect. 

It then presently came to my remembrance of certain 
acquaintance which I once had with one THOMAS CoOPER 
a Cook, who, in November [1578] was two years, served 
Master THOMAS ROPER of [Orpington in] Kent ; where, at 
that time, I in like manner served : and both of us, about the 
same month [November 1578], departed the said Master 
Roper his service ; I into Essex, and the said CoOPER to 
Lyford in Berkshire, to one Master Yate. From whence, 
within one half year after [before May 1579], I was adver- 
tised in Essex, that the said Cook was placed in service ; 
and that the said Master Yate was a very earnest Papist, 
and one that gave great entertainment to any of that sect. 

Which tale, being told me in Essex two years before 
[1579] we entered [on] this journey, by GOD's great good- 
ness, came to my memory but even the day before [13th 
July 1 581] we set forth. Hereof I informed the said David 
Jenkins, being my fellow in Commission, and told him it 
would be our best way to go thither first : for that it was 
not meant that we should go to any place but where indeed 
I either had acquaintance ; or by some means possible in our 
journey, could get acquaintance. And told him we would 
dispose of our journey in such sort as we might come to the 



[?No;f"s'8i':] Elliot & Jenkins arrive at Lyford. 459 

said Master Yate's upon the Sunday about eight of the 
clock in the morning : " where," said I, " if we find the said 
Cook, and that there be any Mass to be said there that day, 
or any massing Priest in the house; the Cook, for old 
acquaintance and for that he supposeth me to be a Papist, 
will bring me to the sight thereof." 

And upon this determination, we set from London [on 
Friday] the 14th day of July last ; and came to the said 
Master Yate's house, the i6th of the same month, being 
Sunday, about the hour aforesaid. 

Where, without the gates of the same house, we espied 
one of the servants of the house, who most likely seemed, by 
reason of his lying aloof, to be as it were a Scout Watcher, 
that they within might accomplish their secret matters more 
safely, 

I called the said servant, and enquired of him for the 
said Thomas Cooper the Cook. 

Who answered, That he could not well tell, whether he 
were within or not. 

I prayed him that he would friend me so much as to see ; 
and told him my name. 

The said servant did so, it seemed ; for the Cook came 
forth presently unto us where we sat still upon horseback. 
And after a few such speeches, as betwixt friend and friend 
when they have been long asunder, were passed ; still sitting 
upon our horses, I told him That I had longed to see him ; 
and that I was then travelling into Derbyshire to see my 
friends, and came so far out of my way to see him. And 
said 1, " Now I have seen you, my mind is well satisfied ; 
and so fare you well ! " 

" No," saith he, " that shall you not do before dinner." 

I made the matter very earnest to be gone ; and he, more 
earnest and importune to stay me. But in truth I was as 
willing to stay as he to have me. 

And so, perforce, there was no remedy but stay we must. 
And having lighted from horseback ; and being by him 
brought into the house, and so into the buttery, and there 
caused to drink : presently after, the said Cook came and 
whispered with me, and asked, Whether my friend (meaning 
the said JENKINS) were within the Church or not ? Therein 
meaning, Whether he were a Papist or no ? 



460 Elliot hears Campion's last Sermon. [[?N?;.fS. 

To which I answered, " He was not ; but yet," said I, " he 
is a very honest man, and one that wisheth well that way." 

Then said the Cook to me, " Will you go up ? " By which 
speech, I knew he would bring me to a Mass. 

And I answered him and said, " Yea, for God's sake, that 
let me do : for seeing I must needs tarry, let me take some- 
thing with me that is good." 

Some men And SO wc left JENKINS lu thc buttery ; and I 

dlss^mbifng""^ was brought by the Cook through the hall, the 
the matter as I diuiug parlour, and two or three other odd rooms, 
m'y iprince and aud theu iuto a fair large chamber : where there 
v°c"e"'Fhofd'it was, at the same instant, one Priest, called Sat- 
lawfui to use WELL, saylug Mass ; two other Priests kneeling 

any reasonable \ r /-^ 11 1 

policy. For the by, wliereof one was CAMPION, and the other 
aiwayfwo°nby Called Peters uHas COLLINGTON [or rather 
strength. Colleton] ; three Nuns, and 37 other people. 

When Satwell had finished his Mass ; then CAMPION 
he invested himself to say Mass, and so he did : and at the 
end thereof, made holy bread and delivered it to the people 
there, to every one some, together with holy water ; whereof 
he gave me part also. 

And then was there a chair set in the chamber something 
beneath the Altar, wherein the said CAMPION did sit down ; 
and there made a Sermon very nigh an hour long : 
commi's"ion"in ^^^ cffect of his text being, as I remember, " That 
my hand to ChHst wept ovcr Jerusalem, &c." And so applied 
them myself the Same to this our country of England for that 
chamber.^%f the Pope his authority and doctrine did not so 
I had, I pray flourish hcrc as the same CAMPION desired. 

you judge 

what had At the end of which Sermon, I gat down unto 

happened unto ^^ ^^j^ Jenkins SO soon as I could. For during 
the time that the Masses and the Sermon were 
made, JENKINS remained still beneath in the buttery or 
hall ; not knowing of any such matter until I gave him some 
intelligence [of] what I had seen. 

And so we departed, with as convenient expedition as we 
might, and came to one Master Fettiplace, a Justice of 
the Peace in the said country \County\ : whom we made 
privy of our doings therein ; and required him that, accord- 
ing to the tenour of our Commission, he would take sufficient 
Power, and with us thither. 



[?N?v.fi'58i:] Search for Campion, &c,, at Lyford. 461 

Whereupon the said Justice of Peace, within one quarter 
of an hour, put himself in a readiness, with forty or fifty men 
very well weaponed : who went, in great haste, together with 
the said Master Fettiplace and us, to the said Master 
Yate his house. 

Where, at our coming upon the sudden, being about one 
of the clock in the afternoon of the same day, before we 
knocked at the gates which were then (as before they were 
continually accustomed to be) fast shut (the house being 
moated round about ; within which moat was great store of 
fruit trees and other trees, with thick hedge rows : so that 
the danger for fear of losing of the said Campion and his 
associates was the more doubted) ; we beset the house with 
our men round about the moat in the best sort we could 
devise : and then knocked at the gates, and were presently 
heard and espied ; but kept out by the space of half an hour. 

In which time, as it seemeth, they had hidden Campion 
and the other two Priests in a very secret place within the 
said house ; and had made reasonable purveyance for him 
as hereafter is mentioned : and then they let us into the 
house. 

Where came presently to our sight, Mrs Yate, the good 
wife of the house ; five Gentlemen, one Gentlewoman, and 
three Nuns : the Nuns being then disguised in one Nun got 
Gentlewomen's apparel, not like unto that they f,!5^^^a'id's°"" 
heard Mass in. All which I well remembered to have apparei. 
seen, the same morning, at the Masses and Sermon aforesaid : 
yet every one of them a great while denied it. And especially 
the said Mistress Yate ; who could not be content Mistress yate 
only to make a plain denial of the said Masses and good1um"o{^ 
the Priests : but, with great and horrible oaths, for- "".oney to have 
sware the same, betaking herself to the Devil if search. 
any such there were ; in such sort as, if I had not seen them 
with mine own eyes, I should have believed her. Master yate 

But knowing certainly that these were but bare he^fs'stlii' fn 
excuses, and that we should find the said %"=°" •" , 

t-y 1 1 • • r 1 Reading, for 

Campion and his compeers if we made narrow Papistry. 
search ; I eftsoons put Master Fettiplace in remembrance 
of our Commission : and so he, myself, and the said Jenkins 
Her Majesty's Messenger, went to searching the house ; 
where we found many secret corners. 



^ 



462 Jenkins finds Campion's hiding place. [nN?;.S: 

Continuing the search, although with no small toil, in the 
orchards, hedges, and ditches, within the moat and divers 
other places; atthe last [we] found out Master Edward Yate, 
brother to the good man of the house, and two countrymen 
called Weblin and Mansfield, fast locked together in a 
pigeon house : but we could not find, at that time, CAMPION 
and the other two Priests whom we specially sought for. 

It drew then something towards evening, and doubting 
lest we were not strong enough ; we sent our Commission to 
one Master FOSTER, High Sheriff of Berkshire ; and to one 
Master Wiseman, a Justice of Peace within the same 
County ; for some further aid at their hands. 

The said Master WISEMAN came with very good speed 
unto us the same evening, with ten or twelve of his own 
men, very able men and well appointed : but the said 
Master FOSTER could not be found, as the messenger that 
went for him returned us answer. 

And so the said house was beset the same night with at 
the least three score men well weaponed ; who watched the 
same very diligently. 

And the next day, being Monday [17th July 1 581], in the 
morning very early, came one Master Christopher 
Lydcot, a Justice of Peace of the same shire, with a great 
sort [company] of his own men, all very well appointed : who, 
together with his men, shewed such earnest loyal and for- 
ward service in those affairs as was no small comfort and 
encouragement to all those which were present, and did bear 
true hearts and good wills to Her Majesty. 

The same morning, began a fresh search for the said 
Priests ; which continued with very great labour until about 
ten of the clock in the forenoon of the same day : but the 
said Priests could not be found, and every man [was] almost 
persuaded that they were not there. 

Yet still searching, although in effect clean void of any 
hope for finding of them, the said David JENKINS, by 
GOD's great goodness, espied a certain secret place,* which 

* In MuNDAY's Brief Discourse, ^^c. [24 July 1581] there is a 
description of this " secret place " ; which may be correct as to its situa- 
tion in the Manor House at Lyford : 

A chamber, near the top of the house ; which was but very simple : 
having in it a large great shelf with divers tools and instruments both 



[tNov.S:] The three Priests yield themselves. 463 

he quickly found to be hollow ; and with a pin of iron which 
he had in his hand much like unto a harrow tine, he forth- 
with did break a hole into the said place : where 
then presently he perceived the said Priests lying cou^wLthen 
all close together upon a bed, of purpose there '*"^''y- 
laid for them ; where they had bread, meat, and drink suffi- 
cient to have relieved them three or four days together. 

The said Jenkins then called very loudly, and said, 
"I have found the traitors!"; and presently company 
enough was with him : who there saw the said Priests 
[that], when there was no remedy for them but nolens volens, 
courteously yielded themselves. 

Shortly after came one Master Reade, another Justice 
of the Peace of the said shire, to be assistant in these affairs. 

Of all which matters, news was immediately carried in 
great haste to the Lords of the Privy Council : First myself 
who gave further Commission that the said Priests the comf 
and certain others their associates should be "^^t's^T"^^' 
brought to the Court under the conduction of Messenger. 
myself and the said Jenkins ; with commandment to 
the Sheriff to deliver us sufficient aid forth of his shire, 
for the safe bringing up of the said people. 

After that the rumour and noise for the finding out 
of the said Campion, Satwell, and Peters alias 
COLLINGTON, was in the said house something assuaged ; 
and that the sight of them was to the people there no 
great novelty : then was the said High Sheriff sent for 
once again ; who all that while had not been seen anthony 
in this service. But then came, and received into xhTshe^rlff"^' 
his charge the said Priests and certain others and his men 
from that day until Thursday following. structions for 

The fourth Priest which was by us brought up of'thelld Tn- 
to the Tower, whose name is WiLLlAM FiLBlE, "^"ebook. 

upon it, and hanging by it ; which they judged to belong to some cross- 
bow maker. The simpleness of the place caused them to use small 
suspicion in it : and [they] were departing out again ; but one in the 
company, by good hap, espied a chink in the wall of boards whereto 
this shelf was fastened, and through the same he perceived some light. 
Drawing his dagger, he smit a great hole in it ; and saw there was a 
room behind it : whereat the rest stayed, searching for some entrance 
into it ; which by pulling down a shelf they found, being a little hole for 
one to creep in at. 



464 Campion, &c., brought to the Tower. [[tnS^.S: I 

was not taken with the said CAMPION and the rest in 
the said house : but was apprehended and taken in our 
watch [on the \Tth\ by chance, in coming to the said house 
to speak with the said PETERS \pr Colleton], as he 11 
said ; and thereupon [was] delivered likewise in charge to || 
the Sheriff, with the rest. 

Upon Thursday, the 20th day of July last [1581], we 
set forwards from the said Master Yate his house towards 
the Court, with our said charge; being assisted by the 
said Master Lydcot and Master Wiseman, and a great 
sort \co7npany\ of their men ; who never left us until we 
came to the Tower of London. There were besides, that 
guarded us thither, 50 or 60 Horsemen ; very able men and 
well appointed : which we received by the said Sheriff 
his appointment. 

We went that day to Henley upon Thames, where we 
lodged that night. 

And about midnight we were put into great fear by 
reason of a very great cry and noise that the said FiLBIE 
made in his sleep ; which wakened the most that were 
that night in the house, and that in such sort that every 
man almost thought that some of the prisoners had been 
broken from us and escaped ; although there was in and 
about the same house a very strong watch appointed and 
charged for the same. The aforesaid Master Lydcot was 
the first that came unto them : and when the matter was 
examined, it was found no more but that the said FiLBlE 
was in a dream ; and, as he said, he verily thought one 
to be a ripping down his body and taking out his bowels. 

The next day, being Friday [21st July 1581], we set 
forward from Henley. And by the way received command- 
ment by a Pursuivant from the Lords of the Privy Council, 
that we should stay that night at Colebrook ; and the 
next day after, being Saturday, to bring them through 
the city of London unto the Tower, and there to deliver 
them into the charge of Sir OwEN HOPTON Knight, Her 
Majesty's Lieutenant of the same ; which accordingly we 
did. 

And this is, in effect, the true discourse [of] that was 
used in the apprehension of the said CAMPION and his 
associates. 



i 



[^Nov.fi'ssi:] Some may marvel at my long silence. 465 

Some men may marvel that I would be silent so long 
for the setting out of the manner of their takings ; con- 
sidering I find myself aggrieved with the same untrue report 
set out before by the said A. M[unday]. In good faith 
I meant nothing less than to take any such matter in 
hand, if so great an untruth had not been published against 
us that were doers in those affairs ; and besides hitherto 
divers other weightier business has partly hindered me 
therein. 

But now at the last, although very late, I have rudely 
set down the verity in this matter : thinking it better to 
tell a true tale by leisure, than a lie in haste ; as the 
said A. M., by his former book, hath done to his own 
discredit, the deluding of Her Majesty's liege people, and 
the slander of some which have intermeddled in the said 
cause. 




2G 



466 



The names of those that were taken and brought up to 
the Tower of London, as aforesaid. 

I. Edward Campion, . . Jesuit and Priest. 



2. Thomas Satwell [alias Foord],\ 

3. John Peters ah'as Collington | 

/Priests 



5. Edward Yate, 

6. Edward Keynes, . 

7. Humphrey Keynes, 

8. John Cotton, 

9. William Ilsley [or Hildesley], 
10. John Jacob [or James], . 



'Gentlemen. 



11. John Mansfield, . . . | Husbandmen and 

12. William Weblin [^r Webley], [Neighbours thereby. 




PNOT.f Si:] Widow Beysaunt's story about Elliot. 467 



INCE the committing of the persons before- 
named to the Tower as aforesaid, there hath 
been, for my service done in those and 
such like affairs, no small nor few brags, 
threatenings, curses, and evil wishes given 
out against me by such as, if they were campion, 
known, deserve both little liberty and small ^^me^ftlJ 

favour. his apprehen- 

Some of my friends have doubted [feayed] me, That my 

lest that sort of lewd people would do their the1akh°g"o/" 

good wills to hurt me by some secret device, un7o^°na'JJ'to 

as conjuration, witchcraft, or such like ; the me. And in 

which I rather think to be true, for that, shortly °o"wirT^the 

after the foresaid business ended, it pleased JisrdmJ\ogft 

GOD to visit me with some sickness after I outofEngiand 

ti .< I'l'ii/-''*'' '"^ safety 

was gone to bed at night; which indeed for of my body. 
two or three hours handled me something hardly. But, 
GOD I take to witness, I never was of that opinion 
that it came to me by any other means but only by 
riding post two or three journies about the business 
aforesaid. 

Yet, within one day or two after my sickness, there came 
to a neighbour's house [to] where I lodged in Southwark, one 
Mistress Beysaunt, a widow, whose abode is most about 
St. Mary Overies, and at the last by report smelleth of 
Papistry, and asked the good wife of the house for me, and 
what she had lately heard of me. 

She answered, She knew me not ; nor nothing she had 
heard of me. 

Then said Mistress Beysaunt, " The very truth is, it is 
he that took CAMPION and the rest of the company that are 
in the Tower ; and was the cause that Master RoPER 
and divers other good men are troubled : and the j^ sgemeth she 
last day," saith she, " he did fall mad in the was privy to 
street, and was carried so into his lodging ; pr^dS"^ 
and is not like[ly] to escape with life. I pray ^g^i"^''"^- 
you inquire further of him, and let me have knowledge 
thereof" 

So that hereby I may plainly see that the Papists take 
great care for me : but whether it be for my weal or woe, 



468 T. Roper committed through Elliot. [[^no^.S: 

and what her meaning was, let the world judge. But let 
the Devil, the Pope, and them do what they can ; my faith 
standeth so sure on CHRIST jESUS my Saviour, that through 
him I defy them all. 

There hath been great murmuring and grudging against 
me about the committing of the aforesaid Master Thomas 
Roper ; and many faults have been found for the same. 

What I did therein I mean not here to recite : but my 
dealings in those causes are known to such as before 
whom I think the fault finders dare not shew their faces. 
But whatsoever I did against him, I would have done 
against mine own father ; the case standing as it did. 
Yet such find-faults, to make the matter seem more 
odious to the World against me, do not stick to report 
and say. That the said Master RoPER hath brought me 
up from my childhood to this day at his only charges. 
Which is so false as GOD is true. For although I was 
his servant ; I continued with him, in all, not past one 
year. 

But to conclude. A great number of such like untruths 
have been published against me, and no few bold brags ; 
as report goeth. I could name some if I would : but I 
let them pass ; unless I be commanded to the contrary 
by such as have authority to deal with me therein. GOD 
grant them amendment, I mean not towards myself; or 
else make their doings known in such sort as they may 
have their deservings ; or at least be put to the mercy of 
Her Majesty : to whose Highness, jESUS send long life, a 
prosperous reign, with all joy and felicity ! 

George Elliot. 



Imprinted at London at the Three Cranes in the Vintry, 
by Thomas Dawson. 

1581. 



469 



On 12 March 1582, there was entered for publication at Stationers' 
Hall [Arber, Transcript dr^c, II. 408.] A brief Answer made unto 
two seditious Painphlets. By A. M. [Anthony Munday.] The 
Preface to the Reader is however dated " From Barbican, the 22 of 
March 1582." 

We give here the beginning of this Answer ; the side notes being, of 
course, the comments of Anthony Munday. 




Ot long after I had published [on 22 
January 1582] my book called The Dis- 
covery of Campion ; there came unto my 
hands a seditious pamphlet in the French 
tongue, intituled The History of the 
Death which the Reverend Father, Master 
Edmund Campion Priest, of the Society of 
the name of Jesus, and others have suffered 
in England for the Catholic, or Romish, religion f°} f°^ ^"^^^^ 
or faith, the 1st December I t,?,i ; adding underneath for High 
Translated out of English into French, [a.mT' 

When I had thoroughly perused this book, noting the 
traitorous effects and slanderous speeches therein contained, 
receiving the judgment likewise of divers learned and godly 
men : as well to correct the manifest untruths wherewith 
this pamphlet is notably stuffed, as also that the godly and 
virtuous may discern their apparent impudency and wicked 
nature ; I resolved myself to shape a brief Anszuer to such 
a shameless libel ; myself being therein untruly and 
maliciously abused. 

First, our nameless historiographer, because he would aim 
his course after some odd manner of conveyance, The manner of 
taketh occasion to begin his book with the taking [raitoroul^"^ 
of Campion, his bringing to the Tower, what took, [a.m.] 
happened in his time of stay there, and lastly his martyrdom 
(as he termeth it) with two other holy and devout Priests ; 
and, in this manner continuing his unadvised labour, he 
beginneth as hereafter followeth : 



470 Elliot falsely accused of a murder. [MaS"^: 

George Elliot {sometime servant to Master Thomas 
Roper ; and since belonging to a Gentlewoman, the widow of 
Sir William Petre : in whose service he made show to be a 
sound and good Catholic) not long since committed a murder, 
^ as men say : for which offence, fearing the danger 
he°arsaV "^°" that was like\ly\ to ensue, he went and submitted 
Ker found- Mmsclf to onc of the chief Lords in the Court ; and, 
ation. [A.M.] ^^^ better to win his favour, on his own behalf 
promised to deliver into his hands the Father Edmund Campion. 

This promise, saith he, was received ; and unto the said 
George and ati Officer, tvas delivered Commission to take and 
apprehend the said Edmund Campion. 

Then went they on their ivay, and coming into Berkshire to 
[the] house of one Master Yate ; George Elliot met with 
the Cook of the house with whom he was very well acquainted, 
because they had before both served one Master. 
His Master Thc Cook, thinking no ill, began to tell him many 

^ll\Tx^lt^ things ; and that Father Campion was in the house 

ih!n hiw ^' '^^^^ ^^^^ Master. 

Campion Upon ivMch rcport, George scnt his fellow to the 

"with his fustice, who ivas a very great Calvinist. And he in 
^^^'•^'"■(A.M.] inean zvhile was brought into the house by the said 
Cook : where, like another fuD as, traitor and disloyal, he first 
attended the sacrifice of the Mass which was celebrated that 
day by the Father Edmund, as also a Sermon which he made. 
In which time behold a good fnan came running, willing them 
to take heed of a present treason. 

Scantly was all carried away that had served for the Mass 
and the Sermon ; but the fustice was there arrived with \a\ 
very great force, besetting the house round about, that none 
should escape away. 

After very diligent search through all the chambers and 
other more secret places ; they were determined to return, as not 
finding atty thing, until they were advertised {either by George, 
who had understood it of the Cook ; or by some other) of a 
certain corner, more dark and subtle ; where they found the 
Father Edmund and two other Priests hidden : who, the same 
day, with Gentlemen and other persons, were sent up to 
London ; a spectacle of great joy unto their adversaries. 

This much of our French historian's words, I thought 



Sb^i'ss':] Elliot's service with Lady Petre. 471 

good in this place to set down : because the disproof 
By that which ^^ereto annexed may discover what truth all 
foiioweth, they of this sect frequent in any of their actions. 

written by 
George 

s^eifTcon^sider ^^^^ aforcnamed GEORGE ELLIOT came home 
the truth of ^his unto my lodging [? in Barbican, see page 469 ; and 
report. . . .^ February 1 582] ; where I shewed him the slanders 
that were used of him in the French book. 

Whereupon, taking good advice, and noting the circum- 
stances that so highly touched him ; upon his conscience, 
he delivereth this unreprovable Answer. 



George Elliot his Answer, to clear himself of the 
former untrue Objections. 

Bout three years since [? 1578] it was my for- 
tune to serve Master THOMAS RoPER of 
[Orpington in] Kent, With whom I had not 
stayed past eleven weeks, but Payne the Priest 
(of whom mention is made [see page 453] in the 
Discovery of Campion set forth by the Author of this book 
\i.e. Anthony Munday] ) inticed me [in November 1578] 
from thence to serve my Lady Petre, to whom the said 
Payne served craftily as Steward of her house. 

With her I continued almost two years [ ? Nov. 1578- 
Nov. 1580]. In which time, being myself bent 
somewhat to that religion, frequenting the com- quemeTh their 
pany of a number of Papists, I perceived their find'Lluheir''" 
dealings to be, as they are indeed, full of wicked deaiingsdis- 

o ' ^ . .. . . . , loyal and 

treasons and unnatural dispositions, too bad to traitorous. 
be named. The conceit whereof (examining 
first my duty to GOD, next my love to my Princess 
[Soverei^-ul, and last the care of my country,) by the 
grace and permission of GOD, offered me so great dis- 
liking of their dealings that, so warily and conveniently 
as I might, I weaned my affection from their abominable 
infection : nevertheless using their companies still, for that 
it gave me the better occasion to see into the depth of their 
horrible inventions. 




G. Elliot. 



472 The Council want Payne the Priest. [^^b^J 

From my Lady Petre, in November was twelvemonth 
[1580], by entreaty I came to Master Roper's again. 
With whom I continued till Whitsuntide last [14th May 
1 581], when my conscience hardly digesting such a weighty 
burden as with their devices and practices it was very 
sore ladened ; I was constrained to give over that slavish 
kind of life, and humbly committed my reconciliation to 
the Right Honourable and my good Lord, the Earl of 
Leicester : to whom I made known the grievous estate 
of my life which, for the space of four years, I had endured 
amongst them. 

Now whereas it hath pleased my adversary to set down 
that I 

committed a murder, and to avoid the danger of law 
offered to the aforesaid my good Lord to deliver 
unto him Edmund Campion, thereby to obtain my 
pardon. 

How untrue this is, his Honour very well knoweth ; and so do 
It is very un- a number more besides. For, in truth, I neither, 
whlch^nevlr^' as then, knew CAMPION, had never seen him in 
saw Campion ^ j^y ijfg j^qj- j^^ew wherc Or in what place 

in all his life, J , ] i-i pi t , t i 111 

nor knew he was, it IS vcfy unlike[ly] then I should make 
Tould makl^^' him any such promise. But that he may learn 
brm|him^^'° another time to order his matters with more 
forth. [A.M.] truth and discretion ; I will set down both how 
I went, with what Commission, and to what intent : and 
then let him have judgment according to the credit of his 
Work: 



When I had revealed the traitorous speeches of PAYNE 
the Priest (how, and after what manner, you may read in 
the book [by ANTHONY MUNDAY] before expressed [see 
page 453] ) I was demanded, If I knew where he was at that 
time? 

I could not make any certain answer. 

Whereupon I was demanded again. If I would do my 
endeavour to search him out ? 

Whereto, according to my bounden duty, I agreed right 
willingly. 



1 



rtb^S:] Elliot hopes to meet Payne at Lyford. 473 

Then was I appointed, in company with David Jenkins, 
one of the Messengers of Her Majesty's Chamber ; j ^^^ ^^^ 
and to us was dehvered a Warrant to take and warrautmy- 
apprehend, not any one man, but all Priests, neithe^"was 
Jesuits, and such like seditious persons, as in PAYNE°orany 
our journey we should meet withal. Neither was o°e named 

_•'-'_, , . , therein : buta// 

Campion, Payne, or any one man named m the Priesu, 
Warrant : for that as the one was judged hard to sTchsedit^us 
be found ; so it was uncertain where to find him '^"""'^■[a.m.] 
[that] I knew well enough. 

Wherefore remembering, when I served Master RoPER, 
that there was one Thomas Cooper a Cook, who 
served him likewise, and also knew the aforesaid Payne ; 
to him I thought good to go, because I had understanding 
that he dwelt at Lyford in Berkshire with one Master 
Yate who was a very earnest Papist and gave great enter- 
tainment to all of that sect : thinking as it might so fall 
out that we either might find the said Payne there, or else 
understand where he was. And considering the generality 
[compreheusivejtess] of our Warrant, some other Priests 
might chance to be there ; in respect that he was such 
a host for all of that disposition. 

When we came to Lyford, and had talked with this 
aforesaid THOMAS CoOPER ; we were framing ourselves to 
depart thence, not having been within the house at all. 
But he desiring us to stay dinner, we alighted and went 
in with him ; he not telling me that 

Campion was there with his Master 
for he [Master Ya te\ was then in the gaol at Reading ; or 
any other Priest : though it hath pleased our nameless 
Author to write so. 

When we were within the house, this CoOPER brought 
us into the buttery : where he, whispering me in ^ hoiy kind of 
the ear, demanded. If my fellow were within the church, 
Church or no ? as much to say as, Whether he De^'f°s vicar. 
was a Papist or no ? \.^m.-\ 

I answered, " He was not ; yet nevertheless," quoth I, 
" he is a very honest man, and one that wisheth well that 
way." 

Then said the Cook, " Will you go up ? " 

Hereby I understood that he would bring me to a Mass. 



474 Elliot's first sight of Campion. [^etS: 

Whereto I consenting, leaving David Jenkins in the 
buttery, he brought me up : where, after one Satwell alias 
FOORD had said Mass, CAMPION prepared himself to say 
Mass. And there was the first time that ever I saw 
Campion in all my life : not having heard by any that 
he was there in the house, before I was brought up into the 
chamber. 

As concerning how he was taken, how he was brought 
up to London, and how all things passed in that service ; 
I have already set down in my book imprinted : which 
conferring with his false report, you shall find it as much to 
differ as truth doth from falsehood. 

This have I thought good here to set down, in the 
reproof of him who hath published such a manifest untruth : 
and as concerning what I have reported to be spoken 
by Payne, I am ready at all times to justify it with 
my death, that they are his words according as he spake 
them. 

By me George Elliot. 



^:-^^A-^.^.^.^,M^><^. ^^ .^ -^i ^i * ^Mi ,^ 



1589. 

Est natura hominum novitatis avida. 

THE SCOTTISH QUEEN's 

Burial at Peterborough, 

upon Tuesday, being Lammas Day 
[ist August] 1587. 



LONDON. 

Printed by A. J. [Abel Jeffes] for Edward Venge ; 

and are to be sold at his shop 

without Bishops Gate, 




, ^& ^^ i^. -^- 4^ ^' -Mi>j 



'■^m. 




[The unique copy of this Tract is preserved in the Advocates Library 
at Edinburgh. As it is however, somewhat confusedly written; its 
information has been corrected and completed from other contemporary 
sources. 

The following is a truer account of the actual interment : 

On Sunday, being the 30th of July, 1587, in the 29th year of the reign 
of Elizabeth the Queen's Majesty of England, there went from Peter- 
borough Master WiLLiAll Dethick, alias Garter Principal King of 
Arms, and five Heralds, accompanied by 40 horse and men, to conduct 
the body of MARY, late Queen of Scots, from Fotheringhay Castle m 
Northamptonshire (which Queen had remained prisoner in England 
nineteen years) : having for that purpose, brought a royal coach drawn 
by four horses, and covered with black velvet ; richly set forth with 
escutcheons of the Arms of Scotland, and little pennons round about it. 

The body (being enclosed in lead ; and the same coffined in wood) 
was brought down, and reverently put into the coach. 

At which time, the Heralds put on their Coats of Arms, and bare- 
headed, with torches' light, brought the same forth of the Castle, about 
ten of the clock at night : and so conveyed it to Peterborough [eleven] 
miles distant from Fotheringhay Castle. 

Whither being come, about two of the clock on the Monday morning 
[31st July] ; the body was received most reverently at the Minster Door 
of Peterborough, by the Bishop, Dean and Chapter, and [Robert 
Cooke] Clarencetix King at Arms. 

And, in the presence of the Scots which came with the same, it was 
laid in a Vault prepared for the same, in the Quire of the said Church, 
on the south side ; opposite to the tomb of Queen Katharine [of 
Arragon], Dowager of Spain, the first wife of King Henry the Eighth. 

The occasion why the body was forthwith laid into the Vault, and not 
borne in the Solemnity ; was because it was so extreme[ly] heavy, by 
reason of the lead, that the Gentlemen could not have endured to have 
carried it, with leisure, in the solemn proceeding : and besides, [it] was 
feared that the solder might rip ; and, [it] being very hot weather, might 
be found some annoyance. 

A Remetnbrance of the Order and Manner of the Burial of MARY, 
Queen of Scots. Printed in Archceologia, I., 155 [for 355], 1770. 



The following additional details are given in the Account drawn up 
by [Doctor Richard Fletcher] the Dean of Peterborogh. See S. 
Gunton, History of the Cathedral of Peterbtcrgh, p. 78. Ed. 1686. 

The body, with the closures, weighed nine hundred weight ; which 
being carried, and attended orderly by the said persons, was committed 
to the ground in the Vault appointed : and immediately the Vault was 
covered, saving a small hole left open for the Staffs to [be] broken into. 

There were at that time, not any Offices of the Church Service done : 
the Bishop being ready to have executed therein. But it was by all that 
were present, as well Scottish as others, thought good and agreed, that 
it should be done at the day and time of Solemnity.] 




The Scottish ^een's Burial at Peterborough^ 

upon Tuesday^ being Lammas Day 

[ist August"], 1587. 




Er body was brought in a coach, about 
100 attending thereon, from Fotheringhay 
Castle, upon Sunday [30th July], at night. 
[Richard Rowland] the Bishop of 
Peterborough, [Richard Fletcher] 
the Dean [of Peterborough], the Prebends, 
and the rest [of the Chapter] met the same 
at the Bridge ; being not far from the 
town : and so conveyed it to the Bishop's Palace, and from 
thence upon Tuesday being Lammas Day, [it] was carried to 
the Church, where she was buried * on the south side of the 
Hearse by torchlight. 

The Hearse [or Catafalque] was made field-bed wise ; the 
valance of black velvet, with a gold fringe ; [and] the top of 

* There is a Memorial entered on the wall of the Cathedral of Peter- 
borough, for one [named Robert Scarlet] who, being Sexton thereof, 
interred two Queens therein (Katharine Dowager and Mary of Scot- 
land) ; more than fifty years interceding betwixt their several sepultures. 
This vivacious Sexton also buried two generations ; or the people in 
that place twice over. Thus having built many houses (so I find graves 
frequently called domiis ceternales) for others : some, as it was fitting, 
performed this last office unto him. [He died on 2nd July 1594, 
ast. 98.] Thomas Fuller, Worthies, &=€., ii. 293., Ed. 1662. 



478 The Mourners come to Peterborough, [^/gg 

the imperial covered with baize. About it, were set ten 
Posies [of the Motto of the Arms of Scotland], In my 
defence, GOD me defejid ! with ten Scutcheons great and 
little ; and, at the top, a double one with a crown imperial 
thereupon. The Supporters [were] Unicorns, with lOO pen- 
nons or little flags. It was impaled with baize ; and in it 
[were] fourteen stools, with black velvet cushions. 

Upon the pillars supporting the imperial of the Hearse, the 
which were all covered with velvet, were fixed Scutcheons : 
bearing either [the] Red Lion alone ; or else parted with the 
Arms of France, or with the arms of the Lord Lenox. 

The Church and Chancel were hanged with baize and 
Scutcheons, as at other funerals. 



[Here must be inserted some additional information : 
Upon Monday, in the afternoon, came to Peterburgh, all 
the Lords and Ladies and other Assistants appointed ; and 
at the Bishop's Palace was prepared [at Queen Elizabeth's 
expense] a great supper for them : where all, at one table, 
supped in the Great Chamber ; [it] being hanged with black. 

Dean R. Fletcher, in S. Gunton's History, &c., p. 78, Ed. 1686. 

On Tuesday, being the ist of August, in the morning, 
about eight of the' clock, the Chief Mourner, being [BRIDGET 
Russell] the Countess of Bedford {now the Widow of her 
third husband\ was attended upon by all the Lords and 
Ladies ; and brought into the Presence Chamber within the 
Bishop's Palace : which [Chamber], all over, was hanged 
with black cloth. 

She was, by the Queen's Majesty's Gentlemen Ushers, 
placed somewhat under a Cloth of Estate \canopy'\ of purple 
velvet : where, (having given to the [Gentlemen representing, 
071 this occasio?i, the'] Great Officers, their Staffs of Office (viz. 
to the Lord Steward ; Lord Chamberlain ; the Treasurer, 
and Comptroller [of the Household]), she took her way into 
the Great Hall. 

A Remembrance of the Order, dr'c. ArchcEologia, I., 155 [for 355], 
1770]. 






.jlp.] The Order of the Funeral Procession. 479 

The Mourners came out of the Bishop's Palace ; being set 
in order by the Heralds thus : 

First 100 Releevants ; poor old women, for the most part 
widows : in black cloth gowns, with an ell of white holland 
over their heads ; which they had for their labour, and nine 
shillings apiece in money. These divided themselves in the 
body of the Church ; and stood half on the one side, and 
half on the other : and there stood during the whole 
Solemnity. 

At the Church door, the Singing Men and Quiristers met 
the Mourners with a Psalm ; and led them the way into 
the Chancel, continuing singing, with the Organ, until the 
Sermon began. 

Then followed two Yeomen, viz.: the Sheriff [of Northamp- 
tonshire]'s Bailiff and the Bailiff of Peterborough ; with black 
staves. 

And after them [100 poor men, in] Mourning Coats. 

Then Sir George Savile, in a Mourning gown, carry- 
ing the great Standard : viz. a Cross on a Field azure ; the 
Streamer, a Unicorn argent in a Field of guiles ; a Posy 
written, In my defence, GOD me defend ! 

Then followed Mourning Cloaks, two by two, a great 
number : whereof the first were the late Queen's Officers. 

And after them, Mourning Gowns. 

Among these Officers of her House was [Monsieur DU 
Preau] a French Jesuit, her Confessor, with a golden 
crucifix about his neck ; which he did wear openly : and 
being told, That the people murmured and disliked at it ; 
he said, He would do it, though he died for it. Thus we 
may see how obdurate their hearts are in malice ; and how 
obstinate they shew themselves in the vain toys and super- 
stitious trifles of their own imaginations. 

Then [Richard Fletcher] the Dean [of Peter- 
borough]. 

Next the two Bishops: [RICHARD Howland] of 
Peterborough, and [William Wickham, of] Lin- 
coln. 

[Charles Willoughby,] the Lord Willoughby of Par- 
ham ; 

[Lewis Mordaunt,] the Lord Mordaunt [of Turvey]; 

[Henry Compton,] the Lord Compton ; 



480 The Order of the Funeral Procession, [.j-^. 

Sir Thomas Cecil {afterwards Lord BURLEGH, and 
later Earl of Exeter] : 

All four, in gowns, with White Staffs ; representing the 
[Lord] Steward ; [the Lord] Chamberlain ; [the] Treasurer, 
and [the] Controller [of the Queen's Household]. 

After these, 16 Scots and Frenchmen ; which had been 
Officers in her \jQneen Mary's] House. 

Then Sir Andrew Noel alone, carrying the Banner of 
Scotland. 

Then [WILLIAM, afterwards Sir WILLIAM, Segar] Per- 
cullis the Herald {Portcullis Pursuivant] bearing the Crown 
{or Helmet] and Crest : thereon a red lion rampant crowned, 
holding a sword the point upward ; the Helmet overmanteled 
guiles powdered ermine. 

Then the Target {or Shield, borne by JOHN RAVEN,] 
Rouge Dragon {Pursuivant] ; 

The Sword by [HUMPHREY Hales] York [Herald] ; 

The Coat of Arms by [ROBERT Glover,] Somerset 
Herald. 

Then [Robert Cooke] Clarenceux [King at Arms] 
with a Gentleman at Arms {or rather^ a Gentleman 
Usher]. 

Then followed the Coffin {empty of course], covered with 
a pall of velvet ; six Scutcheons fixed thereon, upon the head 
whereof stood a Crown of Gold. 

Six Gentlemen bare {the supposed] corpse, under a velvet 
canopy borne by these four Knights : 

Sir Thomas Manners, 
Sir John Hastings, 
Sir James Harington, 
Sir Richard Knightley. 
Eight Banerols {a Banner, about a yard square, borne at 
the funerals of great persons] borne by eight Squires ; four 
on either side of the Coffin. 

After the {supposed] corpse, came the Head Mourner 
[Bridget Russell,] the Countess of Bedford ; assisted 
by the two Earls [JOHN MANNERS,] of RUTLAND and 
[Henry Clinton, of] Lincoln: [Lucy,] the Lady St. 
John of Basing bearing her train. 



Jg] Mary's Household avoid the Sermon. 481 

Then followed, by two and two, other Ladies : 

[William Dethick gives us a fuller List of these Ladies than 
this Tract. The brackets show those who went together. 

Elizabeth Manners, the Countess of Rutland. ) 
Elizabeth Clinton, the Countess of Lincoln, j" 
Anne, the [? Dowager] Lady Talbot. ) 
The Lady Mary Savile. ( 

Elizabeth, the Lady Mordaunt. ) 

Catharine, the Lady St. John of Bletsoe. j 
Theodosia, Wife of Sir Thomas Manners. ) 
Dorothy, Wife of Sir Thomas Cecil. j 

Elizabeth, Wife of Sir Edward Montagu. ) 
Mabel, Wife of Sir Andrew Noel. / 

Mistress Alington. ) 
A Scottish Gentlewoman.) ] 
The other Gentlemen. 
The ten Scottish and French Women of the [late] Queen's 
[Household] : with black attire on their heads, of Taffaty 
before ; and behind. White Lawn hanging down, like French 
Hoods. 

They, with the Scottish and French men, did all go out 
before the Sermon, except Master Melvin [i.e. Andrew 
Melville ; and also Barbara Mowbray] who stayed ; and 
came in when it was ended. 



The Head Mourner and the [twelve] Ladies, with the two 
Earls assistant were placed within the Hearse [or Catafalque\. 

The two Knights, with their Banners, were set at the East 
end of the Hearse, without the pale : and the eight Squires, 
with their Bannerols, four of a side, in like manner without 
the pale. 

All the rest of the Mourners were carried up by a Herald 
above the Hearse ; and placed of each side, the women next 
the altar. 

The Bishop and the Dean [of Peterborough] stood at the 
altar, with two gilded basons. 



All which being placed and set, and the Church quiet; 

2H I 



482 Bishop Wickham's Funeral Prayer. [J^ 

[William Wickham,] the Bishop of Lincoln began his 
Sermon [out oi Psalm xxxix. 5-7].* 

And in his prayer [when he gave thanks for such as 
were translated out of this Vale of Misery, he] used these 
words : 

■^ " Let us bless GOD for the happy dissolution of Mary, 
late the Scottish Queen and Dowager of France. Of whose 
life and departure, whatsoever shall be expected, I have 
nothing to say : for that I was unacquainted with the one ; 
and not present at the other. Of Her Majesty's faith and 
end, I am not to judge. It is a charitable saying of the 
Father LUTHER ' Many [a] one liveth a Papist ; and dieth a 
Protestant.' Only this I have been informed, That she took 
her death patiently ; and recommended herself wholly to 
Jesus Christ." 

The Sermon ended, a long piece of velvet and a cushion 
were carried and laid before the Countess [of Bedford], to 
go and kneel upon ; hard before the Bishop [of Peter- 
boroughJs feet. 

Then, by [Garter,] the King of Heralds, were carried the 
four Officers with their White Staffs ; and placed two at 
the top of the stairs under the Bishop, and two beneath 
them. 

Then the two principal Heralds [Garter and Clarenceux] 
fetched up the Countess ; the two Earls [of Rutland and 
Lincoln] leading her, and the Lady St. John [of Basing] 
bearing up her train. 

There she kneeled awhile. 

And then all returned to their places. 

This was the First Offering [for Queen Elizabeth]. 

Not[e] that Brakenbury went this time before her [the 
Coimtess of Bedford], 

The two Earls [were] placed without the pale [of the 
Hearse], before the Countess. 

One of the Kings of Heralds fetched from the Hearse, the 
Coat Armour ; brought it down to the other King of Heralds; 

* In the discourse of his Text, he only dealt with general doctrine, of 
the vanity of all flesh. Dean R Fletcher. 



,589.] The English Ladies kiss the Scotch. 483 

and he delivered it to the two Earls, They carried it, 
obeisance being done to the Countess, to the Bishop [of 
Peterborough] ; and kissed it in delivering of it A third 
Herald took it of the Bishop ; and laid it down on the 
altar. 

The Sword, the Target, the Helmet, Crown, and Crest, in 
like sort was all done by the two Earls : kissing their hands 
before them. 

Then were the two Banners carried, by one after another, 
severally by those that brought them ; and so set upon the 
altar, leaning to the wall. 

The other eight Bannerols were put into the Hearse as 
they stood. 



Then went the Countess [of Bedford], Master John 
Manners [acting as Vice Chamberlain,] holding up her 
train the second time ; and offered alone [for herself] to the 
Bishop. 

Then the Ladies and Gentlemen, by two and two, went 
up and offered. 

Then the [four] Officers with White Staffs offered. 

And, last of all, came there a Herald to the pulpit ; and 
fetched the Bishop of Lincoln, 

And then the most part of the Mourners departed, in the 
same order they came in : and towards the door of the 
Chancel, stood the Scottish women, parted on both sides ; and 
as the English Ladies passed, they kissed them all. 

Then over the Vault, where the body lay ; [RICHARD 
Fletcher] the Dean [of Peterborough] read the ordinary 
words of [the] Burial [Service]. 

And this being done : the four Officers brake their White 
Staffs over their heads ; and threw them into the Vault. 

[Dean Fletcher's The Manner of the Solemnity^ &^c., concludes thus : 
And so they departed to the Bishop's House : where was 



484 Thousands of people at the Funeral, [^jjg. 

a great feast appointed accordingly [at Queen Elizabeth's 
expense*]. 

The concourse of people was of many thousands. 

And, after dinner, the Nobles departed away ; every one 
towards his own home. 

The Master of the [Queen's] Wardrobe paid to the Church, 
for breaking of the ground in the Quire, and making the 
grave, ;^io ; and for Blacks of the Quire and Church, £20.*] 

FINIS. 



* The total of Queen Elizabeth's expenses for this Funeral 
amounted to £321, 14s. 6d. 





T [h O M A s] D [e L O N E y] . 

Three Ballads on the Armada fight, 

[Original broadsides, in British Museum. C. i8. e. 2/62-64.I 

A joyful new Ballad declaring the happy obtaining of the great 
Galleazzo, wherein Don Pedro de Valdez was the chief; 
through the mighty power and providence of GOD : being a 
special token of His gracious and fatherly goodness towards us ; 
to the great encouragement of all those that willingly fight in the 
defence of His Gospel and our good 
Queen of England. 

To the tune of Monsieur's Almain. 

[Entered at Stationers' Hall, loth August, 1588 ; see Transcript, ii. 495. Ed. 1875.] 

Noble England, 

fall down upon thy knee ! 
And praise thy GOD, with thankful heart, 

which still maintaineth thee I 
The foreign forces 

that seek thy utter spoil, 
Shall then, through His especial grace, 

be brought to shameful foil. 
With mighty power, 

they come unto our coast ; 
To overrun our country quite, 

they make their brags and boast. 




486 " Fight for LORD & our good Queen ! " [JoaS.°S 

In strength of men 

they set their only stay ; 
But we, upon the LORD our GOD 

will put our trust alway ! 

Great is their number 

of ships upon the sea ; 
And their provision wonderful : 

but, LORD, Thou art our stay ! 
Their armed soldiers 

are many by account ; 
Their aiders eke in this attempt 

do, sundry ways, surmount. 
The Pope of Rome, 

with many blessed grains, 
To sanctify their bad pretence, 

bestoweth both cost and pains, 
: But little land 

is not dismayed at all ! 
The LORD, no doubt ! is on our side, 

which soon will work their fall. 

In happy hour, 

our foes we did descry ! 
And under sail, with gallant wind; 

as they came passing by. 
Which sudden tidings 

to Plymouth being brought ; 
Full soon our Lord High Admiral, 

for to pursue them sought. 
And to his train 

courageously he said, 
" Now, for the LORD, and our good Queen, 

to fight be not afraid ! 
Regard our Cause ! 

and play your parts like men ! 



I 



J;aK°i588.1 The mighty Gallias ashore at Calais. 487 

The LORD, no doubt ! will prosper as 
in all our actions then." 

This great Galleazzo 

which was so huge and high, 
That, like a bulwark on the sea 

did seem to each man's eye. 
There was it taken, 

unto our great relief. 
And divers nobles, in which train 

Don Pedro was the chief. 
Strong was she stuffed 

with cannons great and small, 
And other instruments of war, 

Which we obtained all. 
A certain sign 

of good success, we trust : 
That GOD will overthrow the rest, 

as he hath done the first. 

Then did our Navy 

pursue the rest amain, 
With roaring noise of cannons great, 

till they, near Calais came. 
With manly courage 

they followed them so fast ; 
Another mighty Galleon 

did seem to yield at last : 
And in distress 

for safeguard of their lives, 
A flag of truce, they did hand out, 

with many mournful cries. 
Which when our men 

did perfectly espy 
Some little barks they sent to h&v, 

to board her quietly. 



488 Death of Captain de Moncaldo. EJig.^S. 

But these false Spaniards 

esteeming them but weak, 
When they within their danger came, 

their malice forth did break : 
With charged cannons 

they laid about them then, 
For to destroy those proper barks 

and all their valiant men. 
Which when our men 

preceived so to be ; 
Like lions fierce, they forward went 

to 'quite this injury ; 
And boarding them 

with strong and mighty hand, 
They killed the men, until their Ark 

did sink in Calais sand. 

The chiefest Captain 

of this Galleon so high, 
Don Hugo de Moncaldo, he 

within this fight did die : 
Who was the General 

of all the Galleons great. 
But through his brains, with powder's force, 

a bullet strong did beat. 
And many more, 

by sword, did lose their breath. 
And many more within the sea 

did swim, and took their death. 
There might you see 

the salt and foaming flood, 
Died and stained like scarlet red 

with store of Spanish blood. 

This mighty vessel 

was threescore yards in length, 



To Aug°S'.] Not a ship of ours was lost I 489 

Most wonderful, to each man's eye, 

for making and for strength. 
In her were placed 

a hundred cannons great, 
And mightily provided eke 

with bread-corn, wine, and meat. 
There were of oars 

two hundred, I ween. 
Threescore feet and twelve in length 

well measured to be seen ; 
And yet subdued, 

with many others more : 
And not a ship of ours lost ! 

the LORD be thanked therefore 1 

Our pleasant country, 

so beautiful and so fair. 
They do intend, by deadly war, 

to make both poor and bare. 
Our towns and cities, 

to rack and sack likewise. 
To kill and murder man and wife 

as malice doth arise ; 
And to deflour 

our virgins in our sight ; 
And in the cradle cruelly 

the tender babe to smite. 
GOD'S Holy Truth, 

they mean for to cast down, 
And to deprive our noble Queen 

both of her life and crown. 

Our wealth and riches, 

which we enjoyed long; 
They do appoint their prey and spoil 

ty cruelty and wrong. 



490 Intended mercies of the Spaniards. [Toau^tsss: 

To set our houses 

a fire on our heads ; 
And cursedly to cut our throats 

As we lie in our beds. 
Our children's brains 

to dash against the ground, 
And from the earth our memory 

for ever to confound. 
To change our joy 

to grief and mourning sad, 
And never more to see the days 

of pleasure we have had. 

But GOD Almighty 

be blessed evermore ! 
Who doth encourage Englishmen 

to beat them from our shore, 
With roaring cannons 

their hasty steps to stay, 
And with the force of thundering shot, 

to make them fly away ; 
Who made account, 

before this time or day. 
Against the walls of fair London 

their banners to display. 
But their intent, 

the LORD will bring to nought. 
If faithfully we call and cry 

for succour as we ought. 

And yours, dear brethren ! 

which beareth arms this day, 
For safeguard of your native soil ; 

mark well, what I shall say ! 
Regard your duties ! 

think on your country's good ! 



foSgSJ "The Queen will be among you !'' 491 

And fear not in defence thereof, 

to spend your dearest blood ! 
Our gracious Queen 

doth greet you every one ! 
And saith, " She will among you be 

in every bitter storm ! 
Desiring you 

true English hearts to bear 
To GOD ! to her ! and to the land 

wherein you nursed were ! " 

LORD GOD Almighty! 

(which hath the hearts in hand, 
Of every person to dispose) 

defend this English land ! 
Bless Thou, our Sovereign 

with long and happy life ! 
Endue her Council with Thy grace ! 

and end this mortal strife ! 
Give to the rest 

of commons more and less, 
Loving hearts ! obedient minds ! 

and perfect faithfulness ! 
That they and we, 

and all, with one accord, 
On Sion hill, may sing the praise 

of our most mighty LORD. 

T. D. 

FINIS. 



Printed by John Wolfe 

for Edward White 

1588. 



492 The Queen's intent to see Tilbury Camp. [JoAug.T^^" 



I Aug. 1588. 




The Queen's visiting of the Camp at Tilbury, with her 
entertainment there. 

To the tune of Wilson's wild. 
[Entered at Stationers' Hall, loth August, 1588; see Transcript, ii. 495. Ed. 1875.] 

Ithin the year of Christ our Lord, 

a thousand and five hundred full, 
And eighty-eight by just record, 

the which no man may disannul ; 
And in the thirtieth year remaining, 

of good Queen Elizabeth's reigning . 
A mighty power there was prepared 

By Philip, then the King of Spain, 
Against the Maiden Queen of England ; 

Which in peace before did reign. 

Her royal ships, to sea she sent 

to guard the coast on every side ; 
And seeing how her foes were bent, 

her realm full well she did provide 
With many thousands so prepared 

as like was never erst declared ; 
Of horsemen and of footmen plenty, 

whose good hearts full well is seen, 
In the safeguard of their country 

and the service of our Queen. 

In Essex fair, that fertile soil 

upon the hill of Tilbury, 
To give our Spanish foes the foil 

in gallant camps they now do lie, 
Where good order is ordained, 

and true justice eke maintained 
For the punishment of persons 

that are lewd or badly bent. 
To see a sight so strange in England, 

'Twas our gracious Queen's intent. 



[oaSS'.] The Queen leaves Whitehall, 8th Aug 493 

And on the eighth of August, she 

from fair St. James's, took her way, 
With many Lords of high degree, 

in princely robes and rich array ; 
And to barge upon the water 

(being King Henry's royal daughter !) 
She did go, with trumpets sounding, 

and with dubbing drums apace, 
Along the Thames, that famous river, 

for to view the Camp a space. 

When she, as far as Gravesend came, 

right over against that pretty town, 
Her royal Grace with all her train 

was landed there with great renown. 
The Lords, and Captains of her forces, 

mounted on their gallant horses. 
Ready stood to entertain her, 

like martial men of courage bold 
** Welcome to the Camp, dread Sovereign ! *' 

Thus they said, both young and old. 

The Bulwarks strong, that stood thereby, 

well guarded with sufficient men, 
Their flags were spread courageously, 

their cannons were discharged then. 
Each gunner did declare his cunning 

for joy conceived of her coming. 
All the way her Grace was riding, 

on each side stood armed men, 
With muskets, pikes, and good calivers, 

for her Grace's safeguard then. 

The Lord General of the field 

had there his bloody Ancient borne. 

The Lord Marshal's colours eke 

were carried there, all rent and torn. 



494 Simply passes through the Camp. [^oaSS 

The which with bullets was so burned 

when in Flanders he sojourned. 
Thus in warlike wise they marched, 

even as soft as foot could fall ; 
Because her Grace was fully minded 

perfectly to view them all. 

Her faithful soldiers, great and small, 

as each one stood within his place, 
Upon their knees began to fall 

desiring GOD, to " save her Grace ! " 
For joy whereof, her eyes were filled 

that the water down distilled ; 
" LORD bless you all, my friends ! " she said, 

" but do not kneel so much to me ! " 
Then sent she warning to the rest, 

they should not let such reverence be. 

Then casting up her Princely eyes 

unto the hill with perfect sight, 
The ground all covered, she espies, 

with feet of armed soldiers bright ; 
Whereat her royal heart so leaped, 

on her feet upright she stepped. 
Tossing up her plume of feathers 

to them all as they did stand. 
Cheerfully her body bending, 

waving of her royal hand. 

Thus through the Camp she passed quite, 

in manner as I have declared. 
At Master Rich's, for that night, 

her Grace's lodging was prepared. 
The morrow after her abiding, 

on a princely palfrey riding ; 
To the Camp, she came to dinner, 

with her Lords and Ladies all. 



?c; Aug.°"s88.J Procession at the Review on qth August. 495 

The Lord General went to meet her, 
with his Guard of Yeomen tall. 



The Sergeant Trumpet, with his mace, 

And nine with trumpets after him, 
Bareheaded went before Her Grace 

in coats of scarlet trim. 
The King of Heralds, tall and comely, 

was the next in order duly. 
With the famous Arms of England 

wrought with rich embroidered gold 
On finest velvet, blue and crimson, 

that for silver can be sold. 

With maces of clean beaten gold, 

the Queen's two Sergeants then did ride, 
Most comely men for to behold, 

in velvet coats and chains beside. 
The Lord General then came riding, 

and Lord Marshal hard beside him. 
Richly were they both attired 

in princely garments of great price ; 
Bearing still their hats and feathers 

in their hands, in comely wise. 

Then came the Queen, on prancing steed, 

attired like an angel bright ; 
And eight brave footmen at her feet 

whose jerkins were most rich in sight. 
Her Ladies, likewise of great honour, 

most sumptuously did wait upon her, 
With pearls and diamonds brave adorned, 

and in costly cauls of gold : 
Her Guards, in scarlet, then rode after, 

with bows and arrows, stout and bold. 



496 The Queen, alone, speakingto her soldiers-^^ JufS: 

The valiant Captains of the field, 

mean space, themselves in order set ; 
And each of them, with spear and shield, 

to join in battle did not let. 
With such a warlike skill extended, 

as the same was much commended. 
Such a battle pitched in England 

many a day hath not been seen. 
Thus they stood in order waiting 

for the presence of our Queen. 

At length, her Grace most royally 

received was, and brought again. 
Where she might see most loyally 

this noble host and warlike train. 
How they came marching all together, 

like a wood in winter's weather. 
With the strokes of drummers sounding, 

and with trampling horses ; then 
The earth and air did sound like thunder 

to the ears of every man. 

The warlike army then stood still, 

and drummers left their dubbing sound ; 
Because it was our Prince's will 

to ride about the army round. 
Her Ladies, she did leave behind her, 

and her Guard, which still did mind her, 
The Lord General and Lord Marshal 

did conduct her to each place. 
The pikes, the colours, and the lances, 

at her approach, fell down apace ! 

And then bespake our noble Queen, 
" My loving friends and countrymen ! 

I hope this day the worst is seen, 
that in our wars, ye shall sustain ! 



7o Aig'°i588] '^^^ MIGHTY SUDDEN SHOUT OF THE SOLDIERS. 497 

But if our enemies do assail you, 

never let your stomachs fail you ! 
For in the midst of all your troops ; 

we ourselves will be in place ! 
To be your joy, your guide and comfort ; 

even before your enemy's face ! " 

This done, the soldiers, all at once, 

a mighty shout or cry did give ! 
Which forced from the azure skies 

an echo loud, from thence to drive ; 
Which filled her Grace with joy and pleasure ; 

and riding then from them, by leisure, 
With trumpets' sound most loyally, 

along the Court of Guard she went : 
Who did conduct Her Majesty 

unto the Lord Chief General's tent. 

Where she was feasted royally 

with dainties of most costly prices 
And when that night approaching nigh, 

Her Majesty, with sage advice, 
In gracious manner, then returned 

from the Camp where she sojourned 
And when that she was safely sit 

within her barge, and passed away ; 
Her Farewell then, the trumpets sounded ; 

and the cannons fast did play ! 

T. D. 

FINIS. 



Imprinted at London by John Wolf 
for Edward White. 1588. 

21 1 



498 The profit which comes from Spain. [JxaS^isTJ: 




A new Ballet of the strange and most cruel whips, which the 
Spaniards had prepared to whip and torment English men and 
women: which were found and taken at the overthrow of certain 
of the Spanish ships, in July last past, 1588. 

To the tune of The valiant Soldier. 

[Entered at Stationers' Hall, 31 August, 1588 ; see Transcript,\i. <^oli. Ed. 1875.] 



Ll you that list to look and see 

what profit comes from Spain, 
And what the Pope and Spaniards both 

prepared for our gain. 
Then turn your eyes and bend your ears, 

and you shall hear and see 
What courteous minds, what gentle hearts, 

they bear to thee and me ! 

They say " they seek for England's good, 

and wish the people well ! " 
They say " they are such holy men, 

all others they excel ! " 
They brag that " they are Catholics, 

and Christ's only Spouse ! 
And whatsoe'er they take in hand, 

the holy Pope allows ! " 

These holy men, these sacred saints, 

and these that think no ill : 
See how they sought, against all right, 

to murder, spoil, and kill ! 
Our noble Queen and country first 

they did prepare to spoil, 
To ruinate our lives and lands 

with trouble and turmoil. 



J' Avlg°i588:] Whip strings with wiry knots. 499 

And not content, by fire and sword, 

to take our right away ; 
But to torment most cruelly, 

our bodies, night and day. 
Although they meant, with murdering hands, 

our guiltless blood to spill ; 
Before our deaths, they did devise 

to whip us, first, their fill. 

And for that purpose had prepared 

of whips such wondrous store, 
So strangely made, that, sure, the like 

was never seen before. 
For never was there horse, nor mule, 

nor dog of currish kind, 
That ever had such whips devised 

by any savage mind ! 

One sort of whips, they had for men, 

so smarting, fierce, and fell, 
As like could never be devised 

by any devil in hell : 
The strings whereof with wiry knots, 

like rowels they did frame. 
That every stroke might tear the flesh, 

they laid on with the same. 

And pluck the spreading sinews from 

the hardened bloody bone, 
To prick and pierce each tender vein, 

within the body known ; 
And not to leave one crooked rib 

on any side unseen, 
Nor yet to leave a lump of flesh, 

the head and foot between. 



500 Whips with brazen tags, for women. [J,Sg°x578 

And for our silly women eke, 

their hearts with grief to clog ; 
They made such whips, wherewith no man 

would seem to strike a dog. 
So strengthened eke with brazen tags 

and filed so rough and thin. 
That they would force at every lash, 

the blood abroad to spin. 

Although their bodies sweet and fair 

their spoil they meant to make, 
And on them first their filthy lust 

and pleasure for to take : 
Yet afterwards such sour sauce 

they should be sure to find, 
That they should curse each springing branch 

that cometh of their kind. 

Ladies fair, what spite were this 1 

your gentle hearts to kill ! 
To see these devilish tyrants thus 

your children's blood to spill. 
What grief unto the husband dear ! 

his loving wife to see 
Tormented so before his face 

with extreme villainy. 

And think you not, that they which had 

such dogged minds to make 
Such instruments of tyranny, 

had not like hearts to take 
The greatest vengeance that they might, 

upon us every one ? 
Yes, yes ! be sure ! for godly fear 

and mercy, have they none ! 



V AufS.'JT HE RomanswhippedQueen Boadicea. 5 O I 

Even as in India once they did 

against those people there 
With cruel curs, in shameful sort, 

the men both rent and tare ; 
And set the ladies great with child 

upright against a tree, 
And shot them through with piercing darts : 

such would their practice be ! 

Did not the Romans in this land 

sometimes like practice use 
Against the Britains bold in heart, 

and wondrously abuse 
The valiant king whom they had caught, 

before his queen and wife, 
And with most extreme tyranny, 

despatched him of his life ? 

The good Queen Boadicea, 

and eke her daughters three ; 
Did they not first abuse them all 

by lust and lechery ; 
And, after, stripped them naked all, 

and whipped them in such sort, 
That it would grieve each Christian heart 

to hear that just report ? 

And if these ruffling mates of Rome 

did Princes thus torment ; 
Think you ! the Romish Spaniards now 

would not shew their descent ? 
How did they, late, in Rome rejoice, 

in Italy and Spain ; 
What ringing and what bonfires ! 

what Masses sung amain ! 



502 Spanish accounts that London was fired. [JJig^S 

What printed books were sent about 

as filled their desire, 
How England was, by Spaniards won, 

and London set on fire ! 
Be these the men, that are so mild 1 

whom some so holy call ! 
The LORD defend our noble Queen 

and country from them all ! 

T. D. 

FINIS. 

Imprinted at London, by Thomas Orwin and 

Thomas Gubbin; and are to be sold in 

Paternoster Row, over against 

the Black Raven, 

1588. 



\^/ 




INDEX 



Abbes, James, martyr, 272. 

Abbeville, captain of, 309. 

Abergavenny, Lord, see Neville, Henry. 

Adams, Richard, 288. 

Addlington, Henry, martyr, 278. 

Adheral, William, 278. 

Admiral, the Lord, see Clinton, Edward; 

and Dudley, John. 
Ager, see Aucher. 
Agnes, Saint, 73. 
Ailewarde, William, 272. 
Aire, 428. 

Albright, Ann, 275. 
Aldgate, 182, 244. 
Alexander the Great, 147. 
Alexander the jailor of Newgate, 178, 

180. 
Alexander, Nicholas, 291, 293, 305,323. 
Alington, Mrs., 481. 
Allen, Edmund, martyr of Maidstone, 

280. 

John, 224. 

Robert, 185, 194-196. 

William, 273. 

Alnwick, 67, 80. 

Alost, 425-426, 436-437- 

Alva, Duke of, 427. 

Ambrose, George, martyr of London, 

276. 

, martyr of Maidstone, 281. 

Anderwick, 87-89, 156. 
Andrea, Captain, 324-325, 327. 
Andrews, William, martyr, 274. 
Angelo, Michael, 444. 
Angouleme, Due d', see Charles. 

■ Bishop of, 3. 

Angus, Earl of, 113, 123-124. 
Anjou, Due d', 421. 
Annan, 152, 156. 
Anne, Saint, 15, 20, 21. 

Boleyn, see Boleyn. 

Anthony, Saint, 73. 
Atithoiiy, The, 1 38. 



Antichrist, 70-71, 73, 132. 

Antwerp, The Spoil rf, xxxii, xxxv, 

419-449. 
Apelles, 261. 
Apocalypse, The, 260. 
ApoUonides, 84. 
Apostles, Acts of the, 172. 
Appelby, Walter, martyr of Maidstone, 

280. 
Appulton, Roger, 222, 229, 247. 
Apremont, Comte d', 3. 
Aprice, John, martyr, 277. 
Aragon, xvi, 66. 
—- Catherine of, see Catherine. 
Archelaus, 83. 

Archer, John, martyr of Canterbury, 279. 
Ardlie, John, 271. 
Ardres, 61, 290, 299, 305. 
Argyle, Earl of, 65, 108, 128. 
Armada, The Spanish, xxxi, xxxv- 

xxxvi, 485-502. 
Arnus, 148. 
Arran, Earl of, 40, 104, 1 1 3, 123, 132, 

135- 
Arras, 428. 
Artemidorus, 83. 
Arthur, King, 80. 

Captain, 117. 

Arundel, Earl of, see Fitzalan, Henry. 

Arundell, Sir Thomas, 13. 

Ascue, Sir Hugh, 150. 

Ashdon, Mrs., 281. 

Ashford, 210 ; martyrs at, 280. 

Ashley, Mrs. Catherine, 363. 

Ashridge, 339, 341, 346. 

Asia, 83, 335. 

Askue, Thomas, martyr of Newbury, 

278. 
Astrology, 195. 
Astyages, 82, 267. 

Atkinson, , II7' 

Aucher, Sir Anthony, 292, 305, 315, 330. 
Audley, Sir George, 150. 

503 



504 



Tudor Tracts 



Aumale, Due d', 328. 

Comte d', 3. 

Auscoo, James, 282. 

Auvergne, Bishop of, 3. 

Avales, John, a London spy, 186, 194. 

Avila, Sancho d', 425, 447. 

Avondale, Master of, 133. 

Awcocke (Alcocke), John, martyr, 271. 

Aylmer, John, 337. 

Bacon, Sir Nicholas, 404. 
Bagnal, Sir Ralph, 149, 185. 
Bale, John, xxi n. 
Bamborough Castle, 80. 
Bamford, William, 273. 

Banbery, , a dicer and spy, 1 85- 1 86. 

Barbican, the, 469, 471. 

Barham, James, 221-222, 224. 

Barnet, martyr at, 273. 

Barney, Henry, 224. 

Barteville, or Berteville, Jean de, xix «, 

90. 92-93, 9S> 151- 

Barton, , 140. 

Barwick, , 355. 

Baskerville, Sir James, 13. 

Bass Rock, the, 39. 

Bath, Earl of, 173-174. 

Beamerside, Laird of, 146. 

Beard, John, a spy, 186, 194. 

Bearward, Queen Elizabeth's, 32-35. 

Beaton, Cardinal, xvi, 40, 45. 

Beauvais, Bishop of, 3. 

Beccles, martyr at, 277. 

Beche, Joan, 276. 

Bedford, Earl and Countess of, see 

Russell. 
Bedingfield, Sir Henry, 351-353, 355- 

360, 362-364. 
Bellay, M. du, 3, 60. 
Belton, 47. 
Benbricke (Benbridge), Thomas, martyr 

of Winchester, 284. 
Benden, Mrs., 281. 
Berkeley, Lord, 12. 

Sir Maurice, 191, 250. 

Berkhampstead, Great, 339. 

Berselle, M. de, 434. 

Berteville, see Barteville. 

Berwick, 46, 75, 81-82, 142, 148, 151. 

Besant, or Beysaunt, Mrs., 467. 

Bethune, 428. 

Beverton, 47. 

Bishopsgate, 475. 

Blackborne, 47. 

Blackness (in France), 61, 322. 



Blackness (in Scotland), 86, 138. 
Blacksoll Field, 225. 
Blage the grocer, 32-33. 

Sir George, 78, 150. 

Blande, John, martyr, 271. 

Blossling, 323. 

Boadicea, 501. 

Bohemians, The, 72. 

Boleyn, Anne, ix, xi-xiv, xxii, xxvii- 

xxviii, 7, 9-28, 334, 371. 

Jane, Lady Rochford, 7. 

Mary, 7. 

Bon, John, and Mastr : Parson, xxi, 

160-9, 194-5- 
Bonger, Anne, 283. 
Bonham, Sir Walter, 140, 150. 
Bonkendale, 84. 
Bonner, Bishop, xxv, 276. 
Borgherout, 437. 
Borne, Captain, 321, 324-325. 
Borough Green, 224. 
Bosse, The, 138. 

Bothwrell, Earl of,40, 42, 45, 90, 136, 140. 
Boughton, Sir Edward, 14. 
Boulogne, ix, I, 5-7, 60, 78, 91, 134, 

178, 290, 307, 322. 
Boulogneberg, 61. 
Boulognois, The, 322-323. 
Bourbon, Cardinal de, 3. 

Fran9ois de, 3. 

Bourch, Francis de, 317. 
Bourchier, Henry, Earl of Essex, 19. 
Bourne, Sir John, 170-171, 173, 175. 
Bourner, Mrs., 282. 
Bowres, Sir George, 50. 

Joyce, 282. 

Sir Robert, 80. 

Bowland, 47. 
Bowton, see Boughton. 
Bowyer, Thomas, martyr, 278. 
Brabant, 66, 433. 

Bradbridge, , martyr, 274. 

Joan, 280. 

Bradford, John, 267, 272. 
Brainford, see Brentford. 
Brampton, 117. 
Brandling, Sir Robert, 150. 
Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 7, 

15, 19, 30- 

Sir Charles, 122, 

Bray, Lord, 19, 193. 
Braye, Sir Edward, 229, 230. 
Bren, John, 78, 87, 127. 
Brene, Comte de, 3. 
Brentford, martyrs at, 284. 



Index 



505 



Bret, Captain, 222, 229-230, 243, 246- 

247. 253. 
Breton, widow, 196. 
Brice, Thomas, Register of Martyrs, 

XXV, 259-288. 
Bridges, see Brydges. 
Bristol, martyrs at, 279. 
Brittany, xvi, xxiii. 

Duke of, see Francis the Dauphin. 

Broke, Captain, 138. 
Broughton, 47. 

Broughty Crag, 141, 148, 150, 156. 
Browne, Sir Anthony, 34. 

Thomas, martyr, 275. 

Sir Wilham, 13. 

Browniedworth, Laird of, 146. 

Bruges, 316, 317. 

Brunston, Laird of, 129, 139, 142. 

Brussels, 425, 436. 

Bryan, Sir Francis, 78-79, 84, 149. 

Brydges, Sir Edmund, 149. 

Sir John, Lord Chandos of Sude- 

ley, 176, 345, 349, 350-352. 

Thomas, 176. 

Brystow, , martyr, 179. 

Buccleuch, Lord, 45. 

Buerton (? Brereton), Sir Randolph, 13. 

Bulkeley, Sir Richard, 13. 

Bulmer, Sir Ralph, 100, 134, 151. 

Bungey, Cornelius, 274. 

Burges, Denis, martyr at Lewes, 281. 

Burghley, Lord, see Cecil, Sir William. 

Burgundians, the, 298, 324, 

Burnt Island, 47, 

Burton, Jock Holly, see Hollyburton, 

John. 
Burwarde, Anthony, martyr, 274. 
Bury St. Edmunds, martyrs at, 272, 

283-284. 
Bury, John, xxix n. 
Butler, Sir Thomas, 12. 

Butter, , martyr, 27 1. 

Butterden, 47. 
Byldy, 47. 

Caesar, Julius, 448. 

Calais, ix, xxv-vii, i, 4-8, 60, 72, I7ij 

173 ; capture of, 289-320 ; and Queen 

Mary's heart, 332. 
Deputy of, see Wentworth, 

Thomas. 
Calehill, 21 1, 256. 
Caley, Robert, 257. 
Calkewell, 307. 
Calling Craig, 49. 



Calverley, Sir George, 13. 

Sir Hugh, 192. 

John, 192. 

Cambridge, 195, 276. 

Camillus, 63. 

Campbells, the, 128. 

Campion, Edmund, xxxiv, 451-474, 

passim. 
Canamples, the Lord, 3. 
Canongate, Edinburgh, 42. 
Canterbury, Archbishop of, see Cran- 

mer, Thomas, and Warham, William. 
martyrs at, 273-275, 279, 280-281, 

285. 
Capel, Sir Henry, 14. 
Cappadocia, 83. 
Capres, M. de, 434, 442. 
Cardmaker, John, 267, 271. 
Careless, John, martyr, 278. 
Carew, Master, 193. 

Sir Peter, 342. 

Caria, 74. 

Carman, Thomas, 283. 

Carr, see Ker. 

Cartwright, Hugh, 224. 

Cassilis, Earl of, 133. 

Castiglione, 337. 

Castile, xvi. 

Castres, Bishop of, 3. 

Catherine of Aragon, x-xiii, xxiii, xxxv, 

476-477 n. 

of France, xxvii. 

Catlyn, Hugh, 224. 

Causun (Causton), Thomas, martyr, 270. 

Cavarley, , standard-ljearer, 120. 

Cavell, John, martyr, 276. 

Cavers, 147. 

Cecil, Dorothy, Lady, 481. 

Sir Thomas, 480. 

Sir William, Lord Burghley, xix«. , 

xxxiv «., 155, 420, 453-454- 
Cesforth, 49. 

Laird of, 146. 

Chabot, Philippe, 3. 
Chaloner, John, 122. 

Sir Thomas, 110, 149. 

Chamberlain, Edward, 122, 128, 140. 

Sir Ralph, 293, 302, 360. 

Chamberlaine, Nicholas, martyr, 271. 
Chambre, Comte de, 3. 
Champagney, M. de, see Perrenot. 
Chandos of Sudeley, Lord, see Brydges. 

Sir John. 
Chapman, Thomas, 224. 
Chapuys, Eustace, xiv. 



5o6 



Tudor Tracts 



Charing Cross, 14, 250-251, 271. 
Charles v., Emperor, and King of 

Spain, ix, xii, xiv, xvi, xviii, xxxv. 
Charles I. of England, xxxiv. 
Charles, Due d'Angouleme, 3, 5. 

Due de Vendome, 3. 

Charleton, , 97. 

Chartres, Bishop of, 3. 

Chaworth, Sir John, 13. 

Cheapside, 8, 14, 16, 25, 32, 181, 377, 

379, 393- 

Chedely, , l8l. 

Chelmsford, martyrs at, 281. 

Cheyne, Sir Thomas, 209, 216, 227, 

242, 244-245, 321. 

Lord, son of Sir Thomas, 321. 

Chichester, martyrs at, 272, 282. 
Chittenden, Dunston, 279. 
Cholmley, Ranulph, 380. 
Christ's Hospital, 257, 388-389, 394. 
Churchyard, Thomas, Narrative of 

siege of Guisnes, xxvi «., 321-330. 
Cicero quoted, 59, 74>.83, 335. 
Clarentius, Mrs., xxvii «., 332, 362. 
Clark, John, martyr, 279, 
Clarke, George, 215-216, 223-224, 225. 

John, 224. 

Richard, 225. 

Claymond, John, 414. 
Clement vil,, ix, xiii, xvi. 

John, martyr, 278. 

Clere, Sir John, 117. 

Clerk, Sir Rowland, 150. 

Clifford, Lord, 12. 

Clinton, Edward, Lord Clinton, xix, 

78, 81, 95-96, 138, 148, 249, 405. 
Elizabeth, Countess of Lincoln, 

481. 

Henry, Earl of Lincoln, 480, 482. 

Cob, Thomas, martyr of Thetford, 273. 
Cobham, Lord, 236. 

Thomas, 190- 191. 

Coelius quoted, 74, 83. 

Coker, William, martyr, 273. 

Colchester, martyrs at, 277, 281, 283. 

Coldham Knowes, 143, 148. 

Coldingham, 50. 

Colebrook, 360, 464. 

Coleman Street, 194. 

Colet, Dean, 385. 

Colham Hill, 309. 

Colleton or Collington, alias Peters, 

John, 460, 463-464. 
Collier, Richard, martyr, 273. 
Compton, Henry, Lord Compton, 479. 



Conduit, the Great and the Lesser, 16- 

17, 379-384, 395- 

Coningsby, , 117. 

Constable, Sir John, 13. 

Sir Marmaduke, 150. 

Conway, Sir John, 149. 

Conyers, Sir George, 13. 

Cooe, Roger, 273. 

Cook, Robin, his school, 135. 

Cooke, Robert, 476, 480. 

Cookson, , 308. 

Cooper, Thomas, 458-460, 470, 473, 

Coppinger, Sir Ralph, 120, 150. 

Corineus the Briton, 389. 

Cornelius, , comptroller of ord- 
nance, 128, 

martyr, see Bungey. 

Cornhill, 16, 20, 24, 374-375, 393- 

Cornwallis, A. , 302. 

Sir Thomas, 236-238, 253, 339. 

Coronation of Anne Boleyn, 9 sqq, of 
Mary, 182-183; of Elizabeth, 365 
sqq. 

Corpus Chrtstt, 160-169. 

College, Oxford, 414. 

Corriar, Roger, 273. 

Corwen, see Curwen. 

Cotton, John, 466. 

Stephen, martyr, 284. 

Counter prison, the, 178. 

Courtenay, Edward, Earl of Devon- 
shire, 339, 351. 

Coventry (London), 188, 193. 

(Warwickshire), martyrs at, 274. 

Covert, John, 229. 

Richard, 224. 

Cowboge, 49. 

Cowley, , martyr, 271. 

Cowling Castle, 236. 

Cox, Dr. Richard, 172. 

Cranes, The Three, printer's sign, 451, 
468. 

Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Can- 
terbury, xiii, XV, 14, 18, 29-35, ^84, 
267, 276, 334. 

Cranstoun, 141. 

Grippes, Captain, 321, 323. 

Croft, Sir James ^, 346-347. 

Cromwell, Oliver, xvii. 

Sir Richard, 178. 

Thomas, Earl of Essex, xv, 29-35. 

Crouch, Robert, lOO. 

Crownend, 47. 

Croydon, 30. 

Cumberland, Earl of, 12. 



Index 



507 



Curtius, 130, 147. 

Curwen, Sir Christopher, 14. 

Cyrus, 68, 83. 

Dacres, Lord, 78. 

Sir Thomas, 149. 

Dale, John, martyr at Bury, 283, 
Dalkeith, 125, 137. 
Danby, Sir Christopher, 12. 

Sir Thomas, 150. 

D'Andelot, M. de, 296, 315, 325, 327. 
Daniel the Prophet, 70, 179, 197, 395. 
Dapers the dicer, 185. 
Darbyshire, Thomas, 452. 
Darcy, Sir Arthur, 120. 

Sir Thomas, 78, 109, 120. 

Darius, 68. 

Darsie of Wrotham, 224. 

Dartford, 236-237, 240, 247, 272. 

Dauncey, Henry, preaching bricklayer, 

193- 
Dauphin, the, see Francis, Due de 

Bretagne, and Henry ii. of France. 
David, 62, 72, 197, 407. 
Davison, William, xxxiv ti. 
Davy, John, 284. 
Dawn, Sir John, 14. 
Dawson, Thomas, printer, 451, 468. 
Day, John, printer, 169, 194-195. 

Richard, 283. 

Deborah, Elizabeth compared to, 387- 

388, 390. 
Decii, the, 130. 
Deloney, Thomas, Ballads, xxxvi, 

485-502. 
Delves, Sir Henry, 13. 
Democritus, 413, 415. 
Dendermonde, 421. 

Denis, , martyr of Lewes, 281. 

Denley, John, martyr, 272. 

Dennis, , II7« 

Sir Morice, 122. 

William, 122. 

Deptford, 240. 

Derby, Earl and Countess of, see 

Stanley. 

Derby, , martyr, 279. 

Dethick, William, 476, 481. 
Dewneshe (Devenish), John, 265, 283. 
Diefikie, M. de, 324-32*5. 
Diego, Don, 445. 
Dies, Sir Christopher, 150. 
Diggell, William, martyr, 271. 
Digges of Kent, 117. 
Dive, Lewis, 323, 327. 



Dives, 198. 

Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, see 
Catherine. 

Dixon, Canon R. W., xxiii «,, xxv «, 

Dodd, Captain, 304, 311, 341. 

Dodge, John, 224. 

Donnington Castle, 347. 

Dordrecht, 427. 

Dorifall (Derifall), John, martyr, 278. 

Dormer, Sir William, 354, 360. 

Dorrell, Christopher, 211, 224. 

George, 241, 256. 

Stephen, 231. 

Thomas, 227. 

Dorset, Marquis of, see Grey. 

Douglas, George, 85, 87, 106, 137. 

Hugh, 95. 

James, 147. 

Dover, 212, 219, 227, 452. 

Drake, Robert, martyr, 276. 

Driver, , 184. 

Drury, Sir William, the elder, 13. 

the younger, 321, 323. 

Drylaw, 47. 

Duddingston, 47. 

Dudley, Sir Andrew, 141, 148, 150. 

Sir Edward, 144, 145, 151. 

Edward, Lord, 299, 304. 

Henry, 329. 

John, Earl of Warwick and Duke 

of Northumberland, xx-xxii, 40, 60, 
75-79 ; his career, 91-92 ; at Pinkie, 
loisqq., 151, 155, 176, 185. 

Robert, Earl of Leicester, 453, 

472. 

Dunbar, 45, 47, 89, 127. 

Dundee, 141. 

Dunfermline, Abbot of, 132. 

Dungate, Thomas, 278. 

Dunglass, 85, 87, 89, 156. 

Dunkeld, Bishop of, 132. 

Dunkirk, 316, 317. 

Dunstable, xiii. 

Dunston, martyr, see Chittenden. 

Durham, Bishop of, see Pilkington, 
James. 

East Barns, 47. 
Edgebuckling Brae, 133. 
Edgerston, Laird of, 146. 
Edinburgh, 41-44, 60, lOl, 124-125, 

129, 136. 
Edminston Edge, 129. 
Edward lll., xxv, 293, 397. 
IV., 253, 370, 372. 



5o8 



Tudor Tracts 



Edward VI., xvi, xviii, xx, xxv, xxviii, 
xxxi, 63, 69, 183-185, 194-195. 301, 
338,389- 

Egles, George, 281. 

Egmont, Count Philip of, 434, 442. 

Egypt, 82. 

Einde or Ende, Cornelis van, see Van 
Einde. 

Elias, 264. 

Eliot, Margaret, 277. 

Elizabeth of York, 370-372. 

Elizabeth, Queen, vii, ix, xxii, xxv, xxvii- 
xxxiv, xxxvi, 32, 34, 171 ; the desire 
of the Reformers, 259-288, 331 ; 
Foxe's eulogy of, 334-335 ; her char- 
acter, 336-337 ; accused of compli- 
city in Wyatt's rebellion, 339 s^q. ; 
committed to the Tower, 343 ; her 
letter to Mary, 343-344 ; removed to 
Woodstock, 352-355 ; her inscription, 
359 ; interview with Mary, 362 ; 
coronation, 365 s^g. ; arms England, 
396-400 ; visit to Tilbury camp, 492 

Ellerker (? Sir Ralph), 117. 

Elliot, George, Arresi of Campion, 

451-474. 
Ely, martyrs at, 274. 
Emanuel, Don, 429, 436. 
Enderleigh, 47. 
Endmerden, 147. 
Endymion, 74. 
Erleston, 147. 
Erskine, Master of, 133. 
Esk River, loi, 125. 
Essex, Earls of, see Bourchier, Henry ; 

Cromwell, Thomas. 
Estampes, Comte d', 3. 
Estrees, M. d', 316, 329. 
Eucharist, the, xx, 160-169, 172. 
Eure, Lord, 48-49. 

Sir Henry, 50. 

Sir Ralph, 48-49. 

Evers, Lord, loi, 126. 

Everson or Iveson, Thomas, martyr, 

272. 
Everyngham, Sir Henry, 13. 

Evington, , martyr, 277. 

Exodus, Book of, 74. 
Eyemouth, 81, 156. 
Eyre, Sir Arthur, 13. 
Ezekiel quoted, 71. 

Faldenside, 147, 
Fane, George, 256. 



Faiington, Sir Henry, 13. 

Farrer, see Ferrar. 

Fauvell, 185. 

Fauxside (Falside) Brae, 64, 99, loi, 

108, 122, 125, 129, 132. 
Fenchurch Street, 15, 36, 380. 
Fen wicks, the, 134. 
Ferington, see Farington. 
Fernihurst, Laird of, 146. 
Ferrar, Bishop, 267, 270. 
Ferrers, George, 97, 188-189; his 

Narrative of the Capture of Calais ^ 

289-301. 
Ferrers, Lord, 172. 
Ferris, Sir Humphrey, 14. 

Fettiplace, , 460-461. 

Ficket, the, 47. 
Field of Cloth of Gold, ix, xii. 
Fielding, Sir W., 12. 
Fiennes, 323. 

(Piennes), M. de, 3. 

Fiery Cross, the, 65. 
Filbie, William, 463-464. 
Finall, Thomas, 280. 
Finch, John, 231. 

Sir Thomas, 244. 

Fiscoke, John, 281. 

Fisher, Thomas, 142. 

Fitzalan, Henry, Earl of Arundel, 19, 

.55, 173-175, 191, 347. 360. 

Fitzwalter, Lord and Lady, see Rad- 
cliffe. 

Fitzwilliam, Sir George, 13. 

Flammack, Sir Andrew, 120. 

Flanders, xxiii,xxxii, 66, 298-299, 316, 
324, 420-421, 425, 432, 494. 

Fleet prison, 175-176, 194, 363. 

Street, 17, 19, 250-251, 386, 395, 

406. 

Fleming, Lord, 133. 

Sir Francis, 78, 149. 

Fletcher, Richard, Dean of Peter- 
borough, 476-479, 481, 483- 

Flodden Field, 99. 

Flood (Floyd), John, martyr, 283. 

Floraine, M. de, 3. 

Flower, William, 271. 

Fogge, Sir John, 229. 

Forman, John, 278. 

Forster, Sir John, 150. 

Forth, Firth of, 39, 44, 86, 95, 99, 
lOi, 124-125, il^sqq. 

Foster, Annis, 275. 

Humphrey, 454, 462. 

• William, 279. 



Index 



509 



Foster, William, martyr at Canterbury, 

280. 
Fotheringay Castle, xxx, 476. 
Foulehurst, Sir Thomas, 13. 
Foxe, Hugh, martyr, 265, 283. 
FoXE, John, marlyrologist, xv, xxv «. , 

xxvii n., xxviii «., xxxii «. , 29, 318, 

331. 333. 359-. 
France, xvi, xvii, xx, xxiii, xxxii, 66, 

69, 91, 105, 128, 2i()-T,T,o, passitn. 
Francis I., ix, xii, xviii, 3-9, 91. 

II., xxx, 301. 

Due de Bretagne, the Dauphin, 

3-6. 

Sir William, 150. 

Franke, , martyr, 271. 

Frier, John, martyr, 282. 
Frondsberger's regiment, 437. 
Froude, James Anthony, xxvii n. 
Froyton, 307-308, 312. 
Fugger, Charles, 437. 
Fusse, Thomas, 273. 
Fytton, Sir Edward, 13. 

Gage, Sir John, i73-i7S. 190, 34i. 
348, 350-351. 363- 

Galliot, M. de, 3. 

Gamboa, Sir Pedro de, 78, 123. 

Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Win- 
chester, XV, xxv, 34, 181, 191, 212, 

243. 341, 346-347. 359, 360-361, 363- 

Garnet, Henry, 452. 

Garrard, Sir William, 175, 177-178. 

Gascoigne, George, 196 ; his Narra- 
tive of the Spoil of Antwerp, xxxii n. , 
XXXV, 419, 449. 

Gascony, 66. 

Gaston, George, lawyer and dicer, 
xxxii «., 196, 422. 

Gatehouse, the, 190. 

Gates, Sir Henry, 149. 

Geche, Alexander, 284. 

George, Christian, 283, 

Germany, xx, xxxii. 

Gerningham, jf^ Jerningham . 

Ghent, 425, 428. 

Gibson, Richard, martyr at Smithfield, 
282. 

Gilmerton, 129. 

Glaiton, Ralph, 282. 

Gloucester, martyrs at, 277. 

Gloucester Hall, Oxford, 416. 

Glover, Mrs., 281. 

, martyr at Coventry, 274. 

martyr at Norwich, 283. 



Glover, Robert, 480. 

Gogines ( = Goignies), Antoine'de, 434, 

442. 
Gold, master-gunner, 96. 
Goliath, 285. 
Googan, David, 91. 
Gore, James, martyr, 275. 
Goreway, John, martyr, 274. 
Gorgon, Saint, 98-99. 
Gotmagot the Albion, 389. 
Gough, John, printer, 8, 19. 
Gourdault, captain, 309. 
Governor (of Scotland), the, see Arran, 

Earl of. 
Gower, Sir Thomas, 81, 100. 
Gracechurch Street, 15. 
Grafton, Richard, xxvi ;;., 157, 289. 
Graham, Master of, 108, 133. 
Grammont, Cardinal de, 3. 
Granado, Sir Jacques, 100, 150. 
Grand Pre, Comte de, 3. 
Grantham Crag, 40. 
Gratwick, Steven, 280. 
Gravelines, 300, 316. 
Gravesend, 222, 229, 236, 493. 
Greene, Bartlet, 275. 
Greenhead, Laird of, 146. 
Greenwich, xiv, 12, 14, 244, 334. 
Gresham, Sir John, xxi«.,i50, 194-195. 
Gresley, Sir George, 13. 
Grey, Sir Arthur, afterwards Lord Grey 

de Wilton, 298, 324, 329. 

Henry, Marquis of Dorset and 

Duke of Suffolk, 181, 188, 208, 219, 
232, 252-253. 

Lady Jane, xx-xxiii, 173, 181, 

219, 352. 

Lord John, 86. 

Lionel, 50. 

Thomas, Marquis of Dorset, 12. 

William, Lord Grey de Wilton, 

78-79, 97, 109; at Pinkie, 112 sqq. ; 

149, 151, 290 sqq. ; letter to Mary, 

319, 323, 325, 329. 
Greyden, 147. 
Griffith, Maurice, Bishop of Rochester, 

229. 
Grimslow, Jolm, 147. 
Grimstone, Edward, 293, 302, 305, 314, 

427. 
Grinstead, martyrs at, 278. 
Gubbin, Thomas, 502. 
Guienne, 14. 

Guildford, Sir John, 227, 255. 
Thomas, 231. 



5IO 



Tudor Tracts 



Guise, Ducde (1532), 3. 

(1558), Z()Osqq. 

Mary of, see Mary. 

Guisnes, siege of, 290-330 /a^5zw. 

Deputy of, see Grey, William. 

Guns and Gunnery, English, 398-399- 
Gwin, John, 278. 

Haarlem, 421. 

Hackbutters at Pinkie, III, 1 19. 

Haddington, 45, 47. 

Hadley, 270. 

Hailes Castle, 90, 142. 

William, 273. 

Hales, Humphrey, 480. 

, Francis, merchant of Calais, 315, 

316. 
Hall, Nicholas, martyr, 272, 
Halsall, Sir Thomas, 13. 
Halyburton, Walter, 147. 
Hamilton, Lord of, 88. 

Hobby, 127, 133. 

Hammes, 290, 299, 304. 

Hammon, John, 277. 

Hampton Court, 195, 360. 

Hanganside, Richard, 147. 

Hannibal, 59, 68. 

Hapsburgs, the, xii, xiv, xxiii-xxv. 

Harcourt, Sir John, 13. 

Hardilow Castle, 60. 

Harecraig, 142. 

Harington, Sir James, 480. 

Harland, Thomas, martyr, 277. 

Harlestone, Captain John, 291, 293, 

305- 
Harman, Dorick, 272. 
Harper, Sir George, 212, 214, 218, 227, 

230. 
Harris, William, 283. 
Harrison, William, Elizabeth arms 

England, xxx n. , 396-400. 
Hartley Wood, 225. 
Hartpoole (Harpole), John, martyr, 

276. 
Harwood, Stephen, 273. 
Hastings, Lord, 12. 

Earl of Huntingdon, 12, 171, 253. 

Sir Edward, 149, 171-172, 175- 

176, 236-237, 253, 339. 

Sir John, 480. 

Hatfield, 368. 
Hatherwick, 47. 
Haughton, Sir Richard, 14. 
Havre, Marquis d', 434, 438, 442. 
Haward, Sir George, 122, 150. 



Hawkes, Thomas, martyr, 271. 
Hay ward, Sir John, xix n. 
Hearne, Thomas, xxiv n. 
Hedgehog, The, printer's sign, 401. 
Henby, Thomas, 224. 
Henley-on-Thames, 464. 
Henry v. , xxvii. 

VI. , 408. 

VII., x, XV, 370-374, 389. 

Vlll., vii, ix, xxviii, xxi, xxiii, 

XXV, xxvii n. , xxviii-xxix, 4-9, 13, 27, 

29-35. 37, 68, 134, 178, 301, 334, 

37i-373> 393. 493- 
II. of France, 3, 5, 91, 149, 290, 

292, 300, 344. 

Duke of Richmond, 6. 

Heraclitus, 414. 

Herbert, Captain George, 321, 323. 

William, Earl of Pembroke, l8l, 

231, 245, 248-249, 251-253, 317. 

William, of St. Gillian, 321. 

Heresy the cause of Wyatt's rebellion, 

207-210. 
Herleston, Sir Clement, 14. 
Heronden, Walter, 224. 
Hertford, Earl of, see Seymour, Edward. 
Heton, Thomas, 422-424, 446-447. 
Hetton, 49. 

Heywarde, Thomas, 274. 
Haywood, Jasper, 452. 
Heze, M. de, 426. 
Higbye (Higbed), Thomas, martyr, 

266, 270. 
Highfield, John, 302, 307 ; his report 

on the capture of Calais, 312-317. 
Highgate, 341. 

Hilliard or Hylard, Sir Christopher, 12. 
Hirsil Castle, 142-143. 
Hoby, Sir Philip, 347. 
Hobynton, Eustace, 302, 305. 
Holcroft, Sir John, 150. 

Sir Thomas, 72. 

Holdiche, Thomas, 224. 

Holford, , 325. 

Holinshed, Raphael, xix «., xxiv «., 

xxvii «., 396. 
Hollande, Roger, martyr at Smithfield, 

283. 
Hollingday (? Hollyday), martyr at 

Smithfield, 282. 
Hollyburton, John, 45, 147. 
Hollyday, John, martyr at Smithfield, 

283. 
Holyrood Abbey, 43, 46, 124, 140. 
Holywel, , martyr, 278. 



Index 



511 



Home, see Hume. 

Honingham, 170. 

Hooke, Richard, 272. 

Hooper, Bishop, 185, 267, 270. 

Hopper, William, martyr, 273. 

Hoppringle, George. 147. 

Hopton, John, bishop Norwich, 276. 

Sir Owen, 464. 

Horace quoted, 98, 154, 157, 416. 
Horden, Edward, 231. 

Horgill, , 117. 

Home, John, 279. 

Horsley, Sir John, 13, 80, 150. 

, master gunner, 291. 

Howard, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, 

XV, 4, 7, 15, 19, 30, 222-223, 227- 

230, 232, 253. 

Lord Thomas, 149. 

Lord William, 15, 19, 188, 243, 

252, 339, 360. 
Howland, Richard, Bishop of Peter- 
borough, 477, 479, 481-483. 
Hubbert, Sir Walter, 13. 
Hudlestone, Sir John, 13. 
HuUiarde (Hullier), John, martyr of 

Cambridge, 276. 
Hume Castle, 142, 145, 148, 151, 156. 
Lord, 42-43, 45, 85, 87, 100- loi, 

142. 

Master of, 100. 

Andrew, 143-144. 

John, 143. 

Matthew, 85. 

Humfrey, Philip, 284. 

Hummeres, M. de, 3. 

Hungary, xxiii. 

Hunte, Martin, 278. 

Hunter, William, martyr, 266, 270. 

Hunthill, Lord, 50. 

Laird of, 146. 

Huntingdon, Earl of, see Hastings. 
Huntly, Earl of, xix «., 40, 77, 102- 

103, 106, 113, 127, 133. 

Laird of, 146. 

Hurst, Edmund, martyr, 278. 
Hussey, Sir Henry, 150. 
Hut, Katherine, 277. 
Hyde, 274. 

Park, 248. 

Annis, 280. 

Iamblichus, 83. 
larba, 63. 
Iden, Jasper, 224. 
Ilsley, William, 466. 



Inchcolm, 137, 139, 156. 
Inchgarvie, 44. 
Inchkeith, 40. 
Innerwick, 87-88. 
Inveresk, 64, 102. 
Iphigenia, 338. 

Ipswich, martyrs at, 276, 284. 
Ireland, 321. 

Irish archers at Pinkie, 65, 1 13, 123, 215. 
Isley, Sir Henry, 211-212, 217-218, 
223, 225, 227, 229, 231, 253. 

Thomas, 210, 228, 247, 253. 

Islington, martyrs at, 282. 

Italy, 501. 

Ive, Thomas, 170, 177-178, 184, 1S6. 

Iveson, see Everson. 

Jackson, Ralph, martyr, 278. 
Jacob, John, 466. 
Jacobus de Voragine, 99. 
James IV., xv, 99. 

v., xvi, XXX, 41, 60, 67-68, 301. 

Jedworth, 48-50. 
Jeffes, Abel, 475. 
Jenkins, David, xxxivw., 445, 457-463, 

473-474- 
Jeremiah quoted, 71, 179, 401. 
Jermey, Sir Thomas, 13. 
Jerningham, Sir Henry, 222, 230, 363. 

Sir John, 13, 117. 

Jeronimo, 135. 

Jerusalem, 286, 460. 

Jesuits, the, xxxiii-xxxiv, 443, 451-474. 

Jews, the, 73. 

Joel quoted, 84. 

John, Saint, quoted, 71, 172, 267. 

Johnson, Peter, 404. 

Dr. Samuel, xxxiv. 

Jones, Richard, 419. 
Joseph, 197. 
Josephus quoted, 83. 
Judas, 453, 470. 
Judd, Sir Andrew, 244. 

Keele, Parson, 125. 

Kelso, 145. 

Kemp, Sir Thomas, 244, 256. 

Ker, Dandy, 93. 

Kers, the, 147. 

Keyes, Captain, 321, 323. 

Keynes, Edward, 466. 

Humphry, 466. 

Kiel, 437- 

Kinghom, 43, 47. 137, 157. 

Kingston-on-Thames, 244, 248. 



512 



Tudor Tracts 



Kingston, John, 288. 

Kipdorp, Port, 434. 

Kirkham, Sir Robert, 13. 

Kirkland, 47. 

Kirkton, Adam, 147. 

Kirkyetham, 49. 

Kitson, Sir Thomas, 13. 

Knevett, Anthony, 190, 211, 215-216, 

223, 225-227, 253. 
William, 21 1, 215, 223, 225-226, 

253- 
Knight, Stephen, martyr, 266, 270. 
Knightley, Sir Richard, 480. 
Knowles (KnoUys), Sir Francis, 150. 
Knox (Knockes)? John, 94. 
Kyng, George, martyr, 274. 

Laking, Sir Thomas, 13. 

Lambe, John, 224. 

Lambert, Captain Oswald, 324-325, 

327- 
Lambeth, 29, 30. 
Lamheyre, 363. 
Lancaster, House of, 37 1 ■373- 
Landrecies, 178, 192. 
Lange, M. de, 3. 
Langres, Bishop of, 3. 
Langton, Sir Thomas, 14. 
Lashforde, Joan, 275. 
Latimer, Bishop Hugh, 267, 274. 
Latmos, Mt., 74. 
Lauder, 141 -142. 
Launder, John, 272. 

(? the same), 283. 

Launson, Elizabeth, 284. 

Laurence, Henry, martyr at Canterbury, 

273- 

Sir Oliver, 149. 

Lauriston, 47. 

Lavaroche (Laverock), Hugh, martyr, 

277- 
Lawrence, three martyrs named, 270- 

271, 278. 
Lazarus, 198. 
Leadenhall Street, 15, 20. 
Least, John, 272. 
Lee, Sir Richard, 78, 137, 145. 
Leicester, martyrs at, 278. 

Earl of, see Dudley, Robert. 

Leith, 40-41, 44-46, 60, 86, 97, 124- 

125, 136 sqq., 157. 
Lennox, Earl of, 152, 478. 
Leonard, John, 256. 
Le Petit, J. F., 427. 
Lesly's History of Scotland, xix v. 



Lesse, John, 274. 

Lewes, martyrs at, 278, 281. 

Lichfield, martyr at, 282. 

Liege, Bishop of, 434. 

Lierre, 421, 436-438. 

Lille, 428. 

Limehouse, 170, 173, 184. 

Limoges, Bishop of, 3. 

Lincoln, Bishop of, see Wickham, 

Earl of, see Clinton. 

Lingard's History, xxviii n. 
Linton Bridge, 90. 

Laird of, 146. 

Lion, , martyr, 278. 

Lisieux, Bishop of, 3. 

Lisle, Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount, 19. 

Lady, 7. 

Lister, Christopher, martyr of Col- 
' Chester, 277. 
Lith, Thomas, 452. 
Litleden, 147. 
Livy quoted, 130. 
Lollards' Tower, the, 274-275. 
London Bridge, 188, 241, 243, 345, 408. 
London Little-Grace, see Bonner, 
Edmund. 

Longniddry, 95. 

Longueville, Due de, 3. 

Loretto Chapel, 47. 

Lorraine, Cardinal of, 3, 4. 

Mary of, see Mary. 

de Pont, Marquis de, 3. 

Lothesby, John, 280. 

Loudon, Earl of, 133. 

Lovelace, Thomas, 256. 

Low Countries, see Flanders. 

Lowmas, John, 275. 

Loyola, Ignatius, 452. 

Lucius, King, 332. 

Ludgate, 17, 188-189, 250, 386,403. 

Lupus quoted, 99. 

Luther, x, xiv, 482. 

Luttrell, Sir John, 121, 139. 

Lydcot, Christopher, 462, 464. 

Lyford, 458, 462 «., 473. 

Lygon, Sir Richard, 13. 

Lyn, River, 90. 

Macdowell, Alexander, 147. 

Machlen, see Mechlin. 

Macon, Bishop of, 3. 

Maestricht, 421, 434, 436-438, 446. 

Magdeburg, xxxii. 

Magnus, Saint, 185. 

Maidison, Sir Edward, 13. 



Index 



513 



Maidstone, 208-211, 214, 231, 253; 
martyrs at, 280-281. 

Mainarde, William, 281. 

Malary, , 409. 

Malchus, 194. 

Malines, see Mechlin. 

Mailing, 217-218, 223-224, 227, 231. 

Malory, Sir William, 13. 

Mandane, 83. 

Manering, tiir Randolph, 13. 

Mangerton, Laird of, 80. 

Manners, Elizabeth, Countess of Rut- 
land, 481. 

John, Earl of Rutland, 480, 482- 

483. 

John, 483. 

Theodosia, Lady Manners, 481. 

Sir Thomas, 480-481. 

Manning, Mrs., martyr, 280. 

Mansfield, 462, 466. 

Mantel, , 253. 

Walter, 253. 

Marbottle, 49. 

Marcellus, 59. 

March (Marsh), George, martyr, 184, 
271. 

Margaret, Queen of James iv., xv, xxx. 

Maries, the Three, 15, 16. 

Marke, 313. 

Markham, Sir John, 195. 

Markle, 47. 

Markstone, Laird of, 146. 

Marshal, The Lord, see Grey, William. 

Marshalsea, the, 172, 175, 186. 

Martyrs, Register of, 259-288. 

Marven, Sir John, 150. 

Mary I., Queen of England, xxi-xxviii, 
xxx, xxxiii, \']0 sqq. ; coronation of, 
182-183; behaviour during Wyatt's 
rebellion, 190-191 ; marriage of, 193, 
212, 239; her titles, 201: her per- 
secutions, 179, 265 sqq.; and Calais, 
290 sqq. ; death of, 331-332; other 
references to, 220 sqq., 336, 362-363, 

396. 

Mary, Queen of Scots, xvi, xviii, xxx, 
xxxiv-xxxv, 68-69, 301, 453; her 
burial, 475-484. 

Mary of Lorraine, Queen Regent of 
Scotland, 139, 336. 

Mase (Mace), John, martyr at Colches- 
ter, 277. 

Mason, Sir John, 173, 174. 

Mass, the, 160-169, 172. 

Massingberd, , 315. 



123. 



172. 



Massingberd, Sir Thomas, 13. 

Matilda, the Empress, xxiii. 

Matthew, St., quoted, 71-72, 74-75,378. 

Maxwell, Richard, 93. 

May, the island of, 39. 

Mechlin, 433. 

Medes, the, 83. 

Medusa, 98. 

Meinthorn, 147. 

Mellerstane, Laird of, 146. 

Melville, Andrew, 481. 

Merchant Adventurers at Antwerp, 

420, 423-424, 427, 441, 444-446. 
Mercurius quoted, 83, 
Mering, Margaret, 2812. 
Mersington, 147. 
Merton, Laird of, 146. 
Methem, Sir Thomas, 12. 
Mewtys, Sir Peter, 78, 88, 
Meyther, Andrew, 147. 
Middlesex, Sheriff of, 170- 
Middleton, Humphrey, 271. 
Milk Castle, 152, 156. 
Milles, Thomas, 278. 
Milner, Simon, 281. 
Milton, 210, 211. 

Milwright, , martyr, 277. 

Mimms, 341. 

Minge, William, martyr at Maidstone, 

271. 
Mirepoix, M. de, 3. 
Molse, Prince de, 3. 
Moncaldo, Hugo de, 488. 
Monde, Sir Thomas, 211, 213, 214. 
Mondragon, Christophe de, Colonel, 

297-298, 324-325- 
Montagu, Sir Edward, 481. 

Elizabeth, Lady, 481. 

Monteagle, Lord, 13. 
Montigues, M. de, 3. 
Montmorency, Anne de, 3. 

Moore, , Clerk of the Cheque, 187. 

Moorgate, 252. 
Morant, William, 280. 
Mordaunt, Elizabeth, Lady, 481. 

Sir John, 13. 

Lewis, Lord, 479. 

More, Henry, 184. 

Sir Thomas, 148. 

Morgan of Salisbury Court, dicer, 185. 

Serjeant, 173-174. 

alias Robyns, Thomas, 196. 

Morgyson (Margison), 8. 
Morice, Sii- Christopher, 42, 44. 

Ralph, XV «., 29, 35. 

K 1 



SH 



Tudor Tracts 



Mories, Margery, 281. 
Morpeth, 80. 

Morris, , II7- 

Moutrell, , 127. 

Mowbray, Barbara, 481. 

Mowe, Laird of, 146. 

Moyle, Sir Thomas, 242, 244, 255. 

Mudwin, Saint, 73. 

Miimpsimus, 174. 

Munday, Anthony, 451, 453-455» 462, 

46s, 469, 471-472. 
Murray (Moray), James Stewart, Earl 

of, 40. 
Musgrave, Cuthbert, 135. 

Jack of, 249. 

Musselburgh, 47, 64, 129, 138. 

battle of, see Pinkie. 

Myddelton, Sir Geoffrey, 14. 

Mylnefeld, 48. 

Myssenden (? Missenden), Sir Thomas, 

13- 

Navarette, 436. 

Navarre, Jean d'Albret, King of, 

3, 4- 
Needham, Sir Robert, 13. 
Negro, Sir Pedro, 150. 
Nesle, 307, 308, 312. 
Netherlands, see Flanders. 
Nevers, Comte de, 3. 

Comte Louis de, 3. 

Neville, Henry, Lord Abergavenny, 

209, 212, 214-218, 220-228,231-232, 

235. 238, 242, 244-245. 

Sir Thomas, 151. 

Newbattle Abbey, 47. 
Newbury, martyrs at, 278. 
Newcastle-on-Tyne, 39, 64, 79, 80, 82, 

138, 150-151- 
Newgate prison, 175-178, 180, 182, 

189, 240, 271, 274. 

market, 406. 

Newhaven or Newnam (France), 61. 

Newman, , ironmonger, 189. 

John, martyr, 273. 

Newnam Bridge, 6, 291, 293, 304-319, 

passim. 
Newton, martyrs at, 279. 
Nichols, Richard, martyr at Colchester, 

277. 

William, 283. 

Nicodemus, 172. 
Noel, Sir Andrew, 480. 

Lady, 481. 

Norfolk, Duke of, see Howard. 



Norham, 49. 

Normandy, 14. 

Norris, Sir John, 13, 187, 190, 192, 

363- 
Norroy king-at-arms, 139, 142. 
Northampton, martyrs at, 279. 

Marquis of, see Parr. 

Northumberland, Duke of, see Dudley. 
Norwich Nobody, see Hopton, John. 

martyrs at, 281-284. 

Harry, 327. 

Numitius, 157. 

Oberstein, Count, 434-435, 442. 
Ogilvy, Master of, 133. 
Orange, Prince of, see William. 
Orleans, Due d', see Henry. 
Ormiston, Laird of, 141, 146. 

William, of Endmerden, 147. 

Ornaments, Rubric, xxxi. 

Orpington, 458, 471. 

Orwin, Thomas, 502. 

Osmande, Thomas, martyr, 271. 

Oswold, John, 277. 

Otford, 227. 

Otterburn, 49. 

Outings Castle, 61. 

Ovid quoted, 56, 98. 

Owen, Dr., 340. 

Oxford, 195, 409-418. 

Padua, 59. 

Paget, William, Lord, 54, 173-174, 

359- 
Painter, George, 274. 

Gregory, 275. 

Ivan, 275. 

Pallas, 98. 

Palmer, Sir Henry, 298, 304, 322- 

324- 

Julius, 278. 

Sir Thomas, 185. 

Papacy, the, ix-xi. 

Papist practices, 72-73, 456, 501. 

Paris, 8, 300, 301, 420. 

Bishop of, 3. 

judgment of, 25. 

Parker, Sir Heni^, 12. 

Parliament, x, xxxi, xxxvi, 29, 30. 

Parr, William, Marquis of Northamp- 
ton, 261. 

Parrat, Sir John, 380, 383. 

Parret, Thomas, 278. 

Parsons, Robert, xxxiii, 452. 

Partridge, Sir Miles, 89, 149, 185. 



Index 



515 



Paston, Clement, 120, 124. 

Paternoster Row, 502. 

Patten William, Expedition into 

Scotland, xix n., 53-157. 
Pattinghani, Patrick, 273. 
Paul, Saint, quoted, 71, 74, 179, 267, 

336- 
Paul IV., 71. 
Paulet, Sir Amias, 420. 
William, Marquis of Winchester, 

343, 352, 404. 
Payne, John, a priest, 453-454, 471-474. 
Pease (Peaths