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Full text of "An English garner; ingatherings from our history and literature"

LIBRARY 

THE UNIVERSITY 
OF CALIFORNIA 

SANTA BARBARA 

PRESENTED BY 

MRS. DONALD KELLOGG 



This unfamiliar portrait of James VI. of Scotland 
represents the King: at the ag-e of 35. two years before 
his translation to England as James I. It is the work 
of a Flemish engraver, and is one of the embellishments 
of John Johnston's [Jonstonus] InscripUones HIstoricae 
Regum Scotonim of 1602. It gives a very different 
idea of the English Solomon from the portrait by Van 
Somer in the National Portrait Gallery. 



THE PENSHURST EDITION 

OF 

an Cn^ltsl) (garner 

INGATHERINGS FROM OUR 
HISTORY AND LITERATURE 



EDITED BY 



PROFESSOR EDWARD ARBER 




PENSMUUST 



LONDON 

ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO. LTD. 

1909 



This Editio7t is limited to 750 copies 
for England and A merica 



No.. 



.l,..i.J... 



Edinburgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

PAGB 

Sir Robert Carey. Account of the Death of Queen Elizabeth. . I 

The True Narration of the Entertainment of his Majesty from 
his departure from Edinburgh till his receiving at 
London. By T. M., 1603, .II 

King James, his Entertainment at Theobald's. By John 

Savile, 1603, ■ • 53 

Time Triumphant. By Gilbert Dugdale, 1604, .... 69 

The Commentaries of Sir Francis Vere. Published by William 

Dillingham, 1657, . . 83 

Sir Thomas Overbury, his Observations in his Travels, upon the 

state of the Seventeen Provinces, etc., 1626, , , . 211 

The Interpreter, 1622, 233 

The famous and wonderful Recovery of a Ship of Bristol, 
called the Exchange, from the Turkish Pirates of Argier, 
1625, 247 

Three to One : being an English-Spanish Combat. By Richard 

Peeke, 1622, 275 

A true Relation of a brave Stratagem practised upon a Sea-town 

in Galicia, 1626, 299 

The Sequestration of Archbishop Abbot from all his ecclesi- 
astical offices in 1627. By John Rushworth (1659), . . 309 

Thomas Lord Fairfax. Short Memorials of some things to be 
cleared during my Command in the Army, and A Short 
Memorial of the Northern Actions during the war there. 
To which is added An Epitaph on Lord Fairfax by 
George Duke of Buckingham, . . . , . • 35' 



vi Stuart Tracts 

PAQS 

A true Relation of Major-General Sir Thomas Morgan's Progress 
in France and Flanders with the Six Thousand English 
in the years 1657 and 1658. 1699, 403 

England's Joy, or a Relation of the most remarkable passages 
from his Majesty's Arrival at Dover to his Entrance at 
Whitehall, 1660, 425 

'— A Relation of the Great Sufferings and Strange Adventures of 

Henry Pitman, 1689, 431 

A true and exact Account of the Retaking of a Ship called the 
Friends' Adventure of Topsham, from the French. By 
Robert Lyde, 1693, 477 



INTRODUCTION 

The tracts which stand first in this volume describe the 
accession of James I. and the rejoicings which accompanied 
his progress from Scotland to London. To them is 
prefixed, in order to explain the narratives followed, Sir 
Robert Carey's account of the circumstances of Queen 
Elizabeth's death, and of the manner in which he brought 
the news to Edinburgh. Carey, whose Memoirs were first 
published by the Earl of Cork in 1759, was the youngest son 
of Henry Carey, first Lord Hunsdon, and the grandson of 
Mary, sister of Ann Boleyn. His kinship to the Queen 
and his gifts as a courtier secured him the favour of 
Elizabeth, and when that sovereign died he held the office 
of Warden of the Middle Marches. As soon as Carey 
perceived that her end was near, he resolved to use the 
opportunity to gain the favour of her successor, in the 
conviction, as he tells us, that it was neither ' unjust nor 
unhonest' for him to do so. The candid selfishness of his 
defence explains his character, but contemporaries as well 
as later historians censured his haste to profit by the death 
of his kinswoman and benefactress. * It hath set so wide 
a mark of ingratitude on him,' writes Weldon, 'that it will 
remain to posterity a greater blot than the honour he 
obtained afterwards will ever wipe out.'^ Carey would 
willingly have borne this creneral censure, but what he 
could not endure without lamenting was the failure of the 

* Secret History of the Court of James I,, i. p. 314. 

vn 



viii Stuart Tracts 

hopes which he had built upon the gratitude of the King. 
James had at once appointed the welcome messenger one 
of the gentlemen of his bedchamber, but after he reached 
England he dismissed Carey from this post, and forgot to 
fulfil his promises of further preferment. The cause which 
led to Carey's removal was no doubt a representation 
addressed by the Council to the King, in which they 
stigmatised Carey's conduct as 'contrary to such command- 
ments as we had power to lay upon him, and to all decency, 
good manners, and respect' However, later in the reign 
he succeeded in obtaining the offices and titles he desired, 
becoming successively master of the robes and chamberlain 
to Prince Charles, and being created Baron of Leppington 
(1622), and finally Earl of Monmouth (1626). He died in 
1639. 

While the account of the last days of Queen Elizabeth 
given in Carey's Mernoirs is valuable as being the report of 
an eye-witness, it should not be forgotten that he was 
influenced by the desire to construe the acts and words of 
the Queen in the manner most favourable to the claim of 
James I. Elizabeth had always been reluctant to name a 
successor, and even when she was dying this reluctance was 
as strong as ever. A recent historian gives good reason 
for doubting whether she so explicitly nominated James as 
Carey asserts : — 

' On her dying day her Council ventured a first and last 
despairing effort to obtain from her such assent to their 
negotiations as would place James's title beyond cavil ; and 
although representations have been made that the effort 
was successful, there is little valid ground for crediting the 
Queen, even in her last hours, with any modification of her 
resolve to leave the subject of the succession severely alone. 



I 



Introduction ix 

The French ambassador is solely responsible for the state- 
ment that she at an earlier period admitted by word of 
mouth that " the King of Scotland would hereafter become 
King of Great Britain." More trustworthy witnesses 
merely depose that on two occasions in her latest weeks, 
when the comments of others in her presence compelled her 
to break silence, she took refuge in oracular utterances 
which owe all their significance to the interpretation that 
their hearers deemed it politic to place on them. 

' Before leaving London she is said to have told the Earl 
of Nottingham that " her throne had always been the throne 
of kings, and none but her next heir of blood and descent 
should succeed her." " Her next heir of blood and descent" 
was, in the eyes of the law. Lord Beauchamp. The vague 
phrases attest her settled policy of evasion. According to 
Sir Robert Carey, on the Wednesday afternoon before her 
death, " she made for her Council to be called, and by putting 
her hand to her head when the King of Scotland was named 
to succeed her, they all knew he was the man she desired 
should reign after her." Throughout her illness her hand 
had passed restlessly to and from her head, and a definite 
meaning could only attach to the sign in the sight of 
those who, like the reporter, were already pledged to seat 
James VI. in her place. Lady Southwell gives a more 
disinterested account of this episode of the Wednesday 
afternoon. The Council were not invited to the royal 
presence, as Carey avers. They demanded admittance " to 
know whom " the dying Queen " would have for King." 
She could barely speak, but made what preparation her 
waning strength permitted for the interview. The Coun- 
cillors desired her to lift her finger when they named whom 
she approved. They mentioned the King of France ; she 



X Stuart Tracts 

did not stir. They spoke of the King of Scotland ; she 
made no sign. They named Lord Beauchamp, the rightful 
heir under Henry Vlll.'s unrepealed settlement. Then only 
did Elizabeth rouse herself, and with something of her old 
vivacity she gasped, " I will have no rascal's son to sit in 
my seat, but one worthy to be a king." These are the only un- 
questioned words which afford any clue to the Queen's wishes 
respecting her successor. At the best they are negative, and 
cannot be tortured into a formal acceptance of James.' ^ 

After Carey's account of how he brought the good news 
to Edinburgh follow three narratives describing the pro- 
gress of James from Edinburgh to London, and his recep- 
tion by his new subjects. All three are reprinted and 
copiously annotated by John Nichols in his Progresses of 
King James I. (vol. i. pp. 53, 135, 408). Very little 13 
known of their authors. T. M., the author of the true 
narration, was probably an inhabitant of Berwick, from 
the particularity with which he describes incidents which 
happened there. John Savile, author of King James 
his Entertainment at Theobald's, is mentioned by Anthony 
Wood in his Athence, but merely as 'a pretender to poetry,* 
patronised by the young spark to whom the 'Entertain- 
ment is dedicated.' Of Gilbert Dugdale, the author of 
Time Triumphant, nothing at all is known. Perhaps, as 
Nichols suggests, he was the ' old man of the age of three 
score and nineteen,' who had seen the changes of four 
Kings and Queens, and had prepared a political address 
to his new sovereign, which he printed in spite of the fact 
that it was never delivered. 

The unfeigned rejoicing by which the accession of 
James was hailed was due to the relief of the nation at 

' Mr. Sidney L,ee. Cornhill Magazine, 1897, vol. Ixxv. p. 302, 



Introduction xi 

the peaceful settlement of a much disputed question, 
which might have caused a destructive civil war. The 
union of the two crowns of England and Scotland added 
to the public satisfaction. James himself by his affability 
and graciousness increased the popularity which he origin- 
ally owed to circumstances. T. M., who was possibly a 
soldier, relates with great approbation, that the King, to 
show his respect to ' the art military,' fired a shot out of a 
cannon, and did it ' with such sign of experience that the 
most expert gunner there beheld it not without admira- 
tion.' He applauds with equal fervour the King's ' merry 
and well-seasoned jests,' adding that all his words were 
'of full weight, and his jests filled with the salt of wit,' 
and that they were ' no less gracious ' than ' facetious and 
pleasant' One characteristic of the new sovereign he 
notes which other observers do not. ' This is one especial 
note in his Majesty. Any man that hath aught with him, 
let him be sure he have a just cause, for he beholds all 
men's faces with stedfastness.' 

To cultivate popularity with his people, James over- 
came for a time the dislike to crowds, which was one of 
his characteristics. The Duke in Shakespeare's Measure 
for Measure, who expresses a similar distaste, has been 
supposed to represent the King in this — 

'"I love the people," 
But do not like to stage me to their eyes ; 
Though it do well, I do not relish well 
Their loud applause and Aves vehement ; 
Nor do I think the man of safe discretion 
That does affect it.' 

(Act I. so. i. 1. 68.) 

At first, however, James affected this applause. A coach 
was offered him when he entered York in order to convey 



xii Stuart Tracts 

him to the Minster. But he graciously answered, *I will 
have no coach. For the people are desirous to see a king, 
and so they shall ; for they shall as well see his body as 
his face,' Accordingly, 'to the great comfort of the people, 
he went on foot to the Cathedral.' 

So far T. M., but Dugdale sounds a different note. By 
the time he reached London James was weary of crowds, 
and so the last of these three pamphleteers seizes the 
opportunity afforded by the King's visit to the Royal 
Exchange to rebuke the irreverent multitude for not 
respecting their monarch's desire to be private. * You will 
say, perchance,' concludes Dugdale, * " It was your love." 
Will you, in love, press upon your sovereign thereby to 
offend him ? Your sovereign may, perchance, mistake your 
love, and punish it as an offence.' 

Once again we are reminded of Measure for Measure. 
* Even so,' says Angelo, 

• The general, subject to a well-wish'd king, 
Quit their own part, and in obsequious fondness 
Crowd to his presence, where their untaught love 
Must needs appear offence.' 

(Act II. sc. iv. 1. 28.) 

Twenty years later James was no longer inconvenienced 
by the love of his subjects, and for him popular applause 
had become a thing of the past. 

Under his son the popularity of the House of Stuart 
revived for a moment, then sank lower than ever. In 1660 
came a reaction, and the English nation, weary of civil 
strife and of new experiments in government, welcomed 
the restoration of monarchy with the same universal and 
extravagant joy with which it had hailed the union of the 
three kingdoms and the accession of James I. 



Introduction xiii 

The relation of the progress of Charles II. from Dover to 
London, entitled England's Joy, forms a kind of pendant 
to the narratives describing the reception of his grand- 
father in England, It is much less detailed and much less 
graphic. In some points, also, the anonymous pamphleteer 
is inferior to the contemporary diarists. His account has 
not the little personal touches which make the description 
of the King's landing given by Pepys of so much interest, 
nor has it the sincere emotion which breathes in the few 
lines Evelyn devotes to the King's entrance into London. 
On the other hand, it contains many picturesque details 
which are to be found nowhere else. We learn how the 
people of Rochester decorated their streets with garlands 
made up of costly scarves and ribbons * decked with spoons 
and bodkins of silver'; how at Blackheath the King was 
met by ' a kind of rural triumph, expressed by the country 
swains in a morrice-dance, with the old music of taber and 
pipe ' ; and we are told for the first time of the ' hundred 
proper maids ' of Deptford, with their ' flaskets full of flowers 
and sweet herbs.' There are also some new details about 
the King's journey through London ; and though the tract 
is of no great historical value, it is sufficiently interesting 
to deserve reprinting. 

To pass from these pictures of pageants and popular 
rejoicings to the serious records of Puritanism is a some- 
what abrupt transition. Two of the tracts in this volume — 
and two only — illustrate the rise of the discontent which 
bore fruit in the Civil War, and both of them deal with the 
religious rather than the political history of the times. But 
though the cause of the breach between the Stuarts and 
their people was more religious than political, religion and 
politics were almost inseparably associated in the struggle 



xiv Stuart Tracts 

from its origin to its close. In practice it was found that 
men who held a certain set of views about Church affairs 
held an equally definite set of views about State affairs, and 
that there was a definite connection between their political 
and their religious creeds. The verse tract called The 
Interpreter, printed in 1622, and probably in Holland, illus- 
trates this connection. The object of its author is to explain 
the political significance of the three familiar names — 
'Puritan,' 'Protestant,' and 'Papist,' but his standpoint is 
throughout that of the members of the first party. Any 
honest man, he complains, if he opposes the Government 
for constitutional or religious reasons, is termed a Puritan. 
Sir Benjamin Rudyard, in one of his most famous speeches 
in the Long Parliament, echoes the complaint of the anony- 
mous author of these verses in words that almost seem 
inspired by him. Speaking of the King's advisers, he says : 
' They have so brought it to pass that under the name of 
Puritans all our religion is branded, and under a few hard 
words against Jesuits all Popery is countenanced. Who- 
soever squares his actions by any rule, either divine or 
human, he is a Puritan ; whosoever would be governed by 
the King's laws, he is a Puritan. He that will not do 
whatsoever other men would have him do, he is a Puritan. 
Their great work, their masterpiece now is, to make all 
those of the religion to be the suspected party of the 
Kingdom.'^ 

This tract also suggests the famous pamphlet called 772!^ 
Character of a Trimmer^ written by Halifax about December 
1684, and first published in 1688. Just as Halifax sets 
forth the views of a moderate man on the questions of 
hereditary monarchy, foreign politics, ecclesiastical policy, 

^ May, History of the Long Parliament, p. 73, ed. 1854. 



Introduction xv 

and other subjects of controversy, so the author of the 
earlier tract sets forth the opinions held by a moderate 
member of the opposition to James on the different points 
at issue between the popular party and the Government. 
But the difference between the halting verse of the first 
pamphleteer and the nervous prose of the second is more 
striking than the resemblance between their method of 
treatment. 

The progress of the national opposition to the govern- 
ment of the Stuarts is further illustrated by Archbishop 
Abbot's narrativ..' of his own sequestration from all his 
ecclesiastical offices. Born in 1562, made a bishop in 1609, 
and Archbishop of Canterbury since 161 1, Abbot became 
popular with the Puritans, because he adhered firmly to 
Calvinistic doctrine and opposed the Spanish marriage. 
Clarendon describes him as ' a man of very morose 
manners and a very sour aspect, which in that time was 
called gravity,' who * considered Christian religion no other 
than as it abhorred and reviled Popery and valued those 
men most who did that most furiously.' Puritan historians 
naturally took a more favourable view, and Whitelocke 
writes that Abbot left behind him 'the memory of a pious, 
learned, and moderate prelate.' As he was a man who had 
the courage of his convictions, the archbishop had not 
hesitated to defy King James when that monarch ordered 
him to marry the Earl of Somerset to the divorced Countess 
of Essex. He next defied King Charles in defence of the 
freedom of the subject. In 1626, after his rupture with 
his second Parliament, Charles levied a forced loan to 
provide for his military and naval expenditure. Chief- 
Justice Crew was ordered to sign a paper certifying the 
legality of the loan, and was dismissed from office upon 



xvi Stuart Tracts 

his refusal. The King determined to procure for his 
exaction the sanction of the highest authority of the 
Church, so, like Crew, Abbot was summoned to declare 
himself. The demand took the shape of requisition 
to him to license the sermon which Dr. Robert Sibthorpe 
had preached before the judges at the Northampton 
Assizes. Its title was ' Apostolic Obedience, showing the 
Duty of Subjects to pay Tribute and Taxes to their 
Princes,' and its doctrine was that no Christian could 
refuse the loan the King demanded. Abbot relates the 
attempts made to cajole or threaten him into acquiescence 
with the King's desire, and the nature of the objections 
which led him to decline, and so caused his sequestration. 
Incidentally he sketches the characters of his two chief 
enemies, Laud and Buckingham, and defends his friendship 
with two of the leaders of the opposition, Sir Dudley 
Digges and Sir Thomas Wentworth. 

Three of the tracts reprinted in this volume are narratives 
by military commanders of the campaigns and battles in 
which they took part. Of these the most valuable by far 
is that by Sir Francis Vere. He and his younger brother, 
Sir Horace, were the most famous of the school of English 
soldiers who fought in the wars of the Netherlands, and, 
having learned the art of war there, placed their skill at 
the disposal of their country when either Elizabeth or 
James had need of it. Excellent lives of both the brothers 
are contained in the Dictionary of National Biography^ but 
the fullest account of their services is to be found in the 
volume entitled The Fighting Veres, published by Sir 
Clements Markham in 1888. Anything in Vere's Com- 
mentaries which needs explanation will be found explained 
there, though, like most biographers, the author is a little 



I 



Introduction xvii 

too much inclined to maintain that his hero was always 
in the right. 

The Commentaries^ which became at once a military 
classic, were first published in 1657. They had for many 
years before this passed from hand to hand in manuscript, 
and copies had been multiplied for the benefit of those 
who desired to learn from the famous soldier's recollections 
how battles should be fought or to study the history of 
the time in which he lived. Vere did not write his 
Commentaries for publication : at most, it is probable they 
were designed to be communicated to a few other soldiers. 
Hence the fragmentary condition in which they are, necessi- 
tating the additional narratives from the pen of his comrade, 
Sir John Ogle, and his page, Henry Hexham, which are 
here inserted. The object of the Commentaries was not 
autobiographical, and hence they do not give an account of 
all the actions in which he took part, but only of some 
of them. Vere wished to discuss simply those actions in 
which, as commander or adviser, he played a leading part; 
and though he naturally vindicated his own conduct when- 
ever it had been called in question, his main purpose was 
to explain the military causes of failure or success for the 
benefit of soldiers. The number and the nature of the 
details which he gives show this. Look, for instance, at 
the account given of the capture of the fort at Wesel, 
and the minuteness with which Vere describes the prepara- 
tions for the escalade, and calls attention to a new 
manner of assaulting which, * well considered, is of wonderful 
advantage.' In the same way, when he relates the action 
at Turnhout, he dwells minutely upon the tactics by which, 
with a small force, he delayed the march of a numerous 
enemy, and gave time for the rest of the prisoners to come 



xviii Stuart Tracts 

up. He notes also the mistake made by the enemy in 
drawing up their battalions of pike one behind the other 
instead of posting them chequerwise or in some other 
formation which would have enabled them to support each 
other. Notice also the detailed account of the manner in 
which the Dutch and English cavalry broke these squares 
of pikemen : ' We charged their pikes, not breaking through 
them at the first push, as it was anciently used by the 
men-of-arms with their barbed horses: but as the long 
pistols, delivered at hand, had made the ranks thin, so 
thereupon the rest of the horse got within them.' The 
picture of the battle in the original edition of the Cojn- 
mentaries shows this process admirably. 

The most important battle in which Vere was engaged 
was that at Nieuport in 1600. Before this the Dutch 
armies had never beaten the Spaniards in the open country 
in a pitched battle. Their successes had been gained in the 
attack or defence of fortified places. The Spanish foot 
were still renowned as the best infantry in Europe, and 
those who fought at Nieuport were 'old trained soldiers 
and to that day unfoiled in the field.' Their discipline and 
their solidity were their chief characteristics, while the 
strength of the infantry who served under the Dutch 
colours lay chiefly in their superior mobility. * Unluckily,' 
says Vere, * by the situation of the country that skill and 
dexterity we presumed to excel our enemy in (which was 
the apt and agile motions of our battalions) was utterly 
taken from us.' Prince Maurice and his army had to fight 
a defensive battle with an inferior force and in a disadvan- 
tageous position. The 4000 infantry forming Maurice's 
van, under the command of Vere, bore the brunt of the 
fighting. The task which Vere set himself was to make 



Introduction xix 

the enemy expend their strength in the attack upon the 
van, so that when they were disordered and spent by the 
struggle they might be easily overthrown by the rest of the 
Dutch army. He describes the conformation of the ground, 
the dispositions by which he made the most of it, and the 
manner in which he used his small force to the best advan- 
tage. Through the tardiness of his reserves Vere's force 
was nearly overwhelmed, but an opportune charge of horse 
decided the fate of the day and justified his tactics. 

Vere has been charged with taking all the credit of the 
victory to himself and the troops under his command, and 
with ignoring the services of others ; but if his account is 
rightly read, it is evident that he does not profess to narrate 
the battle as a whole but only his particular part of it. His 
object is to state a military problem and show how it was 
solved, not to write a history. The controversy about the 
battle of Nieuport and the value of Vere's contribution to 
its history may be studied at length in Motley's United 
Netherlands, iv. 14-51 ; Markham's Fighting Veres, pp. 278- 
305 ; and Dalton's Life of Sir Edward Cecil, i. 47-59. 

There are two parts of Vere's narrative which have a 
special interest for English readers : his account of the 
capture of Cadiz in 1596, and his account of what was called 
The Islands Voyage, that is the expedition to the Azores in 
1597' Fortunately, both these subjects have recently been 
treated at length and very competently by Mr. Julian 
Corbett in his Successors of Drake (1900). Speaking of 
Vere's account in a critical appendix, Mr. Corbett says : 
'It is especially valuable for technical details and the light 
it throws on the true intention of the tactics employed ; 
but throughout it is a studied apology for the author, 
probably exaggerating the part he played and minimising 



XX Stuart Tracts 

that of officers he disliked, such as Raleigh.' In his nar- 
rative, however, Mr. Corbett is much more favourable to 
Vere, whom he praises as ' the greatest of the Elizabethan 
generals.' He confirms many of Vere's statements, and 
supplies the information which explains the carping, critical 
attitude adopted by Vere towards Raleigh and Essex. 
Towards Raleigh, Vere is extremely hostile, and, as Mr. 
Corbett says, his testimony against him must never be 
accepted without confirmation. Essex, whose relations with 
himself Vere narrates at some length, he justified when his 
conduct as commander of the expedition to the Azores was 
called in question by Elizabeth. But when Vere speaks of 
Essex it is always with something of the contempt with 
which the professional soldier is inclined to regard the 
amateur, however excellent the amateur's intentions may 
be. This feeling is shown in Vere's remarks on the dis- 
orderly manner in which the storming of Cadiz was managed, 
and again in his account of the landing at Terceira. Of the 
latter he says : — 

* His Lordship, as his fashion was, would be of the first to 
land ; and I, that had learned me of his disposition^ took upon 
me the care of sending the boats after him. . . . His Lord- 
ship himself took great pains to put his men in order ; and 
for that I perceived he took delight to do all, in good manners 
and respect I gave the looking on.' In each case the com- 
mander-in-chief was doing what a general who knew his 
business would have left to some capable subordinate. The 
scene described by Vere in the market-place at Villa Franca 
when Essex, instead of listening to Vere's report of the 
movements of the enemy and the preparations which he 
had made to meet them, 'called for tobacco' and began 
smoking, shows that some resentment for personal incivility 



Introduction xxi 

may have been mingled with Vere's contempt. Vere also 
complains that he was excluded from the consultations in 
which the conduct of the expedition was decided. 

In addition to all this the usual hostility between the 
naval and military commanders in joint expeditions mani- 
fested itself in both these two, and helps to colour Vere's 
narrative. While his opinions on military matters may be 
confidently accepted, many of the disputed questions con- 
nected with the management of both expeditions were 
matters on which the admirals were better judges than he 
was. 

One more point requires notice. Vere describes himself 
as drawing up, at the outset of the expedition to Cadiz, a 
paper setting down in writing the duties which properly 
belonged to every rank of officer in the army. A 
manuscript of this document is in the British Museum.^ 
It was published in 1672 under the title of 'Sir Francis 
Vere's Notes of Direction how far every man's office in a 
regiment doth extend and the duty of every officer,' in 
Thomas Venn's Military and Maritime Discipline (folio, 
1672, pp. 186-193). 

The Commentaries end suddenly with the repulse of the 
attack of the Spaniards on Ostend on July 25, 1601, though 
Vere's command there lasted until March 7, 1602. It was 
his last considerable exploit. In 1604, when James I. made 
peace with Spain, Vere retired from the Dutch service and 
returned to England, where he married, became Governor 
of Portsmouth, and died on August 28, 1609, at the early 
age of forty-nine. His brother. Sir Horace, who was five 
years younger, continued in the Dutch service till 1632, 
earning almost as much glory as Sir Francis. In English 
^ Harleian, MS. 168,/. 120; also Cotton MS. Galba D. xii. 



xxii Stuart Tracts 

history his name is remembered as the commander of the 
little expedition sent by James I. to the Palatinate in 1620 
and for his valiant defence of Mannheim against the 
Spaniards in 1622. Sir Horace, who was created Baron 
Vere of Tilbury on 24th July 1625, died in 1635. 

The history of the portion of Sir Francis Vere's command 
at Ostend, which he left untold, was supplied by two of 
his subordinates, Sir John Ogle and Henry Hexham. Ogle, 
who was Vere's lieutenant-colonel, related the last charge 
at the battle of Nieuport and the story of the parley at 
Ostend. He became subsequently Governor of Utrecht, 
left the service of the States-General in 161 8, was one of 
the Council of War appointed by James I. in 1624, as 
a sort of Committee of National Defence, and died in 
March 1640. Henry Hexham, Vere's page, whom we see 
on p. 181 pulling up the stockings and tying the points of 
his master's habits, contributed accounts of several episodes 
in the siege, and in especial of the great assault made 
by the Spaniards on January 7, 1602. He became a 
voluminous military writer ; and his Principles of the Art 
Military ^ first published in 1637, was one of the most 
popular textbooks for the soldiers of the early seventeenth 
century. Besides this he compiled an excellent dictionary 
of the Dutch and English languages. Some account of 
Hexham is given in the supplement to the Dictionary of 
National Biography^ where it is said that he probably died 
about 1650. 

The long struggle of the Dutch for their freedom ended 
in 1609 with a twelve years' truce, though Spain did not 
formally acknowledge their independence till 1648. A 
tract by Sir Thomas Overbury contains an account of the 
economic and political condition both of the United 



Introduction xxiii 

Provinces and of the part of the Netherlands which still 
remained subject to Spain. Overbury's little work is not 
so valuable as the more elaborate and better-known account 
of Holland written by Sir William Temple sixty years 
later, but it is interesting as giving the impressions of a 
contemporary traveller at the moment when the War of 
Independence ended. It supplies also a description of 
the field in which the exploits of Vere and his comrades 
took place. 

The two Veres were the heads of a school of soldiers 
who learnt the art of war under their command. A list of 
the most notable of these officers is given by the editor of 
the Commentaries, and the most famous name amongst 
them is that of Sir Thomas Fairfax, the Parliamentary 
General. Fairfax, who had served under Sir Horace, 
married in 1637 Anne Vere, the daughter of his old 
commander, and his memoirs appropriately accompany 
those of Vere. Neither of the two papers written by 
Fairfax was published till after his death. His nephew, 
Brian Fairfax, who printed them in 1699, explains his 
reasons for doing so in a letter prefixed to the original 
edition. Brian says that his uncle's manuscript ' was never 
intended by him to be published, but to remain for the 
satisfaction of himself and his relations.' Nevertheless 
imperfect copies of them had got abroad. * And this being 
an age wherein every man presumes to print what he 
pleases of his own or other men's, we are plainly told, that 
my Lord Fairfax's memorials are ready to be published, and 
by the very same person who has lately set forth some 
memoirs, wherein his Lordship is scarce ever named but 
with reproach.' The publications alluded to are probably 
the Memoirs of Lord Holies and those of Edmund Ludlow, 



Xxiv Stuart Tracts 

but especially the former, which contains the most direct 
personal attacks upon Fairfax. For this reason Brian 
thought that he was doing his uncle a service in publishing 
this vindication of his political conduct and the narrative 
of his military services which follow it. The history of 
the MS. is traced in Markham's Life of the Great Lord 
Fairfax, p. 393, and in the Sixth Report of the Historical 
Manuscripts Commission, p. 465. The best version in print 
is that in the Antiquarian Repertory, vol. iii. 1808, for Brian 
Fairfax made a number of small changes in the text which 
are reproduced in the reprints in the Somers Tracts and 
in the Select Tracts of Maseres. 

The first memoir is simply a vindication. Fairfax 
describes himself as more anxious to clear his actions than 
declare them, and selects for the purpose ' those actions 
which seemed to the world most questionable.' On some 
points his defence may be accepted without hesitation. 
For instance, there is no reason for doubting that he did not 
seek for the command of the New Model army, and accepted 
it for public motives not for selfish ends. As little doubt is 
there that he had no hand in the seizure of King Charles I. 
at Holdenby, and was sincerely opposed to the execution 
of the King. Brian Fairfax tells us that he could never 
speak of the King's death without tears in his eyes, and 
a contemporary rumour describes Cromwell as necessitated 
to set guards over Fairfax to prevent him from endeavour- 
ing to release Charles. More doubtful is the success of 
Fairfax in vindicating his conduct with respect to the 
execution of Lucas and Lisle after the capture of Col- 
chester. The question has been much controverted, and to 
give the arguments at length in this Introduction would 
require too much space. It may be briefly stated that by 



Introduction xxv 

the capitulation Fairfax had a perfect right to execute the 
two knights if he thought fit to do so. On the other hand, 
the more merciful course of handing them over to the civil 
authority to be tried and sentenced would have been fairer 
and wiser. This was the course adopted with regard to the 
peers taken prisoners at the same time. So far as concerns 
Fairfax's performance of the articles on which these 
prisoners surrendered his defence is sound enough. The 
question is amply discussed in Mr. Gardiner's History of 
the Great Civil War (iv. p. 205). 

Yet in spite of the fact that Fairfax successfully vindicates 
himself on some particular points, there is no doubt that he 
misrepresents his own attitude during the events which 
followed the attempt of Parliament to disband the army in 
the spring of 1647. All contemporary evidence goes to 
prove that he was not the passive and unwilling agent he 
represents himself as being. Cromwell was more energetic 
and more prominent in the quarrel ; but Fairfax was by no 
means a mere puppet in Cromwell's hands. During 1647 
he seems to have been in perfect agreement with the other 
leaders of the army in the policy adopted. His difference 
with them began in 1648, but did not come to a head until 
the King's trial. It is somewhat difficult to fix his exact 
part in events, and consequently the precise amount of his 
responsibility, but an attempt is made to do so in the life 
of Fairfax contributed to the Dictionary of the National 
Biography by the present writer.^ 

The feebleness of Fairfax as a politician was in striking 
contrast to his vigour and boldness as a soldier. It recalls 
Whitelocke's description of the difference between Fairfax 

^ See also Mr. Gardiner's History of the Great Civil War, iii. pp. 308, 350 ; 
iv. p. 304, and the Clarke Papers, ii. pp. 146, 147. 



xxvi Stuart Tracts 

in council and Fairfax in battle. He describes the General 
as ' a person of as meek and humble carriage as ever I saw 
in great employment, and but of (qw words in discourse or 
council.' On the other hand, continues Whitelocke, ' in 
action in the field I have seen him so highly transported 
that scarce any one durst speak a word to him, and he 
would seem more like a man distracted and furious than 
of his ordinary mildness.' 

There are signs of this Fairfax in the second of the two 
narratives printed here. He was not the man to boast of 
his own deeds, as he proved on many occasions, but he was 
obliged to give some account of them by the purpose which 
he set before himself in writing, ' My silence,' he says, 
* seemed to accuse me of ingratitude to God for the many 
mercies and deliverances I have had. . . . Wherefore I shall 
set down, as they come into my mind, such things wherein 
I have found the wonderful assistance of God to me in 
the time of the war I was in in the north.' Just in the 
same way another soldier of the time. Sir William Waller, 
drew up a few pages of recollections, consisting almost 
entirely of a list of his remarkable escapes from the perils 
and accidents to which a military career had exposed him, 
attributing these escapes as Fairfax does to divine assistance. 
For this reason, therefore, Fairfax is led to say more about 
his personal share than he otherwise would have done. We 
see him always charging at the head of his men and expos- 
ing himself with reckless courage. At Sherburn, for 
instance, the royalists had barricaded the streets of the 
town, and Fairfax and his troops had to take one of these 
defences. ' At the end of the barricade, there was a straight 
passage for one single horse to go in. I entered there, and 
others followed one by one.' At the capture of Wakefield 



Introduction xxvii 

he gets so far ahead of his men that he has a narrow escape 
of being taken, and much the same thing happens to him 
in the fight at Selby and at Marston Moor. In the retreat 
from Bradford, Fairfax and a dozen others charge three 
hundred horse, and six of them cut their way through. He 
gives a pretty full account of Marston Moor, where, besides 
narrating his own escape, he had to explain the defeat of the 
troops under his command ; but, on the other hand, he says 
little of Winceby, where an opportune flank charge made by 
the horse he led appears to have had a considerable share in 
obtaining the victory. Though he does not undertake to 
give an account of the campaigns themselves, but only of 
his personal share in them, Fairfax's narrative is one of the 
chief authorities for the history of the war in Yorkshire 
from 1642 to 1644. It was not meant for publication, and 
he apologises for not having set down things ' in that 
methodical and polished manner as might have been done ; 
being but intended for my own satisfaction, and the help of 
my memory.' Only the salient incidents of the campaigns 
are therefore related, ' my intention being only to keep in 
mind what I had been present in.' 

The third of the military authors whose narratives are 
here reprinted, is Major General Thomas Morgan. Having 
learnt war in Germany and the Low Countries, he returned 
to take part in the war in the north of England, under the 
command of Fairfax. * One of Sir Thomas's colonels, a little 
man, short and peremptory,' is the manner in which a 
contemporary narrative describes him. During the first 
Civil War Morgan, being expert in sieges, was principally 
employed in the capture of Royalist castles. Later, as 
colonel of a regiment of dragoons, he helped Monck to 
complete the conquest of Scotland, and became finally 



xxviii Stuart Tracts 

second in command of the army in Scotland with the rank 
of Major-General. In 1657 Morgan was sent to Flanders 
as second in command of the six thousand English, whom 
Cromwell sent to help the French against the Spaniards, 
and it is his narrative of their exploits that now requires to 
be criticised. 

The boasting tone of Morgan's narrative is a complete 
contrast to Fairfax's modest account of his adventures. It 
also contrasts very strangely with the style and tone of the 
letters written by Morgan himself during the campaign he 
relates, some of which are printed in Thurloe's State 
Papers. Some historians have doubted in consequence 
whether the narrative was really the work of Morgan, but 
evidence exists to show when and why it was written. 
Dr. Samuel Barrow, an old acquaintance of Morgan's in 
Scotland, thought of writing a history of the period, and 
desired Morgan to draw up an account of the services of 
the six thousand English who were sent by Cromwell to 
serve in the Netherlands. Morgan's answer, which is dated 
1675, ran as follows : — 

' Sir, — Since I see you, I have drawne a foule draught of 
all my proceedings in France and Flanders with the 
six thousand English, and if you have the con- 
veniency to step hither, that you may see them 
before my man writes them faire over, it will doe 
well ; the sooner you come the better it will be, 
seeing you are so desireous to have a viewe of them. 
I shall not need to ad further but that I am, — Your 
very loving friend and servant, 
1675. Tho. Morgan.i 

^ See Thi Academy, February 17, 1892. 



Introduction xxix 

Morgan died about 1679, and the narrative was published 
in 1699. Its value is rather doubtful. Godwin in his 
History of the Commonwealth^ speaking of the battle of the 
Dunes, says : ' There is an absurd narrative of this action, 
printed under the name of General Morgan, the second in 
command, and published in 1699, in which he represents 
the French as cowards, Lockhart a poltroon, and Turenne 
an idiot, and assumes all the honour of the battle and the 
campaign to himself.' Though this criticism is not entirely 
undeserved, it is overstated. Morgan certainly played a more 
important part, both in the battle and the campaign, than 
his nominal commander Lockhart. And it is also certain 
from other sources that the English soldiers he commanded 
did greatly distinguish themselves, both at the battle of the 
Dunes, the storming of Ypres, and elsewhere. But Morgan's 
narrative is so exaggerated and so highly coloured, that it 
cannot safely be followed where it is not confirmed by 
other authorities. Its value lies in the little picturesque 
touches which bring before us the incidents of the battle 
and the character of the English soldier. The shout of 
rejoicing which Morgan's men give when they see the 
enemy, their throwing up their caps in the air, their 
colloquy with the English soldiers serving on the Spanish 
sides, and many similar details, are brought before us with 
incomparable vividness. 

Morgan amusingly describes Turenne's horror and wrath 
when he proposed to assault the outworks of Ypres before 
such an attempt seemed feasible to the French Marshal. 
* He rose up and fell into a passion, stamping with his feet, 
and shaking his locks, and grinning with his teeth, he said, 
"Major-general Morgan had made him mad."' It is only 
fair to add a description of Morgan himself as he appeared 



XXX Stuart Tracts 

to Turenne. After the taking of Dunkirk, we are told by 
Aubrey, Marshal Turenne and Cardinal Mazarin had a mind 
to see the famous English commander : ' They gave him a 
visit, and whereas they thought to have found an Achillean 
or gigantic person, they saw a little man, not many degrees 
above a dwarf, sitting in a hut of turfs with his fellow 
soldiers, smoking a pipe about three inches long, with a 
green hat-case on. He spake with a very exile {i.e. thin 
or shrill) tone, and did cry out to the soldiers when angry 
with them, " Sirrah, I '11 cleave your skull," as if the words 
had been prolated by an eunuch.' 

From the narratives of the soldiers we pass to those 
written by the sailors. They are written by less important 
people, and deal with less important events ; but while they 
contain little information of direct use to historians, they 
are indispensable to those who seek to understand the 
temper of seventeenth century Englishmen. Throughout 
the whole of the century, and indeed much later, the 
English merchant seaman had to face the constant risk of 
capture by the pirates of Algiers or Sallee, in the Atlantic 
as well as the Mediterranean, and even at times in the 
Channel. The story told by John Rawlins is a type of 
many others, save that such bold exploits as the recapture 
of the ' Exchange' were not frequent. The prominent part 
which English renegadoes play in his adventures is very 
notable, and his description of the cruise of the pirate ship on 
board which he embarked contains details which the stories 
of other captives do not supply. Some years ago the 
condition of the Christian captives at Algiers was admirably 
treated in a series of articles by M. H. De Grammont 
entitled ' La Course, I'esclavage et la redemption k Alger,' * 

* Jievue Historique, vols, xxv, xxvi. xxvii. 



Introduction xxxi 

but no English book exists in which the subject is 
adequately dealt with. 

In the preface, Rawlins apologises for the defects of his 
story, on the ground that it is 'the unpolished work of a 
poor sailor.' Towards the close of the narrative he admits 
that he had the help of some one else in 'cementing the broken 
pieces of well-tempered mortar,' and providing by ' art and 
cunning' a seemly setting for his 'precious stones,' The 
substance was doubtless, as asserted, supplied by the ' poor 
sailor ' himself, but the rhetorical exhortations addressed to 
the ' gentle reader ' are clearly the handiwork of a profes- 
sional writer. 

It is also to the hand of some journalist of the time that 
the next narrative in the volume is due. The True 
Relation of the Stratagem practised upon a sea-town in 
Galicia, illustrates the history of the war between England 
and Spain which began in 1625, and ended in 1629. It is 
essentially a political pamphlet, written to incite English- 
men to courageous deeds against their ancient enemies the 
Spaniards, and the statements of fact which it contains are 
of little value. One of the stories it tells seems to be the 
earliest form of the narrative of the adventures of Richard 
Peeke, which is printed after it. Richard Peeke's account 
of his single combat has doubtless some basis of fact. A 
newsletter of the time records his return to England after 
his release by the Spaniards, and says that he brought with 
him a challenge from Gondomar to Buckingham.^ His 
adventure became so famous, that besides being the subject 
of the poem here reprinted, he was also made the hero of a 
play called Dick of Devonshire.^ Peeke's narrative is so 

^ Court of Charles I. , i. p. 1 04. 
' BuUen's Old Flays, ii. pp. 1-99. 



xxxii Stuart Tracts 

well written, that it is easy to understand its popularity. 
He has an appreciation of the dramatic and the picturesque; 
he brings each incident vividly before his readers, from the 
moment when he finds the three dead Englishmen lying on 
the seashore, to that when after his hard won victory the 
Spanish soldiers, murmuring and biting their thumbs, 
threaten him with death. There is something which 
reminds one of Chevy Chase and the heroic ballads of the 
Elizabethan age in the modest depreciation of his own 
prowess, with which Peeke protests that though of the 
fourteen thousand men in the English army, above twelve 
thousand were better and stouter men than he is, yet, 
nevertheless, he is willing to fight any one they choose to pit 
against him. Better still is the simplicity and the fortitude 
of his farewell to his fellow prisoner in the gaol at Cadiz. 

Robert Lyde's account of the retaking of the ship 
' Friend's Adventure' has some points of resemblance with 
Peeke's narrative. Each fights against desperate odds, and 
Peeke's quarter-staff may be paralleled by Lyde's iron oar. 
But there is a considerable difference in the characters of 
the two men, and Peeke has a chivalrous spirit which is 
wanting in Lyde. There is also the difference, that while 
Peeke was obliged to fight to save his life, Lyde's life was in 
no immediate danger, and his motive was simply to preserve 
his freedom. For the 'lusty young man about twenty- 
three years old,' as the latter terms himself, had seen the 
inside of one French prison, and preferred to die fighting 
rather than to set his foot in another. Lyde's account of 
the sufferings endured by English sailors, who happened to 
be prisoners in France, is fully confirmed by the detailed 
diary which another sailor, Richard Strutton, published in 
1690. In Lyde the dread of a French prison is reinforced 



Introduction xxxiii 

by the thirst for revenge. When he sets to work to 
recapture his ship, he determines in his own mind exactly 
how many of the seven Frenchmen on board are to die in 
the conflict. He will kill three and no more, because three 
of his old shipmates had perished in their prison at Dinan, 
and when he was back in England again, he would enter 
aboard a fireship, in order to avenge the other four hundred 
men who had died in the same prison. Lyde is singularly 
pious, and has no doubt that the bloody work he undertakes 
will be blessed by God. He reads the Bible to the boy 
who is his companion, in order to convince him of the 
justice of their enterprise. Special providences encourage 
him in his purpose : when he prays for a south wind, the 
south wind comes ; when for a south-west, south-west it is. 
At the last, with one brief prayer, he springs upon his 
enemies : ' Lord, be with us and strengthen us in the 
action.' 

Very remarkable too is Lyde's forethought. He throws 
away his cap, so that if he gets a blow upon the head in 
the struggle, he may be killed rather than stunned. He 
drinks a pint of wine and 'half-a-pint of oil' to make him 
'more fit for action.' 

Lyde's account of the death struggle in the little low 
cabin is extremely graphic ; but the most horribly vivid 
thing in his story is the picture of the wounded man, with 
the blood streaming from his forehead, 'beating his hands 
upon the deck to make a noise, that the men at the pump 
might hear: for he would not cry nor speak.' Finally, to 
counterpoise this tragedy, we have just the one touch of 
comedy the drama requires, in the broken French Lyde 
puts into the mouths of the vanquished. ' Moy travalli pur 
Angleterre se vous plea,' cry his sometime masters, putting 

C 2 



xxxiv Stuart Tracts 

ofif their hats, and then like Pistol to the French prisoners 
after Agincourt, his fury abates, and he promises to show 
mercy. We leave Lyde at last after his return to England, 
robbed by the lawyers of the bulk of his well-earned salvage 
money, but wearing the golden chain Queen Mary has given 
him, and looking forward confidently to preferment in the 
navy. 

The narrative of Henry Pitman, unlike those of Peeke 
and Lyde, is a narrative of sufferings, not of daring 
deeds. The adventures he met with were forced upon 
him by his attempt to escape from captivity ; and apart 
from the boldness with which he faced the dangers of the 
sea, he was evidently not a man to thrust himself into 
perils which it was possible to avoid. The peaceable 
surgeon was drawn into his strange experiences by fortune, 
just as he was accidentally involved in the fate which befell 
the men who had fought for Monmouth. As an account 
of the servitude to which the western rebels were con- 
demned Pitman's story should be compared with that of 
his fellow-sufferer, John Coad. Coad's narrative, probably 
written about 1692, was published first in 1849 under the 
title of ' A Memorandum of the Wonderful Providences of 
God to a poor unworthy creature during the time of the 
Duke of Monmouth's Rebellion and to the Revolution in 
1688.' But while Coad had actually fought for Mon- 
mouth and had received two wounds in his service. Pitman 
was a non-combatant, and the one passed his period of 
servitude in Jamaica, the other in Barbadoes. Pitman's 
narrative was freely employed by Sir Walter Besant, in 
the historical novel entitled For Faith a7id Freedom, which 
he published in 1889. Lord Macaulay, who read Coad's 
narrative in manuscript, refers to it as giving ' the best 



Introduction xxxv 

account of the sufferings of those rebels who were sentenced 
to transportation,' but it is evident that he never saw 
Pitman's Relation. Had he done so, it would have saved 
him from a serious error. As is well known to most of the 
readers of Macaulay's History^ one of the most controverted 
questions connected with it is the justice of the author's 
treatment of the character of William Penn. Amongst 
other charges, Macaulay accuses Penn of being the agent 
employed to extract the ransom of the ' Maids of Taunton ' 
from their relatives. The advocates of the Quaker hero 
showed that the mysterious ' Mr. Penne ' employed in 
this transaction was probably a certain George Pennc 
employed in another business of the same kind. Macaulay 
for a number of insufficient reasons refused to accept this 
correction, and insisted that ' Mr. Penne ' necessarily meant 
Mr. William Penn. One of his arguments was that it was 
too big a business for an obscure scoundrel like George 
Penne to be employed in. Pitman's narrative, however 
shows that George Penne was regularly engaged in the 
buying and selling of prisoners, and completes the case 
against Macaulay's view. Mr. John Paget in his Paradoxes 
and Puzzles {^. 13), published in 1874, undertook a refuta 
tion of Macaulay's charge against Penn, but Pitman's 
evidence on this point was unknown to him. Its bearing 
on the question was first pointed out by Mr. C. E. Doble 
in two letters to the Academy for April 15, 1893, and March 
23, 1895. Entries in the Calendar of Colonial State Papers 
for 1685- 1688 still further strengthen the case against 
George Penne (p. 651). 

Apart from its value as a contribution to the history of 
the sufferers in Monmouth's rising. Pitman's tract also 
throws some light on the history of the West Indian pirates 



xxxvi Stuart Tracts 

with whom the fugitives were thrown into contact during 
their stay at Tortuga. Captain Yanche, whom Pitman 
mentions, reappears in the Colonial State Papers as Captain 
Yankey, who surrendered in 1687 to the governor of 
Jamaica. New Providence, which Pitman visited, became 
subsequently the chief rendezvous of privateersmen in 
those seas.^ It is curious to note that these pirates 
were all strongly in favour of Monmouth, no doubt because 
these constant hostilities with the Spaniards had sharpened 
their Protestant zeal. John Whickers's captivity at Santiago, 
and his enforced service on a Spanish privateer, supplies 
an instance of the fate which befell English sailors who fell 
into the hands of the Spaniards, whether the said sailors 
were pirates or traders. 

The adventurous voyage from Barbadoes, and the ex- 
periences of the castaways on the island of Tortuga, have 
an interest of a more romantic nature. Sometimes, as Mr. 
Arber is careful to point out, we are reminded of incidents 
in Robinson Crusoe ; and it is by no means unlikely that 
Defoe was familiar with Pitman's narrative, for he claimed 
to have been out with Monmouth himself, and at all events 
was specially interested in the subject of the ill-fated 
rebellion. The picture of Pitman and his comrades living 
on turtles and whelks, with occasional sea birds ' which did 
eat extreme fishy,' suggests comparison with Crusoe ; 
though Crusoe was never so destitute of tobacco as to be 
driven to smoke wild sage in a crab's claw. 

C. H. FIRTH. 

1 Lucas, Historical Geography of the British Colonies, ii. p. 79. 



Sir Robert Carey. 

Account of the Death of 

Sitieen Elizabeth; and of his 

ride to King yjMEs at 

Edinburgh 

1603 



Sir Robert Carey, 

Lord Warden of the Middle Marches ; 

and afterwards Earl of Monmouth. 

Account of the Death of ^een 'Elizabeth ; atid of 

his ride to King fAMES at 'Edinburgh^ 

2^th-7.'^th March 1603. 



i 


1 



N this state was this Middle March when 
James came in King of England : and in 
all the time I continued Officer there, GOD 
so blessed me and all the actions I took in 
hand, that I never failed of any one enter- 
prise : but they were all effected to my 
own desire and the good of that Govern- 
ment. Thus passed I forty-two of my 
years; [? 1560-1602], GOD assisting with his blessing and 
mighty protection. 

After that all things were quieted and the Border in safety, 
towards the end of five years [i 598-1603] that I had been 
Warden there ; having little to do, I resolved upon a journey 
to Court, to see my friends and renew my acquaintance there. 
I took my journey about the end of the year [which, accord- 
ifio to the old reckoning, ended on the 2/^th March : say then, 
March 1603]. 

When I came to Court \at Richmond], I found the Queen 
ill disposed, and she kept her inner lodging. 
Yet she, hearing of my arrival, sent for me. 
I found her in one of her withdrawing chambers, sitting 
low upon her cushions. She called me to her. 

I kissed her hand, and told her, It was my chiefest happi- 



S'"- R- Carey. -| 'YuE LAST WEEK OF ElIZABETH's LIFE, 3 

ness to see her in safety and health, which I wished might 
long continue. 

She took me by the hand, and wrung it hard ; and said 
"No, Robin, I am not well!" and then discoursed with me 
of her indisposition, and that her heart had been sad and 
heavy for ten or twelve days : and, in her discourse, she 
fetched not so few as forty or fifty great sighs. 

I was grieved, at the first, to see her in this plight: for, 
in all my lifetime before, I never knew her fetch a sigh, but 
when the Queen of Scots was beheaded. Then [in 1587], 
upon my knowledge, she shed many tears and sighs ; mani- 
festing her innocence that she never gave consent to the 
death of that Queen. 

1 used the best words I could to persuade her from this 
melancholy humour ; but I found, by her, it was too deep 
rooted in her heart ; and hardly to be removed. 

This was upon a Saturday night [? 19//^ March 1603] : and 
she gave command that the Great Closet should be prepared 
for her to go to Chapel the next morning. 

The next day, all things being in a readiness ; we long 
expected her coming. 

After eleven o'clock, one of the Grooms [of the Chambers] 
came out, and bade make ready for the Private Closet ; for 
she would not go to the Great. 

There we stayed long for her coming : but at last she had 
cushions laid for her in the Privy Chamber, hard by the 
Closet door ; and there she heard service. 

From that day forwards, she grew worse and worse. She 
remained upon her cushions four days and nights, [? Saturday 
igtk to Tuesday 22nd March 1603] at the least. All about 
her could not persuade her, either to take any sustenance, 
or [to] go to bed. 

I, hearing that neither her Physicians, nor none about her, 
could persuade her to take any course for her safety, feared 
her death would soon after ensue. I could not but think in 
what a wretched estate I should be left : most of my liveli- 
hood depending on her life. And hereupon I bethought 
myself with what grace and favour I was ever received by 
the King of Scots, whensoever I was sent to him. I did 



4 Elizabeth designates her successor. P''^?^'^* 

assure myself it was neither unjust, nor unhonest, for me to 
do for myself; if GOD, at that time, should call her to his 
mercy. Hereupon I wrote to the King of Scots, knowing 
him to be the right heir to the Crown of England ; and 
certified him in what state Her Majesty was. I desired him 
not to stir from Edinburgh : and if, of that sickness she should 
die, I would be the first man that should bring him news of it. 

The Queen grew worse and worse, because she would be 
so : none about her being able to persuade her to go to bed. 
[The Earl of Nottingham] my Lord Admiral was sent for : 
who (by reason of my sister [Catharine]'s death, that was his 
wife) had absented himself some fortnight from [the] Court. 

What by fair means, what by force, he gat her to bed. 
There was no hope of her recovery, because she refused all 
remedies. 

On Wednesday, the 23rd of March [1603], she grew speech- 
less. That afternoon, by signs, she called for her [Privy] 
Council : and by putting her hand to her head, when the 
King of Scots was named to succeed her, they all knew he 
was the man she desired should reign after her. 

About six at night, she made signs for [JOHN Whitgift] 
the Archbishop, and her Chaplains to come to her. At 
which time, I went in with them ; and sat upon my knees 
full of tears to see that heavy sight. 

Her Majesty lay upon her back ; with one hand in the 
bed, and the other without 

The [Arch]bishop kneeled down by her, and examined 
her first of her faith : and she so punctually answered all 
his several questions by lifting up her eyes, and holding up 
her hand, as it was a comfort to all beholders. 

Then the good man told her plainly. What she was ; and 
What she was to come to : and though she had been long a 
great Queen here upon earth ; yet shortly she was to yield 
an account of her stewardship to the King of Kings. 

After this, he began to pray: and all that were by did 
answer him. After he had continued long in prayer, till the 
old man's knees were weary, he blessed her, and meant to 
rise and leave her. 

The Queen made a sign with her hand. 



^"^?^27J Queen Elizabeth dies at Richmond. 5 

My sister [Philadelphia, Lady] Scroope, knowing her 
meaning, told the Bishop, The Queen desired he would pray 
still. 

He did so for a long half-hour after; and then thought to 
have left her. 

The second time she made sign to have him continue in 
prayer. 

He did so for half an hour more, with earnest cries to GOD 
for her soul's health ; which he uttered with that fervency of 
spirit as the Queen, to all our sight, much rejoiced thereat : 
and gave testimony to us all, of her Christian and comfort- 
able end. 

By this time, it grew late ; and every one departed : all 
but her Women that attended her. 

This that I heard with my ears, and did see with my eyes, 
I thought it my duty to set down, and to affirm it for a 
truth upon the faith of a Christian ; because I know there 
have been many false lies reported of the end and death of 
that good Lady. 

I went to my lodging, and left word with one in the 
Cofferer's Chamber to call me, if that night it was thought 
she would die ; and gave the Porter an angel [ios. = £2 nozv] 
to let me in at any time, when I called. 



Between one and two of the clock on Thursday morning 
[25th March 1603], he that I left in the Cofferer's Chamber, 
brought me word, " The Queen was dead." 

I rose, and made all haste to the Gate [of Richmond Palace], 
to get in. 

There I was answered, I could not enter : the Lords of 
the [Privy] Council having been with him [^/le Porter] and 
commanded him that none should go in or out, but by War- 
rant from them. 

At the very instant, one of the Council [Sir Edward 
WOTIO'iii, afterwards Lord WOTTON ; see page 526] the Comp- 
troller [of the Household] asked, Whether I was at the Gate ? 

1 said, " Yes." 

He said. If I pleased, he would let me in. 

I desired to know how the Queen was. 



6 The Council remove to Whitehall. [^"^'SfeZ'. 

He answered, " Pretty well." 

I bade him " Good Night ! " 

He replied and said, " Sir, if you will come in ; I will give 
you my word and credit you shall go out again at your own 
pleasure." 

Upon his word, I entered the Gate, and came up to the 
Cofferer's Chamber : where I found all the Ladies weeping 
bitterly. 

He [t^e Comptroller\ led me from thence to the Privy 
Chamber ; where all the [Privy] Council was assembled. 

There I was caught hold of; and assured 1 should not go 
for Scotland till their pleasures were further known. 

I told them, *' I came of purpose, to that end." 

From thence, they all went to [Sir Robert Cecil] the 
Secretary's Chamber : and, as they went, they gave a special 
command to the Porters, that none should go out at the 
Gates but such servants as they should send to prepare their 
coaches and horses for London. 

Thus was I left, in the midst of the Court, to think my 
own thoughts till they had done counsel. I went to 
[George, Lord Hunsdon] my brother's chamber: who was 
in bed, having been over-watched many nights before. 

I got him up with all speed ; and when the [Privy] 
Council's men were going out of the Gate, my brother thrust 
to the Gate. 

The Porter, knowing him to be a Great Officer, let him 
out. I pressed after him, and was stayed by the Porter. 

My brother said angrily to the Porter, " Let him out, I 
will answer for him ! " Whereupon I was suffered to pass : 
which I was not a little glad of 

I got to horse, and rode to the Knight Marshal's Lodging 
by Charing Cross ; and there stayed till the Lords [of the 
Privy Council] came to Whitehall Garden. 

I stayed there till it was nine a clock in the morning ; 
and hearing that all the Lords were in the Old Orchard at 
Whitehall, I sent the [Knight] Marshal to tell them. That I 
had stayed all that while, to know their pleasures ; and that I 
would attend them, if they would command me any service. 

They were very glad when they heard I was not gone : 



^"^'u?/?.'] Sir R. Carey's ride to Edinburgh. 7 

and desired the [Knight] Marshal to send for me; and I 
should, with all speed, be despatched for Scotland. 

The [Knight] Marshal believed them ; and sent Sir 
Arthur Savage for me. 

I made haste to them. 

One of the [Privy] Council, [Sir WILLIAM Knollys] my 
Lord of [Banbury] that now is [see page 526], whispered 
the [Knight] Marshal in the ear, and told him. If I came ; 
they would stay me, and send some other in my stead. 

The [Knight] Marshal got from them ; and met me 
coming to them, between the two Gates. He bade me, Be 
gone ! for he had learned, for certain, that if I came to them, 
they would betray me. 



I returned, and took horse between nine and ten a clock ; 
and [by] that night rode to Doncaster [162 mt/es from Lon- 
don ; and 2'^^ miles from Edinburg]i\. 

The Friday night [the 26th], I came to my own house at 
Widdrington [298 miles from London ; and 99 miles from 
Edinbtirghl ; and presently took order with my Deputies [of 
the Middle Marches, Henry Widdrington and William 
Fenwick ; see page 499] to see the Borders kept in quiet ; 
which they had much to do : and gave order [that], the next 
morning, the King of Scotland should be proclaimed King 
of England [at Widdrington] ; and at Morpeth [289 miles 
from London\ and Alnwick [306 miles from Londo?i\. 

Very early, on Saturday [27th March 1603], I took horse 
[at Widdrington] for Edinburgh ; and came to Norham 
[331 miles f-om LondottyZ miles South of Berivick^ and 66 
miles from Edinbnrgit], about twelve at noon. So that I 
might well have been with the King at supper time : but I 
got a great fall by the way [i.e. after leaving A^orhani] ; and 
my horse, with one of his heels, gave me a great blow on the 
head, that made me shed much blood. It made me so weak, 
that I was forced to ride a soft pace after : so that the King 
was newly gone to bed by the time I knocked at the gate 
[of Holyrood House, Edinburgh]. 



I was quickly let in ; and carried up to the King's Chamber. 



8 Sir R. Carey salutes James I. as King, p^- f^gt?: 

I kneeled by him, and saluted him by his title of " England, 
Scotland, France, and Ireland." 

He gave me his hand to kiss ; and bade me welcome. 

After he had long discoursed of the manner of the Queen's 
sickness, and of her death ; he asked. What letters I had 
from the [Privy] Council ? 

I told him, " None" : and acquainted him how narrowly I 
[had] escaped from them. And yet I brought him a blue 
ring from a Lady,* that I hoped would give him assurance 
of the truth that I had reported. 

He took it, and looked upon it, and said, " It is enough. 
I know by this, you are a true messenger." 

Then he committed me to the charge of my Lord 
Home ; and gave straight command that I should want 
nothing. 

He sent for his Chirurgions to attend me ; and when I 
kissed his hand, at my departure, he said to me these graci- 
ous words : 

" I know you have lost a near kinswoman and a loving 
Mistress : but take here my hand, I will be as good a Master 
to you ; and will requite you this service with honour and 
reward." 

So I left him that night, and went with my Lord HOME 
to my lodging : where I had all things fitting for so weary 
a man as I was. After my head was dressed, I took leave 
of my Lord and many others that attended me ; and went 
to my rest. 

* The accotnit of thi blue ring which Lady Elizabeth Spelman 
s;ave to Lord Corke was this : — 

King James kept a constant and private correspondence with several 
persons of the English Court, during many years before Queen Eliza- 
beth died. Among them was [Philadelphia] Lady Scroope [see 
page 478], sister of Sir Robert Carey : to whom His Majesty sent, by 
Sir James Fullerton, a sapphire ring ; with positive orders to re- 
turn it to him, by a special messenger, as soon as the Queen was 
actually expired. 

Lady SCROOPE had no opportunity of delivering it to her brother Sir 
Robert, whilst he was in the Palace of Richmond ; but waiting at the 
window till she saw him at the outside of the Gate [see page 480], she 
threw it out to him ; and he well knew to what purpose he received it. 

S.E.B. [Sir S. E. Brydges.] Memoirs of the Peers af England 
during the reign of f AMES /., p. 413. Ed. 1802. 8vo. 



^''^■^let?:] Made a Gentleman of the Bedchamber. 9 

The next morning [Sunday, 28th March 1603], by ten 
a clock, my Lord Home was sent to me from the King, to 
know how I had rested : and withal said, That His Majesty 
commanded him to know of me, What it was that I desired 
most that he should do for me ? [and] bade me, Ask, and it 
should be granted. 

I desired my Lord to say to His Majesty from me, That 
I had no reason to importune him for any suit ; for that I 
had not, as yet, done him any service : but my humble 
request to His Majesty was to admit me a Gentleman of 
his Bedchamber; and hereafter, I knew, if His Majesty saw 
me worthy, I should not want to taste of his bounty. 

My Lord returned this answer, That he [the King] sent me 
word back, " with all his heart, I should have my request." 

And the next time I came to Court, which was some four 
days after [Thursday, ist April 1603], at night, I was called 
into his Bedchamber : and there, by my Lord [the Duke of 
Lenox, afterwards Duke] of Richmond, in his presence, I 
was sworn one of the Gentlemen of his Bedchamber ; and 
presently I helped to take off his clothes, and stayed till he 
was in bed. 

After this, there came, daily, Gentlemen and Noblemen 
from our Court ; and the King set down a fixed day [Tues- 
day, 5 th April 1603] for his departure towards London. 



Upon the report of the Queen's death, the East Border 
broke forth into great unruliness ; insomuch as many com- 
plaints came to the King thereof. I was desirous to go to 
appease them ; but I was so weak and ill of my head, that 
I was not able to undertake such a journey {expeditioii] : but 
I offered that I would send my two Deputies, that should 
appease the trouble and make them quiet ; which was by 
them, shortly after, effected. 

Now was I to begin a new World : for by the King's 
coming to the crown, I was to lose the best part of my 
living. For [with the death of the Queen] my Office of 
Wardenry ceased ; and I lost the pay of 40 Horse : which 
were not so little, both [of them] as ;!^ 1,000 per annum. 



ro James I. deceives Carey's hopes. p''"^?^627: 

Most of the Great Ones in Court envied my happiness, 
when they heard I was sworn of the King's Bedchamber : 
and in Scotland I had no acquaintance. I only relied on 
GOD and the King. The one never left me: the other, 
shortly after his coming to London, deceived my expecta- 
tion ; and adhered to those that sought my ruin. 




The 

True Narration 

of the 

Entertainment of His Royal Majesty, from 

the time of his departure from 

Edinburgh till his receiving 

at London: 

with all, or the most special. Occurrences. 

TOGETHER WITH 

The names of those Gentlemen whom 
His Majesty honoured with Knighthood. 



AT LONDON. 

Printed by Thomas Creede 

for Thomas Millington. 

1603. 



13 



To the Reader. 




Fter long travail to be informed of every 
particular, as much as diligence might 
prevail in ; this small Work of His 
Majesty's Receiving and Royal Entertain- 
ment is brought forth : which, though it may seem 
to have been too long deferred \This book was 
entered at Stationers Hall on the <^th May 1603, 
Arber, Transcript^ etc. III., p. 234. It however 
contains information up to the \Zth of that month, 
see page ] ; yet seeing nothing thereof hath been 
public, no time can be too late to express so excellent 
a matter. Wherein the dutiful love of many noble 
subjects so manifestly appeared to our dread Lord 
and Sovereign, and his royal thankfulness in 
exchange for that which was indeed but duty ; though 
so adorned with munificent bounty, that most 
Houses where His Highness rested were so furnished 
by the owners with plenty of delights and delicates, 
that there was discerned no negligence ; but if 
there were any offence, the sin only appeared in 
excess — as more at large you shall hereafter perceive ; 
where the truth of everything is rather pointed at, 
than stood upon. 



14 TotheReader. [ 



T. M. 

May 1603. 



All diligence was used to get the names of those 
Gentlemen that in sundry places received the honour 
of Knighthood ; and what the Heralds have in 
register are duly set down, both for name, time, 
and place. If any be omitted ; let it please them 
but to signify their names, and the House where 
they received that honour : and there shall be 
additions put to this impression ; or, at least, which 
will be by order more fitly, placed in the next. 
Many, I am sure, there are not missing : and only 
in that point we are somewhat doubtful. The rest 
is, from His Highness's departure from Edinburgh 
[to] his coming to London, so exactly set down as 
nothing can be added to it but superfluous words ; 
which we have strived to avoid. 

Thine, 

T. M, 




rS 



A Narration of the Progress and Entertainment 

of the King^s most excellent Majesty^ 

with the Occurrents happening 

in the same 'Journey. 




He eternal Majesty, in whose hand are 
both the mean and mighty of the earth, 
pleased to deliver from weakness of body 
and grief of mind, ELIZABETH his Hand 
Maid, our late royal Mistress and gracious 
Sovereign : easing her age from the burthen 
of earthly Kingdoms, and placing her, 
as we steadfastly hope, in his heavenly 
empire ; being the resting place, after death, for all them 
that believe faithfully in their life. 

Thursday, the 24th of March, some two hours after mid- 
night \i.e. 2$th March 1603], departed the spirit of that 
great Princess from the prison of her weak body ; which 
now sleeps in the Sepulchre of her grandfather [i.e. in 
Henry VII! s Chapel in Westminster Abb ey\. 

The Council of State and the Nobility (on whom the 
care of all the country chiefly depended), immediately 
assembling together, no doubt assisted with the Spirit 
of Truth, considering the infallible right of our Sovereign 
Lord, King jAMES, took such order that the news of the 
Queen's death should no sooner be spread to deject the 
hearts of the people ; but, at the instant, they should be 
comforted with the Proclaiming of the King. 

Being hereon determined. Sir Robert Carey took his 
journey in post towards Scotland, to signify to the King's 
Majesty the sad tidings of his Royal Sister's death ; and 
the joyful hearts of his subjects that expected no comfort 
but in, and by. His Majesty's blessed Government. 

This noble Gentleman's care was such that he intermitted 
no time : but, notwithstanding his sundry shift[s] of horses 
and some falls that bruised him very sore, he by the way, 
proclaimed the King at Morpeth. 



1 6 Sir R. Carey arrives at Edinburgh. [nay^ieS^: 

And, on Saturday [26th March 1603], coming to Berwick, 
acquainting his worthy brother, Sir JOHN Carey, how all 
things stood, posted on to Edinburgh ; where he attained 
that night: having ridden near[ly] 400 miles in less than 
three days. 

But before we come there, you shall understand what 
was instantly done at Berwick by Sir JOHN Carey, upon 
the news brought by Sir Robert his brother. Who, like 
a worthy soldier and politic Statesman, considering it was 
a town of great import and a place of war [Berwick was 
the Portsmouth of England at this time, and bridled Scotland^ ; 
he caused all the garrison to be summoned together, as 
also the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses : in whose presence 
he made a short and pithy Oration, including Her Majesty's 
death, and signifying the intent of the State for submitting 
to their lawful Lord. 

And presently, with great contentment of all parties. His 
Majesty was proclaimed King of England, Scotland, 
France, etc. on Saturday, in the afternoon, being the 
26th of March [1603], about three of the clock. Where 
all the people, though they grieved for their late Queen ; 
yet was grief suddenly turned to pleasure, in expectation 
of their new King. But we will post from Berwick after 
Sir Robert Carey, and overtake him in Edinburgh. 

You understood before, that Sir Robert came to Edin- 
burgh on Saturday night ; where, being admitted to the 
King, be-blooded with great falls and bruises, [he] brought 
His Highness the first news of Queen Elizabeth's death : 
which howsoever it presented him with kingdoms, glory, 
and immense wealth ; yet, like his royal self, he showed 
apparent signs of princely sorrow. And dismissing Sir 
Robert Carey, after so great toil, to his repose : His 
Majesty continued in his grief; and through that, expressed 
his true piety. 

It was thought necessary in so high affairs to let slip 
no occasion, however sorrow particularly touched His 
Majesty for the loss of his private friend and royal Sister ; 
yet the general care as well of those his people in Scotland 



May^i'e^:] Bp- Bothwell as Governor of Berwick. 17 

as for us in England, caused him on Sunday, being the 27th 
of March [1603], to despatch [JOHN BoTHWELL] the Bishop 
of HOLYROODHOUSE to Berwick: that he might receive 
the town to his use, as the nearest place wherein, by right, 
he claimed possession. 

Who accordingly, making all the speed he might, came 
to Berwick ; where of the Governor he was honourably 
entertained : and, after signifying His Majesty's pleasure, 
reposed himself for that night. 

On Monday, being the 28th of March, by sound of 
trumpet, the Governor, Mayor, Officers, and Council of the 
town were assembled at the Cross ; where there the Governor 
[Sir John Carey] surrendered to the Bishop of HOLYROOD- 
HOUSE his staff and all his authority, unto the King's 
Majesty's use. So likewise did the Mayor deliver up the 
keys of the town. 

And the said Bishop, being thus seised of all authority 
to His Majesty's use, ministered the Oath of Allegiance 
unto the Governor, Mayor, and the Superior Officers 
belonging to the garrison and to the town. 

Which oath taken, the Bishop of HoLYROODHOUSE 
(expressing the gracious intention of His Majesty, as well 
to them as all others his subjects of England whom he found 
like them affected : which was rather to maintain, than to 
infringe, their Charters ; to give, than to take from them 
anything) redelivered the keys and staff of authority to the 
Mayor and Governor. So likewise to every Commander, 
Captain, Lieutenant, and whatsoever Office they had before 
Her Majesty's death, there, in the King's name, he confirmed 
them : to their great joy and contentment. Thus spent 
the Lord of Holyroodhouse the first part of Monday in 
Berwick ; and dined with the Magistrates. 

In the afternoon, the Lord Governor and his chief Officers 
of place called together all the soldiers that were under pay ; 
so did the Mayor and Aldermen convene all the communalty 
of the town. To whom when the oath was read, and the 
Magistrates had certified them that they had been their 
example ; the Lord of HoLYROODHOUSE wondered at, and 
much commended, their joy and readiness to be sworn 
servants to so regal a Master. Which he amply discoursed 
at his return to Edinburgh the next day ; not hiding any 

B 2 



1 8 James I.'s farewell Speech at EDiNBURGH.[May 



T. M. 

1603. 



of their forward applauses, but delivered their willingness 
to His Highness with express and lively words: assuring 
him, by his entrance into England at that little door, how 
welcome into the wide house His Excellence should be. 

While this was a doing in Berwick, there drew to the 
King hourly most of the Nobility in Scotland, with sundry 
Knights and Gentlemen ; gratulating the great blessings 
befallen His Highness, and attending his royal pleasure. 

Besides, many numbers of Gentlemen came out of England 
to salute His Majesty ; all [of] whom he graciously welcomed, 
and honoured one of them with the Order of Knighthood,* — 
being Master John Peyton [co. Norf], son to Sir John 
Peyton, Lieutenant of the Tower of London. This being to 
that noble Gentleman no little glory that he was first Knight — 
yea, named by the King's Majesty " his first Knight " — 
that was made by our Sovereign after he was nominated 
and truly known to be the mightiest King in Europe. 

During the continuance of His Majesty in Scotland, before 
his Progress towards England, his whole care was for the 
peaceable government of that Realm, from which he was a 
while to part. And to that end, he had sundry conferences 
with his Nobility, laying the safest projects that, in his wisdom 
and their experiences, seemed likely for effecting his royal 
desire : which, GOD willing, will come to pass to his great 
liking and [the] benefit of both the Realms. 

But that it might more to his people appear ; he in person 
came graciously to the city of Edinburgh, unto the Public 
Sermon. And after the Sermon was finished, in a most 
learned but more loving Oration, he expressed his occasion 
of leaving them, to the burgesses and a number of the people : 
exhorting them to continue in obedience, being the bond 
that binds Princes to affect their subjects, which broken 

*As recorded in this Narrative, James I. made 303 Knights during 
his Progress to London ; and, in all, 2323 during his reign in England. 
The spelling of their names is given here according to J. P. [JOHN 
Philipot], Somerset Herald, his A perfect Collection of all Knight 
Bachelors made by King J AMES, &^c. London. 1660. 8 vo. From which 
authority also, their Counties are here inserted between square brackets. 
Names in Philipot, and not in this text, are also inserted in square 
brackets. E. A. 



May^iS ^^ ^^ PROCLAIMED King of England, &c. 19 

on their part he trusted should never be, and of his they were 
assured ; persuading them also to agreement amongst them- 
selves, being the bond of charity that tied all men, especially 
Christians, to love and bear with one another. In which 
obedience to him, and agreement amongst themselves if 
they continued : howsoever he was, in a manner, at that time, 
constrained to leave them ; yet he would, in his own person, 
visit them, and that shortly, in times convenient and most 
necessary for his own advancement and their benefit. 

Yet for all his kingly oratory, mild behaviour, and true 
intention ; the people's hearts against his departure were 
even dead : and grief seized every private man's reins, saving 
only those that were made happy by attending his royal 
person into England. 

For now they began duly to think upon his unmatched 
virtues, which never the most malicious enemy could impeach : 
being in the World's eye innocent of any capital and 
notorious crime, but such as may be incident to any just 
man ; who daily falls, but never falls away. They now 
considered his affability, mercy, justice, and magnanimity. 
They remembered how, in late years, Scotland, by his 
government, had increased in more riches than in the time 
of many [of] his predecessors : besides, his care for establish- 
ing true religion, his traffic almost with all nations, the 
royalty of his marriage, the blessings hoped for by his issue. 

And such a universal sorrow was amongst them, that 
some of the meaner sort spake even distractedly ; and 
[there were] none but, at his departing (which yet we are 
not come unto), expressed such sorrow as in that nation 
hath seldom been seen the like : albeit the King's Majesty 
was possessed of that which the common sort of the nation 
long wished for ; I mean, the Kingdom [of England]. 

The 31st of March [1603], being Thursday, His Majesty, 
with great solemnity and pomp, was proclaimed King of 
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, at the Market 
Cross of Edinburgh, in presence of the whole Officers of 
Estate of the Realm, and many of the Nobility of Scotland, 
and sundry Knights and Gentlemen of England. 

And in the evening of that day, there were many 
hundreds of bonfires made all about the city ; with great 



20 James I. sets forth from Edinburgh. [May^'e^. 

feasting and merriment held till the appearing of the next 
day. 

But as joyful as they were of His Majesty's great 
advancement, and enlarging of his Empire ; so were they, 
as I before noted, for their private want of him no less 
filled with grief as, above all other times, was most 
apparently expressed at his departure from Edinburgh 
towards England : the cries of [the] poor people being 
so lamentable and confused that it moved His Majesty 
to much compassion ; yet seeing their clamours were only 
of affection and not grounded on reason, with many gracious 
and loving words he left them, and proceeded on his Progress. 

It was the 5th of April, being Tuesday, that His Majesty 
departed from Edinburgh, gallantly accompanied with 
multitudes of his Nobility, Lords, Barons, and Gentlemen of 
Scotland ; and some French, as the French Ambassor, 
being Leger [? resident] in Scotland, whose wife was carried 
betwixt Edinburgh and London by eight pioneers or porters ; 
one four to relieve the other four by turns, carrying her in a 
chair with slings. 

As also His Majesty, being accompanied with his own 
attendants, as the Duke of LENOX, the Earl of Argyle, 
the Earl of MURRAY, the Earl of Cassillis, the Earl of Mar, 
the Lord Home, the Lord Oliphant, and sundry others 
too tedious in this place to be repeated ; for that several 
their names shall hereafter be more particularly expressed. 

Besides, there were in His Highness's train, many 
numbers of gallant and well appointed English Knights and 
Gentlemen : who attended His Majesty that day from 
Edinburgh unto Dunglass, a House of the Lord Home's ; 
where His Excellence reposed himself that night. 

Wednesday, the 6th of April, His Majesty progressed 
from Dunglass towards Berwick : having then attending on 
him many more Noblemen Knights and Gentlemen ; besides 
the Lords Wardens of the Borders of England and Scotland, 
attended by the Borderers with several companies to receive 
him. The Lord Governor of Berwick also, being accom- 
panied with all the Council of War, the Constables with 
their Cornets of Horse, and divers of the Captains; the 



May^i'eSJG ^^^ RECEPTION AT BERWICK. 21 

Band of Gentlemen Pensioners [of Berwick] with divers 
Gentlemen ; advanced forward to entertain and conduct His 
Majesty into the town of Berwick. 

Happy day, when peaceably so many warlike English Gen- 
tlemen went to bring in an English and Scottish King, both in- 
cluded in one person, into that town that, many a hundred 
years, hath been a town of the enemy ; or at the least held, 
in all leagues, either for one nation or the other. But the 
King of Peace have glory, that so peaceably hath ordained 
a King, descended from the royal blood of either nation, to 
make that town, by his possessing it, a harbour for English 
and Scots, without thought of wrong or grudging envy. 

Not to digress longer, these gallants met him and were 
graciously respected of His Highness ; so falling in among 
the other Trophies, they set forward. 

And when His Highness came within some half mile of 
the town, and began to take view thereof; it suddenly 
seemed like an enchanted Castle. For from the mouths of 
dreadful engines (not long before full fed, by moderate arts- 
men that knew how to stop and empty the brass and iron 
paunches, of those roaring noises) came such a tempest as 
dreadful, and sometimes more deathful, than thunder ; that 
all the ground thereabout trembled as in an earthquake, the 
houses and towers staggering : wrapping the whole town in 
a mantle of smoke, wherein the same was a while hid from 
the sight of his royal owner. 

But nothing violent can be permanent. It was too hot to 
last : and yet I have heard it credibly reported, that a better 
Peal of Ordnance was never, in any soldier's memory (and 
there are some [of] old King Harry's lads in Berwick, I 
can tell you ! ) discharged in that place. Neither was it very 
strange, for no man can remember Berwick honoured with 
the approach of so powerful a Master. 

Well, the King is now very near the gates : and as all 
darkness flies before the face of the sun, so did these clouds 
of smoke and gunpowder vanish at his gracious approach. 

In the clearness of which fair time, issued out of the town 
Master William Selby [co. Northumb.] Gentleman, 
Porter of Berwick, with divers Gentlemen of good repute ; 
and [he], humbling himself before the King's Majesty, 
presented unto him the keys of all the ports [£-aUs] — who 



2 2 Address of the Corporation of Berwick. [May'^i'eS^! 

received them graciously : and when His Highness was 
entered betwixt the gates, he restored to the said Master 
Selby the keys again, and graced him with the honour of 
Knighthood, for tliis his especial service ; in that he was the 
first man that possessed His Excellence of those keys, Ber- 
wick indeed being the gate that opened into all his dominions. 

This done, His Highness entered the second gate, and 
being within both the walls he was received by the Captain 
of the Ward : and so passed through a double Guard of 
soldiers, well armed in all points ; but, with looks humble 
and words cheerful, they gave His Majesty to know their 
hearts witnessed that their arms were worn only to be used 
in his royal service. 

Between this Guard, His Majesty passed on to the Market 
Cross, where the Mayor and his Brethren \the Aldermen'] 
received him with no small signs of joy, and such signs of 
triumph as the brevity of time for preparation would admit. 
But the common people seemed so overwrapt with his 
presence, that they omitted nothing, their power and 
capacities could attain unto, to express loyal duty and 
hearty affection : kneeling, shouting, crying " Welcome ! " 
and " GOD save King James ! " till they were, in a manner, 
entreated to be silent. 

As soon as it pleased the people to give him leave that 
he might speak. Master PARKINSON, the Recorder of 
Berwick, being a man grave and reverend, made a brief 
speech to His Majesty, acknowledging him [as] their sole 
and Sovereign Lord. To whom, in the town's name, he 
surrendered their Charter : presenting His Highness also 
from them with a purse of gold ; which, as an offering of 
their love, he graciously received. And for their Charter, 
he answered them most benignly and royally. That it should 
be continued : and that he would maintain their privileges, 
and uphold them and their town in all equity ; by reason it 
was the principal and first place honoured with his mighty 
and most gracious person. 

These ceremonies amongst the townsmen ended : as his 
usual manner is after any journey. His Majesty passed to 
the Church, there to humble himself before the Exalter of 
the humble : and [to] thank him for the benefits bestowed 
upon him and all his people. At which time preached be- 



May^i'e^:] James I. reviews the troops at Berwick. 23 

fore him, the Reverend Father in God, Doctor TOBY 
Matthew, Bishop of Durham : who made a most learned 
and worthy Sermon. 

Which finished, the King departed to his Palace ; and then 
they gave him a Peel of great Ordnance, more hot than 
before : Berwick having never had King to rest within her 
walls well nigh these hundred years. 

The night was quickly overpassed especially with the 
townsmen that, never in a night, thought themselves securer : 
but the journey of the hours is always one, however they are 
made short or long by the apprehension of joy, or [the] 
sufferance of grief. 

The morning's sun chased away the clouds of sleep from 
every eye ; which the more willingly opened that they might 
be comforted with the sight of their beloved Sovereign : 
who, in his estate, attended upon by the Governor and the 
Noblemen, together with the Magistrates and Officers of the 
town, passed to the Church, where he stayed the Divine 
Prayers and Sermon ; which when with his wonted humility 
he had heard finished, in the like estate he returned to his 
Palace. 

This day, being Thursday the 7th of April, His Majesty 
ascended the walls ; whereupon all the Cannoniers and 
other Officers belonging to the great Ordnance stood, every- 
one in his place : the Captains with their Bands \Coinpanies\ 
of soldiers likewise under their several Colours. Amongst 
which warlike train, as His Majesty was very pleasant and 
gracious ; so to shew instance how he loved and respected 
the Art Military, he made a shot himself out of a cannon, so 
fair, and with such sign of experience, that the most expert 
Gunners there beheld it not without admiration : and there 
were none, of judgement, present but, without flattery, gave 
it just commendation. 

Of no little estimation did the Gunners account them- 
selves after this kingly shot : but His Majesty, above all 
virtues in temperance most excellent, left that part of the 
wall, and their extraordinary applause. 

Being attended by his Nobility both of Scotland and 
England (the Lord HENRY HOWARD, brother to the late 
Duke of Norfolk ; and the Lord Cobham, being then 



24 James I. leaves Berwick. [nay'^ie^". 

newly come to the town), and guarded by the Gentlemen 
Pensioners of Berwick ; he bestowed this day in surveying of 
the plots \j)lans\ and fortifications, commending the manner 
of the soldiers, and the military order of the town : being 
indeed one of the best places of strength in all the north of 
England. All which, when, with great liking, he had to his 
kingly pleasure beheld ; he returned to his Palace, and there 
reposed till the next day. 

The 8th of April, being Friday, the trumpets warned for 
the remove. And, all that morning. His Majesty, with 
royal liberality, bestowed amongst the garrison soldiers, 
and every Officer for war according to his place, so rich and 
bounteous rewards that all soldiers, by his bountiful 
beginning there, may be assured that they shall not, as they 
have been, be curtailed of their duties \what is due to thevi\ 
by exacting Pollers ; but used as the servants and servitors 
of a King : which very name, but more his largess, adds 
double spirit to a man of war. 

After dinner, His Highness mounted on horseback and 
took leave of Berwick : where, near the bridge, he knighted 
Master Ralph Grey [co. Northumb.] ; a Gentleman of 
great command and possession[s] near the Borders. 

As his Excellence left Berwick, and entered the Realm 
of England, he was received by Master Nicholas Forster 
[of Bamburgh Abbey], High Sheriff of Northumberland, 
\whoin he knighted at Widdrington\ : who, besides his own 
servants and followers, was accompanied with a number of 
gallant Gentlemen of the Shire ; who, riding before His 
Majesty, led the way towards Widdrington, where His 
Majesty intended to rest that night. 

By the way, of his kingly goodness, and royal inclinations 
to the honour of arms and reverence of virtuous age, he 
vouchsafed to visit that worthy honourable soldier. Sir Wil- 
liam Read : who, being blind with age, was so comforted 
with the presence and gracious speeches of the King, that 
his spirits seemed so powerful within him, as he boasted 
himself to feel the warmth of youth stir in his frost- 
nipt blood. The way His Majesty had to ride, being long, 
enforced him to stay with this good Knight the less while : 
but that little time was so comfortable that his friends 



MayTe^:] He rides TO WiDDRINGTON IN FOUR HOURS. 25 

hope it will be a mean[s] to cherish the old Knight all his 
life long. 

Not to be longer writing this than His Highness was 
riding the journey ; he departed thence upon the spur, 
scarce any of his train being able to keep him company : 
for being near[ly] 37 miles, he rode it all in less than four 
hours. And, by the way, for a note, the miles, according 
to the Northern phrase, are a wey-bit longer than they be 
here in the South. 

Well, as long as the miles were. His Majesty made short 
work, and attained [to] Widdrington [Castle] : where by 
the Master of the Place, Sir ROBERT Carey [Lord Warden 
of the Middle Marches. He was afterwards made Earl of 
Monmouth. See pages 476-484], and his right virtuous Lady, 
he was received with all due affection ; the House being 
plentifully furnished for his entertainment. Besides for 
situation and pleasure it stands very delightful. 

His Majesty, having a little while reposed himself after 
his great journey, found new occasion to travel further. 
For, as he was delighting himself with the pleasure of the 
Park, he suddenly beheld a number of deer near the place. 
The game being so fair before him, he could not forbear ; 
but, according to his wonted manner, forth he went, and 
slew two of them. 

Which done, he returned with a good appetite to the 
House, where he was most royally feasted and banqueted 
that night. 

On Saturday the 9th April [1603], His Majesty prepared 
towards Newcastle-[on-Tyne]. But before his departure from 
Widdrington ; he knighted Master Henry Widdrington, 
Master 'WiLLiAM Fenwick, Master Edward Gorges 
[all CO. Northum.]. 

After which, taking his leave with royal courtesy, 
he set forwards towards Newcastle; being 16 miles from 
Widdrington. 

To pass the occurrents by the way, being not very 
material ; when His Majesty drew near to Newcastle, the 
Mayor, the Aldermen, Council, and best Commoners of 
the same besides numbers of other people, in joyful manner 
met him. 



26 James I. is three days at Newcastle. [May^ie^! 

The Mayor presented him with the Sword and Keys 
with humble duty and submission : which His Highness 
graciously accepting, he returned them again. He gave 
also to His Majesty, in token of their love and hearty 
loyalty, a purse full of gold. His Majesty gave them full 
power and authority under him as they lately held in Her 
Majesty's name : ratifying all customs and privileges that 
they were possessed of, and had a long time held. 

And so, passing on, he was conducted to the Mayor's 
house, where he was richly entertained ; and remained 
there three days. 

Upon Sunday, being the loth April [1603], His Majesty 
went to the Church, before whom [Dr TOBY MATTHEW] 
the Bishop of Durham preached. And that day, as it is 
his most Christianlike custom, being spent in devotion : 
he rested till Monday, which he bestowed in viewing the 
town, the manner and beauty of the bridge [over the Tyne] 
and key [guay] : being one of the fairest in all the north 
parts. Besides, he released all prisoners ; except those that 
lay for treason, murder, and Papistry : giving great sums of 
money for the release of many that were imprisoned for 
debt ; who heartily praised GOD, and blessed His Majesty, 
for their unexpected liberty. 

So joyful were the townsmen of Newcastle of His 
Majesty there being, that they thankfully bare all the 
charge of his Household during the time of his abode with 
them, being from Saturday till Wednesday morning. All 
things were in such plenty and so delicate for variety 
that it gave great contentment to His Majesty : and on 
the townsmen's part, there was nothing but willingness 
appeared ; save only at His Highness's departure, but 
[of that] there was no remedy. He hath yet many of his 
people by his presence to comfort : and forward no doubt 
he will ; as he thence did, giving thanks to them for their 
loyal and hearty affection. 

And on the bridge, before he came at Gateside ; he made 
Master Robert Dudley [ ? Delavale, co. Northumb.], 
Mayor of Newcastle, Knight. 

[John Philipot states that the following were also 
knighted at Newcastle on this 13th of April 1603 : 



May^i'eS] ^^^ RECEPTION AT DuRHAM. 27 

Sir Christopher Lowther, co. Cumb. 

Sir Nicholas Curwen, co. Cumb. 

Sir James Bellingham, co. Westm. 

Sir Nicholas Tufton, co. Kent; a/^erwards Earl 

of Thanet. 
Sir John Conyers, co. York.] 

This Wednesday, being the 13th of April [1603], His 
Majesty set forward towards Durham. And at Gateside, 
near Newcastle ; he was met by the Sheriff of the County 
and most of the Gentlemen in the same. 

In his way, near Chester a Street, a little town betwixt 
Newcastle and Durham, he turned on the left hand of the 
road to view [Lumley Castle,] a pleasant castle of the Lord 
Lumley's : which being a goodly edifice of free stone, built 
in quadrant manner, stands on the shoring of a hill, in the 
middle of a green, with a river at the foot of it ; and woods 
about it on every side but to the townward, which is, by the 
river [Wear], divided from it. 

After His Highness had a while delighted himself with 
the pleasures of the place ; he returned on his way towards 
Durham, being 6 miles from thence. Of which way he 
seldom makes [a] long journey. 

And when he came near ; the Magistrates of the city 
met him ; and behaving themselves as others before them, 
it was by His Highness as thankfully accepted. And 
passing through the gates, whence His Excellence entered 
the Market Place, there was an excellent oration made 
unto him, containing in effect the universal joy conceived by 
his subjects at his approach ; being of power to divert 
from them so great a sorrow as had lately possessed them 
all. 

The oration ended, he passed towards the Bishop's House ; 
where he was royally received : [Dr. TOBY Matthew] the 
Bishop attending His Majesty with a hundred Gentlemen 
in tawny liveries. 

Of all his entertainment in particular at the Bishop's ; 
[of] his [t/te Kin^s\ merry and well seasoned jests, as well 
there as in other parts of his journey ; all his words being of 
full weight, and his jests filled with the salt of wit : yet so 
facetious and pleasant as they were no less gracious and 






2 8 James I. at Walworth and Topcliffe. [May'i'e^. 

worthy of regard than the words of so royal a Majesty — 
it is bootless to repeat them, they are so well known. 

Thursday, being the 14th day [of April 1603], His 
Majesty took leave of the Bishop of Durham : whom he 
greatly graced and commended for his learning, humanity, 
and gravity : promising to restore divers things taken 
from the Bishopric ; which he hath accordingly in part 
done, giving him already possession of Durham House in 
the Strand. 

In brief, His Majesty left Durham, and removed towards 
[High] Walworth [also called Walworth Castle]; being 16 
miles from Durham : where, by the Gentlewoman of the 
House, named Mistress Genison \or rather the Widow of 
Thomas Jenison], he was so bountifully entertained that 
it gave His Excellence very high contentment. 

And after his quiet repose there that night, and some part 
of the next day ; he took his leave of the Gentlewoman, with 
many thankful and princely congratulations for her extend- 
ing costs in the entertainment of him and his train. 

Friday, being the 15th of April [1603], His Majesty set 
forward from Mistress Genison's of Walworth, towards 
York. His train [was] still increasing by the numbers of 
Noblemen and Gentlemen from the south parts, that came 
to offer him fealty and to rejoice at his sight. Whose love, 
although he greatly tendered ; yet did their multitudes so 
oppress the country and make provision [s] so dear that he 
was fain to publish an Inhibition against the inordinate and 
daily access of people's coming, that many were stopped of 
their way ; and only those that had affairs suffered to have 
access, some of great name and office being sent home, to 
attend their places. 

All this notwithstanding ; a number there were in His 
Highness's train ; still increasing in every shire. 

For now [Master Henry Bellassis] the High Sheriff of 
Yorkshire, gallantly accompanied, attended His Majesty to 
Master [William] Ingleby's \? at Baldersby Park] besides 
Topcliffe, being about 16 miles from Walworth ; who with 
great submission received His Majesty : and there he rested 
for that night. 



May^i6^:] ^^ ENTERS THE CITY OF YoRK. 29 

On Saturday, being the i6th of April [1603], His Majesty 
removed from Master Ingleby's towards York, being 16 
miles from Topcliffe. 

And when he came about some 3 miles from York, the 
Liberties of the City extending so far ; Master BuCKE and 
Master RoBINSON Sheriffs of the City met him ; and, with 
humble duty, presented him with their White Staffs : 
which His Majesty receiving, he delivered them instantly 
again [to them]. So they attended him towards the City. 

Within a mile of which, when His Highness approached, 
there met him [WILLIAM Cecil] the Lord Burlegh, Lord 
President of the North, with many worthy Knights and 
Gentlemen of the shire. These also attended on his person 
to York. 

Where, when he came near unto the City, there met him 
three of the Sergeants at Arms, late servants to the deceased 
Queen : viz.. Master WOOD, Master Damfort, and Master 
Westrop : who delivered up their maces ; which His 
Majesty, with royal courtesy, redelivered to them ; com- 
manding them to wait on him in their old places, which 
presently they did. 

And, at the same time, the Sergeant Trumpeter, with 
some others of his fellows, did in like manner submit them- 
selves, and render their service ; which he benignly accepted, 
and commanded them in like manner to wait on him. 

Then rode he on till he came to one of the gates of York ; 
where [Robert Walter] the Lord Mayor of the City, the 
Aldermen, and the wealthiest Commoners, with abundance 
of other people, met him. 

There a long oration being made, the Lord Mayor 
delivered the Sword and Keys to His Majesty, together with 
a cup of gold, filled full of gold : which present His Majesty 
gratefully accepted ; delivering the Keys again to the Lord 
Mayor. 

But about the bearing of the Sword, there was some con- 
tention ; the Lord President [of the North] taking it for his 
place, the Lord Mayor of the city esteeming it his. 

But to decide the doubt, the King's Majesty merrily 
demanded. If the Sword being his, they would not be pleased 
that he should have the disposing thereof 

Whereunto when they humbly answered, It was all in his 



30 The struggle for the Sword at York. [^.^jJ, 



M. 

603. 



pleasure ; His Highness delivered the Sword to one that 
knew well how to use a sword, having been tried both at sea 
and on shore, [George Clifford] the thrice honoured Earl 
of Cumberland ; who bare it before His Majesty, riding in 
great state from the gate to the Minster. 

In which way, there was a conduit that, all the day long, 
ran white, and claret, wine[s] ; every man to drink as much 
as he listed. 

From the Minster His Majesty went on foot to his own 
House, being the Manor of St Mary's ; having all the way a 
rich canopy over his head, supported by four Knights : and 
being brought hither, he was honourable received by the 
Lord Burlegh ; who gave cheerful entertainment to all the 
followers of His Majesty during the time of his continuance 
in York. 

The 17th day [of April 1603], being Sunday, His Majesty 
passed towards York Minster ; being one of the goodliest 
Minsters in all the land : England being as famous for 
churches as any one kingdom in Europe, if they were kept 
in reparations as that Minster is. 

To this Minster, the King passed to hear the Sermon ; and 
at the gate [i.e., of the Manor House'] a coach was offered to 
His Highness. But he graciously answered, " I will have no 
coach. For the people are desirous to see a King, and so 
they shall : for they shall as well see his body as his face." 
So, to the great comfort of the people, he went on foot to 
the Church ; and there heard the Sermon, which was 
preached by [Dr JOHN Thornborough, Dean of York and 
also] the Bishop of LiMERICK : whose doctrine and method 
of teaching was highly by His Majesty commended. And 
what his judgment is, is as extant to us all of any under- 
standing as the light of the clear mid-day, or sun, to every 
perfect eye. 

The Sermon ended. His Majesty returned afoot, in the 
same sort as he came, to his Manor ; where he was royally 
feasted. 

This Sunday was a Seminary Priest apprended, who 
before, under the title [appearance'] of a Gentleman had 
delivered a Petition to His Majesty, in the name of all the 
English Catholics. When he was taken, His Highness had 



T. M."| 
May 1603. J 



Knights Bacpielors made at York. 31 



some conference with him : but, by reason of other great 
affairs, he referred him to be further examined by the Bishop 
of Limerick ; who, presenting the effects of his Examina- 
tion, the Priest was, the next day committed. 

Dinner being ended, His Majesty walked into the garden 
of the Palace; being a most delightful place: where there 
awaited him a number of Gentlemen of great name and 
worth ; whose commendations he received from honourable 
persons, and beheld honour charactered in their faces. For 
this is one especial note in His Majesty. Any man that hath 
aught with him, let him be sure he have a just cause ! for he 
beholds all men's faces with steadfastness, and commonly the 
look is the window for the heart. 

Well, to that I should handle. Amongst these Gentlemen 
it pleased His Majesty to make choice of these following ; 
whom he graced with the honour of Knighthood : 



Sir William Cecil 
Sir Edmond Trafford 
Sir Thomas Holcroft 
Sir John Mallory 
Sir William Ingleby 
Sir Philip Constable 
Sir Christopher Haward 
Sir Robert Swift 
Sir Richard Wortley 
Sir Henry Bellassis 
Sir Thomas Fairfax 
Sir Henry Griffith 
Sir Francis Boynton 
Sir Henry Cholmley 
Sir Richard Gargrave 
Sir Marmaduke Grimstone 
Sir Lancelot Alford 
Sir Ralph Illerker [or 

Eliker] 
Sir George Frevile 
Sir Mauger Vavasor 
Sir Ralph Babthorpe 
Sir Richard Londer 
Sir Walter Crape 



[Lord Burlegh]. 

[co. Lane] 

[co. Lane] 

[co. York] 

[co. York] 

[co. Durh.] 

[co. York] 

[co. York] 

[co. York] 

[co. York] 

[co. York] 

[co. York] 

[co. York] 

[co. York] 

[co. York] 

[co. York] 

[co York] 



[co. York] 
[co. Durh.] 
[co. York] 
[co. York] 
not in J. PhilIPOT's 
List. 



[ 



] 



32 James I. journeys to Grimstone Hall. [May^i'eo 



The same day, His Majesty caused five Gentlemen to be 
sworn his servants, which served Queen Ehzabeth before 
time : whose names were Master RICHARD CONNIGSBY, 
Master GEORGE POLLARD, Ushers, Daily Waiters ; Master 
Thomas Rolles and Master Hariffe, Gentlemen, Quarter 
Waiters ; and Master RICHARD Read-head, GenUeman 
Sewer in Ordinary of His Majesty's Chamber. 

This day likewise, the Mayor of Kingston upon Hull 
delivered to His Majesty a petition, which was also sub- 
scribed and justified by divers Aldermen of the said town, 
to be done in the behalf of all the poor inhabitants : who, 
with one voice, besought His Majesty that they might be 
relieved and succoured against the daily spoils done to them 
by those of Dunkirk, that had long molested them and 
others the English coastmen. 

His Highness, as he is naturally inclined to much pity, so 
at that time he seemed to have great compassion of their 
wrongs and afflictions ; which were not hidden from him, 
though they had been silent : but he comforted them with 
his princely and heroic reply. That he would defend them ; 
and no Dunkirker should after dare to do any of his subjects 
wrong. 

In which assurance they departed : and, no doubt, shall 
find the effect of his kingly promise. 

I told you before, what bounty the Lord BURLEGH used 
during the continuance of the King's Majesty in the Manor 
[of St Mary's at York] : but it was indeed exceeding all the 
rest in any place of England before. Butteries, Pantries, 
and Cellars [being] always held open in great abundance, for 
all comers. 

Monday, being the i8th day [of April 1603], His Majesty 
was feasted by the Lord Mayor of York, whom he knighted 
by the name of Sir Robert Walter [co. York] : at whose 
house there was such plenty of all delicates [delicacies] as 
could be possibly devised. 

After dinner. His Majesty, following the rule of mercy he 
had begun with, commanded all the prisoners to be set at 
liberty, except Papists and wilful murderers. 

Which deed of charity effected, he left York, and rode to 
Grimstone [Hall], being a house of Sir Edward Stanhope's ; 



May'^i'eSJ:] Knights made at Crimstone Mall. 33 

where he lay that night, and dined the next day : His 
Majesty and all his train having their most bountiful enter- 
tainment ; all the Offices in the house standing open for all 
comers, every man without check eating and drinking at 
pleasure. 

Before His Majesty's departure from Grimstone, he 
knighted these Gentlemen : 

Sir Roger Aston [co. Chest] 

Sir Thomas Aston [co. Chest.] 

Sir Thomas Holt [co. Chest] 

Sir James Harington [co. Rutl] 

Sir Charles Montague [co. Northt] 
Sir Thomas Dawney [co. York] 

Sir William Bambrough [co. York] 
Sir Francis Lovell [co. Norf.] 

Sir Thomas Gerrard [co. Lane] 

Sir Robert Walter [Lord] 

Mayor of York [co. York] 

Sir Ralph Con[n]i[g]sby [co. Hertf.] 
Sir Richard Musgrave [co. York] 



The 19th day [of April 1603] being Tuesday, His Majesty 
took his journey towards Doncaster. Where, by the way, 
he went to Pomfret \Pontefract\ to see the Castle : which 
when he had at pleasure viewed ; he took horse and rode to 
Doncaster where he lodged all night at the sign of the Bear 
in an Inn ; giving the host of the house, for his good entertain- 
ment, a lease of a Manor House in a reversion, of good value. 

The 20th day [of April 1603], being Wednesday, His 
Majesty rode towards Worsop [Manor], the noble [Gilbert 
Talbot] Earl of Shrewsbury's House : and at Batine 
\? Bawtry\ the High Sheriff of Yorkshire took his leave of 
the King, and there Master [Roger] Askoth \or ASCOUGH, 
or Ayscue] the High Sheriff of Nottinghamshire received 
him ; being gallantly apppointed both with horse and man. 

And so he conducted His Majesty on, till he came within 
a mile of Blyth : where His Highness lighted, and sat down 
on a bankside to eat and drink. 

After His Majesty's short repast, to Worsop His Majesty 

C 2 



34 Knights made at Worsop Manor. [May^isJ. 

rides forward. But, by the way, in the Park he was 
somewhat stayed. For there appeared a number of Hunts- 
men, all in green ; the chief of which, with a woodman's 
speech, did welcome him, offering His Majesty to shew 
him some game : which he gladly condescended [ag-reed] to 
see ; and, with a train set, he hunted a good space, very 
much delighted. 

At last he went into the House, where he was so nobly 
received, with superfluity of things, that still every entertain- 
ment seemed to exceed others. In this place, besides the 
abundance of all provision[s] and delicacie[s], there was most 
excellent soul-ravishing music ; wherewith His Highness 
was not a little delighted. 

At Worsop, he rested on Wednesday night, and in the 
morning stayed breakfast. Which ended, there was such 
store of provision left, of fowl, of fish, and almost everything, 
besides bread beer and wine, that it was left open for any 
man that would, to come and take. 

After breakfast. His Majesty prepared to remove : but 
before his departure he made these Gentlemen, Knights ; 
whose names are following : 

Sir John Manners [co. Derb.] 

Sir Henry Grey [co. Bedf.] 

Sir Francis Newport [co. Salop.] 

Sir Henry Beaumont [co. Leic] 

Sir Edward Loraine [co. Derb.] 

Sir Hugh Smith [co. Som.] 

Sir Edmond Lucy [co. Warw.] 

Sir Edmond Cokayn [co. Derb.] 

Sir John Harper [co. Derb.] 

Sir William Damcourt [not in J. Philipot's List] 

Sir Henry Perpoint [not in J. Philipot's List] 

Sir Thomas Greslay [co. Notts] 

Sir John Biron [co. Notts] 

Sir Percival Willoughby [co. Line] 

Sir Peter Freschvile [co. Derb.] 

Sir William Skipwith [co. Leic] 

Sir Richard Thekeston [co. York] 

Sir Thomas Stanley [co. Derb.] 

[Sir Walter Cope co. Oxon.] 



May^i'e^:] James I. illegally hangs a thief. 35 

The 2ist [day of April 1603], being Thursday, His 
Highness took his way towards Newark upon Trent ; where, 
that night, he lodged in the Castle, being his own house : 
where the Aldermen of Newark presented His Majesty with 
a fair gilt cup, manifesting their duties and loving hearts to 
him : which was very kindly accepted. 

In this town, and in the Court, was taken a cutpurse, 
doing the deed ; and, being a base pilfering thief, yet was 
all Gentleman-like on the outside. This fellow had [a] good 
store of coin found about him : and, upon his examination, 
confessed that he had, from Berwick to that place, played 
the cutpurse in the Court. His fellow was ill missed, for no 
doubt he had a walking mate. They drew together like 
coach horses, and it is pity they did not go hang together. 
For His Majesty, hearing of this nimming gallant, directed 
a Warrant presently to the Recorder of Newark, to have 
him hanged : which was accordingly executed. 

This bearing small comfort to all the rest of his pilfering 
faculty, that the first subject that suffered death in England, 
in the reign of King James, was a cutpurse : which fault, 
if they amend not, heaven suddenly send the rest [the 
same fate] ! 

The King, ere he went from Newark, as he had 
commanded this silken base thief, in justice, to be put to 
death ; so, in his benign and gracious mercy, he gives life 
to all the other poor and wretched prisoners : clearing the 
Castle of them all. 

This deed of charity done ; before he left Newark [on the 
22nd April], he made these Knights : 

Sir John Parker [co. Suss.] 

Sir Robert Brett [co. Devon.] 

Sir Lewis Lewkenor [co. Suss.] 

Sir Francis Ducket [co. Salop.] 

Sir Richard Mompesson [co. Bucks.] 
Sir Richard Warburton [co. Chest] 
Sir Richard Wigmore [co. Heref] 
Sir Edward Foxe [co. Salop.] 

[Sir William Davenport co. Chest.] 

The 22nd day [of April 1603], being Friday, His Majesty 
departed from Newark, towards Belvoir Castle ; hunting all 



36 Knights made at Belvoir Castle. 



r T. M. 

LMay 1603. 



the way as he rode : saving that, in the way, he made four 
Knights, [the first] one being the Sheriff of Nottinghamshire. 
Sir Roger Askoth [or Ascough, 

or AyscUe] [co. Chest] 

Sir William Sutton [co. Notts.] 

Sir John Stanhope [co. Derb.] 

Sir Brian Lassels [co. York] 

Sir Roger Askoth [or Ascough, or Ayscue], High 
Sheriff of Nottinghamshire, being knighted, took leave of 
His Majesty ; and Master William Pelham, High Sheriff 
of Lincolnshire, received His Highness, being gallantly 
appointed both with horse and men ; divers worshipful men 
of the same country [County'] accompanying him : who 
convoyed and guarded His Majesty to Belvoir Castle, being 
the Right Noble [Roger Manners, the] Earl of Rutland's. 
Where His Highness was not only royally and most plenti- 
fully received : but with such exceeding joy of the good Earl 
and his honourable Lady, that he took therein exceeding 
pleasure. 

And he approved his contentment in the morning [of the 
23rd April 1603] ; for, before he went to break his fast, he 
made these Knights whose names follow : 



r Oliver Manners 
r William Willoughby 
r Thomas Willoughby 
r Gregory Cromwell 
r George Manners 
r Henry Hastings 
r William Pelham 
r Philip Tirwhit 
r Valentine Browne 
r Roger Dallison 
r Thomas Grantham 
r John Zouche 
r William Jepson 
r Edward Askoth [or 
Ascough, or Ayscue] 

Sir EVERARD DiGBY 

Sir Anthony Markham 
Sir Thomas Cave 
Sir William Turpin 



CO. Line] 
CO. Line] 
CO. Line] 
CO. Hunts.] 
CO. Line] 
CO. Leic] 
CO. Line] 
CO. Line] 
CO. Line] 
CO. Line] 
CO. Line] 
CO. Derb.] 
CO. Southt.] 



. Line] 
. Rutl] 
CO. Oxon.] 
CO. Leic] 
CO. Leic] 



May^i'e^:] Knights made at Belvoir Castle. 37 

Sir John Ferrers [co. Warw.] 

Sir Henry Pagenham [co. Line] 

Sir Richard Musgrave [not in J. Philipot's List] 

Sir Walter Chute [co. Kent] 

Sir William Lambert [not in J. Philipot's List] 

Sir Edward Rosseter [co. Line] 

Sir Edward Comines [not in J. Philipot's List] 

Sir Philip Stirley [co. Leic] 

Sir Edward Swift [co. York] 

Sir Basil Brooke [co. Salop.] 

Sir William Fairfax [not in J. Philipot's List] 

Sir Edward Bussy [co. Line] 

Sir Edward Tirwhit [co. Line] 

Sir John TH0RNE[nAUGH] [co. Notts.] 

Sir Nicholas Sanderson [co. Line] 

Sir Edward Littleton [co. Salop.] 

Sir William Fompt [or 

Fawnt] [co. Leic] 

Sir Thomas Beaumont [co. Leic] 
Sir William Skeffington [co. Leic] 

Sir Philip Sherrard [co. Leic] 
Sir John Tirril [or 

Thorold] [co. Line] 

Sir Edward Carre [co. Line] 

Sir Richard Ogle [co. Line] 
Sir Haman Swithcoate [oj- 

rather HUGH Whichcot] [co. Line] 

Sir William Hickman [co. Line] 

Sir William Fielding [co. Warw.] 
Sir Humphrey Coni[g]sby [not in J. Philipot's List] 

[Sir William Carre co. Line] 

[Sir William Ermine co. Line] 

• [Sir JOPIN Wentworth CO. Essex] 

The 23rd day [of April], being Saturday, after the making 
of these Knights, and having refreshed himself at breakfast ; 
His Majesty took kind leave of the Earl of Rutland, his 
Countess, and the rest : and set forward towards Burlegh. 

And, by the way, he dined at Sir John Harington's 
[House .-' at Haringtoti-Burley\ ; where that worthy Knight 
made him most royal entertainment. 



38 The giants of the Fens. [May^i6o5: 

After dinner, His Highness removed towards Burlegh, 
being near Stamford in Northamptonshire. His Majesty on 
the way was attended by many Lords and Knights. And, 
before his coming, there were provided train-cents and live 
hares in baskets [that] being carried to the Heath \? Emping- 
ton Heath\ made excellent sport for His Majesty. All the 
way between Sir John Harington's and Stamford, Sir 
John's best hounds with good mouths followed the game ; 
the King taking great leisure and pleasure in the same. 

Upon this Heath, not far from Stamford, there appeared 
to the number of a hundred high men, that seemed like the 
Patagones [^Patagonians], huge long fellows of twelve or 
fourteen feet high, that are reported to live on the Main 
[mainland'] of Brazil, near to the Straits of Magellan. The 
King, at the first sight, wondered what they were ; for that 
they overlooked horse and man. But, when all came to all, 
they proved a company of poor honest suitors, all going 
upon high stilts, preferring a Petition against the Lady 
Hatton. What their request was, I know not : but His 
Majesty referred them till his coming to London ; and so 
passed on from those giants of the Fens towards Stamford. 

Within half a mile whereof, the Bailiffs and the rest of the 
chief townsmen of Stamford presented a gift unto His 
Majesty ; which was graciously accepted. So rode he 
forward through the town, in great state, having the Sword 
borne before him ; the people joyful on all parts to see him. 

When His Highness came to Stamford Bridge ; the 
Sheriff of Lincolnshire humbly took his leave, and departed 
greatly in the King's grace. 

On the other part, the town standing in two Shires, 
stood ready [Master WiLLIAM Tate] the High Sheriff 
of Northamptonshire, bravely accompanied, and gallantly 
appointed with men and horse ; who received his Majesty, 
and attended him to Burlegh : where His Highness with all 
his train were received with great magnificence ; the House 
seeming so rich as if it had been furnished at the charges of 
an Emperor. Well, it was all too little, His Majesty being 
worthy [of] much more ; being now the greatest Christian 
monarch, of himself as absolute. 

The next day [24th April 1603], being Easter Day, there 



Ma/,6^:] King James I. arrives at Apethorpe. 39 

preached before His Highness, [Dr WiLlJAM Ciiaderton] 
the Bishop of Lincoln ; and the Sermon was no sooner 
done, but all [the] Offices in the house were set open, that 
every man might have free access to Butteries, Pantries ; 
[and] Kitchens ; to eat and drink in at their pleasures. 

The next day, being Monday the 25th of April [1603], 
His Highness rode back again to Sir John Harington's 
[House at Harington-Burley] ; and by the way his horse fell 
with him, and [he] very dangerously bruised his arm ; to the 
great amazement and grief of all them that were about His 
Majesty at that time. But he, being of an invincible 
courage, and his blood yet hot, made light of it at the first : 
and being mounted again, rode to Sir JOHN Harington's ; 
where he continued that night. 

And, on Tuesday morning, the pain received by his fall 
was so great that he was not able to ride on horseback ; but 
he turned from Sir John Harington's, to take a coach : 
wherein His Highness returned to Burlegh, where he was 
royally entertained as before ; but not with half that joy, 
the report of His Majesty's hurt had disturbed all the Court 
so much. 

The next day, being Wednesday the 27th day of April 
[1603], His Majesty removed from Burlegh towards Master 
Oliver Cromwell's. 

And, in the way, he dined at that worthy and worshipful 
Knight's, Sir Anthony Mildmay's [at Apethorpe] ; where 
nothing wanted in a subject's duty to his Sovereign, nor 
anything in so potent a Sovereign to grace so loyal a 
subject. Dinner being most sumptuously furnished, the 
tables were newly covered with costly Banquets [Desseri] ; 
wherein everything that was most delicious for taste proved 
[the] more delicate by the art that made it seem beauteous 
to the eye : the Lady of the House being one of the most 
excellent Confectioners in England ; though I confess many 
honourable women [to be] very expert. 

Dinner and Banquet [Dessert] being past, and His 
Majesty at point to depart ; Sir Anthony, considering 
how His Majesty vouchsafed to honour him with his royal 



40 James I. comes to Sir Oliver Cromwell's. [May^ieS 

presence, presented His Highness with a gallant Barbary 
horse, and a very rich saddle with furniture suitable thereto : 
which His Majesty most lovingly and thankfully accepted : 
and so, taking his princely leave, set forward on the way. 

In this remove towards Master Oliver CromWELL's did 
the people flock in greater numbers than in any place 
northward. Though many before pressed to see their 
Sovereign, yet here the numbers multiplied. 

This day, as His Majesty passed through a great common 
(which, as the people thereabout complain, Sir I. Spenser 
[John Spencer] of London hath very uncharitably molested 
\_enclosed^, most of the country [district] joined together, 
beseeching His Majesty that the common might be laid 
open again for the comfort of the poor inhabiters there- 
abouts : which His Highness most graciously promised 
should be performed, according to their hearts' desire. 

And so, with many benedictions of the comforted people, 
he passed on till he came within half a mile of Master 
Oliver Cromwell's [at Hinchinbrook Priory] ; where 
met him the Bailiff of Huntingdon, who made a long oration 
to His Majesty, and there delivered him the Sword, which 
His Highness gave to the new[ly] released [Henry 
WrioTHSLEY] Earl of SOUTHAMPTON [the Patron of 
Shakespeare] to bear before him. 

O admirable work of mercy ! confirming the hearts of all 
true subjects in the good opinion of His Majesty's royal 
compassion : not alone to deliver from the captivity such 
high Nobility, but to use vulgarly with great favours not 
only him, but also the children of his late honourable 
fellow in distress [i.e. of ROBERT Devereux Earl of 
Essex]. Well, GOD have glory, that can send friends, in 
the hour he best pleaseth, to help them that trust in him. 

But to the matter. His Majesty passed, in state, the 
Earl of Southampton bearing the Sword before him, as 
I before said he was appointed, to Master Oliver 
Cromwell's house : where His Majesty and all his 
followers, with all comers whatsoever, had such entertain- 
ment, as the like had not been seen in any place before, 
since his first setting forward out of Scotland. 

There was such plenty and variety of meats : such 
diversity of wines, and those not riffe ruffe but ever the 



May^ieS] ^^^ WELCOME OF CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY. 4 1 

best of the kind ; and the cellars open at any man's 
pleasure. And if it were so common with wine, there is 
little question but the Butteries for beer and ale were 
more common ; yet in neither was there difference. For 
whoever entered the house, which to no man was denied, 
tasted what they had a mind to : and after a taste, found full- 
ness : no man, like a man, being denied what he would call for. 

As this bounty was held back to none within the house ; 
so for such poor people as would not press in, there were 
many open beer-houses erected : where there was no want 
of beef and bread for the comfort of the poorest creatures. 
Neither was this provision for the little time of His 
Majesty's stay ; but it was made ready [for] fourteen days : 
and, after His Highness's departure, distributed to as many 
as had [a] mind to it. 

There attended also at Master OLIVER Cromwell's, the 
Heads of the University of Cambridge, all clad in scarlet 
gowns and corner-caps ; who, having presence of His 
Majesty, there was made a most learned and eloquent 
Oration in Latin, welcoming His Majesty, as also intreating 
the confirmation of their Charter and privileges : which His 
Majesty most willingly and free granted. They also pre- 
sented His Majesty with divers books published in commen- 
dation of our late gracious Queen : all which was most 
graciously accepted of His Highness. 

Also Master CROMWELL presented His Majesty with 
many rich and acceptable gifts : as a very great and a very 
fair wrought Standing Cup of gold, goodly horses, float 
[ }fleet\ and deep-mouthed hounds, divers hawks of excellent 
wing. And at the remove, [he] gave ;^50 [==^^200 nowl 
amongst His Majesty's Officers. 

Upon the 29th day [of April 1603], being Friday, after 
His Highness had broke his fast ; he took kind and 
gracious leave of Master OLIVER CROMWELL* and his 
virtuous Lady, late widow to that noble and opulent Knight, 
Signor HORATIO Paulo ViCINO. 

Thence, with many regal thanks for his entertainment, he 
departed to Royston. 

* Sir Oliver Cromwell was uncle of his great namesake. E. A. 



42 The 70 plow-teams of Godmanchester. [May^ie^! 

And as he passed through Godmanchester, a town close 
by Huntingdon, the Baihffs of the town with their Brethren 
met him ; and acknowledged their allegiance. There, con- 
voying him through their town, they presented him with 
threescore and ten team[s] of horse all traced to fair new 
ploughs ; in shew of their husbandry. 

Which, while His Majesty, being very well delighted 
with the sight, demanded. Why they offered him so many 
horses and ploughs ? he was resolved [anszvered], That it 
was their ancient custom whensoever any King of England 
passed through their town, so to present His Excellence. 
Besides, they added, that they held their lands by that 
tenure ; being the King's tenants. 

His Majesty not only took well in worth their good 
minds ; but bade them use well their ploughs : being glad 
he was landlord of so many good husbandmen in one town. 

I trust His Highness, when he knows well the wrong, will 
take order for those, as Her Majesty began, that turn 
ploughland into pasturage : and where many good husband- 
men dwelt there is now nothing left but a great house 
without [a] fire : the Lord commonly at sojourn near 
London ; and for the husbandmen and ploughs, he only 
maintains a shepherd and his dog. But what do I talking 
of sheep ! when I am to follow the gests of a King. I will 
leave them and their wolfish Lords, that have eaten up 
poor husbandmen like sheep : and proceed where I left [off]. 

His Majesty, being past Godmanchester, held on his way 
to Royston ; and drawing near the town, the Sheriff of 
Huntingdonshire humbly took his leave. And there he 
was received by that worthy Knight, Sir Edward Denny, 
High Sheriff of Hertfordshire, attended upon by a goodly 
company of proper men, being in number seven score, 
suitably apparelled. Their liveries [were] blue coats, 
with sleeves parted in the midst, buttoned behind in 
jerkin fashion ; and white doublets : and hats and 
feathers : and all of them mounted on horses with red 
saddles. 

Sir Edward, after his humble duty done, presented 
His Majesty with a gallant horse, a rich saddle, and furni- 
ture correspondent to the same ; being of great value : 
which His Majesty accepted very graciously, and caused 



May^i6^.] ThE KiNG REACHES BrOXBURN BuRY. 43 

him to ride on the same before him. This worthy Knight, 
being of a deliver spirit and agile body, quickly mounted, 
managing the gallant beast with neat and eiduing work- 
manship [ ? eye-domg' horsemanship] : being in a rich suit of a 
yellow dun colour ; somewhat near the colour of the horse, 
and the furniture. 

And thus, in brave manner, he conducted His Majesty 
to one Master Chester's house [at Cockenhatch] : where 
His Highness lay that night, at his own kingly charge. 

The 30th day [of April 1603], being Saturday, His 
Majesty took his journey towards Standon, to Sir Thomas 
Sadler's : and, by the way, [Dr Richard Bancroft] the 
Bishop of London met him ; attended on by a seemly 
company of Gentlemen in tawny coats and chains of 
gold. 

At Sir Thomas Sadler's, His Majesty was royally 
entertained, for himself and his kingly train : nothing 
being wanting the best desired, nor the meanest could 
demand. 

There His Majesty stayed [on] Sunday : before whom the 
Bishop of London preached. 

His Majesty, now drawing near to London, the numbers 
of people more and more increased, as well of Nobility, 
Gentry, Citizens, country people, and all ; as well of degree 
as of no degree. So great a desire had the Noble that 
they pressed with the ignoble to see their Sovereign : this 
being the difference of their desires, that the better sort, 
either in blood or of conceit, came to observe and serve ; the 
other to see and wonder. 

The 1st of May [1603], being Monday, His Majesty 
removed to Sir HENRY Cock's [at Broxburn Bury], being 
9 miles from Sir THOMAS Sadler's : where provision for 
His Majesty and his royal train was so abundant that there 
was no man of what condition soever, but had what his 
appetite desired. For His Majesty's private and most to be 
respected entertainment : it was such as ministered His 
Highness great contentment. 

Continuing there but one night, and departing the 



44 The King arrives at Theobalds. [May^i'eS^: 

next day ; [he] honoured the good Knight for his greater 
expenses. 

The 3rd of May [1603], being Tuesday, His Majesty took 
his journey towards Theobalds, a house belonging to Sir 
Robert Cecil, and about 4 miles distant from Sir 
Henry Cock's : where met him [Sir Thomas Egerton, 
afterwards Lord Ellesmere,] the Lord Keeper [of the 
Great Seal], [Thomas Sackville, Earl of Dorset,] the 
Lord Treasurer, [Charles Howard, Earl of Notting- 
ham,] the Lord Admiral, with most of the Nobility of the 
land and [the] Council of Estate ; who were graciously 
received. 

At which time, the Lord Keeper made a most grave, 
learned, brief, and pithy oration to His Majesty : to which 
His Highness answered with great grace and princely 
wisdom. 

At this house there met His Majesty all, or the most part, 
of the old servants and Officers in [the] Household of our 
late royal Mistress, Queen ELIZABETH ; and with them, the 
Guard of His Majesty's Body : all of them being courteously 
received to their own content. 

Also in this house of Theobalds, His Majesty made 
divers Noblemen of Scotland, of his Honourable Privy 
Council [of England], viz : 

[LoDowiCK Stuart,] the Duke of Lenox. 

[John Erskine,] the Earl of Mar. 

[Alexander Home,] the Lord Home. 

Sir George Home [, aftenvards Earl of Dunbar], 

Treasurer of Scotland. 
Sir James Elphinston [, afterwards Lord Balmeri- 

NOCH], Secretary to the King. 
[Edward Bruce,] the Lord of Kinloss, now Master 
of His Majesty's Rolls. [He received that appoint- 
ment on 1 8th May 1603.] 

Also of the English Nobility, he made these of his secret 
and Honourable [Privy] Council ; 

The Lord Henry Howard [, afterwards Earl of Nor- 
thampton]. 
The Lord THOMAS Howard [, afterwards Earl of 



May'i'e^.'] Knights made at Theobalds. 45 

Suffolk] : who was also made there, Lord Chamber- 
lain. 
[Charles Blount,] the Lord Mountjoy [, afterwards 
Earl of Devonshire]. 

His Majesty stayed at Theobalds four days \lrd-6th May 
1603] ; where to speak of Sir Robert's cost to entertain 
him were but to imitate geographers that set a little o for 
a mighty Province : words being hardly able to express what 
was done there indeed, considering the multitude that 
thither resorted, besides the train ; none going hence unsatis- 
fied. ISee Vol. F., /A 623-656]. 

At Theobalds, His Majesty made these Knights [on 
7th May] : 



r William Killigrew [co. Cornw.] 

r Francis Barrington [co. Essex] 

r Rowland Litton [co. Hertf] 
r William Peters [?Petre][co. Essex] 

r John Brograve [co. Hertf] 

r William Cooke [co. Essex] 

r Arthur Capel [co Hertf] 

r Herbert Croft [co. Heref] 

r Edward Grevill [co. Warw.] 

r Henry Boteler [co. Hertf] 

r Henry Maynard [co. Essex] 

r Richard Spencer [co. Hertf] 

r John Leventhorp [co. Hertf] 

r Michael Stanhope [co. Suff.] 

X Thomas Pope Blount [co. Hertf] 
r Richard Gifford. 

r Thomas Medcalfe [co. York.] 

r Gamaliel Capel [co. Essex] 

r William Smith [co. Essex] 

r John Ferrers [co. Hertf] 

r Robert Bitton [not in J. Philipot's List] 

r Vincent Skinner [co. Middl.] 

Hugh Beeston [co. Chest.] 

r John Leigh [notin J. Philipot's List] 

r Thomas Bishop [co. Suss.] 

r Edward Lewis [co. Glam.] 



46 James I. enters London in state. [May'^.e^: 

Sir Gervase Elwes [or Ellys] 

Sir Richard Baker [the Chronicler, co. Kent] 

[Sir Henry Fanshaw co. Hertf.] 

The 7th of May [1603], being Saturday, His Majesty 
removed from Theobalds, towards London, riding through 
the meadows : where, within two miles on this side of 
Waltham, Sir Henry Denny discharged his followers. 

And there, Master SwiNNERTON, one of the Sheriffs 
of London, accompanied with the Sheriff of Middlesex, 
met his Majesty, with sixty men in livery cloaks ; where 
an eloquent and learned oration was made to His Highness. 

Besides these men in livery cloaks that attended the 
Sheriff, all well mounted on gallant horses ; most of the 
Sheriffs Officers attended him : who conducted His Majesty 
[to] within two miles of London. 

And at Stamford Hill [Master Robert Lee] the Lord 
Mayor of London presented him with the Sword and Keys 
of the City : with whom were the Knights and Aldermen 
in scarlet gowns and great chains of gold about their necks, 
with the Chief Officers and Council of the City. Besides 
500 citizens, all very well mounted, clad in velvet coats 
and chains of gold ; with the chief Gentlemen of the 
Hundreds : who made a gallant shew to entertain their 
Sovereign. 

There also met his Majesty, all his Officers of Estate, as 
Serjeants at Arms with their rich maces ; the Heralds with 
their Coats of Arms, and Trumpeters : every one in their 
order and due place. 

The Duke of Lenox bore the Sword of Honour before 
His Majesty : and so His Highness passed on in royal and 
imperial manner. 

At this time, that honourable old Knight Sir Henry 
Leigh met with His Majesty, being attended by sixty 
gallant men well mounted on fair horses, thirty of them 
being great horses : many of his men having chains of gold ; 
the rest wearing yellow scarfs embroidered with these words, 
Constantia etfide. To this old Knight, His Majesty spake very 
lovingly : and so paced through his troops very well pleased. 

The multitudes of people in high ways, fields, meadows, 
closes, and on trees, were such that they covered the beauty 



r^ieSJ.] Knights made at the Charterhouse. 47 



May 1603. 



of the fields ; and so greedy were they to behold the counte- 
nance of the King that, with much unruliness, they injured 
and hurt one another. Some even hazarded to the danger 
of death. But as uncivil as they were among themselves ; 
all the way, as His Majesty past [they welcomed him] with 
shouts, and cries, and casting up of hats (of which many 
never returned into the owners' hands). 

He passed by them, over the fields ; and came in at the 
back side of the Charterhouse. 



Thither being come, he was most royal received and 
entertained by the Lord Thomas Howard. Where was 
such abundance of provision of all manner of things that 
greater could not be ; both of rare wild fowls, and many rare 
and extraordinary banquets ; to the great liking of His 
Majesty, and contentment of the whole train. 

He lay there four nights \yth to loth May 1603] : in which 
time the Lords of the Council often resorted thither, and sat 
upon their serious affairs. 

At his departure \i\th May 1603], he made divers Knights, 
whose names are these : 



r Charles Howard [co. Suss.] 
r Ambrose Willoughby [co. Line] 

r Edward Howard [co. Sum] 

r Henry Hastings [co. Leic] 

r Giles Allington [co. Camb.] 

r Richard Verney [co. Warw.] 

r John Thinne [co. Wilts.] 
r William Fitzwilliams [co. Line] 

r William Carrel [co. Suss.] 

r Edward Bacon [co. Suff.] 

r Francis Anderson [co. Bedf.] 

r John Poultney [co. Notts.] 

r Edward Darcy [co. York] 

r John Sydenham [co. Som.] 

r John Tufton [co. Kent] 

r Thomas Griffin [co. Northt.] 
r Valentine Knightley [co. Northt] 

r Ralph Wiseman [co. Essex] 

r William Ayloffe [co. Essex] 

r James Cromer [co. Kent] 



48 Knights made at the Charterhouse. [ 



T. M. 

May 1603. 



Thomas Rouse 
Rodney 
Henry Vaughan 
John Smith 
John Hunnam 
Thomas Mede 

EUSEBIUS ISHAM 

Arthur Cooper 
Robert Wingfield 
Thomas Josling 
Henry Gooderick 
Maximilian Dallison 
William Cope 
George Fleetwood 
Peter Evers 
Henry Cleere 
Francis Wolley 
Arthur Mainwaring 
Edward Waterhouse 
William Twysden 
Hatton Cheeke 
Henry Goring 
Robert Townsend 
William Hynde 
Richard Sandys 
Robert Bruce Cotton 
Oliver Luke 
Thomas Knevet 
Henry Seckford 
Edwin Sandys 
John Ashley 
William Fleetwood 
Walter Mildmay 
Edward Lewkenor 
Miles Sandys 
William Kingsmill 
Thomas Kempe 
Edward Tyrrel 
Thomas Russell 
Richard Tichborne 
Thomas Cornwall 



[CO. Suff.] 

[not in J. Philipot's List] 

[not in J. Philipot's List] 

[co. Kent] 

[co. Chest] 

[co. Kent] 

[co. Northt.] 

[co. Surr.] 

[co. Northt] 

[co. Herts.] 

[co. York.] 

[co. Kent] 

[co. Northt.] 

[co. Bucks.] 

[co. Line] 

[co. Norf.] 

[co. Line] 

[co. Chest] 

[co. York] 

[co. Kent] 

[? CO. Essex] 

[co. Suss.] 

[co. Salop.] 

[co. Camb.] 

[co. Kent] 

[co. Hunts.] 

[co. Bedf.] 

[co. Norf.] 

[co. Suff.] 

[co. Kent] 

[co. Kent] 

[co. Bedf.] 

[co. Essex] 

[co. Suff] 

[co. Camb.] 

[co. Southt] 

[co. Kent] 

[co. Bucks.] 

[co. Wore] 

[co. Southt.] 

[co. Salop.] 



May^i'eS] Knights made at the Charterhouse. 49 



r Richard Fermor 
r William Stafford 
r Thomas Carrell 
r Edward Carrell 
r Thomas Palmer 
r Robert Newdigate 
r George Ravvleigh 
r Thomas Beaufoe 
r William Lower 
r Thomas Fairfax 
r Henry Sidney 
r George Harvey 
r Henry Grippes 

[or Crispe 
r John Heveningham 
r William Bowyer 
r Jerome Weston 
r Edmund Bowyer 
r Nicholas Haslewood 
r John Jennings 
r Ambrose Turville 
r John Luke 
r John Dormer 
r Richard Saunders 
r John Sherley 
r Thomas Wayneman 
r Goddard Pempton 
r Thomas Metham 
r Edmund Bellingham 
r John Harington 
r Edward Harington 
r William Dyer 
r William Dyer 
r Walter Montague 
r Guy Palmes 
r Henry Ashley 
r Thomas Vackathell 
[or Vachill.] 
Sir Thomas Stukeley 
Sir Edward Watson 
Sir Thomas Preston 

D 



[co. Northt.] 

[co. Hunts.] 

[co. Suss.] 

[not in J. Philipot's List] 

[co. Kent] 

[co. Bedf.] 

[co. Essex] 

[co. Warw.] 

[co. Cornw.] 

[co. York] 

[co. Norf.] 

[co. Essex] 

CO. Kent] 
[co. Norf.] 
[co. Bucks.] 
[co. Essex] 
[co. Sum] 
[co. Northt.] 
[co. Wore] 
[co. Line] 
[co. Bedf.] 
[co. Bucks.] 
[co. Line] 
[co. Suss.] 
[co. Oxon.] 

[co. York] 
[co. Camb.] 
[co. York] 
[co. York] 
[co. Som.] 
[co. Som.] 
[co. Som.] 
[co. Rutl.] 
[co. Sum] 



[co. Suss.] 
[co. Northt] 
[co. Dors.] 



50 Knights made at the Charterhouse. [ 



T. M. 

May 1603. 



Sir William Leeke 
Sir Charles Cornwallis 
Sir Edward Francis 
Sir Hugh Losse 
Sir William Lygon 
Sir Thomas [le] Grosse 
Sir John Taskerow 
[or Tasburgh 
Thomas Fowler 
EusEBius Andrew 
Edward Andrew 
William Kingsmill 
Robert Lucy 
William Walter 
r John Cutts 
Richard Blount 
Anthony Bering 
H. Vaughan 
John Carew 
Edward Apsley 
Bertram Boomer 
William Alford 
Robert Lee 
Thomas Beaumont 
Robert Markham 
Francis Castilion 
George Savile 
George Martham 
Arthur Attie 
[or Atey 
Sir Pecksall Brocas 
Sir John Washall [or 

? Sir Robert Marshall] 
Sir Robert Cleveland 
Sir Richard Fermor 
[Sir Thomas Cheke 
[Sir Thomas Ayloffe 
[Sir Walter Tichborne 
[Sir Thomas Baker 



[CO. Suff.] 

[notin J. PhilipOT's List.] 

[CO. Middl.] 

[co. Wore] 

[co. Norf.] 

CO. Suff.] 

[co. Middl.] 

[co. Northt.] 

[notin J. Philipot's List] 

[co. Southt] 

[co. Warw.] 

[co, Camb.] 

[co. Oxon.] 

[co. Kent] 

[notin J. Philipot's List] 

[co. Som.] 

[co. Suss.] 

[co. York] 

[co. Line] 

[co. Leic] 

[co. Oxon.] 

[co. Berks.] 

[co. York] 

[notin J. Philipot's List] 

CO. Middl.] 
[co. Southt] 



[co. Northt] 
CO. Essex] 
CO. Essex] 
] 

3 



I 



May^ieSG James I. enters the Tower of London. 51 

Upon Wednesday, the nth of May 1603, His Majesty 
set forward from the Charterhouse, to the Tower of London ; 
in going quietly on horseback to Whitehall, where he took 
[his] barge. 

Having shot the Bridge {London Bridge], his present 
landing was expected at [the] Tower Stairs. But it pleased 
His Highness to pass the Tower Stairs, towards St 
Katharine's : and there stayed on the water to see the 
ordnance on the White Tower, commonly called JULIUS 
CiESAR's Tower, being in number 20 pieces ; [together] 
with the great ordnance on Tower Wharf, being in number 
100; and chambers to the number of 130, discharged off. 
Of which all services were so sufficiently performed by the 
Gunners, that a peal of so good order was never heard before : 
which was most commendable to all sorts, and very accept- 
able to the King. 

Then his royal person arrived at his own Stairs, so called 
the King's Stairs ; and with him these Nobles, besides other 
gallant Gentlemen of worthy note, viz : 

[Charles Howard, the Earl of Nottingham,] the 

Lord Admiral, 
[Henry Percy,] the Earl of Northumberland, 
[Edward Somerset,] the Earl of Worcester, 
Lord Thomas Howard, &c. 

At his coming up the Stairs, the Sword was presented to 
His Majesty by Sir Thomas Coni[g]SBY, Gentleman 
Usher of his Privy Chamber ; and by the King delivered 
to the Duke of Lenox : who bare it before him into the 
Tower. 

Upon the Stairs, the Gentleman Porter delivered the Keys 
of the Tower to [Sir John Peyton] the Lieutenant of the 
Tower ; and the Lieutenant presented them accordingly 
to the King's Majesty : who most graciously acknowledged 
the most faithful discharge of the loyal and most great trust 
put in him ; so, taking him about the neck, [he] redelivered 
them again. 

After his repose in the Tower some \i.e. about an] hour ; 
it was His Majesty's pleasure to see some [of the] Offices : 
as the Armory, the Wardrobe, the rich Artillery, and the 
Church. And after, for recreation, he walked in the garden : 
and so rested for that night. 



52 Knights made at the Tower of London, [^ay^i 



M. 

603. 



The next day, being Thursday and the 12th of May [1603] 
he saw the Ordnance House ; and after that, the Mint 
Houses ; and, last of all, the lions. 

The next day, being Friday the 13th of May [1603], he 
made these Lords and Knights following, viz : 

In his Presence Chamber, before dinner. 
[Sir Robert Cecil,] Lord Essendon [, co. Rutl. : 

afterwards Earl of SALISBURY]. 
[Sir Robert Sydney,] Lord Sydney of Penshurst [, co. 

Kent : afterwards Earl of LEICESTER]. 
[Sir William Knollys,] Lord Knollys of Grays 

[, CO. Oxon. : afterwards Earl of Banbury]. 
[Sir Edward Wotton,] Lord Wotton of Mar[her]ley 

[, CO. Kent]. 
Sir John Deane [co. Essex] 

Sir John Treavor [co. Flint] 

Sir Thomas Smith [co. Kent] 

Sir Thomas Hubert [co. Norf] 

And [in the] afternoon, in the Gallery. 
Sir William Dethick, Garter 

[King at Arms co. Sum] 

Sir Robert Macklarand [co. Oxon.] 
Sir George Morton [co. Dors.] 

Sir Edmund Bell [co. Norf] 

Sir Thomas Peyton [co. Kent] 

Sir David Fowles 
Sir William Gardner [co. Surr.l 



KING JAMES 

his entertainment 
at Theobalds. 

With his welcome to London, 
together with a salutatory 

Poem, 

By yoHN Savile. 

Dicito Id pcean : et Id his dicito pcean» 




LONDON: 

Printed by Thomas Snodham, and are to be sold 

at the house of T. E s t e . 

1603. 




To the right worshipful Master George 

S A V I L E 5 son and heir to Sir George 

S A V I L E knight, his most approved 

kind patron; health, honour, 

and happiness. 

Ffspring of Gentry, sprig for Honour drest, 
'Tis half your loss (O hell!) but all my blame, 
In proper words your worth should not b'exprest. 
Let it suffice that I adore your name! 

Then pardon what is wanting ! I will owe it ; 

And as I'm able, I will pay, I vow it ! 

Meanwhile, accept this Poem to our King ! 

Peruse it at your leisure, half or all ! 

Your Worship's worth, our Muse shall shortly sing ; 

Though in true Poesy, her skill 's but small : 

Howe'er it be, accept her pure goodwill ! 

She rests at your command, in all save 111. 

Your Worship's 

Ever ready at command in all duty. 

John Savile. 




^m'^ 




56 




King James his entertainment at Theo- 
balds ; with his welcome to London. 




OuRTEOUS Reader ! for the better under- 
standing of this description following, 
especially [those] to whom the situation 
of the place is either less known or not at 
all : they are therefore to note that Theo- 
balds (whither the King's Majesty came 
on Tuesday, being the 3rd of May, accom- 
panied with his whole train) is a princely 
manor belonging to the Right Honourable Sir Robert 
Cecil, Principal Secretary to His Majesty, and one of His 
Highness's Privy Council, seated in the county of Essex 
[or rather Hertfordshire, near Cheshunt], twelve miles distant 
from London, directly by north, near to an ancient town 
called Walton [V/altham] Cross. 

This house is not placed adjoining to the highwayside, as 
many sumptuous buildings are in that country and there- 
abouts (and especially between that place and London), the 
most part whereof belong to the city merchants : but it hath 
a most stately Walk from the common streetway, whereby 
passengers travel up to the palace, by the space of one 
furlong in length, beset about, either side, w^ith young elm 
and ash trees confusedly mixed one for another, from the 
highway to the first court belonging to the house ; containing 
in breadth three rods (which amount to some fifteen yards), 



rjlneTeS*:] Savile at the Bell at Edmonton. 57 

in fashion made like a high ridgeland, or the middle street- 
way without Bishopsgate. 

His Majesty having dined upon that same day, with Sir 
Henry Cocks at Broxbourne, four miles distant from 
Theobalds, about half an hour after one a clock in the 
afternoon, His Highness proceeded forward towards Theo- 
balds. He was accompanied by Sir Edward Denny, 
then Sheriff of Essex [? Hertfordshire], who had 150 followers 
in parti-coloured hats, red and yellow bands, round rolled, 
with a feather in every one of them of the same colour ; 
besides two trumpeters : all which were in blue coats, and 
gallantly mounted. There did accompany His Majesty from 
Broxbourne, many of the nobility of England and Scotland. 

As His Highness was espied coming towards Theobalds, 
for very joy many ran from their carts, leaving their team of 
horse[s] to their own unreasonable direction. 

After his nigh approach unto Theobalds, the concourse of 
people was so frequent, every one desiring a sight of him, 
that it were incredible to tell of. And it was wonderful to 
see the infinite number of horsemen and footmen that went 
from the city of London that day, thitherwards ; and likewise 
from the counties of Kent, Surrey, Essex, and Middlesex, 
besides many other countries. 

There were in my company two others. After I had put 
it into their minds, what infinite numbers of horse and foot 
passed by us, after our breakfast at Edmonton, at the sign 
of the Bell, we took occasion to note how many would come 
down in the next hour. So coming up into a chamber next 
the street, where we might best both see and likewise take 
notice of all passengers ; we called for an hourglass, and after 
we had disposed of ourselves as to who should take the number 
of the horse [riders], and who the foot [walkers], we turned the 
hourglass ; but before it was half run out, we could not 
possibly truly number them, they came so exceedingly fast. 
There we broke off, and made our account of 309 horse, and 
137 footmen ; which course continued that day, from four 
a clock in the morning till three a clock [in the] afternoon ; 
and the day before also, as the host of the house told us, 
without intermission. Now whether every equal space [of 
time] did equal the number of this I cannot justly say; 
therefore I forbear to set it down. 



58 K^NG James I. arrives at Theobalds, [yjukf^xS^. 

When we were come to Theobalds, we understood His 
Majesty to be within the compass of three quarters of a mile 
from the house. At which tidings, we divided ourselves into 
three parts, each one taking a place of special note, to see what 
memorable accidents might happen within his compass ; one 
standing at the upper end of the Walk, the second at the 
upper end of the first court, the third [i.e., J. Savile 
himself] at the second court's door ; and we made choice of 
a gentleman of good sort to stand in the court that leads into 
the hall, to take notice what was said or done by His High- 
ness to the nobility of our land, or said or done by them to 
His Majesty, and to let us understand of it. All which 
accidents, as they happened in their several places, you shall 
hear in as few words as may be. 

Thus then for His Majesty's coming up the Walk. There 
came before His Majesty some of the nobility, some Barons, 
Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen, and others ; amongst whom 
was the Sheriff of Essex [1 Hertfordshire'] and most of his 
men, the trumpets sounding next before His Highness, 
sometimes one, sometimes another; His Majesty not riding 
continually betwixt the same two [noblemen], but sometimes 
[with] one, sometimes [with] another, as seemed best to His 
Highness ; the whole nobility of our land and Scotland round 
about him, observing no place of superiority, but all bare- 
headed ; all of whom alighted from their horses at their 
entrance to the first court, save only His Majesty, who alone 
rode along still, with four noblemen laying their hands upon 
his steed, two before and two behind. In this manner he 
came till he was come to the court's door where I, myself, 
stood, where he alighted from his horse ; from which he had 
not gone ten princely paces but there was delivered to him a 
petition by a young gentleman ; His Majesty returning his 
gracious answer, that " He should be heard, and have 
justice." 

At the entrance to that court stood many noblemen ; 
among whom was Sir Robert Cecil, who there meet- 
ing His Majesty, conducted him into his house ; all which 
was practised with as great applause of the people as could 
be, hearty prayer and throwing up of hats. 

His Majesty had not stayed above an hour in his chamber, 
but hearing of the multitude thronging so fast into the upper- 



tjinfTsol:] WHERE THERE IS A UNIVERSAL FEASTING. 59 

most court to see His Highness, as His Grace was informed ; 
he shewed himself openly, out of his chamber window, by 
the space of half an hour together. After which time, he 
went into the labyrinth-like garden to walk ; where he re- 
created himself in the meanders, compact of bays, rosemary, 
and the like overshadowing his walk, to defend him from the 
heat of the sun, till supper time. At which, there was such 
plenty of provision for all sorts of men in their due place, as 
struck me with admiration {astonishment]. 

And first, to begin with the ragged regiment, and such as 
were debarred the privilege of any Court, these were so 
sufficiently rewarded with beef, veal, mutton, bread, and 
beer, that they sang " holiday ! " every day, and kept a con- 
tinual feast. As for poor, maimed, and distressed soldiers, 
which repaired thither for maintenance ; the wine, money, 
and meat, which they had in very bounteous sort, hath been 
a sufficient spur to cause them to blaze it abroad since their 
coming to London : whose thankfulness is not altogether 
unknown to myself, some of whom hearing that I was about 
to publish this small Remembrance, made means to me to 
give me true information of such princely exhibition, as they 
daily received during the time of His Majesty's abode at 
Theobalds. 

But let us a little look back into the Mirror of Majesty, to 
our Sovereign's own self! who in his princely wisdom, con- 
sidering the multitude of people assembled together, had that 
provident care over us his loving subjects, that (foreseeing 
that victuals would be dear, both for horse and man, had 
they been permitted to have been disposed of, according to 
the unsatiable desire of the town inhabitants) he ratified a 
deposition to that effect before the Clerk of the Market, for 
such and such victuals, meal, bread, butter, eggs, cheese, 
beef, mutton, veal, and the like, with lodgings and many 
more such necessary matters, that they should not be out ot 
measure dear, beyond ordinary course and custom, within 
the verge of His Majesty's Court, so long as it continued at 
Theobalds. What his princely intention was in this, towards 
the public good of all his faithful subjects then and there 
assembled together, drawn merely with the bonds of love and 
bounden duty, may easily be gathered by the publication of 
the same by His Majesty's privilege : but how effectually 



6o The multitude that came out of London. [^ j^uf*^*: 

this was observed by all estates of people within the verge 
of His Majesty's Court at the said time, I refer it to the 
censure of them that are assured of the certainty of it. 

Upon Wednesday morn, being the 4th of May [1603], His 
Majesty rode, very early in the morning, into Enfield Chase, 
accompanied with many of the nobility. His return was 
shorter than was expected by a great deal, by reason that the 
morning seemed to promise a shower, but did not perform it. 
I could have wished that either it had never lowered at all, 
so should we have enjoyed the presence of His Majesty the 
longer at that present, or that the middle region would have 
given us just cause to have railed against it, by urging His 
Highness's return into the house before his full recreation. 

He rode the most part of the way from the Chase, between 
two honourable personages of our land, the Earl of North- 
umberland upon His Majesty's right hand, and the Earl of 
Nottingham upon his left hand. 

Now one word concerning His Majesty's proceeding 
towards London, upon Saturday, the 7th of May ; and so I 
will end. 

For the number of people that went forth of the city of 
London to see His Majesty that day ; doubtless they were 
contained in a number, but, without all doubt, were not to 
be numbered. I heard many grey heads speak it, that in all 
the meetings they had seen or heard of, they had never heard 
or seen the tenth man of those that were to be seen that 
day, betwixt Enfield and London. Every place in this space 
was so clogged with company, that His Highness could not 
pass without pausing, ofttimes willingly enforced, though 
more willing to have proceeded, if conveniently he could 
without great peril to his beloved people. 

After our return to our houses, in our recreating prattle, a 
gentleman then sojourning in my house, one Master Th[omas] 
Pa : a man upon my own knowledge of sufficient wealth ; 
yet he would have been content to have exchanged his state 
so he might but have had actually, for every reasonable 
creature there was there that day, a bee ; and a hive to put 
them in. Another, more reasonable than he, would ask for 
no more living, than for every one, a pin ; which (according 
to an arithmetical proportion and by the judgement of two or 



tjunf^iS-] Deer Hunt near Stamford Hill. 6i 

three martial men (who had seen great companies together), 
as near as they could guess by their seeming show, would 
have amounted to 150 lbs., receiving but of every one a pin. 

His Majesty coming to Stamford Hill, there was an oration 
made unto His Highness ; the effect of which I could not 
truly learn : and hear it, I could not, by reason of the crowd. 
For even there, being three miles from London, the people 
were so throng, that a carman let his cart for eight groats 
[2s. 8d.] to eight persons, whose abode in it was not above 
one quarter of an hour. 

From Stamford Hill to London, was a train [hunt] made 
with a tame deer, with such turnings and doubles that the 
hounds could not take it faster than His Majesty proceeded; 
yet still by the industry of the huntsman and the subtilty of 
him that made the train in a full mouthed cry all the way, it 
was never further distant than one close [field] from the 
highway whereby His Highness rode, and for the most part 
directly against His Majesty; who, together with the whole 
company, had the lee wind from the hounds; to the end 
they might the better perceive and judge of the uniformity 
of the cry. 

After His Majesty had come from Kingsland, there was a 
division amongst the people, which way His Highness would 
take when he came at Islington ; but, in fine, he came the 
higher way, by the west end of the church ; which street 
hath ever since, and I guess ever will be called King's Street 
by the inhabitants of the same. 

When His Highness had passed Islington, and another 
place called New Rents, and entered into a close called 
Wood's Close by a way, cut of purpose, through a bank, for 
His Majesty's more convenient passage into the Charterhouse 
garden ; the people that were there assembled, I can compare 
to nothing more conveniently than to imagine every grass to 
have been metamorphosed into a man in a moment, the 
multitude was so marvellous. Amongst whom were the 
children of the Hospital [the Bluecoat School, see Vol. IV. p. 240] 
singing, orderly placed for His Majesty's coming along 
through them ; but all displaced by reason of the rudeness ot 
such a multitude. 

After His Majesty was come among the press of the 
people, the shouts and clamours were so great that one 



62 The King arrives at the Charterhouse. [^ /jnexeo*: 

could scarce hear another speak ; and, though there was 
hope to find what was lost especially by the loser, notwith- 
standing, in token of excessive joy inwardly conceived in 
the heart, many threw up their caps. 

Now, at last, he is entered into the garden ; from which time, 

till his going to the Tower, mine eyes were never blessed 

with his encounter. 

Now he is amongst us, GOD long preserve him 

over us ! whose presence makes old men 

say, Satis S0 vixisse se viso. 



FINIS. 




63 





A salutatory Poem to the Majesty 
of King James. 

Ail, mortal god ! England's true joy ! great King 
All hail ! Thy coming forceth my Muse to sing ! 
Too forward, so untutored in these lays, 
Unfit to blazon Kings' befitting praise, 
Yet ne'ertheless I'm forced perforce to write : 
Some Fury doth my head, my hand incite. 
Antiquity hath taught, next that day 
That English hearts first for your state did pray, 
The angel Gabriel, from Jehovah sent. 
Told to the creature, what her Maker meant. 
How She, a maiden-wife, should bear a son. 
Mankind's sole Saviour when we were undone. 
This blessed Eve of th'blest Annunciation 
Was first day of your Highness's proclamation. 
What hopes, what haps this proclamation brings 
Is cause efficient why our Muses sing. 
Hail, full of grace ! this 'gins the Salutation, 
Striking the Blessed with deepest admiration ; 
Half daunted first, then straight no whit dismayed, 
Mildly made answer, BeH as my Lord hath said ! 
Look what surpassing solace, joy without measure, 
Possessed her soul for this celestial treasure, 
Entombing in her womb our Saviour dear, 



64 A SALUTATORY POEM TO THe[, /unf/eot 

Deigned only worthy, man's Saving Health to bear. 

The like, and more, if more or like could be. 

Possessed our souls, longing so long for thee, 

She blessed the author of her good, the incarnate Word, 

Singing, My soul doth magnify the Lord ! 

At tidings of your proclamation we, 

In hands, in hats, in hearts did all agree. 

The world hath our applause, heav'ns have our hearty praying, 

Yourself, hands, hats, and hearts from you ne'er straying. 

The fruit which came by the angel's Ave ! t'all 

Is easily gathered by old Adam's fall; 

The world, the flesh, the Devil, each one our foe, 

By Ave ! had their final overthrow. 

The fruit we hope to reap by " GOD save the King ! " 

Which England's Council, unto the world did ring 

'Pon that same day, 's, doubtless, beyond compare 

Yourself in virtue, learning, valour rare. 

Gabriel ! why stay'st ? Angel ! why art thou slack ? 

Tell me. Eternal Messenger ! what holds thee back ? 

To take thy wings, leave demi-deity, 

And bid " GOD save King James his Majesty 1 " 

Since thou 'rt create to tell thy Maker's mind, 

And for no other end wert first assigned. 

Old Homer writes a silly dog would say 

** Welcome " to's master Kpa<i atvofievij ; 

Persius hath told us, for great Cesar's sake, 

A speechless parrot, %ai/3e to's welcome spake: 

What shall our hearts devise ? or hands set down ? 

Worthy thy great (O worthy King !) renown ! 

But thousands of " Welcomes ! " millions of %at/3e9 send; 

Plaudites numberless, shouts wanting end. 

Should we not this do, thankless were we then, 

But oft it's seen, beasts are more kind than men. 

Witness old Bardus's ape, freed from the pit 



? juneleoj Majesty of King James. 65 

That held a Senator and snake within it 1 

Adrian promised Bardus half of all 

His goods, to rid him from his hunting fall. 

Poor man, untied his truss, let down his rope ; 

To pull out Adrian first was all his hope. 

The ape espying it, out of the prison burst, 

Clipping the line in 's arms, was hauled up first. 

Bardus lets down his cord the second time, 

Intending Adrian up thereby should climb ; 

When 'twas come down, near to th'imprisoning ground. 

The serpent close himself about it wound. 

He was released the next : whom Bardus seeing, 

Ran, all aghast, hoping t'escape by fleeing. 

Lastly, the Senator, fast by it caught : 

Released, ne'er thanked him for the deed he had wrought. 

Th' aforesaid two, wanting Words, Reason, Art, 

Did several duties to him in their heart. 

In thankfulness, poor ape did give him wood ; 

A precious stone, for his received good 

The serpent gave him. Thus we plainly see ; 

For good received, thankful, dumb creatures be. 

Why do I instant in ungrateful man, 

Sith all are pressed to do, say, show the best they can, 

To entertain England's undoubted King; 

James, First of that name, to his own to bring ? 

Do not our parrots, Persius ! equal thine ? 

When one, 'mongst many, so truly could divine 

Could augurize aright, foresee, foresay 

A full month since, bidding " King James, good day ! " 

Unseen of most, hearing his only name, 

Tell'st in the streets, recks not her teacher's blame, 

Naming him twenty times at least together, 

Ceasing no longer than oiling of a feather, 

'Twixteach "King James," or " King," or "good," or" day;" 

E 2 



66 A SALUTATORY PoEM T0TIIE[, /une'xS: 

And oft, poor fool, she totally did pray 

Withouten ceasing, utter the whole throughout 

To th'admiration of the gazing rout. 

I cannot deem it now gulling toy 

Which Vennard (inspired!) entitled England's Joy; 

I rather guess he aid our good divine, 

Nor daring to disclose 't before full time. 

Be bold 1 go on ! Now's thy presaging plain ! 

King James is England's Joy, long hoped for gain. 

That it is he, who cannot easily prove ! 

Sith it is only he, we only love. 

'Tis he that England's Joy did first awake, 

After sad sorrowing for Eliza's sake. 

Then reck no clownish frumps ! regard them nought ! 

Banish such fooleries from thy purer thought ! 

We know the fruit sprung from foreknowing pen, 

" King James is England's Joy ! " Say all " Amen ! " 

Tokens of England's Joy, who list to seek 

That night might find strawed in London street, 

Making the night, a day ; Phcebe, a sun, 

This was the first sign when our Joy began : 

Continued still t'England's eternal good, 

In the happy issue of your royal blood. 

Make haste to make us happy, worthy King ! 

Our Muse desires to write th'enthronizing 

At famous Westminster, in thy Elders' Chair ; 

Where England's peers will yield our Crown to th'heir, 

To th'heir legitimate, yourself, dread Sovereign ! 

Wishing your happy and victorious reign. 

Besides a Trine of Kingdoms are your own 

Possess them all I possessing England's crown, 

France, and froward Ireland, with our English land, 

Are feal subjects to your royal hand. 

Besides, your sacred Self doth bring with you. 



?}un^e'r6o3.] MaJESTY OF KiNG JaMES. 67 

A kingdom never knit to these till now, 

As Camden's Britain tells, since Brutus' days ; 

Then let us thank our GOD ! sing roundelays ! 

England, rejoice ! " St. George for England ! " shout 1 

For joy, ' St. Denis ! " cry all France throughout ! 

Double our joys, O Albion ! Hark, Cambrian banks ! 

GOD hath enriched thee with a Prince, give hearty thanks ' 

You that, of long, had Lords in judgement sit 

Deciding causes, for your country fit. 

Clap hands ! sing Iw ! changed is your government: 

Our King's dearest son's your Prince, your President ! 

St. David, ring ! for joy, set up your leek ! 

Your prayer's heard, you have got you long did seek! 

Brave Henry Frederick, that imperial name 

I guess from his nativity foretold the same. 

Thrice happy in his tlireefold name, are you ! 

Henry, bold Frederick, is a Steward true. 

How well these titles, with your names agree ? 

You, almost all, at least possessing three ; 

Welcome them heartily ! welcome brave Prince Henry ! 

Sing carols for his sake ! keep wakes ! be merry ! 

Ireful cold Ireland, cease from thy rage at last ! 

To yield subjection to thy King, make haste ! 

Sound out " St. Patrick ! " Scotland, " St. Andrew !" sing ! 

King James is England's, Scotland's, France's, Ireland's 

King, 
What can I add to eke our joys withal. 
Sith James is King of all, contained in all. 
But thou hast, dear King ! t'ease our expecting mind 
Unstayed while your Highness stays behind, 
Indeed ne'er truly stayed, till we, you greet 
With xalpe I3acn\€v<; in London street ; 
Nor then indeed, till we do all resort 
To see your face shining in England's Court, 



68 Poem to the Majesty of King James. [ , /unf?^^ 

And then (0 but till then make haste !) your Grace shall see 

Your stranger subject's faithful loyalty. 

Now to return where first I did begin, 

'Mongst all estates, Poets have cause to sing 

King James his welcome ; for he doth excel 

(As his Lepantho and his Furies tell) 

In Poesy. All kings in Christendom, 

Then welcome him (quick spirits!), blush to be dumb! 

And pardon him that boldly makes this suit 

Forced by some Fury, scorns to be longer mute, 

Rejoice ! Your patron is your country's King. 

Judge ! of all states, have not you cause to sing ? 

For shame, then, rouse your spirits ! Awake, for shame ! 

Give Cesar's due ! Acquit yourselves from blame ! 

All wish his welcome, 'mongst all sorts of men, 

Save only such as are past sixty-ten : 

These wayward old ones grudge to leave behind 

What our succeeding Age is sure to find. 

The peace, the plenty, pleasure, and such like gain 

Which we are sure t'enjoy in James his reign ; 

Wishing, Would he had lived in their youth's prime ; 

Or Old Age would return to ten and nine ! 

Were they but nineteen who have ninety seen, 

They would then wish to see King James and 's Queen. 

And so indeed they do, the whitest heads 

That lived in antique time, and prayed on beads 

These holiest fathers crave no longer life 

Than once to see King James his Queen and wife 

With hands upreared, giving Jehovah praise, 

That length'ed their lives to see his happy days. 

That these his happy days full grace may bring, 

Let English hearts cry all, " GOD save our Kingl" 

FINIS. 



THE 

Time Triumphant, 

Declaring in brief the arrival of our 

Sovereign liege Lord^ Ki7ig y A M E S^ 

into England^ His Coro?tation at Westminster ; 

together with his late Royal Progress fro?7i the 

Tower of London through the City to 

His Highnesses Manor of 

Whitehall^ 

Shewing also the varieties and rare- 
ties of all the sundry Trophies or Pageants, 
erected as well by the worthy citizens of the 
honourable City of London, as also by 
certain of other nations, namely, 
Italians, Dutch, and French. 

With a Rehearsal of the King and ^^leeii s 
late coming to the Exchange in London. 

By Gilbert Dugdale. 
^ At LONDON. Printed by R. B. i 6 o 4. 



71 




Triumphant^ 

i7i King James his happy 

coming to the Crown of 

England^ &^c. 




Hat time it pleased GOD omnipotent, tc 
seize upon the soul of our late Sovereign 
Queen of famous memory, that worthy 
gentleman, Sir Robert Gary, night and 
day omitting no industry, brought, as I 
have heard it credibly reported, the first 
fame of the happened honour to our thrice 
famous and heroic King James • whose 
haste though it unhappily threw him from his horse near his 
journey's end, yet it foretold the ensuing Majesty to come, 
and worthily entertained of one so gracious as our blessed and 
dread Sovereign, gave him to understand the power of the 
Almighty in his behalf; seating him as lawful and immediate 
in the English Throne, to rule Israel with a happy hand. 

I shall not need to relate the good orders of the Most 
Honourable, grave, and wise Gouncil of this land ; the great 
love of the whole nobility; the affective humours of all the 
Gourt to shew their duties in that behalf; the worthy usage 
of the citizens of London in general, and in what excellent 
manner he was proclaimed, with what quiet love and govern- 
ment. For mine own part, I have known the city of London 



72 Parting of James and Anne in Scotland. [^- ^''^f^l 

many years, but I never did see the retainers, inhabitants, 
both young and old, of that excellent order and government ; 
nothing of that giddy rashness, as in times before they were 
accustomed to be : but all in one, and one in all, most worthily 
received the Imperial name of King James, and freely con- 
sented to his titles as By the Grace of God, of England, 
Scotland, France, and Ireland, King ; Defender of, &c. 

The day then generally known of his coming forward to 
the possession of the Regal Seat ; let me tell you, by the way, 
the joy was not so great in England by the English to fetch 
him, as the sorrow was in Scotland of the Scots to leave him. 
And that which was more confounding to their joys than the 
rest, the parting betwixt his Queen and him in the open street, 
in the full eye of all his subjects, who spent tears in abun- 
dance to behold it. Here English and Scottish in one 
sympathy, joined first in hearty affected love ; in sign where- 
of the floods of their eyes drawn from their kind hearts, 
conjoined their amity : and no doubt, they that in kindness, 
being possessed with one joy, can weep together : they will 
now, and at all times, live and die together. 

But to make haste to the principal, whereof this is part. 
Towards England he comes. 

His royal entertainment in Berwick, both of the train of 
England and the soldiers there I need not set down. Yet I 
will tell you of a wise answer of the King to a question 
propounded. 

When he entered in the town, it rained small drops, where- 
by some things had hindrance which should have royalised 
the time : but His Grace graciously, being attended in his 
chamber, on the sudden, looking from his window, might see 
the sunshine. 

One by, of no small account, began to question thus. 
" I muse, why the temperate season was so quickly overcast 
by a shower of rain ; and now that rain so overthrown by this 
sunshine : it presages somewhat sure[ly] 1 " 

The King smiling, " No great matter! " quoth he, "only 
this imagine ! the first fair shew of weather, my prosperous 
setting forwards, by GOD's sufferance ; the latter shower, 
the universal tears of my country to leave their King ; and 
this sudden sunshine, the joy of England for my approach." 
Which undoubtedly it was so, as it appeared ; for the cost, 



^■^"^fadi'l Coronation at Westminster on 25 July, "ji 

and love pains, of his subjects (all the way from Berwick to 
York, from thence to Stamford, from thence to Theobalds, 
and so to the Charter House in London, where he remained 
for certain days, and then went to the Tower of London, 
and so seating his most royal person there), as the like hath 
seldom been, or I think ever will be again to the world's end, 
to an}' man's imagination. 

Well here he is, happily planted and heartily welcome ! 
What wants then but his blessed coronation ! At which was 
no small triumph. For had you seen him in progress to it, 
as many did, when he took barge at Whitehall, on Saint 
James's day [25/^ July'] ; such was his salutation to the 
people, and theirs to him. But anon comes forth England's 
Triumph, the worth of women, Anne, Queen of England, and 
happy wife to our most gracious King (whose father was 
King, brother no less a King, and whose husband four Kings 
in one), accompained with lovely ladies (the only wedstars of 
the world for beauty and good graces), following her dear 
husband to Coronation, with her seemly hair down trailing 
on her princely bearing shoulders, on which hair was a 
coronet of gold. She so mildly saluted her subjects, that the 
women weeping ripe, cried all in one voice " GOD bless the 
Royal Queen ! Welcome to England ! long to live and con- 
tinue so ! " 

To Westminster the}- went, and took on them the royalty 
of the time, the complete order of Coronation ; and, by a 
general and free consent, enjoyed the rights of Royalty and 
were invest in Honour, possessed of Majesty, owners of 
Royalty, and made the only Commander of all Principality. 

The Triumph of that time, I omit ; but let me turn to the 
Londoners whose hearts were wild fire, and burned unquench- 
able in love to this ro3'al couple, and expressing her desires 
and their heads together to solemnize in triumph that 
happy day : which hour of glory was dashed by the omnipo- 
tency of GOD's power; who, mortally visiting the City and 
land with a general Visitation, hath, since that time, taken 
thousands to His mercy, and laid their heads low that else, 
in these actions, would have held them high. 

Yet see again a new love of His Majesty ! He nobly re- 
garding the cost together with their loves, and that their ex- 
pectations should go current, appoints when the full posses- 



74 The Procession through London, ['^" ^"^^el*; 

sion of their joys should be ; that was when the angry hand 
of GOD had worked the will of His all-commanding power 
when the infection ceased, then should the Triumph of the 
day be solemnized. To this consent, cost prepared, and 
the City with the strangers, merchants, and others, erected 
Trophies of Glory, Pageants of that magnificence that never 
were the like. 

Well, the time appointed, when His Highness would set 
forward, should be in the holy time in Lent, the joyful Spring 
time when the ground in triumph of the time should likewise 
flourish in ample equipage ; and she (no niggard of her 
pomp) attires hers in a green livery embroidered with flowers 
of a thousand divers and sundry colours. Thus heaven and 
earth applaud the Triumph of King James, and mortals all 
agree to make that hour famous. 

In the meantime, His Grace, with his Queen and children, 
progressed in the country, and dealt honours as freely to our 
nation as their hearts would wish, as creating Knights, of 
Gentlemen ; Lords, of Knights ; and Earls, of Lords ; and, 
no doubt, hereafter Dukes, of Earls : I [ay], and raised up an 
Honour in England that, to this day, has been long in 
oblivion, which as now it is honourably living, so it will 
never die : I mean our noble Knights of the Bath, young 
and gallant, worthy and valiant. 

Nay, see the bounty of our all kind Sovereign ! Not only 
to the indifferent of worth, and the worthy of honour, did he 
freely deal about these causes ; but to the mean, gave grace : 
as taking to him, the late Lord Chamberlain's servants, now 
the King's Actors : the Queen taking to her the Earl of 
Worcester's servants, that are now her Actors ; the Prince, 
their son Henry, Prince of Wales, full of hope, taking to him 
the Earl of Nottingham his servants, who are now his 
Actors. So that of Lord's servants, they are now the 
servants of the King, Queen, and Prince. 

But to return again to our Time Triumphant. Now the 
hour is come, and the day appointed. The preparation of 
which is mighty, I [ay] and so great as neither can my tongue 
tell, nor my pen set down. Yet to make a flourish of a flourish, 
thus it was. 

Our heroic King hearing the preparation to be great, as 



^■^"^''eot] DELAYED BY PlAGUE TILL MaRCH I 5, 1604. 75 

well to note other things, as that he was desirous privately, 
at his own pleasure, to visit them ; accompanied with his 
Queen in his coach, he came to the Exchange, there to see 
for his recreation, thinking to pass unknown. The wily 
multitude perceiving something, began with such burly 
burly to run up and down, with such unreverent rashness as 
the people of the Exchange were glad to shut the stair doors 
to keep them out. Here they lost the pleasing sight they 
might have enjoyed but for their rashness. 

When His Highness had beheld the merchants from a 
window, all below in the walks, not thinking of his coming, 
whose presence else would have been more : they, like so 
many pictures, civilly seeming, all bare [headed], stood silent, 
modesty commanding them so to do. Which sight so delighted 
the King, that he greatly commended them saying, " He 
was never more delighted that seeing so many, of divers and 
sundry nations, so well ordered and so civil one with the 
other : " but withal discommended the rudeness of the multi- 
tude, who, regardless of time, place, or person, will be so 
troublesome. 

And, countrymen, let me tell you this ! If you heard what 
I hear, as concerning that ; you would stake your feet to the 
earth, at such a time, ere you would run regardless up and 
down ! Say, it is His Highness's pleasure to be private, as 
you may note by the order of his coming ; will you then be 
public, and proclaim that which Love and Duty cries silence 
to ? This shews his love to you : but your open ignorance 
to him! You will say, perchance, "It was your love!" 
Will you, in love, press upon your Sovereign thereby to 
offend him ? Your Sovereign may, perchance, mistake your 
love, and punish it as an offence ! 

But, hear me ! When hereafter he comes by you, do as 
they do in Scotland ! Stand still ! see all ! and use silence ! 
So shall you cherish his Visitation, and see him thrice for 
once amongst you ! But I fear my counsel is but water 
turned into the Thames. It helps not ! 

But to our Solemnity. The Court, the City, and Country, 
all make preparation to the day : the Court, the order 
for the King's person ; they in the City, his welcome to it, 
and his quiet pass through the streets ; the Country, thev 



76 The Tower emptied of State prisoners, [^"^"^^g'^ot 

post up to attend : so that all are busied to this Solemnity : 
and the reason, I trow, being the Day of Triumph so long 
expected. 

The Tower was empty of his prisoners ; and I beheld the 
late [!] Sir Walter Raleigh, the late [!] Lord Cobham, the 
late [!] Lord Grey, Markham, with others, conveyed some 
to the Marshalsea, others to the Gatehouse, and others to 
appointed prisons [in November, 1603]. 

The Tower itself was prepared with that pomp as eye 
never saw, such glory in the hangings ! such majesty in the 
ornaments of the chambers ! and such a necessary provision, 
as when I beheld it, I could no less than say 

GOD gives King James the grace 
And glory of the day, 
As never a King possessed like place 
That came the Northern way, 

And since the heavens will have it so, 

What living soid dares say " No 1 " 

Upon the Thames, the water works for his entertainment 
were miraculous, and the fireworks on the water passed 
pleasing. As of a castle or fortress built on two barges, 
seeming as a settled fort in an island, planted with much 
munition of defence : and two pinnaces ready rigged, armed 
likewise to assault the castle : that had you beheld the 
managing of that fight, with the onset on the castle, repulse 
from the castle, and then the taking of it, it was a show 
worthy the sight of many Princes. Being there placed at 
the cost of the Cinque Ports: whereat the King, all pleased, 
made answer that "their love was, like the wild fire, un- 
quenchable ! " And, I pray GOD, it may ever be so ! 

Well, from the Tower, he came. Here, Cost was careless ; 
Desire was fearless, and Content flourished in abundance. 
But so royally attended, as if the gods had summoned a 
Parliament, and were all in their steps of triumph to Jove's 
High Court. This worthy train attending so majestic a 
presence, the Companies of London in their liveries, placed 
in the street which was double railed [i.e., a rail on each side 
of the street] for them and the passengers, the Whifflers in 



^■^"^fe^o!;] Lord Mayor goes as far as Temple Bar. 'i'] 

their costly suits and chains of gold walking up and down, 
not a conduit betwixt the Tower and Westminster but runs 
with wine, drink who will ! coming thus, with his royal 
assembly, all so gallantly mounted, as the eye of man was 
amazed at the pomp. 

In Fenchurch street was erected a stately Trophy or 
Pageant, at the City's charge ; on which stood such a shew 
of workmanship and glory as I never saw the like ! Top 
and topgallant, whereon were shews so embroidered and set 
out, as the cost was incomparable ! who spake speeches to 
the King of that incomparable eloquence, as, while I live, I 
shall commend. 

The city of London was very rarely and artificially made ; 
where no church, house, nor place of note, but your eye might 
easily find it out : as the Exchange, Cole Harbour, Paul's, 
Bow Church, &c. 

There, also Saint George and Saint Andrew, in complete 
armour, met in one combat, and fought for the victory ; but 
an old Hermit passing by, in an oration, joined them hand 
in hand, and so, for ever, hath made them as one heart : to 
the joy of the King, the delight of the Lords, and the unspeak- 
able comfort of the comminalty. 

Our gracious Queen Anne, mild and courteous, placed in 
a chariot of exceeding beauty, did all the way so humbly and 
with mildness, salute her subjects, never leaving to bend her 
body this way and that, that women and men in my sight 
wept with joy. 

The young hopeful Henry Frederick, or Frederick 
Henry, Prince of Wales, smiling as overjoyed, to the people's 
eternal comfort, saluted them with many a bend. 

Before whom, the Lord Mayor of the City in g. crimson 
velvet gown, bearing his enamelled golden mace on his 
shoulder, ushered the King, Queen, and Prince ; bringing 
them to Temple Bar, took his leave, and received many thanks 
of the King and Queen : who were after met by the Aldermen 
and Sheriffs, that came to guard him home. 

Well, the glory of that Show passed, the King and his train 
passed on through Gratious [Gracechiirch] street. But there 
let me tell you I was not very near : but, in my eye, it was 



y8 The old man's Song of Welcome. ["^"^"^^.^J: 

super excellent Justice, as I take it, attired in beaten gold, 
holding a crown in her hand ; guarded with shalmes and cor- 
nets, whose noise was such as if the Triumph had been endless. 

There, likewise, were, on both sides, speeches spoken ; 
Shows appointed with several harmonies of drums, trumpets, 
and music of all sorts. 

The Italians spared no spending in that behalf, at whose 
charge this glorious prospect was so pompous and full of 
shew, to the wonder of every beholder for the height, strength, 
and quality. Through it our King and his train passed. 

At the corner of the street stood one, an old man with a 
white beard, at the age of seventy-nine, who had seen the 
change of four Kings and Queens, and now beheld the 
triumphs of the fifth; which, by his report, exceeded all the 
rest. Wherefore, as hopeful never to behold the like, yet he 
would, of his own accord, do that which should show his 
duty and old love, that was to speak a five lines that his son 
had made him : which lines were to this purpose, he himself 
being attired in green — 

Peerless of Honour, hear me speak a word ! 

Thy welcomed glory and enthroned renown 

Being in peace, of earthly pomp and State, 

To furnish forth the beauties of thy Crown. 

Age thus salutes thee, with a doimiy pate. 

Threescore and nineteen is thy servants years. 

That hath beheld thy predecessors four 

A II flourishing green ; who deaths, the subjects' tears 

Mingled with mine, did many times deplore, 

But now again, since that our joys are five, 

Five hundred welcomes, I do give my King ! 

And may thy change, to us that be alive. 

Never be known, a fifth extreme to bring ! 

My honest heart be pattern of the rest ! 

Whoever prayed for them before now thee. 

Both them and thine, of all joy be possest ! 

Whose lively presence, we all bless to see. 

And so pass on ! GOD guide thee on thy way .' 

Old Hind concludes, having no more to say. 



^'^^^itil The Third Trophy, by the Exchange. 79 

But the narrow way, and the pressing multitudes so over- 
shadowed him, with the noise of the Show, that opportunity 
was not favourable to him ; so that the King passed by : yet 
noting his zeal, I have publicly imprinted it, that all his 
fellow subjects may see this old man's forwardness ; who 
missed of his purpose by the concourse of the people. 
Besides the King appointed no such thing, but at several stays 
and appointed places. 

Along Cornhill, they trooped with great majesty. But 
His Highness, being right over against the Exchange, smiled, 
looking toward it ; belike, remembering his last being there, 
the grace of the merchants, and the rudeness of the multi- 
tude : and casting his eye up to the third Trophy or Pageant, 
admired it greatly; it was so goodly, top and top many stories, 
and so high as it seemed to fall forward. 

On the top, you might behold the sea dolphins as dropping 
from the clouds on the earth, or looking to behold the King ; 
pictures of great art, cost, and glory, as a double ship that, 
being two, was so cunningly made as it seemed but one, which 
figured Scotland and England in one, with the arms of both 
in one escutcheon, sailing on two seas at once. 

Here, was a speech of wonder delivered too. But the 
glory of this Show was in my eye as a dream, pleasing to the 
affection, gorgeous and full of joy : and so full of joy and 
variety, that when I held down my head, as wearied with 
looking so high, methought it was a grief to me to awaken 
so soon. But thus the Dutch and French spared for no cost 
to gratify our King. 

Still the streets stood railed, and the Liveries of all the 
Companies on both sides guarding the way ; and the strong 
stream of people violently running in the midst towards 
Cheapside. There, our Triumphant rides, garnished with 
troops of royalty and gallant personages. 

And passing by the Great Conduit, on the top thereof, stood 
a prentice, in a black coat, flat cap, servant-like, as walking 
before his master's shop. Now whether he spake this or not, 
I heard it not : but the manner of this speech was this ; it 
coming to me at third, or second hand. 



8o The T r o p ii y by the Great Conduit. [^- ^"^^^^ | 

" What lacks you, gentlemen ? What will you buy ? 
Silks! Satins! Taffetas I &c. 

BiU stay, bold tongue ! Stand at a giddy gaze ! 
Be dim, mine eyes ! What gallant train are here, 
That strike minds mute, and put good wits in maze ? 
O His our King ! Royal King James is near ! 

Pass on in peace, and happy he thy way ! 

Live long on earth, England's great crown to sway ! 

Thy City, gracious King, admires thy fame, 

A nd on their knees, prays for thy happy state ! 

Our women, for thy Queen Anne, whose rich name 

Is their created bliss, and sprung of late. 

If women's wishes may prevail thus being, 

They wish you both long lives, and good agreeing ! 

Children for children pray, before they eat, 

At their uprising, and their lying down : 

Thy sons and daughters, Princely all complete, 

Royal in blood, children of high renown. 
But generally together they incline. 
Praying in one, great King, for thee and thine." 

Whether he were appointed, or of his own accord, I know 
not ; but howsoever forward, love is acceptable ; and I would 
the King had heard him, but the sight of the Trophy at Soper 
Lane end, made him more forward. 

There was cost both curious and comely, but the devices 
of that, afar off, I could not conjecture. But by report, it was 
exceeding. It made no hugh high shew like the other ; but 
was pompous, both for glory and matter ; a stage standing 
by, on which were enacted strange things ; after which, an 
oration was delivered of great wisdom. Both sides of this 
Pageant were decked gallantly ; and furnished so as all the 
broad street, as the King passed, showed like a Paradise. 

But here, His Grace might see the love of his subjects, 
who, at that time, were exceedingly in the Shows. Passing by 
the Cross [in Cheapside] beautifully gilt and adorned ; there 



^■^"^^ei] The remainder of the Shows. 8i 

the Recorder and the Aldermen on the scaffold, delivered 
him a gallant oration ; and withal a cup of beaten gold. 

So he passed on to the Pageant at the Little Conduit, very 
artificial indeed, of no exceeding height, but pretty and 
pleasing, in the manner of an arbour ; wherein were placed 
all manner of wood inhabitants, divers shews of admiration 
as pompions, pomegranates, and all kinds of fruits : which the 
Lords highly commended : where, after strange musics had 
given plenty of harmony ; he passed toward Fleet Street, 
through Ludgate, where the Conduits dealt so plenteously 
both before and after he was passed, as many were shipped to 
the Isle of Sleep, that had no leisure, for snorting, to behold 
the day's Triumph. 

When he came to the Trophy in Fleet Street, the Lords 
considered that the same, for royalty, was so richly beautified, 
and so plenteous of shew, that with the breath of the street, 
it seemed to them to have gone back again, and that they 
were but then at the Cross in Cheap, but otherwise saluted, 
as with variety of speeches. 

All sundry sorts of music appointed by the City too, as 
that at the Little Conduit, and all else but the Exchange 
and Gratious Street. On the top of this Pageant was placed 
a globe of goodly preparation. 

Thus, while wondering at the glory of it, setting on un 
awares, were they at the Pageant at Temple Bar : neithef 
great nor small, but finely furnished ; some compared it to 
an Exchange shop, it shined so in that dark place and was 
so pleasing to the eye. Where one, a young man, an Actor 
of the City, so delivered his mind, and the manner of all, in 
an oration, that a thousand gave him his due deserving com- 
mendations. 

In the Strand, also, was another, of small proportion, a 
Pyramid fit beseeming time and place. But the day was far 
spent, and the King and the States, I am sure, wearied with 
the Shows, as the stomach may glutton : the daintiest Court 
stayed not long, but passed forward to the place appointed ; 
where I leave them to GOD's protection and their own 
pleasures. 

Thus have you heard a short description of this day's Pro- 
gress, in which all the Peers and Lords of England, and a 



82 But a very few Accidents. [ 



G. Dugdale. 
1604. 



part of those of Scotland were assembled, to beautify the 
triumphs of their most gracious King. The multitude oi 
people present at this, was innumerable ; but to conclude, 
GOD be thanked for it ! such was the care of the worshipful 
citizens of London, and all things so providentially foreseen by 
them, that little or no hurt ensued to any : which was greatly 
feared of many to have happened, by reason of the great 
multitudes that were in the City, being come both far and 
near this, to see this most glorious and happy Show. 

And I beseech Almighty GOD, of His infinite mercy and 

goodness, so to keep our King, Queen, and Prince, and all 

their princely progeny, that no harm may ever come near 

them, nor touch them ; but that may ever live to His 

great glory, and to maintain His glorious 

Gospel, for evermore. Amen. 




rHE 
COM ME NT:AR IE S 

OF 

Sir FRANCIS VERE, 

Being 

divers Pieces of Service, w^herein he 

had command ; written by himself, 

in way of Commentary. 



Published by 
William Dillingham, D.D. 



l/t V E R us insuis Commentaxiis proditiz'i. Camden, Anna/. 
Mz/it sufficit hac sutnmatitJt e V E R I Commentario annotasse. Idem. Ibid. 



CAMBRIDGE: 

Printed by John Field, Printer to the famous 
University. Anno Dom. M D C L V 1 1 . 



84 



[Brave Vere ! who hast by deeds of arms made good 
What thou hadst promised by birth and blood, 
Whose Courage Jieer turned edge, being backed with wise 
And sober Reason, sharpened with Advice. 
Look, Reader, how from Nietiport hills, he throws 
Himself a tlumderbolt amongst his foes I 
And IV hat his Sword indited, that his Pen 
With like success doth here fight der again I 
What Mars performed, Mercur y doth tell ! 
None eer but C^sar fought and wrote so well I 
Why 7nay not then his book this title cany, 
The Second Part of Cesar's Commentary ? 

V E R I S C I P I A D yE 

duo fulmina belli.] 




85 



To the Right Worshipful 

H O R A C E To W N S B £ N n. 

Baronet, 

T Worshipful, 

Here present you with the Works, that is, with 
the Actions and Writings of your great uncle. Sir 
Francis Verb ; unto which, as you have a right 
by blood, common to some others with you, so 
have you also right by purchase, proper and peculiar to 
yourself alone : having freely contributed to adorn the 
impression [contributed towards the engravings of the original 
edition] ; wherein you have consulted, as the reader's delight 
and satisfaction, so the honour and reputation of your family. 
I have read of one that used to wear his father's picture 
always about him ; that, by often looking thereon, he might 
be reminded to imitate his virtues, and to admit of nothing 
unworthy of the memory of such an ancestor. Now, Sir, I 
think you shall not need any monitor than your own name ! 
if, but as often as you write it or hear it spoken, you recall 
into your thoughts, those of your progenitors, who contributed 
to it : your honoured father. Sir Roger Townshend, and 
your grandfather, the truly honourable and valiant the Lord 
Verb of Tilbury; men famous in their generations, for owning 
religion, not only by profession, but also by the practice 
and patronage of it. Whose virtues, while you shall make 
the pattern of your imitation, you will increase in favour 
with GOD and man, and answer the just expectations of 
your country. And that you may so do, it is the earnest 
desire, and hearty prayer of, 

Sir, 
Your very respectful friend and humble servant, 

William Dillingham. 





To the ingenuous Reader. 

Lthough this book can neither need, nor admit of any 
Letters Recommendatory from so mean a hand : yet 
I thouglit it not incongruous to give thee some account 
of it ; especially coming forth so many years after the 
author's death [Sir Francis Verb died 28th August, 1608, 
set, 54]. 

Know then, that some years since, it was my good hap to meet 
with a copy [i.e., in manuscript] of it, in the library of a friend, 
which had been either transcribed from, or at least compared with 
another in the owning and possession of Major General Skippon : 
which I had no sooner looked into, but I found myself led on with 
exceeding delight, to the perusal of it. The gallantry of the action, 
the modesty of the author, and the becomingness of the style, did 
much affect me : and I soon resolved that such a treasure coidd 
not, without ingratitude to the autlior and his noble family, nor 
without a manifest injury to the repute our English Nation, yea, 
and unto truth itself, be any longer concealed in obscurity. 

Whereupon, I engaged my best endeavours to bring it into the 
public view : but finding some imperfections and doubtful places 
in that copy, I gave myself to further inquiry after some other 
copies ; supposing it very improbable that they should all stumble 
at the same stone. 

And so, I was favoured with another copy out of the increasing 
library of the Right Honourable the Earl of WESTMORELAND, 
which had been transcribed immediately from the author's own ; 



W. Dillingham, D.D.-J gj^. Jq^^ OgLE's ACCOUNTS ADDED. 87 

another, the Honourable the Lord FAIRFAX was pleased to afford 
me the perusal of : hut that which was instar omnium, was the 
Original itself, written by the author's own hand, being the goods 
and treasure of the Right Honourable the Earl of CLARE, but at 
present, through his favour, in my possession. 

These, Reader ! are the Personages whose favour herein, I am, 
even upon thy account, obliged here to remember and acknowledge. 

I have subjoined Sir jfOHN Ogle's account of the Last Charge 
at Nieuport battle : whom, I suppose, our author himself woidd 
have allowed {being his Lieutenant-Colonel) to bring up the rear. 
I have also inserted his account of the Parley at the siege of Ostend. 
Both were communicated to me, by the same friendly hand [the 
Earl of Clare] that first lent me the copy [manuscript] of Sir 
Francis Vere. 

And, for thy further satisfaction, I have adventured to continue 
the story of that Siege, from the time that our Author put up his 
pen, to the time that he put up his sword there : having first, by 
his example, taught others the way how to defend the town. . . . 

I will not here mention anything concerning our author's life 
and extraction. The one whereof is sufficiently known : and for 
the other, I shall content myself with what Sir Robert Naunton 
hath briefly written of him, which I have printed here before the 
book ; which is all but a larger Commentary upon that which he 
hath there delivered. 



Only give me leave to bemoan a little our own loss, and the 
author's unhappiness in this, that his noble brother [Sir Horace 
Verb], having been in courage equal, and in hazards undivided^ 
shotdd leave him here to go alone. For as he must be allowed a 
great share tn these actions recorded by his brother : so were his 
own services afterwards, when General of the English, so eminent 
and considerable, that they might easily have furnished another 
Commentary ; had not his own exceeding modesty proved a step- 
mother to his deserved praises. 



88 Officers trained by Lord Vere. [w- Diumgham, d.d- 

He was a religious, wise, and vnliaiit Commander : and, that 
which quartered him in the bosom of the Prince of ORANGE, he 
was always successful in his enterprises ; sometimes, to the admira- 
tion both of friends and enemies. Take an instance or two. 

When he took Sluis, there was one stronghold first to be taken, 
which he found some difficulty to overcome ; and that was, the 
opinion of his friends of the impossibility of the enterprise. And 
for his enemies, Spinola himself, were he now alive, would, I 
question not, do him the right which he did him in his lifetime : 
and bear witness of his gallant retreat with 4,000 /row between his 
very fingers ; when, with three times that number, he had grasped 
up the Prince and his men against the seashore. 

And because the proficiency of the Scholars was ever accounted a 
good argument of their Master^ ability ; I shall make bold, with 
their leaves, to give you a list of some of his [Sir Horace, after- 
wards Lord Vere of Tilbury, who died in 1635]. 

Henry, Earl of Oxford. Sir John Conyers, Captain. 

Thomas, Lord Fairfax. Sir Thomas Gale, Captain. 

Sir Edward Vere, Lieut.- Sir William Lovelace, Captain. 

Colonel. Sir Robert Carey, Captain. 

Sir Simon Harcourt, Sir Jacob Ashley, Captain. 

Sergeant Major. Sir Thomas Conway, Captain. 

Sir Thomas Button, Sir John Burlacy, Captain. 

Captain. Sir Thomas Winne, Captain. 

Sir Henry Paiton, Sir Ger[vase] Herbert, 

Captain. Captain. 

Sir John Burroughs, Sir Edward Harwood, Captain. 

Captain. Sir MiCHAEL EvERiD, Captain. 
Sir Thomas Gates, Captain. 

Besides divers others, whose effigies [portraits] do at once, both 
guard and adorn Kirby Hall in Essex ; where the truly religious 
and honourable the Lady Vere doth still survive [in i6^y], kept 
alive thus long by special Providence, that the present Age might 



W. Dillingham, D.D.l 
1657J 



The daughters of Lord Vere. 89 



more than read and remember^ what was true godliness in [at] 
eighty-eight. 

As for her Lord and husband, who died long since [in 1635], 
though he left no heir male behind him, to bear his name ; yet 
hath he distributed his blood, to run in the veins of many honour- 
able and worshiped families in England. For his daughters 
were, The Right Honourable, Honourable and virtuous, the 
Countess of Clare, the Lady Townshend now Countess of 
Westmoreland, the Lady Paulet, the Lady Fairfax, and 
Mistress Worstenholme : whose pardon I crave, for making 
so bold with their names ; but my hope is, they will be willing to 
become witnesses unto their Uncle's book (though a warlike birth), 
and to let their names midwife it into the world. 



Thus, Reader, I have given thee a brief account of this piece, 
and so recommend me to Sir Francis Vere I 



•^?^ 





90 Naunton's account of Sir F. Vere. p'^^j^™^; 

Sir Robert Naunton, in his Fragmenta Regalia, p. 41. 

V E RE. 

Ir Francis Vere was of that ancient, and of the 
most noble, extract of the Earls of Oxford ; and 
it may be a question whether the Nobility of 
his House or the Honour of his Achievements 
mio-ht most commend him ; but that we have our authentic 
rule, 

Nam genus, et proavos, et qucB non fecimus ipsi 
Vix ea nostra voco, &c. 

For though he was an honourable Slip of that ancient Tree 
of Nobility, which was no disadvantage to his virtue : yet he 
brought more glory to the Name of Vere, than he took blood 
from the Family. 

He was, amongst all the Queen's Swordsmen [military and 
naval queers], inferior to none; but superior to many. Of 
whom, it may be said, " To speak much of him, were the way 
to leave out somewhat that might add to his praise, and to 
forget more that would make to his honour." 

I find not, that he came much to the Court, for he lived 
almost perpetually in the Camp : but when he did, none had 
more of the Queen's favour, and none less envied. For he 
seldom troubled it, with the noise and alarms of supplications : 
his way was another sort of undermining ! 

They report, that the Queen, as she loved martial men, 
would Court this Gentleman, as soon as he appeared in her 
presence : and, surely, he was a soldier of great worth and 
Command ! 30 years in the service of the States [United 
Netherlands], and 20 years over the English in Chief, as the 
Queen's General. And he that had seen the battle at Nieu- 
port, might there best have taken him, and his noble brother, 
the Lord of Tilbury, to the life. 



91 




THE 

C M M E NT ARIES 

OF 

Sir FRANCIS VERE, 




Boemeler Waert. 

N THE year of our Lord 1589, the Count 
Charles Mansfeldt having passed part of 
his army into the Boemeler Waert (the rest 
lying in Brabant over against the island of 
Voorn), prepared both troops to pass into the 
said island, with great store of flat-bottomed 
boats ; his artillery being placed to the best 
advantage to favour the enterprise. 
The Count Maurice had to impeach him, not above 800 
men : the wh ^le force that he was then able to gather to- 
gether, not being above 1,500 men ; whereof the most were 
dispersed along the river of Waal, fronting the Boemeler 
Waert, to impeach the enemy's passage into the Betuwe. 
Of these 800 men ; 600 were English, of which myself had 
the command. 

These seemed small forces to resist the enemy, who was 
then reckoned about 12,000 men ; and therefore Count 
Maurice and Count Hollock \the popular name of Count 
Philip William Hohenlo], one day, doing me the honour 
to come to my quarters, put in deliberation, Whether it were 
not best to abandon the place ? 



92 The first relief of Rheinberg. p'/ye^Je; 

Whereunto, when others inclined; my opinion was, That 
in regard of the importance of the place, and for the reputa- 
tion of Count Maurice, this being the first enterprise 
wherein he commanded in person as chief ; it could not be 
abandoned but with much reproach, without the knowledge 
and orders of the States General : and that therefore they 
were first to be informed in what state things stood; I under- 
taking in the meantime, the defence of the place. 

Which counsel was followed ; and I used such industry 
both in the intrenching of the island and planting artillery, 
that the enemy, in the end, desisted from the enterprise. 



The relief of Rheinberg. 

N THE year of our Lord 1589, the town of Berg 
upon the Rhine, being besieged by the Marquis of 
Warrenbon, and distressed for want of victuals : 
I was sent to the Count Meurs, Governor of 
Gelderland, by the States, with nine companies of 
English. 

At my coming to Arnheim, where he lay, in a Storehouse 
of munitions ; in giving order for things necessary for his 
expedition, the powder was set on fire, and he so sorely burnt, 
that he died within few days after. 

The States of that Province called me before them, told me 
in what extremity the town was, the importance of the place, 
and facility in succouring it ; desiring me to proceed in 
the enterprise : which I did willingly assent unto ; and they 
appointed seven companies of their own nation to join with 
me, which were to be left in Berg in lieu of so many other 
companies to be drawn out hence. 

To the Count Overstein, a young Gentleman and then 
without any charge [command], as a kinsman and follower 
of the Count of Meurs, they gave the command of twelve 
companies of horse. 

With these troops, we passed to the Fort Caleti, made by 
Skink, over against Rees. Where, finding the carriages 
appointed for that purpose, ready laden with provisions ; we 
marched towards Berg, taking our way through a heathy 




Sir F. Vere 
? i6o6 



:] Fight in the woods near Loo Castle. 93 




and open country : and so, with diligence surprising the 
enemy (who lay dispersed in their forts about the town), in 
full view of them, we put our provisions into the town ; and 
so returned to the said Fort by Rees, the same way we had 
gone. 

The second relieving of Rheinberg, 

Fter some days' refreshing, new provision of 
victuals being made, it was thought good by the 
States, who, in the meantime had advice how 
things had passed, that we should with all speed, 
put in more provisions. 
Being advertised that the enemy gathered great forces at 
Brabant, under the conduct of the Count Mansfeldt, for the 
strait besieging of the town ; this made us hasten, and 
withal take the ordinary and ready way near the Rhine side. 
But because it was shorter, and not so open as the other ; 
and so more dangerous, if perchance the enemy with his full 
power should encounter us : and because there were upon it 
certain small redoubts held by the enemy ; we took along 
with us two small field pieces. 

When we came within two English miles of Berg, at a 
Castle called Loo [afterwards the favourite residence of William 
III.], which stands on the side of a thick wood within musket 
shot of the way we were [intended] to take through the said 
wood: [it] being very narrow and hemmed in, on both sides, 
with exceeding thick underwood (such, as I guess, as those 
dangerous places of L'eland). The enemy from the Castle 
first shewed themselves : and then came out towards the 
place, along the skirt of the wood, to gall our men and horses 
in their passage, with such bravery, as I might well perceive 
they were not of the ordinary garrison. 

I first sent out some few Shot [infantry with muskets] to 
beat them back ; giving order to our Vanguard in the mean- 
time, to enter the passage, the Dutch footmen to follow them, 
and the horsemen, and the carriages [waggons] : with orders 
to pass with all diligence to the other side of the place, and 
then to make a stand, until the rest of the troops were come 
up to them ; keeping with myself, who stayed in the Rear- 
ward, 50 horse, 6 trumpeters, and all the English foot. 



94 The Spaniards driven back to the Castle. [^'"■j^'T 



Verf, 

606. 



In the meantime, the enemy seconded [reinforced] their 
troops of Shot, to the number 400 or 500 ; insomuch as I was 
forced to turn upon greater numbers with resolution to beat 
them home to their castle : which was so thoroughly per- 
formed, that, afterwards, they gave us leave to pass more 
quietly. 

When the rest of the troops were passed, I made the 
English enter the strait [ravine] : who were divided into 
two troops ; of which I took 100 men with 6 drums, placing 
them in the rearward of all ; myself with the 50 horse, 
marching betwixt them and the rest of the English footmen. 

This strait is about a quarter of an English mile long : 
and hath, al)out the middle of it, another way which cometh 
into it from Alpen, a small town not far off. 

When we were past this cross way, we might hear a great 
shout of men's voices redoubled twice or thrice, as the Spanish 
manner is, when they go to charge : but, by reason of the 
narrowness and crookedness of the place, had no sight of 
them. 

I presently caused the troops to march faster ; and withal 
gave order to the trumpeters and drums that were with me, 
to stand, and sound a Charge : whereupon there grew a great 
stillness amongst the enemy ; who, as I afterwards under- 
stood by themselves, made a stand expecting to be charged. 

In the meantime, we went as fast from them as we could, 
till we had gotten the plain. Then having rid[den] to the 
head of the troops, who were then in their long and single 
orders, and giving directions for the embattling of them, and the 
turning their faces towards the strait, and the mouth of pieces 
also ; and so riding along the troops of English towards the 
place, I might see from the plain, which was somewhat high 
raised over the woods which were not tall, the enemy coming 
in great haste, over a bridge some eightscore [yards] within 
the strait, with ensigns [colours] displayed, very thickly 
thronged together; and, in a trice, they shewed themselves 
in the mouth of the strait. 

My hindermost troops, which were then near the strait, 
were yet in their long order : and with the suddenness of the 
sight somewhat amazed. Insomuch that a Captain, well 
reputed and that had, the very same day, behaved himself 
very valiantly, though he saw me directing as became me, 



^"/- ^6^6;] "I WAS NEVER LESS TO SEEK.'" 95 

often asked What he should do ? till, shortly and roughly, as 
his importunity and the time required I told him, that " I 
was never less to seek [i.e., never had less trouble to know what 
to do] ! " that " he therefore should go to his place, and do 
as I had commanded, till further orders." 

And so doubting [fearing] the enemy would get the plain 
before my troops would be thoroughly ordered to go against 
them ; I took some of the hinder ranks of the Pikes, and 
some Shot, with which I made out to the strait's mouth, [at] a 
great pace, willing the rest to follow : whereupon the enemy 
made a stand, as it were doubtful to come on ; and so I came 
presently to the push of pike with them. 

Where, at the iirst encounter, my horse being slain under 
me with a blow of a pike, and falling on me so as I could not 
suddenly rise, I lay as betwixt both troops till our men had 
made the enemy give back ; receiving a hurt in my leg, and 
divers thrusts with pikes through my garments. 

It was very hard fought on both sides, till our Shot spread- 
ing themselves along the skirt of the wood, as I had before 
directed, flanked and sore galled the enemy: so that they 
could no longer endure, but were forced to give back : which 
they did without any great disorder, in troop. And, as they were 
hard followed by our men, they turned and made head man- 
fully ; which they did four several times before they broke : 
and, at last, they flang away their arms, and scattered 
asunder, thrusting themselves into the thickets; for back- 
wards, they could not flee, the way being stopped by their 
own men. 

I commanded the men not to disband [scatter], but to pur- 
sue them ; and passing forward, easily discomfited the 500 
horsemen, who presently left their horses, and fled into the 
bushes: amongst whom, it was said the Marquis of Warren- 
BON was in person ; for the horse he was mounted on, was 
then taken amongst the rest. 

The horsemen who fled into the thick[et]s, we followed 
not : but went on the straight way, till we encountered with 
the 24 companies of Neapolitans; who discouraged with our 
success, made no great resistance. We took 18 of their 
ensigns [colours], and made a great slaughter of their men, till 
we had recovered the bridge before mentioned of them. 

My troop being small of itself, made less by this fight, and 



96 400 English kill 600 Spaniards. \_^'"f- ^ 



Vere 

606 



less by the covetousness of the soldiers (whereof a good part 
could no longer be kept from rifling the enemy and taking 
horses) ; I thought good, not to pursue the enemy further 
than the said bridge : where, having made a stand till our 
men had taken full spoil of all behind us, the enemy not once 
so much as shewing himself; night growing on, I made my 
retreat, and two hours after sunset, came with the troops 
into the town of Berg. 

This fight was begun and ended with one of the two 
English troops [battalions of infantry], which could not exceed 
400 men : the other, which Sir Oliver Lambert led, only 
following, and shewing itself in good order, and ready if 
occasion required ; the Netherlanders remaining in the plain, 
with the horsemen and the Count Overstein. 

The enemy lost about 800 men [killed] ; and by an Italian 
Lieutenant of Horsemen, who was the only man taken alive, 
I understood, that Count Mansfeldt was newly, before this 
encounter, arrived ; and had joined his forces with those of 
the Marquis of Warrenbon, in which were all the Spanish 
regiments making 220 ensigns, besides other forces : so that 
the whole strength was supposed to be 13,000 or 14,000 foot, 
and 1,200 horse, of their oldest and best soldiers. 

They had intelligence of our coming, but expected us the 
way we had taken before ; and made all speed to impeach us 
by cutting off this passage, sending those harquebussiers we 
first met with by the Castle, to entertain us in skirmish. 

Presently, upon my coming to Berg, though in great pain 
with my wound, we fell to deliberation what was to be done. 
We knew the enemy's strength, and the danger we were to 
abide in returning : and to stay in the town were to hasten 
the loss of it, by eating the provisions we had brought. 

Of the two, we chose rather to return. And so giving order 
for the change of garrison and refreshing our men, and 
bestowing those who were hurt, on the empty carriages ; by 
the break of day, the morning being very foggy and misty, 
we set forward, in as secret manner as we could, taking 
the open and broader way : without sight of any enemy till 
about noon, when some troops of horse discovered themselves 
afar off, upon a very spacious heath, and gave us only the 
looking on. So that, without any impeachment, we arrived, 
that night, at the fort before Rees. 




^"/ Tfioe:] Simultaneous assaults on Litkenhooven. 97 



T/ie relieving of the Castle of Litkenhooven. 

N THE year of our Lord 1590, in the Castle ot 
Litkenhooven in the Fort of Recklinghausen, 
there was a garrison of the States' soldiers besieged 
by the people of that country, aided with some 
good number of the Duke of Cleve's, the 
Bishops of Cologne and Paderborn's soldiers, whom they call 
Hanniveers. 

The States gave me order, with some companies of English 
foot, to the number of 700 or 800, and 500 Horse, to go to the 
relief of the said Castle : which I accepted, marching with 
all possible speed, in good hope to have surprised them at 
unawares. Arriving there one morning by break of day; I 
found the chief troop was dislodged, and that they [the garrison] 
wrought hard upon a fort before the entry of the Castle 
in which they had left good store of men. 

I did expect to have found them without an)^ entrenchment, 
and therefore had brought no provision of artillery or scaling 
ladders : without the which, it seemed very dangerous and 
difficult to carry it by assault. [The entrenchment] was 
reared of a good height with earth, and then with gabions 
thereupon, of six feet high, which made it almost unmount- 
able : and to besiege them, I had no provision of victuals. 
So that I was to return without making of any attempt ; or 
to attempt in a manner against reason : which notwithstand- 
ing, I resolved to adventure. 

And therefore, dividing the English troops into eight parts, 
I conveyed them as secretly as I could, so as two of these 
troops might readil}^ assault ever}^ corner of the said Fort, 
being a square of four small bulwarks [bastions or batteries] , 
but with a distance betwixt the troops : to give on each 
corner with a signal of drums, at which, the first four troops 
should go to the assault; and another signal to the other four 
troops to second [support] , if need required. 

While this was in doing, I sent a drum, to summon them 
of the Fort to yield : who sent me w^ord, " They would first 
see my artillery." 

I saw by their fashion, there was no good to be done by 
entreaty : yet to amuse them, I sent them word, " The 



98 Attack on the Fort near Burick. [ 



Sir F. Vere. 
1606. 



artillery was not yet arrived. If they made me stay the 
coming of it, I would give them no conditions ! " 
They answered, " That I should do my worst ! " 
At the very instant of my drum's return, I gave the signal, 
and the troops speedily gave upon the Fort, as I had ap- 
pointed them. Though they did their utmost endeavours, 
they did find more resistance than they were able to overcome; 
nevertheless, I gave them no second [reinforcement'] till I 
might perceive those within had spent their ready powder in 
their furnitures. At which time, I gave the second signal ; 
which was well and willingly obeyed, and gave such courage 
to the first troops, that the assault was more eager on all 
hands ; insomuch that one soldier helping another, some got 
to the top of the rampires [ramparts] : at which, the enemy 
gave back, so that the way became more easy for others to 
climb to the top ; and so finally, the place was forced, and 
all the men put to the sword, being in number 350, all chosen 
men, with the loss and hurting of about 80 of my men. 

The place thus succoured, and my men refreshed for some 
few days, I returned homewards : and found in my way, that 
Burick a small town of Cleve, and a little fort on that side the 
Rhine, were in the meantime surprised. 

The enemy then held a Royal Fort not far from Wesel, 
which served to favour the passage of his forces over the 
Rhine. This place, I understood by those of Wesel, to be 
slenderly provided of victuals, so as they had but to serve 
them from hand to mouth, out of the town ; and that their 
store of powder was small. 

I knew the service would be acceptable to the States, if I 
could take that Piece from the enemy ; and therefore resolved 
to do what lay in me. 

I first appointed a guard of horse and foot to ];inder their 
recourse to the town, for their provisions. 

Then passing into the town of Burick ; with such stuff as 
I could get on a sudden, and such workmen, I began to make 
ladders, so as, the night following, I had forty ladders in 
readiness, upon which two men [at a time] might go in front. 
For I being so weak, and the enemy having the alarm of my 
being abroad, I was to expect their coming : so as it was 
not for me to linger upon the starving of those of the Fort. 



Sir F. Vere 

? i6oi3. 



li] The first escalade on the Fort fails. 99 



With this provision, I resolved to give a scalado to the 
Fort : which as it was high of rampire ; so had it had neither 
water in the ditch, nor palHsado to hinder us. 

The Fort was spacious, capable of [holding] 1,500 men, and 
had had four very royal Bulwarks [bastions] ; upon one of 
which, I purposed to give an attempt, and only false alarms 
on the other quarters of the Fort. And to this end, for 
avoiding confusion in the carriage, rearing, planting, and 
scaling ; as also for the more speedy and round execution : I 
appointed eight men to every ladder, to bear, plant, and mount 
the same ; whereof four were Shot, and four Pikes, one of 
either sort to mount a-front. 

And being come near the Fort, in a place convenient to 
range the men ; they were divided into two parts, and ranged 
a-front [in line] ; with commandment, upon a signal given, 
the one half to give upon one face of the bulwark, the other 
upon the other: which they did accordingly, and gave a furious 
attempt, mounting the ladders and fighting at the top of 
them ; the enemy being ready to receive us. But by reason 
many of the ladders (which were made, as I said, in haste 
and of such stuff as could be gotten on a sudden) were not 
of sufficient strength : they broke with the weight and stirring 
of the men. 

Seeing no likelihood to prevail, and the day now growing 
on; I caused our men to retire, and to bring away with 
them their ladders that were whole : with no great harm 
done to our men, by reason the enemy, being diverted by the 
false alarms, did not flank us ; neither if they had played 
from the Flanks [bastions] with small shot, could they have 
done any great hurt, by reason of the distance. The most 
hurt we had, was with blows on the head from the place we 
attempted, both with weapons and stones : for the journey 
being long, to ease the soldiers, they had brought forth no 
morions [helmets] . 

I therefore, purposing not to give over the enterprise, 
provided headpieces for them in the town of Wesel, and used 
such diligence that, before the next morning, I was again 
furnished with ladders, and in greater number. For I had 
persuaded the horsemen, that were well armed for the pur- 
pose with their pistols, to take some ladders also, and be 
ready to give the scalado in the same manner : but some- 



lOoTlIE GARRISON SURRENDER TUB FORT. p'./' ^^; 

what later, for even then day began to break ; which not 
giving us time to persevere in the attempt, was the only 
hindrance of our victory. 

For our Shot having orders, when they came to the top of 
the ladders, not to enter, but taking the top of the wall for a 
breast [work] and safeguard, to shoot at the enemy fighting 
at the work side and standing in the hollow of the bulwark, 
till the same were cleared of defendants, for to enter more 
assuredly : which manner of assaulting, though it be not 
ordinary, yet well considered, is of wonderful advantage. 
For having the outside of both the faces of the Bulwark 
not flanked as I said before, on their backs, which in the 
darkness of the night, and for the alarms given on the other 
parts, they could not see or intend. 

And in this manner having galled and driven many of the 
enemy from the wall ; and being in a manner ready to enter: 
day came upon us, and the enemy having discovered us from 
the other flanks, turned both small and great shot against us; 
so as we were forced to retire, carrying our ladders with us, 
with less loss than the day before in the fight, though more 
in the retreat by reason of the daylight. 

The same day, I provided more ladders, purposing, the 
next morning, to try fortune again : when, in the evening, 
the Governor of the Fort, by a drum [drummer] wrote me a 
letter complaining that, against the ordinary proceedings of 
men of war, I assaulted before I summoned : and the drum in 
mine ear told me, that " if I would but do them the honour 
to shew them any piece of ordnance, I should quickly have 
the Fort ! " 

By which drawing of theirs, I perceived they were in fear, 
and in discretion thought it meeter to make my advantage 
thereof, by drawing them to yield, than to despair them, to my 
greater loss, by further attempting to carry them by force. 

And so, taking a piece out of the town of Burick, I planted 
the same before morning; and, by break of day, sent a 
trumpet to summon them to yield. 

Which they assented to, so they might pass away with 
their arms: which I granted. 

And so they came forth, the same morning ; two companies 
of Almains [Germans] and two half companies of Italians : 
being nearly as strong in number as those that attempted 



^VTsoe:] Soldiers dressed as market women, ioi 

them ; for besides the English, I used none, but some few 
horsemen. 

Most of their officers were hurt and slain, and of the 
soldiers, more than of mine. 

This is true, and therefore let it be thought, that howsoever 
this attempt may seem rash with the ordinary proceedings of 
other Captains ; yet, notwithstanding, I was confident upon 
a certain and infallible discourse of reason. 

In the place, I found four double-cannon, with a pretty 
store of ammunition and victuals. 

The same night, I and the troops were countermanded by 
the States : but I left the place with some guard and a better 
->tore of necessaries, before my departure. 



The surprise of ZtttpJien Sconce. 

N THE year of our Lord 1591, I lying then at 
Doesburg, with the English forces ; the Count 
Maurice wrote unto me, that, by a certain day, 
he would be, with his forces, before Zutphen, to 
besiege the same, willing me, the night before, 
with my troops of horse and foot of that country [Dutch 
troops], to beset the town on the same side of the river on 
which it standeth. 

On the same side, those of the town held a Fort, which 
made my Lord of Leicester lose many men and much time 
before he could get it. 

The Fort I thought necessary to take from the enemy, 
before he had knowledge of our purpose to besiege him : and 
because I wanted force to work it by open means, I put this 
sleight following in practice. 

I chose a good number of lusty and hardy young soldiers, 
the most of which, I apparelled like the country women of 
those parts ; the rest, like the men : and gave to some, 
baskets; to others packs, and such burdens as the people 
usually carry to the market ; with pistols, short swords, and 
daggers under their garments. Willing them, by two or 
three in a company, by break of day, to be at the ferry at 
Zutphen, which is just against the Fort, as if they stayed f^r 




I02 Vere defends a bridge of boats all night. P'/ "^^lll 

the passage boat of the town : and bade them to sit and rest 
themselves, in the meantime, as near the gate of the Fort as 
they could for avoiding suspicion ; and to seize upon the 
same, as soon as it was opened. 

Which took so good effect, that they possessed the entry 
of the Fort, and held the same till an officer with 200 
soldiers, who were laid in a covert not far off, came to their 
seconds [supports] ; and so became fully masters of the place. 

By which means, the siege of the town afterwards proved 
the shorter. 



T^e suge of Deventer. 



^r \l 



N THE siege of Deventer, by reason of the shortness 
of a bridge of boats laid over the ditch, for our 
men to go to the assault ; the troops could not so 
roundly [quickly] pass as had been requisite, and 
so were forced to retire with no small loss. 
The Count Maurice was so discouraged, that he proposed, 
that night, to have withdrawn his ordnance. 

I desired that he would have patience, till the next day ; 
and resolve in the morning to begin the battery again, for 
five or six volleys, and then to summon them : assuring him 
that I would guard the bridge that night, if the enemy should 
attempt to burn it : as they did, though in vain. 

The Count Maurice liked well of the advice, and it had 
good success : for upon the summons, they yielded. 

Their town had no Flank on that part. The wall, which 
was of brick, without any rampire, was in a manner razed 
to the foundation; and the town so close behind it, that they 
could not make any new defences : which, as they might be 
just causes of discouragement to the besieged; so they made 
me confident that, with this shew of perseverance, they would 
yield. 

The Count Herman of Berg, who commanded the town, 
was sore bruised with a cannon. There marched of the 
enemy out with him, 700 or 800 able men. Amongst which, 
was an English Gentleman, whom, for his using unreverent 
and slanderous speeches of Her Majesty, I had long held in 
prison : out of which, he had, during that siege, made an 




^'Tloe."] Here's stratagem againstthe Duke of Parma 103 

escape. He was excepted in the Composition, taken from 
them, and executed as he well deserved, not for his first, but 
his second offence. 



The defeat given to the Duke of Parma 
at Knodsenburg Fort. 

N THE year of our Lord 1591, whilst the Count 
Maurice was busied in Friesland, and with good 
success took many forts, as Delfziel, and others 
about Groeningen, the Duke of Parma passed 
with his army into the Betuwe, and besieged the 
Fort on that side the river, upon the ferry to Nimeguen. 

Whereupon the States countermanded the Count Maurice, 
with their forces; who, being come to Arnheim, encamped in 
the Betuwe, right over against that town. 

The Duke still continuing his siege, the States, who were 
then present at Arnheim (desirous us to hinder his purpose, if 
it were possible) in their Assembly, to which I was called with 
the Count Maurice, propounded the matter, and insisted 
to have something exploited [achieved] : though we had laid 
before them the advantage the enemy had of us, in the number 
of his men, the strength of his encamping, as well by the 
site of the country as entrenchments. So as much time was 
spent, and the Council dissolved without resolution upon 
any special enterprise : albeit, in general, the Count Maurice 
and the men of war agreed to do their utmost endeavour, 
for the annoying and hindering of the enemy. 

I had observed by the enemy's daily coming with good 
troops of horse, and forcing of our scouts [videties], that the]f 
were likely to bite at any bait that was cunningly laid for 
them ; and therefore, having informed myself of the ways 
and passages to their army, and projected with myself a 
probable plot to do some good on them, I brake the same to 
the Count Maurice : who liked my device well, and recom- 
mended to me the execution thereof; giving me the troops 
I demanded, which were 1,200 foot and 500 horse. 

The distance betwixt the two armies was about four or 
five English miles ; to the which there lay two ready ways 



io4Vere's cavalry attack Parma's outposts. [ 



rSir F. Vere. 
1 6 06. 



serving for the intercourse betwixt Arnheim and Nimeguen : 
the one a dike or causeway which was narrower, and most 
used in winter, by reason of the lowness and miriness of the 
country ; the other larger [broader] : both hemmed in with 
overgrown ditclies and deep ditches. 

Nearly half a mile from the quarters, this causeway was to 
be passed to come to the other way, which led to the main 
quarters of the enemy, where most of his horse lay. About 
two-thirds of the way from our camp, there was a bridge. 

To this bridge I marched early in the morning, sending 
forthwith towards the enemy's camp 200 light and well- 
mounted horse, with orders to beat [drive in] the guards of 
the enemy's horse, even to their very quarters, and guards of 
foot ; to take such spoil and prisoners as lay ready in their 
way : and so to make their retreat, if they were followed, 
more speedily ; otherwise at an ordinary marching pace. 

In the meantime I divided my footmen into two parts, 
whereof, one I laid near the hither side of the bridge, in a 
place very covert ; the other, a quarter of a mile behind : 
and in the rearward of them, the rest of my horse. 

If the enemy came in the tail of our horse (whom for 
that purpose I had appointed, as beforesaid, to come more 
leisurely, that the enemy might have time to get to horse), I 
knew they could bring no footmen : and therefore was 
resolved to receive betwixt my troops of foot, all the horse- 
men they could send. But if they pursued not our men in 
the heat, I judged they would either come with good numbers 
of both kinds of men ordered [in order], or not at all. And if 
they came with good advice, that they would rather seek to 
cut off my passage near home, by the causeway and higher 
way, than to follow me directly. For the better preventing 
whereof, the Count Maurice himself, with a choice part of the 
horse and foot of the army, was to attend at the crossway to 
favour my retreat. 

My horsemen, about noon, gave the enemy the alarm ; and 
according to their directions, made their retreat, no enemy 
appearing. Whereupon I also retired with the rest of the 
troops till I came to the crossway, v/here I found the Count 
Maurice with his troops. 

In the head of which, towards the way of the causeway, 
with some distance betwixt his troops and mine, I made a 



^"f'^^iZt^ The Duke of Parma gives up the siege. 105 

stand in a little field by the side of the way, where they were 
at covert. 

We had not been here half-an-hour, but our scouts brought 
word the enemy were at hand: which Count Maurice's 
horsemen hearing, without any orders, as every one could 
get foremost, to the number of 700 or 800, they made with 
all speed towards the enemy. 

I presumed, and said, " They would return faster, and in 
more disorder ! " as it fell out. For the enemy coming as 
fast towards them, but in better order, put them presently in 
rout : and the greater the number was, the more was the 
amazement and confusion. Thus they passed by us, with 
the enemy at their heels, laying on them. 

I knew not what other troops they had at hand, nor what 
discouragements this sight might put into the minds of our 
men ; and therefore (whereas I purposed to have let the 
enemy pass, if this unlooked disorder had not happened 
amongst our horsemen) I shewed my troops on their flanks, 
and galled them both with Shot and Pikes ; so that they not 
only left pursuing their chase, but turned their backs. 
Which our horsemen perceiving, followed, and thus revenged 
themselves to the full ; for they never gave over until they 
had wholly defeated the troop, which was of Soo horse : of 
which, they brought betwixt 200 and 300 prisoners, whereof 
divers were Captains, as Don Alphonso d'Avalos, Fradilla, 
and others ; with divers Cornets, and about 500 horses. 

This defeat so troubled the Duke of Parma, that, though 
so forward in his siege, and having filled part of the ditch of 
the Fort, he retired his army thence, and passed the river 
of Waal a little above Nimeguen, with more dishonour than 
in any action that he had undertaken in these wars. 




io6 





The Calls [Cadiz] yourney, 

N THE year of our Lord 1596, I was sent for 
into England, at that time when the journey 
to the Coast of Spain was resolved on : 
which because of the taking of Calis, was, 
after, commonly called the Calis [Cadiz] 
Journey. 

I returned speedily into the Low Countries, 
with Letters of Credence from Her Majesty, 
to acquaint them with Her Majesty's purpose, and to hasten 
the preparation of the shipping they had already promised 
to attend Her Majesty's Fleet in those seas : withal to let 
them know Her Majesty's desire to have 2,000 of her own 
subjects, as well of those in their pay as her own, to be 
employed in that action, and to be conducted by me, to 
the Earl of Essex and the Lord Admiral of England 
[Lord Howard of Effingham], Generals of that action, by 
joint Commission. 

Whereunto the States assented : and I (according to my 
instructions given me in that behalf), by the time appointed, 
shipped and transported to the rendezvous which was assigned 
me before Boulogne on the coast of France, by reason that 
Calais in France was then besieged by the Cardinal Albert. 
Upon that occasion, it was resolved to have employed this 
army for the succour and relief thereof ; but coming into that 
road [Boidogne], I found no shipping of ours: and under- 
standing that Calais was yielded the day before, I crossed the 
sea to Dover, where I found the whole Fleet, and the 
Generals ; who received me with much joy and favour, being 
then, though far unworthy of so weighty a charge, chosen to 



^VTeoe.] Vere coaches Lord Essex in tactics, &c. 107 

supply the place of Lieutenant General [second in command] 
of the Army, by the name and title of Lord Marshal. 

The Fleet set sail shortly after, and my Lord of Essex, 
leaving his own ship, embarked himself in the Rainbow with 
myself and some few of his ordinary attendant servants ; of 
purpose, as I suppose, to confer with me at the full and at 
ease, of his Journe}'. 

After two days' sailing, his Lordship landed at Beachim, 
near Rye, with divers other noblemen that he had, attending 
him so far on his Journey. 

He took me along with him to the Court ; and thence 
despatched me to Plymouth, whither most of the [other] land 
forces were to march, to see them lodged, provided with 
necessaries, trained, and ordered [marshalled into companies, 
&c.]; which I did accordingly: to the great contentment of 
the Generals, when, at their coming, they saw the readiness 
of the men, which were then exercised before them. 

During the stay of this Army near Plymouth, which (by 
reason of the contrariety of wind) was nearly a month, it 
pleased my Lord of Essex to give me much countenance, and 
to have me always near him ; which drew upon me no small 
envy, insomuch as some open jars fell out betwixt Sir 
Walter Raleigh, then Rear-Admiral of the Navy, Sir 
CoNNiERS Clifford, Serjeant- Major General of the Army, 
and myself: which the General qualified for the time, and 
ordered that in all meetings at land, I should have the 
precedence of Sir Walter Raleigh ; and he, of me at sea. 

[As to] Sir CoNNiERS Clifford, though there were 
grudging, there could be no competition. Yet being a man 
of haughty stomach, and not of the greatest government or 
experience in martial discipline, lest ignorance or will might 
mislead him in the execution of his Office, and to give a rule 
to the rest of the High Officers, who were chosen rather for 
favour, than for long continuance in service ; to the better 
directing of them in their duties, as also for the more readiness 
in the General himself, to judge and distinguish upon all 
occasions of controversy: I propounded to my Lord of Essex, 
as a thing most necessary, the setting down in writing what 
belonged properly to every Office in the field. Which notion 
his Lordship liked well, and at several times in the 
morning, his Lordship and myself being together, he, with 



io8 The Expedition arrives in Cadiz Bay. p". 



F. Vere. 
1606. 



his own hand, wrote what my industry and experience had 
made me able to deliver : which was afterwards copied, and 
delivered severally to the OfBcers ; and took so good effect 
that no question arose in that behalf, during the Journey. 
It is quite clear that Vere was used to teach this army the Art 
of War, as he had learnt it by actual experience in the Netherlands.] 

The wind serving, and the troops shipped, I embarked in 
the foresaid Rainbow, as Vice-Admiral of my Lord of Essex's 
Squadron. 

The one and twentieth day after, being as I take it, the 
ist of July [0.5.], the Fleet arrived early in the morning 
before Calis-Malis [the city of Cadiz], and shortly after, came 
to an anchor as near the Caletta as the depth would suffer us. 

In the mouth of the bay, thwart of the rocks called Los 
puercos, there lay, to our judgement, 40 or 50 tall ships; 
whereoffour wereof the King's greatest and warlikest galleons, 
eighteen merchant ships of the West Indian Fleet outward 
bound and richly laden ; and the rest were private merchant 
ships. 

Because it was thought these could not escape us in putting 
to sea, the first project of landing our men in the Caletta 
went on : and so the troops appointed for that purpose, were 
embarked in our barges and long-boats. But the wind 
blowing hard, the landing was thought too dangerous ; the 
rather for that the enemy shewed themselves on the shore, 
with good troops of horse and foot. 

Notwithstanding, in hope the weather would calm, the 
men were still kept in the boats, at the ships' sterns. 

This day, the Generals met not together : but the Lord 
Admiral had most of the sea officers aboard with him, as the 
Lord of Essex had those for land service ; and Sir Walter 
Raleigh was sent to and fro betwixt them with messages. 
So that, in the end, it was resolved and agreed upon, to put, 
the next tide, into the Bay : and after the defeating of the 
enemy's fleet, to land our men between the town [Cadiz] and 
Punthal; without setting down any more particular directions 
for the execution thereof. 

I then told my Lord of Essex that mine was a floaty 
[light of draught] ship, and well appointed for that service, 
that, *' therefore, if his Lordship pleased ! I was desirous to 
put in before his Lordship, and the other ships of greater 



Sir F. Vere 
? 1606, 



] They find 40 or 50 ships in the Bay. 109 



burden." To which his Lordship answered suddenly, that 
" In any case, I should not go in before him ! " 

With this, I and the rest of the officers went to our ships, 
to prepare ourselves. 

I took my company of soldiers out of the boats into my ship : 
for their more safety, and better strengthening of my ship. 

And because we had anchored more to the north of the 
Fleet, more astern, and to the leeward of the Fleet as the 
wind then blew, than any other ship ; I thought to recover 
these disadvantages by a speedier losing of my anchor than 
the rest. And, therefore, not attending to the General's 
signal and warning, so soon as the tide began to favour my 
purpose, I fell to weighing my anchor. 

But the wind was so great, and the billows so high, that 
the capstan, being too strong for my men, cast them against 
the ship's side, and spoiled [hiirt] many of them ; so that 
after many attempts to wind up the anchor, I was forced to 
cut cable in the hawse. When I was under sail, I plied 
only to windward, lying off and on from the mouth of the 
Bay to the sea, which lieth near at hand, east and west : by 
that means gathering nearer to the Fleet. 

The Lord Thomas Howard, Vice-iVdmiral of the Fleet, 
with some few other ships, set sail also, beating off and on 
before the mouth of the Bay ; but the General, and most of 
the Fleet kept their anchors still. 

The tide being far spent, loth to be driven again to the 
leeward of the Fleet, and to endanger another cable, and 
perchance the ship itself on that shore, which was flat and 
near ; and the benefit of entering the Bay with the first, 
which was not the least consideration : I resolved to put 
into the mouth of the Bay as near to the enemy's fleet as I 
could without engaging fight, and there to cast anchor by 
them ; which I did accordingly. So that they made a shot 
or two at me ; but since I made no answer, they left off 
shooting. 

I was no sooner come to anchor, but the Generals set sail, 
and the rest of the Fleet ; and bare directly towards me, 
where they also anchored. 

It was now late ere the Flag of " Council !" was shewn in 
my Lord Admiral's ship ; whither my Lord of Essex and 
the rest of the Officers repaired ; and there it was resolved, 



no The Rainbow fights 17 galleys at once. [^•^' 



? 1606. 



the next morning, with the tide to enter the Bay, and board 
the Spanish ships, if they abode it. And ships of ours were 
appointed to begin this service, some to keep the channel 
and midst of the Bay ; and others more floaty, to bear nearer 
the town to intercept the shipping that should retire that 
way, and hinder the galleys from beating on the flanks of 
our great ships, 

I was not allotted with my ship to any special service or 
attendance. My desire was great, having till that time been 
a stranger to actions at sea, to appear willing to embrace 
the occasions that offered themselves ; and therefore wound 
my ship up to her anchor, to be the more ready to set sail in 
the morning with the beginning of the flood. 

The Spanish ships set sail, and made to the bottom of the 
Bay, rather driving than sailing ; our ships following as fast 
as they could. 

As the Spanish ships loosed from their anchors and made 
from us ; their galleys, seventeen in number, under the favour 
{cover] of the town, made towards us ranged in good order. 
My ship (as before said) was floaty, stored with ordnance, 
and proper for that service ; which made me hasten towards 
them, without staying for any company. Indeed, my readi- 
ness was such, by reason of my riding with my anchor a-pike 
[taut], that no other ship could come near me by a great 
distance. So I entered fight with them alone, and so galled 
them with my ordnance, which was cannon and demi-cannon, 
that they gave back, keeping still in order and in fight with 
me, drawing as near the town as they could : and with 
purpose, as I thought, as our ships thrust further into the 
Bay, to have fallen upon our smaller ships in the tail of the 
W'hole Fleet ; and having made a hand with them, so to have 
put to the seaward of us the better to annoy us, and save 
themselves from being locked up. 

Wherein to prevent them, I made toward the shore, still 
sounding with our leads till the ordnance of the town might 
reach me, and I the shore, with mine. Insomuch as I put 
them from under the town, and took certain ships which rode 
there at anchor forsaken of their men ; and followed them, 
continuing fight till they came under the Fort of the 
Punthal : where, thwart the bottom of the Bay, which was 
not broad, lay their four great ships, with a pretty distance 



^V'Tloe.l The four Galleons are abandoned, i i i 

betwixt them, spreading the breadth of the channel, and 
at an anchor; and were now in hot fight of ordnance with 
our Fleet. 

I was nearer Punthal and the shore of Calis by much, 
than any ship of the Fleet, and further advanced into the 
Bay. So that now growing within shot of the fort which lay 
on my right hand ; and in like distance to the galleons on the 
left hand, and having the galleys ahead of me, betwixt them 
all, I was plied with shot on all sides very roundly: yet I resolved 
to go on, knowing I had good seconds [support] and that 
" many hands would make light work." But my company, 
either wiser or more afraid than myself, on a sudden, un- 
locked by me, let fall the anchor ; and by no means, would 
be commanded or intreated to weigh it again. 

In the meantime. Sir Walter Raleigh came upon my 
left side, with his ship, and a very little ahead of me, cast 
his anchor ; as did also the Generals, and as many of the 
Fleet as the channel would bear : so that the shooting of 
ordnance was great ; and they held us good talk, by reason 
their ships lay thwart with their broadsidestoward us, and most 
of us, right ahead, so that we could use but our chasing pieces. 

I sent my boat aboard Sir Walter Raleigh, to fasten a 
hawse to wind my ship, which was loosed soon after my boat 
was put off. 

About me, the galleons let slip cable at the hawse, and 
with the topsails wended and drew towards the shore on the 
left hand of the Ba}^ ; and the Indian Fleet with the rest ol 
the shipping did the like, more within the Bay. 

It was no following of them with our great ships [which 
were too deep in the water] ; and therefore I went aboard my 
Lord of Essex, whose ship lay towards that side of the 
channel, to see what further orders would be given. 

At my coming aboard, the galleons were run on ground 
near the shore ; and their men, some in their boats, began to 
forsake their ships. 

I was then bold to say to my Lord of Essex, that " it was 
high time to send his small shipping to board them : for 
otherwise they would be fired by their own men." Which 
his Lordship found reasonable, and presently sent his 
directions accordingly. And in the meantime, sent Sir 
William Constable w^ith some long-boats full of soldiers; 



I 12 5 REGIMENTS (2,000 MEN) F.AND AT PuNTHAL. [' 



^ Vere. 
? 1606. 



which his Lordship had towed at his stern, since the first 
embarking, to have landed at the Caletta. 

But notwithstanding he made all haste possible, before he 
could get to the galleons, two of them were set on fire ; and 
the other two, by this means saved and taken, were utterly 
forsaken of their men, who retired through the fens, to Puerto 
de Santa Maria. 

The Spanish Fleet thus set on ground, the prosecution of 
that victory was committed to, and willingly undertaken by, 
the sea forces by a principal Officer of the Fleet. 

And because longer delay would increase the difficulty of 
landing our forces, by the resort of more people to Calls, it 
was resolved forthwith to attempt the putting of our men on 
shore; and to that end, commandment was given that all 
men appointed for that purpose should be embarked in the 
long-boats : and that my Lord of Essex should first land 
with those men which could be disembarked ; and then my 
Lord Admiral to second [support] , and repair to the General, 
who, the better to be known, would put out his flag in his 
boat. 

The troops that were first to land, were the regiments of 
the General, my own, and those of Sir Christopher 
Blunt, Sir Thomas Gerrard, and Sir Conniers Clifford. 

On the right hand, in a even front, with a competent distance 
betwixt the boats, were ranged the two regiments first named ; 
the other three on the left : so that every regiment and com- 
pany of men weresorted, togetherwith their Colonels and chief 
officers in nimble pinnaces, some in the head of the boats, 
some at the stern, to keep good order. The General himself 
with his boat, in which it pleased him to have me attend him, 
and some other boats full of Gentlemen Adventurers and 
choice men to attend his person, rowed a pretty distance 
before the rest : whom, at the signal given with a drum from 
his boat, the rest were to follow according to the measure 
and time of the sound of the said drum, which they were to 
observing in the dipping of the oars ; and to that end, there 
was a general silence as well of warlike instruments as other- 
wise. 

Which order being duly followed, the troops came, all 
together, to the shore betwixt Punthal and Calls ; and were 
landed, and several regiments embattled in an instant, with- 



^VYg^g:] They seize the isthmus at Punthal. 113 

out any encounter at all : the Spaniards, who, all the day 
before, shewed themselves with troops of horse and foot on 
that part, as resolved to impeach our landing, being clean 
retired towards the town. 

The number of the iirst disembarking was not fully 2,000 
men ; for divers companies of those regiments, that had put 
themselves into their ships again, could not be suddenly 
ready, by reason the boats to land them, belonged to other 
great ships. 

Calis on that side was walled, as it were, in a right line 
thwart the land, so as the sea, on both sides [ends] did beat 
on the foot of the wall : which strength, together with the 
populousness of the town (in which, besides the great con- 
course of Gentlemen and others, upon the discovery of our 
Fleet, and alarm of our ordnance ; there was an ordinary 
garrison of soldiers) had taken from us all thought of forcing 
it without battery. And therefore, being landed, we advanced 
with the troops to find a convenient place to encamp, till my 
Lord Admiral, with the rest of the forces, and the ordnance 
were landed. 

Being advanced with the troops half the breadth of the 
neck of the land, which in that place is about half a mile 
over, we might perceive that, all along the seashore on the 
other side of this neck of land, men on horseback and foot 
repaired to the town : which intercourse it was thought 
necessary to cut off. And, therefore, because the greatest 
forces of the enemy were to come from the land ; it was 
resolved on to lodge the better part of the army in the 
narrowest of the neck, which, near Punthal, is not broader 
than an ordinary harquebus shot. 

To which strait. Sir Conniers Clifford w^as sent with 
three regiments, viz., his own. Sir Christopher Blunt's, 
and Sir Thomas Gerrard's, there to make a stand, to im- 
peach the Spaniai Js from coming to the town, till he received 
further orders for the quartering and lodging of his men. 

Which done, the Lord General, with the other two regi- 
ments and his Company of Adventurers, which was of about 
250 worthy Gentlemen; in all, not fully a 1,000 men, ad- 
vanced nearer the town, the better to discover the whole 
ground before it. 

And as we approached afar off, we might perceive the enemy 

H 2 



114 Vere arranges for a false attack. P"' 



F. Vere. 

? 1606. 



standing in battle under the favour of the town, with cornets 
[standards of the cavalry] and ensigns [colours of the infantry] 
displayed ; thrusting out some loose horse and foot towards 
us, as it were to procure a skirmish. 

I, marking their fashion, conceived hope of a speedier 
gaining the town than we intended, and where then about ; 
and said to his Lordship, at whose elbow I attended, that 
"those men he saw standing in battle before the town would 
shew and make way for us into the town that night, if they 
were well handled." And at the instant, I propounded the 
means : which was, to carry our troops as near and covertly 
as might be, towards the town ; and to see, by some attempt, 
if we could draw them to fight further from the town, that 
we might send them back with confusion and disorder, and 
so have the cutting of them in pieces in the town ditch, or 
enter it by the same way they did. 

His Lordship liked the project, and left the handling 
thereof to me. 

I presently caused the troops to march towards the other 
side of the neck of land, because the ordinary and ready way 
to the town lay on that side, low and embayed to the foot of 
the hilly downs, so as troops might march very closely from 
the view of the town. 

Then I choseout200 men, which were committed to thecon- 
duct of Sir John Wingfield, a right valiant Knight, with orders 
that he should march on roundly to the enemy where they 
stood in battle, and to charge and drive to their Battles the 
skirmishers : but if the enemy in gross proffered a charge, he 
should make a hasty and fearful retreat, to their judgement, 
the way he had gone, till he met with his seconds that 
followed him ; and then to turn short, and with the greatest 
speed and fury he could, to charge the enemy. 

The seconds were of 300 men, led, as I remember, by Sir 
Matthev^ Morgan, who were to follow the first troops at a 
good distance and so as both of them, till the enemy were 
engaged, might not at once appear to them ; and to advance 
with all diligence when the troops before them did retire, to 
meet them, charge the enemy, and enter the town with them 
pesle mesle [pell mell]. 

With the rest of the forces, his Lordship and I followed. 

The place served well for our purpose, being covert [hid 



Sir F. Vere. 
? 1606 



;] 1 ,000 Englishmen storm Cadiz. 115 



with trees] and of no advantage for their horsemen ; and the 
directions were so well observed, that the enemy were engaged 
in following our first troop before they discovered the rest. 
And so in hope and assurance of victory, being, beyond ex- 
pectation, lively encountered ; they fled in disorder towards 
the town, so nearly followed of our men, that most of the 
horsemen forsook their horses, and saved themselves, some 
by the gates, others clambering over the walls, as did also 
their footmen ; our men following them at the heels to the 
very gate, which they found shut against them, and men 
standing over it and upon the walls to resist us. 

The ditch was very hollow but dry. Out of which was 
raised a massy rampire, with two round Half-Bulwarks, the 
one towards the one sea, the other towards the other ; for 
height and thickness, in their perfection, but not steeped and 
scarped : so as it was very mountable, and lay close to the old 
wall of the town, which somewhat overtopped it no higher 
than, in many places, a man might reach with his hand. 

To the top of the rampire, our men climbed ; who being, 
for the most part, old and experienced soldiers, of the Bands 
[regiments] I brought out of the Low Countries, boldly at- 
tempted to climb the wall, from which they beat with their 
shot, the defendants ; wanting no encouragements that good 
example of the chiefs could give them, the General himself 
being as forward as any. 

Whilst it was hard stroven and fought on that side, I sent a 
Captain and countryman [of the same county, Essex] of mine, 
called Upsher, with some few men alongst the ditch, to see 
what guard was held along the wall towards the Bay-ward ; 
and whether any easier entrance might be made that way or 
not, willing him to bring or send me word : which he did 
accordingly, though the messenger came not unto me. 

He found so slender a guard, that he entered the town with 
those few men he had ; which the enemy perceiving, fled 
from the walls, and our men entered as fast on the other 
side. 

My Lord of Essex was one of the first that got over the 
walls, followed by the soldiers as the place would give them 
leave ; and such was their fury, being once entered, that as 
they got in scatteringly, so they hasted towards the town, 
without gathering [into] any strong and orderly body of men 



1 1 6 The scattered fighting inside Cadiz, p' 



F Vere. 

? 1606. 



as in such case is requisite, or once endeavouring to open the 
gate for more convenient entry for the rest of the troops. 

I, therefore, foreseeing what might ensue of this confusion, 
held the third body of the men together ; and with much ado, 
brake open the gate, by which I entered the town : and so 
keeping the way that leads from the gate towards the town, 
joined to my foot those men I met withal, scattered here and 
there. 

Not far from the Market Place, I found my Lord of Essex 
at a stand with 40 or 50 men ; whence I might see some 
few of the enemy in the Market Place, which made me ad- 
vance towards them, without attending any commandment : 
who, upon my approaching, retired themselves into the 
Town House ; whither I pursued them, broke open the gates, 
and, after good resistance made bythe Spaniards in the upper 
rooms of the House, became master of it. 

In which, I left a guard, and went down into the Market 
Place, and found my Lord of Essex at the Town House door. 
I hum.bly entreated his Lordship, to make that place secure, 
and give me leave to scour and assure the rest of the town : 
which I did accordingly. 

And though I was but slackly and slenderly followed, by 
reason of our men's greediness for spoil : yet such Spaniards 
as I found making head, and coming towards the Market 
Place, I drove back into the Fort St. Philip and the Abbey 
of St. Francis. 

Those of the Abbey yielded, to the number of 200 Gentle^ 
men and others ; and being disarmed were put into a chapel ; 
and there left guarded. Those of St. Philip, it being now in 
the evening, cried to us that " in the morning, they would 
render the place." Before which also having put a 
guard ,' and understanding by some prisoners that there was 
no other place of strength but the Old Town near the 
Market Place ; I repaired to my Lord of Essex, whom I 
found in the Market Place, and the Lord Admiral with 
him. 

And after I had made report upon what terms things stood, 
and where I had been : I went to the said Old Town to visit 
the guards which were commanded by Sir Edward Conway, 
with part of the forces landed with my Lord Admiral ; and 
from thence, to that part of the town where we entered. 



^'■■f ■ ^'g^gj The stupidity of Sir Conniers Clifford 117 

And thus all things in good assurance, I returned to the 
Market Place ; where the rest of the forces were, being held 
toerether to be readily employed upon all occasions. 

Their Lordships went up to the Town House, and there 
gave GOD thanks for the victory : and, afterwards, all wounded 
and bloody as he was, yet undressed [i.e., his wounds], gave 
the honour of knighthood to Sir Samuel Bagnall, for his 
especial merit and valour in that day's service. 

The loss was not very great on either side : for as the 
Spanish troops that stood ordered without the walls, got into 
the town confusedly and disorderly before we could mingle with 
them ; so everyone, as he was counselled by fear or courage, 
provided for his own safety, the most flying to the Old Town 
and Castle. 

Those that made head after the first entrance, being 
scattered here and there ; our men as they followed with 
more courage than order, so encountered them in the like 
scattering manner, falling straight to handstrokes : so that it 
seemed rather an inward tumult and town fray than a fight 
of so mighty nations. 

The next day, the Old Town and the Fort of St. Philip 
were delivered unto us : and the people that were in them, 
except some principal prisoners, were suffered to depart ; with 
great courtesy shewed, especially to the women of the better 
sort. There went out of the town. Gentlemen and others, 
likely men to bear arms, betwixt 4,000 and 5,000. The 
brunt of this exploit was borne with less than 1,000 men. 

We could have no help of Sir Conniers Clifford ; who 
mistaking his directions, went, with his troops to the bridge 
called Punto Zuarro, about three leagues distant : and my Lord 
Admiral, notwithstanding his Lordship used all possible dili- 
gence in the landing of his men, arrived not till we were, in 
a manner, full masters of the town. 

It was long disputed whether the town should be held or 
not. I offered with 4,000 men, to defend it till Her Majesty's 
pleasure might be known. The Lord of Essex seemed to 
affect to remain there in person : which the rest of the 
Council would not assent to, but [determined] rather to 
abandon the town and set it on fire. 

Which we did, about fourteen days after the taking of it. 

I got there, three prisoners worth 10,000 ducats [;£"3,ooo = 



iiSSailors are cheated of the Indian Fleet, [f y 



Vere. 
606. 



5^15,000 now]. One of which was a Churchman [ecclesiastic], 
and President of the Contractation of the Indies : the other 
two, were ancient Knights, called Don Pedro de Herera 
and Don Geronimo de Avallos. 

In the meantime, whether of design and set purpose or 
negligence, the Indian Fleet, being unseized on by those who 
had undertaken it ; some of the prisoners of the town dealt 
[negotiated] with the Generals to have those ships and their 
lading set at ransom. Whereupon, they had conference 
with the Generals, divers times, till the said ships were set 
on fire by the Spaniards themselves : in which was lost, by 
their own confession, to the worth of 12,000,000 [i.e., ducats = 
5^3,600,000 =: about £"18,000,000 now] of merchandise. 

The troops being embarked, the Generals met and consulted 
upon their next exploit. It was long insisted on, to put to 
sea, and lie to intercept the West Indian Fleet, which com- 
monly, at that time of the year, arriveth on the coast of Spain. 
But the scarceness of our victuals overthrew that purpose : 
and resolution was taken to sail towards England ; and on 
our way to visit the ports of that coast, and so to spoil and 
destroy the shipping. 

And so, first, we made towards Ferrol, a good town and 
Bishop's see of Portugal [which country at this time belonged to 
Spain see Vol. III. p. 13] : to which, by water, there was no 
safe entrance for our shipping ; the town lying better than a 
league from the sea, served with a narrow creek, though a 
low and marshy bottom. 

For the destroying of such shipping as might be in this 
creek, as also for the wasting of the country adjoining, and 
the town itself, which though it were great and populous, 
was unfenced with walls ; it was thought meet to land the 
forces in a bay, some three leagues distant from the town, 
and so to march thither. 

Which was done ; the town forsaken by the inhabitants, 
was taken by us. Our men being sent into the country, 
brought good store of provisions for the refreshing of the 
army. The artillery we found, was conveyed into our ships. 
And we, after five or six days' stay, returned to our ships, 
the way we came. 

The regiments embattled marched at large, in a triple 
front, in right good order; which was so much the more 



Sir F. Vere 
? 1606 



:] The return of the Expedition. 119 



strange and commendable, the men, for the most part, being 
new : and once ranged, having little further help of directions 
from the high Officers ; who were all unmounted, and for the 
great heat, not able to perform on foot the ordinary service 
in such cases belonging to their charges. 

The troops embarked, we made towards the Groine 
[Corunna], and looked into the Bay, but the wind blowing 
from the sea, it was thought dangerous to put in, and there- 
fore, victuals daily growing more scant so that in some ships 
there was already extreme want, it was resolved to hasten to 
our coast : and so, about the midst of August, we arrived in 
the Downs, near Sandwich. 

My Lord of Essex having taken land in the West parts 
[of England], to be with more speed at the Court, left orders 
with me, for the dissolving of the land forces and shipping; 
and sending back of the English forces into the Low 
Countries. 

At this parting, there arose much strife betwixt the 
mariners and the soldiers, about the dividing of the spoil. 
For the mariners, envying and repining at the soldiers, who, 
as it fell out, had gotten most, purloined and detained their 
chests and packs of baggage, perforce ! insomuch that, to 
satisfy the soldiers, I went aboard my Lord Admiral to 
desire of his Lordship redress ; who promised to take order 
therein. 

But some other principal Officers of the Fleet shewing 
themselves more partial, asked me, " Whether the poor 
mariners should have nothing ? " 

To which, I answered, " There was no reason they should 
pill the poor soldiers, who had fought and ventured for what 
little they had : and that the mariner's hope (having so rich 
a booty as the Indian Fleet at their mercy) was more to be 
desired than the trash the landsmen had got ; so as they had 
none to blame for their poverty, but their Officers and their 
bad fortune." 

This answer was taken to the heart, and is not forgotten 
to this hour [ ? 1606] ; of which I feel the smart. 

The troops dissolved [disbanded] ; I went to Court, and there 
attended the most part of the winter. 




I2oL0RD MOUMTJOY MADE LlEUT. -GENERAL. [^''Z ' I^'g 



The Islands Voyage. 

]N THE year of our Lord 1597, being the next year 
after the journey of Cahs, another journey was 
made by the Earl of Essex to the coast of Spain 
and the Islands \the Azores], with a royal navy, as 
well of Her Majesty's own shipping as of her best 
merchants ; to which also was joined a good number of the 
States' ships, in all about 140 ; with an army of 7,000 or 
8,000 landsmen, as well voluntary as pressed : and commonly 
called the Islands Voyage. 

To which I was called, by Her Majesty's commandment, 
to attend his Lordship : as also to deal with the States, that 
besides the shipping which they were to send with Her 
Majesty's Fleet by virtue of the contract, they would suffer 
1,000 of her subjects in their pay, to be transported by me, to 
her said General and Fleet, for that service. 

Which having obtained, I hastened into England, and 
found my Lord of Essex at Sandwich, and his Fleet in readi- 
ness, anchored in the Downs. 

It was early in the morning, and his Lordship was in bed, 
when I was brought to him. He welcomed me, with much 
demonstration of favour, and with many circumstances of 
words. 

First he told me, " My Lord Mountjoy was to go as his 
Lieutenant-General (not of his own choice, but thrust upon 
him by the Queen), before me in place ; yet that I should 
retain my former office of Lord Marshal : which as it had 
been ever in English armies, next the General in authority ; 
so he would lay wholly the execution of that office upon me. 
And as for the Lieutenant-General ; as he had a title without 
an office, so the honour must fall in effect upon them that 
did the service." With much more speech to this purpose, 
all tending to persuade me, that it was not by his working; 
and to take away the discouragement I might conceive of it. 

I answered that " I had partly understood, before my 
coming out of the Low Countries, of my Lord Mountjoy's 
going as Lieutenant-General ; so that I had forethought and 
resolved what to do. For though I was sensible, as became 
me, who saw no cause in myself of this reculement [putting 



^'"f- "^^^^J Vere will not again serve under Essex, i 2 1 

back] and disgrace ; yet my affections having been always sub- 
ject to the rules of obedience, since it was my Prince's action 
and that it could not be but that my Lord Mountjoy was 
placed there by Her Majesty's consent, my sincerity would 
not give me leave to absent myself, and colour my stay from 
this action with any feigned excuse : but counselled me to 
come over, both to obey my Lord Mountjoy, and respect 
him as his place [rank], which I had always much honoured, 
required ; much more his Lordship, who was General to us 
both. Though I was not so ignorant of his Lordship's power 
as to doubt that my Lord Mountjoy or any subject of 
England could be thrust upon him, without his desire and 
procurement. 

"That therefore, as I had good cause to judge that his 
Lordship had withdrawn much of his favour from me, so I 
humbly desired his Lordship that, as by a retrenchment of 
the condition I was to hold in this Journey, I held it rather a 
resignment to his Lordship again, of the honour he had given 
me the last year (so far as concerned my particular respect 
to his Lordship, unsought for by me, than a service to him) ; 
so, hereafter, he would be pleased not to use me at all in any 
action, w^herein he was to go Chief." 

He would seem to take these speeches of mine as proceed- 
ing rather of a passionate discontentment, than of a resolution 
ffamed in cold blood ; and that it would in time be digested. 
And so, without any sharpness on his part, the matter rested. 

The purpose and design of this Journey was to destroy the 
Fleet that lay in Ferrol by the Groine [Corunna] and upon the 
rest of the Spanish coasts; and to that end to land our forces, 
if we saw cause : as also to intercept the [Spanish West] 
Indian Fleet. 

Part of our land forces were shipped at the Downs ; and we 
did put into Weymouth, to receive those which were to meet 
us there. 

In that place, the Generalcalled myself and Sir Walter 
Raleigh before him; and for that he thought there remained 
some grudge of the last year's falling out, would needs have 
us shake hands : which we both did, the willinger because 
there had nothing passed betwixt us that might blemish 
reputation. 

From thence, we went to Plymouth ; and so towards Spain, 



122 The Fleet is scattered by a storm. p^'Teoe 



where, in the height [latitude] of 46° or 47°, we were encoun- 
tered with a storm ; against which the whole navy strove 
obstinately, till the greater part of the ships were distressed: 
amongst which, were the General's, mine, Sir Walter 
Raleigh's, and Sir George Gary's. My mainmast was rent 
in the partners [sockets] to the very spindle, which was 
eleven inches deep ; insomuch as, to avoid the endangering 
of the ship, the Captain and Master were earnest with me, 
to have cast it overboard : which I would not assent unto, 
but setting men to work, brought it standing to Plymouth ; 
and there strengthened it, so that it served the rest of the 
voyage. 

The Lord Thomas Howard, Vice-Admiral, with some few 
ships, got within sight of the North Cape [? Finnistere] : 
where, having plied off and on three or four days, doubting 
[fearing] that the rest of the Fleet was put back, because it 
appeared not ; he returned also to our coast. 

Our stay at Plymouth was about a month : more through 
want of wind than unwillingness or unreadiness of our ships, 
which, with all diligence were repaired. 

In the meantime, our victuals consuming : it was debated 
in council, Whether the Journey could be performed or not, 
without a further supply of victuals ? It was judged ex- 
tremely dangerous ; and, on the other side, as difficult to 
supply the army with victuals : which having to come from 
London and the east parts of the realm, and to be brought 
up at adventure, there being no sufficient store in readiness, 
would hardly be ministered unto us so fast as we should 
consume them. And therefore, it was first resolved to 
discharge all the land forces ; saving the 1,000 I brought out 
of the Low Countries, with the shipping they were embarked 
in. 

Then it was further debated in council, How to employ the 
Fleet ? the purpose of landing the army at the Groine 
being dissolved. 

A West Indian Voyage was propounded ; whereupon every 
one in particular being to give his advice, it was assented to 
by them all. Only myself was of opinion, it could not stand 
with the honour, profit, and safety of Her Majesty and the 
State : the Fleet being so slenderly provided of forces and 
provisions, that nothing could be exploited [achieved] there 



^''/■y^e;] The Fleet sets forth again, 123 

answerable to the expectation that would be generally 
conceived. And yet, in the meantime, through the want of 
Her Majesty's Royal Navy and other principal shipping, 
with the choice Commanders both for sea and land, the 
State might be endangered by an attempt made by the 
Spaniards upon our own coast : whom we certainly knew to 
have then, in readiness, a great power of sea and land forces 
in the north parts of Spain. 

Things thus handled, the Lord General posted to the 
Court. 

After his return, no more speech was had of the Indian 
Voyage ; but a resolution taken to attempt the firing of the 
Fleet at Ferrol and on the rest of the coast of Spain, and to 
intercept the [Spanish West] Indian Fleet, as in our discre- 
tions we should think fittest, either when we came to the 
coast of Spain or by going to the Islands. 

With this resolution, we set forwards, directing our course 
to the North Cape, with reasonable wind and weather; yet the 
Fleet scattered : as, in a manner, all the squadron of Sir 
Walter Raleigh, and some ships of the other squadrons 
that followed him ; who, for a misfortune in his mainyard, kept 
more to seaward. 

The Lord General, whilst he and the rest of the Fleet lay 
off and on before the Cape (attending Sir Walter Raleigh's 
coming, who with some special ships had undertaken this 
exploit of firing the Fleet), suddenly laid his ship by the lee : 
which, because it was his order when he would speak with 
other ships, I made to him, to know his Lordship's pleasure. 

He spake to me from the poop, saying I should attend and 
have an eye to his ship : in which at that instant, there was 
an extreme and dangerous leak, though he would not have 
me nor any other of the Fleet know it. 

Which, leak being stopped, he directed his course along 
the coast southward ; and, about ten leagues from the Groine, 
called a council, in which it was resolved to give over the 
enterprise of Ferrol (which as it was difficult to have been 
executed on a sudden, so now that we had been seen by the 
country, it was held impossible) : and not to linger upon the 
coast of Spain, but to go directly to the Islands, the time of 
the year now growing on, that the Indian Fleet usually 
returned. 



1 24 Sir W. Raleigh's disobedience of orders. p. 



F. Verp.. 
' 1606. 



And to advertise Sir Walter Raleigh, divers pinnaces 
were sent out, that, till such a day, the v^^ind and weather 
serving, the General would stay for him, in a certain height 
[latitude], and thence would make directly for the Azores. 
At this council, his Lordship made [wrote] a despatch for 
England. 

I do not well remember where Sir Walter Raleigh and 
the rest of the Fleet met us ; but, as I take it, about Flores 
and Corvo, the westerliest islands of the Azores : where we 
arrived in seven or eight days after we had put from the 
coast of Spain. 

We stayed there some few days ; and took in some refresh- 
ing of water and victuals, such as they could yield : which 
being not so well able to supply us, as the other islands, it 
was resolved in council to put back to them ; and the squad- 
rons, for the more commodity of the Fleet, were appointed unto 
several islands. 

The General with his squadron were to go to Fayal ; the 
Lord Thomas with his squadron, and I with my ship, were 
to go to Graciosa ; and Sir Walter Raleigh with his, 
either to Pico or St, George. 

But Sir Walter Raleigh (whether of set purpose or by 
mistake, I leave others to judge), making with his squadron, 
more haste than the rest of the Fleet, came to Fayal afore us, 
landed his men, and received some loss by the Spaniards 
that kept the top of the hill, which commanded both the 
haven and the town. 

The General with the rest of the Fleet, came to an anchor 
before the island ; and hearing of Sir Walter Raleigh's 
landing and loss, was highly displeased, as he had cause : it 
being directly and expressly forbidden, upon pain of death, 
to land forces without orders from the General ; and there 
wanted not [those] about my Lord, that the more to incense 
him, aggravated the matter. 

Seeing the Spanish ensign upon the hill, his Lordship pre- 
pared to land with all haste ; and so, about an hour before 
sunset, came into the town. 

A competent number of men were given to Sir Oliver 
Lambert to guard the passages ; and then it was consulted 
how to go on with the enterprise of forcing them. 

They were entrenched on the top of the hill, to the number 



Sir F. Vere. 
? 1606 



] Tried & convicted, Raleigh is pardoned. 125 



of 200; which hill was so steep, that it seemed artillery 
could not be drawn towards the said trench. 

The night growing on, I desired his Lordship to give me 
leave to go up to discover the place : which his Lordship 
assented to. So taking 200 soldiers, I sent forwards ; the 
young Earl of Rutland, Sir Thomas German, and divers 
other Gentlemen Adventurers accompanying me. 

At our coming to the top of the hill, finding no watch in 
their trenches, we entered them, and possessed the hill : 
where we found some of our men slain by the Spaniards. 
The hill was abandoned as we supposed in the beginning of 
the night, unseen or undiscovered by us or those that were 
placed at the foot of the hill. 

We were all very sorry they so escaped, as was also the 
Lord General : for there was no following or pursuing them 
in that mountainous island. 

The Captain and Officers that landed with Sir Walter 
Raleigh were presently committed : and before our depar- 
ture thence. Sir Walter Raleigh was called to answer for 
himself, in a full assembly of the Chief Officers both by sea 
and land, in the General's presence. Where, every one 
being to deliver his opinion of the crime, it was grievously 
aggravated by the most. For my part, no man shewed less 
spleen against him than myself. 

The General's goodness would not suffer him to take any 
extreme course : but with a wise and noble admonition, for- 
gave the offence ; and set also at liberty the Captains that 
had been committed. 

After the Fleet had taken the refreshing that island could 
afford, which was in some good measure, we put from thence: 
and for three days, were plying off and on betwixt Graciosa and 
the island of Terceira, the ordinary way of the Indian Fleet. 

In the meantime, certain were sent ashore by the General, 
at Graciosa, to draw from the inhabitants some portion of 
money and provisions, to redeem them from spoiling. 

They brought word to the General, in the afternoon, that 
from the island, a great ship was discovered on the road-way 
[track] from the Indies : but they being sent again, with 
some others, to make a full discovery ; at their return, which 
was sudden, it was found to be but a pinnace. 

I must confess, in this point I may be ignorant of some 



126 Four English 8z twenty Spanish ships. [ 



Sir F. Vere. 

:6o6. 



particulars ; because things were not done as they were wont, 
by council : or if they were, it was but of some few, to which 
I was not called. But, in all likelihood, there was wilful 
mistaking in some, to hinder us of that rich prey which GOD 
had sent, as it were, into our mouths. 

Howsoever it was, that same night, when it was dark, the 
General with the Fleet altered their course, and bare directly 
with the island of St. Michael ; as it was given out, to water 
[i.e., the bulk of the English Fleet deliberately went out of the track 
of the Indian Fleet, twelve hours before its arrival], 

A pinnace coming to me, in the Lord General's name, 
told me " it was his pleasure my ship and the Dreadnonght, in 
which Sir Nicholas Parker was, should beat off and on 
betwixt the island of St. George and Graciosa : for that the 
Indian Fleet was expected." The Rainbow in which was Sir 
William Monson, and the Garland, my Lord of Southamp- 
ton's ship, were to lie, by the like order, on the north part 
of Graciosa. Willing us, if we discovered any Fleet to follow 
them, and to shoot off, now and then, a piece of ordnance ; 
which should serve for a signal to the rest of the Fleet. 

This order, as I take it, was delivered us about ten of the 
clock at night. 

About midnight, or one of the clock, those of our ships 
might hear shooting, acording to this direction, rather in the 
manner of signal than of a fight, toward that part of the 
island [Graciosa] where the other two ships were to guard. 
This, as we afterwards understood, was from the Rainbow, 
which fell in the midst of the Indian Fleet ; whom in their 
[Rainbow's] long-boat, they hailed, and by the Spaniards' own 
mouths, knew whence they were : who held them in scorn, and 
in a great bravery, told them what they were ladened withal. 

The wind was very small [light], so as it scarce stirred our 
ships ; but we directed our course as directly as we could, 
and so continued all night. The morning was very foggy 
and misty, so that we could not discover far : but still we 
might hear the shooting of ordnance, when we listened for it. 

About eight or nine of the clock before noon, it began to 
clear : and then we might see a Fleet of twenty sails, as we 
judged some five or six leagues off; which was much about 
halfway betwixt us and Terceira. 

The wind began a little to strengthen, and we to wet our 



^V' TSe.] VeRE, a good watch DOG, OUTSIDE AnGRA. I 27 

sails to improve the force of it ; and somewhat we got nearer 
the Spanish Fleet : more through their stay, to gather them- 
selves together ; than our good footmanship. 

All this while, the Rainbow and Garland followed the Fleet 
so near, that they might to our judgements, at pleasure have 
engaged them to fight. But their Fleet being of eight good 
galleons, the rest merchants' [ships] of good force : though 
the booty were of great inticement, it might justly seem 
hard to them to come by it ; and so they only waited on 
them, attending greater strength, or to gather up such as 
straggled from the rest. 

The Garland overtook a little frigate of the King's, laden 
only with cochineal; which she spoiled, and I found aban- 
doned and ready to sink : yet those of my ship took out of 
her, certain small brazen pieces. 

The Indian Fleet keeping together in good order, sailed 
still before us about two leagues ; and so was got into the 
haven of Terceira [Angra, see Vol. III. p. 444], into the which, 
they towed their ships, with the help of those of the island, 
before we could come up to them. 

It was evening when we came thither, and the wind so 
from the land, as with our ships there was no entering. 

It pleased my Lord of Southampton and the rest of the 
Captains to come aboard me ; where it was resolved to get 
as near the mouth of the haven as we could with our ships, 
and to man our boats well, with direction in as secret 
manner as they could, to attempt the cutting of the cables of 
the next [nighest] ships : by which means, the wind, as is 
foresaid, blowing from the land, might drive them upon us. 
This, though it were a dangerous and desperate enterprise, 
was undertaken : but being discovered, the boats returned 
without giving any further attempt. 

The same night, we despatched a small pinnace of an 
Adventurer, to St. Michael, to ^ive the Lord General advice 
where he should find the Indian Fleet : and us to guard 
them from coining out. 

For we had determined to attend his Lordship's coming, 
before the said haven : which I accordingly performed with 
my ship, though forsaken of the rest [the Dreadnought, 
Rainbow, and Garland] , the very same night ; I know not 
whether for want of fresh water, or what other occasion. 



128 For once, Englishmen badly led, dare not! [ 



F. Vere. 
1606. 



Three or four days after, his Lordship came with the Fleet. 
Who sending into the haven, two nimble pinnaces to view 
how the Fleet lay ; upon report that they were drawn so far 
into the haven, and were so well defended from the land 
with artillery, that no attempt could be made on them, with- 
out extreme hazard, and the wind blowing still from the land 
that no device of fire could work any good effect, and all 
provisions growing scant in the Fleet, especially fresh water ; 
his Lordship gave over that enterprise, and put with the 
whole Fleet from thence to St. Michael. 

The General had resolved to land in this island ; and 
therefore called a Council to advise on the manner. Tn 
which, it was concluded that the greatest part of the Fleet 
should remain before St. Michael [? the town of Ribeira 
Grande] to amuse the enemy; and that the soldiers, in the 
beginning of the evening, should be embarked in the least 
vessels, taking with us the barges and long-boats, and so 
in the night, make towards Villa Franca, which was some 
four or five leagues off. His Lordship, and the rest of the 
chief Officers of the land forces, embarking with him in a 
small ship, left the sea Officers before St. Michael. 

The next day, about evening, we were come near Villa 
Franca. I moved his Lordship, to give me leave, in a boat, 
to discover the shore and best landing-place ; whilst his 
Lordship gave orders for the embarking the men into the 
other boats : which his Lordship granted, and I performed 
accordingly. So as, in due time, his Lordship was adver- 
tised of it, to his contentment ; and proceeded to the landing 
of his forces upon the sandy shore before the town : where 
I could discover none to give impeachment, but a few 
straggling fellows which now and then gave a shot. 

His Lordship, as his fashion was, would be of the first to 
land; and I, that had learned me of his disposition, took 
upon me the care of sending the boats after him. The 
seege [ ? surf] was such that few of the men landed with 
their furniture [arms, &c.] dry. His Lordship himself took 
great pains to put his men in order : and, for that I per- 
ceived he took delight to do all, in good manners and respect 
I gave the looking on. 

In the meantime, some that were sent towards the town 



^''r^Teoe:] ViLLA FrANCA, OX St. MiCHAEL, TAKEN. 1 29 

to discover, gave the alarm that the enemy were at hand : 
and I told his Lordship it were good to send presently some 
good troops to possess the town of Villa Franca, before the 
enemy got thither. 

His Lordship willed me to take with me 200 men, and to 
do with them what I thought good myself. I took so many 
of those men that were readiest, and bade them follow 
me : amongst which, were some Gentlemen of good account, 
as Sir John Scot and Sir William Evers, which accom- 
panied me. 

I went directly to the town, which I found abandoned : 
and leaving some guard in the Church which stood upon 
the Market Place, I passed somewhat further towards St. 
Michael : but neither seeing nor hearing news of an}' enemy 
thereabouts, I returned to the town. To which his Lordship 
was come, with the rest of his army, making in all, about 
2,000 soldiers, Adventurers, Officers and their trains : all 
which were orderly quartered in the town, where we found 
good store of wheat. 

His Lordship having thus gotten landing, advised with 
Council, Whether it were better to march to St. Michael, 
spoil that town, and water the Fleet there ; or to send for the 
rest of the Fleet ? 

The difficulties in going to St. Michael were the rough- 
ness and unevenness of the way, being, for the most part, 
stony hills, in which a few men, well placed, might resist 
and impeach the passage to many ; that the people and 
goods of the town would be withdrawn into the Castle, 
which was held by a garrison of Spaniards, and not to 
be forced without battery and much loss of men and time ; 
that till it were gotten, there was no watering in that part, 
and our general necessity could endure no delay. It was 
therefore resolved to send for the Fleet to Villa Franca. 

In the meantime, news came from the Fleet, that a West 
Indian [ ? East Indian] carrack, and a ship were come into 
St. Michael, and rode near the Castle. 

His Lordship presently determined to go thither himself, 
for the better ordering of things. He took my Lord of 
MouNTjOY with him ; and by an especial Commission unde! 
his hand, committed to my command the land and sea 
forces at Villa Franca. 



130 Vere is in charge of the rearguard. [' 



Sir F. Vere. 
1606. 



Before his Lordship could arrive at St. Michael, the 
carrack had run herself on ground under the Castle : and the 
other ship (which was not great), laden with sugar and Brazil 
commodities, had been taken by Sir Walter Raleigh. 

The third day, his Lordship returned, with the Fleet, to 
Villa Franca, and gave orders presently to fall a watering. 
There was plenty of water ; but the shipping of it into 
boats was tedious and troublesome : for, by reason of the 
greatness of the seege [ ? surf] , we were fain, by wading and 
swimming, to thrust the barrels into the sea where the boats 
floated. This made the work the longer. 

In the meantime our victuals consumed, and grew low; 
though we got some little refreshing from the land : which 
made us content ourselves with the less water. 

After some four or five days watering, his Lordship gave 
order to embark the army; which he began early in the 
morning, and continued all the day : for the seege going 
high, the boats took in their men at a place where but one 
boat could lie on at once ; which, together with the distance 
to the shipping, made the less riddance and despatch. 

His Lordship, for the better expedition, was most of the 
time at the water's side : sending still to me for men from 
the town, as he was ready to embark them. 

About five of the clock, in the afternoon, the sentinels that 
stood on the top of the steeple, discerned troops of men on 
their way to St. Michael. I sent up to the steeple, Sir 
William Constable, and some other Gentlemen then about 
me, to see what they could discern : who all agreed that 
they saw troops, and as they guessed some ensigns [colours]. 
I willed Sir William Constable to hasten to his Lordship, 
and tell him what he had seen. 

I had yet remaining with me about 500 soldiers. Of these 
I sent out 60, whereof 30 Shot were to go as covertly as they 
could to a chapel, a great musket shot from the town, on 
the way the enemy was discovered ; with orders, upon the 
enemy's approach, to give their volley; and suddenly and in 
haste to retire to the other 30 that were placed betwixt them 
and the town ; and then all together, in as much haste and 
shew of fear as they could, to come to the town ; where I 
stood ready with the rest of the men in three troops, to receive 
them, and to repulse and chase those that should follow them. 



^S^Tloe.] Early notice of smoking with a pipe. 131 

This order given, my Lord of Essex, with the Earl of 
Southampton and some other Lords and Gentlemen, came 
to the Market Place : where he found me with the troops. 

His Lordship inquired of me, " What I had seen ?" 

I said, " I had seen no enemy ; but what others had seen, 
his Lordship had heard by their own report : and might, if it 
pleased his Lordship, send to see if the sentinel continued to 
affirm the same." 

His Lordship made no answer, but called for tobacco, 
seeming to give but small credence to this alarm ; and so on 
horseback, with those Noblemen and Gentlemen on foot 
beside him, took tobacco, whilst I was telling his Lordship 
of the men I had sent forth, and orders I had given. 

Within some quarter of an hour, we might hear a good 
round volley of shot betwixt the 30 men I had sent to the 
chapel, and the enemy; which made his Lordship cast his 
pipe from him, and listen to the shooting, which continued. 

I told his Lordship, it were good to advance with the troops 
to that side of the town where the skirmish was, to receive 
our men, which his Lordship liked well ; and so we went at 
a good round pace, expecting to encounter our men : who 
unadvisedly in lieu of retiring in disorder, maintained the 
place ; which the enemy perceiving, and supposing some 
greater troops to be at hand to second, held aloof with his 
main force (for the highway to the town lay by the chapel, 
and there was no other passage for a troop by reason of the 
strong fence and inclosure of the fields), but sent out light 
men to skirmish. 

Thus perceiving that our men held our ground, we stayed 
our troops in covert in the end of two lanes leading directly 
to the highway. 

Those of the island, as we were certainly informed, could 
make [out] 3,000 fighting men, well armed and appointed ; 
besides the ordinary garrison of the Spaniards. Of that 
number, we supposed them ; because they had sufficient time 
to gather their strength together, and for that they came to 
seek us. And therefore as, on the one side, we were loth to 
discover our small number to them, unless they provoked us 
by some notable disorder, or necessity in the defence of our- 
selves : so we thought it not good to lessen our men by 
embarking of men, till the night was come, that silence and 



132 The Fleet comEvS home anyhow. [ 



Sir F. Vere. 

1606. 



darkness might cover our retreat. And for these reasons, I 
opposed their heat that propounded to charge the enemy, 
and their haste that would needs have the men shipped 
without dela5^ 

In the beginning of the evening, which ended the skirmish, 
keeping our sentinels in view of the enemy, his Lordship 
began to embark some troops, and so continued, till about the 
last troop was put into the boat : his Lordship seeing all em- 
barked before he went aboard, but those forlorn men which 
made the last retreat, which were committed to Sir Charles 
Percy ; with whom, I embarked, without any impeachment 
of the enemy, or shew to have discovered our departure. 

His Lordship made the young Noblemen and some other 
principal Gentlemen, Knights ; as Sir William Evers, Sir 
Henry Dockwray, Sir William Brown, and a Dutch 
Gentleman that accompanied that Voyage in my ship. 

We were no sooner aboard, but that the wind blew a stiff 
gale, so as some were fain to forsake their anchors. 



And with this wind, we put for England ; which continuing 
vehement, drave us to the leeward of our course, towards the 
coast of Ireland. I got an extreme leak in my ship, which 
kept both my pumps going without intermission many days 
before I got to harbour ; wherewith my company were much 
wearied, and discouraged even to despair : which made me 
keep aloof from other ships, lest the hope of their own safety 
might make them neglect that of the ship. 

The Fleet kept no order at all, but every ship made the 
best haste home they could : which as it might have proved 
dangerous if the Spanish Fleet, which was then bound for our 
coast, had not been scattered by the same weather; so it was 
in some sort profitable to us. For some of our smaller 
shipping, which were driven most leeward towards the coast 
of Ireland, met with two or three Spanish ships, full of 
soldiers, which they took : by which, we not only understood, 
at our coming to Plymouth, their purpose to have landed at 
Falmouth, with 10,000 men ; but saw the instructions and 
orders of the sea fights, if they had met with us, which were 
so full of perfection, that I have ever since redoubted 
[anxiously estimated] their sufficiency in sea cases. 



^''?^' Teoe.] Experienced soldiers sent to Ireland, i 



OJ 



The Fleet arriving thus weather-beaten at Plymouth, his 
Lordship posted to the Court ; leaving my Lord Thomas, now 
Earl of Suffolk [created July 21, 1603], my Lord Mountjoy, 
and the rest of the Officers there. And, shortly, came pro- 
vision of money, with Commission to the said Lords, Sir 
Walter Raleigh, and myself, to see the same issued and 
distributed by common advice, for the repairing, victualling, 
and sending about the Fleet to Chatham ; and the entertain- 
ing of the 1,000 men I had brought out of the Low Countries, 
which were then disposed along the coast of Cornwall, and, 
after, sent to Ireland. 

Which business despatched, I passed by post to London ; 
and near Mary-bone [Marylebone] park, I met with Sir 
William Russell in his coach : who being my honourable 
friend (then newly returned from Ireland, where he had been 
Deputy), I [ajlighted to salute him, with much duty and 
affection ; who stepping out of his coach, received me with 
the like favour. With whom, whilst I stood bareheaded, 
being in a sweat, I got cold : which held me so extremely, 
that for three weeks after, I could not stir out of my lodging. 

I understood my Lord of Essex was at his house at Wan- 
stead, in great discontentment ; to whose Lordship I gave 
presently knowledge of my arrival, as also that I would for- 
bear to attend his Lordship till I had been at Court : which 
then I hoped would have been sooner than it fell out my sick- 
ness would permit. 

For I supposed, at my coming to Court, Her Majesty, after 
her most gracious manner, would talk and question with 
me concerning the late Journey : and though it pleased her 
always to give credit to the reports I made (which I never 
blemished with falsehood, for any respect whatsoever !) yet I 
thought this forbearance to see my Lord, would make my 
speech work more effectually. 

So soon then, as I was able to go abroad, I went to the 
Court, which was then at Whitehall ; and (because I would 
use nobody's help to give me access to Her Majesty, as also 
that I desired to be heard more publicly) I resolved to shew 
myself to Her Majesty, when she came into the garden : 
where so soon as she set her gracious eye upon me, she called 
me to her, and questioned with me concerning the Journey ; 
seeming greatly incensed against my Lord of Essex, laying 



134 Verb's noble vindication of Essex, p'f-^ 



Vere. 

606. 



the whole blame of the evil success of the journey on his 
Lordship, both for the not burning of the Fleet at Ferrol, 
and missing the [West] Indian Fleet. Wherein with the 
truth, I boldly justified his Lordship, with such earnestness, 
that my voice growing shrill, the standers by, which were 
many, might hear ; for Her Majesty then walked : laying the 
blame freely on them that deserved it. 

And some, there present [probably Sir W. Raleigh], being 
called to confront me, were forced to confess the contrary of 
that they had delivered to Her Majesty ; insomuch that I 
answered all objections against the Earl : wherewith Her 
Majesty, well quieted and satisfied, sat her down in the end 
of the walk, and calling me to her, fell into more particular 
discourse of his Lordship's humours and ambition ; all 
which she pleased then to construe so graciously, that before 
she left me, she fell into much commendation of him. Who, 
very shortly after, came to the Court. 

This office I performed to his Lordship, to the grieving and 
bitter incensing of the contrary party against me ; when not- 
withstanding I had discovered, as is aforesaid, in my recule- 
ment, his Lordship's coldness of affection for me ; and had 
plainly told my Lord himself, my own resolution (in which 
I still persisted) not to follow his Lordship any more in the 
wars : yet, to make as full return as I could, for the good 
favour the world supposed his Lordship bare me ; fearing more 
to incur the opinion of ingratitude, than the malice of any 
enemies, how great soever, which the delivery of truth could 
procure me. 






The Government of Brielle. 

Stayed the winter following in England. 

In which time, my Lord Sheffield making 
resignation of his Government of the Brielle 
into Her Majesty's hands ; I was advised and 
encouraged by my good friends, to make means 
to Her Majesty for that charge : which it was 
long before I could hearken unto, having no 
friends to rely on. 
For as I had good cause to doubt ^fear] my Lord of Essex 
would not further me in that suit, so I was loth to have any- 
thing by his means, in the terms I then stood in with his 
Lordship ; miuch less by any other person's, that were known 
to be his opposers. 

Being still urged to undertake the suit, I began at length 
to take some better liking of it, and to guess there was 
some further meaning in it. And therefore, I answered 
that " if I were assured that Master Secretary [Sir Robert 
Cecil] would not cross me, I would undertake the matter." 

Whereof, having some hope given me, I took occasion, 
one day, in the Chamber of Presence, to tell his Lordship as 
much : who answered me that " as he would be no mover 
or recommender of suit for me or any other ; so he would not 
cross me." 

I desired his Lordship of no further favour than might be 
looked for from a man in his place, for public respects. 

And hereupon, I resolved to have Her Majesty moved ; 
which Sir Fulke Greville performed effectually. 

Her Majesty, as her manner was, fell to objecting, that " I 
served the States, and that those two charges could not well 
stand together," 



136 How Appointments WERE to be gained. p^^'Tlo*; 

My Lord of Essex was, before this, gone from Court, 
discontented because of the difficulty he found in obtaining 
the Earl Marshalship of England. I went therefore to 
Wanstead to his Lordship, in good manners to acquaint 
him with what I had done : who rather discouraged me than 
otherwise in the pursuit. 

Notwithstanding, I waited and followed my business hard, 
and one evening, in the garden, moved Her Majesty myself; 
who alleging, as before she had done to Sir Fulke 
Greville, that " it could not stand with her service, that 
both those places should go together ; " I told her Majesty 
that, " I was willing, if there were no remedy, rather to for- 
sake the States' service, than to miss the place I was a 
suitor to Her Majesty for, in hers." And so, for that time, 
Her Majesty left me without any discouragement. 

The Earl of Sussex was my only competitor; and for him 
my Lord North professed to stand earnestly ; who as soon 
as I was risen from my knees, told me, that " such places 
as I was now a suitor for, were wonted to be granted only 
to Noblemen." 

I answered, " There were none ennobled but by the favour 
of the Prince ; and the same way I took." 

About this time. Her Majesty being in hand with the States, 
to make a transaction from the Old Treaty to the New, in 
which the States were to take upon them the payment to Her 
Majesty yearly, of so much money as would pay the ordinary 
garrison of the Cautionary Towns, it fell into deliberation, 
What numbers were competent for the guard of the said 
towns ? 

Wherein, before my Lords would resolve, they were pleased 
to call before them my Lord Sidney and myself, to hear our 
opinions, addressing their speech concerning the Brielle to 
me : whereunto I made such answers as I thought fit ; not 
partially, as one that pretended to interest in that Government 
[Governorship] ; but as I thought meet for Her Majesty's 
service. 

And hereupon. Master Secretary took occasion merrily to 
say to my Lords, that they might see what a difference there 
was, betwixt the care of Sir Francis Verb, a neutral man, 
and that of my Lord Sidney, who spake for hisov/n Govern- 



Sir F. Vere 

? 1606 



:] Elizabeth's very high regard for Vere. 137 



ment; "but," saith his Lordship, "he will repent it, when 
he is Governor ! " 

And then he told their Lordships I was a suitor for the place ; 
and that I should have for it his best furtherance. My Lords 
gave a very favourable applause to Master Secretary's reso- 
lution ; and severally blamed me, that I had not acquainted 
them with my suit, and taken the furtherance they willingly 
would have given me. 

It is true, I never made anybody acquainted with my suit, 
but SirFuLKE Greville and Master Secretary. From thence- 
forward, I addressed myself more freely to Master Secretary ; 
and conceived by his fashion [manner], an assurance of good 
issue : though I had not a final despatch in two months 
after. 

In the meantime, my Lord Sidney and my Lord Grey 
were labouring to succeed me in the States' service. My 
Lord of Essex had promised his assistance to my Lord 
Sidney : insomuch as when I told him, at his coming to 
the Court, in what forwardness I was for the Brielle, and 
danger to lose my other charge, and who were competitors to 
succeed me ; he plainly said that " he had given my Lord 
Sidney his promise, to procure him a regiment in the States' 
service." 

I answered that " the command of the nation [all English 
troops in the Dutch service] belonged to me by commission"; 
that " there was as little reason for my Lord [Sidney] to be 
under my authority, as for me to yield my authority to him " ; 
that " in respect of his Government [Governorship], he was 
uncapable of that charge as myself." 

By this again, I found his Lordship's care to hold me 
back : notwithstanding my Lord Sidney had soon made an 
end of his suit. But my Lord Grey stuck longer to it, and 
was earnester ; insomuch as there passed speeches in heat 
betwixt him and me. 

And yet in the end, such was the favour of the Prince ! 
that I enjoyed both the one and the other charge. 

In the same year, 1597, about the latter end of September, 
I passed into the Low Countries ; took and gave the 
oaths that are usual betwixt those of Holland, the Governor 
and townsmen of the Brielle ; and so was established in that 
Government. 



y. 


1 



138 4,600 Spaniards ENCAMPED AT TURNHOUT. p ^- y^ 



The Action at TurnhoiU. 

FIat winter, 1597, the enemy laying at Turnhout, 
an open village, with 4,000 foot and 600 horse. 
One day, amongst other speeches, I said to Mon- 
siem- Barneveldt, that " they did but tempt us 
to beat them ! " which it seemeth he marked ; 
for, shortly after, the States resolved to make an attempt 
upon them ; and gave orders to the Count Maurice to that 
end, to gather his forces together. Which, at one instant, 
shipped from their several garrisons, arrived with great 
secrecy, at Gertruydenburg, in all, to the number of 6,000 
foot and 1,000 horse ; whereof some 200 [English] came from 
Flushing, with Sir Robert Sidney. Which troop, because 
he desired it should march with the rest of the English; in 
the love and respect I professed and truly bear to him, I 
made offer to him to command one of the two troops, the 
English forces were then divided into : which he refused not. 

That evening was spent in consulting and ordering of 
things. 

In the morning, by break of day, the troops began to 
march ; and continued till two hours within night, and there 
rested, within a league of Turnhout. There we understood 
by our espial, that the enemy lay still without any manner 
of intrenchment ; having as yet no intelligence of us. 

A good part of that night was also spent in debating of 
matters. In the end, it was resolved, if the enemy abode 
our coming in the village ; with our cannon to batter them 
and so to dislodge them, or with our troops to force the place 
upon them. 

The Vanguard was given to the English troops, with 
Count Maurice's Guard, and some other selected Companies 
of the Dutch which the Count kept ordinarily in the Van- 
guard. 

The night was very cold, insomuch as the Count Maurice 
himself, going up and down the quarters, with straw and 
such other blazing stuff, made tires in some places, with his 
own hands, by the CoYps du guard [pickets]. Sir Robert 
Sidney and I got us into a barn thronged with soldiers, to 
rest ; because there was no sleeping l)y the Count Maurice, 



^V' Teoe:] VeRE begins THE FIGHT WITH SKIRMISHERS. I 39 

who was disposed to watch : whence I was also called, to 
attend him. 

In the morning, we set forward ; and by break of day we 
came within a falcon shot [320 yards : see Vol. IV. p. 251J 
of Turnhout, where the troops were put in battle. Whence 
sending some light horse towards the town, to discover; 
word was brought that the enemy had caused his baggage to 
march all night, and that now the Rereward were going out 
of the town. 

Whereupon the Count Maurice caused our Vanguard to 
advance to the town : with which he marched. 

By that time we were come to the town, the enemy was 
clear gone out of it, and some musket shot off, on the way 
to Herenthals [which was twelve miles off] beyond a narrow 
bridge, over which one man could only go in front.. They 
made a stand with some of their men; and galled our scouts, 
which followed on the track. 

The Count Maurice made a halt, halfway betwixt the 
bridge and the town : where I offered to beat the enemy 
from this passage, if he would give me some men ; alleging 
that this was only a shew of the enemy to amuse us, whilst 
he withdrew the body of his forces, and therefore this re- 
quired a speedy execution. Hereupon, he appointed me 200 
musketeers of his own Guard and the other Dutch companies, 
with ofhcers to receive my commands saying that " he would 
second me, according as occasion should serve." 

With which, I went directly towards this bridge. Near 
to which, I found Count Hollock [Hohenlo] , who, that 
Journey, commanded the horse. He told me of an easier 
passage over that water and offered me guides ; but the 
distance agreed not with the necessity of the haste, and 
therefore I excused myself of altering my way : which he 
took in very ill part, insomuch as, not long after, he wrote 
unto me a letter of expostulation, as if I had failed in the 
acknowledgement of his authority, which he pretended 
[asserted], by an ancient Commission, to be Lieutenant- 
General of Holland, and consequently of all the forces ; 
which I answered in good and fitting terms, to his content- 
ment. 

And so placing my men in the best places of advantage, 
to command the bridge, I made them play at the enemy ; 



140 200 Dutch chasing 4,600 Spaniards. [^'S 



F. Vere. 

1606. 



who soon forsook the bridge, being so narrow as aforesaid, 
and of a good length. 

I durst not adventure, at the first, to pass my men over it, 
the rather for that the country on the other side, was very 
thick of wood : but, after a little pause, I thrust over some 
few foot ; and, by a ford adjoining, though very deep and 
difficult, I sent some few horse, to discover what the enemy 
did. 

And causing mine own horse to be led through the said 
ford, I went myself over the bridge ; from which, some half 
a harquebuss shot, I found a small fort of pretty defence, 
abandoned : into which, I put my footmen which were first 
passed, and sent for the rest to come with all diligence. 

In the meantime, taking my horse, I rode with some few 
Officers and others, after the enemy ; whom we soon espied, 
some while marching, other while standing as if they had 
met with some impediment before them ; which we thought 
was caused by the number of their carriages. 

The Way they marched was through a lane of good breadth, 
hemmed in with thick underwoods on both sides of it, fit as 
I thought, to cover the smallness of the number of my men. 
Whereupon, as also on the opinion the enemy might justly 
conceive, that the rest of our troops followed at hand, I took 
the boldness and assurance to follow them with those 200 
musketeers : which I put into the skirts of the wood, so as 
betwixt them and the highway in which the enemy marched, 
there was a well grown hedge. 

Myself, with about some 15 or 16 horsemen, of my own 
followers and servants, keeping the highway, advanced towards 
the enemy : giving, in the meantime, the Count Maurice 
advice what I saw ! what I did ! and what an assured victory 
he had in his hands, if he would advance the troops ! 

I was not gone two musket shots from this fort, but some 
choice men of the enemy, whom they appointed to make the 
retreat [to act as a rearguard] discharged on us ; and our men 
again answered them, and pressing upon them, put them 
nearer to their hindermost body of Pikes : under the favour 
of which, they and such as, from time to time, were sent to 
refresh them, maintained the skirmish with us. 

When they marched, I followed ; when they stood, I 
stayed : and, standing or marching, I kept within reach, for 



Sir F. Vere. 
? 1606 



;] A THREE-MILE FIGHT ACROSS THE HEATH. 14I 



the most part, of their body of Pikes; so as I slew and galled 
many of them. 

And in this manner, I held them play, at the least four 
hours, till I came to an open heath, which was from the 
bridge, about some five or six English miles ; sending, in 
the meantime, messenger upon messenger to the Count 
Maurice and the Count Hollock, for more troops. And it 
pleased Sir Robert Sidney himself, who also came up to 
me, and looked on the enemy ; when he saw the fair 
occasion, to ride back to procure more forces. 

But all this while, none came, not so much as any princi- 
pal Officer of the army, to see what I did. 

On the left side of this heath, which is little less than 
three miles over, were woods and enclosed fields coasting the 
way the enemy were to take, in distance [off] some musket 
shot and a half. Along these I caused my musketeers to 
advance ; and, as they could from the skirts of the heath to 
play upon the enemy : which was more to shew them and 
our men that were behind, by hearing the shot, that we had 
not forsaken the enemy, than for any great hurt we could 
do them. 

Myself, with some thirty or forty horse that were come up 
to me to see the sport, following them aloof off. 

The enemy, seeing no gross troop to follow them, began 
to take heart ; and put themselves into order in four bat- 
talions : their horsemen on their wings advancing their way 
easily. 

When we had, in this manner, passed half the heath, our 
[1,000] hor;:>emen, in 16 troops (for they were so many), began 
to appear behind us at the entry of the heath : not the way 
we had passed, but more to the right hand, coasting the 
skirts of the heath, at a good round pace. 

This sight made the enemy to mend his pace, and gave us 
more courage to follow them ; so as now, we omitted no 
endeavour which might hinder their way, falling again into 
skirmish with them. For they fearing more those that they 
saw far off, than us that followed them at their heels, being 
a contemptible number to them that might see us and tell 
[count] us, mended still their pace. 

I therefore sent messengers to those horsemen, for of our 
footmen there was no help to be expected, to tell them, that 



142 A VICTORY WON WITHOUT A FIGHT. p%^' Te^g; 

if they came not with all speed possible, the enemy would 
get into the strait and fast country, in which there could be 
no good done on them. 

They were not above two musket shots from the mouth of 
the strait [ravme or pass], when the Count Maurice, with six 
companies of horse, came near unto us, that followed the 
enemy in the tail. The other horsemen, because they 
fetched a greater compass, and came more upon the front 
and right flank of the enemy, were further off. I sent to the 
Count to desire him to give me those horsemen [i.e., the six 
companies'] . 

And, in the meantime, to give the enemy some sta)^, I 
made round proffer [appearance or shew] to charge the Rere- 
ward : under the countenance of that second [support], with 
those horse and foot I had. Which took good effect. For 
they, knowing no other but that all the troops were also ready 
to charge, made a stand ; and seeing our horsemen on the 
right wing to grow somewhat near, put themselves into a 
stronger order. 

My messenger returning from the Count Maurice, told 
me, he would speak with me. 

To whom I made haste, and as the time required, in few 
words having delivered my mind ; he gave me three [of his 
six] companies of horse to use as I should see cause. With 
which, I went on the spur : for the enemy were now march- 
ing again, and were come even into the entry of the strait. 

The other horsemen with the Count Hollock seeing me 
go to charge, did the like also. So that, much about one 
instant, he charged on the right corner of their front and on 
their right flank ; and I with my troops, on the rereward and 
left flank : so roundly, that their Shot, after the first volley, 
shifted for themselves ; and so charged their Pikes, which 
being ranged in four Battles, stood one in the tail of another, 
not well ordered (as, in that case, they should have been) to 
succour the Shot, and abide the charge of the horsemen. 
And so we charged their Pikes, notbreaking through them, at 
the first push, as it was anciently used by the men-of-arms 
with their barbed horses : but as the long pistols, delivered 
at hand, had made the ranks thin, so thereupon, the rest 
of the horse got within them. So as indeed, it was a victory 
obtained without a fight. 



^''?^' Tl^e:] Nearly 3,000 Spaniards killed or taken. 143 

For till they were utterly broken and scattered, which 
was after a short time, few or none died by handistrokes. 

The footmen defeated; our horsemen disordered, as they 
had been in the charge and execution, followed the chase 
of their horsemen and baggage : which took the way of 
Herenthals. 

I foresaw that the enemy's horse, that had withdrawn 
themselves, in good order and untouched of us, at the begin- 
ning of the fight, would soon put to rout those disordered 
men : and therefore made all the haste that I could, to the 
mouth of the strait, there to stay them. 

Where finding the Count Hollock, I told him he should 
do well to suffer no more to pass. 

So riding forward on to the other end of the strait, where 
it opened on a champaign, I overtook Sir Nicholas Parker, 
who commanded the three companies of English horse under 
me ; who had some thirty soldiers with the three cornets 
[standards]. 

With these, I stayed on a green plot just in the mouth of 
the strait, having on either hand a road washy way : with 
purpose to gather unto me, those that came after me ; and 
relieve our men, if the enemy chased them. 

I had no sooner placed the troop : but I might see our men 
coming back as fast and as disordered as they went out ; 
passing the strait on either hand of me, not to be stayed for 
any intreaty. 

The most of our men passed, and the enemy approaching; 
Sir Nicholas Parker asked me, *' What I meant to do ? " 

I told him, " Attend the enemy, with our troop there ! " 

" Then," saith he, " you must be gone with the rest ! " 

And so, almost with the latest, the enemy being upon us, 
I followed his counsel ; and so all of us, great and small, 
were chased through the strait again : where our troops 
gathering head, and our foot appearing, we held good ; and 
the enemy, without any further attempt, made his retreat. 

There were taken between 40 and 50 ensigns, and slain 
and taken of the enemy, nearly 3,000 : and their general 
Seigneur de Ballancy, and Count de Warras died on the 
place. 

This exploit happily achieved, Count Maurice with the 
army, returned that evening, to Turnhout (where the Castle 



144 iS'Ooo Dutch troops invade Flanders. [ 



Sir F. Vere. 
? 1606. 



held by some of the enemy, yielded), and the next day, 
marched to Gertruydenburg : and I, to accompany Sir 
Robert Sidney (who took the next [nearest] way to his 
Government [Governorship]), went with him to WiUiamstadt. 
Where I did, on my part, truly and sincerely, touching the 
other circumstances of the service ; and was very friendly, 
when I made mention of him. 

I gave him my letters to read, and then to one of his 
Captains to deliver in England : but my letters were held 
back; and his, that were far more partially written, delivered. 
Which art of doubleness changed the love I had so long borne 
him, into a deep dislike that could not be soon digested. 



T/ie battle of Nieiiport. 

N THE year of our Lord 1600, the enemy's forces 
being weak and in mutinies, and his affairs in 
disorder ; the States resolved to make an offensive 
war in Flanders, as the fittest place to annoy the 
enemy most and to secure their own State, if they 
could recover the coast towns : which was the scope of the 
enterprise. 

As this action was of great importance, so were the meet- 
ings and consultations about it many : to which, though 
unworthy, I myself was called. Where, amongst other 
things, the facility of the execution coming in question ; it 
was, by most, affirmed that the enemy was not able nor durst 
adventure to meet us in the field : which I not only opposed 
in opinion ; but more particularly, made it appear that with- 
in fourteen days of our landing in Flanders, they might and 
would be with us, to offer fight, as afterwards, it fell precisely 
out. 

The army embarked with purpose to have landed at 
Ostend ; but finding the wind contrary when we came to 
Zealand, upon a new consultation, it was resolved to disem- 
bark upon the coast of Flanders, lying on the river Schelde : 
and accordingly, by a small fort called the Philippines, we 
ran our vessels, which were flat bottomed after the manner 
of the country, aground at a high water ; which, the ebb 




Sir F. Veie. 
» 7606. 



]ThEY ARRIVE NEAR TO NiEUPORT. 1 45 



coming, lay on dry ground ; and so with much ease and 
readiness, we landed both horse and foot. 

Our army consisted of about 12,000 foot and 3,000 horse; 
and was divided into three parts, committed to several Com- 
manders, viz., the Count Earnest of Nassau, the Count 
SoLMES, and myself. 

My troops consisted of 1,600 Englishmen, 2,500 Prisons 
[Frisians], and ten cornets [squadrons] of horse: with which 
troops, I took my turn of Vanguard, Battle, and Rereward, 
as it fell out. 

We marched through the country to Ecloo and Bruges, 
and so to Oldenburg, a iort of the enemy not far from 
Ostend, which the enemy had abandoned, as also some others 
of less strength ; by which means, the passage to Ostend 
was open and free. 

The army encamped and rested there [at Oldenburg] two or 
three days, to refresh us with victuals : especially drink, 
whereof the army had suffered great want, the water of the 
country we had passed [through], being, for the most part, 
very troubled [muddy] and moorish [boggy]. 

It was again consulted. Where the army should be first 
employed, whether in taking the forts the enemy held in the 
low and broken grounds about Ostend, or in the siege of 
Nieuport ? 

The latter being resolved on, the States, who had all this 
while marched and abode with the army, departed to Ostend, 
as the fittest place to reside in : and the Count Solmes, with 
his part of the army, was sent the direct way to Ostend, to 
take the fort Albertus, and open the passage betwixt that 
town and Nieuport. 

The Count Maurice, with the rest of the arm}^ leaving 
the fort of Oldenburg and the others which the enemy had 
forsaken, well guarded (as was behooveful, because without 
forcing them, the enemy could not come to us but by fetching 
a great compass), marched by Hemskerk towards a fort called 
the Damme, upon the river [Yperlce] that goeth to Nieuport : 
but finding the country weak and moorish, and not able to 
bear the weight of our carriages and artillery, returned to a 
small village not far from Hemskerk, and lodged there. 

Thence, we crossed through the meadows to the seaside, 
filling many ditches, and laying bridges to pass the waters, 



146 The Spanish army follows after them. [^VT 



Vere. 

606. 



whereof that country is full. And so, with much ado, we 
got to the downs by the seaside : and encamped, about some 
cannon shot from the fort Albertus ; which was rendered 
before to the Count Solmes. 

In the morning, early, we marched upon the sea sands 
towards Nieuport ; and, at the ebb, waded the river on that 
side that maketh the haven of that town : and so encamped. 

We spent two or three days in quartering and entrenching 
ourselves in places of best advantage, for our own safety and 
the besieging of the town ; laying a stone bridge over the 
narrowest of the haven for our carriages and troops to pass 
to and fro, at all times, if occasion required. 

In the meantime, the Count was advertised from those of 
Ostend, and those of Oldenburg, that the enemy, with good 
troops of horse and foot, were come and lodged near the fort 
[Oldenburg]. Whereupon, consulting, the opinions were 
divers, the most agreeing that it was only a bravado made of 
RiVAS ; who, we had heard before, had gathered between 3,000 
or 4,000 together, near the Sluis, to divert us from our enter- 
prise : and that upon our remove towards him, he would make 
his retreat to the Sluis again. 

But this falling out jump with the calculation I had before 
made, I insisted that it was the gross [bulk] of their army ; 
that it was needful for us, without delay, to march thither 
with our army also, lest that fort and the rest fell into 
the enemy's hands : who might then come and lodge at our 
backs, and cut off the passage to Ostend, to the extreme 
annoyance of the army : that in using diligence to prevent 
the enemy's taking these forts, we might at once block up 
and besiege those of the enemy held on the low and drowned 
lands ; which enterprise had been in question and debated 
as of equal importance with that of Nieuport. 

Notwithstanding that my reasons seemed well grounded; 
the Count Maurice was (as he is naturally) slow in resolving, 
so as, for that time, no other thing was done. 

The same night came messenger upon messenger, that first, 
the enemy had cannon ; then, that they of the fort were 
summoned in the Archduke's name ; after, that it was yielded 
upon conditions. And thrice that night was I called from my 
rest, upon these several alarms, which confirmed me in my 
former opinion, upon which I insisted, with this change ; that 



^''f' Teofi.] The Dutch army turns back. 147 

whereas my first purpose was to stop the enemy's passage 
under the favour of those forts : now, that occasion lost, we 
were to march to the hither mouth of the passage we ourselves 
had made through the low grounds, and to occupy the same, 
which was the shortest and readiest way the enemy had to 
the downs and seaside. 

The Count Maurice liked it well, and resolved to send 
forthwith the Count Earnest, with 2,500 footmen and 500 
horsemen, with some artillery also and provisions, to 
entrench upon the same passage; saying : " He would follow 
and second them, with the rest of the army, in due season." 
Which course I could not approve nor allow of, shewing my 
reasons, how this dividing of forces might endanger the 
whole; for I knew the enemy would, in all likelihood, use all 
possible diligence to get through this passage, and might 
well do it with his Vanguard and a part of his forces, before 
the arrival of these men ; which, being so few, would not be 
able to make resistance : whereas our whole army marching, 
if the enemy had been fully passed the low grounds, we had 
our forces united to give them battle according to the 
resolution taken, if he sought us or came in our way. If 
part of his army were only passed, which was the likeliest ; 
the shortness of time, the hindrance of the night, and the 
narrowness of the way considered : then we had undoubted 
victory. If we were there before him, the passage was ours. 

About midnight, the Count [Earnest] had his despatch 
and order to take of those troops that were with the Count 
SoLMES, as readiest for that service. The rest of the army 
was commanded to march down to the haven's side by the 
break of day, to pass with the first ebb. 

It was my turn then to have the Vanguard, which made 
me careful not to be wanting in my duty : so as in due time, 
my troops were at the place appointed. 

And because the water was not yet passable, I went myself 
to the Count Maurice to know his further pleasure ; whom 
I found by the bridge, with most of the chief Officers of 
the army : whither not long after, news was brought unto 
him, that the enemy was passed the downs and marching 
towards us ; which struck him into a dump. 

I told him that all possible speed must be used to pass the 
forces before the enemy were possessed of the other side of 



148 Description of the ground of the battle. [J;] 



Vere. 

6o5. 



the haven : that therefore, I would go to my troops, to take 
the first opportunity of the tide ; desiring him to give me his 
further orders what I was to do, when I had passed the 
haven. 

He willed me, to do all things, as I saw cause myself. Call- 
ing to him the Count Lodowick of Nassau, who then 
commanded the horse as General, he bade him go along 
with me, and follow my directions. 

So I left the Count Maurice, and went to my troops ; and 
so soon as the tide served, I passed my men as they stood in 
their battalions. 

The soldiers would have stripped themselves to have kept 
their clothes dry ; as I had willed them when I crossed the 
haven first : but then I thought it not expedient, the enemy 
being so near; and therefore willed them "to keep on their 
clothes, and not to care for the wetting of them : for they 
should either need none, or have better and dryer clothes to 
sleep in that night." 

When the troops of the Vanguard were passed, I left the 
footmen standing, ranged in their order, betwixt the downs 
or sand hills and the sea; and with the horse, advanced 
towards the enemy whom we might discover afar off coming 
towards us by the seaside. Not to engage a skirmish or 
fight, but to choose a fit place to attend them in, which was 
now the only advantage we could by industry get of the 
enemy : for by the situation of the country, that skill and 
dexterity we presumed to excel our enemy in (which was the 
apt and agile motions of our battalions) was utterly taken 
from us. 

For the space betwixt the sea and the sand hills or 
downs, was commanded by the said hills, which are of 
many heads reared and commanding one another, containing 
so much breadth in most places that our troops could not 
occupy the whole ; and were everywhere so confusedly packed 
together, so brokenly and steeply, that the troops could 
neither well discern what was done a stone's cast before 
them, nor advance forward in any order, to second [support] if 
need were. And on the other side of the downs towards the 
firm land, if the whole breadth were not possessed, the enemy 
might pass to the haven of Nieuport, where our bridge and 
most of our shipping yet lay on the dry ground, and spoil 



^'%^- Yi;^;] Vere extemporises a kind of Plevna. 149 

and burn them in our view. All which inconveniences, I 
was to prevent. 

Finding therefore, a place where the hills and downs 
stood, in a manner divided with a hollow bottom, the bottom 
narrower and the hills higher to the seaside and North than 
towards the inland and South, which ran clean thwart from 
the sea sands to the inland ; the downs also there being 
of no great breadth, so that we might conveniently occupy 
them with our front, and command as well the seashore as 
the way that lay betwixt the low inland and the foot of the 
downs : in that place, on the hither side of that bottom, I 
resolved to attend the enemy. And therefore, having caused 
my troops to advance, I drew from the whole Vanguard 
about 1,000 men: viz., 250 Englishmen ; the Count Maurice's 
Guard, and such other companies as usually marched with 
it, 250 ; and of the Prisons, 500, which were all musketeers : 
the other two troops consisting of Shot and Pikes. 

The English and 50 of the Count's Guard [i.e., 300 in all], 
I placed on the top of the hill that lay more advanced than 
the rest ; which being steep and sandy, was not easily to be 
mounted, and in the top, so hollow that the men lay covered 
from the hills on the other side, and might fight from it as 
from a parapet. 

Just behind this hill, about 100 paces, was another far 
more high, on the top of which also, I placed the other 200 
of the Troops of the Guard ; on which also, with a little 
labour of the soldier, they lay at good covert. 

These two hills were joined together with a ridge some- 
what lower than the former hill ; which, endwise, lay East 
and West ; and, broadwise, looked towards the South or 
inland, and commanded all the ground passable. On the 
outside, it was very steep, loose, sandy, and ill to be mounted ; 
within, it was hollow. In which, I placed the 500 Prison 
musketeers, giving charge to the Officers to bestow their shot 
only to the southward, when time should serve ; which was 
directly on our right side and flank, as we then stood turned 
towards the enemy. 

Betwixt those two hills, on the left hand or flank looking 
towards the sea, I placed in covert in places for the purpose 
(so near the sea sand, that they might with ease and good 
order in an instant break into it), two of the four troops of the 



150 The Dutch officers want to advance. [^''■/• 



Vere. 
1606. 



English, making about 700 men, ranged with their faces to 
the northward, looking directly from our left flank. If the 
enemy adventured to pass by us to the other troops, I meant 
to leave them [the 700] in his eye. 

Upon the sands, more easterly than the inmost of the two 
hills, I ranged in a front, with a space betwixt them, the other 
two troops [=650 men] of the English : and a pretty distance 
behind them, more to the seaward, the [2,000] Frisons in four 
battalions ; two in front, with a space to receive betwixt them 
one of the othertwo battalions that stood behind them, the files 
and spaces betwixt the troops being as close as might be con- 
veniently, to leave the more space for the ranging the other 
troops ; with a competent distance betwixt each troop, so as 
one troop shadowed not another, but all might be in the 
enemy's eye at one instant. 

And thus the Vanguard occupied about one-third part of 
the downs (leaving the rest to be manned as the occasion 
should serve, by the other troops), and, on the left hand, 
uttermost to the sea : and more advanced, I placed the horse- 
men [i.e., the ten squadrons]. 

I had scarce done this work, when the Count Maurice, with 
the chief Commanders of the army, came to the head of my 
troops; where, on horseback, and in the hearing of all standers 
by (which were many), he put in deliberation, Whether he 
should advance with his army towards the enemy, or abide 
their coming ? 

Those that spake, as in such cases most men will not seem 
fearful, counselled to march forward : for that they thought it 
would daunt the enemy, and make the victory the more easy : 
whereas in attending him, he would gather courage out of the 
opinion of our fear, or take the opportunity of our stay to fortify 
upon the passage to Ostend, to cut off our victuals and retreat. 

I alleged that their army (that had been gathered in haste, 
and brought into a country where they intended no such war) 
could neither have provision of victuals with them for any 
time, nor any magazines in those parts to furnish them, nor 
other store in that wasted country, and in that latter end of 
the year to be expected : so as to fear, there was none, that 
they should seat themselves there to starve us that had store 
of victuals in our shipping, and the sea open to supply us, 
with all sailing winds. And for the vain courage, they should 



Sir F. Vere 
? 1606 



] Count Maurice awaits the enemy. 151 



get by our supposed fear, after so long a march with chmbing 
up and down those steep sandy hills, in the extremity of heat, 
wearied and spent before they could come to us, and then 
finding us fresh and lusty, and ready to receive them in our 
strength of advantage, it would turn to their greater confusion 
and terror. 

They persisted, and as it were, with one voice opposed : so 
as, in the end, I was moved to say that " all the world could 
not make me change my counsel." 

The Count Maurice was pleased to like of it, resolving 
not to pass any further towards the enemy ; and for the 
ordering of things, reposed so much trust in me as that 
he believed they were well, without viewing the places or 
examining the reasons of my doings : but returned, to give 
order to the rest of the army, which, as the water ebbed, he 
enlarged to the seaward, next the which the horsemen were 
placed ; and six pieces of ordnance were advanced into the 
head [front] of the Vanguard. 

In this order, we stayed ; and the enemy, though still in 
the eye, moved not forward for the space of two hours, and 
then, rather turning from us than advancing, they crossed 
the downs and rested other two hours at the foot of them, 
towards the land : which confirmed their opinions that held 
he would lodge. 

But we found reasons out of all their proceedings to keep 
us from wavering. For it was probable to us, that the enemy 
overwearied and tired with that night and day's travel ; and 
seeing us passed the haven of Nieuport, wherein to have 
hindered and prevented us was the greatest cause of this 
haste, whilst he saw us stirring and ordering ourselves, might 
hope that we (that were fresh, now passed, and engaged to 
fight) would advance, the rather to have the help of our 
troops with the Count Earnest, if perchance he were retired 
to Ostend, which, the nearer the fight were to that place, 
might be of most use to us ; or else if we had heard of their 
defeat, we would be drawn on with revenge. But when they 
saw that we held our place, not moving forward, being out of 
that hope ; and not provided to make any long stay, for the 
reasons before mentioned : they might resolve to refresh them- 
selves, and then to advance towards us ; for which, that side 
was more convenient than the bare sea sands. 



152 Spanish foot of unconquered veterans. [ 



F. Ver*. 

1606. 



Withal we considered, that their chief trust resting in their 
footmen (which were old trained soldiers, and to that day, 
unfoiled in the field) ; they would rather attend the growing of 
the tide, which was then at the lowest, that the scope of the 
sands might be less spacious and serviceable for horsemen. 

About half flood, they crossed again the downs to the sea 
sands, and marched forward, sending some light-horsemen 
far before the troops. One of which, as we supposed, suffered 
himself to be taken ; who being brought to the Count 
Maurice, told him aloud that the Count Earnest was 
defeated ; and that he should presently have battle, aug- 
menting the number, bravery, and resolution of their men. 

The loss of our men we had understood before, and there- 
fore were careful to have but few present at the hearing 
of the prisoner ; whose mouth being stopped by the Count 
Maurice's order, the rest that heard it bewrayed it, either in 
word or countenance, to the soldiers. 

The enemy growing nearer and nearer, and their horsemen 
coming, in the head of their troops, in a competent distance 
to have been drawn to a fight ; I would very willingly have 
advanced the horsemen of the Vanguard near to them, and 
with some choice and well-mounted men, have beaten in 
their carabin[eer]s and skirmishers to their gross [main body], 
with purpose, if they had been charged again, to have retired 
in haste with the said Vanguard of horse betwixt the sea and 
the Vanguard of foot : and having drawn them from their 
foot, under the mercy of our ordnance, and engaged to the 
rest of our horse, to have charged and followed them reso- 
lutely. 

This advice could not savour to that young nobleman [Count 
LoDOWiCK of Nassau], that was not well pleased with the 
power that Count Maurice had given me over his charge ; 
and therefore was not by him put in execution : who chose 
rather, as the enemy advanced leisurely, so he, in like sort, 
to recule [retire] towards the foot. 

This counsel of mine taking no better effect, and their horse- 
men being now come within reach of our cannon ; I made the 
motion to have them discharged, which was well liked, and 
so well plied that we made them scatter their troops, and in 
disorder fly for safety into the downs : which had doubtless 
given us the victory without more ado, if our horsemen had 



^V'Te^.'] Both armies pass into the downs. 153 

been ready and willing to have taken the benefit of that 
occasion. 

Their footmen, out of our reach, kept on their way alongst 
the sands; and the sooner to requite us, advanced their 
ordnance a good distance before them, and shot roundly at 
us and did some hurt. 

The water now grew very high, so as both we and they 
were forced to streighten [narrow] our front. And the 
enemy — whether of purpose, as aforesaid, to fight with more 
advantage (as he took it), with his foot in the downs ; or to 
avoid the shot of our ordnance (for he could not be so care- 
less as to be surprised with the tide, and so be driven to this 
sudden change) — put all his forces, as well horse as foot, into 
the downs ; which horse crossed to the green way betwixt 
the lowlands and the downs. 

All our horsemen stood with our Rereward. Hereupon 
our Vanguard altering order, our Battle and Rereward 
passed into the downs, and (in the same distances, backward 
and sidewards, as they had been on the sands on my left 
hand before) ranged themselves. So as the front of the 
three bodies of foot filled the breadth of the downs : all the 
horsemen being placed on the green way betwixt the lowland 
and the foot of the downs ; not in any large front, but 
[echeloned] one in the tail of another, as the narrowness of 
the passage enforced. 

I found a fit place on the top of a hill, from whence the 
green way on the inside of the downs might be commanded 
with ordnance; on which, by the Count Maurice his order, 
two demi-cannon were presently mounted. 

The enemy growing very near, I told the Count " It was 
time for me to go to my charge;" asking him, " Whether he 
would command me any more service." 

He said, " No ! but to do as I saw cause." Willing us 
the Chiefs that stood about him, to advise him in what part 
of the army he should be personally ? Whereunto, we all 
answered, that for many reasons, he was to keep in the 
rearward of all : which he yielded unto. 

So I went to the Vanguard, and after I had viewed the 
readiness and order of the several troops, the enemy now 
appearing at hand ; I (the better to discover their proceed- 
ings, and for the readier direction upon all occasions, as also 



154 Advance of the Spanish skirmishers. p/'T 



Vere. 

606. 



with my presence to encourage our men in the abiding of the 
first brunt), took my place in the top of the foremost hill 
before mentioned. Where I resolved to abide the issue of 
that day's service, as well because the advantages of the 
ground we had chosen were [favourable] to stand upon the 
defence ; as also for that, in that uneven ground, to stir from 
place to place (as is usual and necessary in the execution 
and performance of the office of a Captain, where the country 
is open and plain), I should not only have lost the view of 
the enemy (upon whose motions, in such cases, our counsels 
of execution depend), but of my troops, and they of me ; 
which must needs have caused many unreasonable and 
confused commandments. 

The enemy's Forlorn Hope of harquebussiers, having got 
to the tops of the hills and places of most advantage, on the 
other side of this bottom before mentioned, began from 
thence to shoot at us, whilst their Vanguard approached : 
which now growing near at hand, 500 Spanish Pikes and 
Shot mingled, without ensigns or precise order, gave upon 
the place where myself was, and very obstinately, for the 
space of a great half-hour, laboured to enter and force it ; 
favoured [covered] with more store of Shot from the tops of 
their hills, the gross of their Vanguard standing in some 
covert from the Shot with me, on the other side of the 
bottom. 

In the meantime, the Vanguard of their horse advanced 
along the green way (so often mentioned) betwixt the low 
inland and the downs, towards our horse that stood more 
backward against the flank of our Battle. Our two pieces of 
ordnance were discharged from the top of the hill to good 
effect and well plied ; and when they came nearer, and 
thwart our right flank, the 500 Prison musketeers (who, as 
I have before said, were destined to bestow their shot that 
way) did their part, and so galled them, that, upon the first 
proffer of a charge which our horsemen made, they were put 
into a disordered retreat, even to their troops of foot : our 
horsemen following them in the tail ; who were fain, there, to 
give them over. At the same instant, I gave orders that a 
100 men should be sent from the foremost troop of foot I 
had laid, as aforesaid, in the downs, to have given upon the left 
[? right] flank of the enemy, if he attempted to pass by us upon 



^"/TfoG:] Terrible conflict against great odds. 155 

the sands ; and as covertly as they could to approach and 
give upon the right flank of those that were in fight with me. 

When they were come up, and at hands with the enemy ; 
I sent from the hill where I was, by a hollow descent, some 
60 men to charge them in front ; which amazed the enemy, 
and put them to run, our men chasing and killing them till 
they had passed the bottom, and came to the gross of their 
Vanguard : from which were disbanded anew, the like num- 
ber [500J as before, who followed our men, and seized on 
some heights that were in the bottom somewhat near us, 
covering their Pikes under the shadow of the hills, and play- 
ing with the Shot, from the tops, upon our disbanded and 
skirmishing men. 

I sent to drive them from thence, being loth they should 
gain ground upon us, one of the same troops, from whence I 
had drawn the 100 men before mentioned, with orders only to 
make that place good. 

This was a bloody morsel that we strove for. For whilst 
our men and theirs were not covered with the hanging of the 
hills ; as they advanced or were chased, they lay open to the 
shot, not only of those that were possessed of those little hills, 
but also of the others higher which poured in greater tem- 
pests upon them : so as the soldiers that I sent hasted, as for 
their safety, to get the . , . side of the hill; and the enemy, for 
like respect, abode their coming with resolution. So as, in 
an instant (as the hill was round and mountable), the men 
came to handiblows, upon the whole semicircle of it, with 
much slaughter on both sides ; till in the end, the enemy 
was forced to retire. 

In the meantime, the Battle of the enemy's foot were 
come up to the gross of the Vanguard : which as it had 
taken the right hand of the downs so did the Battle, with 
some distance between them, though even in front. Having 
been well welcomed with our Shot from the tops of the hills ; 
the Battle stayed in as good covert as the place would afford, 
sending fresh men to beat ours from those grounds of advan- 
tage in the bottom ; so as, ours beginning to give back, I 
sent a new supply to make good the place in this bottom ; 
sometimes getting, and sometimes losing ground. 

The fight was still maintained with new supplies on both 
sides. Wherein I persevered, though with loss of men 



156 The fight maintained for a time. [ 



sir F. Veie. 

1606. 



because the advantage the ground gave me to beat as well 
upon their gross as on their loose fighting men, made the 
loss far greater on their side : my design being to engage 
their whole force upon my handful of men, which I employed 
sparingly and by piece-meal ; and so to spend and waste the 
enemy, that they should not be able to abide the sight of our 
other troops, when they advanced. 

The horsemen of their Battle and ours encountered, but 
somewhat more advanced towards the enemy (our men 
having gotten courage with the first success), so as our fore- 
mentioned Prison musketeers could not so w^ell favour [cover] 
them. Our horsemen being put to retreat; the enemy in the 
pursuit, being saluted by them [the Frisons], were stopped and 
drew back. 

Their Rereward, having now come up, even with their two 
bodies (for so I term them, because their Ensigns [colours] 
remain together ; though most of the men were drawn from 
them and in fight, and the Ensigns barely attended), ad- 
vanced on the left hand of the Battle : and spreading the 
breadth of the downs, they were to my troops rather on the 
corner of the right flank than afront ; and our Battle and 
Rereward upon which they directly fronted, were a musket 
shot behind my troops, towards which it seemed they 
intended to advance. 

First, we gave as much [fire] to them as we could spare, 
from our hills : but when they began to open [come within 
sight of] upon my Prison musketeers (which, as before is 
said, could only bestow their shot on our right flank ; and 
till that time, had done no service but against their horse), 
they were exceedingly galled, so as they stayed suddenly : and 
amazed, or ashamed to go back seeing none to chase them, in 
a bottom of some small covert, bestowed themselves; sending 
out some skirmishers along the southermost parts of the 
downs, against which some loose men were sent from our 
bodies. But our musketeers that shot, standing and without 
fear, from their rests, galled them most. 

The horsemen of the Rereward shewed themselves on both 
sides. Some little bickering there was, and so they retired 
out of the footmen's reach. 

This was a strange and unusual sight. Por, whereas most 
commonly in battles the success of the foot depfendeth upon 



^VTeoe:] Sir F. Vere receives four wounds. 157 

that of the horse ; here, it was clean contrary ; for so long 
as the foot held good, the horse could not be beaten out of 
the field; though, as it fell out, they might be chased to 
them. 

All this while, the fight continued, without intermission, 
hotter and hotter, betwixt the two other troops [the Archduke's 
Vanguard and Battle] of the enemy and me : both of us send- 
ing fresh supplies, as occasion required, to sustain the fight. 
Insomuch as the whole of the English troops [1,600 — 250 = 
1,350 men] were engaged to a hand fight in the foresaid 
bottom, saving those few [250] that were placed on the hills : 
and on the enemy's part also, few were idle. 

And now, I saw was the time to give the enemy a deadly 
blow : his grosses [main bodies] being disbanded, as well in 
occupying places of height and advantage to annoy us, as by 
those that were sent to dispute the places in question. For 
their only strength now consisted in their loose men : which 
any few horse charging on a sudden in that bottom, would 
have put to flight ; and they being followed pesle-mesle [pell 
mell] with our foot, would never have had means to have 
rallied and gathered themselves together again. On the other 
side, I knew that without further succours, their numbers 
would weary and eat us up in the end. 

I therefore at once sent to the [2,000] Frison footmen of the 
Vanguard to advance ; and to the Count Maurice, to tell him 
how things stood, and to desire him to send me part of the 
horse of the Battle. And because I saw the enemy press 
and gain upon our men more and more, I sent again mes- 
senger upon messenger. 

In the meantime, to give our men the more courage, I 
went into the bottom amongst them, where riding up and 
down, I was in their eyes both doing the office of a Captain 
and soldier : and with much ado, we entertained the fight, 
though the enemy encroached and got upon us. 

At my first coming [i.e., unto the bottom], I got one shot 
through my leg, and a quarter of an hour after, another 
through the same thigh ; which I then, neither complained 
nor bragged of, nor so much as thought of a chirurgeon 
[surgeon] : for I knew, if I left the place, my men would 
instantly quail. I therefore chose, not having been used to 
have my troops foiled, to try the uttermost, rather than to 



1 58 The English foot driven back ; but rally. [ ^ y^"'; 

shew them the way to flee : hoping still for the coming of 
the Prisons and the horse I sent for. 

But their haste was so small, that my men [i.e., those in the 
bottom], overlaid with numbers, forsook the place, notwith- 
standing my best efforts to stay them ; hasting along the 
sands, towards our cannon ; the enemy following them hard. 

I was forced, seeing them all going, to go for company, 
with the last; uneasily and unwillingly, GOD knows! and 
in the way, my horse fell dead under me and upon me, that 
I could not stir. 

I had neither Officer, Gentleman, nor servant about me, to 
give me help. Sir Robert Drury by chance came ; and a 
Gentleman, being a servant of his, called Higham [see p. 136], 
drew me from under the horse, and set me up behind his 
master ; which help came very seasonably, for the enemy 
being near at hand when I fell, by this means, I was saved 
out of their clutches. 

Thus I rode to the ordnance, where I found my brother 
Horace [afterwards Lord Verb] and the most of the 
Officers that were living, with some 300 [? English] foot. 

I made them stand from before the ordnance, and willed 
the canoneers to discharge upon the enemy that now 
swarmed upon the sands. 

At the same instant, my own company of horse and 
Captain Ball's coming thither ; I willed them to go to the 
charge ; and my brother with the foot to advance and second 
them home. 

This small number of horse and foot made an exceeding 
great change on a sudden. For the enemy in hope of 
victory, followed hard ; and being upon the sands, where 
horse might serve upon them, were soon routed and most 
of them cut in pieces ; the rest saving themselves by flight 
as they could, in the downs. Our men, both horse and 
foot, followed them. 

Their Battles, where their Ensigns remained, began to stir 
and rouse themselves ; rather for defence than to revenge 
themselves : for they advanced not. 

Our men, from the top of the hills, who had kept their 
places from the beginning, having by this means, a fair mark, 
plied them with shot. Our English soldiers, on all hands, 
with new courage resorted to the fight ; and finding these 



^^^■y^;] 800 OUT OF 1,600 English killed or hurt. 159 

Battles very small and thin (by reason of the men they had 
sent to supply the fight ; especially of Shot, which in these 
uneven places were of most service), pelted them with our 
shot, and pressed upon them to make them recule. 

The Count Maurice, seeing things on these terms, caused 
the Battle to advance, and his horsemen to make a proffer 
upon the enemies. Upon which sight, without attending 
any strokes, the enemy routed, and was chased out of the 
field. 



In this Last Charge, I followed not. [5^^ Sir John Ogle's 
account of it at pp. 136-139.] For seeing the success upon the 
sands, and knowing that my directions in the prosecution of 
the victory would be executed ; I could easily judge that the 
work of that day was at an end. And therefore I began to 
care and provide for myself: who, all this while had been 
undressed, the blood leaking from me at four holes: which, 
together with a dangerous disease that had long held me, 
had made me extremely weak and faint. 

The enemy lost above 120 Ensigns [colours]. Most of his 
foot were slain : but not many of his horse lost. 

On our side, in a manner, the whole loss fell upon the 
English ; of whom, nearly 800 were hurt or slain. Eight 
[English] Captains were slain ; of the rest, all but two were 
hurt, and most of my inferior officers were hurt or slain. 

In the rest of the army, there was no loss at all, to speak 
of: especially among the foot. 

I dare not take the whole honour of the victory to the 
poor English troop of 1,600 men ; but leave it to be judged 
by those that may give their censure, with less suspicion of 
partiality. 

I will only affirm that they left nothing for the rest of the 
army to do, but to follow the chase : and that it hath not 
been heard of, that, by so small a number, in a ground so 
indifferent, whereof the only advantage was the choice and 
use of the same, without help of spade or other instrument 
or engine of fortifying, so great and so victorious an army as 
the Archduke's, had been so long wrestled withal, and so far 
spent. 

Yet this victory had been as assured with less loss, and 



i6o The battle might have been easier won. [_^''%^'\ 



ere 
606 



touch of reproach (if to give ground to a stronger may be 
subject to a disgraceful imputation), had the succours of 
horse or the foot I called for, come sooner to us : wherein I 
will charge and accuse none, but the messengers of their 
slackness. 




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yf;^ account of the Last Charge at 
Nieuport battle^ 

by Sir J o H N Ogle, Lieutenant-Colonel 
to Sir Francis Vere. 




He English, who, as that great Captain Sir 
Francis Vere well noteth, had borne the 
burthen of the day {overlaid with numbers 
and wearied with fight, their succour not 
coming to them in time), were forced to retire 
themselves in such order as they could, frcm 
the downs to the strand : where meeting, but too 
late, with the [2,000] Prisons ; they, likegcod 
fellows, to keep us company [!] turned all fairly back again With 
us, and so we both marched away together in one confused troop. 

Some loose horsemen of the enemy came tip close to us, and 
killed of our men, thrusting divers of them, with their rapiers, 
under their armour, in at their backs. 

Their foot followed leisurely, and were aloof, as not knowing 
how suddenly we might turn and make head again ; for our men 
kept both their arms, and in troop : which Sir FRANCIS Vere, 
upon occasion given by some speeches of mine, noted to me for a 
good sign. 

Neither was our retreat or the enemy's pursuit of any extra- 
ordinary swift pace; as may be easily gathered by the consider- 
ation both of their and our motions. For we had the leisure, 
though I confess not without danger, to pluck our Captain from 
under his horse, and mount him again behind another, as he 



i62 Sir John Ogle rallies the English, pV*?!]': 

himself hath told in his own Relation [p. 132] ; wherein I cannot but 
wonder that it pleased him 7iot to make any mention of me as well 
as High AM ; since his blood, which remained on my clothes so 
long after as I thought fit to wear them, witnessed clearly that I 
could not be far from him when that office that came so "season- 
ably " and in so good a time, as he saith, was performed unto 
him. 

In this retreat of ours, there wanted no persuasions, as well by 
Sir Francis Vere himself as some others, to move our men 
to stand and turn : for we saw a kind of faintness and irresolu- 
tion, even in those that pursued us nearest. And it is certain {if 
we may call anything certain whose effects we have not yet seen) 
that if then we had turned and stood, we had prevented that 
Storm of Fortune, wherein we were after threatened ; at least, we 
had saved many of our men's lives. But such apprehensions of 
fear and amazement had laid hold of their spirits, as no persuasion 
could, for that time, get any place with them. 

Sir Francis Vere with his troop formerly mentioned [p. 132] 
took his way towards the cannon, along the sands : where he, by 
his chirurgeon ; they, by their fellows, might hope of succour. 

I being faint and weary through heat and much stirring, took 
some few with me, and crossed into the downs ; there awhile to rest 
me, till I should see how the succeeding events would teach to 
dispose of myself, either by direction or adventure. 

I was no sooner come thither [in the downs], but I met with 
Captain [Charles] Fairfax [brother of Edward Fairfax 
the Poet], and young Master Gilbert {who soon after was slain 
near unto us). There we consulted what we should do. But the 
time and place affording no long deliberation, taught us to resolve 
that the best expedient for our safety was to endeavour the speedy 
increase of the little number which we had with us. I think 
they were 30 men. Having brought which to a reasonable 
competency ; our further purpose was to give a charge when we 
should find it most expedient, that so, with our honours, we might 
put an end to those uncertainties, the fortune of the day had, to 
our judgements, then thrown upon us. 

It was not long ere that our little body was multiplied to better than 
100 men. For the loose and scattered began, of themselves, with- 
out labour, to rally unto us. So much prevails Union even in a 
little body : for whilst to it the broken and disbanded ones do 
willingly offer themselves for safety and protection ; they them- 



^"l ?f!o.] The Last C h a r g e a t N i e u p o r t. 163 

selves, by adding of strength to that body, not only increase the 
number thereof, but do give and take the greater security to them- 
selves ajid others. 

We were, all this while, within less than a musket shot of a 
gross [brigade] of the enemy, which stood in a hollow or bottom 
within the downs : the hills about it, giving good shelter against 
the drops of our shot ; for the showers [volleys] of them, as also 
of the enemy's, were spent and fallen before. But neither were 
the hills so high, nor so steep, that they could forbid entry and 
commodious passage of charging, either to our horse or foot. 

The gross had not many wanting of 2,000 moi in it; and 
spying, as it should seem, our little handful {which at the first they 
might peradventure neglect or contemn in regard it was so small 
a number) now begin to gather some bulk and strength, thought it 
not unfit to prevent a further growth : and to this end, sent out 
150 men with colours [i.e., footmen], closely and covertly as they 
could, along the skirt of the downs, next the inland and southward, 
with purpose to charge on the flank or back of us ; which they 
might very conveniently do, as we then stood. 

These men advanced very nigh us, ere we descried them : when, 
lo, just upon the time of their discovery and of our men being 
ready to fall upon them, comes Sir Horace Verb on horseback 
from the strand (it shoidd seem from the pursuit of the enemy, 
whom the horse had scattered, mentioned by his brother Sir 
Francis Vere [p. 132]), with a troop of some 200 [foot] men, 
marching along the downs towards us. 

In this troop, there were with him, Captain SUTTON ; his [Sir 
Horace's] own Lieutenant Colonel, Lowell, that commanded 
Sir Francis Vere's foot company ; and some Lieutenants. 
Morgan also came to us, about the same time that Fairfax and 
I [with the 100 foot] joined unto him. And these were the 
Officers that were afoot in the Last Charge. 

The disbanded troops [the above 150 men] of the enemy, 
seeing us strengthened with such supplies, thought it their fittest 
course to hasten them [back] the same way they came forth tow'urds 
us. 

Captain Fairfax and I would have charged : but Sir Horace 
Vere willed tis to join our troops [evidently both were foot- 
men] with his; and said we should go together and give one 
good charge for all, upon that great troop which we saw stood firm 
before us. 



164 The Cavalry join in the Charge. [^'V^fi,: 

We had now with us, our troops being joined, about some five 
Ensigns [=■ about 350 footmen], amongst which, was mine 
own; which, after, was lost in the Charge, but recovered again by 
my Officer. 

The vigilant and judicious eye of His Excellency Prince 
Maurice was, it should seem, upon our actions and motions all 
this while. For, as I have been informed, he seeing us make 
head, said to those that stood about him, Voyez ! voyez les 
Anglais ! qui tournent a la charge ! and thereupon gave present 
order to Dubois, then Commissary General for the Cavalry, to 
advance some of the horse, to be ready to attend and fortify the 
events that might happen tipon this growing Charge. This I have 
not of knowledge ; but from such hands as it were ill beseeming 
me, or any man, to question the credit of one of that rank, quality, 
and reputation. 

Our troop now, and the disbanded troop of the enemy marched 
both towards this gross, almost with equal pace, saving that their 
haste was a little greater according to the proportion of their 
danger if they had fallen into our clutches, being then too strong 
for them, ere they recovered the shelter of their own gross. 

Yet such haste, they coidd not make, but that we were with 
them before they had wholly cast themselves into their friends' 
arms : who opening to receive them, facilitated not a little the passage 
of our Charge, as we then fell in pesle mesle together amongst 
them. 

Much about this time, came in the horse, viz., the troops of [Sir 
Francis] Verb, [Sir Edward] Cecil, and [Captain] Ball, 
[see p. 132] ; who rushing in with violence amongst them, so con- 
founded and amazed them, that they were presently broken and 
disjointed : which being done, the slaughter was as great to them 
on their side, as the execution was easy to us on ours. 

This rupture also of theirs was not a little furthered by the 
Archduke's own troop of Harqi^ebussiers ; which having advanced 
somewhat before this gross on the skirt which lay between the in- 
land and the higher downs, was so encountered by Cecil and his 
troop {who had as then received orders, by Dubois, from his 
Excellency, to charge) that they were forced, with confusion to 
seek succour amongst their foot : Cecil following them in close at 
their backs. 

Verb and Ball, as I take it, charged at the front, by us ; 
having crossed into the downs from the sands and north side 



^"/- °fy This Charge wins the day. 165 

towards the sea. It should seem that having broken and scattered 
the enemy, who, as Sir Francis Verb himself relateth, were by 
them driven into the downs [p. 132] ; and seeing Sir Horace Verb 
also to have taken his way thither : they thought it perhaps con- 
venient to hover thereabouts, and to hold an eye upon our and the 
enemy's actions; the rather because they might discern Sir 
Horace Vere now making a new head. And so seeing us 
charge, charged also with us : which was not disagreeable to the 
first directions given and mentioned by Sir Francis Verb. 

And this, by all probable conjecture, must also be the cause why 
Sir Francis Verb, in his discourse, maketh no mention of Sir 
Edward Cecil. For he not having his direction from him to 
charge, but from his Excellency, as himself [Cecil] hath told 
me ; Sir FRANCIS Verb {being ignorant thereof; and himself 
likewise not at the Charge in person, whereby he might take notice 
of any man's presence) would not, as appears, expose himself to 
interpretations, by making any further relation touching particulars, 
than what might receive credit either from his own eyes or 
commandments. 

This Charge, through the hand and favour of GOD, gave us 
the day. What followed is before already set down by that great 
and wortJiy Captain, Sir FRANCIS VERB. 




i66 





as General. 



The Siege of Ostend, 

N THE year of our Lord 1601, the States, 
resolving to send their army, or a good part 
thereof, into Flanders, to take those forts the 
enemy held about Ostend, and by that means 
to open the passage into that country, for the 
greater annoyance thereof, made choice of 
myself, though far unfit and unworthy of so 
great a charge, to command the said forces 
Of which intent, I had first but only an inkling 
given me ; and was by some principal persons of the State 
encouraged to accept the same, and to take upon me a 
journey into England to inform Her Majesty of that purpose; 
and, with all the necessary circumstances, to frame her liking 
to the enterprise, and to induce her to the yielding of the 
succour of 3,000 of her subjects, to be levied, transported, 
and paid, at their own charge, and to be in the Low Countries 
by the loth of May. With these special instructions for the 
manner of the enterprise : 

That for the better diversion of the enemy's forces from the 
quarter of Flanders, the Count Maurice should, with the 
first season of the year, march towards Berg upon Rhine 
[Rheinberg] ; and to make shew as if he would, but not to 
engage his forces in the siege of that town no otherwise but 
that a good part thereof, especially the English, might be 
sent towards Ostend, upon the first summons. Which to- 
gether with 2,000 soldiers to be levied out of the garrisons of 
Holland and Zealand, and the 3,000 they made account of 
out of England, should, on a sudden, be transported into 
Flanders for the said enterprise. 



^V'Teoei] The Archduke besieges Ostend. 167 

With this errand, I passed into England, delivered the 
whole plot to Her Majesty, who liked and allowed thereof, 
and with some difficulty, as her manner was, granted the 
men to be levied and transported in ten days' warning. For 
so the States desired, lest the overtimely stirring of them 
before their other troops were landed in Flanders, might give 
the enemy an alarm, to the difficulting of the enterprise. 
Willing me, the grant obtained, to hasten over [back]. 

Before my coming into the Low Countries, the Count 
Maurice was marched towards Berg ; and the enemy, that 
had long threatened to besiege Ostend, with a good part of 
his forces, was set down before that town : so that it was 
now question rather of defending, than of gaining more footing 
in that quarter. 

The States therefore dealt with me, to take upon me the 
charge of the place, for which they gave me Commission, not 
as Governor, but as " General of the Army employed in and 
about Ostend," with very ample powers, as aforesaid : whereof 
I accepted. 

And they forthwith gave orders to the Count Maurice, to 
send into Holland the 20 English companies he then had in 
the army. With which troops, I was to go into Ostend. 

At the first, he made some difficulty to send any, having 
engaged himself in the siege of Berg, his works for the defence 
of the Quarter [forces covering the siege] not being finished, and 
the enemy gathering head in Brabant, to succour and relieve 
that town : in the end, with importunity, he sent eight 
companies; with which, my brother [Sir Horace Vere] came. 

With these, being by the States put in good hope the rest 
should follow, and that I should be liberally supplied with 
forces, ammunition, and all necessaries for such a service : I 
went into the town, and landed, as I take it, the nth of 
July, 1601, on the sands against the middle of the Old Town. 

The enemy commanded the haven, so as there was no 
entering by it ; and the use of the [river] Geule was not then 
known : and this place I landed at, was to be subject to 
their ordnance ; and the seege [rolling] of the sea such that 
no shipping could lie there unbroken. 

At my landing, Monsieur Vandernood, the Governor, gave 
me the keys. 

In the town, I found about 30 companies of Netherlanders, 



1 68 Description of its Fortifications. [^''' 



F. Vere. 
' 1606. 



which made 1,600 or 1,700 men, newly divided into two 
regiments ; whereof Monsieur Vandernood had the one, and 
Monsieur de Utenburgh had the other : and my eight 
companies might make 800 men. 

The enemy had 30 pieces of cannon placed on the west 
side, the most within a harquebuss shot off the town; and six 
on the east side : with which, they shot much into the town, 
and did great harm to the buildings and men. Their army 
was judged at 12,000 men. The three parts [thereof] on the 
west side, quartered near Albertus, a great-cannon shot from 
the town ; were commanded by the Archduke himself. The 
other part were quartered upon the top of the downs, on the 
east side, next the Geule. 

Those of the town, before my entrance had made a sally 
on the west approaches : from which they were repulsed with 
the loss of 300 men slain and hurt. 

The town, to the land [ward] was well flanked and high 
rampiered, but with a sandy and mouldered [cyumbling] 
earth. 

The Old Town, supposed free from battery, was rather 
strong against sudden attempts by palisadoes and such helps, 
than by rampire and flanks [curtain and side bastions] to abide 
the fury of the ordnance and force of approach : which not- 
withstanding was held to be the strongest part of the town, 
as well for the reasons abovesaid, as for that it was hemmed 
in on the one side with the Geule not passable, and on the 
other with the haven which was passable only some four 
hours in a tide. 

The rest of the town, besides the ditch which was broad 
and deep, was environed with a royal counterscarp, with 
ravelins [half-moons] of good capacity and defence against the 
cannon, covering all the Bulwarks of all the town but that 
which they called the Peckell or East Bulwark [bastion], 
which needed not that help, as lying directly upon the Geule, 
and not to be assailed by any approach. 

Upon the south, south-east, and south-west of the town, 
there is a plot of ground in the manner of an island, environed 
on the east side with the Geule, to the southward with a 
channel that runneth into the Geule, from the said Geule 
directly westward into the river that (in former times, passed 
through the Old Haven ; and) now had his course in the furthest 



F. Vere. 

? 1606, 



] The importance of the Poulder Bulwark. 169 



place from the town not in distance above a harquebuss shot : 
to the westward, by the old channel of the said river, by 
which it passed into the Haven ; which was now separated 
from the ditch of the Counterscarp by a low dam near the 
Poulder Bulwark. This plot of ground, covering the town, 
from the said Bulwark to the Spanish Bulwark which lieth 
upon the Geule, had, upon the south-west angle (which is 
where the channel from the Geule mingleth with that of the 
river to the haven), a little redoubt, open behind, and of no 
force to resist the cannon. 

To the southward of this Poulder Bulwark, the country is 
broken by many creeks not passable nor habitable for an 
army, but by forced means; and in spring tides, for the most 
part overflown. 

On the west side, the ground, for a harquebuss shot from 
the river (that runneth due west from the said Poulder), lay 
low, and subject to the like overflowing at the spring tides : 
but all the waters were more passable, having fewer and 
shallower creeks. From this bottom, the ground towards 
the downs goeth higher. 

Betwixt these West Downs (which near the town, are 
more low and level than the East ones) and the Porcepic 
[Porcupine] (which is a Ravelin in the Counterscarp that 
closeth the New Town on that side, by which the Old Haven 
passeth into the town), there lieth a down on which the haven 
beateth on the one side, and the water of the ditch of the 
counterscarp on the other : being the only place, about that 
town, by which an approach might be made on firm ground 
to the wall of the town, and which therefore was held the 
most weak and dangerous place. 

But the cutting of the aforesaid dam, and letting the sea- 
water into the ditch of the counterscarp was held a sure and 
sufficient means to prevent the enemy on that side. So as 
indeed nothing was so much to be doubted [feared] as the 
enemy's passing into this piece of ground before mentioned, 
called the Poulder : by which means, he might, notwith- 
standing our best endeavour, in short time, drain the ditches 
of the counterscarp and the town ditch ; and so, make his 
way to the rampier. 

My first care therefore was to fortify and secure the said 
Poulder against the enemy; and to make a safe place for our 



1 70 Vere makes two new havens for Ostend. [ 



Sir F. Vere. 
i6ofi. 



shipping to unlade such provisions and commodities as, from 
time to time, should be brought unto us. Which I readily 
and easily performed by opening a passage in the counterscarp 
near the West Poulder of the Spanish Ravelin ; by which 
means, the water from the Geule flowed into the town ditch: 
in which, with their masts stricken down, I have often seen 
above one hundred vessels lie safe from the annoyance of the 
enemy's great shot. Which haven though the entry grew 
more dangerous by the enemy's approaches, which, in process 
of time, they, with much cost, labour, and art, advanced, for 
it lay within the high-water mark (on which they raised new 
batteries), was used, during the siege, as the better inlet. 

Albeit after, to avoid the great harm the enemy did to our 
shipping at their going out, I made another cut, betwixt the 
East Ravelin and the mount called the Moses Table, look- 
ing northward and directly into the sea : which served the 
turn, and saved many ships. 

When my twelve companies [of English] which I expected 
from Berg, were arrived ; I began, one night, to entrench a 
piece of ground higher and firmer than the rest about it, 
lying nearer to the low dam before mentioned, which separated 
the river that by the old channel had passed into the haven, 
from the ditch of the counterscarp : which piece of ground, 
stretched out in the form of a geometrical oblique or oblong, 
towards the West had a watered ditch, such as in those parts 
they use for enclosures [hedges] : and the whole plot, of 
continent sufficient to receive 800 or 900 men. 

This field, I entrenched ; taking the water ditch to 
advantage, without giving it any other form usual in fortifi- 
cations ; so as, for the form and seat, it was called the West 
Square : because the westernmost face of it was well flanked 
from the West Bulwark and the West Ravelin, and the face 
south-west from the angle of the Poulder where the channel 
of the Geule and the channel of the old haven met : but 
chiefly to hold as much room as I could. 

For I expecting large numbers of men, doubted [feared] 
more I should want means in that town, hemmed in with so 
many waters and ditches, to sally and use them abroad, as 
occasion should require ; than bodies to guard that which I 
entrenched. 

The morning after I had begun this work, the enemy 



^''^Teoe:] More Englishmen come into Ostend. 171 

turned divers pieces from the top of the downs upon it; 
which notwithstanding my best industry, did much hurt 
amongst my men, till the work was raised and thickened. 

This plot put in reasonable defence, and part of the sup- 
plies [the 3,000 7nen] granted by Her Majesty now arrived ; I 
began to cast up a redoubt upon the like piece of ground for 
firmness (but not fully half so big as the former) lying about 
half a harquebuss shot south-west from the angle of the 
Poulder, close to the river that passeth from the said angle 
westward, which served well to covert [protect] the Poulder 
on that side, and to flank the west face and south flank of 
the West Square. 

The Poulder thus assured from sudden attempts, I began 
to raise in the said Poulder a rampier to resist the cannon 
on the inside of the old channel, from the ditch of the Poulder 
Ravelin of the counterscarp to the angle aforesaid of the 
Poulder, which broadways lay due West, and endways North 
and South. And the redoubt upon the said angle, I raised of a 
good height, and cannon proof, in the form of a cavallier [earth- 
work] to command over the said rampier of the Poulder. 

All this while, the enemy lay still, without making any 
approaches or intrenchments, or attempting to hinder my 
works ; otherwise than by his cannon shot, of which he was 
no niggard. 

Having, as I supposed, in this manner, well provided for 
the safe defence of that quarter; I was desirous to draw 
some of the enemy from the sandhills, to dwell by us in that 
low watery ground to the south-west and south of the river 
that runneth from the West to the Poulder : which I knew 
would cause great expense, great labour, and much loss and 
consumption of men ; on which, besides the plots of ground 
I had taken, no trench, no approach, nor lodging could be 
had but such as was forced. 

Only about a harquebuss shot westward from my redoubt 
on that side and upon the same river, there was a pretty 
round height of ground, on which, sometimes, they of the 
town of Ostend had held a redoubt to the south-west and 
south, environed with a plashy moor, into which, by the creeks 
the water flowed so as, the greatest part of the tide, it was 
not passable. 

From this plot of ground, I could discover the back of their 



1 72 Vere tempts the Spaniards into marshes. P''/- "iZt 

approaches on the downs ; and from it, with cannon, could 
annoy them as well there, as in their shipping and boats by 
which their army was supplied from Bruges and other ports 
of the country. 

If they suffered me to take this height and fortify it, I had 
gotten two special advantages ; the annoying of them and 
the securing of my works on that side : which, after, I might 
have maintained with fewer men. If I were impeached by 
their sudden planting of ordnance and batteries ; I knew 
they would possess the ground, and piece-meal engage them 
more and more in those drowned lands : which was the other 
of my drifts. 

This piece of ground, to move and provoke them the more, 
upon St. James's Day [Jtily 25, 1601], being the saint the 
Spaniards as their Patron do most superstitiously reverence, 
in the forenoon, I first sent as it were to view and discover : 
and anon after, I sent for men, and set them on work ; and 
drew down in a readiness, under the favour [cover] of my 
outermost redoubt, 200 soldiers to make head, if the enemy 
came down to the other side of the river, to hinder my work- 
men with his shot. 

The enemy no sooner perceived my men to work, but he 
turned certain pieces of ordnance upon them from the downs, 
and shot at us, as did also those of the Fort of Grootendorst : 
but being far off, the shot small, and the men (observing the 
shot), bowing their bodies in the hollowness of the old trench, 
it did little harm. 

Their footmen in a great rage, as it seemed to me, of them- 
selves kindled with zeal, without direction or orders from their 
chiefs, came down towards the river side amain ; not armed 
men in battle and troop, but shot scatteringly as every one 
could first and readiliest take his furniture. Others with 
faggots in their hands, whereof they had store in their ap- 
proaches, began here and there, in confused manner, to raise 
a trench from the downs to the river, for other trench and 
covert they had none : so as they were a fair mark for our 
artillery from the town, and our musketeers from the West 
Square and the South-west Redoubt ; which spared no 
powder. Besides, the 200 musketeers I had placed with 
me, under the favour of small banks on the edge of the 
river, held them back when they came nearer hand. So as, 



^'S'' y6o6:] The Spaniards FALL INTO THE TRAP. 173 

after much shooting and hurt done, the most of the day 
being spent, they gave over molesting us. 

And that night, I put the place into so good defence 
against the attempts of handistrokes, that I left a guard in 
it, and workmen to add more strength to it. 

In the morning, betimes, the enemy began to batter it with 
two cannon, which the same night they had planted on the 
other side of the plash directly west, and about the fourth 
part of the way to their Fort called Grootendorst ; from 
whence, also, they shot with a couple of demi-culverin : and 
thus they continued the whole day, insomuch as our new 
work to them-ward was laid fiat; and our men forced, for 
safeguard, to make hollow trenches in the said redoubt. 

About an hour before sunset, troops were seen to march from 
Albertus towards Grootendorst : which I gathered was to 
make an attempt upon the said redoubt in the beginning of the 
evening, before the breach could be repaired ; for which 
purpose, the water being ebbed, the time served very fitly. 

I saw by their earnest proceeding, that there was no striv- 
ing to keep and maintain that plot ; and therefore resolved 
to give way, but so as I would seem to be forced from the 
place. 

And therefore as I did set men on work in the beginning 
of the evening, to repair that breach ; to confirm the enemy, 
if he had foreborn his attempt that night, in the opinion 
that I would maintain the place : so I gave orders to the 
Officer I left in it, with some 80 men to hold good watch on 
the side of the plash, if the enemy attempted to pass, to 
shew himself on the brink of the said plash with his Shot, and 
discharge upon them, leaving his Pikes by the fort : with 
orders, if they advanced, to make his retreat to the South-west 
Redoubt, and there to hold good. 

Which directions were not well observed. For the Officer 
forthwith, when he had sight of the enemy's approach, which 
was about two hours within night, leaving his Pikes in the re- 
doubt, he with the Shot made for the plash side, and discharged 
at the enemy : who being strong in numbers and resolved, 
continued their way ; the officer still retiring hard to the re- 
doubt and skirmishing with him, as if his purpose had been 
rather to have drawn the enemy into some danger, than to save 
himself and his troops by a timely retreat. Which is an error 



1 74 Sudden break off of the Commentaries, [^" W 



ere. 

606. 



that many in like cases fall into, to their utter destruction ; 
when fear to have their valour called in question maketh 
them, against all reason, fight against a stronger enemy, and 
engage themselves where they have neither purpose nor hope 
to obtain the victory. 

Those of the redoubt stayed the return of their men ; whom 
the enemy pursued so hard after he had gotten footing in 
the firm ground, that they both at an instant, came to the 
redoubt ; and by the way of the breach, which yet lay open, 
entered and overthrew soon our men ; who so taken at un- 
awares, thought it safer to fight than to run away. Others 
they overtook before they could get over the palisadoes on 
the other side of the redoubt. So as most of our Pike men 
were lost, but few or none of the Shot ; who, holpen with 
the darkness of the night, and their good diligence, escaped. 

Upon the alarm, having given orders for some troops to 
follow, I hasted to the South-west Redoubt : near which, I 
met with these scattered men ; which I stayed, and took with 
me into the said Redoubt. To which, the enemy even now 
approached, following their fortune, and hoping of like 
success : and on the other side of the river towards the north- 
ward, from under the favour of the bank to which, of purpose, 
they had also drawn musketeers, to flank and beat in the back 
our men as they should shew themselves to resist the at- 
tempt of their men on the other side of the water. Of the 
supplies that came from the town, I reinforced the guard of 
the said Redoubt : by which means, as also the difficulty they 
found in passing their gross over the creeks, with some loss 
to us, yet much more to them, they retired to the redoubt 
they had gotten. 

[The end of the Commentaries 

of 

Sir Francis Vere.] 



^75 




Rev. William Dillingham, D.D. 

Continuation of the Siege of Ostend^ 
from 2 5 fuly^ 1 6o i , as far as 7 Mar, 1602. 

Ere endeth, or rather here breaks off, Sir 
Francis Vere's Commentary. For he con- 
tinued in his Government of Ostend for many 
months after [//// ^th March, 1602] : but, whether 
it was because he thought it needless to give the 
world any further account of it, who were all, by 
this time, become, as it were. Spectators and Eye- 
witnesses of what he did ; or wliether he thought 
that it being so well known to many, some other would carry on the 
Relation, if the world should think it needful ; or whatever else the 
reason was : I do not find that his pen ever went any further. 

Yet because there were many things performed by liim worthy of 
observation, and because the reader may perhaps have a curiosity to 
see the end of the story ; I shall here presume to subjoin a brief 
account of the chief passages in the sequel of that action, according 
to what I have met with recorded by others, to my hand, that so 
we may bring off Sir Francis Verb with honour from so great an 
engagement, and deliver him safe from the exceeding hazard of that 
employment : and this the rather, because I think this was the last 
action of consequence wherein he embarked. 




General Vere had no sooner taken a sure footing to himself, and 
fitted the scene whereon the bloody Tragedy was afterwards to be 
acted, but he gave a pledge of his resolution to abide by it : refusing 
to quit his lodgings, notwithstanding that the enemy's cannon had 



176 VeRE wounded by a cannon splinter, l^^"'- W.^Dillingham. 

pierced them through with many a shot, and quite battered a little 
tower belonging to them. 

But though his enemy's cannon could not enforce him to abandon 
so much as his own lodgings; yet did his own, by a shrewd mishap, 
constrain him to withdraw himself for a time out of the town. For 
on the 14th of August [1601], being wounded in the head with 
the blow of a cannon that split in the discharging, he removed into 
Zealand to be cured of his hurt. The enemy having gotten intelligence 
hereof, made no small expressions of joy and triumph ; discharging 
many a peal of cannon. 

Whereby if they hoped to fill the hearts of the besieged with terror 
and consternation, and to beat them from their former resolution ; 
they were much mistaken. For the brave English soldiers observing 
what storms of great shot came rolling into the town, the besiegers 
having already discharged little less than 35,000 cannon shot against 
it ; and perceiving by the story, that all the houses were likely, ere 
long, to be beaten about their ears, and so were likelier to endanger 
them by their fall, than any way to secure and protect them from the 
fury of the enemy's artillery : they advised themselves to take this 
course. 

There was a green plot of ground in the town, commonly used for a 
market-place, which was something higher than the rest of the streets. 
Here did they earth themselves, by digging it hollow, and fitting 
themselves with cabins and lodgings within the ground. The like 
did they, by another void piece of ground upon the south-west. 

Whereby, as they thought themselves secure from the enemy's 
battery, being confident they would not shoot mattocks and pickaxes ; 
so did they sufficiently testify their own resolution, rather to inter 
themselves in the graves which they had digged, than to quit their 
possession of the place unto the enemy. 

Hereupon, the besiegers shifted sails, and suiting their counsels to 
the disposition of the English soldiers (who are sooner won by fair 
means than foul), shot arrows with letters into the English Quarters, 
promising ten stivers [=1^. 2d. { = Ss. no7c>)] a day to such as would 
serve the Archduke against the town. 

But these offers were slighted by the English, who hated falseness 
as much as they contemned danger : and this device was looked 
upon by those of the town, as the product of languishing counsels ; 
which having already spent all their powder, came a begging for the 
conclusion. 

And if the Archduke had then given over the siege, I question 
not but the world would generally have excused him. For what 
should he do ? 

He had made his approaches as near unto Sand Hill as was 



Rev. W.^DillinKharn.J QeATH OF THE LoRD OF ChATILLON. I 77 

possible for the Haven ; which was the most probable place of doing 
any good upon the town. And therefore he had, ever since the 
beginning of the siege, bent the most of his great shot upon it, if it 
were possible to have made a breach : but all had hitherto produced 
no other effect than the fortifying of the Sand Hill Bulwark, instead 
of beating it down. For by this time, it was so thickly studded 
with bullets, that the ordnance could scarcely shoot without a 
tautology and hitting its former bullets ; which, like an iron wall, 
made the later fly in pieces up in the air. Yea, the bullets in it 
were so many, that they left not room to drive in palisadoes, though 
pointed with iron : and some there were, that would have undertaken 
to make the Bulwark [a]ne\v, if they might have had the bullets for 
their pains. 

Besides, whenever they meant to assault it, they must resolve to 
force seven Palisadoes made of great piles, within the haven, before 
they could come to the foot of the Bulwark : and if they were not 
intercepted by the springing of a mine or two, yet was the Bulwark 
itself unmountable by armed men. And it might easily have been 
conceived they had gotten intelligence that there were thirteen 
cannon in the Counterscarp and other convenient places, charged 
with chained shot and rusty iron to scour the Sand Hill, if need 
should require. 

Besides all this, all was to be done at a running pull. For when 
the coming in of the tide should sound a retreat, off they must ! 
or be utterly lost. And they easily saw that the musketeers in the 
Half-moon of the Counterscarp were likely to give them such a wel- 
come as would make many of them forget to return to the camp. 

Notwithstanding all these great difficulties, no advice of old Captains 
could prevail against the obstinacy of the States of Flanders : who, to 
keep life in the siege, spared not to undertake the payment of a 
million of crowns [=;!^3oo,ooo (=;^i, 300,000 now)] to the Arch- 
duke, rather than he should draw oft' from the town. 

So that he took up a resolution not to stir, and, as his fugitives 
[deserfers] reported, once he swore that " he would not rise from the 
table at which he sat, before they of the town were made to serve 
him." But then they, on the other side, laid a wager that they " would 
give it him so hot, that it should burn his fingers." 

Not long after, the Lord of Chatillon met with an unhappy mis- 
chance. For being upon the high Bulwark of Sand Hill, with Colonel 
Utenbruch and other Gentlemen and men of Command ; he had his 
head struck off, above the teeth, with a cannon shot ; and his brains 
dashed upon the Colonel's left cheek. Which possibly might receive 
its direction from the self-same hand, that did, more than once during 
this siege, shoot a bullet into the mouth of a charged cannon; which, 

M 2 



178 Vere returns to his Command. [R«v. w. raimgham. 

because it would not be too long indebted for such a courtesy, taking 
fire with the blow, returned the bullet instantly back again, attended 
with another of its own. 

As good a marksman was he, if he did it of design, who, when a 
soldier of the town, having bought a loaf of bread, was holding it up 
in a boasting way, with a shot took away the uppermost half [of it], 
leaving the other in the soldier's hand : who, finding that he had 
received no hurt, said, "It was a fair conditioned bullet ! for it had 
left him the better half behind." However, I believe he would rather 
have been contented with the lesser half, than run the hazard of 
dividing again. 

On the 19th of September [1601], General Vere, being cured of 
his hurt, returned from Zealand into the town : where he found 2,000 
English and 20 Ensigns \_ = co7npanies\ of French, Walloons, Scotch, 
and Fiisons, that had arrived in his absence. 

Soon after his arrival, he took care for the thickening and strength- 
ening of divers of the works, and the uniting of those outworks on 
the south and west, the better thereby to secure their relief, and pre- 
serve them from the injury of the waters in the winter season. 

Which the enemy perceiving, and that the town grew daily stronger 
and stronger, resolved to attempt it by treachery, taking the old 
verse — 

dolus an virtus qiiis in hoste requirat ? 

To that purpose, an Englishman named N. Conisby, as the French 
Diary [i.e., of the Siege ; ? that by Henri HcESirENS, intituled Histoire 
du Siege dOstende en Flandres, printed by Elzevir, at Leyden in 
16 15] relates, who had served them long in the quality of a Captain 
of foot in their army, returned through France into England : where 
he prevailed so much, by means of his friends, that he obtained 
letters of recommendation to Sir Francis Vere. Unto whom, pre- 
senting himself, he desired to be admitted one of his Company : 
which the General could not refuse, he being a Gentleman and so 
effectually recommended. 

This traitor having thus screwed himself unto Ostend, quickly 
began his practice. For he received letters and other things weekly 
from the enemy, and gave them intelligence of all that passed within 
the town, and of the best means to annoy it ; managing his practices 
and projects according to the instructions which he received from 
them. 

For the better conveyance of his letters to the enemy, he carried 
them into a broken boat, which in the beginning of the siege had 
been sunk by the enemy, and lay upon the dry ground betwixt the 
town and the camp, under the colour [pretence'\ of gratifying nature ; 



Rev. W. Dillinghan..-| Yhe PLOT OF CaPTAIN N. CoNISBY. 179 

and there disposed them in a place appointed : whence the enemy 
fetched them by night, with the help of a little boat ; and, upon 
certain days, brought him answers, and sometimes money for his 
reward, which he failed not to fetch at the place appointed. 

When he was discovered, he had drawn four men into his con- 
spiracy : among others a Sergeant, who was the means of revealing 
it. 

This Sergeant coming out of prison, where his Captain had caused 
him to be laid some days in irons, being all malcontent, chanced to 
meet with Conisby : who told him he was glad to see him out of prison ; 
withal asking him the reason of his so great and grievous punishment. 

To whom, the Sergeant railing upon his Captain, sware earnestly, 
that he would be revenged for the wrong he had received, though it 
cost him his life. 

Conisby, supposing he had found a man fit for his purpose, told 
him he might easily find the means to be revenged, without losing 
his life, and with his own profit and advancement ; and that if he 
would follow his counsel, he should want no money. 

The Sergeant began to listen to his words, and seemed inclinable 
enough to so advantageous a design, and ready to follow his advice. 
Whereupon Conisby, having first made him swear secrecy, discovered 
himself: and presently asked him if he had the resolution to set fire 
on one of the Magazines ; for which purpose, he himself had pre- 
pared a certain invention of powder, lead, and match. 

This, the Sergeant undertook to perform ; which he said, " could 
not be difficult for him to do, being often sent to fetch powder for the 
soldiers." 

Conisby assured him that he had practised [with] more associates; 
and that when he should have made the number up to twenty, he 
would then put the design in execution : which was, that one of 
the Magazines being set on fire, he would so work it, as to have the 
guard of a Sluice in a Bulwark near the enemy, who should then give 
on, and be admitted into the town. 

The Sergeant seemed to hug the device, demanding only of 
Conisby some assurance, under his hand, that he should have his re- 
compence when the work should be performed. Which having once 
obtained, away he goes to the General, and discovers the practice to 
him. 

Whereupon Conisby being apprehended and put to the rack, con- 
fessed all, and that he came to Ostend with that purpose and intent : 
as also what instructions and promises he had received ; and what 
[acjcomplices he had made, who were likewise apprehended and put 
in prison. 

This plot failing, the enemy's only hope of taking the town was by 



i8o Instances of Pride and Courage. [R^v. w. Dinmgham 

stopping up the haven, and so hindering the coming in of supplies. 

To this purpose, the Old Haven on the west of the town, having been 
made dangerous and useless, and the defendents constrained to make 
a new one out of the Geule on the east side : the enemy had now so 
straitened this also, by their float [ra/^] of great planks bearing ord- 
nance, on the Geule ; that they of the town were fain to make a 
second new haven against the midst of the Old Town, by which 
means the enemy's designs were eluded, and the ships of supplies 
admitted into the town at pleasure. 

This dangerous thrust being so handsomely put by, the enemy had 
no other play left but to storm : which he resolved upon, and 
prepared himself accordingly. 

But in the meanwhile, it will not be amiss to take notice of a passage 
which happened in the town. A French Gentleman, disobeying his 
Sergeant, and thereupon causing a great tumult, was committed to 
prison ; and, eight days after, condemned by a Council of War, to be 
shot to death : but because he was descended of a good house, all 
the French Captains interposed their earnest entreaties to General 
Vere, and begged his life ; which was granted, upon condition that 
he should ask the Sergeant forgiveness. This, when he could not, by 
any means or persuasion be brought unto ; he had eight days' respite 
granted him to resolve himself : which being past, and he continuing 
still as obstinate as ever, he was brought forth unto the place of exe- 
cution, and tied to a stake. But when once he saw the harque* 
bussiers ready to discharge; he began to be apprehensive of the 
horror of death, and promised to perform the sentence, and ask the 
Sergeant's forgiveness : which he forthwith did, and thereupon was 
released. So much easier it is for pride and rashness to commit a 
fault, than heartily to acknowledge it. 

A truer courage was that of another in the town during the siege. 
An English Gentleman of about 2 3 years of age, in a sally forth, had one 
of his arms shot off by a cannon : which taking up, he brought back 
with him into the town, unto the chirurgeon ; and coming to his [/he 
surgeon's] lodging, shewed it, saying, " Behold the arm, which but at 
dinner helped its fellow ! " This he did and endured, without the 
least fainting, or so much as reposing upon his bed. 



Not long after, on the 4th of December [1601], early in the morn- 
ing, the besiegers gave a fierce and sharp assault on the English 
trenches : which take in the words of one present at it [evidenfly Sir 
Francis Verb's Page, Henry Hexham^ see pp. lyi, 174], 



H. Hexham 
? 1610 



:] The assault of 4TH December, 1601. i8r 




Ir Francis Verb having been abroad the most 
part of that night, was laid down to take his rest: 
but hearing the alarm that the English trenches 
were assaulted, and knowing of how great import 
that work was for the defence of the town, pulling 
on his stockings, with his sword in his hand ; he ran in all 
haste, unbraced, with some soldiers and Captain Couldwell 
and myself [Henry Hexham], into the works: where he 
found his own Company at push of pike, upon a turnpike 
[barrier'] with the enemy ; who crying in French, Entrez ! 
entrez ! advancez ! advancez ! strove to enter that way ; and 
sought to overturn the turnpike with their pikes. 

Some of his Gentlemen were slashing off the heads of their 
pikes : among the rest, Lieutenant-Colonel Proud (who was 
afterwards slain at Maestricht), which he took notice of, and 
shortly after made him a Lieutenant. 

The enemy being repulsed and beaten off; Sir Francis 
Verb (to the end our men might give fire the better upon 
them, from the town and Bulwarks that flanked these works, 
both with our ordnance and small shot) commanded the 
soldiers to take some straw from the huts within the works, 
and making wisps of it, to set it on fire, upon the parapet of 
the work, and upon the heads of their pikes : by which light 
the enemy were discovered, so that our men gave fire bravely 
upon them from the town and works ; and shot into their bat- 
talions which had fallen on, and their men that were carrying 
off their dead. So that upon this attempt, the enemy lost a 
matter of 500 men, which lay under our works and between 
their trenches. 

The enemy being retreated into his works, Sir Francis 
Verb called me to him, and said, " Boy, come now, pull up 
my stockings, and tie my points ! " and so returned home 
asrain to his rest. 



The next Remarkable in the series of this famous siege was that 
memorable Treaty which General Vere entertained with the Arch- 
duke : of which I know none better able to give an account than Sir 
John Ogle, who had much at stake in the business, and was well 
acquainted with the several passages thereof; of which he hath left 
behind him the following account. 



*%! 





Sii' Francis V e r e' s Parley at Ostend: 

written by Sir John Ogle, 

there present. 

Fter the battle of Nieuport, the Archduke 
Charles, desirous to clear Flanders, in the 
year following [1601], sat down with his 
army before Ostend : unto which, the Lords 
the States sent Sir Francis Verb, their 
General to defend it. 

He having good numbers of men, thought 
it most serviceable for the States, to employ 
them so, as he might keep the enemy at arm's end, and a fair 
distance from the town. To this purpose, he possessed himself 
of several advantageous pieces of ground, fortifying upon 
them so well as the time would give him leave. But they 
were morsels as well for the enemy's tooth as his, and there- 
fore cost both bickering and blood on both sides, till at the 
last, what with numbers, artillery, and better commodity 
of access, he was forced to quit the most of them ; and 
that, ere he brought them to any perfection of strength 
whereby to make any resistance. 

Such as were nearest the town, and under the succour of 
his own power, as the three Quarriers or Squares, with some 
few others, he kept and maintained as long as he stayed 
there. Yet when, by protract of time and casualties of war, 
he found his numbers wasted, and himself (the enemy creep- 
ing upon him) so straitened as he was thrust merely upon the 
defence ; he saw he was not in his proper element. Nor 
indeed, was he : for the truth is, his virtues, being great, 
strong, and active, required more elbow room ; having their 
best lustre where they had the largest foil to set them off. 



^■''■'■^flo.] Replies TO Objections as to the Treaty. 183 

The works of Battle, Invasion, and the Hke were the proper 
objects of his spirit. The limits of Ostend were much too 
narrow for him : yet did he, there, many things worth the 
observation and reputation of so great a Captain as he was. 
Amongst the rest, that of his Parley [negotiations with the 
Archduke Albert] was of most eminent note; and as most 
noted, so most and worst censured, and that as well by 
Sword- as Gown-men. Yea, his judgement (which even by 
his enemies hath often been confessed to be one of the most 
able that ever our nation delivered to the world, in matters 
of his profession) was in the action taxed [censured], and that 
in print, too, for his manner of carriage in this business. 

Now because I was, in some sort, the only instrument he 
used in the managing thereof, and best acquainted with all 
passages : I have (for the love I owe to Truth, and his 
memory) thought good to set down in writing, what I have 
hitherto delivered to the Lords the States General in their 
council chamber ; as also, some time after that, to the Prince 
Maurice of Nassau, and the Earl William his cousin, con- 
cerning this matter. 

Yet ere I come to the Relation, it shall not be amiss to 
wipe away two main aspersions which I have often met 
withal, by way of objection ; and are as well in every man's 
mouth, as in Emanuel de Meteren's book. 

The first, and that is the word, it lucked well! judging the 
fact by the event ; but reservedly condemning the purpose, 
for had not the shipping come, say they, as it did, what would 
have become of the town ? He woidd have given it up ! 

Colonel Utenhoven, a man of note and yet living, one of 
their own nation, a Governor of a town, knows better : and 
the following treatise shall also make it appear otherwise ; 
and that he had not the least thought of rendering the town, 
though succour had not come to him at all. This point there- 
fore shall here need no further enlargement. 

The second is that he might have carried the matter otherwise, 
and have drawn less jealousy upon himself, by acquainting the 
Captains with it sooner; consideri?ig it was done without the 
privity of the Lords the States : nor was it fitting, to bring an 
enemy through such secret passages. 

This, at the first view, seems to say somewhat, as borrow- 



11 



1 84 Vere was General, not simply Governor, p'/- °f,''. 

ing strength from the common proceedings in other ordinary 
Governors ; who, upon the point as well of Parley as Article, 
ere they enter into either with an enemy, consult first, as it 
is fit, with the Captains of the garrison ; and this, it seems, 
was likewise expected here. But upon what reasons ? Was 
he such a Governor ? He was a General ! He had Governors 
under him ! Did he intend, as commonly do others, to de- 
liver the town ? He meant nothing less ! as is partly before, 
and shall be hereafter largely proved. What account did the 
States ever require of him ? What disgrace was there given 
him, more than a free acknowledgement of his singular 
carriage and judgement in the managing of a business of 
so great importance ! 

True it is, there was at first a kind of staggering, among 
the best ; which the mist of some partial information from 
some malevolent person in Ostend had brought them to : but 
this was soon cleared (first, by his own letters in brief, and 
after by me more at large), if not to the most of them ; yet I 
dare say to the most discreet and judicious amongst them. 

But let us now see whether it had been either necessary 
or convenient that the secret of this stratagem should have 
been revealed sooner, either to the Lords the States, or Cap- 
tains of the garrison ? 

To me it seems, that it had been, to the States, prepos- 
terous ! to the Captains, dangerous ! nay more, repugnant to 
sense and common reason ! and that for these reasons 
following. 

The project itself was but an embryo ; and had been a 
mere abortive, had he delivered himself of it, before the 
attempt of the enemy : for from thence, it must receive 
both form and being. Now that, was uncertain and un- 
known to him, especially the time. He could therefore 
have no certain befitting subject to write to the Lords the 
States of this matter till the deed were done, and the pro- 
ject put in practice: which so soon as it was, he presently 
despatched a messenger, giving them a due account of 
the cause of his proceedings ; and that, to their content- 
ment. 

It was a stratagem, whose power and virtue consisted 
wholly in secrecy. It was also a thread whereon hung 
no less than the States' town, his own honour, and the 



^V'?6^xo;] Secrecy was absolutely essential. 185 

lives of all them that were with him ; and therein reason 
did not admit of thelast communication. For the best pledge 
you can have of a man's secrecy, is not to open your thoughts 
unto him. 

Lastly, if he would have forgot himself so much as to 
have committed a secret to the trust of many ; could he 
yet promise himself that he should not meet with oppo- 
sition ? Would they, instantly, have been, all, of his 
mind ? Would no man suspect the handling ? Why 
did they then after ? and that, when it was consummated 
and finished ? 

I have heard Colonel Utenhoven say, that " if the 
General should have made the proposition, he had broken 
the enterprise ! " and he knew best the Captains' inclina- 
tions : for he was the mouth betwixt the General and 
them, to clear those jealousies he saw them apprehend 
in him. It was therefore the safest and best way that 
could be taken, to set this business abroach, rather with- 
out their knowledge than flatly against it; and to hazard 
the interpretation of the action rather than the action 
itself. 

Besides, whoever yet knew the General Verb so 
simple or so weak, as to avoid military forms where they 
were necessary or expedient ? Wanted he judgement ? 
His enemies will not say it ! Had he not will ? He had 
too many of them too Great, to lay himself open to their 
malice ! He was a better manager of his reputation 
than to give them so palpable, so gross an advantage 
to build their scandal on. 

It was the Public Service and his own judgement that 
led him into this course : wherein, if there were any 
danger for his part, it lay on my head, which he ventured 
for the safety of all. 

It seems, then, that as it was not necessary, so had it 
been exceedingly inconvenient that the book of this secret 
should have been sooner unclasped before it was set on 
foot ; or to the Lords the States, before it was accom- 
plished. 

I come now to the Relation, leaving the branch in the 
objection, touching the bringing in of the enemy, as not 
worthy to receive an answer [see p. 163]. 



i86 The north-west storms isolate Ostend. [^'^^S 

About the 12th of November [1601], it began to freeze 
exceedingly, the wind being North-west ; where it remained 
till Christmas or after, blowing for the most [part] a stiff gale, 
and often high and stormy. 

In this time, came no shipping unto us, or succour out of 
Holland or Zealand ; nor could they for the wind : nor had 
we any, for some few weeks after. Our men, munition, and 
materials wasted daily. The sea and our enemy both grew 
upon us. 

At the spring-tide, we look still when that would decide the 
question touching the town, betwixt us and our adversaries : 
so exceedingly high and swelling it was, through the con- 
tinuance of the north-west wind ; which beat flat upon us, and 
brought extraordinary store of waters from the ocean into those 
narrow parts. Hands, we could set very few on work : our 
places of Guard were so many, our numbers so small, and 
those over-watched. 2,100 men was our strength; but the 
convenient competency for the town was at least 4,000. For 
workmen, our need was more than ever : for the whole town, 
with the new forts therein, lately begun by the General (who 
foresaw the storm), lay more than half open ; insomuch that, 
in divers places, with little labour, both horse and foot might 
enter. The North-west Ravelin, our champion against the 
sea, was almost worn away. The Porcupine or Porcepic was 
not well defensible. At all these places, could the enemy come 
to push of pike with us, when they list, at low water. 

This was our condition : neither was the enemy ignorant 
thereof, nor unmindful to lay hold on his advantage; pre- 
paring all things from all parts, fitting for the advancement 
of his purpose, that was to assault the town. 

Our General saw their provision and power, and his own 
weakness; but could prevent none of them otherwise than by 
practice [craft]. His industry slept not. His vigilancy 
appeared by the daily and nightly rounds he made about the 
town and works. His courage was the highest, when his 
forces were the lowest : for even then, he manifestly made it 
known so much, that of his store, he furnished plenty to 
others. 

One day, going about the wails, he began to discourse of 
our being pressed, and said, " He cared not what the enemy 
could attempt upon him ! " He was in one of the strongest 



^'' •'■ ?6i'o.] Verb's efforts to cheer the garrison. 187 

quarters of the town, when he spake this ; and not unwil- 
Hng that such, as of themselves saw it not, should be kept 
ignorant of the danger that hung over their heads. The 
Captains and the Officers, he commended for their care and 
industry in their watch and guard : more to stir them up 
unto it, than really to congratulate that virtue in them. He 
said, " A Captain could receive no greater blow in his repu- 
tation, than to be surprised." Divers other speeches he 
used, tending to encouragement, and dissuading from 
security ; and often, amongst them, interlaced the strength 
of the town. 

I, at the first perceiving not his mask, began to put him 
in mind of some of the former particulars ; the whole town's 
weakness, and the Archduke's opportunity : but he told me 
quickly by his eye, he would not have their strength touched 
in such an audience ; so, slighting my speeches, he con- 
tinued his pace, and a la volee his discourse, till he came to 
his lodging. 

There, he called to me alone, and brake to me in these 
terms, "I perceive you are not ignorant of our estate; and 
therefore I will be more open and free with 3^ou ! What 
think you? Are we not in a fine taking here! ha! I 
will tell you, Captain Ogle, there was never man of my 
fortunes and reputation, both of which have been cleared 
hitherto, plunged in greater extremity than I am now." 

Here, we discoursed of our condition before mentioned. 
Whereupon, he inferred that " he was like a man that had 
both courage and judgement to defend himself; and yet must 
sit with his hands bound, whilst boys and devils came and 
boxed him about the ears. Yet this will I tell you too," said 
he, "rather than you shall ever see the name of Francis 
Verb subscribed in the delivery of a town committed to his 
custody, or this hand to the least Article of Treaty, though 
with the Archduke's own person, had I a thousand lives, I 
would first bury them all in the rampire ! Yet, in the mean- 
while, judge you of the quality of this our being ! " 

I told him, that I thought " if he were in his former 
liberty ; he would bethink himself ere he suffered himself to 
be penned up in such a cage again." 

He made no reply ; but addressed himself to his business, 
and I to mine. What his thoughts now were, I will not 



i88 The Council of War in Dec. i6oi. pV'S: 

enter into ; unless I had more strength to reach them. 
Sure I am, they want no stuff to work on. For the bone he 
had to gnaw upon, required as good teeth as any that were 
in Hannibal's head, to break it; and had not this been 
such, all the hands we had there, could not have plucked it 
out of our own throats. 

Not long after this, the General called a Council of the 
Colonels and chief Officers. There he propounded these 
two points. 

First, Whether, with the numbers formerly men- 
tioned, we could, in time of assault, sufficiently furnish 
all parts ? 

Secondly, or if not. Whether, in such an extremity, 
we ought not to borrow the troops employed for the 
guard of the Quarriers, to the preservation of the 
Town ? 

This was more to sound our judgements than of any 
necessity for him to seek allowance of his actions from them, 
for Generals use not [are not accustomed] to ask leave of their 
Captains to dispose of their guards ; what they are to quit, 
and what they are to keep. 

Our numbers, they confessed, were too few ; yet must the 
Quarriers at no hand be abandoned : but how to hold them 
sufficiently, and to provide for those places on which the 
fury of the storm was likely to pour itself forth, no man gave 
expedient. The voices were severally collected. 

When it came to me, I said that " seeing our case 
standeth as it doth, our breaches many and great, our num- 
bers few to defend them ; my opinion is that, when we 
should see the cloud coming, we quit the Quarriers : for I 
know they were ordained for the custody, not to endanger 
the loss of the town:" that "of inconveniences, the least 
must ever be chosen" ; that " it were ill husbandry to hazard 
the Principal, to save the Interest ; and as little discretion 
to let the hre run on to burn the palace, whilst we were pre- 
serving the lodge." 

The two Colonels, Roone and Sir Horace Verb, who 
spake after me, for the Chief spake last, were of the same 
mind; differing only in some circumstances, not in sub- 
stance of opinion. 

That the others were so scrupulous in this point is to be 



^V'?6ia] The Spanish army ready to storm. 189 

thought to have proceeded rather from ignorance of our 
estate and danger, or else an apprehension grounded upon 
common opinion which was " lose the Quarriers, lose the 
town ! " ; or, it may be, the fear of the interpretation that the 
Lords the States would make of such an advice : and that 
fear was likely to be the greater, because perhaps they were 
not furnished with strength of reason to maintain their 
opinion ; or else they might find it fittest to lay the burden 
on his shoulders that was best able to bear it, the General 
himself. 

After this Council, there passed some few days till it was 
near Christmas. The Archduke was himself in person in 
the camp, the assault resolved on, and the time; the prepa- 
rations iDFought down to the approaches : and the army, 
they only stayed for low water to give on. 

Here began the General's project to receive being. Till 
now, it had none. Neither was it now time to call the 
Captains to a new Council, either to require their advice, or 
to tell them his own. He had his head and hands full : ours 
had not ached now, had not his waked then more for our 
safeties than ours could do for our own. 

He bestirred him on all sides. His powers were quick 
and strong within him ; and those without, he disposed of 
thus : 

His troops, he placed mostly on Sand Hill, Porcupine or 
Porcepic, the North-east Ravelin, and the Forts and 
Curtain of the Old Town. These were the breaches. The 
other Guards were all furnished as was then fitting, accord- 
ing to our numbers. 

The Quarriers held their men till a Parley was com- 
menced : and by it, they were secured. The False Bray 
was abandoned by order, as not tenable in time of assault. 
The cannon in it were dismounted, lest it should be spoiled 
by our own in Helmont, which flanked it and the whole face 
of Sand Hill. 

This False Bray [a space at the bottom of the wall outside, 
defended by a parapet or breastwork defending, from the inner 
side of it, the moat] was that dangerous passage mentioned in 
the objection going before [pp. 157, 159] ; which I thought 
to have passed over, but am since otherwise advised. 



190 Reply to Objection as to the False Bray. [^'%J- ^Jll[ 

It lay at the foot of Sand Hill, in the eye of the enemy, 
and was therefore as well known to them as to ourselves : 
and so was the way to it, for they saw daily our entry to the 
Guard, to be through a covert gallery forced through the bottom 
of the said hill. It [the gallery] was so narrow that two men 
armed were the most that could pass in front [in a row]. 
When you were come out of it, you were presently at the 
haven's side and the New Town, without discovering any 
Guard, Passage, or Place of importance, such as might any 
ways give the least advantage to the enemy's observation. 
It was, in truth, in nothing else secret but that it was 
covered overhead from the eye of the heavens : otherwise 
there was no passage about the whole town less prejudicial 
than that. 

There is a bolt of the same quiver likewise fallen into 
Emanuel de Meteren's book. There, the General's 
judgement is, forsooth ! controlled ; and by the providence 
of Captain Sinklyer [? Sinclair] and some others, as they 
think, much bettered. The General, there, is said to have 
neglected the False Bray, and that, in a time when it was 
needful to have defended it : but Captain Sinklyer with 
other Captains provided for it. But how provided for it ? 
Sinklyer with six musketeers undertook it ! The Captains 
promised him two companies : the place could contain one 
good one 1 But why Musketeers alone, and not Pikes ? 
Since they could make it good, why but six ? and that 
against the fury of an army ! What knowledge would they 
teach our cannon to spare the Scots and kill the Spaniards, 
being pesle mesle ? 

It is ridiculous. Captain Sinklyer, if he lived, would be 
angry to have his judgement thus wronged and printed so 
small, as to undertake the defence of the False Bray, when 
the Bulwark [i.e., the Sand Hill] itself was assaultable. But 
I leave these poor detractions that betray only the detractors' 
weakness : and so to return to the matter. 



On the two Bulwarks formerly mentioned, Helmont and 
Sand Hill, with the mount Flamenburg, he placed store of 
artillery and mortars : the mortars most of all at Helmont 
with much ordnance ; for that, as I said before, scoured the 



^V" ?6io.'] Vere opens negotiations on Dec. 23, i6oi. 191 

avenue of the enemy's coming upon the Sand Hill and the 
Old Town. 

When he had thus ordered his affairs for defence, he began 
to betake him to his stratagem : which, indeed, was our best 
shelter against that storm. 

He sent Captain Lewis Courtier, who spake good 
Spanish, into the Porcupine or Porcepic, the nearest place of 
Guard to the enemy, with orders to desire speech with some 
of them. He called twice or thrice, or more ; but none 
answered him. So he effected nothing. 

The General displeased thereat, sent me to the place on 
the same errand. I called, but no man answered. I beat a 
drum, but they would not hear. Upon that, I returned to 
the General, and told him, " they expected form. If he 
would speak with any of them, I must go without the limits 
of our works." 

He desired it : but feared they would shoot at me. I put 
it to an adventure. 

Coming to the haven's side, I caused the drummer to beat : 
and at the second call, one answered me. 

After a little stay, the Governor of Sluis, Mattheo 
Cerano, came to me. Each made his quality known to the 
other, and I, my errand to him that " the General Vere 
desired to have some qualified person of theirs, sent into the 
town to speak with him." 

He made this known to the Archduke. I attended his 
return ; which was speedy, and with acceptance. He told 
me of his affection to our nation, bred and nourished through 
the good correspondency and neighbourhood betwixt the 
Lord Governor of Flushing Sir Robert Sidney, and him. 
He would take it as a courtesy that the General Vere would 
nominate and desire him of the Archduke, to be employed in 
this business. 

This was performed ; and at our next meeting, it was 
agreed that I should be a pledge for him ; that each should 
bring a companion with him ; that he with his, should have 
General Vere's, I and mine, Don Augustino's word for our 
safety; that during the treaty, no hostility should be used on 
land ; and that against low water, we should find ourselves 
there again at the same place. This done, we parted each 
to his home. 



192 Ogle and Fairfax go as English hostages. [^'V °f,o: 

I told the General what had passed. He persuaded, and 
that earnestly, with the Netherlandish, French, and Captains 
of other nations, to have some one of them accompany me 
in this action; the rather to avoid that interpretation which 
he foresaw would follow, being managed by him and his 
English only : but they all refused, notwithstanding he 
assured several of them, his purpose was no other than to 
gain time. 

Where, myself can testify, that coming to him almost at 
low water, to know his further pleasure ; I found him very 
earnest in persuading with an old Captain, called Nicholas de 
Leur : to whom I heard him say, Je. vous assure ce nest que pour 
gaigner temps. I was not then so good a Frenchman as that 
I durst say I well understood him, neither the purpose he 
had with him. Since, I have learned both better. 

This man refused as well as the rest. Whereupon the 
General, in a choler, willed me, to take with me whom I 
would myself; for he would appoint none 1 

I took my old companion, and then familiar friend, Captain 
Fairfax. 

Cerano and Ottanes were then at the water side, when 
we came. Simon Anthonio and Gamboletti, both Colonels 
[of Horse] or Maestros del Campo, brought them over on horse- 
back to us. 

On the other side, Don Juan de Pantochi, Adjudante, 
received us ; and Don Augustino de Mexia, at the battery : 
behind which, was the army ranged ready for the assault. 

These two brought us to the Archduke [Albert], who 
was then come to the approaches [trenches], accompanied as 
became so great a Prince. 

We performed those respects that were fitting. 

He vouchsafed us the honour to move his hat. 

Being informed by one Hugh Owen, an Englishman, but 
a fugitive, of our names and families ; as also that I could 
speak Spanish : he conjured me " as I was a Gentleman, to 
tell him if there were any deceit in this handling or not ? " 

I told him, '' If there were, it was more than I knew of: 
for, with my knowledge, I would not be used as an instru- 
ment in a work of that nature." 

He asked me then, " What instructions I had ? " 

I told him, " None ! For we were come hither only as 



^V'S:] Their interview with the Archduke. 193 

pledges to assure the return of them, to whom he had given 
his instructions." 

He asked me again, " Whether I thought the General 
meant sincerely or not ? " 

I told him, " I was altogether unacquainted with his pur- 
pose : but for anything I knew, he did." 

Upon this, we were dismissed ; and were by Don 
AuGUSTiNO [de Mexia], whom Don Juan de Pantochi ever 
attended, brought to his lodging : and there honourably and 
kindly entertained ; and visited by most of the chiefs of the 
army, and also by some ecclesiastical persons. 

There came an advertisement from the approaches 
[trenches], of working in the town. This was occasioned, as 
they thought, by noise of knocking in palisadoes. 

To give orders to the contrary ; we were, after, carried on 
horseback thither. We having received answer that ** it 
was only a cabin of planks set up to keep beer in " : the 
noise of that work, and their suspicion ceased together. Yet 
we stayed some hours at the Guard of Gamboletti, the 
Italian Colonel, who at that time had the Point [the advanced 
post or entrenchment] ; and the Conde Theodoro Trivulci 
and some others of the cavalry accompanied us some hours : 
after which, we returned to the camp, and to the Don 
AuGUSTiNO, and our rest. 

In the morning, we found our lodging environed with a 
strong guard : and understood of the discontentments of 
Cerano and Ottanes, who had returned ; and how they had 
not any speech with the General. 

This startled me and Fairfax, who dreamt of no such 
matter ; nor of any such manner of proceedings : Fairfax 
thought I had some secret instructions in particular ; and 
desired me to tell " what the Fox meant to do ? " 

I told him, and it was truth, " I knew as little as he" : 
but calling then to mind the discourse he [Vere] had in 
his lodging, and mentioned formerly in this [p. 161], and 
comparing it with the action ; I said to Fairfax, " I verily 
believed that he meant to put a trick upon them." 

"But," quoth he, "the trick is put upon us, methinks! 
For we are prisoners and in their power ; they, at liberty, 
and our judges." 

Don AuGUSTiNo coming to us, gave an end to this dis- 

N 2 



194 "The Commissioners have come back!" p'-^'^flo; 

course ; and beginning another with me, apart in his own 
chamber, where, with a grave and settled countenance, he 
told me of the Commissioners' return, their entertainmen 
and discontentment ; as also the Archduke's towards me, for 
abusing him. And especially he urged these two points, 
That I told Cerano that " the General desired speech with 
some from His Highness; " which seemed not to be so, for he 
flatly refused : and that I had said to His Highness himself 
that " I was not an instrument of deceit," which also 
appeared otherwise, and would not, I must account, be so 
slightly passed over. 

Hereunto, I answered, ** That the Commissioners are 
returned without speech with the General is as strange to 
me as unexpected to them ; and I am the more sensible of 
this discourtesy towards them, through the kind usage I 
receive here of you ! but as I am not of counsel in this 
manner of proceedings, so I know as little how to help it as 
I can reach the drift. Touching the other point of His 
Highness's displeasure towards me, I hope so noble a 
Prince will admit no other impression of my person or 
actions than the integrity of both shall fairly deliver him. 
For if I have deceived him, it is more than probable I am 
deceived myself : nor do I believe that His Highness or 
any of you judge me so flat or so stupid as, upon knowledge 
of such a purpose, in irritating His Highness, I would 
deliver myself and friend as sacrifices to make another man's 
atonement. It is certain then, if the General hath fraud in 
this action, he borrows [pledges] our persons, not our consents 
to work it by ; which though you have now in your power, 
yet I will not fear the least ill measure, so long as I have 
the word of Don Augustino for my safety." 

The noble Gentleman, moved with my confidence, took me 
in his arms, assured me it again ; as also any courtesy 
during my stay there : and was indeed as good as his word. 

This thus passed, he told me, " He would relate faithfully 
to the Archduke, what I had said : " but yet, ere he went, 
he desired to know of me, what I thought was to be further 
done. 

I told him, " It could not be, but there must be a mistak- 
ing on the one side or the other. That therefore, to clear 
all doubts, I held it expedient for me to write to the General, 



^V'^fia] Here's policy in not seeing them. 195 

to let him know our present condition, His Highness's dis- 
contentment upon this manner of proceeding, the danger he 
exposed me unto ; and to understand his further purpose for 
our enlargement." 

This answer he carried presently to His Highness, and 
was interpreted by Owen ; and then sent by a messenger 
into the town. And thus was this rub removed, the Com- 
missioners required and sent in, and the Parley brought 
upon the former foot again. 

The General was not a little glad of their return, for it 
redeemed tlie fear he had of ours : who, as Captain Charles 
Rassart told me after, was not a little perplexed for me. 
He would often say, " What shall I do for my Lieutenant 
Colonel ? " and wished he had me back again, though he 
paid my ransom five times over. He would sometimes com- 
fort himself with hope of their civility and my demeanour : 
fearing the worst, he said, " I could not suffer better than 
for the public cause." 

The reason he hazarded us, and handled them, was to 
gain so much more time. For that was precious to him, for 
the advancement of his works in the Old Town : to which, 
through the benefit of this occasion of cessation of hostility, 
he had now drawn most of the hands that could labour, 
giving them spades to work, and orders to have their 
weapons by them ready, upon occasion to fight. 

He handled the matter so, that ere the Commissioners 
returned again, the Old Town and works were stronger by 
[the value of] a thousand men. He could not have done 
this, at least so conveniently, had he begun conference with 
them at their first entry ; nor avoided that first conference, 
had he stayed them in the town : at least, (every man hath 
his own ways) he understood it so ; and it was a sure and 
safe course for him and his designs. 

For causing Edward Goldwell, a Gentleman that then 
waited on him in his chamber, to make an alarm at their 
entry : he pretended thereupon, treachery on their part, and 
made it the cause why he would neither let them stay in the 
town, nor return the way they came. 

This bred disputes, and messengers passed to and fro 
betwixt them and the General. In the meantime, the fiood 
[tide] came in, and the water waxed so high that there was 



196 The Commissioners return on 24TH Dec. pV^flo. 

no passage that way, without a boat : whereof there was 
none on that side of the town, nor any brought ; for that had 
been to cross his own purpose. 

The Commissioners desired earnestly to be suffered to 
stay, though it were upon the worst Guard [the most destroyed 
fort] of the town ; but it was denied. For he must rid him- 
self of them. He could not do his business so well, if their 
eyes and ears were so near him. 

He sent them therefore to their friends on the east side, 
forecasting wisely that ere they could come there, and thence 
by the south to the west side again there to have admittance 
to His Highness, and there to have the matter debated in 
Council, he should not only gain the whole winter's night, 
but also the most part of the next day, for his advantage. 
Which fell out according to that calculation ; and, beyond 
his expectation, it continued longer. 

At the Commissioners' return, his latter entertainment to 
them was better than the first. He feasted with them, drank 
and discoursed with them; but came to no direct overture of 
Article, though they much pressed him. That part of the 
day and the whole night was so spent, and in sleep. 

The like had we in the camp ; except drinking, whereof 
there was no excess ; but of good cheer and courtesy abun- 
dance. 

In the morning, were discovered five ships out of Zealand 
riding in the road. They brought 400 men, and some 
materials for the sea works. The men were landed on the 
strand with long-boats and shallops. The enemy shot at them 
with their artillery, but did no hurt. 

The pretext of succour from the States, the General took 
to break off the treaty : which he had not yet really entered 
into. 

The Commissioners were, on both sides, discharged in this 
order. Cerano came first into the army. It was my right 
to have gone [back] for him; but I sent Captain Fairfax, at 
the earnest entreaty of Don Juan de Pantochi [pp. 166, 167] 
and some others : who said, " They desired my stay, only to 
have my company so much the longer ; " making me believe it 
was agreeable to them, the rather for that I spake their lan- 
guage. I was the more willing to yield, because I would not 
leave any other impression than that I saw they had received 




H.Hexham.-| ^pp^jRg INSIDE OSTEND, ON THAT NIGHT. I97 

of my integrity in the negotiation. Fairfax being in the 
town, Ottanes made not long stay; nor I, after him. 

The General was not pleased that I stayed out of my turn ; 
but when I gave him my reasons for it, he seemed to be well 
contented. 

Concerning what was done within the town during the treaty; 
Henry Hexham [Sir F. Vmre^s Page] gives us this further account 
upon his own knowledge. 

He next day, towards evening, the enemy's Com- 
missioners, Cerano and Ottanes, returned again. 
General Vere's last entertainment of them, was 
better than his first. For he then feasted them, 
made them the best cheer he could, drank many 
healths as the Queen of England's, the King of Spain's, the 
Archduke's, Prince Maurice's, and divers others ; and dis- 
coursed with them at the table, before his brother Sir Horace 
Verb and the chief Officers of the town, whom he had in- 
vited to keep them company : and having drunk freely, led 
them into his own chamber, and laid them in his own bed, to 
take their rests. 

The Commissioners going to bed, the General took his leave 
of them ; and presently after, went to the Old Town : where 
he found Captain Dexter and Captain Clark with their 
men, silently at work. Having been with them an hour or 
two, to give them directions what they should do, returning 
to his lodging, he laid him down upon his quilt, and gave me 
charge that, an hour before day, I should go to Ralph 
Dexter, and command him from him, "not to draw off his 
men till the dawning of the day, but that they should follow 
their work lustily." 

And coming to him, at the time appointed, according to 
my Lord's command ; after the break of day, we looked out 
towards the sea, and espied five men-of-war, come out of 
Zealand, riding in the road, which had brought 400 men and 
some materials for the sea works. 

Coming home, I wakened my Master, and told him the first 
news of it. He presently sent for our Captain of the Shallops 
and Long-boats, which la[u]nc[h]ing out, landed them on the 
strand, by our new Middle Haven. 



198 Verb's letter to the Archduke. [R^v. w. Dmingham. 

And notwithstanding the enemy shot mightily upon them, 
with their cannon from their four batteries on the east and 
west side, to sink them, and hinder their landing : yet did 
they no other harm but only hurt three mariners. 

These pieces of ordnance roused Cerano from " his naked 
bed" : who knocking, asked me, "What was the reason of 
this shooting ? " 

I answered him in French, II y avait gueique gens d'armes de 
notres entres dans la ville : whereat he was much amazed; and 
would hardly give credit to it, till Captain Potley (who came 
with these ships, and whom he knew well) was brought before 
him, and assured him it was so. 

General Vere, having now received part of the long-expected 
supplies, together with the assurance of more at hand, straightways 
broke off the Treaty : which, though ending somewhat abruptly, had, 
it seems, finished the part which was by him allotted to it. 

Whereupon, he sent the Archduke the following acquittance. 

E HAVE,Jieretofore, held it necessary , for certain reasons, 
to treat with the Deputies which had authority from your 
Highness ; but whilst we were about to conclude upon the 
^ Conditions and Articles, there are arrived certain of our 
^hips of war, by which we have received part of that which we had 
need of : so that we cannot, with our honour and oath, continue the 
Treaty, nor proceed in it, which we hope that your Highness will 
not take in ill part ; and that, nevertheless, when your power shall 
reduce us to the like estate, you will not refuse, as a most 
generous Prince, to vouchsafe us again a gentle audience. 
From our town of Ostend, 

the 2^th of December, 1601. 

{signed) Francis Verb, 

Now, whosoever shall but consider how many, and how great diffi- 
culties the Archduke had struggled with, to maintain the siege ; how 
highly concerned he was in point of honour, and how eagerly engaged 
in his affections ; and what assured hopes he had of taking the town, 
will easily conceive that he must needs find himself much discom- 
posed at so unexpected a disappointment. He had already taken it 
with his eyes : and as if he had bound the Leviathan for his maidens 
to sport withal, under the assurance of the truce, he walked the 
Infanta before the town, with twenty Ladies and Gentlewomen in 




Rev. w.^Dillmgham.-| j^200 MEN REPAIRING THE WORKS. I99 

lier train ; as it were valiantly to stroke this wild beast which he 
had now laid fast in the toils, and to look upon the outside of the town 
before they entered into it. 

Now, to have his hopes thus blown up, and to be thrown from the 
top of so much confidence ; wonder not if we find him much enraged 
at it ! and what can we now expect but that he should let fly his rage 
in a sudden and most furious assault upon the town ? especially con- 
sidering that, before the Treaty began, all things were in readiness for 
such a purpose. But whether it were, that the Treaty had unbended 
the soldiers' resolution, or the unexpected breaking off had astounded 
the Archduke's counsels, or whether his men were discouraged at 
their enemy's increased strength, or whatsoever the cause were : cer- 
tain it is, that there was no considerable assault made upon the town, 
for many days after. 

And we have cause to believe that General Vere was never a whit 
sorry for it ; who had by this means, opportunity, though no leisure, 
to repair his works : wherein he employed above 1,200 men for at least 
eight days together. During which time, he stood in guard in person, 
at the time of low water in the night, being the time of greatest 
danger; which conduced much to the encouragement of his men. 
Having received intelligence, by his scouts, of the enemy's prepara- 
tions and resolutions, within a few days, to give them a general as- 
sault : he was careful to man the chief places, Helmont, Sand Hill, 
and the rest ; and to furnish them with cannon and stones, and what 
else might be useful for their defence. 

Meanwhile, the besiegers spared no powder; but let fly at the 
ships, which notwithstanding, daily and nightly, went into the town : 
and many a bullet was interchanged between the town and the camp, 
which lay, all this while, pelting at one another ; some s mall hurts 
on both sides being given and received. 

But the 7th of January [1602] was the day designed by the 
besiegers wherein to attempt something extraordinary. 

All the day long without intermission, did the Archduke batter the 
Bulwark of Sand Hill, Helmont, Forcepic, and other places adjoining, 
with 18 cannon from two of his batteries : the one at the foot of the 
downs upon the Catteys, and the other on the south side thereof 
From whence were discharged, which the cannoneers counted, above 
2,000 shot on that side of the town : all the bullets weighing 4olbs. or 
461bs. apiece. 

After I was thus far engaged, I happily [by hap\ met with an 
account of this bloody assault, by Henry Hexham, who was present 
at it. To him, therefore, I shall willingly resign the story. 



200 




[H ENRY Hexham, 
Sir Francis Vere's Page. 

Account of the Assault o?t Ostend^ 
']th January^ 1602.] 

Is Highness the Archduke then seeing him- 
self thus deluded by General Verb's Parley, 
was much vexed thereat ; and was very 
angry with the chief of his Council of War, 
who had diverted him from giving the 
assault upon that day [23?'^ December, 
1601] when the Parley was called for : 
insomuch that some of them, for two or 
three days after, as it was credibly reported, durst not look 
him in the face. 

Others, to please him, persuaded him to give an assault 
upon the town. Hereupon, His Highness took a resolution 
to revenge himself of those within the town, saying " he would 
put them all to the sword ! " his Commanders and soldiers 
taking likewise an oath that, if they entered, "they would not 
spare man, woman, nor child in it ! " 

Till that, the enemy had shot upon and into the town, 
above 163,200 cannon shot, to beat it about our ears; scarcely 
leaving a whole house standing : but now, to pour out his 
wrath and fury more upon us, on the 7th of January [1602] 
above-said, very early in the morning, he began with 18 pieces 
of cannon and half-cannon, carrying bullets of 481bs and 4olbs 
apiece [See Vol. IV. p. 251], from their Pile Battery, and 
that which stood under their Cattey upon the foot of the 




"■""I'eia] Plan AND details of Spanish attack. 201 

downs, to batter Sand Hill, the Porcepic, and Helmont. 
And that day till evening, he shot upon Sand Hill and the 
Curtain of the Old Town, above 220 cannon shot ; insomuch 
that it might rather have been called Iron Hill than Sand 
Hill : for it stuck so full of bullets, that many of them tumbled 
down into the False Bay ; and others striking on their own 
bullets, broke in pieces, and flew up into the air as high as a 
steeple. 

During this furious battery, the enemy, all the day long, 
made great preparations to assault us against night : and to 
that end, brought down scaling ladders, great store of ammu- 
nition, hand grenades [small shells thrown with the hand], and 
divers other instruments and materials of war fitting there- 
unto ; and withal, towards evening, drew down his army, 
and ordered his men in this manner : 

Count Farnese, an Italian, should first give on, with 2,000 
Italians and Spaniards, upon Sand Hill, the breach, and the 
Curtain of the Old Town : and the Governor of Dixmunde, 
with 2,000 Spaniards and other nations, upon the Porcepic 
and Helmont. Another Captain, with 500 men, was to fall 
on upon the West Ravelin ; and another Captain, with 500 
men more, upon the South Quarriers : and the Spanish 
Sergeant -Major General [? Ottanes] which was an hostage 
in Ostend, upon the West Quarriers. Making in all 8,000 
men to assault the west side. 

And the Count of Bucquoy was to have assaulted the east 
side, the East Ravelin and the New Haven ; as a second 
[support] for them which fell on upon the Sand Hill and the 
Old Town on the west side. And thus their men, time, and 
place were ordered. 

General Vere knowing the enemy's intent, that he would 
assault us at low water, slept not ; but was exceedingly careful 
and vigilant, all the day, to prepare the things necessaiy to 
defend the town and withstand the eneni}'. And because 
there were no spars, beams, and palisadoes in the Magazine, he 
caused divers houses that were shot [through], to be pulled 
down ; and taking the beams and spars from off them, he 
made the carpenters make palisadoes and stockadoes of them. 
At a high water, he shut the West Sluices, and engrossed as 
much water as he possibly could into the Old and New Town. 



202 Plan and details of English defence, ["'"'"^e"; 

Towards evening, he drew all the men in the town that 
were able to fight, into arms : and disposed of them, as 
foUoweth : 

To maintain Sand Hill, and defend the breach, he placed 
his brother Sir Horace Verb, and Sir Charles Fairfax 
[pp. 136, 166] with 12 weak companies, whereof some were 
not above 10 or 12 strong ; giving them double arms, a pike 
and a musket, and a good store of ammunition. 

Upon the Curtain [i.e., the plain wall] of the Old Town 
between Sand Hill and a redoubt called Schottenburch (a 
most dangerous place, which he feared most ; being torn and 
beaten down with the sea and the enemy's cannon), Sir 
Francis Verb stood himself, with Captain Zeglin with 6 
weak companies, to help to defend it. 

Within the redoubt of Schottenburch itself, he appointed 
Captain Utenhoven [pp. 157, 159] and Captain Haughton, 
with their 2 companies. 

From Schottenburch along the Curtain to the Old Church 
(which the enemy had shot down) ; he placed Colonel Lone 
with his 300 Zealanders that came in to the town [in the five 
ships, pp. 170, 172] the day [25;!/^ Dec, 1601] the Parley brake 
oif. 

From the Old Church along the Curtain and the Flanks to 
the north part ; Captain Zithan commanded over 6 weak 
companies. 

Upon the redoubt called Moses Table, was Captain 
Montesquire de Roques, a worthy French Captain, whom 
Sir Francis Verb loved entirely for the worth and valour 
that was in him, with 2 French companies. 

For the guarding of the North Ravelin ; he appointed 
Captain Charles Rassart with 4 weak companies. 

The rest of the Curtain, by reason of the Flanks upon the 
cut of the New Haven, being reasonably well defended, were 
left unmanned. 

Upon the Curtain of the New Town, under Flamenburg, 
were placed 5 weak companies ; to second [support] Moses 
Table, if need did require. 

Upon Flamenburg, 2 whole-cannon and 2 field pieces were 
planted, to scour the Old Town. 

Upon the West Ravelin, 2 companies were likewise placed, 
and a whole-cannon and 2 half-cannon planted upon it. 



"■""i6i'^:] 1,200 MEN TO RESIST I0,000 SPANIARDS. 203 

For the defending of the Porcepic, a place of great import- 
ance, lying under the Helmont ; Sir Franxis Verb placed four 
of the strongest companies that could be found in the town. 

Upon the Bulwark called Helmont, which flanked directly 
the breach and Sand Hill, and scoured along the strand, 
between the enemy's Pile Battery, the Old Haven, over which 
they were to pass to come to Sand Hill, and the Curtain of 
the Old Town, which also did help to defend the Porcepic : he 
placed 10 weak companies, whereof the General's company 
was one. And it had upon it 9 brass and iron pieces, ladened 
with chained bullets, boxes with musket bullets, and cartridge 
shot. These 10 companies v^^ere kept as a reserve, to be 
employed as a second [reinforcement] where most occasion 
required. They were commanded by Captain METKiRCKand 
Sergeant- Major [= the present Major of a foot regiment: see 
Vol. I. p. 463] Carpenter. 

The rest of the bulwarks and rampires, and the Counterscarp 
about the town were but slightly manned, with a few men ; 
in regard that the enemy could come to attempt none of them, 
till he became master of the former. 

Here you see a great many companies thus disposed of; 
but all, or most of them, were exceedingly weak, and some 
of them not above 7 or 8 men strong : which in all, could not 
make above 1,200 able fighting men, to resist an army of 
10,000 men, that stood ready to assault them. 

The ordnance and other instruments and materials of war 
the General disposed of in this sort : 

Upon the casement of the West Bulwark, he planted tw'o 
whole and two half-cannon, which flanked Helmont and the 
Porcepic, and scoured along the Old Haven down as far as the 
Ton Beacon, beyond their Pile Battery, next to that place 
where they were to pass over the haven at a low water. This 
ordnance was likewise charged wath musket bullets, chain 
bullets, and iron bullets. 

Upon all these batteries, especially those which flanked 
the breach and played directly upon the strand ; Sir Francis 
Verb disposed of the best cannoneers in the town : among 
the rest, Francis the Gurmer, an excellent cannoneer, who 
had been the death of many a Spaniard. And because they 
should be sure to take their mark right upon their cog [mark]^ 



204 A PRECIOUS QUARTER OF AN HOUR. ["' f "1" 



ham 
6io. 



before it grew dark, he commanded them to let fly two or 
three cannon bullets upon the strand and towards the New 
Haven, to see for a trial where their bullets fell, that they 
might find their ground the better in the night, when the 
enemy was to fall on. 

Moreover, on the top of the breach, and along the Curtain 
of the Old Town, were set firkins of ashes, to be tumbled 
down the wall upon the enemy to blind them : also little 
firkins with frize-ruyters or quadrant tenternails, three sticking 
in the ground and one upright ; which were likewise to be 
cast down the rampire to prick them, when they sought to 
enter. Then there were many great heaps of stones and 
brickbats (brought from the Old Church they had shot down) 
to throw amongst them. Then we had ropes of pitch, hoops 
bound about with squibs and fireworks to throw among them, 
great store of hand grenades ; and clubs, which we called 
"Hercules Clubs," with heavy heads of wood and nails 
driven into the squares of them. These and some others, 
because the enemy had sworn all our deaths, the General 
provided to entertain and welcome them. 



When it began to grow darkish, a little before low water, 
in the interim while the enemy was a cooling of his ordnance, 
which had played all the day long upon the breach and the 
Old Town : the General taking advantage of this precious 
time, commanded Captain Dexter and Captain Clark with 
some 50 stout workmen, who had a rose-noble [=i6s. Sd.=i 
■£^ now] a piece, for a quarter of an hour's work, to get up to 
the top of the breach which the enemy's cannon had made 
very mountable, and then, with all expedition, to cast up a 
small breastwork and drive in as many palisadoes as possibly 
they could : that his brother Sir Horace Verb, and the rest 
of the Captains and soldiers which he commanded, might 
have some little shelter, the better to defend the breach and 
repulse the enemy, when he stroved to enter. Which, blessed 
be GOD ! with the loss of a few men, they performed. 



This being done, Sir Francis Verb went through the 
Sally Port, down into the False Bray. And it being 



H. Hexham. 
? i6io 



] " I SMELL GOOD STORE OF GOLD CHAINS." 205 



twilight, called for an old soldier, a Gentleman of his com- 
pany, to go out sentinel-perdu [i.e., in a hazardous position], and 
i to creep out to the strand between two gabions; giving him 
express command that if he saw an enemy, he should come 
in unto him silently, without giving any alarm at all. 

He crept upon his belly as far as he could ; and, at last, 
discovered Count Farnese above mentioned, wading and 
put over the Old Haven, above their Pile Battery, with his 
2,000 Italians, which were to fall on first : and, as they [had] 
waded over, he drew them up into battalions and divisions : 
which this Gentleman having discovered, came silently to 
Sir Francis Verb, as he had commanded him. Who asked 
him, " What news ? " 

" My Lord," says he, " I smell good store of gold chains, 
buff jerkins, Spanish cassocks [loftg military cloaks], and 
Spanish blades." 

'* Ha ! " say Sir Francis Verb, " sayest thou me so ! I 
hope thou shalt have some of them anon ! " and giving him 
a piece of gold, he went up again through the Sally Port to 
the top of Sand Hill. Where he gave express order to 
Sergeant-Major Carpenter to go to Helmont, and every man 
to his charge ; and not to take any alarm, or shoot off either 
cannon- or musket-shot till he himself gave the signal : and 
then to give fire, both with the ordnance and small shot, as 
fast as ever they could charge and discharge. 

When the enemy had put over his 2,000 Italians ; he had 
also a signal, to give notice thereof to the Count of Bucquoy, 
that they were ready to fall on : whose signal was the shot of 
a cannon from their Pile Battery into the sea towards his 
quarters, with a hollow-holed bullet, which made a humming 
noise. 



When General Verb had got them under the swoop of his 
cannon and small shot, he poured a volley of cannon- and 
musket-shot upon them, raking through their battalions, and 
makes lanes through them upon the bare strand ; which did 
so amaze and startle them, that they were at a non-plus 
whether they should fall on or retreat back again. Yet at 
last taking courage, and tumbling over the dead bodies, they 
rallied themselves and came under the foot of Sand Hill and 



2o6 The walls of Ostend ablaze with fire. ["• "^"^1,"^ 

along the foot of the Curtain of the Old Wall, to the veiy 
piles that were struck under the wall, where they began to 
make ready to send us a volley. 

Which Sir Francis Verb seeing they were a presenting, 
and ready to give fire upon us, because indeed all the breast- 
work and parapet was beaten down flat to the rampire that 
day, with their ordnance, and we standing open to the enemy's 
shot, commanded all the soldiers to fall flat down upon the 
ground, while the enemy's shot flew like a shower of hail 
over their heads : which, for the reasons above said, saved a 
great many men's lives. 

This being done ; our men rising, saw the enemy hasting 
to come up to the breach, and mounting up the wall of the 
Old Town. Sir Francis Verb flourishing his sword, called 
to them in Spanish and Italian, Vienneza ! ; causing the 
soldiers, as they climbed up, to cast and tumble down among 
them, the firkins of ashes, the barrels of frize-ruyters, the 
ropes, stones and brickbats which were provided for them. 

The alarm being given, it was admirable to see with what 
courage and resolution our men fought. Yea, the LORD 
did, as it were, infuse fresh courage and strength into a com- 
pany of poor snakes [ ? sneaks or hideaways] and sick soldiers, 
which came running out of their huts up to the wall to fight 
their shares ; and the women with their laps full of powder, 
to supply them, when they had shot away all their ammuni- 
tion. 

Now were all the walls of Ostend all on a light fire, and 
our ordnance thundering upon them, from our Bulwarks. 
Now was there a lamentable cry of dying men among them : 
for they could no sooner come up to the top of the breach to 
enter it, or peep up between Sand Hill and Schottenburchbut 
they were either knocked on the head with the stocks of our 
muskets or our Hercules Clubs, or run through with our 
pikes and swords. Twice or thrice, when they strived to 
enter, they were beaten off, and could get no advantage upon 
us. 

The fight upon the breach and the Old Town continued, 
hotter and hotter, for the space of above an hour. The 
enemy fell on, at the same instant, upon the Porcepic, 
Helmont, the West Ravelin, and Quarriers ; but were so 
bravely repulsed, that they could not enter a man. 



"* ^^'''S'eio;] Defeated Spaniards retire with loss. 207 

The enemy fainting, and having had his belly full ; those 
on the west side beat a doleful retreat : while the Lord of 
Hosts ended our dispute for the town, and crowned us with 
victory : and the roaring noise of our cannon rending the air 
and rolling along the superficies of the water, the wind being 
South and with us, carried that night the news thereof, 
to our friends in England and Holland. 

General Verb perceiving the enemy to fall off, commanded 
me to run, as fast as ever I could, to Sergeant-Major Car- 
penter and the Auditor Fleming, who were upon Helmont, 
that they should presently [at once] open the West Sluice : 
out of which there ran such a stream and torrent, through 
the channel of the West Haven, that, upon their retreat, it 
carried away many of their sound and hurt men into the sea. 
And besides, our men fell [wefit] down our walls after them, 
and slew a great many of their men as they retreated. They 
took some prisoners, pillaged and stript a great many [of the 
killed], and brought in gold chains, Spanish pistols, buff 
jerkins, Spanish cassocks, blades, swords, and targets [shields] 
(among the rest, one wherein was enamelled in gold, the 
Seven Worthies worth 700 or 800 guilders [=^70 or ;^8o= 
£350 or £400 now]). 

Among the rest, was that soldier which Sir Francis Verb 
had sent out to discover ; who came with as much booty as 
ever he could lug, saying, " Sir Francis Verb was now as 
good as his word." 

Under Sand Hill and all along the walls of the Old Town, 
the Porcepic, and West Ravelin, lay whole heaps of dead car- 
cases, 40 or 50 upon a heap, stark naked; goodly young men, 
Spaniards and Italians : among which, some, besides other 
marks to know them by, had their beards clean shaven off. 
There lay also upon the sand some dead horses ; ladened 
with baskets of hand grenades. They left also behind them 
their scaling ladders, great store of spades and showels 
[shovels], bills, hatchets and axes, with other materials. 



Here the French Diary adds, that those who gave the assault on 
the Old Town, were furnished with two or three day's victuals, which 
they had brought in sacks : intending to have intrenched themselves, 
and maintain the place against the besieged, if their enterprise had 



2oS How THE East Attack was beguiled. [ 



H. Hexham- 

i6io- 



succeeded. Also that, among the heaps of the slain was found, in man's 
apparel, the body of a young Spanish woman, near unto Sand Hill : 
who, as was conjectured by her wounds, had been slain in the assault; 
having under her apparel, a chain of gold set with precious stones, 
besides other jewels and silver. And also that, during this assault, 
the Archduke disposed of himself behind the battery of the Catteys ; 
and the Infanta remained at the Fort Isabella. 



Upon the east side also, they stood in three great battalions 
before the town, upon the Gullet ; but the tide coming in, 
they came too late : so that the}^ could not second those on 
the west side, and fall on where they were appointed ; to wit, 
upon our New Haven, which lay upon the north-east side of 
the town. For the water beginning to rise, it did amaze the 
soldiers ; and they feared, if they stayed any longer, they 
could not be relieved by their fellows. 

However, for their honour, they would do something : and 
resolved to give upon our Spanish Half-Moon, which lay 
over the Gullet [i.e., on the other side the Geule from the town], 
on the south-east part of the town. 

A soldier of ours falling out of it (a policy of Sir Francis 
Verb's) ; disappointed this design [i.e., of supporting the western 
attack], and yielding himself prisoner unto them, told them 
that there were but 40 soldiers in the Half-Moon ; and offered 
to lead them to it. Which he did, and they took it. For 
General Verb, with great judgement, had left it thus ill-man- 
ned ; to draw the enemy on the east side thither, to separate 
them from their fellows on the west side, and to make them 
lose time : contenting himself to guard the places of most 
importance ; and assuring himself that he should soon 
recover the other at his pleasure. 

The Archduke's men, having thus taken the Half-Moon, 
and being many therein ; they began with spades, shovels, 
pickaxes, and other instruments, to turn it up against the 
town : but all prevailed not, for it lay open towards the town. 
And those of the town began to shoot at them, from the 
South and Spanish Bulwarks, both with cannon- and musket- 
shot, with such fury, that they slew many of them ; and 
withal seeing the tide come in more and more, they began to 
faint. Whereupon General Verb sent Captain Day with 
some troops, to beat them out of it; who, with great courage, 



"■ f^^l'li'^:] Killed and wounded on both sides. 209 

chased them out of it, with the effusion of much blood : for, 
the next day, they told [counted] 300 men slain in the Half- 
Moon, besides those that were drowned and hurt. 



In this general assault, which, on both sides of the 
town, continued above two hours upon all the places above 
mentioned ; the Archduke, besides some that were carried 
into the sea, lost above 2,000 men. Among the which, 
there were a great number of noblemen, chiefs and com- 
manders : among the rest, the Count d'Imbero, an Italian 
(who offered as much gold as he did weigh for his 
ransom, yet he was slain by a private soldier) ; Don 
DuRANGO, Maistro del Campo, or Colonel ; Don Alvares 
SuARES, Knight of the Order of St. James ; Simon Anthonio, 
Colonel; the Sergeant-Major-General [? Ottanes], who had 
been hostage in Ostend, on the 24th and 25th of December, 
1601 [see pp. 166, 171]; and the Lieutenant-Governor of Ant- 
werp, and divers others. 

On our side, there were slain between 30 and 40 soldiers, 
and about 100 hurt. The men of Command slain were. 
Captain Haughton, Captain van den Lier a Lieutenant of 
the new Geux, z English Lieutenants, an Ancient [Ensign- 
bearer], Captain Haughton's two Sergeants : and Master 
Tedcastle, a Gentleman of Sir Francis Vere's horse, who 
was slain between Sir Francis Vere and myself, his Page, 
with two musket-bullets chained together. Who calling to 
me, bade me pull off his gold ring from off his little finger, 
and send it to his sister, as a token of his last " Good night : " 
and so, commending his spirit into the hands of the LORD, 
died. Sir Horace Vere was likewise hurt in the leg, with 
a splinter that flew from a palisado. 



And thus much, briefly, of the assault and the repulse they 
received in Ostend, that day and night ; in memory of the 
heroic actions of Sir Francis Vere, of famous memory, my 
old Master. 



After this bloody shower was once over, the weather cleared up 

O 2 



2IO VeRE GIVES UP HIS CoMMAND AT OSTEND. [W-Mlmgham. 

into its usud temper : and so continued, not without good store of 
artificial thunder and lightning on both sides daily ; but without any 
remarkable alterations, until the 7th of March then next ensuing, 
which was in the year 1602. 

Then did General Verb, having lately repaired the Poulder and 
West Square, resign up his government of Ostend unto others 
appointed by the States to succeed him : having valiantly defended 
it, for above eight months, against all the Archduke's power ; and 
leaving it much better able to defend itself, than it was at his first 
coming thither. 

So the same night, both he and his brother. Sir Horace Vere, 
embarked themselves, having sent away their horses and baggage 
before them ; both carrying with them, and leaving behind them, the 
marks of true honour and renown. 



FINIS. 




Sir Thomas Overbury 



H I S 



O B S E R VAT 10 N S, 



IN HIS TRAVELS, 



UPON THE STATE OF THE 



SEVENTEEN PROVINCES, 



AS THET STOOD ANNO DOMINI 1609; 



THE TREATY OF PEACE BEING THEN ON FOOT. 




Printed. M. DC. XXVI. 



213 



Si r 



THOMAS OVERBURY's 

Observations, 

IN HIS TRAVELS, 

upon the state of the 
Seventeen Provinces, 

JS THEY STOOD ANNO, DOMINI 1609,- 
THE TREATY OF PEACE BEING THEN ON FOOT. 



And first ^ Of the Provinces United, 

Ll things concurred for the rising and 
maintenance of this State: the disposition 
of the people, being as mutinous as 
industrious and frugal ; the nature of the 
country, everywhere fortifiable with water; 
the situation of it, having behind them the 
Baltic sea, which yields them all materials 
for ships, and many other commodities ; 
and for men, hard before them France and England, both 
fearing the Spanish greatness, and therefore both concurring 
for their aid; the remoteness of their Master from them; the 
change of religion, falling out about the time of their Revolt ; 
and now the Marquis of Brandenburgh, a Protestant, like[ly] 
to become [the] Duke of Cleve. 

The discontentments of the Low Countries did first appear 
soon after the going away of the Kings of Spain, while the 
Duchess of Parma governed. To suppress which beginnings, 
the Duke of Alva being sent, inflamed them more upon 




214 Constitution of United Provinces, p "^^ ^""'',609! 

attempting to bring in the Inquisition, and Spanish decima- 
tion ; upon the beheading [of] Count Horn and Count 
Egmont, persecuting those of the Religion : and undertaking 
to build citadels upon all their towns ; which he effected at 
Antwerp, but enterprising the like at Flushing, that town 
revolted first, and under it began the war. 

But the more general Revolt of the Provinces happened 
after the death of Don Louis de Requiescens, and upon 
the coming down of Don John of Austria : when all the 
Provinces, excepting Luxemburg (upon the sack of Antwerp 
and other insolences), proclaimed the Spaniards " rebels, and 
enemies to the King." Yet the abjuring of their obedience 
from the Crown of Spain, was not in a year or two after. 

Holland and Zealand (upon their first standing out) offered 
the Sovereignty of themselves to the Queen, then the Pro- 
tection, both which she neglected ; and that, while the French 
sent greater aid, and more men of quality than we : but after 
the Civil War began in France, that kept them busy at home ; 
and then the Queen, seeing the necessity of their being 
supported, upon the pawning of Brill and Flushing, sent 
money and men. And since that, most part of the great 
exploits there, have been done by the English, who were 
commonly the third part of their army ; being four regiments, 
besides 1,100 in Flushing and the Ramekins, and 500 in the 
Brill. But, of late, the King of France appearing more for 
them than ours, and paying himself the French [soldiers] 
that are there ; they give equal, if not more countenance to 
that nation. But upon these two Kings, they make their 
whole dependency : and though with more respect to him that 
is stronger for the time ; yet so, as it may give no distaste 
unto the other. 

For the manner of their Government. They have, upon 
occasion, an Assembly of the General States, like our 
Parliament ; being composed of those which are sent from 
every Province upon summons; and what these Enact, stands 
for Law. Then is there besides, a Council of State, residing, 
for the most part, at the Hague : which attends [to] daily 
occasions ; being rather employed upon Affairs of State than 
particular [individual] justice. The most potent in this 
Council was Barneveld, by reason of his Advocates of 
Holland. And besides both these, every Province and great 



Sir T. OvcburyJ T H E D U T C H A D M I N I S T R A T I O N . 215 

Town have particular Councils of their own. To all which 
Assemblies, as well of the General States as the rest, the 
gentry is called for order sake, but the State indeed is 
democratical : the merchant and the tradesman being pre- 
dominant, the gentry, now, but few and poor; and, even at 
the beginning, the Prince of Orange saw it safer to rely 
upon the towns than [upon] them. Neither are the gentry 
so much engaged in the Cause: the people having more 
advantages in a Free State ; they, in a Monarchy. 

Their care in Government is very exact and particular, by 
reason that every one hath an immediate interest in the State. 
Such is the equality of justice, that it renders every man satis- 
fied ; such is the public regularity, as a man may see [that] 
their laws were made to guide, and not to entrap ; such their 
exactness in casting the expense of an army, as that it shall 
be equally far from superfluity and want ; and as much order 
and certainty in their acts of war, as in ours of peace ; 
teaching it to be both civil and rich. And they still retain 
that sign of a Commonwealth yet uncorrupted, " Private 
poverty, and public weal ! " for no one private man there is 
exceeding rich, and few very poor ; and no State more 
sumptuous in all public things. But the question is, whether 
this, being a free State, will, as well subsist in peace, as it hath 
hitherto done in war. Peace leaving every one to attend [to] 
his particular wealth : when fear, while the war lasts, makes 
them concur for their common safety. And Zealand, upon 
the least security, hath ever been envious at the predominancy 
of Holland and Utrecht ; ready to mutiny for religion : and 
besides, it is a doubt, whether the same care and sincerity 
would continue if they were at their Consistence, as appears 
yet, while they are but in Rising. 

The Revenue of this State ariseth chiefly from the Earl of 
Holland's domains ; and confiscated church livings ; the 
rising and falling of money, which they use with much 
advantage ; their fishing upon our coasts, and those of 
Norway ; contributions out of the enemy's country, taxes 
upon all things at home, and impositions [import duties] upon 
all merchandise from abroad. 

Their Expenses upon their Ambassadors, their shipping, 
their ditches, their rampiers [dykes] and munition; and 
commonly they have in pay, by sea and land, 60,000 men. 



2i6 Three Dutch ships to one English ! [^''^•°''"^^. 

For the strength. The nature of the country makes them 
able to defend themselves long by land. Neither could 
anything have endangered them so much as the last great 
frost [of i6q8, see Vol. I. p. jj], had not the Treaty been then 
on foot : because the enemy, being then master of the field ; 
that rendered their ditches, marshes, and rivers as firm ground. 

There belongs to that State, 20,000 vessels of all sorts. So 
that if the Spaniard were entirely beaten out of those parts ; 
the Kings of France and England would take as much pains 
to suppress, as ever they did to raise them. For being our 
enemies, they are [would he] able to give us the law at sea ; 
and eat us out of all trade, much more the French : having 
at this time three ships for our one, though none so good as 
our best. 

Now that whereupon the most part of their Revenue 
depends is their traffic, in which mystery of State they are, at 
this day, the wisest. For all the commodities that this part 
of the world wants, and the Indies have (as spice, silk, jewels, 
gold), they are become the conveyers of them for the rest of 
Christendom, except[ing] us : as the Venetians were of old. 
And all those commodities that those Northern countries 
abound with, and these Southern countries stand in need of: 
they likewise convey thither; which was the ancient trade of 
the Easterlings [Baltic cities]. And this they do, having little 
to export of their own, by buying of their neighbour-countries 
the former ; and selling them again what they bring back, at 
their own prices : and so consequently, live upon the idleness 
of others. And to this purpose, their situation serves fitly. 
For the rivers of the Rhine, the Maas, and [the] Scheldt 
all end in their dominions ; and the Baltic sea lies not far 
from them : all which afford them whatever the great con- 
tinent of Germany, Russia, and Poland yields. 

Then they, again, lying between Germany and the sea, do 
furnish it back, with all commodities foreign. 

To remember some pieces of their discipline, as patterns 
of the rest. The Watches at night are never all of one 
nation [race] , so that they can hardly concur to give up any 
one town. The Commissaries are nowhere so strict upon 
Musters, and where he finds a company thither, he reduceth 
them : so that, when an army marcheth, the List and the Poll 
are never far disagreeing. The army is ever well clothed, 



SirT.Overbury.-| -p H E MaRT CiTIES OF HoLLAND. 217 

well armed ; and had never yet occasion to mutiny for 
pay or victuals. The soldiers commit nowhere fewer in- 
solences upon the burghers, few robberies upon the country ; 
nor the Officers fewer deceits upon the soldiers. And lastly, 
they provide well that their General shall have small means 
to invade their liberties. For first, their Army is composed of 
many nations, which have their several Commanders; and the 
commands are disposed by the States themselves, not by the 
General. And secondly, he hath never an implicit commission 
left to discretion : but, by reason their country hath no great 
bounds, receives daily commands what to do. 

Their territory contains six entire Provinces; Holland, 
Zealand, Utrecht, Groningen, Overyssel, and Friesland, 
besides three parts of Guelderland, and certain towns in 
Brabant and Flanders : the ground of which is, for the most 
part, fruitful ; the towns nowhere are so equally beautiful, 
strong, and rich : which equality grows by reason that they 
appropriate some one staple commodity to every town of 
note ; only Amsterdam not only passeth them all, but even 
Seville, Lisbon, or any other Mart Town in Christendom. And 
to it, is appropriated the trade of the East Indies, where they 
maintain commonly forty ships ; besides which, there go, twice 
a year, from it and the adjoining towns, a great fleet to the 
Baltic sea. Upon the fall of Antwerp, that [town of Amsterdam] 
rose, rather than Middleburgh ; though it [that] stands at the 
same river's mouth, and is the second Mart Town ; to which 
is appropriated our English cloth. 

Concerning the people. They are neither much devout, nor 
much wicked ; given all to drink, and, eminently, to no other 
vice; hard in bargaining, but just; surly, andrespectless, as in 
all democracies ; thirsty [? thrifty] , industrious, and cleanly ; dis- 
heartened upon the least ill-success, and insolent upon good ; 
inventive in manufactures ; cunning in traffic. And generally, 
for matter of action, that natural slowness of theirs suits 
better (by reason of the advisedness and perseverance it 
brings with it) than the rashness and changeableness of the 
French and Florentine wits. And the equality of spirits 
which is among them and the Swiss, renders them so fit for a 
Democracy ; which kind of Government, nations, of more un- 
stable wits, being once come to a Consistent Greatness, have 
seldom long endured. 



2l8 




Ohservatio7ts upon the State of the 
Archdukes Country^ 1609. 

By Sir Thomas Overbury. 




S SOON as I entered into the Archduke's 
country, which begins after Lillow ; 
presently, I beheld [the] works of a Pro- 
vince, and those of a Province distressed 
with war. The people heartless ; and 
rather repining against their Governors 
than revengeful against their enemies. 
The bravery of that gentry which was 
left, and the industry of the merchant, quite decayed. The 
husbandman labouring only to live, without desire to be 
rich to another's use. The towns (whatsoever concerned 
not the strength of them) ruinous. And, to conclude, the 
people here growing poor with less taxes, than they flourish 
with on the States' side. 

This war hath kept the King of Spain busy ever since it 
began, which [is] some thirty-eight years ago : and, spending 
all the money that the Indies, and all the men that Spain and 
Italy could afford, hath withdrawn him from persevering in 
any other enterprise. Neither could he give over this, 
without foregoing the means to undertake anything hereafter 
upon France or England ; and, consequently, the Hope of the 
Western Monarchy. For without that handle [i.e., that hope] 



Sir T. Overbury.-J ^^^^ HoPE OF THE WeSTERN MoNARCHY. 219 

the mines of Peru had done little hurt in these parts, in com- 
parison of what they have. The cause of the expensefulness 
of it, is the remoteness of those Provinces from Spain ; by 
reason of which every soldier of Spain or Italy, before he can 
arrive there, costs the King a 100 crowns [ = £30 then = 
^^135 now], and not above one in ten that arrive, proves good. 
Besides, by reason of the distance, a great part of the money 
is drunk up betwixt the Officers that convey it, and pay it. 

The cause of the continuance of it, is not only the strength 
of the enemy; but partly, by reason that the Commanders 
themselves are content [that] the war should last, so to main- 
tain and render themselves necessary; and partly, because 
the people of those Countries are not so eager to have the other 
reduced, as willing to be in the like state themselves. 

The usual revenue of those Provinces which the Archduke 
hath, amounts to 1,200,000 crowns [ = , at 6s. the Crown, 
;;^36o,ooo then=abo2it ;£'i,6oo,ooo now] a year. Besides which, 
there come from Spain every month, to maintain the war, 
150,000 crowns [ = ;£'45,ooo a month, or ;;^540,ooo a year, then; 
=£2,430,000 annually now]. It was, at the first, 300,000 
crowns a month [or, in present annual value, about ;£'5,ooo,ooo] ; 
but it fell by fifties [i.e., 50,000] to this, at the time when the 
Treaty began. Flanders pays more towards the war, than 
all the rest ; as Holland doth, with the States. There is no 
Spaniard of [belonging to] the Council of State, nor Governor 
of any Province : but of the Council of War, which is only 
active ; there [in which] they only are, and have in their hands 
all the strong towns and castles of those Provinces, of which 
the Governors have but only the title. 

The nations of which their army consists are chiefly 
Spaniards and Italians, emulous one of another there ; as on 
the other side, [are] the French and English : and of the 
country, chiefly Burgundians and Walloons. The Pope's 
Letters, and Spinola's inclination keep the Italians there ; 
almost in equality of command with the Spaniard himself. 

The Governors for the King of Spain there, successively, 
have been the Duke of Alva, Don Louis de Requiescexs, 
Don John of Austria, the Prince of Parma, the Archduke 
Earnest, the Cardinal Andrew of Austria, and the Cardinal 
Albert till he married the Infanta. 

Where the dominion of the Archduke and the States 



2 20 Strength and beauty of Antwerp. [^"■^•°''^'''',^; 

part, there also changeth the nature of the country ; that is, 
about Antwerp. For all below, being flat, and betwixt meadow 
and marsh ; thence, it begins to rise and become champion 
[open coimtry] : and consequently, the people are more quick 
and spiritful, as the Brabanter, Fleming, and Walloon. 

The most remarkable place on that side is Antwerp, which 
rose upon the fall of Bruges ; equally strong and beautiful ; 
remaining yet so upon the strength of its former greatness : 
twice spoiled by the Spaniards, and the like attempted by the 
French. The Citadel was built there by the Duke of Alva, 
but renewed by the Prince of Parma, after his eighteen 
months' besieging it; the town accepting a castle, rather than 
a garrison to mingle among them. There are yet in the 
town, of citizens 30,000 fighting men, 600 of which keep 
watch nightly ; but they [are] allowed neither cannon upon 
the rampier [ramparts], nor magazines of powder. In the 
Castle are 200 pieces of ordnance, and commonly 700 or 800 
soldiers. 

Flanders is the best of the Seventeen Provinces, but the 
havens thereof are naught [worthless]. 



-^-f^" 




221 







Observations on the State of France^ 1 609, 
under He nry IF. 

By Sir Thomas Overbury. 




AviNG seen the form of a Commonwealth* 
and a Province, with the different effects 
of wars in them ; I entered France, 
flourishing with peace ; and of Monarchies, 
the most absolute. Because the King there, 
not only makes peace and war, calls 
and dissolves Parliaments, pardoneth, 
naturaliseth, ennobleth, names the value 
of money, [imjpresseth to the war; but even makes laws, and 
imposes taxes at his pleasure. And all this he doth alone. 
For, as for that form that his Edicts must be authorised by 
the next Court of Parliament, that is, the next Court of 
Sovereign Justice : first, the Presidents thereof are to be 
chosen by him, and to be put out by him ; and secondly, 
when they concur not with the King, he passeth anything 
without them, as he did the last Edict [? of Nantes] for the 
Protestants. And for the Assembly of the Three Estates, it 
is grown now almost as extraordinary as a General Council 
[of the Church] ; with the loss of which, their liberty fell : and 
when occasion urgeth, it is possible for the King to procure 
that all those that shall be sent thither, shall be his instru- 



222 The French King's Edicts are Laws. [^''' '^' ^''"^e^: 

ments. For the Duke of Guise effected as much, at the 
Assembly of Blois. 

The occasion that first procured the King that supremacy, 
that his Edicts should be Laws, was the last invasion of the 
English. For, at that time, they possessing two parts of 
France, the Three Estates could not assemble : whereupon 
they did then grant that power unto Charles VIL during 
the war. And that which made it easy, for Louis XL and 
his successors to continue the same, the occasion ceasing ; 
was that the Clergy and the Gentry did not run the same 
fortune with the People there, as in England. For most of 
the taxes falling only upon the people ; the Clergy and Gentry, 
being foreborne [exempt], were easily induced to leave them 
to the King's mercy. But the King having got strength upon 
[subverted] the peasants, hath been since the bolder to invade 
part of both their [the Clergy's and Gentry's] liberties. 

For the succession of this monarchy. It hath subsisted, 
without intermission, these 1,200 years, under three Races of 
Kings. No nation hath, heretofore, done greater things 
abroad, in Palestine and Egypt, besides all parts of Europe ; 
but, for these last four hundred years, they have only made 
sallies into Italy, and [have] often suffered at home. Three 
hundred years the English afflicted them, making two firm 
invasions upon them, and taking their King prisoner: the 
second greatness of Christendom (next [to] the Emperor) 
being then in competition betwixt us and them. And to 
secure themselves againstus, rather than the House of Austria, 
as it then stood ; they chose to marry the heir of Brittany 
before that of Burgundy. And for this last hundred years, the 
Spaniard undertaking [attacking] them, hath eaten them out 
of all but France, and endangered that too 1 

But for this present, France had never, as France, a more 
entire greatness ; though it hath often been richer. For since 
the war ; the King has only [simply] got aforehand, the country 
is but yet in recovering; the war having lasted, by spaces, 
thirty two years ; and so generally, that [as there was] no man 
but had an enemy within three miles, so the country became 
frontier all over. Now that which hath made them, at this 
time, so largely great at home, is their adopting into them- 
selves the lesser adjoining nations, without destruction or 
leaving any mark of strangeness upon them : as the Bretons, 



SirT. Overbury.J 'pj^g ClERGY HOLD ;^RD OF ALL FrANCE. 223 

Gascons, Proven9als, and others which are not French. 
Towards which unions, their nature, which is easy and 
harborous [receptive] to strangers ; hath done more than any 
laws could have effected but with long time. 

The King, as I said, enjoying what Louis XI. did gain, hath 
the entire Sovereignty in himself ; because he can make the 
Parliament do what he pleases, or else do what he pleases 
without them. 

For the other Three Estates. The Church is there very 
rich, being estimated to enjoy the third part of the revenue 
of France, but otherwise is nothing so potent as elsewhere ; 
partly because the Inquisition is not admitted in France: but 
principally because the Pope's ordinary power is much 
restrained there, by the liberties which the French Church 
claimeth; which liberties do not so much enfranchise the 
Church itself, as confer the authority the Pope loseth upon the 
King, as Firstfruits and the Disposing of all spiritual prefer- 
ments. And by reason of this neutrality of authority, the 
church men [clergy] suffer more there, than either in England, 
where they wholly depend upon the King; or in Spain 
and Italy, where they wholly subsist by the Pope : because 
the Pope is not able totally to support them, and the King 
takes occasion ever to suppress them, as being not entirely his 
subjects ; and to him, they pay, yearly, both the tenth of all 
their tithe, and of all their temporal land. 

The Gentry are the only entire Body, there, which partici- 
pate with the prerogatives of the Crown. For from it, they 
receive privileges above all other men and a kind of limited 
regality upon their tenants ; besides [a] real supply to their 
estates by governments and pensions, and freedom from tallies 
[taxations] upon their own lands, that is, upon their domains 
and whatsoever they manure by their servants : but so 
much as they let to tenants is, presently, tallieable [taxable] 
which causeth [a] proportionate abatement in the rent. 
And in recompense of this, they owe to the King the 
Ban and the Arriere Ban ; that is, to serve him and his 
Lieutenant, three months within the land, at their own 
charges. And as in war, they undergo the greatest part of 
the danger, so then is their power most peremptory above the 
rest : whereas in the time of peace, the King is ready to 



2 24 The GovERNMENTOF France, p'*^ ^^''^^: 

support inferior persons against them, and is glad to see 
them to waste one another by contention at law for fear they 
grow rich ; because he forsees that, as the Nobility, only, can 
do him service, so they only, misapplied, can do him harm. 

The ancient Gentry of France was most of it consumed in 
the wars of Godfrey de Boulogne, and some in those of 
St. Louis; because on their setting out they pawned all 
their fiefs to the Church, and few of them were after[wards] 
redeemed : by reason, whereof the Church possesseth at 
this day the third part of the best fiefs in France. And that 
Gentry was afterwards made up by advocates, financiers, 
and merchants ennobled, which are now reputed ancient ; and 
are daily eaten out again, and repaired by the same kind of men. 

For the people. All those that have any kind of profession 
or trade, live well ; but for the mere peasants that labour the 
ground, they are only sponges to the King, to the Church, and 
to the Nobility ! having nothing to their own, but to the use of 
them : and are scarce allowed, as beasts, enough to keep 
them able to do service ; for besides their rent, they pay 
usually two-thirds to the King. 



The manner of Government in France is mixt between 
Peace and War; being composed as well of military discipline 
as [of] civil justice : because having open frontiers and 
strong neighbours, and therefore obnoxious [liable] to sudden 
invasions ; they cannot, as in England, join ever peace and 
security together. 

For the Military Part, there is ever a Constable and a 
Marshal in being, troops of horse and regiments of foot in 
pay, and in all Provinces and places of strength. Governors 
and garrisons distributed : all which are means for the 
preferment of the Gentry. But those, as they give security 
against the enemy, so when there is none, they disturb the 
enjoying of peace, by making the countries taste somewhat 
of a Province. For the Gentr} find a difference betwixt the 
Governor's favour and disfavour; and the soldiers often 
commit insolences upon the people. 

The Governments there, are so well disposed by the King, 
as no Governor hath means to give over a Province into the 
enemy's hands ; the commands thereof are so scattered. For 



""^'leog.] The most united force in Christendom. 225 

the Governor commands the country, and, for the most part, 
the chief town : then there is a Lieutenant to the King, not 
to him ! of the same ; and betwixt these two there is ever 
jealousy nourished. Then hath every town and fortress 
particular Governors, which are not subaltern [subordinate] 
to that of the Province ; but hold immediately from the 
Prince : and many times the Town hath one Governor, and 
the Castle another. 

The advantages of the Governors, besides their pay from the 
King, are presents from the country, dead payes [ ?pay drawn 
for dead men] , making their magazines of corn and powder 
more than they need, at the King's price ; and, where they 
stand upon the sea, overseeing of unlawful goods : thus much 
in peace. In war, they are worth as much as they will exact. 
Languedoc is the best, then Brittany: Provence is worth, by 
all these means, to the Duke of Guise, 20,000 crowns 
[ = ^6,000 or about ^^25,000 in present value] a year; but 
Provence only, he holds without a Lieutenant. 

Concerning the Civil Justice there : it is nowhere more 
corrupt or expenseful. The corruptness of it proceeds, First, 
by reason that the King sells the places of justice at as high 
a rate as can honestly be made of them: so that all thriving 
is left to corruption; and the gain the King hath that way, 
tempts him to make a multitude of officers, which are 
another burden to the subject. Secondly, the Presidents 
are not bound to judge according to the written Law, but 
according to the equity drawn out of it ; which liberty doth 
not so much admit Conscience, as leave Wit without limits. 
The expensefulness of it ariseth from the multitude of laws, 
and multiplicity of forms of processes ; the which too doth 
beget doubt, and make them long in resolving. And all this 
chicanery, as they call it, was brought into France from 
Rome, upon the Popes coming to reside at Avignon. 



For the strength of France. It is at this day, the greatest 
united force of Christendom. The particulars in which it 
consists, are these. The shape of the country; which being 
round, no one part is far from succouring another. The 
multitude of good towns and places of strength therein are 
able to stay an army, if not to waste it ; as Metz did the 

r, 2 



2 26 Strength and Weakness of France. [^'' "^^ ^''^'^i^: 

Emperor's. The mass of treasure which the King hath in 
the Bastille. The number of arsenals distributed upon the 
frontiers, besides that of Paris : all which are full of good 
arms and artillery. And for ready men, the five Regiments 
bestowed up and down in garrisons, together with the 2,000 
of the Guard [and] the troops of Ordinary and Light Horse : 
all ever in pay. Besides their Gentry, all bred soldiers; of 
which they think there are, at this present, 50,000 fit to bear 
arms. And to command all these, they have, at this day, 
the best Generals of Christendom ; which were the only 
commodity the Civil Wars did leave them. 

The weaknesses of it are. First, the want of a sufficient 
Infantry, which proceeds from the ill distribution of their 
wealth : for the peasant having no share allowed him, is 
heartless and feeble ; and consequently unserviceable for all 
military uses. By reason of which, they are, first, forced to 
borrow aid of the Switzers at a great charge ; and secondly, 
to compose their armies, for the most part, of Gentlemen : 
which makes the loss of a battle there almost irrecoverable. 
The Second, is the unproportionable part of the land 
which the Church holds, all which is likewise dead to 
military uses : for as they say there, *' The Church will 
lose nothing, nor defend nothing." The Third, is the want 
of a competent number of ships and galleys : by reason of 
which defect, first, the Spaniard overmasters them upon 
the Mediterranean, and the English and Hollander upon the 
Ocean ; and secondly, it renders them poor in foreign trade ; 
so that, all the great actions of Christendom for these fifty 
years having been bent upon the [FF^5^] Indies, they, only, have 
sat idle. The Fourth, is the weakness of their frontiers : which 
is so much the more dangerous because they are possessed, 
all but the Ocean, by the Spaniard ; for Savoy hath been 
always as his own, for all uses against France. The Last, is 
the difference of religion among themselves ; which will ever 
yield matter of civil dissension, and consequently cause the 
weaker to stand in need of foreign succours. 

The ordinary revenue of the King is, as they say now, 
some 14,000,000 of crowns [= ^4,200,000 sterling, or in 
present value, about ;£'i8,ooo,ooo] ; which arise principall}^ from 
the domains of the Crown, the gahel of salt, tallies [taxes] 
upon the country, customs upon the merchandise, sale of 



SirT.Overbu^.-| REVENUE AND ExPENSES OF THE KiNG. 227 

offices, the yearly tithe of all that belongs to the Church, the 
rising and falling of money, fines and confiscations cast upon 
him by the law : but as for Wardships, they are only known 
in Normandy. 

His expense is, chiefly. Ambassadors, munition, building, 
fortifying, and maintaining of galleys, (as for ships when he 
needs them, he makes an embarque [embargo]) ; in pay for 
soldiers, wages for officers, pensions at home and abroad ; 
upon the entertaining his House, his State, and his private 
pleasures. And all the first, but the domains, were granted 
in the beginning upon some urgent occasion; and afterwards 
by Kings made perpetual, the occasion ceasing : and the 
domains themselves granted because the King should live 
upon his own without oppressing his subjects. But at 
this day, though the revenue be thus great, and the taxes 
unsupportable ; yet do they little more than serve for 
necessary public uses. For the King of Spain's greatness 
and neighbourhood forceth the King there to live con- 
tinually upon his guard : and the treasure which the 
Spaniard receives from his Indies, constrains him to raise 
his revenue thus by taxes, so to be able, in some proportion, 
to bear up against him ; for fear, else, he should be bought 
out of all his confederates and servants. 



For the relation of this State to others. It is first to be 
considered that this part of Christendom is balanced betwixt 
the three Kings of Spain, France, and England ; as the other 
part [is] betwixt the Russian, the Kings of Poland, Sweden, 
and Denmark. For as for Germany, which if it were entirely 
subject to one Monarchy, would be terrible to all the rest : so 
being divided betwixt so many Princes and those of so equal 
power, it serves only to balance itself, and entertain easy 
war with the Turk ; while the Persian withholds him in a 
greater. And everyone of those first three hath his particular 
strength, and his particular weakness. Spain hath the 
advantage of both the rest in treasure, but is defective in 
men : his dominions are scattered and the conveyance of his 
treasure from the Indies lies obnoxious to [at the mercy of] 
the power of any nation that is stronger l3y sea. France 
abounds with men, lies close together, and hath money 



228 Natural Allies, & Enemies of France. ^'^-^''^''^le^ 

sufBciently. England, being an island, is hard to be invaded, 
abounds with men, but wants money to employ them. For 
their particular [several] weakness, Spain is to be kept busy in 
the Low Countries, France to be afflicted with the Protestants, 
and England, in Ireland. England is not able to subsist against 
any [either] of the other [two] hand in hand; but joined with 
the Low Countries it can give law to both by sea : joined 
with either of them two, it is able to oppress the third, as 
Henry VIIL did. 

Now the only entire body in Christendom that makes head 
against the Spanish Monarchy is France : and therefore they 
say in France, that, "The day of the ruin of France is the eve 
of the ruin of England." And thereupon England hath ever, 
since the Spanish greatness, inclined rather to maintain 
France, rather than to ruin it : as when King Francis [L] 
was taken prisoner, the King of England lent money towards 
the payment of his ransom ; and the late Queen [Elizabeth], 
when the Leaguers, after the Duke of Guise's death, had a 
design to Cantonize France, though offered a part of that country, 
would not consent. So then, this reason of State, of mutual 
preservation, conjoining them ; England may be accounted a 
sure confederate of France ; and Holland, by reason it partly 
subsists by it ; the Protestant Princes of Germany, because 
they have countenance from it, against the house of Austria ; 
the Protestant Switzers, for religion and money ; and the 
Venetians, for protection against the Spaniard in Italy. So 
that all their [the French's] friends are either Protestants or 
inclining thereto ; and whosoever is extremely Catholic is 
their enemy, and factor for the Spanish Monarchy : as the 
Pope and Cardinals, for the most part ; and totally, the 
Jesuits, the Catholic Princes of Germany, and the Catholics 
of England and Ireland. For the Jesuits, which are the 
Ecclesiastical Strength of Christendom, France — notwith- 
standing the many late obligations — hath cause to despair of 
them. For they intending as "one Pope, so one King" to 
suppress the Protestants ; and for the better support of 
Christendom against the Turks : and seeing Spain the likelier 
to bring this to pass, they follow the nearer probability of 
effecting their end. 

No addition could make France so dangerous to us, as that 
of our Low Countries ; for so it were worse, than if the 



SirT. Ove.l>ury.-|5^j^j,jj(.^jjQP^j^j^ FrENCH PrOTESTANTS. 2 29 

Spaniard himself had them entirely. As for their hopes oi 
regaining Italy ; it concerns the Spaniard immediately, rather 
than us. 

Concerning the state of the Protestants in France. During 
peace, they are protected by their Edict [of Nantes]. For 
their two Agents at Court defend the general from wrong ; 
and their chaiiibres impartis every particular person. And if 
troubles should arise, some scattered particulars might be in 
danger; but the main body is safe. Sale to defend themselves, 
though all France join against them! and if it break out into 
factions, the safest; because they are both ready and united. 

The particulars of their strength are, First, their Towns 
of Surety, two of which command the river of the Loire. 
Secondly, their situation. The greatest part of them lying 
near together, as Poitou, Saintonge, High [Upper] Gascony, 
Languedoc, and Dauphiny : near the sea, so consequently fit 
to receive succours from abroad ; and remote from Paris, so 
that the quality of an army is much wasted, before it can 
approach them. The Third, is the sufficiency of their present 
Governors, Boulogne and Desdeguiers, and other second 
Commanders. And for the Princes of the Blood, whom the 
rest may, in shew, without emulation, obey; when they come 
once to open action, those which want a party, will quickly 
seek them. The Last, is the aid they are sure of from 
foreign Princes ; for whosoever are friends to France in 
general, are more particularly their friends : and besides, the 
Protestant party being grown stronger of late, as the Low 
Countries ; and more united, as England and Scotland, part 
of that strength reflects upon them. And even the King of 
Spain himself, who is [the] enemy of France in general, would 
rather give them succour than see them utterl}^ extirpated. 
For as soon as they get an Edict with better conditions, they 
turn head against him tliat now succoured them ; as they did 
against us, at Newhaven [Havre in 1562]. 

Concerning the porportion of their number, they are not 
above the Seventeenth or Eighteenth part of the People: but 
of the Gentlemen, there are 6,000 of the [Protestant] Religion. 
But since the peace [ ? in 1602] they have increased in 
People, as principally in Paris, Normandy, and Dauphiny, 
but lost in the Gentry: which loss cometh to pass by reason 
that the King when he finds any Gentleman that will but 



230 Henry IV. wonderful in War & Peace, [^''^'j^; 

hearken, he tempts him with preferment; and those that 
he finds utterly obstinate, he suppresseth. And by such 
means, he hath done them more harm in peace ; than both 
his predecessors in war. For in all their Assemblies, he 
corrupts some of their Ministers to betray the counsel in 
hand. Of the 106,000 crowns [ = ;£'3i,8oo, or in present value 
^^140, 000] a year which he pays the Protestants to entertain 
their Ministers and pay their garrisons, he hath gotten the 
bestowing of 16,000 of them, upon what gentleman of the 
[Protestant] Religion he pleaseth ; whom by that means he 
moderates, if not gains. And besides, they were wont to 
impose upon him their two Deputies, which are to stay at 
Court: but now he makes them propose six, out of which he 
chooseth the two, and by that, obligeth those ; and yet not- 
withstanding all this, in some occasions he makes good use 
of them too. For as towards England, he placeth none in 
any place of strength but firm Catholics ; so towards Spain 
and Savoy, he often gives charge to Protestants, as to La 
Force in Beam, Desdeguiers and Boisse in Bresse. 



Concerning the King himself. He is a person wonderful, 
both in war and peace. For his acts in War, he hath 
manumized [manumitted] France from the Spaniard: and sub- 
dued the League, being the most dangerous plot that hath 
been laid ; weakening it by Arms, but utterly dissolving it by 
Wit. That is, by letting the Duke of Guise out of prison, and 
capitulating with the heads of it, every one apart ; by which 
means, he hath yet left a continual hatred among them. 
Because every one sought by preventing [anticipating] other, 
to make his conditions the better. So that now there remains 
little connection of it, amongst the Gentry : only there con- 
tinue some dregs still among the Priests, and consequently 
the People ; especially when they are angered with the in- 
crease and prosperity of the Protestants. 

For his acts of Peace. He hath enriched France with a 
greater proportion of wool and silk, erected goodly buildings, 
cut passages [canals] betwixt river and river, and is about to 
do the same betwixt sea and sea, redeemed much of the 
mortgaged domains of the Crown, better husbanded the 
money (which was wont to be drunk up, two parts of it, in the 



^^''"^e^'] France, the fairest country in Europe! 231 

officers' hands), got aforehand in treasure, arms, and munition, 
increased the infantry and suppressed the unproportionable 
cavalry, and left nothing undone but the building of a navy. 

And all this may be attributed to himself, only : because in 
a Monarchy, officers are active or careless, as the Prince is 
able to judge and distinguish of their labours ; and withal to 
participate of them somewhat, himself. 

Sure it is, that the peace of France, and somewhat that of 
Christendom itself, is secured by this Prince's life. For all 
titles and discontents, all factions of religion there suppress 
themselves till his death : but what will ensue afterwards ? 
What the rest of the House of Bourbon will enterprise upon 
the King's children ? What the House of Guise, upon that 
of Bourbon ? What the League ? What the Protestants ? 
What the Kings of Spain and England, if they see a breach 
made by civil dissension ? I choose rather to expect, than 
conjecture ! Because GOD hath so many ways to turn aside 
from human foresight ; as He gave us a testimony upon the 
death of our late Queen [Elizabeth]. 



This country of France, considering the quantity, is the 
fairest and richest of all Christendom ; and contains in it, 
most of the countries adjoining. For Picardy, Normandy, 
and Brittany resemble England ; Languedoc, Spain ; 
Provence, Italy ; and the rest is France. 

Besides, all the rivers that pass through it, end in it. It 
abounds with corn, wine, and salt, and hath a competency of 
silk; but is defective in wool, leather, metals, and horses : 
and hath but few very good havens, especially on the north 
side. 

Concerning the people. Their children, at first sight, 
seem men, and their men, children ; but whoso, in negotia- 
ting, presumes upon appearances shall be deceived ! com- 
passionate towards their own nation and country ; loving to 
the Prince, and so they may have liberty in ceremony and 
free access to him, they will be better content that he shall 
be absolute in matter of substance : impatient of peace any 
longer than while they are in recovering the ruins of war : 
the presentness [presence] of danger inflames their courage, 



232 A Character of the French People, p '^- ^''^'^e^: 

but any expectation makes it languish. For the most part, 
they are all Imagination and no Judgement ; but those that 
prove solid, excel ! 

Their Gentlemen are all good outward men, good 
Courtiers, good soldiers, and knowing enough in men and 
business ; but merel}^ [swiply] ignorant in matters of Letters, 
because at fifteen they quit books and begin to live in the 
world : when indeed a mediocrity [medium] betwixt their 
form of education and ours, would do better than either. No 
men stand more punctually [punctiliously] upon their honour 
in matter of valour ; and, which is strange, in nothing 
else : for otherwise, in their conversation, the custom, and 
shifting, and overspeaking, hath quite overcome the shame 
of it. 

FINIS. 



\ 




THE 



INTERPRETER 



Wherein three principal Terms of State, 

much mistake?^ by the vulgar^ 

are clearly unfolded. 

^^li viilt decipi^ decipiatur. 
Anno 1622. 




234 



7^ such as understand not the English 
tongue perfectly. 

Hat the unwise may learn to understand 

How certain Words are used in our land ; 

And that they may write sense, whilst they 
remain 

In foreign parts, or shall return again; 
(For idioms, fashions, manners alter here, 
As friendship and religion everywhere) : 
I have some elegancies for our tongue 
Observed, as they are used now, among 
Our ablest linguists, who mint for the Court 
Words fit to be proclaimed ; and do resort 
Where lords and ladies couple and converse. 
And trade lip learning, both in prose and verse. 
And by these few, the docible may see 
How rich our language is ! religious, we ! 

Time was, a P u r i t a n was counted such 
As held some Ceremonies were too much 
Retained and urged ; and would no Bishops grant, 
Others to rule, who government did want. 

Time was, a Protestant was only taken 
For such as had the Church of Rome forsaken ; 
Or her known falsehoods in the highest point : 
But would not, for each toy, true peace disjoint. 

Time was, a P a p i s t was a man who thought 
Rome could not err, but all her Canons ought 
To be canonical ; and, blindly led. 
He from the Truth, for fear of Error, fled. 

But now these words, with divers others more, 
Have other senses than they had before : 
Which plainly I do labour to relate. 
As they are now accepted in our State. 



235 





A Puritan, 

(So nicknamed, but indeed the sound Protestant.) 

Puritan is such another thing 

As says, with all his heart, " GOD save the 
King 

And all his issue ! " and to make this 
good, 

Will freely spend his money and his blood ; 

And in his factious and fond mood, dare 
say, 
" 'Tis madness, for the Palsgrave, thus to stay 
And wait the loving leisure of kind Spain ! 
Who gets at first, only to give again 
In courtesy, that faithless heretics 
May taste the Faith and Love of Catholics. 
And Hope too ! " For a Puritan is he 
That doth not hope these Holy Days to see; 
And would a wasted country, on condition 
Scorn to receive ! although the High Commission 
Of England, Spain, and Rome would have it so. 
False favours he'd not take from a true foe ! 

A Puritan is he, that rather had 
Spend all, to help the States (he is so mad !), 
Than spend one hundred thousand pounds a year 
To guard the Spanish coasts from pirates' fear : 
The whilst, the Catholic King might force combine 
Both Holland, Beame, and Palz to undermine ; 
And by his cross-curse-Christian counterwork 
To make Rome both for Antichrist and Turk 



236THE Interpreter. T he P u r it a n.\_J^^_ 

Right Catholic. So th' Empire first divided, 

By Holy Mother's pious plots (who sided 

The East, and West ; that she might get between, 

And sit aloft, and govern like a Queen) ; 

The Turk did great Constantinople gain, 

And may win Rome too, by the help of Spain. 

A Puritan is he that would not live 
Upon the sins of other men ; nor give 
Money for Office in the Church or State, 
Though 'twere a Bishopric : he so doth hate 
All ceremonies of the Court and Church, 
Which do the coffer and the conscience lurch 
Of both the[ir] treasures. So that (covetous!) he 
Would not have such as want both, better be ! 

A Puritan is he that thinks, and says 
He must account give of his works and ways : 
And that whatsoever calling he assumes, 
It is for others' good. So he presumes 
Rashly to censure such as wisely can 
(By taking timely bribes of every man), 
Enrich themselves : knowing to that sole end, 
GOD and the King did, them their honours send ; 
And that Simplicity hath only mounted 
By virtue ; but such fools, they'll not be counted ! 

A Puritan is he, that, twice a day, 
Doth, at the least, to GOD devoutly pray. 
And twice a Sabbath, he goes to church to hear. 
To pray, confess his sins, and praise GOD there 
In open sight of all men : not content 
GOD knows his heart, except his knee be bent. 
That men, and angels likewise, may discern 
He came to practise there, as well as learn ; 
And honour GOD with every outward part. 
With knee, hand, tongue, as well as with the heart. 

A Puritan is he, which grieves to think 
Religion should in France shipwreck and sink ; 
Whilst we give aim ! and that those men should sway 
The kingdom there, who made the King away 
The whilst all such as helped to crown the father* [♦henryiv.] 
Should by the son f be now proscribed the rather. [| louis 

A Puritan, in unadvised zeal, y>.\\i.\ 



jgL] The I n t e r p r k t e r. The Puritan. 237 

Could wish that huntsmen ruled the Common weal : 
And that the King's hounds were the only spies, 
For they would tell truth ! as the others, lies. 
He wisheth beasts were men, as men resemble 
Beasts : for surely they would not dissemble ! 
But would tell where the fault lies, and hunt home 
The subtle Fox, either to Spain or Rome. 

A Puritan is he, that speaks his mind 
In Parliament : not looking once behind 
To others' danger ; nor yet sideways leaning 
To promised honour, his direct true meaning. 
But for the Laws and Truth doth firmly stand : 
By which, he knows, Kings only do command; 
And Tyrants otherwise. He crosseth not 
This man, because a Courtier or a Scot ; 
Or that, because a Favourite, or soe : 
But if the State's friend, none can be his foe ! 
But if the State's foe (be he what he will. 
Illustrious, wise, great, learned), he counts him ill. 
He neither sides with that man nor with this, 
But gives his voice just as the reason is, 
And yet, if Policy would work a fraction 
To cross Religion by a foreign faction 
Pretending public good; he'll join with those 
Who dare speak Truth, not only under the rose, 
But though the White Rose and the Red do hear! 
And though the pricking Thistle too be there ! 
Yea, though the stars,* the moon,* the sun,* [*TheNobi- 

look on l','^'' ^""" 

lOUK on, Charles, and 

And cast, through clouds, oblique aspects upon King james.] 

His clear and free intentions ; he's as bold 

And confident as the bright marigold ! t [t Buckingham.] 

That flatterer, that favourite of the sun, 

Who doth the self-same course observe and run ; 

Not caring though all flowers else wax sear, 

So he, the golden livery may wear 1 

But our free, generous, and noble spirit 

Doth from his ancient English stock, inherit 

Such native worth and liberty of mind, 

As will omit no slavery of his kind ; 

Yet he is ready to obey wheresoe'er 



238 The Interpreter. The Puritan. \_J^^ 

He may not prejudice the Truth by fear, 
Nor faintly seem to shrink, withdraw, give way, 
Whilst other mushrumpes* do the State betray. 
He'll not a traitor, be unto the King, [♦Mushrooms.] 

Nor to the Laws (for that's another thing 
Men dream not of, who think they no way can 
Be traitors unto many, for one man). 
But his chief error is to think that none 
Can be a traitor, till Law calls him one ; 
And that the Law is what the State decrees 
In Parliament : by which, whilst that he sees 
His actions and intentions justified. 
He counts himself a martyr glorified. 
If, in this cause, he suffers ; and contemns 
All dangers in his way. Nay, he condemns 
All such as traitors be to Church and State, 
"Who for the love of one, all others hate ! 
And for particular ends and private aims. 
Forsake their Country ! and their conscience maim ! 
His Character abridged, if you would have, 
He's one, that would a Subject be, no Slave ! 




239 




A Protestant, 



(So will the Formalist be called.) 




Protestant is such an other thing 

As makes, within his heart, God of the 

King ; 
And (as if he did, with his Crown inherit 
A never-erring and infallible spirit), 
Labours to blow him up by praise of wit, 
And by false flatteries cosen him of it. 

A Protestant is one that shakes his head 



And pities much the Palsgrave was misled 
To meddle with Bohemia, and incense 
The Spanish wrath ; 'gainst which, there is no fence ! 
That his revenues in the Palz again 
Were well restored, he wishes ; so that Spain 
Would take the honours of that house, and give 
Mentz his demands, letting the Palsgrave live : 
For such a favour as his lands and life, 
Not one, except the father of his wife 
(That King of Peace and Love !) dares boldly crave 
But what is it he may despair to have 
By means of th'English and the Scottish Saint, 
Who, at their pupils' suit, doth still acquaint 
The Spanish Patron, how, the iirst of ]\Iay, 
Philip and James make one Holy Day : 
What therefore's given to one, the other must 
Be shares in ; for James is surnamed " Just." 
And so, this year, by Holy Church's count, 



240T11E Interpreter. TheProtestant. [jg-^. 

The Calendar reformed hath singled out, 

These two most sacred Saints to wait upon 

Our Saviour's feast of Resurrection, 

Which by the English heathen computation 

Meets with May Day among the Catholic nation ; 

And may be such a day, as that, for goodness, 

Which some called "111 May Day " from people's woodness, 

A day of feasting, and a day of pleasure, 

A day of marriage, and withal of treasure, 

A day of Catholic unity and love 

Which may a kind of resurrection move 

In our State, Union ; almost now forgot, 

Being buried both by th'English and the Scot. 

Spain strikes betwixt, and like a Lord commands, 

They join their Laws together with their Lands : 

And join they will ! but in despite of Spain, 

Making his Holy Day of hope but vain. 

A Protestant is he, that fain would take 
Occasion from the East or West, to shake 
Our League with the United Provinces : 
To which end, he hath many fair pretences. 
Our Honour first, for in the Greenland, they, 
And the East Indies, beat our ships away. 
Our Profit likewise, for in both those places 
We do great loss sustain, besides disgraces : 
And in the Narrow Seas, where we are masters; 
They will presume to be our herring-tasters ! 
But we should have white herrings wondrous plenty, 
If they would give us two of every twenty ; 
Or stay our idle leisure, till that none 
Remained for them or us, but all were gone. 
And if they will not thus, our humours serve, 
"That we," saith he, "should leave them, they deserve ! " 
A herring cob, we see, will make him quarrel ; 
What would the man do, think you ! for a barrel ? 
Well could I wish these things were all amended ; 
But greater business, now, is to be 'tended. 
Our Lives, Religions, Liberties, and Lands 
Upon this nice and tickle quarrel stand ; 
And we must for a fitter time attend. 
Else Spain will soon this controversy end 1 



,/„_] The Interpreter. T he P rotestant. 241 

A Protestant is he, that, by degrees, 
Climbs every Office ; knows the proper fees 
They give and take, at entrance of the Place, 
And at what rate again, they vent that grace ; 
Knows in how many years a man may gather 
Enough to make himself a reverend father, 
Or from the lowest civil step arise 
To sit with honour in the starry skies : 
For he hath gone that Progress, step by step. 
As snails creep up where safely none can leap ; 
For snails do leave behind their silver slime, 
And guild the way for falling as they climb. 

A Protestant is he that with the stream 
Still swims, and wisely shuns every extreme ; 
Loves not in point of faith to be precise ; 
But to believe as Kings do, counts it wise : 
If CoNSTANTiNE the Great will christened be ; 
This will the white robe wear as well he ! 
And in the hallowed fountain plunge amain 
His naked body, as if every stain 
Were now washed off, and his inflamed zeal 
Thirsted these waters, which soul's sin doth lieal. 
Again, if Julian will renounce his faith; 
This man will say, just as his Sovereign saith. 
If he intend Religion to betray. 
And yet will walk a close and covert way, 
Corrupting men by office, honour, bounty. 
You shall find this man will deserve a County ; 
By double dealing and by broking so. 
That none shall think him ere they find him too 
Apostated : for no way so doth work 
To make a man an Atheist, Jew, or Turk, 
As do corrupted manners, which let in 
A deluge of impiety and sin. 
These, backed by favour and preferment, may 
Have power to make all error open way ; 
And every man will censure opposition, 
When gilden flattery kills without suspicion. 
This poisoned vial then was poured in 
When, first, the Church got means to maintain sin ; 
And now the means withdrawn or misemployed. 



242 The Interpreter. The P rote st ant. y,^ 

Makes all religion and all conscience void. 

For man that hunts for honour, wealth, or fame, 

Will be as those be, who dispose the same. 

So that no readier way there can be found 

To conquer us, than to corrupt the sound 

By bribes ; the worst assault that can befall 

To Bodies Politic, confounding all. 

Gifts blind the wise. And though the Chequer be 

Open and empty, as erst full and free ; 

Yet other bribes can work the same effect 

That Mammon would. The favour and respect 

Of Favourites, a nod or wink from Kings, 

Employment, Office, Grace are able things ! 

Besides, the honoured style of Viscount, Lord, 
Earl, Marquess, Duke can work, at every word, 
Strange alterations, more than Circe's cup, 
In such as can, no other ways get up. 

Will he speak truth directly ? Make him then 
A Dean, or Bishop ! they are no such men ! 
The wolf hath seen them first ! Their throat is furred, 
You shall not hear from them, a factious word ! 

Stands he for Law, and custom of the land ? 
Make him an Officer ! Give him command ! 
Command, where he may gain ! this will bewitch 
Demosthenes, who labours to be rich. 

What, is he hold and forward ? Send him out 
On some embassage ! or employ the stout 
At sea or land ! some desperate voyage, where 
They may be lost ! Then leave them helpless there ! 
Undo them thus ! Before, they had too much ; 
But being poor, they'll nothing dare to touch ! 
This ostracism will, sure, abate their pride; 
And they shall give great thanks for it beside ! 

If he he poor, oppress him ! shut him out 
In forlorn banishment, where round about 
The faithless world, he may his living seek ! 
Then no man, after him, will do the like. 

// he he faint, check him ! or do but chide. 
He'll hold his tongue, and his tail closely hide ! 

7s he free-tongued, though serious and discreet ? 
Proclaim him silent ! Whip him through the street ! 



,6^ The Interpreter. The Pro t est a nt. 243 

Thus, whatsoe'er is done, nor bird shall dare 
To warn the rest, till all be in the snare. 

/s he a rich man ? Then, the Fleet and fine 
Will make him seem, although he be not, thine. 

Briefly, whatsoe'er he be, except alone 
Directly honest (of which few or none 
Remain alive) a Statist, ways can find, 
By policy to work him to his mind. 
And thus the Common wealth may conquered be, 
The Church deflowered, beslaved our Liberty, 
Without all bloodshed ; under the pretence 
Of Peace, Religion, Love, and Innocence. 

A Protestant is an indifferent man. 
That with all faiths, or none, hold quarter can ; 
So moderate and temperate his passion 
As he to all times can his conscience fashion. 
He at the Chapel, can a Bishop hear; 
And then in Holborn a religious Freer. 
A Mass ne'er troubles him more than a Play; 
All's one : he comes all one, from both away. 

A Protestant, no other fault can spy 
In all Rome's beadroll of iniquity, 
But that, of late, they do profess King-killing ; 
Which Catholic point, to credit he's unwilling. 
Only because he gains by Kings far more. 
Than he can hope for, by the Romish whore. 
He saith, " This only, doth the Pope proclaim 
For Antichrist, because that Greekish name 
Doth signify Against the LORD's Anointed'' ; 
As if it only, 'gainst this doctrine pointed. 
And therefore leaving this out of their Creed ; 
He in the rest, with them is soon agreed. 
And so the King's part may be safe from fear : 
Let GOD Himself, for His own part, take care ! 

A Protestant is he, that guards the ear 
Of Sovereign Justice, so that Truth to hear 
He's not permitted ; nor to know the danger 
He stands in, 'twixt the Subject and the Stranger; 
The plots which strangers have, grief of his own ; 
Which may too late be prevented, known. 
For though his foes be wily wolves and foxes, 



244 The Interpreter. T'he P rotesta nt.\_J^^^ 

His subjects shackled asses, yoked oxes : 
Yet time will show them not to be such daws 
As will look on, whilst others change the Laws, 
And rob the State, Religion do deflower; 
Having their Prince imprisoned in their power ! 
As Princes have been prisoners to their own ; 
And so may ours too, if the truth were known : 
The liberty of will by strong affection 
May be restrained ; which is the worst subjection I 
For then the understanding will not see, 
But rusheth on whatsoe'er the danger be. 

A Protestant is he, whose good intention 
Deserves an English and a Spanish pension, 
Both for One service ; and obtains it too 
By winning Spain, more than their arms could do, 
With long delays : and losing us and ours ; 
What lost, to get again we want both powers, 
And perhaps will. 

Others by treaties and disputes may gain ; 
But we by blows : else old said saws be vain ! 

A Protestant is he, that hath no eye 
Beyond his private profit ; but doth lie 
In wait to be the first that may propound 
What he foresees Power plots. The solid ground 
He ne'er examines : be it right or wrong. 
All's one ! since it doth to his part belong. 
For to his part belongs to sooth and flatter 
The greatest Man, though in the foulest matter ; 
And him, he holds a rebel, that dare say 
" No man against the Laws, we must obey ! " 

His character abridged, if you will have, 

He's one that's no true Subject, but a Slave I 




245 




A Papist. 




Romanist is such an other thing 

As would, with all his heart, murder the 

King; 
That saith, " The House of Austria is ap- 
pointed 
To rule all Christians ; and for this anointed 
By Christ's own Vicar : and they, rebels 
are; 

Who dare against this House make any war, 
Invasive or defensive." Jesuits' wit 
And Indian gold do both attend on it ; 
And all Rome's hierarchy do plot, pray, curse, 
And spend the strength of body, soul, and purse 
To this sole end, that every State besides, 
May be the vassals to the Austrian pride. 
And so Rome may, of both the Empirics, 
Keep still the Civil and Religious keys. 

A Romanist is he, that sows debate 
'Twixt Prince and People; and 'twixt every State 
Where he remains : that he, by the division, 
May work himself some profit in decision ; 
Or bring in Rome and Spain to make all friends 
Who, having footing once, have half their ends. 
For as the Devil, since first he got within 
Man's heart, keeps still there by Original Sin ; 
So those wheresoe'er once they Interest gain 
Keep all ; or such a party let remain 
Behind, assured to them, as may procure 
A relapse, when men think themselves secure. 



246 The Interpreter. The Papist. ^ 



621 



Thus each disease, though cured, remains in part : 

And thus the frail flesh oft betrays the heart. 
Now, for the rest, no Romish false opinion 

Can make a Papist in the King's dominion ; 

Nor absence from the Church : for, at this season, 

He is no Papist that commits not treason ! 

Let him to Church resort, or be Recusant ; 

All's one ! he's counted a good Protestant. 

Nay, 'tis a question, if Guy Fawkes were one ! 

But 'tis resolved that Papist, he was none. 
His Character abridged, if you will have, 
He is Spain's Subject, and a Romish Slave ! 




THE 

FAMOUS AND 

Wonderful Recovery 

of a Ship of Bristol, called the 

Exchange^ from the Turkish 
Pirates of Argier. 

WITH THE UNMATCHABLE 

attempts and good success of John Rawlins, Pilot in 
her, and other slaves : who, in the end (with the 
slaughter of about forty of the Turks and Moors), 
brought the ship into Plymouth, the 13th of 
February [1622] last, with the Captain 
a Renegado, and five Turks more ; 
besides the redemption of twenty- 
four men and one boy from 
Turkish slavery. 




LONDON: 

Printed for Nathaniel Butter, dwelling at the 

Pied Bull, at Saint Austen's Gate. 

1622. 



249 




To the Right Honourable 

George, Marquis of Buckingham, 

Viscount ViLLiERS, Baron of Whaddon, Lord High 

Admiral of England ; Justice in Eyre of all His 

Majesty's Forests, Parks, and Chases beyond Trent ; 

Master of the Horse to His Majesty, and one of 

the Gentlemen of His Majesty's Bed Chamber ; 

Knight of the most noble Order of the 

Garter, and one of His Majesty's 

most honourable Privy Council 

of England and Scotland. 

Right Honourable, 

Being it hath pleased GOD by so weak means as my 
poor self, to have His power and goodness made mani- 
fest to the World, as by this following Relation may 
appear : I thought it my duty to present the same unto 
you; whom the Majesty of England hath presented unto us, as our 
Patron, and Chief Commander of our sea affairs. Accept it then, 
I humbly beseech you ! as the unpolished work of a poor sailor ; 
and the rather, for that it exemplifies the glory of GOD. For by 
such men as myself, your Honour must be served, and England 
made the happiest of all nations. 

For though you have greater persons, and more braving spirits 




250 Dedication to Marquis of Buckingham. [ j 



Mar. 1622. 



to he over our heads, and hold inferiors in subjection ; yet are we 
the men that must pull the ropes, weigh up the anchors, toil in the 
night, endure the storms, sweat at the helm, watch the biticle 
[binnacle], attend the compass, guard the ordnance, keep the night 
hours, and be ready for all impositions. 

If, then, you vouchsafe to entertain it I I have my desire. For, 
according to the oath of Jurors, it is " the truth, and the very 
truths If otherwise, you suppose it trivial ! it is only the prosti- 
tution of my service ; and Wisdo7n is not bought in the market! 

Your Honour's humbly to be commanded, 

JOHN RAWLINS. 




J 



25^ 





THE FAMOUS 

and Wonderful Recovery of the Exchange 

of Bristol from the Turkish pirates 

of Argier. 

He Psalmist saith, that " He that goeth to 
sea, shall see the wonders of GOD !" and 
I may well say, that he that converseth 
with mariners and sailors shall hear of the 
wonders of men I as by this following Dis- 
course shall appear. 

Not that I am willing to be the author of 
novelty, or amaze you with incredible re- 
ports ; but because I would not let slip so remarkable an acci- 
dent, and so profitable a relation. Remarkable, as extending 
to manifest the power and glory of GOD, who hath variety of 
supportation in store to sweeten affliction, and make all en- 
durances subject to fortitude and patience : profitable, as being 
thus far exemplary, to teach all men of action and employment, 
not to despair in distress ; and to know thus much, that brave 
attempts are compassed by resolution and industrious em- 
ployment, and whether they thrive or not, yet shall the 
enterprise be Charactered with a worthy exploit. And if it 
end with success ; O how shall the Actors be remembered to 
posterity ! and make their fame immortal that, either pur- 
chased their liberty, even out of fire ; or delivered themselves 
(though by death itself) from slavish captivity, or the thral- 
dom of barbarous Infidels ; who glory in nothing more than 
the perdition of our souls, and the derision of our Christ. 
Hearken, then, I pray you ! to this following Relation! and 



252 The 7V/c>^oz^5 CHASED BY Turkish [? Ma*. 1622. 

learn thereby, as I said, both to give GOD the praise of all 
deliverances ; and to instruct one another in the absolute 
duties of Christianity. By the one, the Power and Providence, 
with all the attributes belonging to so immense a Deity, shall 
be made manifest ; by the other, the weak brother shall be 
comforted, the strong confirmed, the wavering reduced, the 
faint-hearted erected, and the presumptuous rrioderated. By 
both. Religion shall have a sweet passage in the consciences 
of men ; and men made the happy instruments of GOD's 
glory, and their own increases of good example and imitation. 

And thus much for Preamble or Introduction. Now, to 
the matter itself ! 

In the year 1621, the ist of November, there was one 
John Rawlins (born in Rochester, and dwelling three and 
twenty years in Plymouth) employed to the Straits of Gib- 
raltar, by Master[s] Richard, and Steven Treviles, 
Merchants of Plymouth ; and freighted in a bark called the 
Nicholas of Plymouth, of the burden of 40 tons : which had 
also in her company, another ship of Plymouth, called the 
George Bonaventure, of 70 tons burden or thereabouts ; which, 
by reason of her greatness beyond the other, I will name the 
Admiral [flag-ship], and John Rawlins's bark shall, if you 
please, be the Vice-Admiral. 

These two, according to the time of the year, had a fair 
passage ; and, by the i8th of the same month, came to a 
place at the entering of the Straits, named Trafalgar; but the 
next morning [igth November, 1621], being in the sight of 
Gibraltar, at the very mouth of the Straits, the watch de- 
scried five sail of ships. Who, as it seemed, used all the 
means they could to come near us; and we, as we had cause, 
used the same means to go as far from them ; yet did their 
Admiral take in both his topsails, that either we might not 
suspect them, or that his own company might come up the 
closer together. At last, perceiving us [to be] Christians, 
they fell from devices, to apparent discovery of hostility, and 
making out against us. We again suspecting them [to be] 
pirates, took our course to escape from them ; and made all 
the sails we possibly could for Terriff or Gibraltar : but all we 
could do, could not prevent their approach. For, suddenly, 
one of them came right over against us to windward ; and so 
fell on our quarter. Another came up on our luff, and so 



r.i622.] PIRATES, AND CAPTURED BY THEM. 253 



? Mar. 1622. 



threatened us there. And, at last, all five chased us ; making 
great speed to surprise us. 

Their Admiral was called Callfater ; having upon her main- 
topsail, two topgallant sails, one above another. But 
whereas we thought them all five to be Turkish Ships of War; 
we afterwards understood that two of them were their prizes 
(the one, a small ship of London, the other of the West 
Country), that came out of the Quactath, laden with figs 
and other merchandise, but now [were] subject to the fortune 
of the sea, and the captivity of pirates. But to our business ! 

Three oftheseshipsgot much upon us; and somuch, that, ere 
half the day was spent, the Admiral, which was the best sailer, 
fetched up the George BonavenUire, and made booty of it. 

The Vice-Admiral again, being nearest unto the lesser bark 
whereof John Rawlins was Master, shewed him the force of 
a stronger arm; and by his Turkish name, called Villa Rise, 
commanded him, in like sort, to strike his sails, and submit 
to his mercy: which, not to be gainsaid, nor prevented, was 
quickly done. And so Rawlins, with his bark, was as quickly 
taken ; although the Rear-Admiral, being the worst sailer of 
the three, called Riggiprise, came not in, till all was done. 

The same day, before night, the Admiral (either loath to 
pester himself with too much company, or ignorant of the 
commodity [which] was to be made by the sale of English pri- 
soners, or daring not to trust them in his company for fear of 
mutinies, and exciting others to rebellion) set twelve persons 
who were in the George Bonaventure, and divers other English 
whom he had taken before, on the land, to try their fortunes 
in an unknown country. 

But Villa Rise, the Vice-Admiral, that had taken John 
Eawlins, would not so dispense with his men ; but com- 
manded him, and five more of his company to be brought 
aboard his ship : leaving in his bark, three men and his boy, 
with thirteen Turks and Moors, who were, questionless, suffi- 
cient to overmaster the others, and direct the bark to harbour. 

Thus they sailed direct for Argier [Algiers]. But, the 
night following followed them with great tempest and foul 
weather, which ended not without some effect of a storm: for 
they lost the sight of Rawlins's bark, called the Nicholas ; 
and, in a manner, lost themselves (though they seemed safe 
a shipboard) by fearful conjecturing what should become of us ? 



254 Sad news on arriving at Algiers. [, Mar. 162a. 

At last, by the 22nd of the same month, they, or we 
(choose you whether ! for I would not be mistaken in alter- 
ing the persons, by either naming the first for the third, or 
the third for the first ; but only make the discourse equal, 
by setting down the business honestly and truly as it 
chanced) arrived in Argier ; and came in safety within the 
Mole : but found not our other bark there; nay, though we 
earnestly inquired after the same. 

Yet heard we nothing to our satisfaction ; but much 
matter was ministered to our discomfort and amazement. 
For although the Captain and our Overseers were loath we 
should have any conference with our countrymen ; yet did we 
adventure to inform ourselves of the present affairs, both of 
the town and of the shipping. So that finding many English 
at work in other ships, they spared not to tell us the danger 
we were in, and the mischiefs we must needs incur ; as being 
sure, " If we were not used like slaves, to be sold as slaves : for 
there had been five hundred brought into the market for the 
same purpose, and above a hundred handsome youths com- 
pelled to turn Turks ; all English ! " Yet, like good Christians, 
they bade us " Be of good cheer ! and comfort ourselves in 
this ! That GOD's trials were gentle purgations ; and these 
crosses were but to cleanse the dross from the gold, and bring 
us out of the fire again, more clear and lovely." 

Yet, I must needs confess, that they afforded us reason for 
this cruelty; as if they determined to be revenged of our last 
attempt to fire their ships in the Mole [by Sir Robert 
Mansell's fleet in May, 162 1. See J. B's. Algiers Voyage. 
1621], and therefore protested "to spare none ! whom they 
could surprise, and take alone; but either to sell them for 
money or to torment them to serve their own ends." 

Now their customs and usages, in both these, were in this 
manner. 

First, concerning the first. The Bashaw [Pasha] had the 
overseeing of all prisoners who were presented unto him, at 
their first coming into the harbour ; and so chose one out of 
every eight, for a present or fee to himself. The rest were 
rated by the Captains, and so sent to the market to be sold : 
whereat, if either there were repining, or any drawing back ; 
then certain Moors and Officers attended, either to beat you 



?Ma;-.i622.] Rawlins's crew sold for slaves. 255 

forward, or thrust you in the sides with goads. And this 
was the manner of the selling of slaves. 

Secondly, concerning their enforcing them, either to turn 
Turk or to attend their impieties : although it would make a 
Christian's heart bleed to hear of the same ; yet must the 
truth not be hid, nor the terror left untold. They commonly 
lay them on their naked backs or bellies, beating them so 
long till they bleed at the nose and mouth : and if yet they 
continue constant, then they strike the teeth out of their 
heads, pinch them by their tongues, and use many other 
sorts of tortures to convert them. Nay, many times, they 
lay them, their whole length, in the ground, like a grave ; 
and so cover them with boards, threatening to starve them, 
if they will not turn. And so, many, even for fear of tor- 
ment and death, make their tongues betray their hearts to 
a most fearful wickedness : and so are circumcised with new 
names, and brought to confess a new religion. Others again, 
I must confess, who never knew any god but their own 
sensual lusts and pleasures, thought that any religion would 
serve their turns : and so, for preferment or wealth, very 
voluntarily renounced their faith, and became Renegadoes ; in 
despite of any counsel which seemed to intercept them. 

And this was the first news we encountered with, at our 
coming first to Argier. 

The 26th of the same month, John Rawlins' bark, with his 
other three men and a boy, came safe into the Mole ; and so 
were put all together, to be carried before the Bashaw; but that 
they took the Owner's Servant [ ? Supercargo] and Rawlins's 
boy, and, by force and torment, compelled them to turn Turks. 

Then were they in all, seven English, besides John 
Rawlins : of whom the Bashaw took one ; and sent the rest 
to their Captains, who set a valuation upon them. So the 
soldiers hurried us, like dogs, into the market ; where, as men 
sell hackneys in England, we were tossed up and down, to see 
who would give most for us. And although we had heavy 
hearts, and looked with sad countenances ; yet many came to 
behold us; sometimes taking us by the hand, sometimes turn- 
ing us round about, sometimes feeling our brawns and naked 
arms: and so beholding our prices written in our breasts, they 
bargained for us accordingly; and, at last, we were all sold, and 
the soldiers returned with their money to their Captains. 



256 The fitting out of the Exchange. [?Ma!. i6m. 

John Rawlins was the last that was sold, by reason of 
his lame hand. He was bought by the Captain that took him, 
even that dog Villa Rise ! who (better informing himself of 
his skill fit to be a Pilot, and his experience to be an Over- 
seer) bought him and his Carpenter at very easy rates. For, 
as we afterwards understood by divers English Renegadoes, 
he paid for Rawlins but 150 Doublets, which make, of 
English money, £"] los. 

Thus was he and his Carpenter, with divers other slaves, 
sent into his ship to work ; and employed about such affairs 
as belonged to the well rigging and preparing the same. 

But the villainous Turks perceiving his lame hand, 
and that he could not perform so much as other slaves, 
quickly complained to their Patron : who as quickly appre- 
hended the inconvenience ; whereupon he sent for him, the 
next day, and told him, " He was unserviceable for his present 
purpose ! and therefore unless he could procure ^15 of the 
English there, for his ransom : he would send him up into 
the country, where he should never see Christendom again, 
and endure the extremity of a miserable banishment." 

But see how GOD worketh all for the best for His servants ! 
and confoundeth the presumption of tyrants, frustrating their 
purposes, to make His wonders known to the sons of men ! 
and relieves His people, when they least think of succour and 
releasement ! 

Whilst John Rawlins was thus terrified with the dogged 
answer of Villa Rise, the Exchange of Bristol, a ship 
formerly surprised by the pirates, lay all unrigged in the 
harbour, till, at last, one John Goodale, an English Turk, 
with his confederates (understanding she was a good sailer, 
and might be made a proper Man of War) bought her from the 
Turks that took her ; and prepare her for their own purposes. 

Now the Captain that set them on work, was also an 
English Renegado, by the name of Rammetham Rise, but by 
his Christian name Henry Chandler : who resolved to make 
Goodale, Master over her. 

And because they were both English Turks (having the 
command, notwithstanding, of many Turks and Moors) they 
concluded to have all English slaves to go in her ; and for 
their gunners, English and Dutch Renegadoes : and so they 
agreed with the Patrons of nine English slaves and one 



? Mar. 1622.] J • GOODALE AND TWO TuRKS BUY RaWLINS. 257 

French for their ransoms ; who were presently employed to 
rig and furnish the ship for a Man of War. 

And while they were thus busied, two of John Rawlins's, 
men ( who were taken with him), were also taken up to serve 
in this Man of War : their names, James Roe and John 
Davies, the one dwelling in Plymouth ; and the other in Foy, 
where the Commander of this ship was also born, by which 
occasion they became acquainted. So that both the Captain 
and the Master promised them good usage, upon the good 
service they should perform in the voyage; and withal, de- 
manded of Davies if he knew of any Englishman to be bought, 
that could serve them as a Pilot ; both to direct them out of 
harbour, and conduct them in their voyage. For, in truth, 
neither was the Captain a mariner, nor any Turk in her of 
sufficiency to dispose of [navigate] her through the Straits in 
security ; nor oppose any enemy that should hold it out 
bravely against them. 

Davies quick replied that, "As far as he understood, 
Villa Rise would sell John Rawlins, his Master, and Com- 
mander of the bark which was taken. A man every way 
sufficient for sea affairs, being of great resolution and good 
experience ; and for all he had a lame hand, yet had he a 
sound heart and noble courage for any attempt or adventure." 

When the Captain understood thus much, he employed 
Davies to search for Raw^lins ; who, at last lighting upon 
him, asked him, " If the Turk would sell him ? " 

Rawlins suddenly answered, that " By reason of his lame 
hand he was willing to part with him ; but because he had 
disbursed money for him, he would gain something by him ; 
and so priced him at 300 doublets, which amounteth to -£1^ 
English; which he must procure, or incure sorer indurances." 

When Davies had certified thus much, the Turks a 
shipboard conferred about the matter ; and the Master, 
whose Christian name was John Goodale, joined with 
two Turks who were consorted with him, and disbursed 
100 doublets a piece, and so bought him of Villa Rise : 
sending him into the said ship called the Exchange of 
Bristol ; as well to supervise what had been done, as to order 
what was left undone ; but especially to fit the sails, and to 
accommodate [fit out] the ship. All which, Rawlins was very 
careful and indulgent in ; not yet thinking of any particular 



258 The Exchange sails out of Algiers. [ , mJ. 1622 

plot of deliverance, more than a general desire to be freed 
from this Turkish slavery, and inhuman abuses. 

By the 7th of January [1622], the ship was prepared, v^ith 
twelve good cast pieces, and all manner of munition and 
provision which belonged to such a purpose : and, the same 
day, hauled out of the Mole of Argier, with this company, and 
in this manner. 

There were in her sixty-three Turks and Moors, nine 
English slaves and one French, four Hollanders that were 
free men (to whom the Turks promised one prize or other, 
and so to return to Holland ; or if they were disposed to go 
back again for Argier, they should have great reward, and no 
enforcement offered, but continue, as they would, both their 
religion and their customs) : and for their gunners, they had 
two of our soldiers, one English and one Dutch Renegado. 
And thus much for the company. 

For the manner of setting out, it was as usual, as in other 
ships ; but that the Turks delighted in the ostent[ati]ous 
bravery of their streamers, banners, and topsails : the ship 
being a handsome ship, and well built for any purpose. The 
slaves and English were employed under hatches, about the 
ordnance and other works of order, and accommodating 
[berthing] themselves. 

All which, John Rawlins marked, as supposing it an in- 
tolerable slavery to take such pains, and be subject to such 
dangers ; and still to enrich other men, and maintain their 
voluptuous lives ; returning themselves as slaves, and living 
worse than dogs amongst them. Whereupon, after he had 
conceited the indignity and reproach of their baseness, and 
the glory of an exploit that could deliver himself and the rest 
from this slavish captivity ; being very busy among the 
English in pulling of ropes, and placing of ordnance, he burst 
into these, or such like abrupt speeches : " O hellish slavery ! 
to be thus subject to dogs ! to labour thus to enrich infidels, 
and maintain their pleasures! to be ourselves slaves, and 
worse than the outcast of the world ! Is there no way of 
releasement ? no device to free us from this bondage ? no 
exploit, no action of worth to be put in excution, to make us 
renown in the world, and famous to posterity ? O GOD ! 
strengthen my heart and hand, and something shall be done 
to ease us of these mischiefs, and deliver us from these cruel 
Mahomedan dogs ! " 



» Mar. 1622.] A POLACCA CAPTURED OFF CaPE DE GaTTE. 259 

The other slaves pitying his distraction, as they thought, 
bade him, " Speak softly ! least they should all fare the worse 
for his distemperature ! " 

*' The worse ! " quoth Rawlins, " what can be worse ? 
Death is the determiner of all misery ! and torture can last 
but a while ! But to be continually a dying, and suffer all 
indignity and reproach ; and, in the end, to have no welcome 
but into the House of Slaughter or Bondage, is insufferable ! 
and more than flesh and blood can endure ! And therefore, 
by that salvation which Christ hath brought, I will 
either attempt my deliverance at one time or another, or 
perish in the enterprise ! but if you would be contented to 
hearken after a release, and join with me in the action ; I 
would not doubt of facilitating the same, and shew you a way 
to make your credits thrive by some work of amazement, and 
augment your glory in purchasing your liberty ! " 

" Ay, prithee, be quiet ! " said they again, " and think not 
of impossibilities ! Yet, if you can but open such a door of 
reason and probability that we be not condemn for desperate 
and distracted persons, in pulling the sun (as it were) out of 
the firmament ; we can but sacrifice our lives ! and you may 
be sure of secrecy and taciturnity 1 " 

"Now, blessed be my genius ! " said Rawlins, " that ever 
this motive was so opportunely preferred ! and therefore we 
will be quiet a while, till the iron be hotter, that we may not 
strike in vain." 

The 15th January, the morning water [tide] brought us 
near Cape de Gatte, hard by the shore ; we having in our 
company, a small Turkish Ship of War that followed us out 
of Argier, the next day : and now joining us she gave us 
notice of seven small vessels, six of them being Sattees and 
one a Polacca ; who very quickly appeared in sight, and so 
we made towards them. 

But having more advantage of the Polacca than the rest, 
and loath to lose all, we both fetched her up, and brought 
her past hope of recovery ; which when she perceived, rather 
than she would voluntarily come into the slavery of the Maho- 
medans,she ran herself ashore; and so all the men forsook her. 

We still followed as near as we durst, and for fear of 
splitting [i.e., on the rocks], let fall our anchors ; making out 
[sending] both our boats, wherein were many musketeers and 



26o The Magician of the Negro sailors. [, 



? Mar. 162a. 



some English and Dutch Renegadoes : who came aboard 
home at their conge [entered the vessel, without opposition], and 
found three pieces of ordnance, and four murtherers [sec 
Vol. I. p. 500], but straightway threw them all overboard, to 
lighten the ship. So they got her off, being ladened with hides, 
and logwood for dyeing : and presently sent her to Argier, 
taking nine Turks and one English slave out of one ship, and 
six out of the lesser ; which, we thought, sufficient to man her. 

But see the chance ! or, if you will, how fortune smiled on 
us. In the rifling of this Cataleynia [ ? Catalonian], the Turks 
fell at variance, one with another ; and in such a manner 
that we divided ourselves [parted company] : the lesser ship re- 
turned to Argier and our Exchange took the opportunity of 
the wind, and plied out of the Straits ; which rejoiced John 
Rawlins very much, as resolving on some stratagem, when 
opportunity should serve. 

In the meanwhile, the Turks began to murmur, and would 
not willingly go into the Mary Granada, as the phrase is 
amongst them ; notwithstanding the Moors, being very super- 
stitious, were contented to be directed by their Hoshea, who, 
with us, signifieth a Witch [or rather Wizard] : and is oi 
great account and reputation amongst them, as not going in 
any great vessel to sea without one ; and observing whatso- 
ever he concludeth, out of his divination. 

The ceremonies he useth are many ; and when they come 
into the ocean, every second or third night, he maketh his 
conjuration. He beginneth, and endeth with prayer, using 
many characters, and calling upon GOD by divers names. 

Yet, at this time, all that he did, consisteth in these par- 
ticulars. Upon the sight, and, as we were afraid, the chasing 
of two great ships, being supposed to be Spanish Men of War, 
a great silence is commanded in the ship ; and when all is 
done, the company giveth as great a screech ; the Captain 
still coming to John Rawlins and sometimes making him to 
take in all his sails, and sometimes causing him to hoist them 
all out, as the Witch findeth by his book and presages. 

Then have they two arrows and a curtleaxe lying on a 
pillow, naked. The arrows are, one for the Turks, and the 
other for the Christians. Then the Witch readeth, and the 
Captain or some other, taketh the arrows in their hand by the 
heads, and if the arrow for the Christians cometh over the 



?mJ.i622.] Rawlins begins to plot the recapture. 261 

head of the arrow for the Turks, then do they advance their 
sails, and will not endure the fight, whatsoever they see ; 
but if the arrow of the Turks is found, in the opening of the 
hand, upon the arrow of the Christians, they will then stay 
and encounter with any ship whatsoever. 

The curtleaxe is taken up by some child that is innocent, 
or rather, ignorant of the ceremony ; and so laid down again. 
Then they do observe whether the same side is uppermost, 
which lay before : and so proceed accordingly. 

They also observe lunatics and changlings, and the Con- 
jurer writeth down their sayings in a book, grovelling on the 
ground, as if he whispered to the Devil, to tell him the truth : 
and so expoundeth the Letter, as it were, by inspiration. 

Many other foolish rites they have, whereon they do dote 
as foolishly ; and whereof, I could entreat more at large, but 
this shall suffice at this time. 

Whilst he was thus busied, and made demonstration that all 
was finished ; the people in the ship gave a great shout, and 
cried out " A sail ! " " a sail ! " : which, at last, was discovered 
to be another Man of War of Turks. For he made towards 
us, and sent his boat aboard us ; to whom, our Captain 
complained that being becalmed by the Southern Cape [? of 
Portugal, i.e., Cape St. Vincent] ; and having "made" no voyage, 
the Turks denied to go any further northward ; but the Cap- 
tain resolved not to return to Argier, except he could obtain 
some prize worthy his endurances ; but rather to go to Salle, 
and sell his Christians to victual his ship. Which the other 
Captain apprehended for his honour; and so persuaded the 
Turks to be obedient unto him : whereupon followed a pacifi- 
cation amongst us ; and so that Turk took his course for the 
Straits, and we put up northward, expecting the good hour 
of some beneficial booty. 

All this while our slavery continued ; and the Turks, with 
insulting tyranny, set us still on work in all base and servile 
actions ; adding stripes and inhuman revilings, even in our 
greatest labour. Whereupon John Rawlins resolved to ob- 
tain his liberty and surprise the ship, providing ropes with 
broad specks of iron, and all the iron crows, with which he 
knew a way, upon the consent of the rest, to ram up or tie 
fast their scuttles, gratings, and cabins ; yea, to shut up the 
Captain himself with all his consorts : and so to handle the 



262 The noise of Rawlins's crowbar. [ 



? Mar. 1623. 



matter, that, upon the watchword given, the English being 
masters of the Gunner Room, ordnance and powder, they 
would either blow them into the air; or kill them, as they 
adventured to come down, one by one, if they should, by any 
chance, open their cabins. 

But because he would proceed the better in his enterprise, 
as he had somewhat abruptly discovered himself to the nine 
English slaves, so he kept the same distance with the four 
Hollanders that were free men : till finding them coming 
somewhat towards them ; he acquainted with them the whole 
conspiracy ; and they affecting the plot, offered the adventure 
of their lives in the business. 

Then, very warily, he undermined the English Renegado 
which was the Gunner ; and three more, his associates : who, 
at first, seemed to retract. 

Last of all, were brought in the Dutch Renegadoes, who 
were also in the Gunner Room ; for always there lay twelve 
there, five Christians, and seven English and Dutch Turks. 

So that, when another motion had settled their resolutions, 
and John Rawlins's constancy had put new life, as it were, 
into the matter : the four Hollanders very honestly, according 
to their promise, sounded the Dutch Renegadoes ; who, with 
easy persuasion, gave their consent to so brave an enterprise. 

Whereupon John Rawlins, not caring whether the Eng- 
lish Gunners would yield or not, resolved, in the Captain's 
morning watch, to make the attempt. 

But, you must understand that where the English slaves lay 
[in the Gun Room], there hung up always four or five crows of 
iron ; being still under the carriages of the pieces. And, when 
the time approached, being very dark: because John Rawlins 
would have his crow of iron ready, as other things were, and 
other men prepared, in their several places ; in taking it out of 
the carriage, by chance, it hit on the side of the piece, making 
such a noise, that the soldiers hearing it, awaked the Turks, 
and bade them come down. Whereupon, the Boatswain of 
the Turks descended, with a candle, and presently searched 
all the slaves' places, making much ado of the matter : but 
finding neither hatchet, nor hammer, nor anything else to 
move suspicion of the enterprise more than the crow of iron, 
which lay slipped down under the carriages of the pieces ; 
they went quietly up again, and certified the Captain, what 



? Mai. 1622.] His subsequent fright from a Turk. 263 

had chanced, who satisfied himself that it was a common 
thing to have a crow of iron slip from his place. 

But by this occasion, we made stay of our attempt ; yet 
were resolved to take another or a better opportunity. 

Only I must tell you, what John Rawlins would have done, 
if this accident had not happened. He was fully minded, with 
some others, with their naked knives in their hands, to press 
upon the Gunner's breast and the other English Renegadoes, 
and either force them to consent to their designs, or to cut 
their throats; first telling them plainly that "They had vowed 
to surprise the ship, and, by GOD's assistance, to obtain their 
liberty ; and therefore Die ! or Consent (when you hear the 
watchword given, For GOD / and King James ! and St. 
George for England ! ) [that] you presently keep your places 1 
and advise to execute what you are commanded ! " 

But as you have heard, GOD was the best physician to 
our wounded hearts ; and used a kind of preventing physic, 
rather than to cure us so suddenly. So that, out of His 
Providence, perceiving some danger in this enterprise. He 
both caused us to desist ; and, at last, brought our business 
to a better period, and fortunate end. 

For we sailed still more northward, and Rawlins had 
more time to tamper with his Gunners, and the rest of the 
English Renegadoes : who very willingly, when they con- 
sidered the matter, and perpended the reasons, gave way unto 
the project ; and with a kind of joy seemed to entertain the 
motives. Only they made a stop at [as to] the first onset, who 
should begin the enterprise, which was no way fit for them 
to do ; because they were no slaves, but Renegadoes, and 
so had always beneficial entertainment amongst them : but 
when it was once put in practice, they would be sure not to 
fail them ; but venture their lives for GOD and their country. 

When Rawlins had heard them out, he much liked their 
contradiction [reservation] ; and told them plainly, *' He did 
require no such thing at their hands ! but the slaves and 
himself would first sound the channel, and adventure the 
water." And so, after reciprocal oaths taken, and hands given ; 
Rawlins, once again, lay in wait for the fittest opportunity. 
But once again he was disappointed ; and a suspicious 
accident brought him to re-collect his spirits anew, and study 
on the danger of the enterprise : and thus it was. 



264 A BARQUE FROM TORBAY CAPTURED. [ ? Mar. ,62.. 

After the Renegado Gunner had protested secrecy, by all 
that might induce a man to bestow some belief upon him ; 
he presently went up the scottle [scuttle] ; but stayed not 
aloft a quarter of an hour. Nay, he came sooner down ; and 
in the Gunner Room sat by Rawlins, who tarried for him, 
where he left him. 

He was no sooner placed, and entered into some conference, 
but there entered into the place, a furious Turk, with his 
knife drawn, and presented it to Rawlins's body : who verily 
supposed he intended to kill him ; as suspicious that the 
Gunner had discovered something. Whereat Rawlins was 
much moved ; and so hastily asked, " What the matter 
meant ? or whether he would kill him or not ? " observing his 
countenance ; and (according to the nature of jealousy) con- 
ceiting that his colour had a passage of change, wheretDy his 
suspicious heart condemned him for a traitor ; but that, at 
more leisure, he sware the contrary, and afterwards proved 
faithful and industrious in the enterprise. And for the pre- 
sent, he answered Rawlins, in this manner, '* No, Master ! 
be not afraid ! I think, he doth but jest ! " 

With that, John Rawlins gave back a little, and drew 
out his knife ; stepping also to the Gunner's sheath, and 
taking out his, whereby he had two knives to one : which, 
when the Turk perceived, he threw down his knife, saying, 
" He did but jest with him ! " 

But, as I said, when the Gunner perceived, Rawlins took 
it so ill, he whispered something in his ear, that, at last, 
satisfied him : calling heaven to witness that " He never 
spake a word of the enterprise, nor ever would ! either to the 
prejudice of the business, or danger of his person." 

Notwithstanding, Rawlins kept the knives in his sleeve, 
all night, and was somewhat troubled ; for that he had made 
so many acquainted with an action of such importance : but, 
the next day, when he perceived the coast clear, and that 
there was no further cause for fear, he somewhat comforted 
himself; and grew bolder and bolder in disposing the affairs 
of the ship. Only it grieved him that his enterprises were 
thus procrastinated : whereby the Mahomedan tyranny in- 
creased, and the poor slaves even groaned again under the 
burden of their bondage; and thought every day a year, till 
something was put in execution for their deliverance. For it was 
now full five weeks, since Rawlins first projected the matter, 



tmJ. i622.] Its Master is informed of the Plot. 265 

All this while, Rawlins drew the Captain to lie for the 
Northern Cape [ ? Cape Finisierre], assuring him, that thereby 
he should not miss purchase ; which accordingly fell out, as a 
wish would have it: but his drift was, in truth, to draw him from 
any supply or second [reinforcement] of Turks, if GOD should 
give way to their enterprise, or success to the victory. 

Yet, for the present, the 6th of February, being twelve 
leagues from the Cape, we descried a sail ; and presently, took 
the advantage of the wind in chasing her, and at last fetched 
her up, making her strike all her sails : whereby we knew 
her to be a bark belonging to Torbay, near Dartmouth, that 
came from Averare, laden with salt. 

Ere we had fully despatched, it chanced to be foul weather ; 
so that we could not, or at least would not make out our 
boat ; but caused the Master of the bark to let down his, and 
come aboard with his company ; there being in the bark but 
nine men, and one boy. 

And so the Master, leaving his Mate with two men in the 
same, came himself, with five men and the boy unto us ; 
whereupon our Turkish Captain sent ten Turks to man her : 
amongst whom, were two Dutch and one English Renegado, 
who were of our confederacy, and acquainted with us. 

But when Rawlins saw this partition of his friends, before 
they could hoist out their boat for the bark; he made means 
to speak with them, and told them plainly that " He would 
prosecute the matter, either that night, or the next : and 
therefore, whatsoever came of it, they should acquaint the 
English with his resolution, and make towards England ; 
bearing up the helm, whiles the Turks slept and suspected 
no such matter. For, by GOD's grace, in his first watch, 
about midnight, he would shew them a light ; by which 
they might understand that the enterprise was begun, or, at 
least, in a good forwardness for the execution." 

So the boat was let down, and they came to the bark of 
Torbay ; where the Master's Mate being left, as before you 
have heard, apprehended quickly the matter, and heard the 
discourse with amazement. 

But time was precious, and not to be spent in disputing or 
casting of doubts, whether the Turks that were with them 
were able to master them or not ; being seven to six : con- 
sidering they had the helm of the ship, and the Turks being 



266 Rawlins persuades the Captain to keep [ ? mJ. i6aa 

soldiers, and ignorant of sea affairs, could not discover 
whether they went to Argier or not ; or, if they did, they 
resolved, by Rawlins's example, to cut their throats, or cast 
them overboard. And so I leave them to make use of the 
Renegadoes' instructions : and return to Rawlins again. 

The Master of the bark of Torbay and his company were 
quickly searched, and as quickly pillaged, and dismissed to 
the liberty of the ship; whereby Rawlins had leisure to 
entertain him with the lamentable news of their extremities, 
and the adventure of their voyages : whereby he understood of 
his first setting out from the West country, of his taking and 
surprising at sea by Villa Rise ; of his twice being sold as a 
slave, and so continuing to his heart-burning and excruciation ; 
of the making [of] the Exchange of Bristol, a Man of War, 
which they were now in ; of the Captain and Master, who 
were both English Renegadoes ; of the cruelty of the Turks 
in general, and his own fortunes in particular ; of his 
admission into the ship as a Pilot ; of the friendship which 
passed between him and the Hollanders ; of the imparting of 
the secret of surprising the ship, both to the slaves and Christian 
Renegadoes ; of their consent and courageous apprehension 
of the matter ; of the first attempt, and their twice disappoint- 
ing; of his still resolution presently [at once] to put it in 
practice ; of his last acquainting [of] the Dutch Renegadoes 
who went aboard his bark ; and in a word, of every particular 
which was befitting to the purpose. 

" Yea," he told him, that "that night, he should lose the 
the sight of them, for they would make the helm for Eng- 
land ; " and that he " would, that night, and evermore, pray 
for their good success and safe deliverance." 

When the Master of the Bark of Torbay had heard him 
out, and that his company were partakers of his story ; 
they all became silent : not either diffident of his discourse 
or afraid of the attempt ; but as wondering at the goodness 
of GOD, and His mercy in choosing out such weak instru- 
ments to set forth His glory. 

" True," quoth Rawlins, when he found them coming 
towards him, " it is so 1 For mark but the circumstance of 
the matter! and you shall see the very finger of GOD to 
point us out our deliverance ! When we came into the main 
ocean to hunt after prizes, according to the nature of pirates. 



?Mar. i622.] THE TuRKISH SOLDIERS AFT OF THE SHIP. 267 

and that I resolved on the enterprise, there were sixty-five 
Turks in our ship, and only seventeen of our confederacy. 
Then it pleased GOD to abate us ten of the Turks, who were 
sent with the Polacca before recited. And when we were 
disappointed again of our purposes ; you see now what hath 
chanced ! We are rid of more Turks, and welcome you, as a 
new supply ! so that, if you please, we shall be twenty-four 
strong ; and they, in all, are but forty-five. Be therefore 
courageous ! and let us join heart, hand, and foot together 
that we may execute this brave attempt for GOD's glory, 
our country's honour, the good example to others, our own 
deliverance, and (if we may not be counted vainglorious) our 
everlasting memory." 

By that time he had finished this discourse also, the Master 
of the Bark and his company resolved to assist him : as pro- 
']tcimg\foreseeing\ the misery and wretchedness they should 
endure by being slaves to the Turks, and the happiness of 
their liberty besides the reputation of the enterprise. As for 
death, it was in community to all men : and so in the hands 
of GOD to dispose, at His pleasure ; and either could not 
happen before the hour of limitation, or could not be pre- 
vented. For human policy must submit to Divine Providence. 

Yet to shew himself an understanding man, he demanded 
of Rawlins, " What weapons he had? and in what manner 
he would execute the business ? " 

To which, he answered, that *' He had ropes and iron 
hooks, to make fast the scottels, gratings, and cabins. He 
had also in the Gunner Room two curtleaxes, andthe slaves had 
five crows of iron before them. Besides, in the scuffling, they 
made no question [of taking] of some of the soldiers' weapons." 

Then for the manner, he told them, " They were sure of 
the ordnance, the Gunner Room, and the powder : and so 
blocking them up, would either kill them, as they came 
down; or turn the ordnance against their cabins, or blow 
them into the air by one stratagem or other." Thus were 
they contented, on all sides ; and resolved to the enterprise. 

The next morning, being the 7th of February, the prize of 
Torbay was not to be seen or found ; whereat the Captain 
began to storm and swear, commanding Rawlins to search 
the seas up and down for her : who bestowed all that day in 
that business, but to little purpose ; whereupon, when the 



268 James Roe gives the signal. [? Mar. 162a 

humour was spent, the Captain pacified himself, as conceiting 
he should be sure to find her at Argier. But, by the per- 
mission of the Ruler of all actions, that Argier was England ! 
and all his wickedness frustrated. 

For Rawlins beingnowstartled, lest he should return in this 
humour, for the Straits; the 8th of February went down into the 
hold, and finding a great deal of water below ; told the Captain 
of the same : adding that " It did not come to the pump ! " 
which he did very politicly, that he might remove the ordnance. 

For when the Captain asked him the reason, he told him, 
" the ship was too far after the head." 

Then, he commanded to use the best means he could, to 
bring her in order. 

" Sure, then," quoth Rawlins, we must quit our cables, and 
bring four pieces of ordnance a.heY [abaft]; andthat would bring 
the water to the pump." Which was presently put in practice. 

So the pieces being usually made fast thwart the ship, we 
brought two of them, with their mouths right before the 
biticle [binnacle]. And because the Renegado Flemings 
would not begin [i.e., the fight]; it was thus concluded. 

That the ship having three decks ; we that did belong to 
the Gunner Room should be all there, and break up the 
lower deck. The English slaves, who always lay in the 
middle deck should do the like, and watch the scuttles. 
Rawlins himself prevailed with the Gunner, for so much 
powder as should prime the pieces : and so told them all, there 
was no better watchword, nor means to begin, than, upon 
the report of the piece, to make a cry and screech [shotit], "For 
GOD, and King James ! " and " St. George for England ! " 

When all things were prepared, and every man resolved, 
as knowing what he had to do ; and the hour when it should 
happen, to be two in the afternoon : Rawlins advised the 
Master Gunner to speak to the Captain, that the soldiers 
might attend on the poop, which would bring the ship after 
[more aft]. To which the Captain was very willing; and 
upon the Gunner's information, the soldiers gat themselves 
to the Poop to the number of twenty ; and five or six went 
into the Captain's cabin, where always lay divers curtleaxes 
and some targets [shields]. 

And so we fell to work to pump the water; and carried the 
matter fairly till the next day, which was spent as the former ; 



tMari623.] Desperate FIGHTING, WITHOUT QUARTER. 260 

being the gth of February, and, as GOD must have the 
praise ! the triumph of our victory. 

For by that time, all things were prepared, and the 
soldiers got upon the Poop as the day before. To avoid sus- 
picion, all that did belong to the Gunner Room went down ; 
and the slaves in the middle deck, attended [to] their business. 
So that we may cast up our account in this manner. 

First, nine English slaves, besides John Rawxins; five 

of the Torbay men and one boy ; four English Renegadoes 

and two Dutch ; four Hollanders : in all, four and 

twenty and a boy. 

So that lifting up our hearts and hands to GOD, for the 

success of the business ; we were wonderfully encouraged, 

and settled ourselves till the report of the piece gave us 

warning of the enterprise. 

Now, you must consider that, in this company, were two 
of Rawlins's men, James Roe and John Davies, whom he 
brought out of England ; and whom the fortune of the sea 
brought into the same predicament with their Master. 

These were employed about noon, being, as I said, the 9th 
of February, to prepare their matches ; while all the Turks, 
or at least most of them, stood on the Poop, to weigh down 
the ship as it were, to bring the water forward to the pump, 
the one brought his match lighted between two spoons, the 
other brought his, in a little piece of a can. And so, in the 
name of GOD ! the Turks and Moors being placed as you 
have heard, and five and forty in number ; and Rawlins 
having proined the touchholes : James Roe gave fire to one 
of the pieces, about two o'clock in the afternoon ; and the 
confederates, upon the warning, shouted most cheerfully. 

The report of the piece did tear and break down all the 
biticle and compasses ; and the noise of the slaves made all 
the soldiers amazed at the matter : till seeing the quarter of 
the ship rent and feeling the whole body to shake under them ; 
understanding the ship was surprised, and the attempt tended 
to their utter destruction, never bear robbed of her whelps 
was so fell and mad ! 

For they not only called us "Dogs ! " and cried out ** Usance 
de la mar,'''' which is as much as to say, " The fortune of the 
wars ! " but attempted to tear up the planks, setting a work 
hammers, hatchets, knives, the oars of the boat, boat-hook, 



270 A GLORIOUS VICTORY, WITHOUT LOSS. [ 



? Mar. 1622. 



their curtleaxes, and what else came to hand ; besides stones 
and bricks in the Cook Room : all which they threw amongst 
us ; attempting still and still, to break and rip up the hatches 
and boards of the steering, not desisting from their former 
execrations, and horrid blasphemies and revilings. 

When John Rawlins perceived them so violent, and 
understood how the slaves had cleared the decks of all the 
Turks and Moors beneath ; he set a guard upon the powder, 
and charged their own muskets against them : killing them 
from divers scout holes, both before and behind ; and so 
lessened their number, to the joy of all our hearts. 

Whereupon they cried out, and called for the Pilot : and 
so Rawlins, with some to guard him, went to them ; and 
understood them, by their kneeling, that they cried for mercy 
and to have their lives saved ; and they would come down ; 
which he bade them do. And so they were taken one by one, 
and bound ; yea, killed with their own curtleaxes. Which, 
when the rest perceived, they called us, ** English dogs ! " 
and reviled us with many opprobrious terms ; some leaping 
overboard, saying, " It was the chance of war ! " Some were 
manacled, and so thrown overboard : and some were slain 
and mangled with the curtleaxes ; till the ship was well 
cleared, and ourselves assured of the victory. 

At the first report of our piece, and the hurly burly in the 
decks ; the Captain was writing in his cabin : and hearing 
the noise, thought it some strange accident ; and so, came 
out with his curtleaxe in his hand, presuming by his authority 
to pacify the mischief. 

But when he cast his eyes upon us, and saw that we were 
like to surprise the ship ; he threw down his curtleaxe, and 
begged to save his life : intimating to Rawlins, "how he had 
redeemed him from Villa Rise ; and ever since admitted 
him to place of command in the ship; besides honest usage 
in the whole course of the voyage." 

All which Rawlins confessed ; and at last, condescended 
[agreed] to mercy : and brought the Captain and five more into 
England. 

The Captain was called Ramtham Rise ; but his Christian 
name, Henry Chandler: and, as they say, a chandler's 
son in Southwark. John Goodale was also an English 
Turk. Richard Clarke, in Turkish, J afar; George Cooke, 



f mJ.i622.] The Torbay bark gets to Penzance. 271 

Ramedam ; John Browne, Mamme ; William Winter, 
MusTAPHA : besides all the slaves and Hollanders ; with 
other Renegadoes, who were willing to be reconciled to their 
true Saviour, as being formerly seduced with the hopes of 
riches, honour preferment, and such like devilish baits to 
catch the souls of mortal men and entangle frailty in the 
tarriers of horrible abuses and imposturing deceit. 

When all was done, and the ship cleared of the dead 
bodies ; John Rawlins assembled his men together, and 
with one consent gave the praise to GOD: using the ac- 
customed Service on ship board ; and, for want of books, 
lifted up their voices to GOD, as He put into their hearts or 
renewed their memories. Then, did they sing a Psalm ; and, 
last of all, embraced one another, for playing the men in such 
a deliverance, whereby our fear was turned into joy, and 
trembling hearts exhilarated ; that we had escaped such in- 
evitable dangers, and especially the slavery and terror of 
bondage, worse than death itself 1 

The same night, we washed our ship, put everything in as 
good order as we could, repaired the broken quarter, set up 
the biticle, and bore up the helm for England: where, by 
GOD's grace and good guiding, we arrived at Plymouth, the 
13th of February [1622] ; and were welcomed like the 
recovery of the lost sheep, or as you read of a loving mother 
that runneth, with embraces to entertain her son from along 
voyage and escape of many dangers. 

Not long after, we understood of our confederates that 
returned home in the bark of Torbay, that they arrived in 
Penzance in Cornwall, the nth of February. 

And if any ask after their deliverance, considering there 
were ten Turks sent to man her, I will tell you that too. 

The next day after they lost us [ i.e., yth], as you have 
heard, the three Renegadoes had acquainted the Master's 
Mate and the two English in her, with Rawlins' determina- 
tion ; and that they themselves would be true to them, and 
assist them in any enterprise : then, if the worst came, there 
were but seven to six. 

But, as it fell out, they had a more easy passage than 
turmoil and manslaughter. For they made the Turks believe 
the wind was come fair, and that they were sailing to Argier, 
till they came within sight of England : which one of them 



272 The jMoral of the Story. [ 



? Mar. 1622. 



amongst the rest discovered, saying plainly, *' that land was 
not like Cape St. Vincent ! " 

" Yes ! " saith he that was at the helm, " and [if] you will 
be contented, and go down into the hold ; and turn the salt 
over to windward, whereby the ship may bear full sail : you 
shall know and see more to-morrow ! " 

Whereupon five of them went down very orderly, the 
Renegadoes feigning themselves asleep ; who presently start 
up, and with the help of the two English, nailed down the 
hatches. Whereat the principal amongst them much re- 
pined ; and began to grow into choler and rage, had it not 
quickly been overpassed. For one stepped to him, and dashed 
out his brains ; and threw him overboard. 

The rest were brought to Exeter : either to be arraigned 
according to the punishment of delinquents in that kind, or 
disposed of as the King and Council shall think meet. 

And this is the story of this Deliverance, and end of John 
Rawlins's voyage. 

Now, gentle Reader ! I hope you will not call in question 
the power and goodness of GOD, who, from time to time, 
extendeth His mercy to the miraculous preservation of His 
servants ; nor make any doubt that He hath still the same 
arm and vigour as He had in times past, when Gideon's three 
hundred men overcame the Midianites : and many ancient 
stratagems are recorded to have had a passage of success, 
even within our memories, to execute as great a wonder as 
this. Nor do I think you will be startled at anything in the 
discourse touching the cruelty and inhumanity of Turks and 
Moors themselves : who, from a native barbarousness, do hate 
all Christians and Christianity ; especially if they grow into 
the violent rages of piracy, or fall into that exorbitant course 
of selling of slaves, or enforcing of men to be Mahomedans. 

Nor can I imagine, you will call in question our natural 
desire of liberty, and saving of our lives, when you see, from 
instinct of nature, all the creatures of the world come to the 
law of preservation : and our Saviour Himself, alloweth the fly- 
ing out of one city into another, in the time of persecution ; and 
Paul, by saying " He was a Roman ! " procured his delivery. 

Well, then, it is only the truth of the story that you are 
amazed at : making doubt whether your belief of the same 
may be bestowed to your own credit ! I can say no more. 



f MaJ. .622.] Final admonitions. 273 

The actors in this comic tragedy are most of them alive. 
The Turks are in prison ! the ship is to be seen ! and 
Rawlins himself dare justify the matter! For he hath pre- 
sented it to the Marquis ! a man not to be dallied withal in 
these things ; nor any way to be made partaker of deceit. 

Nay, I protest I think he durst not, for his ears ! publish 
(concerning the substance) such a discourse to open over- 
looking, if it were not true ! As for illustration, or cementing 
the broken pieces of well-tempered mortar, blame him not in 
that ! For precious stones are worn enamelled and wrought 
in gold ; which otherwise would still be of value and estima- 
tion ; but published and receiving the addition of art and 
cunning, who doth not account [them] the better, and 
esteemeth himself the ruler for their possession. 

So, then, entertain it for a true and certain discourse ! 
Apply it ! make use of it ! and put it to thy heart for thy 
comfort ! It teacheth the acknowledgment of a powerful, 
provident, and merciful GOD, vho will be known in His 
wonders, and make weak things the instruments ot His glory ! 
It instructeth us in the practice of thanksgiving when a 
a benefit is bestowed, a mercy shown, and a deliverance 
perfected. It maketh us strong and courageous in adversity, 
like cordial restoratives to a sick heart ; and our patience 
shall stand like a rock, against the impetuous assaults of 
affliction. It is a glorious sun to dissipate the clouds of 
desperation ; and cheer us thus far that GOD can restore us, 
when we are under the pressure of discomfort and tribulation : 
for preferment comes neither from the East, nor the West ; 
but from Him that holdeth the winds in His hands, and puts 
a hook in the nostrils of Leviathan. 

So that if He do not give way to our contentment, it is be- 
cause He will supply us with better graces, or keep us from 
the adder's hole of Temptation, whereat, if we tarry, we shall 
be sure to be stung unto death. 

In a word, it is a Mirror to look Virtue in the face ! and 
teach men the way to industry and noble performances ; that 
a brave spirit and honest man shall say, with Nehemiah, 
** Shall such a man as I ! fly ? Shall I fear death or some 
petty trial ; when GOD is to be honoured ! my country to be 
terved ! my King to be obeyed ! Religion to be defended ! 
the Commonwealth supported ! honour and renown obtained ! 

and, in the end, the crown of immortality purchased ? " 

S 2 



2 



2 74 L?Mar, 1622. 

f^J^ f>J^ r\f^ faij^\ f:si^^ f^'<l^ ^^\^ 

T* "t "▼* "t" y" t" "t *t "t t* "t t* *t "t "t t* *y t" t* t" 

•^ *T* A> ^v- *T* •aS •T" *T* •4s -4> *aS *T" -^ *3S **• *aS "T* -t» *T" -dS 

*2^]V/ \VjV/ ^yiV/ i^yis^ K-^ 

He names of those [four] English Renegadoes as con- 
sented, and joined with the Slaves, in the recovery 
of the Ship, were these : 
Richard Clarke, the Gunner; called in Turkish, 
Jafar. 

George Cooke, Gunner's Mate ; called in Turkish, 
Ramedam. 

William Winter, Carpenter; in Turkish, Mus- 
tapha. 
John Browne, in Turkish, Memme, 

One Dutch Renegade. 

Four Dutch Slaves. 

One French Slave. 

Five Englishmen and a boy, taken but three days before. 

Nine English Slaves, which they took with them from 
Argier. 

In all twenty-four men and a boy : which were all safely 
landed at Plymouth, the 13th of February, 1621 [i.e., 1622]. 

They saved alive, of the forty-five Turks and Moors, the 
Captain, one Henry Chandler (born in Southwark), an 
English Renegado : and five Turks more, who are at this 
present in Plymouth Gaol, &c. 

n^iii:^ /a^I>=\ n^urv /s^ll^ 

t" "t "t "t t* t" t* t" t* t" t* t' *t t* t* t* "t "t ^^ T* 

.^....^....^....^....^....^....jjj....3|j....^....^....^....^....^^^ 
•^ *T* *X' •X' "^ "Js "dS •*" *T* •JS "dS *T" *JS "dS "ds "dS "dS "^ "tS •t* 

\2/^ K=/C^^ %::^W K^S* '^'=^S* ^^^i!^ 



Three to One. 

Being an English-Spanish combat performed 

by a Western Gentleman of Tavistock 
in Devonshire, with an English quarterstaff, 
against three Spaniards [at once] with rapiers 
and poniards; at Sherries \_Xeres'\ in Spain, 

the 15 th day of November 1625: 

in the presence of Dukes, Condes, Marquises, 

and other great Dons of Spain ; being 

the Council of War. 

The author of this book, and the 
actor in this encounter ; 

R[i chard] Peeke. 

Printed at London fox" I T. and are 
to be sold at his shop. 



I 



277 





TO 
THE KING'S 

MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 

Gracious Sovereign, 

F I were again in Spain, I should think no happiness 
on earth so great as to come into England ; and at 
your royal feet, to lay down the story of my dangers 
and peregrination : which I tell, as a late sea- 
wrecked man, tossed and beaten with many misfortunes ; 
yet, setting my weary body at last on a blessed shore: my 
hands now lay hold on your altar, which is to me a sanctuary. 
Here I am safe in harbour. 

That psalm of kingly David, which I sang in my Spanish 
captivity. 

When as we sate in Babylon &c. [Psal. cxxxvii.J 
I have now changed to another tune; saying, with the same 
prophet, 

Great is Thy mercy towards me, LORD ! for Thou hast 
delivered my soul from the lowest grave! [Psal. xvi. i6.] 
And, as your Majesty hath been graciously pleased both to let 



278 



The Epistle Dedicatory. [j^^;,y', 



R. Peeke. 

526, 



your poor soldier and subject behold your royal person, and 
to hear him speak in his rude language: so if your Majesty 
vouchsafe to cast a princely eye on these his unhandsome 
papers : new sunbeams shall spread over him, and put a 
quickening soul into that bosom, which otherwise must want 
life for want of comfort. Those graces from your excellent 
clemency already received being such, that I am ashamed 
and sorry not to have endured and to have done more in 
foreign countries for the honour of Yours : when from so high 
a throne, my Sovereign deigns to look down on a creature so 
unworthy, whose life he prostrates before your Highness. 
Ever resting Your Majesty's 

Most humble and loyal subject. 

Richard Peeke. 







279 



Three to One. 



BEING 



AN ENGLISH-SPANISH COMBAT 




OviNG Countrymen ! Not to weary you 
with long preambles, unnecessary for you 
to read and troublesome for me to set 
down ; I will come roundly to the matter : 
entreating you, not to cast a malicious 
eye upon my actions nor rashly to 
condemn them, nor to stagger in your 
opinions of my performance ; since I am 
ready with my life to justify what I set down, the truth of 
this relation being warranted by noble proofs and testimonies 
not to be questioned. 

I am a Western man ; Devonshire my country, and 
Tavistock my place of habitation. 

I know not what the Court of a King means, nor what the 
fine phrases of silken Courtiers are. A good ship I know, and 
a poor cabin ; and the language of a cannon : and therefore 
as my breeding has been rough, scorning delicacy; and my 
present being consisteth altogether upon the soldier (blunt, 
plain and unpolished) so must my writings be, proceeding 
from fingers fitter for the pike than the pen. And so, kind 
Countrymen ! I pray 3^ou to receive them. 

Neither ought you to expect better from me, because I am 
but the chronicler of my own story. 

After I had seen the beginning and end of the Algiers' 
voyage ; I came home somewhat more acquainted with the 
world, but little amended in estate : my body more wasted 
and weather-beaten ; but my purse, never the fuller, nor my 
pockets thicker lined. 

Then the drum beating up for a new expedition, in which 



280 The COA^V£ J? TINE ATTACKS Vv^THAL. [f^iy\f^, 



Peeke. 
6. 



many noble gentlemen and heroical spirits were to venture 
their honours, lives and fortunes ; cables could not hold me : 
for away I would, and along I vowed to go ; and did so. 

The design opening itself at sea for Cadiz, proud I was to 
be employed there ; where so many gallants and English 
worthies did by their examples encourage the common 
soldiers to honourable darings. 

The ship I went in was called the Convertine, one of the 
Navy Royal. The captain, Thomas Portar. 

On the two and twentieth day of October, being a 
Saturday, 1625 ; our fleet came into Cadiz, about three o'clock 
in the afternoon : we, being in all, some no sail. 

The Saturday night, some sixteen sail of the Hollanders, 
and about ten White Hall Men (who in England are called 
Colliers) were commanded to fight against the Castle of 
Punthal, standing three miles from Cadiz: who did so 
accordingly; and discharged in that service, at the least, 
1,600 shot. 

On the Sunday morning following, the Earl of Essex going 
up very early, and an hour at least before us, to the fight; 
commanded our ship, the Convertine, being of his squadron, 
to follow him : the Castle playing hard and hotly upon his 
Lordship. 

Captain Portar and the Master of our ship whose name 
is Master Hill, having upon sight of so fierce an encounter 
an equal desire to do something worthy of themselves and 
their country ; came up so close to the Castle as possibly men 
in such a danger either could or durst adventure, and there 
fought bravely. The Castle bestowed upon us a hot salutation 
(and well becoming our approach) with bullets ; whose first 
shot killed three of our men, passing through and through 
our ship ; the second killed four ; and the third two more at 
least; with great spoil and battery [battering] to our ship : the 
last shot flying so close to Captain Portar that with the 
windage of the bullet, his very hands had almost lost the 
sense of feeling, being struck into a sudden numbness. 

Upon this, Captain Portar perceiving the danger we and 
our ship were in, commanded a number of us to get upon the 
upper deck ; and with our small shot [musketry fire] to try if 
we could not force the cannoniers from their ordnance. 

We presently advanced ourselves, fell close to our work 



fuiy^e'ze:] The hot musketry fire. 281 

and plied them with pellets [bullets]. In which hot and 
dangerous service, one Master William Jewell behaved 
himself both manly and like a noble soldier, expressing 
much valour, ability of body, and readiness : with whom and 
some few more (I, among the rest) stood the brunt which 
continued about three hours. 

Our ship lay all this while with her starboard side to the 
fort ; which beat us continually with at least two hundred 
muskets, whose bullets flew so thick that our shrouds were 
torn in pieces, and our tacklings rent to nothing : and when 
she came off, there were to be seen five hundred bullets, at 
the least, sticking in her side. I, for my part (without vain- 
glory be it spoken) discharged at this time, some threescore 
and ten shot ; as they recounted to me, who charged my pieces 
for me. 

In the heat of this fight. Sir William Saint Leger, whether 
called up by my Lord of Essex or coming of himself I know 
not, seeing us so hardly beset; and that we had but few shot 
upon our deck in regard of the enemy's numbers which played 
upon us : came, with a valiant and noble resolution, out of 
another ship into ours; bringing some forty soldiers with him. 
Who there with us, renewed a second fight as hot or hotter 
than the former : where in this fight, one of our bullets 
[cannon-balls] was shot into the mouth of a Spanish cannon ; 
where it sticketh fast and putteth that roarer to silence. 

Upon this bravery, they of the fort began to wax calmer 
and cooler : and in the end, most part of their gunners being 
slain, gave over shooting ; but yielded not the fort until 
night. 

Whilst this skirmish continued, a company of Spaniards 
within the castle, by the advantage of a wall whose end 
jutted out, they still as they discharged retired behind it, 
saving themselves and extremely annoying us : I removed 
into the forecastle of our ship, and so plied them with 
hailshot, that they forsook their stand. 

What men on our own part were lost by their small shot I 
cannot well remember, but sure I am, not very many : yet the 
Spaniards afterwards before the Governor of Cadiz, confessed 
they lost about fifty; whose muskets they cast into a well 
because [in order that] our men should not use them, throwing 
the dead bodies in after. 



282 The castle of Punthal surrenders. [j^i^'S: 

My hurts and bruises here received, albeit they were neither 
many nor dangerous, yet were they such that when the Tight 
was done; many gentlemen in our ship, for my encouragement, 
gave me money. 

During this battle the Hollanders and White Hall Men, 
you must think, were not idle ; for their great pieces went off 
continually from such of their ships as could conveniently 
discharge their fire, because our ship lay between them and 
the fort : and they so closely plied their work that at this 
battery, were discharged from their ordnance, at least four 
thousand bullets [cannon balls]. 

The castle being thus quieted, though as yet not yielded; the 
Earl of Essex, about twelve at noon, landed his regiment 
close by the fort, the Spaniards looking over the walls to 
behold them. Upon the sight of which, many of those 
within the castle (to the number of six score) ran away ; we 
pursuing them with shouts, halloings and loud noises, and 
now and then a piece of ordnance overtook some of the 
Spanish hares, and stayed them from running further. 

Part of our men being thus landed, they marched up not 
above a slight [musket] shot off, and there rested themselves. 
Then, about six at night, the castle yielded upon composition 
to depart with their arms and colours flying, and no man to 
offend them ; which was performed accordingly. 

The Captain of the fort, his name was Don Francisco 
Bustamente; who, presently upon the delivery, was carried 
aboard the Lord General's ship, where he had a soldierly 
welcome : and the next day, he and all his company were put 
over to Puerto Real upon the mainland, because they should 
not go to Cadiz, which is an island. 

On the Monday [October 24th], having begun early in 
the morning ; all our forces, about noon, were landed : and 
presently marched up to a bridge between Punthal and Cadiz. 
In going up to which, some of our men were unfortunately 
and unmanly surprised ; and before they knew their own 
danger, had there their throats cut. Some had their brains 
beaten out with the stocks of muskets; others, their noses 
sliced off; whilst some heads were spurned up and down 
the streets like footballs ; and some ears worn in scorn in 
Spanish hats. For when I was in prison in Cadiz, whither 
some of these Spanish picaroes [robbers] were brought 



fuiy^ifiS The Author's journey after oranges. 283 

in for flying from the castle, I was an eyewitness of 
Englishmen's ears heing worn in that despiteful manner. 

What the forces being on shore did or how far they went 
up I cannot tell, for I was no land soldier ; and therefore 
all that while kept aboard. Yet about twelve o'clock, when 
they were marched out of sight, I (knowing that other 
Englishmen had done the like, the very same day) ventured 
on shore likewise, to refresh myself: with my sword only 
by my side ; because I thought that the late storms 
had beaten all the Spaniards in, and therefore I feared no 
danger. 

On therefore I softly walked, viewing the desolation of 
such a place : for I saw nobody. Yet I had not gone far 
from the shore, but some Englishmen were come even almost 
to our ships; and from certain gardens had brought with 
them many oranges and lemons. The sight of these 
sharpened my stomach the more to go on; because I had 
a desire to present some of those fruits to my Captain. 
Hereupon I demanded of them, " what danger there was in 
going?" They said, " None, but that all was hushed; and 
not a Spaniard stirring." We parted ; they to the ships, I 
forward. 

And before I had reached a mile, I found (for all their 
talking of no danger) three Englishmen stark dead ; being 
slain, lying in the way, it being full of sandy pits, so that I 
could hardly iind the passage : and one, some small distance 
from them, not fully dead. The groans which he uttered led 
me to him ; and finding him lying on his belly ; I called to 
him, and turning him on his back saw his wounds, and said, 
" Brother ! what villain hath done this mischief to thee ? " 
He lamented in sighs and doleful looks; and casting up his 
eyes to heaven, but could not speak. I then resolved, and 
was about it, for Christian charit5^'s sake and for country's 
sake ; to have carried him on my back to our ships, far off 
though they lay; and there, if by any possible means it could 
have been done, to have recovered him. 

But my good intents were prevented. For on a sudden, 
came rushing in upon me, a Spanish horseman, whose name, 
as afterwards I was informed, was Don Juan of Cadiz, a 
Knight. I seeing him make speedily and fiercely at me with 
his drawn weapon, suddenly whipped out mine, wrapping my 



284 Encounter with Don Juan. [fuiy\tt. 

cloak about mine arm. Five or six skirmishes we had ; and 
for a pretty while, fought off and on. 

At last, I getting, with much ado, to the top of a sandy 
hillock, the horseman nimbly followed up after. By good 
fortune to me (though bad to himself) he had no petronel or 
pistols about him : and there clapping spurs to his horse's 
sides ; his intent, as it seemed, was with full career to ride 
over me, and trample me under his horse's feet. But a 
providence greater than his fury, was my guard. 

Time was it for me to look about warily and to lay about 
lustily ; to defend a poor life so hardly distressed. As 
therefore his horse was violently breaking in upon me, I 
struck him in the eyes with a flap of my cloak. Upon which, 
turning sideward, I took my advantage; and, as readily as I 
could, stepping in, it pleased GOD that I should pluck my 
enemy down, and leave him at my mercy for life : which 
notwithstanding I gave him, he falling on his knees, and 
crying out in French to me. Pardonnez-moi, je vous prie, je 
mis un bon Chretien. " Pardon me, Sir ! I am a good 
Christian." 

I, seeing him brave, and having a soldier's mind to rifle 
him, I searched for jewels but found none, only five pieces of 
eight about him in all, amounting to twenty shillings English. 
Yet he had gold, but that I could not come by. For I was 
in haste to have sent his Spanish knighthood home on foot, 
and to have taught his horse an English pace. 

Thus far my voyage for oranges had sped well ; but in 
the end, it proved a sour sauce to me : and it is harder to 
keep a victory than to obtain one. So here it fell out with 
mine. 

For fourteen Spanish musketeers spying me so busy 
about one of their countrymen, bent [aimed] all the mouths 
of their pieces to kill me ; which they could not well do, 
without endangering Don Juan's life. So that I was 
enforced (and glad I escaped so too) to yield myself their 
prisoner. 

True valour, I see, goes not always in good clothes. For 
he, whom before I had surprised, seeing me fast in the snare; 
and as the event proved, disdaining that his countrymen 
should report him so dishonoured ; most basely, when my 
hands were in a manner bound behind me, drew out his 



I 



juiyTe'^ze.] Author a prisoner at Cadiz. 285 

weapon, which the rest had taken from me to give him, and 
wounded me through the face, from ear to ear: and had there 
killed me had not the fourteen musketeers rescued me from 
his rage. 

Upon this, I was led in triumph into the town of Cadiz : 
an owl not more wondered and hooted at ; a dog not more 
cursed. 

In my being led thus along the streets, a Fleming spying 
me, cried out aloud "Whither do you lead this English dog? 
Kill him! Kill him! he is no Christian." And with that, 
breaking through the crowd, in upon those who held me ; ran 
me into the body with a halbert, at the reins [groin] of my 
back, at the least four inches. 

One Don Fernando, an ancient Gentleman, was sent down 
this summer from the King at Madrid, with soldiers : but 
before our fleet came, the soldiers were discharged ; they of 
Cadiz never suspecting that we meant to put in there. 

Before him, was I brought to be examined : yet few or no 
questions at all were demanded of me ; because he saw that 
I was all bloody in my clothes, and so wounded in my face 
and jaws that I could hardly speak. I was therefore 
committed presently to prison, where I lay eighteen days : 
the noble gentleman giving express charge that the best 
surgeons should be sent for : lest being so basely hurt 
and handled by cowards, I should be demanded at his 
hands. 

I being thus taken on the Monday when I went on shore ; 
the fleet departed the Friday following from Cadiz, at the same 
time when I was there a prisoner. Yet thus honestly was I 
used by my worthy friend Captain Portar. He, above my 
deserving, complaining that he feared that he had lost such 
a man; my Lord General, by the solicitation of Master John 
Glanville, Secretary to the Fleet, sent three men on shore to 
enquire in Cadiz for me; and to offer, if I were taken, any 
reasonable ransom. But the town thinking me to be a 
better prize than indeed I was; denied me, and would not pari 
from me. 

Then came a command to the Terniente or Governor of 
Cadiz to have me sent to Sherrys, othenvise called Xerez, 
lying three leagues from Cales. 

Wondrously unwilling, could I otherwise have chosen, 



286 Is CARRIED TO XeRES FOR TRIAL. [fulyS 

was I to go to Xerez, because I feared I should then be put 
to torture. 

Having therefore a young man (an EngHshman and a 
merchant, whose name was Goodrow), my fellow prisoner 
who lay there for debt, and so I thinking there was no 
way with me but one (that I must be sent packing to my 
long home); thus I spake unto him, " Countryman ! what my 
name is, our partnership in misery hath made you know ; 
and with it, know that I am a Devonshire man born, and 
Tavistock the place of my once abiding. I beseech you ! if 
GOD ever send you liberty, and that you sail into England; 
take that country [Tavistock] in your way. Commend me to 
my wife and children, made wretched by me ; an unfortunate 
husband and father. Tell them and my friends (I entreat 
you, for GOD's cause) that if I be, as I suspect I shall be, 
put to death in Sherris [Xerez], I will die a Christian soldier: 
no way, I hope, dishonouring my King, country, or the justice 
of my cause, or my religion." 

Anon after, away was I conveyed with a strong guard by 
the Governor of Cadiz and brought to Xerez on a Thursday 
about twelve at night. 

On the Sunday following, two friars were sent to me ; both 
of them being Irishmen, and speaking very good English. 
One of them was called Padre Juan (Father John). After 
a sad and grave salutation, " Brother," quoth he, " I come 
in love to you and charity to your soul to confess you ; and 
if to us, as your spiritual ghostly fathers, you will lay open 
your sins, we will forgive them and make your way to heaven : 
for to-morrow you must die." 

I desired them that they would give me a little respite that 
I might retire into a private chamber ; and instantly I would 
repair to them, and give them satisfaction. Leave I had ; 
away I went ; and immediately returned. They asked me "if 
I had yet resolved, and whether I would come to confession ? " 
I told them, that "I had been at confession already." One of 
them answered " With whom ? " I answered, " With GOD 
the Father." " And with nobody else," said the other. 
" Yes," quoth I, " and with Jesus Christ my Redeemer; who 
hath both power and will to forgive all men their sins, that 
truly repent. Before these Two have I fallen on my knees, 
and confessed my grievous offences ; and trust They will give 
me a free absolution and pardon." 



fuiyS;] Examination before the Dons at Xerez. 287 

"What think you of the Pope?" said Father John. I 
answered " I knew him not." They, hereupon, shaking their 
heads ; told me "they were sorry for me:" and so departed. 

Whilst thus I lay at Xerez, the Captain of the fort [at 
Punthal], Don Francisco Bustamente, was brought in 
prisoner for his life, because he delivered up the castle ; but 
whether he died for it or not, I cannot tell. 

My day of trial being come ; I was brought ^^^'^^ °f 
from prison into the town of Xerez, by two drums Uuke of' 
[drummers] and a hundred shot [musketeers], before Du'ke'^FER- 
three Dukes, four Condes or Earls, four Marquises : d'nando 

/TA1 1 • • OlRON, 

besides other great persons. The town havmg m Marquis de 
it, at least, five thousand soldiers. ^lquenezes 

At my first appearing before the Lords ; my sword lying 
before them on a table, the Duke of Medina asked me, " if I 
knew that weapon." It was reached to me. I took it and 
embraced it with mine arms ; and, with tears in mine eyes, 
kissed the pummel of it. He then demanded, "how many 
men I had killed with that weapon ?" I told him, " If I had 
killed one, I had not been there now before that princely 
assembly : for when I had him at my foot, begging for mercy, 
I gave him life : yet he, then very poorly, did me a mischief." 
Then they asked Don John (my prisoner) "what wounds I 
gave him?" He said "None." Upon this he was rebuked 
and told " That if upon our first encounter, he had run me 
through ; it had been a fair and noble triumph : but so to 
wound me, being in the hands of others, they held it base." 

Then said the Duke of Medina to me, "Come on! 
Englishman! what ship came you in?" I told him " The 
Convertine." "Who was your Captain?" "Captain Portar." 
" What ordnance carried your ship ? " I said " Forty pieces." 
But the Lords looking all this while on a paper, which they 
held in their hands ; the Duke of Medina said, " In their note, 
there were but thirty-eight." 

In that paper — as after I was informed by my two Irish 
interpreters — there was set down the number of our ships ; 
their burden, men, munition, victuals, captains, &c., as 
perfect as we ourselves had them in England. 

" Of what strength," quoth another Duke," is the fort at 
Plymouth ? " I answered, " Very strong." What ordnance 
in it ? " Fifty," said I. " That is not so," said he, " there 



288 Spaniards' knowledge of the expedition. [fu-iy'iS." 

are but seventeen." " How many soldiers are in the fort ? " I 
answered, "Two hundred." "That is not so," quoth a 
Conde, "there are but twenty." 

The Marquis Alquenezes asked me " Of what strength 
the little island was before Plymouth ? " I told him, " I 
knew not." "Then," quoth he, "we do." 

" Is Plymouth a walled town ? " " Yes, my Lords." "And 
a good wall ? " " Yes," said I, " a very good wall." " True," 
says a Duke, "to leap over with a staff! " "And hath the 
town," said the Duke of Medina, " strong gates ?" " Yes." 
" But," quoth he, " there was neither wood nor iron to those 
gates; but two days before your fleet came away." 

Now before I go any further, let me not forget to tell you, 
that my two Irish confessors had been here in England the 
last summer; and when our fleet came from England, they 
came for Spain : having seen our King at Plymouth when the 
soldiers there showed their arms, and did then diligently 
observe what the King did, and how he carried himself. 

"How did it chance," said the Duke Giron, that "you 
did not in all this bravery of the fleet, take Cadiz as you took 
Punthal ? " I replied, " That the Lord General might easily 
have taken Cadiz, for he had near a thousand scaling ladders 
to set up, and a thousand men to lose ; but he was loth to rob 
an almshouse, having a better market to go to." "Cadiz," I 
told them, "was held poor, unmanned and unmunitioned." 
" What better market ? " said Medina. I told him, " Genoa 
or Lisbon." And as I heard there was instantly, upon this, 
an army of six thousand soldiers sent to Lisbon. 

"Then," quoth one of the Earls, "when thou meetest me 
in Plymouth, wilt thou bid me welcome ? " I modestly told 
him, " I could wish they would not too hastily come to 
Plymouth ; for they should find it another manner of place, 
than as now they slighted it." 

Many other questions were put to me by these great Dons ; 
which so well as GOD did enable me I answered. They 
speaking in Spanish, and their words interpreted to me by 
those two Irishmen before spoken of; who also related my 
several answers to the Lords. 

And by the common people, who encompassed me round, 
many jeerings, mockeries, scorns and bitter jests were to 
my face thrown upon our nation : which I durst not so much 



juiyS.] The human bull-fight begins. 289 

as bite my lip against, but with an enforced patient ear stood 
still, and let them run on in their revilings. 

At the length, amongst many other reproaches and spiteful 
names; one of the Spaniards called Englishmen, Gallinas 
(hens). At which the great Lords fell a laughing. Hereupon 
one of the Dukes, pointing to the Spanish soldiers ; bade me 
note how their King kept them — and indeed they were all 
wondrously brave in apparel ; hats, bands, cuffs, garters, 
&c. : and some of them in chains of gold — and asked further, 
" If I thought these would prove such hens as our English; 
when next year they should come into England ? " I said, 
" No." But being somewhat emboldened by his merry 
countenance, I told him as merrily, " I thought they would 
be within one degree of hens." " What meanest thou by 
that ? " said a Conde. I replied, " They would prove pullets 
or chickens." " Barest thou then," quoth the Duke of 
Medina, with a brow half angry, "fight with one of these 
Spanish pullets ? " 

"O my Lord!" said I, "I am a prisoner and my life at 
stake ; and therefore dare not to be so bold as to adventure 
upon any such action. There were here of us English, some 
fourteen thousand; in which number, there were above twelve 
thousand better and stouter men than ever I shall be : yet 
with the license of this princely assembly, I dare hazard the 
breaking of a rapier." And withal told him, '* He is unworthy 
of the name of an Englishman, that should refuse to fight 
with one man of any nation whatsoever." Hereupon my 
shackles were knocked off; and my iron ring and chain taken 
from my neck. 

Room was made for the combatants; rapier and dagger 
were the weapons. A Spanish champion presented himself, 
named Signior Tiago : when, after we had played some 
reasonable good time, I disarmed him, as thus. I caught 
his rapier betwixt the bars of my poniard and there held it, 
till I closed with him; and tripping up his heels, I took his 
weapons out of his hands and delivered them to the Dukes. 

I could wish that all you, my dear Countrymen! who read 
this relation had either been there, without danger, to have 
beheld us : or that he with whom I fought were here in 
prison, to justify the issue of that combat. 

I was then demanded, " If I durst fight against another ? " 

T 2 



290 Three Spaniards to one Englishman, [j^uiyfe^e! 

I told them, " My heart was good to adventure; but humbly 
requested them to give me pardon, if I refused/' 

For to myself I too well knew that the Spaniard is 
haughty, impatient of the least affront ; and when he receives 
but a touch of any dishonour, disgrace or blemish (especially 
in his own country, and from an Englishman) his revenge is 
implacable, mortal and bloody. 

Yet being by the nobleman pressed again and again, to 
try my fortune with another; I (seeing my life in the lion's 
paw, to struggle with whom for safety there was no way but 
one, and being afraid to displease them) said "that if their 
Graces and Greatnesses would give me leave to play at mine 
own country weapon called the quarterstaff ; I was then 
ready there, an opposite against any comer, whom they 
would call forth: and would willingly lay down my life before 
those Princes to do them service ; provided my life might by 
no foul means, be taken from me." 

Hereupon, the head of an halbert, which went with a 
screw, was taken oif, and the steel [handle] delivered to me; 
the other butt end of the staff having a short iron pike in it. 
This was my armour : and in my place I stood, expecting an 
opponent. 

At the last, a handsome and well -spirited Spaniard steps 
forth, with his rapier and poniard. They asked me " What 
I said to him ? " I told them, " I had a sure friend in my 
hand that never failed me, and therefore made little account 
of that one to play with: and should show them no sport." 

Then a second, armed as before, presents himself. I 
demanded, "If there would come no more?" The Dukes 
asked, "How many I desired ? " I told them, " Any number 
under six." Which resolution of mine, they smiling at in a 
kind of scorn; held it not manly, it seemed, not fit for their 
own honours, and the glory of their nation, to worry one 
man with a multitude : and therefore appointed three only, 
so weaponed, to enter into the lists. 

Now, Gentlemen! if here you condemn me for plucking, 
with mine own hands, such an assured danger upon mine 
own head ; accept of these reasons for excuse. 

To die, I thought it most certain; but to die basely, I 
would not. For three to kill one had been to me no dishonour; 
to them, weapons considered, no glory. An honourable 



fuiri626:] One Spaniard killed; two disarmed. 291 

subjection, I esteemed better tlian an ignoble conquest. 
Upon these thoughts I fell to it. 

The rapier men traversed their ground ; I, mine. Dangerous 
thrusts were put in, and with dangerous hazard avoided. 
Shouts echoed to heaven to encourage the Spaniards : not a 
shout nor hand to hearten the poor Englishman. Only 
heaven I had in mine eye, the honour of my country in my 
heart, my fame at the stake, my life on a narrow bridge, and 
death both before me and behind me. 

It was not now a time to dally. They still made full at 
me; and I had been a coward to myself, and a villain to my 
nation, if I had not called up all that weak manhood which 
was mine to guard my own life, and overthrow my enemies. 

Plucking up therefore a good heart, seeing myself faint 
and wearied ; I vowed to my soul to do something, ere she 
departed from me : and so setting all upon one cast, it was 
my good fortune (it was my GOD that did it for me), with 
the butt end, where the iron pike was, to kill one of the three; 
and within a few bouts after, to disarm the other two ; causing 
the one of them to fly into the army of soldiers then present, 
and the other for refuge fled behind the bench. 

I hope, if the braving Spaniards set upon England as they 
threaten ; we shall every One of us, give repulse to more 
than Three. Of which good issue for the public, I take this 
my private success to be a pledge. 

Now was I in greater danger, being, as I thought, in 
peace; than before when I was in battle. For a general 
murmur filled the air, with threatenings at me : the soldiers 
especially bit their thumbs, and was it possible for me to 
escape ? 

Which the noble Duke of Medina Sidonia seeing, called 
me to him; and instantly caused proclamation to be made 
that none, on pain of death, should meddle with me : and by 
his honourable protection I got off, not only with safety but 
with money. For by the Dukes and Condes were given me 
in gold, to the value of four pounds, ten shillings sterling : 
and by the Marquis Alquenezes himself, as much ; he, 
embracing me in his arms, and bestowing upon me that long 
Spanish russet cloak I now wear ; which he took from one of 
his men's backs, and withal, furnished me with a clean band 
and cuffs. It being one of the greatest favours a Spanish 



292 Nobleness of Marqjis de Alquenezes. [fui^iete: 

Lord can do to a mean man to reward him with some 
garment, as recompense of merit. 

After our fight in Xerez, I was kept in the Marquis 
Alquenezes' house; who, one day, out of his noble affability, 
was pleasant in speech with me : and, by my interpreter, 
desired I would sing. I, willing to obey him (whose goodness 
I had tasted), did so : and sang this psalm, 

When as we sate in Babylon, &c. 

The meaning of which being told; he said to me "Englishman 
comfort thyself! for thou art in no captivity." 

After this, I was sent to the King of Spain, lying at 
Madrid. My conduct [g^iard] being four gentlemen of the 
Marquis Alquenezes' : he allowing unto me in the journey 
twenty shillings a day when we travelled, and ten shillings a 
day when we lay still. 

At my being in Madrid, before I saw the King, my 
entertainment by the Marquis Alquenezes' appointment, 
was at his own house ; where I was lodged in the most 
sumptuous bed that ever I beheld: and had from his noble 
Lady a welcome far above my poor deserving, but worthy the 
greatness of so excellent a woman. She bestowed upon me 
whilst I lay in her house a very fair Spanish shirt, richly laced*, 
and at my parting from Madrid, a chain of gold and two 
jewels for my wife, and other pretty things for my children. 

And now that her noble courtesies, with my own thankful- 
ness, lead me to speak of this honourable Spanish Lady ; I 
might very justly be condemned of ingratitude, if I should 
not remember with like acknowledgement, another rare 
pattern of feminine goodness to me a distressed miserable 
stranger: and that was the Lady of Don Juan of Cadiz. 
She, out of a respect she bare me for saving her husband's 
life, came along with him to Xerez ; he being there to give 
evidence against me : and, as before when I lay prisoner in 
Cadiz, so in Xerez, she often relieved me with money and 
other means. My duty and thanks ever wait upon them both ! 

Upon Christmas Day, I was presented to the King, the 
Queen, and Don Carlos the Infante. 

Being brought before him: I fell, as it was fit, on my knees. 
Many questions were demanded of me ; which, so well as my 
plain wit directed me, I resolved. 



fuiylSe.'] The Author reaches England. 293 

In the end, His Majesty offered me a yearly pension (to a 
good value) if I would serve him either at land or at sea. For 
which his royal favours, I (confessing myself infinitely bound 
and my life indebted to his mercy) most humbly intreated, 
that with his Princely leave, I might be suffered to return 
unto mine own country : being a subject only to the King of 
England, my Sovereign. 

And besides that bond of allegiance, there was another 
obligation due from me to a wife and children : and therefore 
I most submissively begged that His Majesty would be so 
Princely minded as to pity my estate, and let me go. To 
which he, at last, granted; bestowing upon me one hundred 
pistolets [ = ;^25 = ;^i50 in present value] to bear my charges. 

Having thus left Spain, I took my way through some part 
of France. Where by occasion, happening into company of 
seven Spaniards ; their tongues were too lavish in speeches 
against our nation. Upon which, some high words flying up 
and down the room; I leaped from the table, and drew. One 
of the Spaniards did the liJce, none of the rest being weaponed ; 
which was more than I knew. Upon the noise of this bustling, 
two Englishmen more came in : who, understanding the 
abuses offered to our country; the Spaniards, in a short time, 
recanted on their knees, their rashness. 

And so hoisting sail for England, I landed on the three 
and twentieth day of April 1626, at Foy in Cornwall. 

And thus endeth my Spanish pilgrimage. With thanks to 
my good GOD, that in this extraordinary manner preserved 
me, amidst these desperate dangers. 

Therefore most gracious GOD ! Defender of men abroad! 
and Protector of them at home ! how am I bounden to thy 
Divine Majesty, for thy manifold mercies ? 

On my knees I thank Thee! with my tongue will I praise 
Thee! with my hands fight Thy quarrel! and all the days of 
my life serve Thee ! 

Out of the Red Sea I have escaped ; from the lion's den 
been delivered, aye rescued from death and snatched out of 
the jaws of destruction, only by Thee ! my GOD! Glory 
be to Thy Name for ever and ever ! Amen. 



294 







Certain Verses written by a friend 
in comfnendation of the Author ^ 
Richard Peeke. 



Eldom do clouds so dim the day, 
But Sol will once his beams display; 
Though Neptune drives the surging seas, 
Sometimes he gives them quiet ease : 
And so few projects speed so ill , 
But somewhat chanceth at our will. 

I will not instance in the great, 

Placed in Honour's higher seat ; 

Though virtue in a noble line 

Commends it, and the more doth shine. 
Yet this is proved by sword and pen, 
Desert oft dwells in private men. 

My proof is not far hence to seek ; 

There is at hand brave Richard Peeke, 

Whose worth his foes cannot revoke : 

Born in the town of Tavistock 

In Devon ; where Minerva sits 
Shaping stout hearts, and pregnant wits. 

This well-resolved and hardy spark 

Aiming at fame, as at a mark ; 

Was not compelled against his will, 

In Mars his field to try his skill : 
As voluntary he did go 
To serve his King against his foe. 



July 1626 



{62^.' ] The Story afresh in verse. 295 



If he had pleased, he might have spent 
His days at home in safe content; 
But nursing valour in his breast 
He would adventure with the best : 
Willing to shed his dearest blood, 
To do his Prince and Country good. 

Thus bent, he, adding wings to feet, 

Departed with the English fleet. 

There was no rub, no stay at all, 

The ships sailed with a pleasant gale : 
In setting forth they by their hap, 
Seemed lulled in Amphitrite's lap. 

At length they did arrive at Cales ; 

Where restless Peeke against the walls 

Made fourscore shot towards the shore. 

Making the welkin wide to roar: 

He kept his standing in this strife, 
Setting a straw by loss of life. 

Into a vineyard afterward 

He marched, and stood upon his guard; 

There he an horseman did dismount, 

By outward port of good account : 
But did on him compassion take. 
And spared his life, for pity's sake. 

The next assault uneven he felt. 
For with twelve Spaniards he dealt 
At once, and held them lusty play ; 
Until through odds, theirs was the day : 
From ear to ear, they pierced his head, 
And to the town him captive led. 



296 The Story afresh in verse. [juiyL?; 

In prison, they him shut by night, 
Laden with chains of grievous weight ; 
All comfortless, in dungeon deep, 
Where stench annoys, and vermin creep : 
He grovelled in this loathsome cell, 
Where ghastly frights and horrors dwell. 

Yet nothing could his courage quail, 
Hunger, nor thirst, nor wound, nor gaol; 
For being brought before a Don, 
And asked "Why England did set on 

A scraping, no a pecking hen ? 

He answered " Stain not Englishmen t 

" That England is a nation stout, 
And till the last will fight it out ; 
Myself could prove by chivalry, 
If for a captive this were free." 

" Why," quoth the Duke, " durst thou to fight 

With any of my men in sight ? " 

" Of thousands whom in war you use ; 
Not one," quoth Peeke, " do I refuse." 
A chosen champion then there came ; 
Whose heels he tripped, as at a game : 

And from his hand his rapier took, 

Presenting it unto the Duke. 

Then Three at once did him oppose; 

They rapiers, he a long staff chose : 

The use whereof so well he knows. 

He conquered them with nimble blows: 
One that beside him played his round 
He threw as dead unto the ground. 



July {'efe'] The Story afresh in verse. 297 

The noble Duke who this did see, 
Commended Peeke, and set him free. 
He gave him gifts, and did command 
That none should wrong him in their land. 
So well he did him entertain, 
And sent him to the Court of Spain. 

There he was fed with no worse meat 

Than which the King himself did eat ; 

His lodging rich, for he did lie 

In furniture of tapestry. 

The King what of him he had heard, 
Did with his treasure well reward. 

Our then Ambassador was there, 
Peeke's pike and praise he doth declare : 
At Spanish Court while he attends. 
He thrives for virtue's sake : as friends. 
Foes sent him in triumphant sort, 
Home from a foe and foreign port. 

If thus his very foes him loved. 
And deeds against themselves approved ; 
How should his friends his love embrace 
And yield him countenance and grace ? 

The praise and worth how can we cloke 

Of manly Peeke of Tavistock. 

FINIS. 



A 

TRUE RELATION 

OF A BRAVE ENGLISH 

STRATAGEM PRACTISED 

lately upon a sea town in Galicia, one of 

the kingdoms in Spain ; and most vali- 
antly and successfully performed by one English 
ship alone of thirty tons, with no 
more than 25 ^^^ '^^ her. 

AS ALSO 
With two other remarkable 

Accidents between the English 

and Spaniards, to the glory of our 
Nation. 




Printed tor Mercurius Britanicus, 
1626. 



30T 



-n- ■■ri-ii--n-ii-u- -iJ- -n -n -n- n -t- -n -n-n-n -n- -n- -n- -n- -n -n ■ n ■•n-n--n- -n- n- 



^ True Relation of a Brave English 

Stratagem practised lately upon a sea town in Galicia, one of 
the kingdoms in Spain ; and most valiantly and success- 
fully performed by one English ship alone of thirty 
tons, with no more than 35 men in her. 

JVith two other remarkable Accidents between the 

English and Spaniards^ to the glory 

of our Nation. 

Ou SHALL here, loving Countrymen! receive 
a plain, full and perfect relation of a 
stratagem bravely attempted, resolutely 
seconded with bold English spirits, and by 
them as fortunately executed upon our 
enemies, the Spaniards : who, albeit upon 
what kingdom soever they once set but 
footing, they write Plus ultra; devouring it 
up in conceit, and feeding their greedy ambition that it is all 
their own. Yet this golden faggot of dominion may have 
many sticks plucked out of it, if cunning fingers go about to 
undo the band : as by this Galician enterprise may appear. 

A pregnant testimony hereby being given, that if the great 
warriors of the sea would join together, and thunder all along 
the Spanish coasts; the Castilian kingdoms might easily be 
shaken: when so poor a handful of our English being spread 
before one of their sea towns, was the forerunner of so terrible 
a storm to all the inhabitants. 

Such a brave mustering of all the gods of the Ocean into 
one conjoined army, would quickly make the great Dons to 
alter their proud and insolent poesy of iVo« snfficit orbis, "the 




^02 Appeal to the gods of the ocean. [ 



? 

May 1626. 



world is too little " to fill their belly (when the East Indies 
lies upon one of their trenchers, and the West Indies upon 
another), yea, and compel them to dwell quietly at home in 
their own hot barren country of Spain ; contented with a 
dinner of a few olives, a handful of raisins, and such poor 
trash : not intruding into other King's territories (especially 
these fruitful ones of ours) to eat up our fat beefs [oxen], veals 
[calves], muttons [sheep] and capons; victuals too good for such 
insatiable feeders, when whole countries — might they swallow 
down their fill — are nothing to be devoured at one meal. 

Come forth, therefore, you renowned English ! and by the 
example of a few countrymen of yours, plough up the furrows 
of your enemy's seas ! and come home ladened, as we have 
done, with spoils, honours, victory and richly purchased prizes. 

Fear not to fight ! albeit five Kings bring their men of war 
into the field : for you have a Joshua [? Charles I.] to stand 
up in your defence, and to bid them to battle. 

And when you go to draw your swords, or to discharge your 
cannon against the iron ribs of the Armadas of this potent 
and bloody Enemy: pray unto the LORD toward the way of the 
city which he hath chosen ! and toward the house which in 
that place is built for His name ! and He in heaven will hear 
your prayers and supplications, and judge your cause ; and 
deliver these wild boars and bulls of Tarifa into your toils. 

To arm you for action for your country, for your fames, for 
wealth, and the credit of your nation : whensoever it pleaseth 
GOD that you put to sea, may you be prosperous! and speed 
no worse than these have done! whose story I am now going 
to set down. 

One Captain Quaile, born in Portsmouth, desiring to 
attempt something for the honour of England and the benefit 
of himself and followers : by the license and authority of those 
in England, who might give him leave; got a bark of Plymouth, 
which by him and his friends, was sufficiently furnished with 
men, victuals and munition. The bark being but of thirty 
tons, and the men in her to the number of 34 or 35. 

This captain and the resolute gang with him, went 
merrily to sea, and sailed to and fro ; without fastening on 
any purchase answerable to their expectation or defraying 
such a charge as they and their ship had been at. Their 
fortunes in England were not great, and if they should return 



MayLae.] QUAILE AND HIS PINNACE OFF CrIS. 3O3 

home without some exploits, their estates would be less. 
Hereupon, the Captain discovering his mind to his Lieutenant, 
whose name was Frost; they two, after consultation between 
themselves, persuaded the rest of their company to try their 
uttermost adventures rather than like cowards to go back : 
who, hearing the Captain's resolution, were on fire to follow 
him through all dangers, happen whatsoever could. And so 
they clapped hands upon this desperate bargain, yet protesting 
and seriously vowing not to turn pirates ; thereby to make 
booty either of their own countrymen or friends to the State. 

Good hope thus, and a prosperous wind filling their sails ; 
they hovered along the coast of Galicia, which lies upon the 
head of Portugal to the northward. In passing by which, 
the ship being clear [ ? of enemies] and the shores quiet ; the 
Captain commanded them to cast anchor before a certain town 
called Cris, which had a platform or fort with ordnance to 
defend it. And this was done at noon day. 

Then he, being perfect in the French tongue, wrote a letter 
in that language to the Governor or Captain of the fort, 
importing thus much. " That they were poor distressed 
Frenchmen, driven thither by some Turkish Men of War ; and 
flying to them (as to their friends) for succour: pretending 
their greatest want to be wood for firing, and fresh water to 
relieve them. Of both which necessaries, they knew that 
place to be abundantly stored ; and for which they would give 
any reasonable content." Thus riding at anchor in sight of 
the town, and their cock-boat being lost in a storm ; they had 
no other device to convey the letter to the Spanish Commander, 
than by sending a sailor upon an empty hogshead, with an 
oar in his hand to guide him to land ; he being very skilful 
both in French, and in swimming. 

The Spaniards seeing a man making to them in that 
strange manner, thought verily they were men distressed 
indeed : and thereupon manning out a skiff to meet and 
receive him, they took him in. 

The letter spake his business to the Spanish Captain, who 
talking further in French to the mariner, and being thereupon 
certainly assured of their distress; determined to sell to them 
such commodities as they wanted at as dear a rate as he 
could : and for that purpose commanded another skiff to be 
manned out with certain Spaniards; who, suspecting nothing, 



304 The Spaniards surprised in the ship. [May 1626. 

hastened to go aboard the Pinnace, with their Captain in 
company. 

In the meantime, Captain Quaile had shut his portholes 
close and hid his ordnance ; discovering not above five men 
above the hatches, who seemed to carry sickly faces and weak 
bodies, and were all unarmed. The Spaniards were joyfully 
embraced and welcomed. Such poor victuals as they had 
aboard, were with arguments of much love set before them, 
Holland cheeses were cut in the middle ; and such wine and 
beer offered them, as they were furnished with. 

This entertainment carrying away all suspicion with it : 
Captain Quaile invited the Spanish Captain and the rest of 
his company to his cabin. In passing into which, the Spanish 
commander espied a piece of ordnance : at which, starting 
back, and, not half well pleased, demanding " why it lay 
there;" Quaile excused it and said "that it was all the 
protection they carried about them to defend them from 
dangers : " and so, with much cunning as he could, he drew 
by compliment and disguised fair language all the Spaniards 
into his cabin. Whither with good words he welcomed them, 
and saluted them with cans of wine : which, while they were 
tossing — albeit the Spaniard is the most temperate drinker 
in the world — Captain Quaile, with his foot giving a knock 
for more; that sign of the foot was a watchword to fetch up all 
mariners. Who, crying "St. George ! " appeared in their full 
number, every man armed with a charged pistol and a short 
sword drawn in his hand. 

The Spaniards, astonished at this unexpected surprisal, 
seeing no remedy, yielded themselves ; and so were all taken 
prisoners : an assurance being given them by the English 
Captain — upon the oath of a soldier (his honour) and the 
faith of an Englishman (which to an enemy he scorns to 
break) — that not a Spaniard there should be in any danger 
for his life, so they would be quiet and silent ; otherwise 
death ! 

Certain fishermen were all this while round about them, at 
their labour ; yet perceived nothing. 

With all speed therefore that possibly could be used, 
Captain Quaile and his Lieutenant, making their prisoners 
sure; manned out the two Spanish skiffs with his English 
musketeers : every one of them lying down in the skiffs flat 



Mayi626.] ThE EnGLISH PILLAGE THE TOWN. 305 

on his belly; none that might be mistrusted being seen, but 
such only as rowed the two skiffs. 

Then, with great circumspection (attended upon by a 
resolution to meet death face to face) they landed themselves ; 
and, active as fire, suddenly, with little or no danger at all, 
surprised the platform, and, with the same dexterity, were 
masters of the fort. For the act being quick as lightning, so 
amazed the Spaniards: that it took from them all apprehen- 
sion not only of fear, but of prevention or acknowledgment 
of that danger which trod upon their heels. So that Captain 
QuAiLE, what with his own success and the others' astonish- 
ment, in a short time, and without resistance, seized upon 
the ordnance of the platform, which turning and discharging 
upon the town, and his own bark likewise giving fire to her 
pieces on the other side: away ran the people, to the number 
of two hundred persons, besides women and children. At 
the noise of these sudden terrors, the fishermen likewise, 
cutting their nets, hastened as fast as they could to the 
shore; having more care to save themselves than to catch any 
fish. And so the people flying up into the country, the 
town was left naked, and let to new landlords. 

Who, meeting no Spaniards willing to be their tenants ; 
and the Englishmen themselves being loth to tarry among 
such bad neighbours : they rifled both the fort and the town, 
and had the pillaging of both for eight hours together. In 
which time, they hurried to their ship anything that was of 
value : and besides the abundance of much riches ; they 
brought away the ordnance of the fort, the bell out of the 
church, and the chalice. And so, without wrong to their 
persons, putting their Spanish prisoners into their own skiffs; 
to shore they sent them : with a warlike triumphing farewell 
from their own pieces ; and are now with much honour 
arrived in England. 

If this example, noble Countrymen ! cannot give you 
sufficient encouragement: do but look back into the former 
ages, and take a brief survey what honourable attempts, 
exploits, undertakings and stratagems have in foreign 
countries been enterprized and achieved by the English. 
When brave John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, &c., being 
but a subject, without borrowing or charging of the King's 

U 



3o6 The mighty acts of Englishmen. [Mayie^e. 

treasures ; out of his own purse and coffers, and assisted by 
his friends and such voluntary gentlemen as craved depen- 
dence upon his fortunes, without press or compelling any 
man, beating up his drums, levied so sufficient an army that 
with it he conquered all Spain, removed the usurper and 
reinstated the expulsed Don Pedro : and after by inter- 
changeable marriages, made himself and successive issue, 
competitors and allies to the Crown and Dignity Imperial. 

Of what honours our nation have purchased from the 
French, even their own Chronicles without the flattery of 
ours, give ample and sufficient testimony. Witness the 
battles of Poitiers and Cressy, fought by " the Invincible 
Soldier" (for the great terror, which he brought into France) 
called the Black Prince ; who, with inimitable valour, 
courage undaunted, and expedition almost beyond human 
apprehension, against infinite odds, and nothing in his own 
party to encourage him, save want of numbers and disadvan- 
tage of place : yet notwithstanding, not only disrouted their 
mighty armies, killing many and defeating all, but brought 
the King, Dauphin, and all the Prince Peers of the land, 
prisoners, and presented them at the feet of his father. 

The Scotch King, taking the advantage of the King of 
England then being in France, who lay at Calais ; made 
inroads and excursions into this land ; whom the Queen 
Philippa — then destitute of all her nobility and gentry, as 
being then with the King her husband in France — met with 
an army of priests, husbandmen, artificers and some few 
gentlemen ; gave him battle, vanquished his army, took him 
prisoner, and added one thing more to the eternising of her 
husband's and son's famous and renowned valours. 

I omit the great battle fought by Henry V. at Agincourt, 
with many others : and lest I be taxed of [with] too great a 
degression, return to the former discourse; by me promised, 
and I make no question by you expected. 

In Lisbon, not long since, a young merchant, who for 
divers respects desires to have his name concealed, being in 
the company of certain Dons, and falling into discourse 
about the valour of several nations, they so far exceeded in 
the hyperboles of their own praise, that they blushed not to 
affirm that one Spaniard was able to beat two Englishmen 



May 1626.] CaPTAIN WaRNER AND THE DuNKIRK SHIP. 307 

out of the field, which they in their braggadesme [brag- 
gadacio] enforced so far; that though the rest were silent, this 
young gentleman, not able to conceal a true English spirit, 
after some retort of language, there made a protestation, 
" That if it pleased the Governor to give him leave, he 
himself would undertake (making choice of his weapon) to 
fight singly against three of the proudest champions they 
could produce against him." To cut off circumstance ; the 
challenge was accepted. The Governor prepared the com- 
batants, with the time and place appointed. A great 
confluence of people assembled : where one young merchant, 
armed only with his sword and a Spanish pike, in the lists 
appeared, who by the three adversaries was boldly and 
resolutely charged. But GOD and his good cause defended 
him so well, that the combat continued not long till one of 
them he had laid dead at his foot ; and having received from 
them some few scratches with the loss of a small quantity of 
blood and without danger, he so actively and resolutely 
behaved himself against the survivors that they, after divers 
wounds from him received, began to quail in their former 
courage and fight more faintly and further off: which the 
Governor perceiving, commanded the combat to cease, and 
withal to guard the Englishman from the fury of the 
displeased multitude who could have found in their hearts to 
have plucked him in pieces. There calling him. up to him, 
conveyed him safe to his house and, after much commenda- 
tion of his valour, very nobly secured him to his ship; wishing 
him for his own safety to be seen no more ashore : whose 
counsel he followed ; and since with much envy from them 
and great honour to us, he is arrived in his own country. 

I desire to be tedious in nothing, but will acquaint you 
with another exploit ; no less remarkable than the former, 
performed in the beginning of this last month,* April : and 
thus it was. 

A worthy gentleman, one Captain Warner, with two small 
Pinnaces, was bound towards some part of the West Indies : 
neither of them being of above thirty tons burthen. He, being 

* It is clear from this, that this tract was written in May, 1626. The 
foregoing incident is a confused and inaccurate account of R. Peeke's 
brave act, which will be found, narrated by himself, on pages 621-643. 



3o8 Warner's most daring stratagem, [may "1626, 

thus at sea, was chased by a tall Man of War, a Dunkirker 
[coining from Dunkirk] ; who came towards them, as if she 
meant to overrun them at once and bury their ruins [/m^wew^s] 
in the bottom of the ocean. Which Warner perceiving, 
pretended to make away with one of his Pinnaces; as if he 
purposed to save a stake, and leave the other to the enemy's 
fury and spoils. The Dunkirker, not able to fasten on both 
at once, took the advantage of the first; intending when he 
had seized her to make like prize of the other: hails her, 
boards her ; his sailors and soldiers, being all greedy of booty, 
neglect their own ship; only busying themselves in the rifling 
of the other, where I leave them all busy at work. 

Which Warner perceiving, and not willing to slack so good 
an opportunity, takes advantage of the wind, suddenly casteth 
about [tacks] and seizeth upon the Dunkirk's ship, whose 
men were, most of them, aboard the other pinnace; boards 
her, takes her, mans her: and now being armed with her 
strength ; commands both his other Pinnace and all the 
enemies aboard her. By which stratagem, he not only 
ransomed his own, but subdued his enemies; made prize both 
of ship and goods, and took all the men prisoners. A noble 
encouragement to all the brave captains and commanders of 
our nation to try to imitate him in his resolution and valour. 

And thus,worthyCountrymen! youseethat notwithstanding 
the proud braves [bravados] of the Public Enemy, their 
scandals and calumnies with all the aspersions of disgrace 
that their malice can devise, to cast upon our Kingdom and 
country; maugre their invasions threatened on land or their 
naval triumphs boasted at sea : how the great Creator of all 
things (in whose sight pride, vainglory and ambition are 
abominable) can when He pleases, by the hand of the young 
man David stoop the stiff neck of the strongest Goliath, 
And, noble countrymen! may these few encouragements put 
into you the ancient courage of your ancestors ; whose 
memories through all seas, nations and languages, have been 
and ever shall be sacred to all posterities. Now is the time 
of acting, and to show yourselves as you have been ever 
held and esteemed; brave in attempting, and bold in per- 
forming. And so, without question, your expeditions shall 
be successful, as the fame of your virtues immortal. 

FINIS. 



309 



The Sequestration of 

Archbishop Abbot from all his 

Ecclesiastical Offices^ in 

1627. 

John Rushworth, Esq., of 
Lincoln's Inn. 




London, 



[Historical Collections, i. 435. Ed. 1659.] 

RcHBiSHOP Abbot, having been long 
slighted at Court, now fell under the 
King's high displeasure ; for refusing to 
license Doctor Sibthorp's sermon, en- 
tituled Apostolical Obedience, as he was 
commanded ; and, not long after, he was 
sequestered from his Office, and a Com- 
mission was granted to the Bishops of 
Durham, Rochester, Oxford, and Doctor, 



3IO The Royal Commission sequestrating [goct. 

Laud, Bishop of Bath and Wells, to exercise archi- 

episcopal jurisdiction. 

The Commission is followeth — 

Charles, by the grace of GOD, King of England, 
Scotland, France, and Ireland ; Defender of the Faith, S-c. 
To the Right Reverend Father in GOD, George [Mon- 
taigne], Bishop of London ; and to the Right Reverend 
Father in GOD, our trusty and well beloved Councillor, 
Richard [Neyle], Lord Bishop of Durham ; and to the 
Right Reverend Father in GOD, John [Buckeridge], 
Lord Bishop of ROCHESTER ; and to the Right Reverend 
Father in GOD, John [Howson], Lord Bishop of Ox- 
ford; and to the Right Reverend Father in GOD, our 
Right Trusty and Well Beloved Councillor, William 
[Laud], Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells. 

Hereas George, now Archbishop of Canterbury, 
in the right of the Archbishopric, hath several and 
distinct A rchiepiscopal, Episcopal, and other Spiritual 
and Ecclesiastical Powers and Jurisdictions^ to be 
exercised in the Government and Discipline of the 
Church within the Province of Canterbury, and in the Administra- 
tion of Justice in Causes Ecclesiastical within that Province, which 
are partly executed by himself in his own person, and partly ajid 
more generally by several persons nominated and authorised by him, 
being learned in the Ecclesiastical Laws of this Realm, in those 
several places whereunto they are deputed and appointed by the 
said Archbishop : wliich several places, as We are informed, they 
severally hold by several Grants for their several lives, as namely, 
Sir Henry Martin Knight hath and holdeth by the 
grants of the said Archbishop , the Offices and Places of the 
Dean of the Arches, and Judge or Master of the Prerogative 
Court, for the natural life of the said Sir Henry Martin. 
Sir Charles Cjesar Knight hath and holdeth by grants 
of the said Archbishop, the Places or Offices of the Judge of 
the Audience, and Master of the Faculties, for the term of the 
natural life of the said Sir CHARLES Cjesar. 

Sir Thomas Ridley Knight hath and holdeth by the 
grant of the said Archbishop, the Place or Office of Vicar 
General to the said Archbishop. 
And Nathaniel Brent, Doctor of the Laws, hath and 




1627.] Archbishop Abbot from his functions. 311 

holdeth by grant of the said Archbishop, the Office or Place 
of Commissary to the said Archbishop, as of his proper and 
peculiar diocese of Canterbury. 

And likewise the several Registrars of the Arches, Prero- 
gative, Audience, Faculties, and of the Vicar General and 
Commissary of Canterbury, hold their places by grants by the 
said Archbishop respectively . 

Whereas the said Archbishop, in some or all of these several 
Places and Jurisdictions, doth and may sometimes assume unto his 
personal and proper Judicature, Order, or Direction, some parti- 
cular CatLses, Actions, or Cases, at his pleasure. And forasmuch 
as the said Archbishop cannot, at this present, in his own person, 
attend these services which are otherwise proper for his Cognisance 
and Jurisdiction ; and ivhich as Archbishop of Canterbury, he 
might and ought in his own person to have performed and executed 
in Causes and Matters Ecclesiastical, in the proper function of 
Archbishop of the Province. 

We, therefore, of Our regal power, and of Our princely care 
and providence, that nothing shall be defective in the Order 
Discipline, Government, or Right of the Church, have thought fit 
by the service of some other learned and reverend Bishops, to be 
named by Us, to supply those which the said Archbishop ought 01 
might, in the cases aforesaid, to have done ; but, for this present, 
cannot perform the same. 

Know ye, therefore, That We, reposing special trust and con- 
fidence in your approved wisdoms, learning, and integrity, have 
nominated, authorised, and appointed, and do, by these presents, 
nominate, authorise, and appoint You, the said George, Lord 
Bishop of London ; Richard, Lord Bishop of Durham ; 
John, Lord Bishop of Rochester ; John, Lord Bishop of 
Oxford ; and William, Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, 
or any four, three, or two of you, to do, execute, and perform all 
and every those acts, matters, and things any way touching or 
concerning the Power, Jurisdiction, or Authority of the Archbishop 
of Canterbury in Causes or Matters Ecclesiastical, as amply, 
fully, and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as the said Arch- 
bishop himself might have done. 

And We do hereby Command you, and every of you, to attend, 
perform, and execute this Our Royal Pleasure in and touching 
the premises, until We shall declare Our Will and Pleasure to 
the contrary. 



I 



312 A FIT Record of Arbitrary Power. 

And We do further hereby Will and Command the said Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, quietly and without interruption, to 
permit and suffer you the said George, Bishop of London ; 
Richard, Bishop of Durham; John, Bishop of Rochester: 
John, Bishop of OXFORD; and William, Bishop of Bath 
AND Wells; any four, three, or two of you, to execute and 
perform this Our Commission, according to Our Royal Pleasure 
thereby signified. 

And We do further Will and Command all and every other 
person and persons, whom it may any way concern in their several 
Places or Offices, to be attendant, observant, and obedient to you 
and every of you, in the execution and performance of this Our 
Royal Will and Command; as they and every of them will answer 
the contrary at their utmost perils. 

Nevertheless, We do hereby declare Our Royal Pleasure to be 
That they the said Sir Henry Martin, Sir Charles C^sar, 
Sir Thomas Ridley, and Nathaniel Brent, in their 
several Offices and Places ; and all other Registrars, Officers, and 
Ministers in the several Courts, Offices, and Jurisdictions apper- 
taining to the said Archbishop, shall, quietly and without inter- 
ruption, hold, use, occupy, and enjoy their several Offices and 
Places, which they now hold by the grant of the said Archbishop, 
or of any other former Archbishop of CANTERBURY, in such 
manner and form, and with those benefits, privileges, powers, and 
authorities which they now have, hold, and enjoy therein or there- 
out, severally and respectively : they, and every of them, in 
their several Places, being attendant and obedient unto you, the 
said George, Bishop of London; Richard, Bishop of 
Durham; John, Bishop of Rochester ; John, Bishop of 
Oxford; and William, Bishop of Bath and Wells; 
or to any four, three, or two of you, in all things according to 
the tenour of this our Our Commission ; as they should or ought 
to have been to the said Archbishop himself, if this Commission 
had not been had or made. 

In witness whereof. We have caused these our Letters to he 
made Patents. Witness Our Self, at Westminster, the ninth day 
of October [1627] in the third year of our reign. 

Per ipsum Regem. 

Edmonds. 




3^3 
Archbishop A b b o t's own Narrative. 

[RuSHWORTH. Histarical Collections, idem.} 

Pars Prima. 

'T IS an example, so without example, that in the 
sunshine of the Gospel ; in the midst of profession 
of the true religion ; under a gracious King, whom 
all the world must acknowledge to be blemished 
with no vice ; a man of my place and years, who 
has done some service in the Church and Commonwealth, so 
deeply laden with some furious infirmities of body, should be 
removed from his ordinary habitation, and, by a kind of 
deportation, should be thrust into one end of the Island 
(although I must confess into his own diocese), that I hold 
it fit that the reason of it should be truly understood, least it 
ma}' someways turn to the scandal of my person and calling. 
Which Declaration, notwithstanding, I intend not to com- 
municate to any, but to let it lie by me privately; that it 
being set down impartially, whilst all things are fresh in 
memor}', I may have recourse to it hereafter, if questions 
shall be made of anything contained in this Relation. 

And this I hold necessary to be done, by reason of the 
strangeness of that, which, by way of Censure, was inflicted 
upon me ; being then of the age of sixty-five years, encum- 
bered with the gout, and afflicted with the stone : having 
lived so many years in a Place of great service, and, for 
ought I know, untainted in any of my actions; although my 
Master, King James (who resteth with GOD) had both a 
searching wit of his own to discover his servants, whom he 
put in trust, whether they took any sinister courses or not; 
and wanted not some suggesters about him, to make the 
worst of all men's actions whom they could misreport. 

Yet this innocency and good fame to be overthrown in a 
month ! and a Christian Bishop suddenly to be made fabtila 
vulgi, to be tossed upon the tongues of friends and foes, of 
Protestants and Papists, of Court and Country, of English 
and Foreigners, must needs, in common opinion, presuppose 
some crime, open or secret ; which, being discovered by the 



! 



314 The Archbishop afflicted with [^jP-j^-j^Sa"/: 

King, albeit not fully appearing to the world, must draw on 
indignation in so high a measure. 

I cannot deny that the indisposition of my body kept me 
from Court, and thereby gave occasion to maligners to traduce 
me, as, " withdrawing myself from public services, and there- 
fore misliking some coursesthat were taken " : which abstain- 
ing, perhaps, neither pleased the King, nor the Great Man 
that set them on foot. 

It is true, that in the turbulency of some things, I had not 
great invitements to draw me abroad ; but to possess my soul 
in patience till GOD sent fairer weather. But the true ground 
for my abstaining from solemn and public places, was the 
weakness of my feet, proceeding from the gout : which 
disease being hereditary unto me, and having possessed me 
now nine years, had debilitated me more and more ; so that 
I could not stand at all, neither could I go up or down a pair 
of stairs but, besides my staff, I must have the service of 
one at least, of my men, who were not fit to be admitted in 
every place where I was to come. 

And although I was oft remembered by the wisest of my 
friends, that " I might be carried, as the old Lord Treasurer 
Burleigh was ! " yet I did not think my service so neces- 
sary for the commonwealth, as his Lordship's, by long experi- 
ence, was found to be. I did not value myself at so high a 
rate ; but remembered that it was not the least cause of 
overthrow to Robert [Devereux], Earl of Essex, that he 
prized himself so, as if Queen Elizabeth and the Kingdom 
could not well have stood, if he had not supported both the 
one and the other. 

Now for me, thus enfeebled, not with gout only, but with 
the stone and gravel, to wait on the King or the Council 
Table, was, by me, held a matter most inconvenient. In the 
Courts of Princes, there is little feeling of [for] the infirmities 
belonging to old age. They like them that be young and 
gallant in their actions, and in their clothes. They love not 
that men should stick too long in any room of greatness. 
Change and alteration bringeth somewhat with it ; what have 
they to do with kerchiefs and staves, with lame or sickly 
men ? It is certainly true, there is little compassion upon the 
bodily defects of any. The Scripture speaketh of " men stand- 
ing before Kings." It were an uncouth sight to see the subject 



^?^"fiy Sj:] THE Gout and the Stone. 315 

sit the day before the Coronation : when, on the morrow, I 
had work enough for the strongest man in England, being 
weak in my feet, and coming to Whitehall to see things in 
readiness against the next day. Yet, notwithstanding the 
stone and gout, I was not altogether an inutile servant in the 
King's affairs ; but did all things in my house that were ^o 
be done: as in keeping the High Commission Court, doing 
all inferior actions conducing thereto; and despatching refer- 
ences from His Majesty that came thick upon me. 

These Relations which are made concerning me, be of 
certain truth ; but reach not to the reason I was discarded. 

To understand therefore the verity, so it is, that the Duke 
of Buckingham (being still great in the favour of the King ; 
could endure no man that would not depend upon him) among 
other men, had me in his eye, for not stooping unto him, so 
asto become his vassal. 

I (that had learned a lesson, which I constantly hold, To 
be no man's servant, hut the King's: for mine old royal Master 
which is with GOD, and mine own reason did teach me so) 
went on mine own ways ; although I could not but observe, 
that as many as walked in that path did suffer for it upon all 
occasions, and so did I : nothing wherein I moved my Master 
taking place ; which, finding so clearly (as if the Duke had 
set some ill character upon me), I had no way but to rest in 
patience ; leaving all to GOD, and looking to myself as 
warily as I might. But this did not serve the turn ; his 
undertakings were so extraordinary, that every one that was 
not with him, was presently [instantly] against him : and if a 
hard opinion were once entertained, there was no place left 
for satisfaction or reconciliation. What befell the Earl of 
Arundel, Sir Randal Carew, and divers others, I need not 
to report; and no man can make doubt but he blew the 
coals. 

For myself, there is a gentleman called Sir H. S., who 
gave the first light what should befall me. 

This Knight, being of more livelihood than wisdom, had 
married the Lady D., sister of the now Earl of E. ; and 
had so treated her, both for safeguard of her honour, blemished 
by him scandalously ; and for her alimony or maintenance, 
being glad to get from him ; she was forced to endure a suit 
in the His^h Commission Court. 



3i6 Doctor SiBTHORp's Assize Sermon ON [^^^-j^ij^Sz^ 

So to strengthen his party, he was made known to the 
Duke ; and, by means of a dependent on his Grace, he got a 
letter from the King, that " The Commissioners should pro- 
ceed no further in hearing of that cause; by reason thatitbeing 
a difference between a Gentleman and his Wife, the King's 
Majesty would hear it himself." The solicitor for the lady, 
findingthatthe course of Justice was stopped, did so earnestly, 
by petition, move the King, that, by another letter, there was 
a relaxation of the former restraint, and the Commissioners 
Ecclesiastical went on. 

But now, in the new proceeding, finding himself by justice 
Iike[ly] enough to be pinched ; he did publicly in the Court, 
refuse to speak by any Counsel, but would plead his cause 
himself: wherein he did bear the whole business so disorderly 
and tumultuously, and unrespectively [disrespectfully], that, 
after divers reproofs, I was enforced, for the honour of the 
Court and the reputation of the High Commission, to tell 
him openly that " If he did not carry himself in a better 
fashion, I would commit him to prison ! " 

This so troubled the young gallant, that, within few days 
after, being at dinner or supper (where some wished me well), 
he bolted it out that " As for the Archbishop, the Duke had a 
purpose to turn him out of his Place, and that he did but wait 
the occasion to effect it." Which being brought unto me, 
constantly, by more ways than one ; I was now in expecta- 
tion, what must be the issue of this Great Man's indignation ; 
which fell out to be, as followeth. 

There was one Sibthorp, who, not being so much as a 
Bachelor of Arts (as it hath been credibly reported unto me), 
by means of Doctor Peirce, Dean of Peterborough (being 
Vice Chancellor of Oxford), did get to be confirmed upon him, 
the title of a Doctor. 

This man is Vicar of Brackley, in Northamptonshire; and 
hath another benefice not far from it, in Buckinghamshire : 
but the lustre of his honour did arise from being the son-in- 
law of Sir John Lamb, Chancellor of Peterborough, whose 
daughter he married ; and was put into the Commission of 
Peace. 

When the Lent Assizes were, in February last [1627], at 
Northampton, the man that preached [on the 22nd of the month] 



f^f'^^Ty^AposTOLiCAL Obedience, at N ortiiampton. 3 1 7 

before the Judg^es there, was this worthy Doctor : where, 
magnifying the authority of Kings (which is so strong in the 
Scripture, that it needs no flattery any ways to extol it), he 
let fall divers speeches which were distasteful to the auditors, 
and namely, " That Kings had power to put poll money upon 
their subjects' heads " : when, against those challenges, men 
did frequently mourn. 

He, being a man of low fortune, conceived that the putting 
his sermon {entitled ** Apostolical Obedience "] in print, might 
gain favour at Court and raise his fortune higher, on he goeth 
with the transcribing of his sermon ; and got a bishop or two 
to prefer this great service to the Duke. It being brought 
unto the Duke, it cometh in his head, or was suggested to 
him by some malicious body, that, thereby, the Archbishop 
might be put to some remarkable strait. For if the King 
should send the sermon unto him, and command him to allow 
it to the press, one of these two things would follow : that, 
either he should authorise it, and so, all men that were in- 
different should discover him for a base and unworthy beast; 
or he should refuse it, and so should fall into the King's 
indignation, who might pursue it at his pleasure as against 
a man that was contrary to his service. 

Out of this fountain flowed all the water that afterwards so 
wet. In rehearsing whereof, I must set down divers par- 
ticulars ; which some man may wonder how they should be 
discovered unto me : but let it suffice, once for all, that in the 
word of an honest man and a Bishop, I recount nothing but 
whereof I have good warrant ; GOD Himself working means. 

The matters were revealed unto me, although it be not 
convenient that, in this Paper, I name the manner how they 
came unto me; lest such as did, by well doing, farther me, 
should receive blame for their labour. 

Well, resolved it is, that " I be put to it ! and that, with 
speed ! " and therefore Master William Murray (nephew as, 
I think, unto Master Thomas Murray, sometimes Tutor to 
Prince Charles), now of the King's Bedchamber, is sent to 
me with the written Sermon : of whom, I must say, that 
albeit he did the King his Master's service ; yet he did use 
himself temperately and civilly unto me. 

For avoiding of inquit and inquam, as Tully saitli, / saii 



3i8The Archbp's Chaplains license books. ["^^^p-jii^Si^J: 

this and he said that, I will make it by way of dialogue : not 
setting down every day's conference exactly by itself, but 
mentioning all things in the whole; yet distinguishing of times 
where, for the truth of the Relation, it cannot be avoided. 

Murray. My Lord ! I am sent unto you by the King, to 
let you know that his pleasure is, That whereas there is 
brought unto him, a Sermon to be printed : you should allow 
this Sermon to the press. 

Archbishop. I was never he that authorised books to be 
printed : for it is the work of my Chaplains to read over other 
men's writings, and what is fit, to let it go ; what is unfit, to 
expunge it. 

Murray. But the King will have you yourself to do this, 
because he is minded that no books shall be allowed, but by 
you and the Bishop of London [then George Montaigne] : 
and my Lord of London authorised one the other day, 
CosENs's book ; and he will have you do this. 

Archbishop. This is an occupation that my old Master, King 
James, did never put me to ; and yet I was then young, and 
had more abilities of body than I now have : so that I see I 
must now learn a new lesson. But leave it with me ! and 
when I have read it, I shall know what to say unto it. A 
day or two hence, you shall understand my mind. 

When I had once or twice perused it ; I found some words 
which seemed to me to cross that which the King intended, 
and, in a sort, to destroy it ; and therefore upon his return a 
day or two after, I expressed myself thus : 

Master Murray ! I conceive that the King intended that 
this Sermon shall promote the service now in hand about 
the Loan of Money: but in my opinion he much crosseth 
it. For he layeth it down for a rule (and because it should 
not be forgotten, he repeateth it again) that Christians 
are bound in duty one to another, especially all subjects to 
their Princes, according to the Laws and Customs of the 
Kingdom wherein they live. Out of this, will men except 
this Loan ; because there is neither Law nor Custom for 
it, in the Kingdom of England. 

Secondly. Inmyjudgement,therefolloweth a dangerous 
speech, Habemus necessitatem vindicandae libertatis. (For 



^Yfuiy^lTy'^ A TRAP TO CATCH THE Archbishop. 319 

this was all that was then quoted out of Calvin, no 
mention being made of any the other words which are, 
now, in the printed copy.) For when, by the former rule 
he hath set men at liberty whether they will pay or not ; he 
imposeth upon them a necessity to vindicate this liberty ; 
and vindicare may be extended to challenge with violence, 
cum vi. But, for my part, I would be most unwilling to 
give occasion to Sedition and Mutiny in the kingdom ! 

Again, here is mention made of Poll Money; which, 
as I have heard, hath already caused much distaste 
where the Sermon was preached. 

Moreover, what a speech is this ? That he observes the 
forwardness of the Papists to offer double according to an A ct 
of Parliament so providing; yea, to profess that they would 
part with the half of their goods : where he quoteth in the 
margent. Anno 1. Caroli, the Act for the Subsidy of the 
Laity, whereby Popish Recusants were to pay double; when 
indeed there is no such Act ! 

And in the fifth place, it is said in this Sermon, that 
the Princes of Bohemia have power to depose their Kings, as 
not being hereditary. Which is a great question : such a 
one as hath cost much blood ; and must not in a word 
be absolutely defined here, as if it were without con- 
troversy. 

I pray you, make His Majesty acquainted with these 
things 1 and take the book with you ! 
Where it is to be noted, that, all this time, we had but one 
single copy [manuscript] ; which was sometimes at the Court, 
and sometimes left with me. 

Murray. I will faithfully deliver these things to the King, 
and then you shall hear further from me ! 

Some two or three days after, he returneth again unto me, 
and telleth me. That he had particularly acquainted the King 
with my objections ; and His Majesty made this answer. 

First. For the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom, 

he did not stand upon that. He had a precedent for 

that which he did, and thereon he would insist. 

Archbishop. I think that to be a mistaking; for I fear there 

will be found no such precedent. King Henry VHI., as the 

Chronicle sheweth, desired but a Sixth Part of men's estates, 



320 Discussions over the manuscript ['^'^p jiiy ^627': 

Ten Groats in the Pound : our King desireth the whole six 
parts, full out; so much as men are set at in the Subsidy Book. 
And in the time of King Henry, although he were a powerful 
King; yet, for that taxation, there began against him little 
less than a rebellion ; so that he held it wisdom to desist ; 
and, laying the blame upon Cardinal Wolsey, professed that 
** he knew nothing of the matter.*' 

Murray. Secondly. The King saith for the words, 
Habemiis necessitatem vindicandae libertatis; he taketh them 
to be for him, and he will stand upon his liberty. 
Thirdly. For Poll Money, he thinketh it lawful. 
Fourthly. It is true, there was no such Act passed ; 
and therefore it must be amended. (And yet in the 
printed book, it is suffered still to stand! Such slight, 
and, I may say, slovenly care was had, by them that 
published this Sermon.) 

And fifthly. For that of Bohemia : he hath crossed it 
out of the book. 
Some other matters there were, against which I took 
exception ; but Master Murray being a young gentleman, 
although witty and full of good behaviour : I doubted that, 
being not deeply seen in Divinity, he could not so well con- 
ceive me or make report of my words to His Majesty : and 
therefore I, being lame and so disabled to wait on the King, 
did move him, that " He would, in my name, humbly beseech 
His Majesty to send [William Laud, then] the Bishop of 
Bath and Wells unto me ; and I would, by his means, make 
known my scruples." And so I dismissed Master Murray ; 
observing with myself, that the Answers to my five Objections 
especially to two or three [of them], were somewhat strange ; 
as if the King were resolved (were it to his good, or to his 
harm) to have the book go forth. 

After one or two days more, the young Gentleman cometh 
to me again, and telleth me, that "The King did not think it 
fit to send the Bishop of Bath unto me ; but that expecteth 
I should pass the book." 

In the meantime, had gone over one High Commission 
day ; and this Bishop (who used otherwise on very few days, 
to fail) was not there: which being joined to His Majesty's 
message, made me, in some measure to smell that this whole 



I 



^V'fu\y\627^ 1- D O C T O R S I B T H O R P'S S E R M O N. 3 2 I 

business might have that Bishop's hand in it ; especially I 
knowing in general, the disposition of the man. 

The minds of those that were Actors for the publishing of 
the book, were not quiet at the Court, that the thing was not 
despatched. Therefore, one day, the Duke said to the King, 
" Do you see how this business is deferred ! If more expe- 
dition be not used, it will not be printed before the end of 
the Term : at which time, it is fit that it be sent down into 
the countreys [cotmites]." So eager was he, that either by my 
credit, his undertakings might be strengthened ; or at least, 
I might be contemned and derided, as an unworthy fellow. 

This so quickened the King, that the next message which 
was sent by Master Murray, was in some degree minatory, 
*' That if I did not despatch it, the King would take some 
other course with me ! " 

When I found how far the Duke had prevailed ; I thought 
it my best way, to set down in writing, many objections, 
wherefore the book was not fit to be published : which I did 
modestly, and sent them to the King. 

1. (Page 2.) These words deserve to be well weighed, 
And whereas the Princepleads not the Power of Prerogative. 

2. (Page 8.) The King's duty is first to direct and make 
Laws. There is no law made till the King assent unto 
it ; but if it be put simply to make Laws, it will make 
much startling at it. 

3. (Page 10.) If nothing may excuse from Active 
Obedience, but what is against the Law of GOD, or of 
Nature, or impossible ; how doth this agree with the first 
fundamental position; (Pages.) That all subjects are 
bound to all their Princes, according to the Laws and Customs 
of the Kingdom wherein they live. 

4. (Page II.) This is a fourth Case of Exception. The 
Poll Money, mentioned by him in Saint Matthew, was 
imposed by the Emperor as a Conqueror over the Jews : 
and the execution of it in England, although it was by 
a Law, produced a terrible effect in King Richard II.'s 
time ; when only it was used, for ought that appeareth. 

5. (Page 12.) It is, in the bottom. View of the reign 
of Henry III. ; and whether it be fit to give such 
allowance to the book ; being surreptitiously put out ? 



32 2 William Laud, drawn to the quick! [^^?^ j^'iySj: 

6. (In the same page.) Let the largeness of those 
words be well considered ! Yea^ all Antiquity to he absolutely 
for Absolute Obedience to Princes, in all Civil and Temporal 
things. For such cases as Naboth's Vineyard, may fall 
within this. 

7. (Page 14.) SiXTUS V. was dead before 1580. 

8. (In the same page.) Weigh it well, How this 
Loan may be called a Tribute ! and when it is said. We 
are promised, it shall not he immoderately imposed, how 
agreeth that, with His Majesty's Commission and Pro- 
clamation, which are quoted in the margent ? 

It should seem that this paper did prick to the quick ; and 
no satisfaction being thereby accepted, Bishop Laud is 
called, and he must go to answer to it in writing. 

This man is the only inward [intimate] counsellor with 
Buckingham : sitting with him, sometimes, privately whole 
hours; and feeding his humour with malice and spite. 

His life in Oxford was to pick quarrels in the Lectures of 
the Public Readers, and to advertise [denounce] them to the 
then Bishop of Durham [? T. Matthew, or his successor, 
W. James], that he might fill the ears of King James with 
discontents against the honest men that took pains in their 
Places, and settled the truth (that he called Puritanism) in 
their auditors. 

He made it his work, to see what books were in the 
press; and to look over Epistles Dedicatory, and Prefaces to the 
Reader, to see what faults might be found. 

It was an observation what a sweet man this was like[ly] 
to be, that the first observable act that he did, was the 
marrying of the Earl of D[evonshire] to the Lady R[ich] 
[See Vol. I, p. 483] : when it was notorious to the world, 
that she had another husband, and the same a nobleman, 
who had divers children then living by her. 

King James did, for many years, take this so ill, that he 
would never hear of any great preferment of him : insomuch 
that Doctor Williams, the Bishop of Lincoln (who taketh 
upon him, to be the first promoter of him) hath many times 
said " That when he made mention of Laud to the King, 
His Majesty was so averse from it, that he was constrained 



< 



MuI^iS-] ^ ^ ^^^L UNDERWORK ANY MAN IN THE WORLD ! 3 2 3 

oftentimes to say that ' He would never desire to serve that 
Master, which could not remit one fault unto his servant.' " 

Well, in the end, he did conquer it, to get him [on the 10th 
October, 1621] the Bishopric of St. Davids : which he had 
not long enjoyed ; but he began to undermine his benefactor, 
as, at this day, it appeareth. 

The Countess of Buckingham told Lincoln, that " St. 
Davids was the man that undermined him with her son." 
And, verily, such is his aspiring nature, that he will under- 
work any man in the world ! so that he may gain by it. 

This man, who believeth so well of himself, framed an 
Answer to my Exceptions. 

But to give some countenance to it ; he must call in three 
other Bishops, that is to say, Durham, Rochester, and 
Oxford, tried men for such a purpose! and the style of the 
Speech runneth, "We, and We." This seemed so strong a 
Confutation, that, for reward of their service, as well as for 
hope that they would do more. Doctor Neyle, Bishop of 
Durham, and the Bishop of Bath, were sworn of the Privy 
Council. 

The very day, being Sunday, Master Murray was sent 
unto me, with a writing : but finding me all in a sweat, by 
a fit of the stone which was then upon me, he forbore, for 
that time, to trouble me, and said, "That on the morrow, 
he would repair to me again." 

I got me to bed, and lying all that night in pain ; I held it 
convenient not to rise the next day. 

And on the Monday, Master Murray came unto me; 
which was the eighth time that he had been with me, so 
incessantly was I plied with this noble work. 

I had shewed it [the Apostolical Obedience] to a friend or 
two : whereof the one was a learned Doctor of Divinity ; and 
the other had served many times in Parliament with great 
commendation. We all agreed that it was an idle work of 
a man that understood not Logic, that evidently crossed 
[contradicted] himself, that sometimes spake plausibly ; and, 
in the end of his Sermon, [it] fell so poor and flat, that it 
was not worth the reading. 

Master Murray coming to my bedside, said, " That he 



324 The Archbp. ever loved a learned man ! ['^''p- jj^y ,6°^; 

was sent again by the King, and had a paper to be shewed 
unto me." 

Archbishop. You see in what case I am, having slept 
little all this last night ; but nevertheless since you come 
from the King, I will take my spectacles, and read it. 

Murray. No, my Lord ! You may not read it, nor 
handle it ; for I have charge not to suffer it to go out of my 
hands. 

Archbishop. How then, shall I know what it is ? 

Murray. Yes, I have order to read it unto you ! but I 
may not part with it. 

Archbishop. I must conceive, that if I do not assent to it. 
His Majesty will give me leave to reply upon it ; which I 
cannot do, but in my study, for there are my books. 

Murray. I must go with you into your study ; and sit by 
you, till you have done. 

Archbishop. It is not so hasty a work. It will require 
time ; and I have not been used to study, one sitting by me. 
But first read it, I pray you ! 

The young gentleman read it from the one end to the 
other; being two or three sheets of paper. 

Archbishop. This Answer is very bitter; but giveth me no 
satisfaction. I pray you leave the writing with me ; and I 
shall batter it to pieces. 

Murray. No, my Lord ! I am forbidden to leave it 
with you, or to suffer you to touch it. 

Archbishop. How cometh this about? Are the authors 
of it afraid of it, or ashamed of it ? I pray you tell His 
Majesty that I am dealt with neither manly, nor scholar like. 
Not manly, because I must fight with adversaries that I 
know not : not scholar like, because I must not see what it 
is that must confute me. It is now eight and forty years 
ago [i.e., in 1579], that I came to the University; and, since 
that time, I have ever loved a learned man. I have disputed 
and written divers books, and know very well what apper- 
taineth to the Schools. 

This is a new kind of learning unto me. I have formerly 
found fault, that the author of this Sermon quoteth not the 
places, whereupon he grounds his doctrine: and when I have 
oft called for them, it is replied to me that " I must take 
them upon the credit of the Writer," which I dare not do. 



^'?'' J%^^62°7-] ^E REFUSES TO LICENSE THE SeRMON. 325 

For I have searched but one place, which he quoted in 
general, but sets down neither the words, nor the treatise, 
nor the chapter; and I find nothing to the purpose for which 
it is quoted : and therefore I have reason to suspect all the 
rest. 

I pray you, therefore, in the humblest manner, to com- 
mend my service to the King my Master, and let him know 
that, unless I may have all the quotations set down, that 
I may examine them : and may have that Writing, wherein 
I am so ill used : I cannot allow the book ! 

Before I go further, it shall not be amiss to touch some 
particulars of that which I sent in writing to the King. 

The First was Page 2. These words deserve to be 
well weighed. And whereas the Prince pleads not the power 
of Prerogative. 
To this. Master Murray said, " The King doth not plead 
it." 

But my reply was, " But what then, doth he coerce those 
refractories ? for I have not heard of any Law, whereby they 
are imprisoned ; and therefore I must take it to be by the 
King's Prerogative." 

To the Second (Page 8). The King's duty is first to 

direct and make Laws. There is no Law made till the 

King assent unto it ; but if it be put simply to 7nake 

Laws, it will cause much startling at it. 

To this I remember not any material thing was answered ; 

neither to the Third. 

(Page ID.) If nothing may excuse from Active Obedience, 
but what is against the Law of GOD, or of Nature, or 
impossible; how doth this agree with the first fundamen- 
tal position : (Page 5.) That all subjects are bound to all 
their Princes, according to the Laws and Customs of the 
kingdom wherein they live. 

This is a fourth case of Exception. 
And here, before I go to the rest, the Doctor did truly hit 
upon a good point, in looking to the Laws and Customs, if he 
could have kept him to it. 

For in my memory, and in the remembrance of many 
Lords and others that now live. Doctor Harsenet, the then 
Bishop of Chichester, and now of Norwich, in Parlia- 



1 



326 Abp. Abbot's Exceptions to the Sermon, [^^^j^ii^xS" 

ment time, preached at Whitehall, a sermon (which was 
afterwards burned) upon the text, Give untoCMSAR, the things 
that be Cesar's! wherein he insisted that "Goods and 
Money were Caesar's ; and therefore they were not to be 
denied unto him." 

At this time, when the whole Parliament took main offence 
thereat, King James was constrained to call the Lords and 
Commons into the Banquetting House at Whitehall : and 
there His Majesty called all, by saying " The Bishop only 
failed in this, when he said The goods were Cesar's, he did 
not add They were his, according to the Laws and Customs of 
the Country wherein they did live." 

So moderate was our C^sar then, as I myself saw and 
heard, being then an Eye and Ear Witness : for I was then 
Bishop of London. 

To the Fourth. The Poll Money, in Saint Matthew, 
was imposed by the Emperor, as a Conqueror over the 
Jews : and the execution of it in England, although it 
was by a Law, produced a terrible effect in Richard H.'s 
time ; when only it was used, for ought that appeareth. 

Here the Bishop, in the Paper, excepted divers things 
" That sometimes among us, by Act of Parliament, strangers 
are appointed to pay by the poll :" which agreeth not with 
the Case : and that " It was not well to bring examples out 
of weak times ; whereas we live in better : but it was a 
marvellous fault, the blame was not laid upon the rebels of 
that Age." 

Those are such poor things, that they are not worth the 
answering. 

But my Objection, in truth, prevailed so far, that in the 
printed book, it was qualified thus : Poll money, other persons, 
and upon some occasions. 

Where, obiter, I may observe that my refusing to sign the 
Sermon, is not to be judged by the printed book: for many 
things are altered in one, which were in the other. 

To the Fifth (Page 12). It is in the bottom. View of 
the reign of Henry III., whether it be fit to give such 
allowance to the book ; being surreptitiously put out ? 

To this, it was said, " That being a good passage out of a 
blameworthy book, there was no harm in it." 

But before the question of Sibthorp's treatise ; the Bishop 



^?^j^i^i62°J.'] AND Bishop Laud's Answers to them. 32; 

of Bath himself, being with me, found much fault with that 
Treatise, as being put out for a scandalous Parallel of those 
times. 

To the Sixth, in the same page. Let the largeness of 

those words be well considered 1 Yea, all Antiquity to he 

absolutely for A bsolute Obedience to Princes, in all Civil and 

Temporal Things. For such cases as Naboth's Vineyard 

may fall within this. 

Here the Bishop was as a man in a rage, and said, " That 

it was an odious comparison ! for it must suppose, that there 

must be an Ahab, and there must be a Jezebel, and I cannot 

tell what!" 

But I am sure my Exception standeth true ; and reviling 
and railing doth not satisfy my argument. All Antiquity 
taketh the Scripture into it : and if I had allowed that 
proportion for good, I had been justly beaten with my own 
rod. 

If the King, the next day, had commanded me to send him 
all the money and goods I had ; I must, by mine own rule, 
have obeyed him ! and if he had commanded the like to all 
the clergymen in England, by Doctor Sibthorp's proportion 
and my Lord of Canterbury's allowing of the same ; they 
must have sent in all ! and left their wives and children in a 
miserable case. 

Yea, the words extend so far, and are so absolutely de- 
livered, that by this Divinity, If the King should send to the 
city of London, and the inhabitants thereof, commanding 
them " to give unto him all the wealth which they have," 
they are bound to do it 1 

I know our King is so gracious, that he will attempt no 
such matter : but if he do it not, the defect is not in these 
flattering Divines! who, if they were called to question for 
such doctrine, they would scarce be able to abide it. 

There is a Meum and a Tuwn in Christian commonwealths, 
and according to Laws and Customs, Princes may dispose of it. 
That saying being true. Ad reges, potestas omnium pertinet, ad 
singulos, proprietas. 

To the Seventh (p. 14.), Pius V. was dead before the 
year 1580 ; they make no reply, but mend it in the 
printed book: changing it into Gregory XIII. 

To the last (on the same page). Weigh it well ! 



328 Abp.'s sanction coveted for bad deeds. [^^jPj^-,y 5 



Abbot. 
627. 



I 



How this Loan may be called a Tribute ; and when it 
is said, We are promised it shall not be immoderately 
imposed. How that agreeth with His Majesty's Com- 
mission and Proclamation, which are quoted in the 
margent ? 
They make no answer but in the published Sermon, dis- 
tinguish a Tribute from a Loan or Aid : whereby they 
acknowledge it was not well before, and indeed it was im- 
proper and absurd : worthy of none but Doctor Sibthorp. 

I have now delivered the grounds, whereupon I refused to 
authorise this book : being sorry at my heart, that the King, 
my gracious Master, should rest so great a building upon so 
weak a foundation ; the Treatise being so slender, and with- 
out substance, but that it proceeded from a hungry man. 

If I had been in Council, when the Project for this Loan 
was first handled, I would have used my best reasons to have 
had it well grounded ; but I was absent, and knew not where- 
upon they proceeded : only I saw, it was followed with much 
vehemency. And since it was put in execution, I did not 
interpose myself to know the grounds of one, nor of the 
other. 

It seemed therefore strange unto me, that, in the upshot 
of the business, I was called in, to make that good by 
Divinity, which others had done ; and must have no other 
inducement to it, but Doctor Sibthorp's contemptible 
treatise ! 

I imagined this, for the manner of the carriage of it, to be 
somewhat like unto the Earl of Somerset's case ; who 
having abused the wife of the Earl of Essex, must have her 
divorced from her husband, and must himself marry her. 
And this must not be done ; but that the Archbishop of 
Canterbury must ratify all, judicially! 

I know the cases are different ; but I only compare the 
manner of the carriage. 



When the approbation of the Sermon was by me refused, it 
was carried to the Bishop of London, who gave a great and 



"^^f^ jib^l'S-] The fright of Dr. W0RRAL.329 

stately allowance of it [It was entered at Stationers' Hall, 
under his authority, on the ^rd May, 1627] : the good man 
being not willing that anything should stick which was sent 
unto him from the Court ; as appeareth by the book which is 
commonly called The Seven Sacraments, which was allowed 
by his Lordship, with all the errors ! which since that time 
have been expunged and taken out of it. 

But before this passed the Bishop's file, there is one 
accident which fitly cometh in to be recounted in this place. 

My Lord of London hath a Chaplain, Doctor Worral by 
name ; who is scholar good enough, but a kind of free fellow 
like man, and of no very tender conscience. 

Doctor SiBTHORP's Sermon was brought unto him ; and 
" hand over head " as the proverb is, he approved it, and 
subscribed his name unto it : but afterwards, being better 
advised, he sendeth it to a learned gentleman of the Inner 
Temple; and writing some few lines unto him, craveth his 
opinion of that which he had done. 

The Gentleman read it ; but although he had promised to 
return his judgement by letter, yet he refused so to do : but 
desired Doctor Worral would come himself. Which being 
done, he spake to this purpose, " What have you done? You 
have allowed a strange book yonder ! which, if it be true, 
there is no Meum or Tuum ! no man in England hath any- 
thing of his own ! If ever the tide turns, and matters be 
called to a reckoning ; you will be hanged for publishing such 
a book ! " 

To which, the Doctor answered, " Yea, but my hand is to 
it ! What shall I do ? " 

For that, the other replied, ** You must scrape out your 
name ! and do not suffer so much as the sign of any letter to 
remain in the paper ! " 

Which, accordingly he did ; and withdrew his finger from 
the pie. 

But what the Chaplain, well advised, would not do ; his 
Lord, without sticking, accomplished : and so, being un- 
sensibly hatched, it came flying into the world ! 

But in m}' opinion, the book hath persuaded very few 
understanding men; and hath not gained the King, sixpence. 



330 All the Keys of England hang [^Yf^iy^cal' 




Pars Secunda. 

|Itherto, I have declared, at length, all passages 
concerning the Sermon; and, to my remembrance, 
I have not quitted anything that was worthy the 
knowing. I am now, in the second place, to shew 
what was the issue of this not allowing the 
worthy and learned Treatise. 

In the height of this question, I privately understood from 
a friend in the Court, that " for a punishment upon me, it 
was resolved that I should be sent to Canterbury, and con- 
fined there." I kept this silently, and expected GOD's 
pleasure, yet laying it up still in my mind : esteeming the 
Duke to be of the number of them, touching whom, Tacitus 
observeth, that such as are false in their love, are true in their 
hate ! But whatsoever the event must be, I made use of the 
report, that j acuta prcevisa minus feriunt. 

The Duke, at the firsl was earnest with the King, that I 
must be presently sent away before his going to sea [He left 
Portsmouth, on the Rochelle Expedition, on the zyth June]. 
" For, saith he, " if I were gone, he would be every day at 
Whitehall, and at the Council table ! and there, will cross all 
things that I have intended." 

To meet with this objection, I got me away to Croydon, a 
month sooner than, in ordinary years, I have used to do ; but 
the Term was ended early, and my main [strong] fit of the 
stone did call upon me to get me to the country, that there 
on horseback, I might ride on the downs : which I afterwards 
performed, and, I thank GOD ! found great use of it in rC' 
covering of my stomach, which was almost utterly gone. 

The Duke hastened his preparations for the iieet : but still 
that cometh in for one memorandum, "That if he were once 
absent, there should no day pass over but that the Arch- 
bishop would be with the King, and infuse things that would 
be contrary to his proceedings." 

"What a miserable and restless thing ambition is ! When 
one talented, but as a common person; yet by the favour of 
his Prince, hath gotten that Interest, that, in a sort, all the 






^'rj^i^iSG ^^ "^^^ UuKE OF Buckingham's girdle. 331 

Keys of England hang at his girdle (which the wise Queen 
Elizabeth would never endure in any subject) ; yet standeth 
in his own heart, in such tickle terms, as that he feareth 
every shadow, and thinketh that the lending of the King's 
ear unto any grave and well seasoned report, may blow him 
out of all ! which in his estimation, he thinketh is settled on 
no good foundation, but the affection of the Prince ; which 
may be mutable, as it is in all men, more or less. If a man 
would wish harm unto his enemy ; could he wish him a 
greater torment, than to be wrested and wringed with ambi- 
tious thoughts I 

Well, at first, it went current, that " with all haste, I must 
be doffed ! " but, upon later consideration, " it must be stayed 
till the Duke be at sea, and then put in execution by the 
King himself ; that, as it seemeth, Buckingham might be free 
from blame, if any should be laid upon any person." 

Hence it was, that, after his going, there was a new prose- 
cution of the Yorkshire men ; and the refusing Londoners 
were pursued more fervently than before : and it is very 
likely that the arrow came out of the same quiver, that the 
Bishop coming to the election at Westminster, was driven 
back so suddenly to Bugden. 

Take heed of these things, noble Duke ! You put your 
King to the worst parts ! whereof you may hear, one day ! 
So when your Sovereign, in the Parliament time, had spoken 
sharply to both Houses, commanding them " To go together 
again, and to give more money ! " and commanding them to 
" meddle no more with the Duke of Buckingham ! " you 
came, the next day, and thought to smooth all, taking the 
glory of qualifying disturbances to yourself ! Whereas, if 
you read books of true State Government (wherewithal you 
are not acquainted!), sweet things are personally to be acted 
by Kings and Princes, as giving of honours, and bestowing of 
noted benefits; and those things that are sour and distasting, 
are to be performed by their Ministers. You go the contrary 
way! 

But as before the whole house falleth on fire, some sparks 
do fly out ; so, before the message of the King was brought 
by the Secretary [of State], there were some inklings that 
such a thing would follow. And upon the naming of me, 
by occasion [incidentally] ^ it was said by a creature of the 



332 Conway conveys the King's command [^?P' {i,i^^62°7." 

Duke, that " It would not be long, before the Archbishop 
should be sequestered ! " that was the word. So well ac- 
quainted are the Duke's followers, with great actions that are 
likely to fall out in State. 

Accordingly on Tuesday, the 5th of July, 1627, the Lord 
Conway [Secretary of State] came to me to Croydon, before 
dinner-time ; " having travelled," as he said, " a long journey 
that morning, even from Oatlands thither." 

He would say nothing till he had dined. Then, because 
he was to return to Oatlands that night, I took him into the 
gallery : and when we were both sat down, we fell to it, in 
this manner. 

My Lord ! I know you, coming from Court, have some- 
what to say to me. 

Secretary. It is true. My Lord ! and I am the most unwil- 
ling man in the world, to bring unpleasing news to any 
Person of Quality, to whom I wish well ; and especially to 
such a one, as of whose meat I have eaten, and been merry 
at his house : but I come from the King, and must deliver 
his pleasure (I know who you are ! and much more) with 
ver}' civil language. 

Archbishop. I doubt not, my Lord ! but you have some- 
what to say ; and therefore, I pray you, in plain terms, let me 
have it ! 

Secretary. It is then His Majesty's pleasure, that you 
should withdraw yourself unto Canterbury! for which, he 
will afford you some convenient time. 

Archbishop. Is that it! Then I must use the words of 
the Psalmist, " He shall not be afraid of any evil tidings ; for 
his heart standeth fast, and believeth in the LORD ! " But, 
I pray you, what is my fault that bringeth this upon me ? 

Secretary. The King saith, you know ! 

Archbishop. Truly, I know none, unless it be that I am 
lame ; which I cannot help. It is against my will, and I am 
not proud of it. 

Secretary. The King bade me tell you, *' That if any expos- 
tulation were used " 

Archbishop. No, I will not use any expostulation ! If it 
be his pleasure, I will obey. I know myself to be an honest 
man, and therefore fear nothing; but, my Lord! do you 



^?^ jd^S-jTO THE Archbishop, to imprison himself! ^33 
think it is for the King's service, in this sort, to send me 



away r 

Secretary. No, by GOD ! I do not think it : and so, yester- 
day, I told the King with an oath ; but he will have it so. 

Archbishop. I must say, as before, " He shall not be afraid of 
any evil tidings ; for his heart standeth fast, and he believeth in 
the LORD ! " But, I pray you, my Lord ! is the King precisely 
set upon my going to Canterbury. There are questions in 
law between me and that town, about the liberties of my 
Archbishopric ; which I, by my oath, am bound to maintain : 
and if I should be among them, I have many adversaries of 
the citizens. I have there some tenants, and the Dean and 
Chapter are interested in the question. I would be unwilling 
that my servants and their people should fall together by the 
ears, while I am in the town. 

His Majesty knoweth this difference to be between us, by 
ihe token that a suit, which I lately brought against them, by 
a Quo Warranto in the King's Bench, was stopped : justice 
being denied me, which is not usual to be denied to any 
subject ; and the King well knoweth, by whose means it 
was stayed. 

I have therefore another house called Foord, five miles 
beyond Canterbury, and more out of the way. His Majesty 
may be pleased to let me go thither. 

Secretary. I can say nothing to that, but I will acquaint 
the King with it; and I conceive nothing to the contrary, but 
that His Majesty will yield so much unto you. 

I have a second Charge to deliver unto you, and that is 
that " His Majesty will not have you, from henceforth, to 
meddle with the High Commission. He will take care that 
it shall be done otherwise." 

Archbishop. I do not doubt but it shall be better managed 
than it hath been by me : and yet, my Lord ! I will tell you, 
that, for these many years that I have had the direction of 
that Court, the time is to come, that ever honest man did find 
fault that he had not there justice done. 

Secretary. It is now Vacation time, and so consequently 
little to do ; and by Michaelmas, His Majesty may set all in 
order. 

Archbishop. I am sorry the King proceedeth thus with me, 
and letteth me not know the cause. 



334 The Archbp. cOiMFOR'rED at knowing [^^Yj^iyTtTj. 

Secretary. Although I have no commission to tell you so. 
It is for a book which you would not allow, which concerned 
the King's service. 

Archbishop. If that be it; when I am questioned for it, I 
doubt not but to give an honest answer. 

Secretary. You will never be questioned for it ! 

Archbishop. Then am I the more hardly dealt withal; to 
be Censured, and not called to my answer. 

Secretary. Well, my Lord ! I will remember that of Foord: 
and will your Grace command me any more service ? 

Archbishop. No, my Lord ! but GOD be with you ! Only 
I end where I began, with the words of the Prophet, "He 
shall not be afraid for any evil tidings ; for his heart standeth 
fast, and believeth in the LORD ! " 

It comforted me not a little, that the word was now out : 
" My confining must be, for not allowing of a book ! " I had 
much ado to forbear smiling when I heard it : because now 
it was clear, it was not for felony or treason that was laid to 
my charge, nor for intelligence with the Spaniards or French, 
nor for correspondency [correspondence] with Jesuits and 
Seminary Priests ; I thank GOD for that ! 

I had almost forgotten that, among many other memorable 
speeches that passed between us, I used this one, that " Per- 
adventure, the King might be offended at me, because I was 
no more present at the matter of the Loan; but," said I, 
" my lameness hindered me therein ; and I hoped thereby to 
do my Master better service. Because if ever course were 
taken to reconcile the King and his people (which if it be 
not, this Kingdom will rue it in the end !), I would hope, 
among many others, to be a good instrument therein, since 
my hand hath not been in those bitternesses, which have, of 
late, fallen out." 

"You say well!" said the Secretary; "would you that 1 
should tell the King so much ? " 

" Yea," said I, " if you please, I hold it not unfit that His 
Majesty should know it." 

What he reported therein, I know not : but matters pro- 
ceeded in the former course, as if there were no regard had 
of any such thing. 



^)^f^ly\l^l[]THE CAUSE OF HIS SEQUESTRATION. 335 

The Lord Conway being gone from me for two or three 
days ; I expected to hear the resolution [as] to what place in 
Kent, I should betake myself. And receiving no news, I 
tossed many things in my mind, as perhaps that the King 
desired to hear somewhat from the Duke, how he sped on 
his journey [expedition] ; or that peradventure he might alter 
his purpose, upon report of my ready obeying; or that it 
might so fall out, that some of the Lords at the Court, 
understanding, upon the Secretary's return from Croydon, 
that which was formerly concealed from them, might infuse 
some other counsels into the King. 

These thoughts I revolved. At last,not forgetting the courses 
oi the Court, and imprinting that into my heart, that there 
was no good intended towards me, but that any advantage would 
be taken against me, I sent a man to Whitehall, whither the 
King was now come for a night or two, and by him, I wrote 
to the Lord Conway, in these words 



VERY GOOD Lord, 

Do not forget the message, wliichyou brought unto me 
on Thursday last; and because I have heard nothing 
from you since that time, I send this messenger on 
purpose to know what is resolved touching the house or 
houses where I must remain. There belong to the Archbishopric, 
three houses in Kent : one at Canterbury ; another five miles 
beyond, called Foord ; and a third, on the side of Canterbury, 
but two miles off, the name whereof is Beeksburn. 

I pray your Lordship to let me know His Majesty's pleasure, 
whether he will leave the choice of any of those houses to reside in, 
to me? 

I have reason to know the resolution thereof : because I must 
make my provision of wood and coals and hay for some definite 
place ; and when I shall have brewed, it is fit I should know 
where to put it, or else it will not serve the turn. It is an 
unseasonable time to brew now, and as untimely to cut wood (it 
being green in the highest degree), and to make coals ; without all 
which, my House cannot be kept. But when I shall know what 
must be my habitation, I will send down my servants presetitly [at 
once] to make the best provision they can. 




336 The King expects, that he shall not [^^^'jiiyS"?! 

And so, expecting your Lordship's answer, I leave you to the 
Almighty, and remain, 

Your Lordship's very loving friend, 

G. Cant. 
Croydon, July 10, 1627. 

He made my servant stay : and when he had gone up to 
know the King's pleasure, he returned me the answer 
following. 

May it please your Grace, 

Am ashamed, and do confess my fault, that I wrote not 
to your Grace before I received your reproof, though a 
gracious one; but, in truth, I did not neglect, nor 
forget : but the continual oppression of business would 
not permit me to advertise to your Grace, the King's Answer. 

His Majesty heard seriously your professions and answers, and 
commanded me to signify unto you that ''He knew not the present 
differences between you and the town [i.e., of Canterbury]; and 
if he had, he woidd not have cast you into that inconvenience." 
He was well pleased you shoidd go to your house at Foord ; and 
said, "He did not expect when the question was ended between 
your Grace and the town, that you should go to Canterbury." 

And he further said, " He would not tie you to so short a time, 
as might be any way inconvenient ; but doth expect that your 
Grace will govern it so, as His Majesty shall not need to warn you 
a second time." 

I will not fail to move His Majesty to give you liberty to choose 
either of the houses you, name, and give you knowledge of his 
pleasure, and in all things be ready to obey your commandments, 
or take occasion to serve you in the condition of 

Your Grace's 




Whitehall, July 10, 1627. 



Most humble servant, 

Conway 



I could not but observe therein that passage, that the King 
doth expect your Grace will so govern it, as His Majesty shall not 
need to warn you a second time. 



^r^ful^iSG NEED TO GIVE A SECOND WARNING! ^^y 

I needed no interpreter to expound those words, and there- 
fore did take order that one of my officers was presently 
despatched unto Foord, to see the house ready. 

While necessaries were caring for, and I lay for some days 
at Croydon, and afterwards at Lambeth ; the city of London 
was filled with the report of " my confining " (for so they did 
term it), and divers men spake diversely of it. 

I will not trouble myself to mention some idle things ; 
but some other of them require a little consideration. A 
main matter, that the Duke was said " to take in ill part," 
was the resort which was made to my house, at the times 
of dinner and supper, and that, oftentimes, of such as did not 
love him. 

My answer unto that is. That, by nature, I have been given 
to keep a house according to my proportion, since I have had 
any means, and GOD hath blessed me in it. That it is a 
property, by Saint Paul required in a Bishop, that " He 
should be given to hospitality " ; that it is another of his 
rules, " Let your conversation be without covetousness ! " 
and those things, I had in mine eyes. Besides I have no 
wife, nor child : and as for my kindred, I do that for them 
which I hold fit ; but I will not rob the Church, nor the poor, 
for them ! 

Again, it is so rare a fault in these things, that men not 
feeding on the King's meat, but of their own charge, should 
frankly entertain their friends when they come unto them ; 
that I deserve to be pardoned for it ! 

But this is not all. When King James gave me the 
Bishopric, he did once between him and me, and another 
time before the Earl of Salisbury, charge me that " I should 
carry my house nobly ! " that was His Majesty's word, " and 
live like an Archbishop ! " which I promised him to do. And 
when men came to my house, who were of all Civil sorts, I 
gave them friendly entertainment : not sifting what exceptions 
the Duke made against them ; for I knew he might as un- 
deservedly think ill of others, as he did of me. But I meddled 
with no man's quarrels : and if I should have received none, 
but such as cordially, and in truth had loved him ; I might 
have gone to dinner many times without company ! 



338 The Archbp.'s visitors at LAMBETH,['^^pji-,^J^J; 

There, frequented me Lords Spiritual and Temporal, divers 
Privy Councillors, as occasion served, and men of the highest 
rank : where, if the Duke thought that we had busied our- 
selves about him, he was much deceived. Yet, perhaps the 
old saying is true, ** A man who is guilty of one evil to him- 
self; thinketh that all men that talk together, do say some- 
what of him ! " I do not envy him that happiness ; but let it 
ever attend him ! 

As for other men, of good sort, but of lesser quality ; I have 
heard some by name, to whom exception has been taken : and 
these are three. I know from the Court by a friend, that my 
house, for a good space of time, hath been watched ; and I 
marvel that they have not rather named sixty, than three. 

The First of these, is Sir Dudley Digges, a very great 
mote in the Duke's eye, as I am informed : for it is said that 
this Knight hath paid him in Parliament, with many sharp 
speeches. If this be so, yet what is that to me ? He is of 
age to answer for himself ! 

But in the time of the late Parliament, when the Earl of 
Carlisle came unto me, and dealt with me thereabouts ; I 
gave him my word, and I did it truly, that I was not ac- 
quainted with these things : only, being sick as I was, I had 
in general given him advice that he should do nothing that 
might give just offence to the King. And I have credibly 
heard that when Sir Dudley was last in the Fleet, committed 
from the Council table ; he was much dealt with, to know 
whether he was not instigated by me to accuse the Duke in 
Parliament : the Knight, with all the protestations and as- 
surances that could come from a Gentleman, acquitted me of 
the part and whole: wherein he did me but right. 

And I do remember, when that man, now so hated ! was a 
great servant of the Duke. So that if he have now left him, 
it cannot but be presumed that it is for some unworthy 
carriage, which the Gentleman conceiveth hath, by that Lord, 
been offered unto him. 

Moreover, how can I but imagine the words and actions of 
Sir Dudley Digges have been ill interpreted and reported ; 
when I myself saw the Duke stand up nine times in a morn- 
ing, in a Parliament House, to fasten upon him words little 
less, if at all less than treason ; when by the particular votes 



^'•'■j^l^iSj:] PENDING HIS REMOVING TO FoORD. 339 

of all the Lords and Commons in both Houses, he was quit 
[acquitted] of those things, which the other would have 
enforced upon him. And a little while before, he was hastily 
clapped into the Tower ; and within a day or two released 
again, because nothing was proved against him ! 

And I assure you, I am so little interested in his actions, 
that, to this day, I could never learn the reason why he was 
imprisoned in the Fleet ; although he was kept there for seven 
or eight weeks. 

I distinguish the King, from the Duke of Buckingham. 
The one is our Sovereign, by the laws of GOD and men ! the 
other, a subject ! as we are : and if any subject do impeach 
another, though of different degrees; let the party grieved, 
remedy himself by Law, and not by Power ! 

But, to speak further for this Knight, I may not forget that 
when he was publicly employed (one time to the Hague, a 
second time to Muscovia, and thirdly into Ireland about 
Affairs of the State), such opinions as were then held of his 
good endeavours. 

As for my own part, ever since the days of Queen Eliza- 
beth, I have been nearly acquainted with him. He was my 
pupil at Oxford, and a very towardly one ; and this knowledge, 
each of the other, hath continued unto this time. He calleth 
me. Father; and I term his wife, my daughter. His eldest 
son is my godson ; and their children are in love accounted 
my grandchildren. 

The Second that I have heard named, was Sir Francis 
Harrington : a Gentleman, whom for divers years, I have 
not seen ; and who, for ought I know, was never in my house 
but once in his life. 

The Third was Sir Thomas Wentworth [who after Fel- 
TON murdered BUCKINGHAM on the 2yd August, 1628, went over 
to the Court, and uUimafcly became Earl of Strafford] ; who 
had good occasion to send unto me, and sometimes to see me ; 
because we were joint executors to Sir George Savile, who 
married his sister, and was my pupil at Oxford. To whose 
son also, Sir Thomas Wentworth and I were Guardians, 
as may appear in the Court of Wards ; and many 
things passed between us in that behalf : yet, to my 
remembrance, I saw not this gentleman but once, in these 



340 The true use of the High Commission, [^^j^ jiiy xSj*. 

three-quarters of a year last past [i.e., since October, 1626]: at 
which time, he came to seek his brother-in-law, the Lord 
Clifford, who was then with me at dinner at Lambeth. 

For one of the punishments laid upon me, it was told me 
by the Lord Conway, that " I must meddle no more with 
the High Commission." Accordingly, within a few days 
after, a Warrant is sent to the Attorney-General, that the 
Commission must be renewed, and the Archbishop must be 
left out. This, under hand, being buzzed about the town, 
with no small mixture of spite ; I conceived it to be agree- 
able to [correspond with] the proceedings with [against] the 
Lords and Gentlemen, who refused to contribute to the Loan: 
they all being laid aside in the Commissions for Lieutenancy, 
and of the Peace, in their several counties. 

For my part, I had no cause to grieve at this, since it was 
His Majesty's pleasure ! but it was, by the actors therein 
understood otherwise ; they supposing that this power gave 
me the more authority and splendour in the Church and 
Commonwealth. 

To deliver therefore, truly, the state of this question. It 
cannot be denied but that it was a great point of policy for 
the establishing of order in the Ecclesiastical, and conse- 
quently Civil Estate also, to erect such a Court : whereby 
Church-men [clergy] that exorbitated [exceeded bounds] in any 
grievous manner, might be castigated and rectified ; and 
such sort of crimes in the laity might be censured [judged] 
as were of Ecclesiastical Cognisance. And, verily, this is of 
great use in the kingdom, as well for cherishing the study of 
the Civil Law, as otherwise ; so that it be kept incorruptible, 
and with that integrity as so grave a Meeting and Assembly 
requireth. This was principally my care ; who took much 
pains and spent much money that, in fair and commendable 
sort, justice was indifferently [impartially] administered to 
all the King's people that had to do with us. 

But every one might see that this was to my singular 
trouble ! For besides that to keep things in a straight course, 
sometimes in fits of the gout I was forced to be carried into 
the Court by my servants ; where I could not speak much, 
but with difficulty: I was, at no time, free from petitions; 



I 



^Y^uiy^eTji] Its great cost to the Archbishop. 341 

from examinations ; from signing of warrants to call some, 
to release others ; from giving way to speeding, and forward- 
ing Acts of Court. Suitors, as their fashion is, being so im- 
portunate as that, in summer and winter, in the day and in 
the night, in sickness and health, they would not be denied ! 

These things were daily despatched by me out of Duty ; 
and more, out of Charity ; no allowance of pay being from 
the King, or of fee from the subject to us that were the 
Judges. Nay, I may say more. The holding of that Court, 
in such sort as I did, was very expenseful to me, out of my 
private purse, in giving weekly entertainment to the Com- 
missioners. The reason whereof was this. King James 
being desirous, when he made me Archbishop, that all 
matters should gravely and honourably be carried, directed 
me that I should always call some of the Bishops that were 
about London, and some Divines and Civilians [Doctors of 
the Civil Law], that, by a good presence, causes might be 
handled for the reputation of the action : and willed me 
withal, to imitate therein the Lord Archbishop Whitgift, 
who invited weekly some of the Judges to dinner, the rather 
to allure them thither. This advice proceeded from [John 
Bridgman] the Bishop of Durham that now is ; which was not 
ill, if it came from a good intention. 

I obeyed it, singly; and did that which was enjoined. 
But whereas in those times, the Commissioners were but 
few : since that time there hath been such an inundation 
of all sorts of men into that Company [i.e., the High Com- 
mission], that, without proportion, both Lords Spiritual and 
Temporal, Commissioners and not Commissioners, resorted 
thither ; and divers of them brought so many of their men, 
that it was truly a burthen to me. I think it may, by my 
Officers, be justified upon oath, that since I was Archbishop, 
the thing alone hath cost me, out of my private estate [i.e., 
official income as Archhislwp], one and a half thousand 
pounds; and if I did say two thousand pounds, it were not 
much amiss : besides all the trouble of my servants, who, 
neither directly nor indirectly, gained sixpence thereby in a 
whole year, but only travail and pains for their Master's 
honour; and of that, they had enough ! my houses being like 
a great host [el] ry every Thursday in the Term ; and for my 
expenses, no man giving me so much as thanks ! 



342 Whythe Abp. did not attend Council. p^^'j^iyiL^J: 

Now this being the true case, if the Church and Com- 
monwealth be well provided for, in the administration of 
justice, and regard be had of the public [welfare] ; can any 
discreet man think that the removing of me from this moles- 
tation, is any true punishment upon me ? I being one that 
have framed myself to Reality, and not to Opinion : and 
growing more and more in years, and consequently into 
weakness ; having before surfeited so long of worldly shews, 
whereof nothing is truly gained temporally but vexation of 
spirit, I have had enough of these things, and do not dote 
upon them. The world, I hope, hath found me more stayed 
and reserved in my courses. 

Nevertheless, what was expedient for this, was despatched 
by me while I lived at Lambeth and Croydon ; albeit I went 
not out of door. 

"Yea, but you were otherwise inutile, not coming to the 
Star Chamber, nor to the Council table ?" 

My pain or weakness by the gout, must excuse me herein. 
When I was younger, and had my health, I so diligently 
attended at the Star Chamber, that, for full seven years, I 
was not one day wanting. 

And for the Council table, the same reason of my indis- 
position may satisfy. But there are many other things 
that do speak for me. 

The greatest matters there handled, were for money, or 
more attempts of war. 

For the one of these, we of the Clergy had done our parts 
already : the Clergy having put themselves into payments of 
Subsidy, by an Act of Parliament ; not only for these last two 
years (when the Temporalty lay in a sort dry), but yet there 
are three years behind, in which our payments run on, with 
weight enough unto us. And no man can justly doubt but 
my hand was in those grants, in a principal fashion. 

And concerning the Provisions for War, I must confess 
my ignorance in the facts thereof. I knew not the grounds 
whereon the controversies were entered, in general. I 
thought that before wars were begun, there should be store of 
treasure ; that it was not good to fall out with many great 
Princes at once ; that the turning of our forces another way, 
must needs be some diminution from the King of Denmark ; 



1 



^{"■j^i^S.'] Buckingham, the great Church patron. 343 

who was engaged by us into the quarrel for the Palatinate 
and Germany, and hazarded both his person and dominions 
in the prosecution of the question. These matters I thought 
upon, as one that had sometimes been acquainted with 
Councils; but I kept my thoughts unto myself. 

Again, I was never sent for to the Council table but I 
went ; saving one time, when I was so ill that I might not 
stir abroad. 

Moreover, I was sure that there wanted no Councillors at 
the Board ; the number being so much increased as it was. 

Besides, I had no great encouragement to thrust my 
crazy body abroad ; since I saw what little esteem was 
made of me, in those things which belonged to mine own 
occupation. With Bishoprics and Deaneries, or other 
Church places I was no more acquainted; than if I had 
dwelt at Venice, and understood of them but by some 
Gazette. 

The Duke of Buckingham had the managing of these 
things, as it was generally conceived. For what was he not 
fit to determine in Church or Commonwealth, in Court or 
Council, in peace or war, at land or at sea, at home or in 
foreign parts ? 

Montague had put out [published] his Arminian book. 
I, three times, complained of it : but he was held up against 
me ; and by the Duke magnified, as a well deserving man. 

CosENS put out his treatise, which they commonly call 
The Seven Sacraments : which, in the first edition had many 
strange things in it, as it seemeth. I knew nothing of it, but 
as it pleased [John Bridgman] my Lord of Durham, and 
[William Laud] the Bishop of Bath, so the world did 
read. 

We were wont, in the High Commission, to repress obsti- 
nate and busy Papists. 

In the end of King James his time, a Letter was brought 
me, under the hand and signet of the King, that " We must 
not meddle with any such matter : nor exact the twelve 
pence for the Sunday, of those which came not to the 
Church (with which forfeit, we never meddled)." And this 
was told us to be, in contemplation of a marriage intended 
with the Lady Mary, the Daughter of France. 

After the death of King James, such another Letter was 



344 The Archbp. could make nothing of [^^^ j^'iy 



Abbot 
1617. 



brought from King Charles ; and all execution against 
Papists was suspended. 

But when the Term was at Reading, by open divulgation 
in all Courts under the Great Seal of England, we and all 
magistrates were set at liberty to do as it was prescribed by 
law. And our pursuivants must have their warrants again, 
and take all the priests they can ; whereof Master Cross 
took fourteen or fifteen in a very short space. 

Not long after, all these are set free ! and Letters come from 
the King, under his royal signet, that " All warrants must be 
taken from our messengers, because they spoiled the Catholics, 
and carried themselves unorderly unto them, especially the 
Bishops' pursuivants : " whereas we had in all, but two ; 
Cross, my messenger, for whom I did ever offer to be an- 
swerable ; and Thomlinson, for whom my Lord of London, 
I think, would do as much. But the caterpillars, indeed, were 
the pursuivants used by the sectaries [Picritans] : men of no 
value, and shifters in the world ; who had been punished and 
turned away by us, for great misdemeanours. 

But truth of religion and GOD's service was wont to over- 
rule human policies, and not to be overruled ; and I am 
certain that things best prosper, where those courses are 
held. But be it what it may be, I could not tell what to 
make of this Variation of the Compass, since it was only 
commanded unto me, to put such and such things in exe- 
cution : but I never understood anything of the counsel, 
whereby I might give my judgement how fit or unfit they 
were, or might speak to alter the tenour; whereunto, in 
former times, I had been otherwise used. Variety [diversity] 
of reasons breedeth variety of actions. 

For the matter of the Loan, I knew not, a long time, what 
to make of it. I was not present when the advice was takenj 
I understood not what was the foundation whereupon the 
building was raised ; neither did ever any of the Council 
acquaint me therewith. 

I saw, on the one side, the King's necessity for money ; 
and especially it being resolved that the war should be pur- 
sued. And, on the other side, I could not forget that in the 
Parliament, great sums were offered, if the Petitions of the 
Commons might be hearkened unto. 



^^''■j^'iySj.] THE Forced Loan; and is passive. 345 

It still ran in my mind, that the old and usual way was 
best ; that in kingdoms, the harmony was sweetest where the 
Prince and the people tuned well together ; that, whatsoever 
pretence of greatness [he might have], he was but an un- 
happy man ! that set the King and the Body of the Realm at 
division ; that the people, though not fit to be too much 
cockered, yet are they that must pray ! that must pay ! that 
must fight for their Princes ! that it could not be, but [that] 
a man so universally hated in the kingdom as the Duke was, 
must (for the preservation of himself) desperately adventure 
on anything ! if he might be hearkened unto. 

These meditations I had with myself, and, GOD knoweth! 
I frequently, in my prayers, did beg that he whom these 
things did most concern, would seriously think upon them. 

It ran in my mind, that this new device for money could 
not long hold out ! that then, we must return into the High- 
way, whither it were best, to retire ourselves betimes ; the 
shortest errors being the best. 

But these thoughts, I suppressed within my soul : neither 
did I ever discourage any man from lending, nor encourage 
any man to hold back ; which I confidently avouch. 

At the opening of the Commission for the Loan, I was sent 
for, from Croydon. It seemed to me a strange thing : but I 
was told there that " howsoever it shewed, the King would 
have it so ; there was no speaking against it." 

I had not heard [i.e., at any time before] that men, through- 
out the kingdom, should lend money against their will ! I 
knew not what to make of it ! But when I saw in the in- 
structions that refusers should be sent away for soldiers to 
the King of Denmark ; I began to remember Uriah, that 
was sent in the forefront of the battle : and, to speak truth, I 
durst not be tender in it. 

And when, afterwards, I saw that men were to be put to 
their oath, " "With whom they had had conference, and 
whether any did dissuade them ? " and yet further beheld 
that divers were to be imprisoned ; I thought this was some- 
what a New World ! yet, all this while, I swallowed my own 
spittle, and spake nothing of it to any man. 

Nay, when after some trial in Middlesex ; the first sitting 
was for Surrey, in my House [the Palace] at Lambeth ; and 
the Lords were there assembled, with the Justices of the 



346 The Duke would upset all the Laws. [^?'' j^i^SaJ: 

whole county : I gave them entertainment in no mean 
fashion. 

And I sat with them, albeit I said nothing ; for the con- 
fusion was such, that I knew not what to make of it. Things 
went on every day, and speech was of much money to be 
raised out of some counties, yet afterwards it was not so 
readily paid as preferred [ ? deferred] : and, at length, some 
refused, even in London itself, and Southwark; besides many 
gentlemen of special rank, and some Lords, as it was said. 
And though it was reported that "they were but acontemptible 
company ! " yet the prisons in London demonstrated that they 
were not a very few, but persons both of note and number. 

The Judges, besides, concurring another way, that " They 
could not allow the legality of the demand, and the enforce- 
ment that is used thereupon," did somewhat puzzle me, for 
being too busy in promoting of that for which I might, one 
day, suffer. Yet, hitherto, I remained silent ; hoping that 
time would break that off which was almost come to an 
absolute period [fidl stop]. 

But instead of this, by the permission of GOD, I was 
called up to the King, to look clearly into the question. 
When the allowance of Sibthorp's pamphlet was put upon 
me, I had then some reason, out of the grounds of that 
sermon to fear (and I pray GOD that my fear was in vain !) 
that the Duke had a purpose to turn upside down the Laws, 
and the whole Fundamental Courses, and Liberties of the 
Subject : and to leave us, not under the Statutes and Customs 
which our progenitors enjoyed; but to the Pleasure of Princes, 
of whom, as some are gentle and benign, so some others, to 
ingreat themselves [make themselves greater], might strain more 
than the string will bear. 

Besides, now it came in my heart, that I was present at 
the King's Coronation : where many things, on the Prince's 
part, were solemnly promised ; v/hich, being observed, would 
keep all in order, and the King should have a loving and 
faithful people, and the Commons should have a kind and 
gracious King. 

The contemplations of these things made me stay my 
judgement, not any unwillingness to do my Prince any dutiful 
service : whom I must, and do honour above all the creatures 




'^?''j^i^^62°7.] Eye-Witness tortrait of Buckingham. 347 

in the world, and will adventure as far for his true good, as 
any one whatsoever. 

But I am loath to plunge myself, so over head and ears, 
in these difficulties, that I can neither live with quietness of 
conscience, nor depart out of the world with good fame and 
estimation. And, perhaps, my Sovereign (if, hereafter, he 
looked well into this paradox) would, of all the world hate 
me ! because one of my profession, age, and calling, would 
deceive him ; and, with base flattery, swerve from the truth. 
The hearts of Kings are in the hands of GOD, and He can turn 
them as rivers of water. 



Draw to a conclusion. Only repute it not amiss, 
because so much falleth in here, to observe a few 
words of the Duke of Buckingham — not as now he 
is, but as he was in his rising. 

I say nothing of his being in France, because I was not 
present ; and divers others there be, that remember it well : 
but I take him at his first repair to Court [in 1614]. 

King James, for many insolencies, grew weary of Somer- 
set : and the Kingdom groaning under the Triumvirate of 
Northampton, Suffolk, and Somerset (though North- 
ampton soon after died [in June, 1614]) was glad to be rid of 
him. 

We could have no way so good to effectuate that which 
was the common desire, as to bring in another in his room. 
" One nail," as the proverb is, "being to be driven out by 
another." 

It was now observed that the King began to cast his eye 
upon George Villiers, who was then Cup-bearer, and 
seemed a modest and courteous youth. But King James 
had a fashion, that he would never admit any to nearness 
about himself, but such a one as the Queen should commend 
unto him, and make some suit on his behalf: that if the 
Queen, afterwards, being ill intreated, should complain of 
this " Dear One ! " ; he might make his answer, " It is 'long 
of yourself! for you were the party that commended him 
unto me ! " Our old Master took delight strangely, in things 
of this nature. 

That noble Queen, who now resteth in heaven, knew her 



348The Abp. helps the Duke's advancement,[^^p-j|;,^^5°J: 

husband well ; and having been bitten with Favourites, both 
in England and Scotland, was very shy to adventure upon 
this request. 

King James, in the meantime, more and more loathed 
Somerset ; and did not much conceal it, that his affection 
increased towards the other. 

But the Queen would not come to it; albeit divers Lords 
(whereof some are dead ; and some, yet living) did earnestly 
solicit Her Majesty thereunto. 

When it would not do; I was very much moved [i.e.^ 
desired by others] to put to, my helping hand : they knowing 
that Queen Anne was graciously pleased to give me more 
credit than ordinary ; which, all her attendants knew, she 
continued to the time of her death. 

I laboured much, but could not prevail. The Queen oft 
said to me, " My Lord ! you and the rest of your friends 
know not what you do ! I know your Master better than 
you all ! For if this young man be once brought in, the first 
persons that he will plague, must be you that labour for him ! 
Yea, I shall have my part also ! The King will teach him 
to despise and hardly intreat us all ; that he [Buckingham] 
may seem to beholden to none but himself." 

Noble Queen ! how like a Prophetess or Oracle did you 
speak ! 

Notwithstanding this, we were still instant, telling Her 
Majesty that "the change would be for the better! for 
George was of a good nature, which the other was not ; and 
if he should degenerate, yet it would be a long time before he 
were able to attain to that height of evil, which the other 
had." 

In the end, upon importunity, Queen Anne condescended 
[agreed to it] ; and so pressed it with the King, that he 
assented thereunto : which was so stricken, while the iron 
was hot, that, in the Queen's Bedchamber, the King 
knighted him with a rapier which the Prince [Charles] did 
wear. And when the King gave order to swear him of the 
Bedchamber, Somerset (who was near) importuned the 
King with a message that he might be only sworn a Groom. 
But myself and others, that were at the door, sent to Her 
Majesty that " She would perfect her work, and cause him to 
be sworn a Gentleman of her Chamber ! " 






''Yfuly^e^i'^ AND GIVES HIM THREE WORTHY COUNSELS. 349 

There is a Lord, or two, living that had a hand in this 
achievement. I diminish nothing of their praise for so 
happy a work : but I know my own part best ; and, in the 
word of an honest man, I have reported nothing but truth. 

George went in with the King ; but no sooner he got 
loose, but he came forth unto me, in the Privy Gallery, and 
there embraced me. He professed that " He was so infinitely 
bound unto me that, all his life long, he must honour me as 
his father." And now, he did beseech me, that I would give 
him some Lessons how he should carry himself. 

When he had earnestly followed this chase, I told him, 

I would give him three short lessons, if he would learn them. 

The First was, That, daily, upon his knees, he 

should pray to GOD to bless the King his Master, and 

to give him (George) grace studiously to serve and 

please him. 

The Second was, That he should do all good offices 
between the King and the Queen ; and between the King 
and the Prince. 

The Third was, That he should fill his Master's ears 

with nothing but truth. 

I made him repeat these three things unto me : and then 

I would have him, to acquaint the King with them ! and 

so tell me, when I met him again, what the King said unto 

him. 

He promised he would. And the morrow after. Master 
Thomas Murray (the Prince's Tutor) and I standing to- 
gether, in the gallery at Whitehall, Sir George Villiers 
coming forth, and drawing to us, he told Master Murray 
how much he was beholden unto me, and that I had given 
him certain instructions : which I prayed him to rehearse ; 
as, indifferently well he did, before us. Yea, and that he 
had acquainted the King with them ; who said, " They were 
instructions worthy of an Archbishop, to give to a young 
man." 

His countenance of thankfulness continued for a few days, 
but not long ! either to me or any others, his well wishers. 
The Roman historian, Tacitus, hath somewhere a note that 
" Benefits, while they may be requited, seem courtesies ; but 
when they are so high, that they cannot be repaid, they 
prove matters of hatred." 




35oThe good Archbp.'s concluding prayer, [^^'^-j^i^ie^i 

Hus, to lie by me, to quicken my remembrance, I 
have laid down the Cause and the Proceedings of 
my sending [being sent] into Kent ; where I remain 
at the writing of this Treatise. Praying GOD, to 
bless and guide our King aright ! to continue the prosperity 
and welfare of this Kingdom, which, at this time, is shrewdly 
shaken ! to send good and worthy men to be Governors 
[i.e., Bishops] of our Church ! to prosper my mind and body, 
that I may do nothing that may give a wound to my con- 
science ! and then, to send me patience quietly to endure 
whatsoever His Divine Majesty shall be pleased to lay upon 
me ! Da quod jubes, etjube quod vis ! and, in the end, to give 
me such a happy deliverance, either in life or death, as may 
be most for His glory; and for the wholesome example of 
others ! who look much on the actions and passions of Men 
of my Place. 




Thomas, third Lord Fairfax. 

Short Memorials of some things to 

be cleared during my Command 

in the Army. 

[1645 ^^ ^^5^ A.D.] 



352 



Thomas, third Lord Fairfax. 

Short Memorials 

of some things to he cleared 

during my Command in the Army. 

[1645 to 1650 A.D.] 



[From the holograph, 
novf Fair/ax MS. 36, 
in the Bodleian Lib- 
rary, Oxford.] 




Ow when GOD is visiting the nation [? an 
allusion to the Plague of London in 1665] 
for the transgressions of their ways, as 
formerly he did to one sort of men so 
doth he it to another sort ; so that all may 
see their errors and his justice : and as we 
have cause to implore his mercy, having 
sinned against him ; so must we still vindi- 
cate his justice, who is always " clear when he judgeth." 
iPs. li. 4.] 

Now therefore, by his grace and assistance, I shall truly 
set down the grounds my actions moved upon during that 
unhappy War ; and those actions which seemed to the 
World the more questionable in my steering through the 
turbulent and perilous seas of that time. 

The first embarking into the sad calamities of War was 
about the year 1641 when the general distemper of the Three 
Kingdoms had kindled such a flame even in the hearts (I 



Lord Fairfax. J pERDINANDO, LoRD FaIRFAX in arms. 353 

mean the Difference between the King and Parliament), 
as every one sought to guard his own house by the authority 
of both these. But the different judgements and ways were 
so contrary that, before a remedy could be found out, almost 
all was consumed to ashes. 

I must needs say my judgement was for the Parliament, 
as the King's, and Kingdom's, great and safest Council ; as 
others were for the King, and averse to Parliament, as if 
it could not go high enough for the Perogative. 

Upon which division, different Powers were set up, viz. : 
The Commission of Array for the King; and [the Militia 
for] the Parliament. But those of the Array so exceeded 
their Commission by oppressing many honest people ; whom, 
by way of reproach, they called Roundheads : they being 
(for Religion, Estates, and Interest) a very considerable part 
of the country ; that occasioned them to take up arms in 
their own defence, which was afterwards confirmed by Par- 
liamentary authority. 

Now my father being yet at his house at Denton, where I 
then waited on him, though he had notice from his friends 
that it was resolved that he should be sent for, as a prisoner, 
to York : yet he resolved not to stir from his own house ; 
not knowing anything in himself to deserve it. But the 
country [ Yo7'kshire\ suffering daily more and more, many 
were forced to come and intreat him to join with them in 
defence of themselves and country [ Yo7'kshire\ ; which [were] 
being sadly oppressed by those of the Array, which after- 
wards had the name of Cavaliers. 

And being much importuned by those that were about 
him ; he was resolved, seeing his country [ Yorkshire] in this 
great distress, to run the same hazard with them for the pre- 
servation of it. 

Then did the Parliament grant a Commission to him, to 
be General of the Forces in the North : myself also having 
a Commission under him, to be General of the Horse. But 
it is not my intention, in this place, to mention the several 
Services that were done in this Cause of the Parliament : 
being rather desirous to clear my actions in it than to declare 
them. Therefore I shall say no more \^Sce hozvever pp. 577- 
610] of this Three Years' War in the North ; there being 

Z 2 



354 Fairfax made General of the Army. \_^°'"^ ^uiH: 

nothing, I thank GOD ! in all that time to be alleged 
against me. 



But now I shall come to say something how I came to be 
engaged in the South. 

There being some years spent, in those parts, in a linger- 
ing War between the forces of the King and [the] Parlia- 
ment ; and several battles so equally fought, as could scarce 
be known on which side the business in dispute would be 
determined ; though it must be confessed the Parliament's 
Army was under the command of a very noble and gallant 
person, [ROBERT Devereux] the Earl of Essex : yet find- 
ing Time and Delay gaining more advantage on their affairs 
than Force had done ; the Parliament resolved to make a 
change in the constitution of their Army ; hoping by it to 
find a change also in businesses, which were then something 
in a declining condition. 

So as, in this distemper of affairs, the Army was New 
Modelled ; and a new General was proposed to command it. 
For which, by the Votes of the Two Houses of Parliament 
[in February 1645], myself was nominated ; though most 
unfit : and so far from desiring of it, that had not so great an 
authority commanded obedience, [I also] being then un- 
separated from the royal Interest ; besides the persuasions 
of nearest friends, not to decline so free and general a Call ; 
I should have " hid myself [among the stuff," i Samuel x. 
22.] to have avoided so great a charge. But whether it was 
from a natural facility in me, that betrayed my modesty ; or 
the powerful hand of GOD, which all things must obey : I 
was induced to receive the Command. 

Then was I immediately voted by the Parliament [in 
February 1645], to come to London to take up my charge 
\w here he arrived on I'^th February 1645]; though not fully 
recovered of a dangerous wound, which I had received a 
little before ; and which, I verily believe, without the miracu- 
lous hand of GOD had proved mortal. 

But here, alas ! when I bring to mind the sad consequences 
that designing men have brought to pass since, from these 
first innocent undertakings, I am ready to let go that confi- 
dence I had, with Job to say : " Till I die, I will not remove 



^"^^?i66s:] Opposition to New Modelled Army. 355 

my integrity from me ; nor shall my heart reproach me so 
long as I live " \_Job xxvii. 5]. But now more fit to take up 
his Complaint with a little alteration and to say, Why did I 
not die when I had that hurt ? Why did I not give up the 
ghost when my life was on the confines of the grave ? [See 
Job X. 18.] 

But GOD having been pleased thus to give me my life as 
a prey ; I took my journey southward : hoping I might be 
someway serviceable to the Public. But when I came 
thither, had it not been in the simplicity of my heart, I could 
not have supported myself under the frowns and displeasures 
showed me by those who were disgusted at this alteration ; 
in which many of them were themselves so much concerned : 
and these did not only outwardly express it, but sought by all 
means to obstruct my proceedings in this new charge. Who 
though they could not prevent what the necessity of affairs 
pressed most to do, viz. : To march speedily out with the 
Army ; yet were we, by them, made so inconsiderable for 
want of fit and necessary accommodations, as it rather 
seemed that we were sent to be destroyed and ruined 
than to do any service for the Kingdom by it. Insomuch 
as when I went to take my leave of a Great Person [Can this 
have been Denzil Holles ?] ; he told me, He was very sorry 
I was going out with the Army, for he did believe we should 
be beaten. 

Surely then had some of our ends been Self Interest 
merely, this might have discouraged us : but it working no 
such effects, gave the more hopes of future success ; as it did 
to the Parliament's advantage. But if any ill use hath been 
made of such mercies, let the mercies be acknowledged from 
GOD : but let the abuses receive their due reward of shame 
and punishment. 

Thus, being led on by good success, and clear intentions 
of a Public Good ; some of us could not discern the serpent 
which was hid in these spreading leaves of so Good Fortune : 
nor could believe the fruits of our hopes would prove as 
cockatrice's eggs ; from whence so viperous a brood should 
afterwards spring up. 

But, how ill deserving so ever we were : yet still it pleased 
GOD to give the Army such success in the years [16J45 ^^'^^ 



356 The Army appoint Adjutators. [^°"^^ulH 

[i6]46; that there remained in England neither Army nor 
fortress to oppose the ParHament in settling the peace of 
the Kingdom. 

But this shining mercy soon became clouded with the 
mists of abominable hypocrisy [and] deceit ; even in those 
men, who had been instrumental in bringing this War to a 
conclusion. Here was the vertical point on which the 
Army's honour and reputation turned into reproach and 
scandal. Here the power of the Army, which I once had, 
was usurped by the Forerunners of Confusion and Anarchy, 
viz.: the Agitators. [T/ze Arjuy appointed a Committee of 
Adjutators 07i \^th May 1647.] 

My Commission as General bound me to act with [the 
co-operation of my] Council : but the arbitrary and unlimited 
power of this new Council would act without a General : and 
all that I could do, could not prevail against this stream ; 
especially when the Parliament itself became divided, so 
that the pay was withheld from the Army, which heightened 
their distempers. 

Then followed, Free Quarter [in November 1647] ; and 
that brought a general discontent through the whole nation : 
which gave these factious Agitators matter enough for the 
carrying on of their designs ; viz., To raise their own fortunes 
by the ruin of others. 

But now, being much troubled to see things in this condi- 
tion, I did rather desire to be a sufferer than to be a Com- 
mander : but, before I laid down my Commission, I thought 
it fit to consult with some friends rather than gratify my 
private sense and reason, which much desired it ; especially 
having received it from a Public Authority, which might 
justly expect to have notice of it before I laid it down. 
Which was the cause of my continuing in the Army longer 
than I would have done (seeing I could not have my desire 
granted) : which did indeed preserve the Parliament for some 
time, from those confusions and breakings, which afterwards 
Time and Confidence emboldened these men to. 

But now I shall descend to some particulars of their 
Agitation : 

At Nottingham was the first time that I took notice of it, 
by the soldiers' meetings to frame a Petition to the Parliament 



Lord Fairfax. J pAIRFAX ANXIOUS FOR HIS DISCHARGE. 357 

about their arrears [of pay]. The thing seemed just : but, 
not Hking the way, I spake with some Officers that were 
principally engaged in it ; and got it suppressed for that 
time. 

Which was but as the cutting off of Hydra's head, which 
soon sprang up again (though not so near the Head Quarters ; 
but in more remote corners of the Army, which I could not 
so timely prevent) so that they presented it to the Parlia- 
ment ; which they were highly displeased with. And now 
falling into difference[s] ; the consequence of which proved 
fatal not only to the King, but also destructive to one another. 
The one striving to uphold his authority : the other (who had 
a spirit of unsettlement) to preserve themselves from the ruin 
they feared. This (with a natural inclination to change) I 
believe created the thoughts of a New Government ; which, 
in time, attained the name of a Common Wealth : though 
it never arrived to the perfection of it ; being sometimes 
Democratical, sometimes Oligarchial, lastly Anarchical— as 
indeed all the ways attaining to it seemed nothing but a 
Confusion. 

For now the Officers of the Army were placed and dis- 
placed by the will of the new Agitators ; who, with violence, 
so carried all things, as it was above my power to restrain 
it. This made me have recourse to my friends to get me a 
discharge of my Command ; so as there was a consultation 
with several Members of Parliament, who met about it : but 
none would undertake to move it to the House, as affairs 
then stood. And they perceiving that such a Motion would 
be unpleasing to them : which was the answer I received 
from them. And further that I should satisfy myself: for 
it would be the Parliament's care to compose all things in as 
good order as might be most for the good and settlement of 
the Kingdom. But these hopes, though they something 
supported my spirit ; yet could not they balance the grief 
and trouble I had, that I could not get my discharge. So 
that, if you find me carried on with this stream ; I can truly 
say, It was by the violence of it, and no consent of mine. 

But the Army, having gotten this power and strength by 
correspondence with some in Parliament (who themselves 
did after find it [to their disadvantage] in the end) they] the 



k 



358 The Second War of 1648. [ 



Lord Fairfax. 
1665. 



Arinj'] march nearer London [26th June 1647] : and, at 
Windsor [20th November 1647], after two days' debate in a 
Council of War, it was resolved to remove all out of the 
House [of Commons] whom they conceived to "obstruct," 
as they called it, " the Public Settlement." 

Upon which expedition in this mxarch, I was vehemently 
pressed : but here I resolved to use a restrictive power, when 
I had not a persuasive one. So when the Lieutenant General 
[Oliver Cromwell] and others pressed me to sign orders 
for marching, I still delayed the doing of it [in November 
1647] ; as always dreading the consequences of breaking 
Parliament, and at a time when the Kingdom was falling 
into a new War : which was so near, that my delaying but 
three or four days giving out Orders, diverted this humour 
of the Army from being Statesmen to their more proper 
duty of soldiers. 

For, even then. Colonel POYER declared [for the King] in 
Wales ; great forces were raised with the Lord GORING in 
Kent ; and Duke [of] HAMILTON (almost at the same time) 
with a powerful Army of the Scots. All which set out work 
enough for that summer [of 1648]. 

This I write to shew how, by Providence, a few days' delay 
did prolong the Parliament more than a year from the violent 
breaches that afterwards happened to them. 

Here again might be mentioned the great and difficult 
businesses the Army went through that year [1648] : hoping, 
as well aiming, it would be a good service to the Kingdom. 
But, seeing the factious Party grew more insolent as success 
made them more powerful, I shall forbear to relate those 
Actions ; which would, otherwise, have deserved a better 
remembrance than, in modesty, [it] were fit for me to record: 
and [I] will rather punish myself here, with the continuance 
of the Story of the Army's Irregularities. 

But one thing, of very great concernment in all after 
changes, should have been inserted before the mention of 
this Second War : but [it] will come in well enough in this 
place, without much interruption of this Discourse, viz.: 

THE KING'S REMOVAL FROM HOLMBY, 

the sad consequences whereof fill my heart with grief with 



i 



Lord Fai.fax.-| ChARLES I. SEIZED AT HOLMBY HoUSE. 359 

the remembrance of it now ; as it did then, with thoughts 
and care how to have prevented it. 

Being then at Saffron VValden in Essex, I had notice that 
Cornet Joyce (an arch-Agitator that quartered about Oxford) 
had [on 4th June 1647] seized on the King's person, and 
removed his Quarters : and [had] given such a check to the 
Commissioners of Parliament which were ordered to attend 
His Majesty, that they refused to act any further in their 
Commission ; being so unwarrantably interrupted. 

But, as soon as I heard it, I immediately sent away two 
Regiments of Horse, commanded by Colonel Whalley to 
remove this force ; and to set all things again in their due 
order and course. 

But before he reached Holmby [or Holdenby] ; the King 
was advanced two or three miles [from thence] on his way 
towards Cambridge ; attended by JOYCE. Here Colonel 
Whalley acquainted the King, That he was sent by the 
General to let him know how much he was troubled at 
those great insolencies that had been committed so near his 
person : and as he had not the least knowledge of it before 
it was done, so he had omitted no time in seeking to remove 
the force ; which he had orders from me to see done. And 
therefore [Colonel Whalley] desired that His Majesty would 
be pleased to return again to Holmby, where all things should 
again be settled in as much order and quietness as they were 
before. And also he {^Colonel Whalley\ desired the Com- 
missioners to resume their Charge, as the Parliament had 
directed them : which he had in charge also to desire them 
to do, from the General. 

But the King refused to return ; and the Commissioners 
refused also to act any more as Commissioners. Which 
Colonel Whalley still further urged, saying. He had an 
express command to see all things well settled again about 
His Majesty ; which could not be but by his returning again 
to Holmby. 

Which the King said positively, He would not do. 

So Colonel Whalley pressed him no further: having 
indeed a special direction from me to use all tenderness 
and respect, as was due, towards His Majesty. 

So the King came that night, or the second [6th June 



360 Increasing confusion of the Nation. [^"'"'^ ^^se^; 

1647] to Sir John Cutt's house [at Childerley] near 
Cambridge : where, the next day, I waited on His Majesty. 
It being also my business to persuade his return to Holmby. 
But he was otherwise resolved. 

I pressed the Commissioners also to act again, according 
to the power that Parliament had given them : which they 
also refused to do. 

So having spent the whole day [7th June 1647] about this 
business ; I returned to my Quarters. 

But before I took my leave of the King, he said to me, 
" Sir, I have as great an Interest in the Army as you." By 
which I plainly saw the broken reed he leaned upon. 

These Agitators [or Adjiitators\ chameleon-like, could 
change into that colour which best served their ends ; and 
so had brought the King into an opinion that the Army was 
for him : though [it was] never less for his safety and rights, 
than when it was theirs. 

And that it might appear what real trouble this act was to 
me ; notwithstanding the Army was almost wholly infected 
with the humour of Agitation, I called for a Court of War, to 
proceed against JOYCE for this high offence, and the breach 
of the Articles of War. But the Officers (whether for fear 
of the distempered soldiers ; or rather, as I fear, from a secret 
allowance of what was done) made all my endeavours herein 
ineffectual : and now (no punishment being able to reach 
them) all affairs steer after this compass : 

The King and all his Party are in hopes. Those of the 
Parliament, and others who kept to their Covenant Interest, 
in fears. So as, for many months, Public Councils were 
turned into private Junto's. Which would have been less 
criminal, if it had ended in General Consent. But, on the 
contrary, it begat greater emulations and jealousies one of 
another. So that the Army would not entrust the King any 
longer with the liberty he had ; nor would the Parliament 
suffer the King to undertake that which was properly their 
work to do, viz. : [the] Settling [of] the Kingdom with its just 
rights and liberties. And the Army were as jealous of the 
Parliament, that they \the Parliainent\ would not have care 
enough of their \the Armj's] security. 



Lord Fairfax 
? 1665. 



] Fairfax ignorant of Pride's Purge. 361 



All things growing worse and worse made the King 
endeavour his own escape, as he did [iith-i4th November 
1647] ; but out of a larger confinement at Hampton Court, 
to a straiter one in the Isle of Wight. 

Here the Parliament treated upon Propositions of Peace 
with the King. But, alas, the Envious One sowed tares 
that could not be rooted out, without plucking up the corn 
also. 

And here was the King, as the golden ball, tossed before 
the two great Parties ; the Parliament, and the Army : 
[which] grew to a great contest, which must again have 
involved the kingdom in blood. 

But the Army, having the greater power, got the King 
again into their hands ; notwithstanding all the means that 
could be used. The Treaty \? of Nezvport, ? October 1648] 
was scarcely ended, before the King was seized upon by the 
hands of the same person. Lieutenant Colonel Cobbi;tt, 
who took him from Holmby [ ; and who now removed hint, 
071 1st December 1648, from Carisbrooke Castle to Hurst 
Castle\. Soon after followed his Trial. 

But to prepare a way to this work \the Trial] this Agitating 
Council had thought first how to remove out of the Par- 
liament all those who were likely to oppose them in that 
work ; which they carried on with that secrecy as that I had 
not the least intimation of it, till it was done: as some 
Members of the House can witness, with whom I was met, 
at that very time, upon especial business, when that horrible 
attempt was made by Colonel Pride upon the Parliament 
[on 6th December 1648]. It was so secretly carried on that 
I should get no notice of it : because I always prevented 
those designs when I knew of them. But by this " Purging 
of the House," as they called it, the Parliament was brought 
into such a consumptive and languishing condition as that it 
could never recover again that healthful Constitution which 
always kept the Kingdom in its strength and vigour. 

But now, this Three-fold Cord being cut by the sword, the 
Trial of the King was the easier for them to accomplish. 
My afflicted and troubled mind for it, and my earnest 
endeavours to prevent it, will, I hope, sufficiently testify 
my abhorrence of the fact. And what might they not now 



362 Colchester surrendered upon mercy. [^""^^ftSs! 

do to the lower shrubs, having thus cut down the cedar? 
For, after this, [the] Duke [of] HAMILTON, [the] Earl of 
Holland, and Lord Capel, and others, were condemned 
to death. 

But here it is fit to say something for my own vindication 
about my Lord Capel, Sir CHARLES LuCAS, and Sir 
George Lisle ; who were prisoners at mercy upon the 
rendition of Colchester: seeing some have questioned the 
just performance of those Articles \of Surrender\ 

I (having laid siege to the town, and several assaults being 
made upon it) finding their forces within [to be] much more 
numerous than those I had without, forced me to take another 
course : blocking them up ; and so, by cutting off all supplies, 
to bring them to a surrender. Which, after [a] four months' 
siege, they were necessitated to ; and that upon mercy : they 
being between 3,000 and 4,000 men. 

Now by Delivering itpon mercy is to be understood, that 
some are to suffer, and the rest to go free. 

So those forementioned persons only were to suffer ; and 
all the rest freed. 

So immediately after our entrance into the town [on 26th 
August 1648], a Council of War being called ; those persons 
were sentenced to die, the rest to be quit. 

Yet, on they being so resolved, I thought fit to manumit 
the Lord Capel, the Lord NORWICH, &c. over to the Parlia- 
ment (being the Civil Judicature of the Kingdom, consisting 
then of Lords and Commons) as the most proper Judges of 
their cases : being considerable for estates and families. 

But Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle being 
mere Soldiers of Fortune ; and falling into our hands by the 
chance of war, execution was done upon them. And in this 
distribution of Justice I did nothing but according to my 
Commission, aiid the trust reposed in me. 

But it may be objected that I went into the Court during 
the Trial. 

To this, I answer. It was upon the earnest entreaties of 
my Lord Capel's friends ; who desired me to explain there, 
what I meant by Surrendering to mercy, otherwise I had 
not gone, being always unsatisfied with the Court. 



I 



Lord Fairfax.J ^^^ ArMY ROOT UP KiNGLY GOVERNMENT. 363 

But for this I shall need to say no more : seeing I may as 
well be questioned for the Articles of Bristol, Oxford, Exeter; 
or [for] any other Action in the War, as for this. 

And now I have related the most remarkable things that 
might be alleged against me during the prosecution of the 
War. 

Yet one thing more requires that I should say something 
to it, before I conclude, viz. : Concerning Papers and Decla- 
rations of the Army that came out in my name and the 
Council of Officers. I must needs say. From the time they 
declared their Usurped Authority at Triplow Heath [loth 
June 1647], I never gave my free consent to anything they 
did : but (being then undischarged of my place) they set my 
hand \_signature\ by way of course, to all their Papers ; 
whether 1 consented or not. 

And unto such failings all Authority may fall. As some- 
times Kingly Authority may be abused to their, and the 
Kingdom's, prejudice; sometimes, under a Parliamentary 
Authority, much injury hath been done : so here, hath a 
General's Pov/er been broken and crumbled into a Levelling 
Faction, to the great unsettlement of the Nation. 

Yet, even in this, I hope all impartial judges will interpret 
as a force and ravishment of a good name ; rather than a 
voluntary consent whereby it might make me seem to be- 
come equally criminal. Though I must confess, if in a 
multitude of words, much more in a multitude of actions, 
there may be some transgressions : yet, I can as truly say, 
they were never designedly or wilfully committed by me. 

But now, when all the power was got into the Army, they 
cut up the root of Kingly Government. After this, were 
Engagements to relinquish the Title. Then [was] War 
declared against Scotland for assisting the King [Charles 
II,] : and several Leagues made with foreign Princes to con- 
federate with their new Government, which was now a 
Common Wealth, against the Kingly Power. 

Seeing which, with grief and sorrow, though I had as 
much the love of the Army as ever ; though I was with 
much importunity solicited by the remaining Parliament, 
the Lieutenant General [Oliver Cromwell], and other 



;64 Put Loyalty and Conscience first ! [ 



Lord Fairfax, 
? 1665. 



Officers and soldiers, to continue my Command ; and 
though I might, so long as I acted their designs, attain to 
the height of power and other advantages I pleased (for so I 
understood from themselves) : yet (by the mercy and good- 
ness of GOD, ever valuing Loyalty and Conscience before 
this perishing felicity) I did, so long as I continued in the 
Army, oppose all those ways in their counsels ; and, when I 
could do no more, I also declined their actions, though not 
their Commission I had from the Parliament, till the remain- 
ing part of it, took it from me [25th June 1650]. 



Thus I have given you, in short, the sum of the most 
considerable things that the World may censure me for, 
during this unhappy War. Yet, I hope, among many weak- 
nesses and failings there shall not be found crimes of that 
magnitude [for me] to be counted amongst those who have 
done these things through ambition and dissimulation. 
Hoping also that GOD will, one day, clear this Action we 
undertook, so far as concerns his honour ; and the integrity 
of such as faithfully served in it. For I cannot believe that 
such wonderful successes shall be given in vain. Though 
cunning and deceitful men must take shame to themiselves ; 
yet the purposes and determination of GOD shall have 
happy effects to his glory, and the comfort of his people. 



^ 

^^f^ 




i65 



Thomas, third Lord Fairfax. 
A Short Memorial of the Northern Actions ^ 

during the War there^ 

from the year 1642 till the year 1644. 




DID not think to have taken up my pei 
any more, to have written on this subject: 
AJB^I ^^A but that my silence seemed to accuse me 
'^'^^ C_f4« q|- ingratitude to GOD for the many 
mercies and deliverances I have had ; and 
of injuriousness to myself in losing the 
comfort of them, by suffering them to be 
buried in the grave of Oblivion in my 
lifetime. 

Wherefore I shall set down, as they come to my mind, 
such things wherein I have found the wonderful assistance 
of GOD to me in the time of the War I was in the North : 
though not in that methodical and polished manner as might 
have been done ; being but intended only for my own satis- 
faction, and the help of my memory. 

As I said, in the First Part [/>. 353], my father was called 
forth by the importunity of the country [ Yorkshire], to join 
with them in the defence of themselves : and [was] confirmed 
by a Commission of the Parliament [by Vote on the 2'^rd 
Attgiist 1642. He however did not actually receive the Com- 
mission till the "^rd December follozving.'] 

The first Action we had was at Bradford, where we had 
about 300 men. The Enem}-, having about 700 or Soo and 



366 Actions at Bradford and Wetherby. [^"''^^'Yife 

2 pieces of ordnance, came thither to assault us [in October 
1642]. We drew out close to the town to receive them. 
They had [the] advantage of [the] ground, the town being 
compassed with hills ; which made us more exposed to their 
cannon shot, from which we received some hurt. Yet not- 
withstanding, our men defended the passages, which they 
\the Enemy] were to descend, so well that they got no 
ground of us. And now, the day being spent, they drew off; 
and returned back again to Leeds. 

A few days after. Captain HOTHAM, with 3 Troops of 
Horse and some Dragoons, came to me ; and then we 
marched to Leeds. But the Enemy, having notice of it, 
quitt[ed] the town in haste ; and fled to York. 

And that we might have more room, and be less burthen- 
some to our friends ; we presently advanced [in November 
1642] to Tadcaster, 8 miles from York. 

Now we being increased to 1,000 men, it was thought fit, for 
securing of the West Riding, at least the greatest part of it, 
from whence our greatest supply came, to keep the Pass at 
Wetherby ; whither my father sent me with about 300 Foot 
and 40 Horse. The Enemy's next design, from York, was 
to fall on my Quarters there ; which was a place very open 
and easy for them to do : there being so many back ways to 
enter in ; and friends enough to direct and acquaint them 
with all we did. 

About six of the clock in the morning [in November 1642], 
they set upon us with 800 Horse and Foot. The woods 
thereabouts favoured them so much as that our Scouts could 
get no notice of them ; so as no alarm was given till they 
were ready to enter the town, which they might soon do for 
the Guards were all asleep in houses. 

For in the beginning of the War, men were as impatient 
of Duty as ignorant of it. 

Myself only was on horseback ; going out, at the other 
end of the town, to Tadcaster : where my father lay. 

One came running to me, and told me. The Enemy was 
entering the town. I presently galloped to the Court of 
Guard {^the Piquet], where I found not above four men at 
their arms ; as I remember, two Foot Sergeants and two 



Lord Fairfax. J ^ SORE SCUFFLE BETWEEN LATE FRIENDS. 367 

Pike men, [who] withstood with me when Sir Thomas Glen- 
HAM, with about six or seven Commanders more, charged 
us : where, after a short but sharp encounter, in which Major 
Carr was slain, they retired. And in this time more of the 
Guard were gotten to their arms. But I must confess I 
know [of] no strength, but the powerful hand of GOD, that 
gave them this repulse. 

Afterward they made another attempt, in which Captain 
Atkinson was slain. 

And here again, there fell out another remarkable Provi- 
dence. During this conflict, our Magazine was blown up : 
which struck such a terror in the Enemy, thinking we had 
cannon (which they were informed we had not), that they 
instantly retreated. And though I had but a few Horse ; 
they pursued the Enemy some miles, and took many 
prisoners. 

We lost about eight or ten men, whereof seven were 
blown up with [the] powder : the Enemy, many more.* 

At this time [Henry CLIFFORD] the Earl of CUMBER- 
LAND commanded the Forces in Yorkshire for the King, 

* Sir Henry Slings by gives the follo'wi7ig Account of this Action: 

My Lord of Cumberland sent out Sir Thomas Glenham once 
again to beat up Sir Thomas Fairfax's Quarters at Wetherby ; com- 
manding out a party both of Horse and Dragoons. He comes close up 
to the town, undiscovered, a little before sunrise ; and Prideaux and 
some others enter the town through a back yard. This gave an alarm 
quite through the town. 

Sir Thomas Fairfax was, at this juncture, drawing on his boots, to 
go to his father at Tadcaster. He gets on horseback, draws out some 
Pikes, and so meets our Gentlemen. Every one had a shot at him : he 
only making at them with his sword ; and then retired again, under the 
guard of his Pikes. 

At another part. Lieutenant Colonel Norton enters with his Dra- 
goons. Captain ATKINSON encounters him on horseback : the other 
being on foot. They meet. Atkinson missed with his pistol. NOR- 
TON pulls him off horseback by the sword-belt. Being both on the 
ground; Atkinson's soldiers come in, fell Norton into the ditch 
with the butt ends of their muskets, to rescue their Captain. Norton's 
soldiers come in, and beat down Atkinson ; and with repeated blows 
break his thigh ; of which wound, he died. A sore scuffle between 
two that had been neighbours and intimate friends. After this they 
\N0RT0Ns Dragoons\ retreated out of the town ; with the loss of more 
than one Trooper killed, and one Major Carr, a Scotchman. 

Memoirs, p. 40, Ed. 1806, 8v.->. 



368 The Action at Tadcaster. [ 



Lord Fairfax. 

? 1665. 



But (being of a peaceable nature ; and by his amiable dis- 
position having but few enemies, or rather because he was 
an enemy to few) he did not suit with their present condition 
and apprehension of fears. Therefore they sent to [William 
Cavendish] the Earl of Newcastle, who had an Army 
of 6,000 men, to desire his assistance : which he answered 
by a speedy march to York. 

Being now encouraged by this increase of force, they 
resolved to fall on Tadcaster. My father drew all his men 
thither. But by a Council of War the town was judged 
untenable ; and that we should draw out to an advantageous 
piece of ground by the town. But before we could all march 
out; the Enemy advanced [on 7th December 1642] so fast 
that we were necessitated to leave some Foot in a slight 
Work above the bridge to secure our retreat. 

But the Enemy pressing still on us, forced us to draw back 
\return back\ and maintain that ground. 

We had about 900 men. The Enemy above 4,000 : who, 
in Brigades, drew up close to the Works, and stormed us. 
Our men reserved their shot till they were very near ; which 
then they disposed to so good purpose as forced them to 
retire, and shelter themselves behind the hedges that were 
hard by. 

And here did the fight continue from 11 a clock at noon 
till 5 at night, with cannon and musket, without intermission. 

They had, once, possessed a house by the bridge ; which 
would have cut us [off] from our reserves that were in the 
town : but Major General GiFFORD, with a commanded 
party, beat them out again ; where many of the enemies 
were slain and taken prisoners. 

They attempted at another place ; but were also repulsed 
by Captain Lister, who was there slain : which was a great 
loss, [he] being a discreet Gentleman. 

And now, it growing dark, the Enemy drew off into the 
fields hard by ; with intention to assault us again the next 
day. They left that night about 200 dead and wounded 
upon the place. 

But our ammunition being all spent in this day's fight ; 
we drew off that night, and marched to Selby : and the 
Enemy entered, the next day [Sth December 1642], into the 



Lord Fairfax. J VicTORY OF THE Club Men at Bradford. 369 

town [of Tadcaster]. And thus, by the mercy of GOD, were 
a few delivered from an Army who, in their thoughts, had 
swallowed us up. 

Now, the Earl of Newcastle lay between us and our 
friends in the West Riding ; and so [was] equally destructive 
to us both. But, to give them encouragement and help, I 
was sent [on Friday, 9th December 164.2], with about 200 
Foot and 3 Troops of Horse and some arms, to Bradford. 
I was to go by Ferrybridge : our intelligence being that the 
Enemy was advanced yet no further than Sherburn. 

But when I was within a mile of the town [i.e. Ferry- 
bridge] ; we took some prisoners who told us That my Lord 
Newcastle laid at Pontefract, 800 men in Ferrybridge, and 
the rest of the Army in all the towns thereabouts. 

So as now, our advance, or retreat, seemed [to be] alike 
difficult. But, there being not much time to demur in, a 
retreat was resolved on back again to Selby. 300 or 400 of 
the Enemy's Horse shewed themselves in our rear, without 
making any attempt upon us ; and so, through the goodness 
of GOD, we got safe thither. 

[Her e,ckronologically, comes in theFightat Sherburn inElmet, 
on Wednesday^ i^tk December 1642, described at page 372,] 

And, in three days after,* having better intelligence how 
they lay, with the same number as before, I marched in the 
night by several towns where they lay, and arrived, the next 

* This is clearly wrong, and a slip of the memory. The Writer did 
not again go to Bradford until after the Victory of the Chtb Men 
there, on Sunday, i8th Decemoer 1642/ which is thus described by 
Ferdinando, Lord Fairfax, in a letter from Selby on 29/^ December 
1642. 

I have formerly advertised that the Earl of Newcastle's Army have 
seized upon Leeds : where they plunder the well-affected party ; and 
raise a very great sum of money out of those that they can draw to 
compound for their securities. 

And from Leeds, they marched on Sunday, the 1 8th of this month, 
with 5 Troops of Horse, 6 Companies of Dragoons, 200 Foot, and two 
drakes [small cannon, or field pieces], of the Earl of Newcastle's 
Army ; besides Sir William Savile and divers other Gentlemen 
of Yorkshire and their forces, that joined themselves with them : and 
came to Bradford, about ten a clock in the morning ; intending to 
surprise the town, in [the] time of Prayer. 

2A - 



370 Cavalry skirmishes round Bradford. [^""^^fllTs. 

day, at Bradford : a town very untenable ; but, for their good 
affections, deserving all we could hazard for them. 

But the town, having scouts abroad, had notice of their coming ; and 
gave the alarm to the country [disirici'] : who came in to their succour 
from the parts adjoining. 

Yet they had not in all above 80 muskets : the rest being armed with 
clubs and such rustic weapons; with which small force, they put the 
cause to trial with [aoains^] the great strength of the Enemy. Who 
planted their drakes, and discharged each of them seventeen times 
upon the town; until a townsman, with a fowling piece, killed one of 
the Cannoniers. And then they all, with great courage, issued from the 
town upon the enemies ; and killed many of them, and took about 30 
prisoners : and forced the rest to retreat, leaving 40 of their muskets 
and [a] barrel of powder, with much other provision, behind them. And 
this, with [the] loss of 3 Bradford men. 

The report of the country is that [of] the enemies, amongst those that 
were killed were Colonel Evers, and Captain Binns, and another Com- 
mander ; and that Colonel Goring, General of the Horse with the 
Earl of Newcastle, was wounded; and Serjeant Major Carr, taken 
prisoner. And it is generally spoken, That 150 more are run away, 
upon the retreat ; and are not since returned to Leeds. 

In which victory the hand and power of GOD was most evident, the 
town being open on all sides and not defensible ; assaulted on every 
side by a malicious and bloody Enemy ; and defended by a few half- 
naked \half-ar7ned'\ men : there being in the town not above 80 muskets 
before they got 40 more by the spoils of their enemies ; so that [the] 
slaughter was, for the most part, with clubs and scythes mounted on 
poles, and came to hand blows. 

With this defeat, the enemies are so enraged as they threaten revenge 
to Bradford. 

Whereupon the Bradford men sent to me for succour of men and 
arms. And I have sent my son [Sir Thomas F'airfax] and Sir 
Henry Foulis to them, with 3 Troops of Horse and 120 Dragooners ; 
who are safely arrived there : and [have been] received with great joy 
and acclamation of the country {district] ; who flock to him and offer 
themselves most willingly to serve against their Popish enemies, if arms 
could be furnished to them. 

He hath already surprised some victuals \co7ivoys af provisiotis] sent 
in, upon warrants \reqnisitio7is\ to the Enemy at Leeds, by the over- 
awed country \iiistrict\ And he hath sent Captain Mildmay, with his 
Troop of Horse, into Craven \i.e. the upper Wharfe-dale] to stop the 
raising of forces and money in that country : which is attempted by the 
Earl of Cumberland ; who is lately retired from York to Skipton. 
And I hope he may leave nothing unattempted that may conduce to 
the safety of the country, so far as can be expected from the few forces 
he hath with him. 

A Second Letter from the Lord Fairfax. Printed 5th Jan. 
i642[-3]. British Museum Press Mark, E. 84. (15). 



I 



^"^ ^?'i'66s:] Fairfax summons the West Riding. 37 1 

Our first work there was to fortify ourselves ; for we could 
not but expect strong opposition in it : seeing there lay at 
Leeds 1,500 of the Enemy, and 1,200 at Wakefield ; neither 
above six or seven miles from us. They visited us every day 
with their Horse ; for ours went not far from the town, being 
so unequal in number: yet they seldom returned without 
loss. Till, at length, our few men grew so bold ; and theirs, 
so disheartened : as they durst not stir a mile out of their 
garrison. 

But while these daily skirmishes were among the Horse ; 
I thought it necessary to strengthen ourselves with more 
Foot. So, summoning the country [i.e. the West Riding of 
Yorksliire\, which now our Horse had "given some liberty to 
come into us ; I presently armed them with the arms we 
brought along with us : so that, in all, we were now about 
800 Foot. 

But being too many to lie idle, and yet too few to be in 
continual duty ; we resolved rather, through the assistance 
of GOD, to attempt them in their garrison than endure 
longer this trouble. So summoning the country in again ; 
we made a body of about 1,200 or 1,300 men : with which 
we marched to Leeds, and drew them up [on Monday, 23rd 

Another Account of the Bradford Victory, dated 21st December 1642, 
states : 

They appeared in Barker End, about 9 a clock, when we had not in 
[the] town above 40 Musketeers ; planted their ordnance in William 
Cooke's Barn ; marched down the Causey [Causeway'] with their Foot, 
whilst their Horse coasted about the town to hinder aid from coming 
in ; possessed themselves of those houses under the Church ; and from 
thence played hotly upon our Musketeers in the Church till 11 a clock : 
about which time [the] Halifax men, and other neighbours, came in to 
our help. 

The fight, before hot, was then hotter. Our men, impatient to be 
cooped up in the Church, rushed out [and] forced a passage into the 
foresaid houses ; and there our Club Men did good execution upon 
them. Thereabouts the fight continued till it was dark. Many of 
theirs were slain 

Their cannon, one of which shoots a 9 lb. ball [if so, it was a Dcmi- 
Cjilverin: see Vol. IV., p. 251] played all that time upon the town : but 
hurt no man, praised be GOD ! who hath delivered those that were 
ordained to death, &c. 

Brave Nezus of the taking of Chichester, &'c. &-'c. Printed 30th Dec, 
1642. British Museum Press Mark, E. 83. (36). 



372 The Storming of Leeds. [^°''''^nS": 

January 1643] within [a] half cannon shot of their Works, in 
Battalia ; and then sent in a Trumpet[er] with a Summons 
to deliver up the town to me, for the use of [the] King and 
Parliament. 

They presently returned this answer, That it was not 
civilly done to come so near before I sent the Summons ; and 
that they would defend the town, the best they could, with 
their lives. 

So presently ordering the manner of the Storm, we all fell 
on at one time. The business was hotly disputed for almost 
two hours : but, after, the Enemy were beaten from their 
Works. The Barricadoes were soon forced open into the 
streets: where Horse and Foot resolutely entering, the 
soldiers cast down their arms, and rendered themselves 
prisoners. The Governor and some chief Officers swam the 
river and escaped. One Major BEAUMONT was drowned, 
as was thought. In all, there were about 40 or 50 slain ; 
and [a] good store of ammunition [was] taken, which we had 
much want of 

But the consequence of this Action was yet of more 
importance. For those that fled from Leeds and Wakefield, 
(for they also quitted that garrison) gave my Lord NEW- 
CASTLE such an alarm at Pontefract, where he lay ; as he 
drew all his Army back again to York : leaving once more 
a free intercourse between my father [at Selby] and me, 
which he had so long time cut off. 

But, after a short time, the Earl of NEWCASTLE returned 
again to the same Quarters [at Pontefract] ; and we to our 
stricter duties. 

But, after some time, we found that our men must either 
have more room, or more action. \T his Fight at Sherburn 
took place on the i/\th December 1642 ; and should have been 
mentioned earlier in this Narrative*'\ Therefore Captain 

* Sir Henry Slings by says of this Fight : 

Two days after, His Excellency [the Earl of NEWCASTLE] came to 
York [5th December 1642] ; he undertook to attempt to beat Lord 
Fairfax out of Tadcaster: in this he succeeded pretty well [on 7th 
December 1642] ; and marched to Pomfret \Pontefract\ which he 
made his Head Quarters. His Horse [was] at Sherburn, and towns 
next adjacent. 

Here we were a little too secure. Sir Thomas Fairfax (with a 



Lord 



^?'[665:] Fairfax's Cavalry storm Sherburn. t^jT) 



HOTHAM and I took a resolution, early in the morning to 
beat up a Quarter \Encampment\ of the Enemy that lay at 
[Church] Fenton. But they being gone, we marched towards 
Sherburn [in Elmet] ; intending only to give them an alarm 
there. 

But they might see us, a mile or two, march over a plain 
common which lay by the Town ; and therefore had sent 
about 20, or 30, Horse to guard a Pass near the town. I 
having the Van (For, at this time we {Fairfax and 
Hotham] commanded our Troops distinct one from 
another ; both making 5 Troops of Horse and 2 of 
Dragoons), I told him, If he would second me, I would 
charge those Horse ; and if they fled, I would pursue 
them so close[ly] as to get into the town with them. He 
promised to second me. I went to the head of my Troops, 
and presently charged them : who fled, and we pursued 
[them] close to the Barricado. But they got in, and shut 
it upon us ; where my horse was shot at the breast. We so 
filled the lane ; being strait \narrow\ that we could not 
retreat without confusion, and danger of their falling in our 
rear. So we stood to it ; and stormed the Work with pistol 
and sword. At the end of the Barricado, there was a straight 
passage for one single horse to go in. I entered there, and 
others followed one by one. Close at one side of the entrance 
stood a Troop of Horse : but so soon as eight or ten of us 
got in they fled. And by this time, the rest of our men had 
beaten them from their Barricado, and entered the town , 
which soon cleared the streets, and pursued those that fled. 
And now my horse, which was shot in the lane, fell down 
dead under me : but I was presently mounted again. 

party of 300 Horse ; and, it seems, hearing the Officers in Sherburn 
were to have a feast) comes at noon-day, beats up our Quarters ; [and] 
takes Commissary Windham, Sir William Riddall, and many 
others, prisoners. Memoirs, p. 42, Ed. 1806, 8vo. 

The date of this Fight is fixed by the following passai:;e : 
On Tuesday last [13th December 1642], about four oif the clock in the 
morning, Sir Thomas Fairfax marched from Selby ; fetching a com- 
pass, as if he declined Sherburn : yet, at last, [he] wheeled about, and 
assaulted that town about one of the clock, the next day [14th Decem- 
ber 1642] «Sic. &c. A True Relation of the Fight at Sherburn, &-^c. 
Written on [Friday] i6th December 1642. British Museum Press 
Mark, E. 83. (15). 



374 Flank March from Selby to Leeds. l^°"^^ff^^\ 

They in the towns about having taken the alarm, now 
made us think of securing our retreat with the prisoners 
we had gotten : and some of them [were] very considerable ; 
among whom was Major General WiNDHAM. But we 
scarce[ly] got into good order before General GORiNG came, 
with a good body of Horse, up to us : and as we marched on, 
he followed close in the rear, without [our] receiving any 
hurt ; only my Trumpst[er] had his horse shot close by me. 
So we returned again to Selby. 

But though this could not free us wholly from a potent 
Enemy ; yet we lay more quietly by them a good while 
after. 

In this recess of action, we had several treaties [negotia- 
tions] about prisoners. And this I mention the rather, for 
that Captain HOTHAM here began to discover his intention 
of leaving the Parliament's Service, by making conditions 
for himself with the Earl of NEWCASTLE (though [it was] 
not discovered till a good while after) : which had almost 
ruined my father, and the forces that were with him. 

For, being now denied help and succour from Hull and the 
East Riding ; he was forced to forsake Selby, and retire to 
Leeds and those western parts where [I] myself was. 

But to make good this retreat, I was sent to, to bring what 
men I could to join with him at Sherburn. For New- 
castle's forces lay so, as he might easily intercept us in our 
way to Leeds : which he had determined [to do], and to that 
end lay with his Army on Clifford Moor ; having perfect in- 
telligence of our march. 

But while my father, with 1,500 men ordnance and am- 
munition, continued [on 2nd April 1643] his way from Selby 
to Leeds ; I, with those I brought to Sherburn, marched a 
little aside, between my Lord Newcastle's Army and ours. 
And to amuse [deceive] them the more, [I] made an attempt 
upon Tadcaster : whither they had 300 or 400 men ; who 
presently quitted the town, and fled to York. Here we 
stayed three or four hours sleighting [destroying] the Works. 

This put Newcastle's Army to a stand, which was on 
their march to meet us : thinking that he was deceived in 
his intelligence ; and that we had some other design upon 
York. 



Lord F-"j^f^g-^--j Fairfax s disaster at Seacroft Moor. 375 

He presently sent back the Lord GORING, with 20 Troops 
of Horse and Dragoons, to relieve Tadcaster. We were 
newly drawn off when they came. GORING pressed over 
the river to follow us. 

But seeing we were far unequal to him in Horse, for I had 
not above 3 Troops ; and [having] to go over Bramham 
Moor, a large plain : I gave direction to the Foot to march 
away, while I stayed with the Horse to interrupt the Enemy's 
passage in those narrow lanes that lead up to the Moor. Here 
was much firing at one another. But, in regard of their great 
number, as they advanced we were forced to give way : yet 
had gained by it sufficient time for the Foot to be out of 
danger. 

But when we came up to the Moor again, I found them 
where I left them : which troubled me much, the Enemy 
being close upon us, and a great plain yet to go over. So 
[I] marched the foot in two Divisions, and the Horse in the 
rear. The Enemy followed, about two musket shot from us, 
in three good bodies : but yet made no attempt upon us. 
And thus we got well over the open cainpania. 

But having again gotten to some little enclosures, beyond 
which was another Moor, called Seacroft Moor \now called 
WJiin Moor. It is about five miles from Leeds\ much less 
than the first. Here our men thinking themselves more 
secure, were more careless in keeping order ; and while their 
officers were getting them out of houses, where they sought 
for drink, [it] being an exceedingly hot day ; the Enemy got, 
another way, as soon as we, on to the Moor. But we had 
almost passed this plain also. 

They \the Royalists^ seeing us in some disorder, charged us 
both in Flank and Rear. The countrymen presently cast 
down their arms, and fled. The Foot soon after : which, for 
want of pikes, were not able to withstand their Horse. Some 
were slain ; and many taken prisoners. Few of our Horse 
stood the charge. Some Officers, with me, made our retreat 
with much difficulty; in which Sir Henry Foulis had a 
slight hurt. My Cornet was taken prisoner. Yet [we] got 
to Leeds about two hours after my father, with those forces 
with him, was arrived safe thither. 

This was one of the greatest losses we ever received. Yet 
was it a great Providence that it was a part, and not the 



376 I,IOO MEN ATTACK 3,000 IN WaKEFIELD. [^'^^uITs. 

whole, [of the] Force which received this loss : it being the 
Enemy's intention to have fought us that day with their 
whole Army, which was, at least, 10,000 men ; had not the 
Attempt at Tadcaster put a stand to them. And so con- 
cluded that day with this storm that fell on us. 

But now, being at Leeds, it was thought fit to possess 
some other place also: wherefore I was sent to Bradford, 
with 700 or 800 Foot and 3 Troops of Horse. These two 
towns being all the garrisons we had. At Wakefield, six 
miles off, lay 3,000 of the Enemy : but yet [we] had not 
much disturbance from them. 

Being most busied about releasing our prisoners that were 
taken at Seacroft Moor, most of them being countrymen 
[ YorksJdre peasants^ ; whose wives and children were still 
importunate for their release : which was as earnestly endeav- 
oured by us ; but no conditions would be accepted. So their 
continual cries, and tears, and importunities compelled us to 
think of some way to redeem these men : so as we thought 
of attempting Wakefield ; our intelligence being that the 
Enemy had not above 800 or 900 men in the town. 

I acquainted my father with our design : who approved 
of it ; and sent [to Bradford] some men from Leeds ; which 
enable us to draw out 1,100 Horse and Foot. 

So upon Whit-Sunday [21st May 1643], early in the morn- 
ing, we came before the town. But they had notice of our 
coming, and had manned all their Works, and set about 800 
Musketeers to line the hedges about the town : which made 
us now doubt our intelligence ; which was too late. Not- 
withstanding, after a little consultation, we advanced, and 
soon beat them back into the town ; which we stormed in 
three places. 

After two hours' dispute, the Foot forced open a Barricado, 
where I entered with my own Troop. Colonel Alured, and 
Captain Bright, followed with theirs. The street which we 
entered was full of their Foot : which we charged through, 
and routed ; leaving them to the Foot which followed close 
behind us. And presently we were charged again with 
Horse led by General GORiNG : where, after a hot encounter, 
some were slain ; and [he] himself taken prisoner by [the 
brother of] Colonel ALURED. 



^"^ ^nles.'] The miraculous victory at Wakefield. S77 

And I cannot but here acknowledge GOD's goodness to 
me this day : who being advanced a good way single [a/one] 
before my men, having a Colonel and a Lieutenant Colonel, 
who had engaged themselves to be my prisoners, only with 
me ; and many of the enemies between me and my men, I 
light[ed] on a Regiment of Foot standing in the Market 
Place. 

Thus encompassed, and thinking what to do ; I espied a 
lane which I thought would lead me back to my men again. 
At the end of this lane, there was a Corps du Guard [Pz'qzcei] 
of the Enemy's, with 15 or 16 soldiers; who were then just 
quitting it, with a Serjeant leading them off: whom we met. 
Who, seeing their [two] Officers, came up to us ; taking no 
notice of me. They asked them, What they would have 
them do ? for they could keep the Work no longer ; because 
the Roundheads, as they called them, came so fast upon 
them. 

But the Gentlemen, who had passed their words to me to 
be my true prisoners, said nothing. So, looking upon one 
another, I thought it not fit now to own them ; as so much 
less to bid the rest to render themselves to me : so, being 
well mounted, and seeing a place in the Work where men 
used to go ever, I rushed from them, seeing no other remedy, 
and made my horse leap over the Work. And so, by a good 
Providence, got to my men again : who, before I came, had, 
by the direction of Major General GiFFORD, brought up a 
piece of ordnance, and planted it in the Churchyard, against 
the body that stood in the Market Place ; who presently 
rendered themselves. 

All our men being got into the town, the streets were 
cleared, [and] many prisoners taken. But the Horse got 
off almost entire. But this seemed the greater mercy when 
we saw our mistake : now finding 3,000 men in the town, 
[and] not expecting half the number. We brought away 
1,400 prisoners, 80 Officers, 28 Colours ; and [a] great store 
of ammunition, which we much wanted.* 

* Saturday night, the 20th of May [1643]. The Lord General [i.e. 
Ferdinand©, Lord Fairfax] gave Order for a party of 1,000 Foot, 3 
Companies of Dragooners, and 8 Troops of Horse, to march from the 
garrisons of Leeds, Bradford, Halifax, and Howley. Sir Thomas 
Fairfax commanded in chief The Foot were commanded by Serjeant 



378 The unspeakable courage of the Foot. [^°"^ ^ff^el'. 

But seeing this was more a Miracle than a Victory ; more 
the effect of GOD's divine power than human force ; and 
more his Providence than the success of our prudence in 
making so hazardous an attempt : let the honour and praise 
of it be His only ! 

After this, we exchanged our men that were prisoners, 
with these : and were freed, a good while ; from any trouble 
or attempt from [the] Enemy. 

But then again it pleased GOD to mix water with our 

Major General GiFFORD and Sir William Fairfax. The Horse were 
divided into two bodies : 4 Troops commanded by Sir Thomas Fair- 
fax, and the other 4 Troops by Sir Henry Foulis. 

Howley was the rendezvous, where they all met on Saturday [20th 
May] last, about twelve a clock at night. 

About two, next morning, they marched away : and coming to 
Stanley, where 2 of the Enemy's Troops lay, with some Dragooners ; 
that Quarter was beaten up, and about one and twenty prisoners taken. 

About four a clock in the morning [of 21st May 1643], we came before 
Wakefield. Where, after some of their Horse were beaten into the 
town, the Foot, with unspeakable courage, beat the enemies from the 
hedges, which they had lined with Muskeeters, into the town ; and 
assaulted it in two places, Wrengate and Norgate : and, after an hour 
and a half's fight, we recovered {capturedl one of their Pieces [of Ord- 
nance] and turned it upon them ; and entered the town, at both places, 
at one and the same time. 

When the Barricadoes were opened, Sir Thomas Fairfax, with the 
Horse, fell into the town ; and cleared the street : where Colonel 
Goring was taken by Lieutenant Alured, brother to Captain Alured, 
a Member of the House [of Commons]. 

Yet in the Market Place, there stood 3 Troops of Horse ; and Colonel 
Lampton's Regiment : to whom Major General GiFFORD sent a Trum- 
pet[er], with offer of Quarter, if they would lay down their arms. 

They answered. They scorned the motion. 

Then he fired a Piece of their own Ordnance upon them : and the 
Horse fell in upon them, [and] beat them out of [the] town. We took 
39 Officers, 27 Colours of Foot, 3 Coronets of Horse, and about 1,500 
common soldiers. 

The Enemy had in the town 3,000 Foot and 7 Troops of Horse : 
besides Colonel Lampton's Regiment ; which came into the town, after 
we had entered the town. 

The Enemy left behind them 4 Pieces of Ordnance, with Amunition; 
which we brought away. 

Thomas Fairfax. John Gifford. John Holman. Titus Leighton. 
Henry Foulis. William Fairfax. Robert Foulis. Francis Talbot. 

A MiraculoTis Victory . ... at Wakefield. Printed 27th May 1643. 
British Museum Press Mark, E. 104. (13). 



Lord Fairfax.-| -^^^ Battle OF Adwalton Moor. 379 

wine ; and to bring us into a better condition by the brinks 
of ruin and destruction. 

Hitherto, through His mercy, we had held up near[ly] two 
years against a potent Army : but they finding us now 
almost tired, with continual Services ; treacherously used by 
our friends ; and in want of many things necessary for 
support and defence — the Earl of NEWCASTLE marched 
with an Army of 10,000 or 12,000 men to besiege us; 
and resolved to sit down before Bradford, which was a 
very untenable place. 

My father drew all the forces he could spare out of the 
garrisons hither. 

But seeing it impossible to defend the town but by 
strength of men ; and not [having] above ten or twelve 
days' provisions for so many as were necessary to keep it : 
we resolved [on 29th June 1643] the next morning, very 
early, with a party of 3,000 men, to attempt his whole Army, 
as they lay in their Quarters, three miles off; hoping thereby, 
to put him into some distraction ; which could not, by reason 
of the unequal numbers, be done any other way. 

For this end, my father appointed four of the clock next 
morning [30th June 1643] to begin the march. But Major 
General [John] Gifford, who had the ordering of the 
business, so delayed the execution of it that it was seven 
or eight before we began to move : and not without much 
suspicion of treachery in it ; for when we came near the 
place we intended, the Enemy's whole Army was drawn up 
in Battalia. 

We were to go up a hill to them, which our Forlorn Hope 
[or Advanced Guard] gained by beating theirs into their 
Main Body ; which was drawn up half a mile further, upon 
a plain called Adderton [the correct spelling is Adwalton'] 
Moor. [Ft is also spelt AtJierston and Atkerton.] 

We, being all up the hill, drew into Battalia also. I com- 
manded the Right Wing, which was about 1,000 Foot and 
5 Troops of Horse; Major General [John] GiFFORD, the 
Left Wing, which was about the same number. My father 
commanded all in chief 

We advanced through the enclosed grounds till we came 
to the Moor; beating the Foot that lay in them to their 
Main Body. 



380 The Cavalry fights at Warren's Lane.[^°''' ^ff^^[ 

10 or 12 Troops of Horse charge us in the Right Wing 
\which was at the head of Warrens Laiie\. We kept [to] 
the enclosures, placing our Musketeers in the hedges next 
the Moor ; which was a good advantage to us, that had so 
few Horse, 

There was a gate, or open place, to the Moor : where five 
or six might enter abreast. Here they strove to enter : we, 
to defend. But, after some dispute, those that entered the 
pass found sharp entertainment ; and those that were not 
yet entered, as hot welcome from the Musketeers, that 
flanked them in the hedges. All, in the end, were forced to 
retreat ; with the loss of Colonel HOWARD, who commanded 
them. 

The Left Wing, at the same time, was engaged with the 
Enemy's Foot. Ours gained ground of them. 

The Horse came down again, and charged us : being about 
13 or 14 Troops. We defended ourselves as before; but 
with much more difficulty, many having got in among us : 
but [they] were beat[en] off again, with some loss ; and 
Colonel Herne, who commanded that party, was slain. 
We pursued them [back] to their cannon. 

And here I cannot omit a remarkable passage of Divine 
Justice. Whilst we were engaged in the fight with those 
Horse that entered the gate, four soldiers had stripped 
Colonel Herne naked ; as he lay dead on the ground, [and] 
men still fighting round about him : and so dextrous were 
these villains, as they had done it, and mounted themselves 
again, before we had beaten them off. But after we had 
beaten them to their ordnance, as I said ; and [were] now 
returning to our ground again ; the Enemy discharged a 
piece of cannon in our rear. The bullet fell into Captain 
Copley's Troop, in which these four men were : two of 
whom were killed ; and some hurt or mark remained on the 
rest, though dispersed into several Ranks of the Troop, which 
was [the] more remarkable. 

We had not yet Martial Law amongst us : which gave me 
a good occasion to reprove it ; by shewing the soldiers the 
sinfulness of the act, and how GOD would punish when men 
wanted power to do it 



^°"^ ^? 'i665'.] Royalists victorious at Adwalton. 381 

This charge, and the resolution our soldiers shewed in the 
Left Wing, made the Enemy think of retreating. Orders 
were given for it ; and some marched off the Field, 

Whilst they were in this wavering condition, one Colonel 
Skirton, a wild and desperate man, desired his General to 
let him charge [on our Left Wing] once more, with a Stand 
of Pikes. With which he brake in upon our men ; and they 
not [being] relieved by our Reserves, ([which were] com- 
manded by some ill-affected Officers ; chiefly Major General 
GiFFORD, who did not his part as he ought to do), our men 
lost ground : which the Enemy seeing, pursued this advan- 
tage by bringing on fresh troops. Ours, being herewith 
discouraged, began to flee ; and so [were] soon routed. 

The Horse also charged us again. We, not knowing V/hat 
was done in the Left Wing ; our men maintained their 
ground till a command came for us to retreat : having 
scarce any way now to do it ; the Enemy being almost 
round about us, and our way to Bradford cut off. But there 
was a lane [ Warren's Lane] in the field we were in, which 
led to Halifax : which, as a happy Providence, brought us 
off without any great loss ; save of Captain TALBOT and 
twelve more, which were slain in this last encounter. 

Of those [on the Left Wing] that fled, there were about 
60 killed, and 300 taken prisoners. 

This business, having such ill success, our hopes of better 
could not be much : wanting all things that were necessary 
for defence, and [no] expectations of helps from any place. 

The Earl of NEWCASTLE presently lay siege to the town 
[of Bradford] : but before he had surrounded it, I got in 
with those men I brought from Halifax. 



I found my father much troubled ; having neither a Place 
of Strength to defend ourselves in, nor a garrison in York- 
shire to retreat to. For [Sir JOHN HOTHAM the Elder,] the 
Governor of Hull had declared himself. If we were forced to 
retreat thither, that he would shut the gates on us. 

But, while he was musing on these sad thoughts, a mes- 
senger was sent from Hull to let him know, The townsmen 
had secured [taken prisoner] the Governor [on the morning 



o 



82 Fairfax gets back int^ Bradford. [^""'^ '"fTSs! 



of the 29th June 1643] ; and if he had any occasion to make 
use of that place, for they were sensible of the danger he was 
in, he should be very readily and gladly received [there]. 
Which news was joyfully received, and acknowledged as a 
great mercy of GOD to us : yet was it not made use of till 
a further necessity compelled it. 

So my father, having ordered me to stay here [at Brad- 
ford] with 800 Foot and 60 Horse : he intruded [retired'] that 
night [of 30th June 1643] for Leeds, to secure it. 

Now Newcastle, having spent three or four days in lay- 
ing his Quarters about the town ; they brought down their 
cannon : but needed to raise no batteries, for the hills, within 
half [a] musket shot, commanded all the town ; which [can- 
non], now being planted in two places, shot furiously upon 
us. [They] making also Approaches ; which made us spend 
very much [ammunition]. 

Our little store was not above five and twenty, or thirty, 
barrels of powder at the beginning of the siege : yet, not- 
withstanding, the Earl of NEWCASTLE sent a Trumpet[er] to 
offer us Conditions ; which I accepted so they were honour- 
able for us to take, and safe for the inhabitants. 

Upon which, two Captains were sent to treat with him, 
and a Cessation [was agreed upon] during the time ; but he 
continued working still, contrary to [the] agreement : where- 
upon I sent for the Commissioners again, suspecting a design 
of attempting something against us ; but he returned them 
not till eleven a clock at night [of ist July 1643], and then 
with a slight answer. 

Whilst they were delivering it to us, we heard great shoot- 
ing of cannon and muskets. All ran presently to the Works, 
which the Enemy was storming. Here, for three-quarters of 
an hour, was very hot service : but, at length they retreated. 

They made a second attempt : but were also beaten off. 

After this, we had not above one barrel of powder left ; 
and no Match. So I called the Officers together : where it 
was advised and resolved [evidently about i a.m. on the 2iid 
July 1643] to draw off presently, before it was day ; and by 
forcing a way, which we must do (they having surrounded 
the town), [in order] to retreat to Leeds 



i 



Lord Fairfax.-j Jj^g CUTTING OUT FROM BRADFORD. 383 

Orders were despatched, and speedily put in execution. 

The Foot, commanded by Colonel ROGERS, was sent out, 
through some narrow lanes ; who were to beat up the Dra- 
goons' Quarters \^Encainpine)it\ ; and so to go on to Leeds. 

[I] myself, with some other Officers, went with the Horse, 
which were not above 50, in an opener way. 

Here I must not forget to mention my Wife, who ran 
great hazards with us in this retreat as any others ; and with 
as little expression of fear : not from any zeal or delight, I 
must needs say, in the War ; but through a willing and 
patient suffering of this undesirable condition. 

But now I sent two or three Horsemen to discover what 
they could of the Enemy : which presently returned, and 
told us. There was a Guard of Horse close by us. 

Before I had gone forty paces, the day beginning to break, 
I saw them on the hill above us ; being about 300 Horse. 

I, with some 12 more, charged them. Sir Henry Foulis, 
Major General GiFFORD, and myself, with three more [z>., 6 
out of 13] brake through. Captain MUDD was slain : and 
the rest of our Horse, being close by, the Enemy fell upon 
them, taking most of them prisoners ; amongst whom my 
Wife was, the Officer behind whom she was [on horseback] 
being taken. 

I saw this disaster ; but could give no relief. For after I 
was got through, I was in the Enemy's Rear alone ; for 
those that had charged also through, went on to Leeds ; 
thinking I had done so too. 

But being unwilling to leave my company : I stayed till I 
saw there was no more in my power to do ; but to be made 
a prisoner with them. Then I retired to Leeds. 

The like disorder fell amongst the Foot that went the 
other way, by a mistake. For after they had marched a 
little way, the Van fell into the Dragoons' Quarters \En- 
cainpment\ clearing the way. But through a cowardly 
fear of him that commanded those men who were in the 
Rear ; [he] made them face about, and march again into the 
town [of Bradford]: where, the next day [2nd July 1643], 
they were all taken prisoners. 

Only 80, or thereabouts, of the Front, which got through, 
came to Leeds ; all mounted on horses which they had taken 
from the Enemy : where I found them when I came thither ; 



384 The long retreat on Hull. [^°'''' ^fises* 

which was some joy to them, all concluding I was either 
slain or taken prisoner. 

I found all in great distraction here [z'.e., at Leeds], 
The Council of War was newly risen, where it was resolved 
to quit the town, and make our retreat to Hull ; which was 
60 miles off, and many garrisons of the Enemy on the way. 
Which, in two hours time was done : for we could expect no 
less than that the Enemy should presently send Horse to 
prevent it. For they had 50, or 60, Troops within three 
miles. 

But we got well to Selby ; where there was a ferry : and, 
hard by, a garrison at Cawood. 

My father, being a mile before, with a few men getting 
over the ferry ; word came to us that he was in danger to 
be taken. I hastened to him with about 40 Horse : the rest 
[of the Horse] coming on after in some disorder. He was 
newly got into the boat. 

The Enemy, with 3 Cornets of Horse, entering the town ; 
I was drawn up in the Market Place, just before the street 
they came down. When they were almost half come into 
the Market Place, they turned on the right hand. 

With part of my Troop, I charged them in the Flanks ; 
[and] so divided them. We had the chase of them down the 
long street that goes to Brayton. 

It happened, at the same time, [that] those men [which] I 
left behind, were coming up that street : [but] being in dis- 
order, and under [the] discouragements of the misfortunes of 
many days before, [they] turned about, and gave way ; not 
knowing that we were pursuing them in the rear. [That is, 
there were tearing along the Brayton road; (l) Fairfax's 
disordered Cavalry ; then (2) the Royalist Cavalry ; followed 
by (3) Fairfax zvith a part of his Troops 

At the end of this street, was a narrow lane which led to 
Cawood. The Enemy strove to pass away there ; but [it] 
being strait [narrow], caused a sudden stop : where we were 
mingled one among another. 

Here I received a shot in the wrist of my arm, which 
made the bridle fall out of my hand : which [wound], being 



^'^^ulTs'] Fairfax wounded aj Selby. 385 

among the nerves and veins, suddenly let out such a quantity 
of blood as that I was ready to fall from my horse. So 
taking the reins in the other hand, wherein I had my sword ; 
the Enemy minding nothing so much as how to get away : 
I drew myself out of the crowd, and came to our men that 
turned about ; which were standing hard by. Seeing me 
ready to fall from my horse, they laid me on the ground : 
and [I] now, [being] almost senseless. My Chirurgeon came 
seasonably, and bound up the wound, [and] so stopped the 
bleeding. 

After a quarter of an hour's rest there, I got on horseback 
again. 

The other part of our Horse also beat the Enemy to 
Cawood back again, that way they first came to us. 

So, through the goodness of GOD, our passage here was 
made clear. Some went over the ferry, after my father. 

Myself, with others, went through the Levels [0/ the Fen 
Country, in North Lincolnshire ; and south of the Number] to 
Hull. But it proved a very troublesome and dangerous pas- 
sage ; having oft interruptions from the Enemy ; sometimes 
in our front, sometimes in our rear. 

And now I had been at least twenty hours on horseback, 
after I was shot [at Selby], without any rest or refreshment : 
and as many hours before. [40 hours from i a.m. on the 
night of 2nd fuly 1643, "^^i^n Fairfax decided to cut his way 
out of Bradford, ivould make it about 5 p.m. of the j^rd fuly 

1643-] 

And, as a further addition to my affliction, my daughter 
\Mary, who afterwards married George Villi ers, second 
Duke of Buckingham, see p. 399], not above five years old, 
being carried before her maid, endured all this retreat on 
horseback : but, Nature not [being] able to hold out any 
longer, [she] fell into frequent swoonings ; and [was], in 
appearance, ready to expire her last [breath]. And having 
now passed the Trent \and therefore come into North Lin- 
colnshire'], and seeing a house not far off, I sent her, with 
her maid only, thither : with little hopes of seeing her any 
more alive ; but intending, the next day, to send a ship from 
Hull for her. 

So I went on to Barton [^upoji Number: nearly opposite 

2B 2 



386 Courtesy of the Earl of Newcastle. [^"'^^uiTs. 

Huir\ ; having sent before to have a ship ready against my 
coming thither. 

Here I lay down a Httle to rest ; if it were possible to find 
any in a body so full of pain ; and [in] a mind so full of 
anxiety and trouble. Though I must acknowledge it, as the 
infinite goodness of GOD, methought my spirits were nothing 
at all discouraged from doing still that which I thought to 
be my work and duty. 

But I had not laid [down] a quarter of an hour before the 
Enemy came close to the town [of Barton]. I had now not 
above 100 Horse with me. We went to the ship ; where, 
under the covert of her ordnance, we got all our men and 
horses aboard. 

So passing [the] Humber, we arrived at Hull ; our men 
faint and tired : [and I] myself having lost all, even to my 
shirt ; for my clothes were made unfit to wear, with rents 
and the blood which was upon them. Considering which, 
in all humility and reverence, I may say, I was in Job's con- 
dition when he said, " Naked came I out of my mother's 
womb, and naked shall I return thither. The Lord gave, 
and the Lord hath taken away. Blessed be the Name of the 
Lord." {Job I 21.] 



But GOD, who is a GOD of Mercy and Consolation, doth 
not always leave us in distress. 

I having sent a ship, presently after I came into the town, 
for my daughter : she was brought, the next day [4th July 
1643], to Hull; pretty well recovered of her long and tedious 
journey. 

And, not many days after, the Earl of NEWCASTLE sent 
my Wife back again, in his coach, with some Horse to guard 
her : which generosity gained more than any reputation he 
could have gotten in detaining a Lady prisoner upon such 
terms. 

And many of our men, which were dispersed in this long 
retreat, came hither again to us. 

Our first business now, was to raise new forces : which, in 
a short time, were about 1,500 Foot and 700 Horse. 



^?'i66s-] Newcastle's march on London stopped. 387 

The town [of Hull] being little ; I was sent to Beverley 
with the Horse and 600 Foot. 

But my Lord [of] NEWCASTLE, who now looked upon us as 
inconsiderable, was marched with his whole Army into Lin- 
colnshire : only leaving some few garrisons at York and other 
few places. He took in Gainsborough and Lincoln ; and 
intended [to take] Boston next, which was the Key of the 
Associated Countries [Couniizes]. For his Orders, which I 
have seen, were to go into Essex ; and block up London on 
that side. 

But we, having laid a great while [from A^th July to 26th 
August 1643] still, were now strong enough in the Field for 
those forces that remained in the Country [ Yorkshire]. So 
we sent out a good party to make an attempt upon Stam- 
ford Bridge, near York. But the Enemy, upon the alarm, 
fled thither \i.e. to York] ; which put them all there in such 
a fear as they sent earnestly to desire him to return, or the 
Country [ Yorkskt're] would again be lost : for the Lord 
Fairfax had considerable forces. 

Upon which, he returned again into Yorkshire ; and, not 
long after, came to besiege Hull. 

I, lying then at Beverley in the way of his march, finding 
that we were not able to maintain such an open place against 
an Army, desired Orders from my father to retire back to 
Hull. 

But the Committee there (having always more mind of 
raising money, than to take care of the Soldiers ; yet these 
[Committee] Men had the greatest share in command at 
this time) would not let any Orders be given for our retreat ; 
and [it were] unfit for us to return without [them]. 

The Enemy marcheth from York, with his whole Army, 
towards us. Retreat, we must not. Keep the town, we 
could not. So to make our retreat more honourable, and 
useful both ; I drew out all the Horse and Dragoons toward 
the Enemy, and stood, drawn up by a wood side, all that 
night. 

The next morning [2nd September 1643], by day[time], 
our Scouts, and theirs, fired on one another. They march[ed] 
on with their whole body ; which was about 4,000 Horse and 
12,000 Foot. 



388 Newcastle lays siege to Hull. [^"■"'^ ^^^65: 

We stood till they were come very near [to] us. I then 
drew off (having given directions before for the Foot to 
march away toward Hull), thinking to make good the retreat 
with the Horse. 

The Enemy, with a good party, were upon our rear. The 
lane being but narrow, we made good shift with them till we 
got into Beverley, and shut the gates : which we had scarce 
time to do ; they being so close upon us. But, in this busi- 
ness, we lost Major Layton, and not above 2 more. 

The Enemy, not knowing what forces we had in the town, 
stayed till the rest of the Army came up ; which was about 
a mile behind. This gave our Foot some advantage in their 
retreat : it being 5 miles to Hull, on narrow banks [and] so 
fittest for our Foot. I sent the Horse by Cottingham, an 
opener road ; who got well thither. 

But they {the Royalists] overtook the Foot : which, not- 
withstanding, made good their retreat till we got to a little 
bridge, 2 miles from Hull ; where we made a stand. 

The Enemy following close, our men here gave them a 
good volley of shot ; which made them draw back, and 
advance no further. So, leaving a small Guard at the 
bridge, we got safe to Hull. 

Thus not only for want of military skill in the Gentlemen 
of the Committee ; but, to say no more, for want of good 
nature : we were exposed to this trouble and danger. 

My Lord of NEWCASTLE now lay siege to Hull, but at a 
great distance. The sluices being open, drowned the land 
two miles about the town : yet upon a bank, which was the 
highway, he approached so near as to shoot cannon shot at 
random into the town ; which were, for the most part, fiery 
bullets. But the diligence and care of the Governor (who 
caused every inhabitant to watch his own house ; and where- 
soever they saw these bullets fall, to be ready to quench them) 
prevented the danger. 

Our Horse was now useless : and many [horses] died 
every day ; having nothing but salt water about the town. 

I was therefore sent with the Horse, over [the Humber] 
into Lincolnshire, to join with [EDWARD MONTAGU,] the 
Earl of Manchester's forces ; which were then commanded 



^'"'^ ^fi'ft] The Cavalry fight at Winceby. 389 

by Major General [Oliver] CroMWELL : who received us 
at our landing, with his troops. 

Sir John Henderson lay within three or four miles of 
this place with 5)000 men, to prevent our conjunction: but 
durst not attempt [it]. 

He marched three or four days near to us : but, for want 
of good intelligence, we did not know so much. For I 
altogether trusted to the care of our new friends, being a 
stranger in those parts : till one morning [9th October 1643] 
he set upon our Guards at Horncastle ; which, being but 
newly raised in that Country [Lincoln shir e\ fled towards 
Lincoln, without giving any alarm to our Quarters, who lay 
dispersed and secure. 

But Sir John Henderson, marching slowly with his 
Army, gave the alarm to some of our Quarters ; which 
was soon taken by the rest : but, with some disorder, 
before we could get into a considerable body. My Lord 
WiLLOUGHBY with his Horse, and my Dragoons com- 
manded by Colonel Morgan, brought up the Rear. After 
some skirmishes, we lodged that night all in the Field. 

And, next day [loth October 1643], the Earl of MAN- 
CHESTER came to us with his Foot. 

The day following [nth October 1643], we advanced 
again towards the Enemy ; and choosing a convenient ground 
to fight on, we drew up the Army there. The Enemy did 
so on the side of another hill close by, having a little plain 
betwixt us. 

Lieutenant General [Oliver] Cromv^ell had the Van 
[of Horse] ; I, the Reserve [of Horse] : my Lord [of] MAN- 
CHESTER all the Foot. After we had faced one another a 
little while ; the Forlorn Hopes [Advanced Guards] began 
the fight. Presently the [Main] Bodies met in the plain : 
where the fight was hot for half an hour ; but then we 
forced them to a rout. Above 200 killed, and 2000 taken 
prisoners. This was the issue of Horncastle Fight, or, as 
some call it, Winceby Fight. 

At the same instant, we heard great shooting of ordnance 
towards Hull : which was a sally my father made [out of the 
town] upon my Lord of Newcastle's Trenches ; who drew 
out most part of his Army to relieve them. But our men 
charged so resolutely as they possessed themselv'es of the 



390 Fairfax is to relieve Nantwich. [^°'''' ^nee^ 

cannon ; and so pursued their advantage as [they] put 
the enemy into a total rout. Upon which, he raised the 
Siege, and returned again to York. 

These two defeats together, the one falHng heavy on the 
Horse, the other on the Foot, kept the Enemy all that 
Winter [of 1643- 1644] from attempting anything. 

And we, after the taking of Lincoln, settled ourselves in 
Winter Quarters. 



But, in the coldest season of it, I was ordered by the Par- 
liament to go and raise the Siege of Nantwich ; which the 
Lord Byron, with the Irish Army, had reduced to great 
extremity. 

I was the most unfit of all the forces ; being ever the 
worst paid ; my men sickly, and almost naked for want 
of clothes. I desired the Parliament that they would be 
pleased to supply these wants : not to excuse myself, as 
some who had no will to stir, though well enough accommo- 
dated with all these ; and a business of so much import- 
ance. But their answer was a positive direction to march ; 
for it would admit of no delay : which indeed was as grievous 
to me as that injunction was to the Israelites, to make bricks 
without straw. 

But, foreseeing I should have such a return to my desires, 
I had, seeing the necessity of the business, upon my own 
credit got so much cloth as clothed 1,500 men: and 
[they were] all ready to march when these Orders came 
to me. 

So, the 29th of December [1643], we got forwards from 
Falkingham in Lincolnshire to Nantwich, with 1,800 Horse 
and 500 Dragoons ; and a Power to call the Regiments [of 
Foot] of Lancashire and Cheshire to make up the body of 
the Army. But it was not a little trouble to me, when I 
came to Manchester, to find some of them 30, some 40 
miles distant : besides the disaffection of some of their 
Colonels, who went as their peculiar [individual'] safety or 
Interest swayed them. But, finding more readiness in the 
inferior Officers and common soldiers, I got up, in a few 
days, near[ly] 3,000 Foot. 

With this Army, we marched [from Manchester, on the 



^'**^?'i66sn The Battle of Acton Church. 391 

2ist January 1644] to Nantwich; which was at the point of 
surrendering. 

When we were within two days' march, I had intelligence 
that the Lord Byron had drawn off his Siege; and intended 
to meet us in the Field. I put my men into the order I in- 
tended to fight [in] ; and so continued my march till we 
came within 3 miles of the town. 

There, was a Pass kept with about 250 men. I sent 
Colonel Morgan, with his Dragoons, to beat them off : in 
which, his brother, who was his Lieutenant, was slain. The 
Major who commanded the other party, with some others, 
were taken prisoners. 

We marched on till we came within cannon shot of their 
Works, where half of their Army was drawn up. The river 
[Weaver], which runs through the town, being raised with 
the melting of the snow, hindered, as we were informed, 
those that lay on the other side of the town from joining 
with them. 

We called a Council [of War, on 25th January 1644] 
wherein it was debated. Whether we should attempt those 
in their Works [^Entrenchments], being divided from the rest 
of the Army : or march into the town and relieve them ; and, 
by increase of more force be better able, the next day [26th 
January 1644] to encounter them. 

The latter was resolved on. So, making a way with [the] 
Pioneers through the hedges, we marched to[wards] the 
town. 

But, after we had gone a little way, word came that the 
Enemy were in the Rear. So, facing about two Regiments 
[of Foot] and my own Regiment of Horse, commanded by 
Major ROUSBY, we relieving those that were already en- 
gaged. And so the fight began on all sides. These that 
fell on our Rear were those that lay [on] the other side of 
the town ; which had passed the river [Weaver]. Those 
that were drawn up under their Works [about Acton Church], 
fell upon our Van, which was marching to the town. Thus 
was the battle divided ; there being a quarter of a mile 
betwixt us. 

In the division first engaged, our Foot, at the beginning, 
gave a little ground : but our Horse recovered this, by beat- 
ing the Enemy's Horse out of the lanes that flanked our 



392 The Fairfaxes storm Selby. [^"'^^flt^^: 

Foot ; which did so encourage our men as they gained now 
of the Enemy, so as they made them retire from hedge to 
hedge till, at length, they were forced to fly to their Works 
[Entrenchments], But their Horse retreated in better order 
towards Chester, without much loss. 

Our other Wing [the Van], being assisted from the town, 
who sallied out with 700 or 800 Musketeers, beat the Enemy 
also back into the same Works [at Acton Church] ; which we 
presently surrounded. [" Where," as Sir T. Fairfax said 
in his despatch, " they were caught as in a trap."] 

But, being in great disorder and confusion, [they] sooner 
yielded themselves prisoners ; with all their Chief Officers, 
arms. Colours, and ammunition. 

Thus, by the mercy of GOD, was this victory obtained : 
being yet the more signal in that we were not to deal with 
young soldiers, but with men of great experience ; and an 
Army which had ever been victorious. 

After this, we took in several garrisons in Cheshire : 
Lathom [House] only in Lancashire held out ; which was 
besieged by the forces of that Country [County], but after- 
wards [the siege was] raised by Prince RUPERT. 

Having spent three or four months in this Expedition ; 
my father commanded me back into Yorkshire, that by the 
conjunction of forces he might be the more able to take the 
Field. 

We met about Ferrybridge [in April 1644] : he being 
come out of Hull thither, with intention to fall upon the 
Enemy's garrison at Selby. 

And here I received another Command from the Parlia- 
ment, to march immediately with my Horse and Dragoons, 
into Northumberland, to join with the Scots Army. The 
Earl of Newcastle, who was then at Durham, being much 
stronger in Horse than they ; for want of which they 
could not advance no further. But it being resolved, within 
a day or two to storm Selby ; I stayed till that business was 
over : which proved as effectual for the relief of the Scots 
Army. 

The Governor of York lay in the town with 2,000 men. 
We drew Horse and Foot close to it. Sir John Meldrum 



^"^^fieesJ York is besieged for 29 days. 393 

led on the Foot ; which had their General Posts appointed, 
where they should storm : I, with the Horse, ready to second 
them. 

The Enemy within defended themselves [on the nth 
April 1644] stoutly a good while. Our men at length beat 
them from the Line ; but could not advance farther because 
of the Horse within. 

I getting a Barricado open, which let us in betwixt the 
houses and the river. Here we had an encounter with their 
Horse. [After one charge, they fled over a Bridge of Boats 
to York.] 

Other Horse came up, and charged us again, where my 
horse was overthrown ; [I] being single [a/one] a little before 
my men : who presently relieved me, and forced the Enemy 
back ; who retreated also to York. In this charge, we took 
Colonel [Lord] BellasIS, Governor of York. 

By this, the Foot had entered the town ; and also took 
many prisoners. 

This good success put them into great distraction and 
fears at York : who speedily sent to the Earl of NEWCASTLE, 
to haste back thither ; believing we would presently attempt 
them. This news suddenly called him back, leaving the 
Scots : who, with cold and oft alarms, were reduced to great 
extremity ; but now advanced without delay after him. 

The Earl of Newcastle gets into York [on 19th April 
1644]. 

The Scots joined their forces with my father's at Wetherby : 
altogether making 16,000 Foot and 4,000 Horse. They 
marched on to York [, from Tadcaster, on 19th April 1644]. 

But for this work, it was thought fit to have more men ; 
the town [of York] being large in compass, and strongly 
manned. Therefore the Earl of CRAWFORD, [Lord] LiNDSAY 
and myself were sent io the Earl of Manchester, to desire 
him to join with us in the Siege : which he willingly con- 
sented to, bringing an addition of 6,000 Foot and 3,000 
Horse [on 2nd June 1644]. 

So now the Army had three Generals, [ALEXANDER] 
Leslie [, Earl of Leven], Manchester, and Fairfax ; 
who lay apart in three Quarters before the town. But the 
north side still remained open to the town. 



394 Rupert raises the Siege of York. [^°"^^S": 

Some time was spent here without any considerable action 
till, in my Lord of Manchester's Quarters, approaches 
were made to St Mary's Tower ; and soon came to mine it. 
Which Colonel [LAURENCE] Crawford, a Scotsman, who 
commanded that Quarter, (ambitious to have the honour alone 
of springing the mine [on i6thjune 1644] undertook, without 
acquainting of the other two Generals with it, for their 
advice and concurrence) : which proved very prejudicial. 
For, having engaged his party against the whole strength of 
the town, without more force to second him, he was repulsed 
with the loss of 300 men. For which, he had been surely 
called to account ; but that he escaped the better by reason 
of this triumviral goverment. 

So after, Prince RuPERT came to relieve the town. We 
raised the siege [which had lasted from Monday the ^^yd June 
to Monday the \st Jidy 1644] and Hessa[y] Moor \a portion 
of Marston Moor, 7 miles from York] being appointed the 
rendezvous, the whole Army drew thither. 

About a mile from whence, Prince RUPERT lay ; the river 
Ouse being only betwixt us : which he, that night, passed 
over at Poppleton. And, the next day, [he] drew his Army 
into the same Moor we were on : who, being now joined with 
the Earl of NEWCASTLE'S forces, made about 23,000 or 24,000 
men. But we, something more. 



We were divided in our opinions what do do. The English 
were for fighting them ; the Scots, for retreating, to gain (as 
they alleged) both time and place of more advantage. This 
latter being resolved on ; we marched away [on Tuesday 2nd 
July 1644] to[wards] Tadcaster ; which made the Enemy to 
advance the faster. 

Lieutenant General CROMWELL, Major General [David] 
Leslie, and myself, being appointed to bring up the Rear ; 
we sent word to the Generals, of the necessity of making a 
stand. For else, the Enemy, having the advantage, might 
put us in some disorder ; but, by the advantage of the 
ground we were on, we hoped to make it good till they 
came back to us. 

[Which they did.] 



Lord F|Wax.-J J ^^^ ^j,^,^ WlNG AND CeNTRE VICTORIOUS. 395 

The place was Marston Fields, which afterwards gave the 
name to this battle. 

Here we drew up our Army. The Enemy was drawn up 
in Battalia on the Moor a little below us. 

The day being, for the most part, spent in preparation we 
now began to descend toward them. 

Lieutenant General CROMWELL commanded the Left Wing 
of Horse ; and [was] seconded by Major General [D.WID] 
Leslie. I had the Right Wing [of Horse], with some 
Scotch Horse and Lances for my Reserves. The three 
Generals were with the Foot. 

Our Left Wing charged first the Enemy's Right Wing ; 
which was performed for a while with much resolution on 
both sides ; but the Enemy, at length, was put to the 
worst. 

Our Right Wing had not, all, so good success, by reason 
of the whins [furze'] and ditches which we were to pass over 
before we could get to the Enemy, which put us into great 
disorder : notwithstanding, I drew up a body of 400 Horse. 
But because the intervals of [their] Horse, in this Wing only, 
were lined with Musketeers ; which did us much hurt with 
their shot : I was necessitated to charge them. We were a 
long time engaged one with another ; but at last we routed 
that part of their Wing. We charged, and pursued them a 
good way towards York. 

[I] myself only [a/one] returned presently, to get to the 
men I left behind me. But that part of the Enemy which 
stood [opposite to them], perceiving the disorder they were 
in, had charged and routed them, before I could get to them. 
So that the good success we had at first was eclipsed much 
by this bad conclusion. 

But our other Wing, and most of the Foot, went on 
prosperously till they had cleared the Field. 

But I must not forget to remember with thankfulness 
GOD's goodness to me this day. For having chari^cd 
through the Enem}-, and my [400] men going after [in] 
the pursuit ; returning back [alone] to go to my other 
troops, I was gotten in among the Enemy, which stood 
up and down the Field in several bodies of Horse. So, 



396 Right Wing unfortunate at Marston. [^°"^ ^^ 



Fairfax. 
1665. 



taking the Signal [a white handkerchief, or a piece of paper^ 
out of my hat, I passed through, for one of their own Com- 
manders ; and so got to my Lord of MANCHESTER'S Horse 
in the other Wing ; only with a cut in my cheek which was 
given me in the first charge, and a shot [which] my horse 
received. 

In which [first] charge also, many of my Officers and 
soldiers were hurt and slain. The Captain of my own 
Troop was shot in the arm. My Cornet had both his 
hands cut, that rendered him ever after unserviceable. Cap- 
tain Mickelthwaite, an honest stout man, was slain. And 
[there was] scarce[ly] any Officer which was in this charge, 
which did not receive a hurt. 

But Colonel LAMBERT (who should have seconded me ; 
but could not get up to me) charged in another place. 
Major Fairfax, who was Major to his Regiment, had, 
at least, thirty wounds : of which he died ; after he was 
abroad {out of doors] again, and [had] good hopes of his 
recovery. 

But that which nearest of all concerned me, was the loss 
of my brother [Charles Fairfax] : who, being deserted of 
his men, was sore wounded ; of which, in three or four days 
after, he died. 

So as, in this charge, as many were hurt and killed as in 
the whole [Parliamentary] Army besides.* 

* A modest Refutation of an Error published in print by Master 
[Thomas] Fuller, in his book of Worthies \of England^ Title, 
[ Yorkshire] Battles, pagina 225 [, Ed. 1662], in these words, viz. 

Goring, [at the fight of Marston Moor,] so valiantly charged the 
Right Wing of the Enemy, that they fairly forsook the Field. 

On this, Lord Fairfax made the following marginal Note in his 
copy : 

I envy none the honour they deservedly got in this battle ; nor 
am I ambitiously desirous of a branch of their laurel. But I see 
no reason to be excluded [from] the Lists : in which I underwent 
equal hazards with any others that day. 

But [it] being my lot to be cast upon many disadvantages, having 
command of the Right Wing, with much difficulty I could get but 



Lord Fairfax 



flil]-^ Fairfax wounded in the shoulder. 397 

Of the Enemy's part, there were above 4,000 slain, and 
many taken prisoners. 

Prince Rupert returned into the South. The Earl of 
Newcastle went beyond the seas [on 5th July 1644], with 
many of his Officers. York presently surrendered [on the 
15th July 1644], and the North now was wholly reduced by 
the Parliament's forces, except some garrisons. 

Soon after this, I went to Helmsley, to take in the Castle 
there : but received a dangerous shot in my shoulder ; and 
was brought back to York. All, for some time, being 
doubtful of my recovery. 

Yet, at the same time, the Parliament voted me to com- 
mand in the South. 



But my intention being only to keep in mind what I had 
been present in, during this Northern War ; I shall put an 
end to this Discourse, where it pleased GOD to determine 
my service there. 

Yet thus, with some smart from his rod, to let me see I 
was not mindful enough of returning my humble thanks 
and acknowledgments for the deliverances and mercies I 
received ; and for which, alas, I am not yet capable enough 

5 Troops in order : with which I charged the Enemy's Left 
Wing; when the business was hotly disputed a long time, at [the] 
sword's point. We broke through ; and had the chase of many 
of them. 

But, indeed, the rest of the Horse, [that] I could not draw up to 
charge with me, were soon routed with that part of the Enemy we 
left behind. 

But to shew that some did their parts : having routed some of the 
Enemy, and taken Goring's Major General prisoner; few of us 
came off without dangerous wounds ; and many [of them] were 
mortal. 

Which shews that the Right Wing did not wholly leave the 
Field ; as the Author of that book relates. 

F. Grose, Antiquarian Repertory, and Ed., IIL, p. 31, 1808, 4. 



398 All is Vanity and Vexation of Spirit. [ 



Lord Fairfax. 
? 1665. 



to praise him as I ought. [I] that may say by experience, 
"Who is a GOD Hke unto our GOD?" [Ps. Ixxi. 19.] 
Therefore, " Not unto us, O Lord ; not unto us, but unto 
Thy Name ; give we the praise ! " [Ps. ex v.] 

But as for myself, and what 1 have done, I may say with 
Solomon, " I looked on all the works that my hands have 
wrought ; and on the labour that I had laboured to do : 
and, behold, all was Vanity and Vexation of Spirit. For 
there is no remembrance of the Wise more than of the Fool 
for ever ; seeing that which now is, in the days to come shall 
be forgotten." Eccles. ii. 16. 



FINIS. 




I 



199 



George Villiers, 
second Duke of Buckingham. 

An Epitaph on 
Thomas, third Lord Fairfax. 



\,A Third Collection of ... . Poems, 
Satires, Songs, &'c. against Popery 
and Tyranny. London, 1689. 4to. 



[Lord Fairfax, the great General on the side of the Parliament, died 
in 1671 ; and his son-in-law, the Writer of this Epitaph, in 1688. 
ViLLlERS never wrote a nobler Poem, irregular though it be.] 



Under this stone does He 
One born for Victory, 



I. 

AlRFAX the valiant ; and the only He 
Whoe'er,for that aloneaConquerorwould be. 
Both sexes' virtues were in him combined : 
He had the fierceness of the manliest mind, 
And eke the meekness too of womankind. 
He never knew what Envy was, or Hate. 
His soul was filled with Worth and Honesty ; 
And with another thing, quite out of date, 
Called Modesty. 




400 An Epitaph on Lord Fairfax. \_^- "^uljl; 



He ne'er seemed impudent but in the Field : a place 

Where Impudence itself dares seldom show her face. ^< 

Had any stranger spied him in the room 

With some of those whom he had overcome, 

And had not heard their talk ; but only seen 

Their gestures and their mien : 
They would have sworn he had, the vanquished been. 
For as they bragged, and dreadful would appear ; 
While they, their own ill lucks in war repeated : 
His modesty still made him blush to hear 

How often he had them defeated. 



Through his whole life, the Part he bore 
Was wonderful and great : 

And yet it so appeared in nothing more 
Than in his private last retreat. 
For it 's a stranger thing to find 
One man of such a glorious mind, 
As can dismiss the Power he has got ; 

Than millions of the Polls and Braves 

(Those despicable fools and knaves), 
Who such a pother make. 
Through dulness and mistake. 

In seeking after Power: but get it not. 



// 



^■^I"'!?!:] An Epitaph on Lord Fairfax. 401 



When all the nation he had won, 
And with expense of blood had bought ; 
Store great enough, he thought, 
Of fame and of renown : 
He then his arms laid down 
With full as little pride 
As if he had been of his Enemies' side : 
Or one of them could do that were undone. 
He neither wealth, nor Places sought. 
For others, not himself, he fought. 
He was content to know 
(For he had found it so) 
That when he pleased, to conquer he was able. 
And left the spoil and plunder to the rabble. 
He might have been a King : 
But that he understood 
How much it is a meaner thing 
To be unjustly Great, than honourably Good. 



This from the World, did admiration draw , 
And from his friends, both love and awe : 
Remembering what in fight he did before. 

And his foes loved him too. 

As they were bound to do, 
2C 



402 An Epitaph on Lord Fairfax. [^'"''uejl 

Because he was resolved to fight no more. 

So blessed of all, he died. But far more blessed were we. 

If we were sure to live till we could see 

A Man as great in War, in Peace as just, as he. 







I 



A true and just 

RELATION 

of 

Major-General Sir T h o m a s M o r g a n's 

PROGRESS 

in 

France and Flanders 

with the 

Six Thousand English, 

in the years 1657 ^^^ 1658, 

at the taking of 

Dunkirk, 

and 

Other important places. 

As it was delivered by the General himself. 

LONDON: 

Printed for J. N u t t, near Stationers' Hall, 
1699. 




404 

ADVERTISEMENT. 

jlR Thomas Morgan drew tip the following Relation, 
at a friend's desire, who was unwilling that posterity 
should want an authentic account of the actions of the 
Six Thousand English, whom Cromwell sent to 
assist the French against the Spaniards ; and thought the Right 
they did their country, by their behaviour, might make some 
amends for the Occasion of their being in that service. 

It had been printed in the last reign [i.e., of James II.], if the 
Authority of it had not interposed, because there was not so much 
said of some who were then in the Spanish army, as they expected : 
and is published now, to let the world see that more was owing 
to our country than either Monsieur BUSSY Rabutin [Roger 
DE Rabutin, Count de Bussy] (Part II. p. 135), or 
[Edmund] Ludlow (Part II. p. 561), in their Memoirs 
do allow. The former by his manner of expression seems 
contented with an opportunity to lessen their merit; and being 
in the right wing of the French, while this passed in the left, 
comes under the just reflection he himself makes (Part 11.^. 139) 
a little after, upon the Describers of Fights, who are particular 
in what they did not see : and whether the latter was misin- 
formed, or swayed by his prejudice (Part II. p. 496) to those 
that were engaged to support the new erected Tyranny, is left to 
the reader to judge. 

It may not be improper to add, that these papers came to the 
Publisher's hands, from the gentlemen at whose request they were 
written: and to whom Sir Thomas Morgan confirmed every 
paragraph of them, as they were read over, at the time he delivered 
them, to him ; which, besides the unaffected plainness of the style, 
may be urged for the credit of the narrative, since Sir THOMAS 
was entitled to so much true reputation, that he had no need to 
grasp at any that was false. 

January 24, 1698 [i.e., 1699]. 



405 



A true and just 

RELATION 



of 



Major-General Sir Thomas Morgan's 

PROGRESS 



France and Flanders 

with the 

Six Thousand English, 

in the years 1657 and 1658. 




He French King, and his Eminence the 
Cardinal Mazarin came to view the Six 
Thousand English, near Charleroi ; and 
ordered Major-General Morgan with the 
said Six Thousand English, to march and 
make conjunction with Marshal Turenne's 
army : who, soon after the conjunction, 
beleaguered a town called St. Venant, on 
the borders of Flanders. 

Marshal Turenne having invested the town on the east 
side, and Major-General Morgan with his Six Thousand 
English and a Brigade of French Horse on the west ; the 
army encamped betwixt Marshal Turenne's approaches [Itjies 
or parallels] and Major-General Morgan's. And being to 
relieve Count Schomberg out of the approaches of the west 
side of the town, Major-General Morgan marched into the 
approaches, with 800 English. The English, at that time, 
being strangers in approaches, Major-General Morgan 
instructed the Officers and soldiers to take their place, by 
fifties ; that thereby they might relieve the Point, to carry 
on the approaches, every hour. 



4o6 An English remedy for inexperience. p'^j'^^°xls9: 

In the meantime, whilst we besieged the town ; the enemy 
had beleaguered a town called Ardres [p. 183], within five 
miles of Calais. 

In the evening, Count Schomberg, with six Noblemen, 
came to the Point, to see how Major-General Morgan 
carried on his approaches ; but there happened a little 
confusion, by the soldiers intermingling themselves in the 
approaches, so as there was never an entire fifty, to be called 
to the Point. 

Count Schomberg and his Noblemen taking notice thereof; 
Major-General Morgan was much troubled, leaped upon the 
Point, and called out fifty to " take up the spades, pickaxes, 
and fascines, and follow him." But so it happened, that all 
[i.e.^ the 800] in the approaches leapt out after him ; the 
eneni}', in the meantime, firing as fast as they could. 

Major-General Morgan, conceiving his loss in bringing 
them to their approaches would be greater than in carrying 
them forward, passed over a channel of water on which there 
was a bridge and a turnpike, and the soldiers crying out, 
" Fall on ! Fall on ! " he fell upon the Counterscarp, beat the 
enemy from it and three Redoubts : which caused them to 
capitulate; and, the next morning, to surrender the town, 
and receive a French garrison. So as the sudden reduction, 
thereof, gave Marshal Turenne an opportunity, afterwards, 
to march and relieve Ardres. 

The next place. Marshal Turenne besieged, was Mar- 
dyke ; taken, in twice eight and forty hours, by the English 
and French. After the taking thereof, Major-General 
Morgan was settled there; by the order of the French King 
and Oliver, with 2,000 English and 1,000 French, in order 
to the beleaguering Dunkirk, the next Spring. The rest of 
the English were quartered at Borborch [Bourbough]. 

For the space of four months, there was hardly a week 
wherein Major-General Morgan had not two or three alarms 
by the Spanish army. He answered to them all ; and never 
went out of his clothes all the winter, except to change his 
shirt. 

The next Spring [1658], Marshal Turenne beleaguered 
Dunkirk on the Newport side ; and Major-General Morgan 



SirT. Morgan.J fHE SIEGE OF DuNKIRK. 407 

on the Mardyke side, with his Six Thousand English, and a 
Brigade of French Horse. He made a bridge over the 
canal betwixt that and Bergen, that there might be commu- 
nication betwixt Marshal Turenne's camp and his. 

When Dunkirk was close invested. Marshal Turenne sent 
a summons to the Governor, the Marquis de Leida, a great 
Captain, and brave defender of a siege: but the summons 
being answered with defiance, Marshal Turenne immediately 
broke ground ; and carried on the approaches on his side, 
whilst the English did the same, on theirs. And it is 
observable, the English had two miles to march every day, 
upon relieving their approaches. 

In this manner the approaches were carried on, both by 
the French and English, for the space of twelve nights : 
when the Marshal Turenne had intelligence that the Prince 
de Conde, the Duke of York [afterwards, James II.], Don 
John of Austria, and the Prince de Ligny were at the head 
of 30,000 horse and foot, with resolution to relieve Dunkirk. 

Immediately upon this intelligence. Marshal Turenne 
and several Noblemen of France went to the King and 
Cardinal, at Mardyke; acquainted his Eminence therewith, 
and desired His Majesty and his Eminence the Cardinal to 
withdraw their persons into safety, and leave their orders. 

His Majesty answered that " He knew no better place of 
safety than at the head of his army ; " but said, ** It was 
convenient the Cardinal should withdraw to Calais." 

Then Marshal Turenne and the Noblemen made answer, 
" They could not be satisfied, except His Majesty withdrew 
himself into safety." Which was assented to ; and the King 
and Cardinal marching to Calais, left open orders with 
Marshal Turenne that " If the enemy came on ; to give 
battle or raise the siege, as he should be advised by a Council 
of War." 

The enemy came on to Bruges, and then Marshal Turenne 
thought it high time to call a Council of War ; which con- 
sisted of eight Noblemen, eight Lieutenant-Generals, and 
six Mareschaux de Camp : but never sent to [the English] 
Ambassador Lockhart, or Major-General Morgan. 

The whole sense of the Council of War was that '* It was 
great danger to the Crown of France to hazard a battle in 
that strait [broken] country, full of canals and ditches o". 



4o8 The second Council ofWar. [^''^r^°76s9: 

water." And several reasons being shown to that purpose, 
it ran through the Council of War, "to raise the siege, if the 
enemy came on." 

Within half an hour after the Council of War was risen, 
Major-General Morgan had the result of it in his camp ; 
and went immediately to Ambassador Lockhart to know if 
he had heard anything of it ? 

He said, ** He had heard nothing of it " ; and complained 
that ** he was much afflicted with the stone, gravel, and some 
other impediments." 

Major-General Morgan asked him " to go with him, the 
next morning, to the headquarters." 

He said, '* He would, if he were able." 

Next morning. Marshal Turenne sent a Nobleman to 
Ambassador Lockhart, and Major-General Morgan ; to 
desire them to come to a second Council of War. 

Immediately, therefore, Ambassador Lockhart and 
Major-General Morgan went with the Nobleman to Marshal 
Turenne's camp : and, by that time they came there, the 
Council of War was ready to sit down in Marshal Turenne's 
tent. 

Marshal Turenne satisfied the Council of War that " He 
had forgot to send for Ambassador Lockhart and Major- 
General Morgan to the first Council of War ; and therefore 
thought fit to call this, that they might be satisfied ! " and 
then put the question, " Whether if the enemy came on, he 
should make good the siege on the Newport side, and give 
them battle : or raise the siege ? " and required they should 
give their reasons for either. 

The Mareschaux de Camp ran away with it [i.e., the idea] , 
clearly to raise the siege ; alleging what danger it was to 
the Crown of France to hazard a battle, within so strait a 
country, full of canals and ditches of water : further alleg- 
ing that if the enemy came upon the Bank, they would cut 
between Marshal Turenne's and Major-General Morgan's 
camps, and prevent their conjunction. 

Two of the Lieutenant-Generals ran along with the 
Mareschaux de Camp; and shewed the same reasons. 

But Major-General Morgan (finding that it was high time 
to speak, and that otherwise it would go round the board 
[table]) rose up, and desired, though out of course, that he 



SirT.Morgan.J MORGAN ON HIS KNEES FOR A BATTLE. 409 

might declare his mind in opposition to what the Mareschaux 
de Camp and the two Lieutenant-Generals had declared. 

Marshal Turenne told him, " He should have freedom to 
speak his thoughts." 

Then Major-General Morgan spcke, and said that ** The 
reasons the Mareschaux de Camp and the two Lieutenant- 
Generals had given for raising the siege, were no reasons : 
for the straitness of the country was as good for the French 
and English as for the enemy." And whereas they had 
alleged that ** If the enemy came on the Bank between 
Furnes and Dunkirk, they would cut between Marshal 
Turenne's and Major-General Morgan's camps." Major- 
General Morgan replied, " It was impossible, for they could 
not march upon the Bank above eight a breast ; and that 
Marshal Turenne's artillery and small shot would cut them 
off at pleasure." He added, *' That was not the way, the 
enemy could relieve Dunkirk ! but that they would make a 
bridge of boats over the channel in an hour and a half; and 
cross their army on to the sands of Dunkirk, to offer Marshal 
Turenne battle." Further, Major-General Morgan did 
allege, ** What a dishonour it would be to the Crown of 
France! to have summoned the city of Dunkirk, and broke 
ground before it, and run away! And he desired the Council 
of War would consider that, if they raised the siege, the 
alliance with England would be broken the same hour." 

Marshal Turenne answered that, '* If he thought the 
enemy would offer that fair game ; he would maintain the 
siege on the Newport side ; and Major-General Morgan 
should march, and make conjunction with the French army, 
and leave the Mardyke side open." 

Upon Marshal Turenne's reply, Major-General Morgan 
did rise from the board, and, upon his knees, begged a battle : 
and said that " he would venture the Six Thousand English, 
every soul ! " 

Upon which. Marshal Turenne consulted the Noblemen 
that sat next to him ; and it was desired that Major-General 
Morgan might walk a turn or two without the tent ; and he 
should be called immediately. 

After he had walked two turns, he was called in. As 
soon as he came in, Marshal Turenne said that " He had 
considered his reasons ; and that himself and the Council of 



4I0L0CKHARTDF,SERTSTIIF. ENGLISH BRIGADE. P'^p'^^ilsg; 

War resolved to give battle to the enemy, if they came on ; 
and to maintain the siege on the Newport side : and that 
Major-General MORGAN was to make conjunction with the 
French army." 

Major-General Morc;an then said, "That, with GOD's 
assistance, we should be able to deal with them !" 

The very next day, at four in the afternoon, the Spanish 
army had made a bridge of boats, crossed their army on the 
sands of Dunkirk, and drew up into battalia [line of battle], 
within two miles of Marshal Turenne's lines ; before he 
knew anything of them. 

Immediately, all the French horse drew out to face the 
enemy at a mile's distance ; and Marshal Turenne sent 
immediate orders to Major-General Morgan to march into 
his camp, with the Six Thousand English and the French 
Brigade of Horse. Which was done accordingly. 

The next day, about eight o'clock, Marshal Turenne gave 
orders to break avenues on both the lines, that the army 
might march out in battalia. 

Major-General Morgan set his soldiers to break avenues, 
for their marching out in battalia likewise. Several Officers 
being with him, as he was looking on his soldiers at work ; 
Ambassador Lockhart comes up, with a white cap on his 
head, and said to Major-General Morgan, ** You see what 
condition I am in ! I am not able to give you any assistan<;e 
this day ! You are the older soldier, and the greatest part 
of the work of this day must lie upon your soldiers ! " 
Upon which, the Officers smiled. So he bade " GOD be with 
us!" and went away with the Lieutenant-General of the 
Horse, that was upon our left wing. From which time, we 
never saw him till we were in purswt of the enemy. 

When the avenues were cleared, both the French and 
English armies marched out of the lines towards the enemy. 

We were forced to march up in four lines [? columns] (for 
we had not room enough to wing [ ? spread out into line] for 
the canal between Furnes and Dunkirk, and the sea) till we 
had marched above naif a mile. 

Then we came to a halt on rising hills of sand ; and having 
more room took in [ ? spread out] two of our lines. 

Major-General Morgan seeing the enemy plain, in battalia, 



SirT^Morgan.-| 'pjjj, BANNERS OF THE EnGLISH REDCOATS. 4 I I 

said, before the head of the army, " See, yonder are the 
gentlemen you have to trade withal ! " 

Upon which, the whole Brigade of English gave a shout 
of rejoicing, that made a roaring echo betwixt the sea and 
the canal. 

Thereupon, the Marshal Turenne came up, with above a 
hundred Noblemen, to know what was the matter, and the 
reason of that great shout ? 

Major-General Morgan told him, " It was a usual custom 
of the redcoats, when they saw the enemy, to rejoice." 

Marshal Turenne answered, "They were men of brave 
resolution and courage." 

After which. Marshal Turenne returning to the head of 
his army ; we put on to our march again. 

At the second halt, the whole Brigade of English gave a 
shout, and cast up their caps into the air; saying, " They 
would have better hats before night ! " 

Marshal Turenne, upon that shout, came up again, with 
several Noblemen and Officers of the army, admiring the 
resolution of the English, at which time, we were within 
three-quarters of a mile of the enemy in battalia. 

Marshal Turenne desired Major-General Morgan that, at 
the next halt, he would keep even front with the French ; for 
says he, " I do intend to halt at some distance, that we may 
see how the enemy is drawn up ; and take our advantage 
accordingly." 

Major-General Morgan den ^rled of his Excellency, 
"Whether he would shock the \v ^ army at one dash ; or 
try one wing first ? " 

Marshal Turenne's reply was, " That as to that question, 
he could not resolve him yet, till he came nearer the enemy." 

Major-General Morgan desired the Marshal, " not to let 
him languish for orders ! " saying that " oftentimes oppor- 
tunities are often lost, for want of orders in due time." 

Marshal Turenne said, " He would either come himself, 
and give orders ; or send a Lieutenant-General." 

And so Marshal Turenne parted, and went to the head of 
his army. 

In the meantime, Major-General Morgan gave orders to 
the Colonels and Leading Officers [i.e., Captains and Lien- 



4 I 2 A STRANGE FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN ENEMIES, p'' "^j ^°',|^ 

tenants], to have a special care that, when the French came 
to a halt, they kept even front with them : and further told 
them, that, " if they could not observe the French, they 
should take notice when he lifted up his hat," for he marched 
still above three score [yards] before the centre of the Bodies. 

But when the French came to halt, it so happened that 
the English pressed upon their Leading Officers, so that 
they came up under the shot of the enemy ; but when they 
saw that Major-General Morgan was in a passion, they put 
themselves to a stand. Major-General Morgan could soon 
have remedied their forwardness, but he was resolved that he 
would not lose one foot of ground he had advanced ; but 
would hold it as long as he could. 

We were so near the enemy, the soldiers fell into great 
friendship. One asking, " Is such an Officer in your army ? " 
Another, " Is such a soldier in yours ? " And this passed 
on both sides. 

Major-General Morgan endured this friendship for a little 
while ; and then came up to the centre of the Bodies, and 
demanded, " How long that friendship would continue ? " 
and told them further that ** for anything they knew, they 
would be cutting one another's throats within a minute of 
an hour! " 

The whole Brigade answered, " Their friendship should 
continue no longer than he pleased ! " 

Then Major-General Morgan bade them tell the enemy, 
" No more friendship ! Prepare your buff coats and scarfs ! 
for we will be with you, sooner than you expect us ! " 

Immediately after the friendship was broke, the enemy 
poured a volley of shot into one of our battalions, wounded 
three or four and one dropped. 

The Major-General immediately sent the Adjutant-General 
to Marshal Turenne, for orders; "Whether he should 
charge the enemy's right wing, or whether Marshal Turenne 
would engage the enemy's left wing?" and advised the 
Adjutant -General not to stay, but to acquaint Marshal 
Turenne that we were under the enemy's shot, and had 
received some prejudice already. 

But there was no return of the Adjutant-General, nor 
orders. 



SirT. ^lorgan.J Blu£ g^ WhITE ReGIMENTS ATTACK FIRST. 4 I 3 

By-and-by, the enemy poured in another volley of shot 
into another of our battalions ; and wounded two or three. 

Major-General Morgan (observing the enemy mending 
faults, and opening the intervals of the Foot to bring the 
Horse in, which would have made our work more difficult) 
called all the Colonels and Officers of the Field [Field 
Officers, as distinguished from Leading Officers], together 
before the centre of the Bodies, and told them, " He had 
sent the Adjutant-General for orders ; but when he saw there 
was no hope of orders, he told them, if they would concur 
with him, he would immediately charge the enemy's right 
wing." 

Their answer was, " They were ready, whenever he gave 
orders." 

He told them, '* He would try the right wing with the 
Blue Regiment, and the 400 Firelocks which were in the 
intervals of the French Horse ; " and wished all the Field 
Officers to be ready at their several posts. 

Major-General Morgan gave orders that " The other five 
Regiments should not move from their ground ; except they 
saw the Blue Regiment, the White, and the 400 Firelocks 
shock the enemy's right wing right off the ground : " and 
further shewed the several Colonels, what Colours they were 
to charge; and told them moreover that, "If he were not 
knocked on the head, he would come to them." 

In like manner, as fast as he could, he admonished the 
whole Brigade ; and told them, " They were to look in the 
face of an enemy who had violated and endeavoured to take 
away their reputation ; and that they had no other way but 
to fight it out to the last man ! or to be killed, taken prisoner, 
or drowned!" And further, that "The honour of England 
did depend much upon their gallantry and resolution that 
day!" 

The enemy's wing was posted on a sandy hill, and had 
cast the sand breast-high before them. 

Then Major-General Morgan did order the Blue Regiment 
and the 400 Firelocks to advance to the Charge. In the 
meantime, knowing the enemy would all bend upon them 
that did advance ; he removed the White Regiment more to 
the right, that it might be in the flank of them by that time, 
the Blue Regiment was got within push of pike. 



414 6,ooo English chase the Spanish Army. [^''' ^? ^"xIj"; 

His Royal Highness, the Duke of York, with a select 
party of Horse, had got into the Blue Regiment, by that 
time the White came in, and exposed his person to great 
danger. But we knew nobody at that time. 

Immediately, the enemy were clear shocked off their 
ground ; and the English Colours flying over their heads, 
the strongest Officers and soldiers clubbing them down. 

Major-General Morgan, when he saw his opportunity, 
stepped to the other five Regiments, which were within six 
score [yards] of him ; and ordered them to advance and 
charge immediately. 

But when they came within ten pikes' length, the enemy 
perceiving they were not able to endure our charge, shaked 
their hats, held up their handkerchiefs, and called for 
" Quarter ! " 

But the Redcoats cried aloud, " They had not leisure for 
Quarter ! " 

Whereupon the enemy faced about, and would not endure 
our charge ; but fell to run : having the English Colours 
over their heads, and our strongest soldiers and Officers 
clubbing them down. So that the Six Thousand English 
carried ten or twelve thousand Horse and Foot before them. 

The French army was about musket shot in the rear of 
us, where they came [had come] to a halt ; and never moved 
off their ground. 

The rest of the Spanish army, seeing the right wing carried 
away, and the English Colours ilying over their heads, 
wheeled about in as good order as they could. So that we 
had the whole Spanish army before us ! and Major-General 
Morgan called out to the Colonels, " To the right ! as much 
as you can ! " that so, we might have all the enemy's army 
under the English Colours. 

The Six Thousand English carried all the Spanish army 
[before it] as far as from Westminster Abbey to [St.] Paul's 
Churchyard, before ever a Frenchman came in, on either 
wing of us. But then, at last, we could perceive the French 
Horse come powdering [scattered] on each wing with much 
gallantry : but they never struck one stroke; and only carried 
prisoners back to the camp. 

Neither, did we ever seethe Ambassador Lockhart till we 
were in pursuit of the enemy ; and then, we could see him 



Sir T. Morgan. J f ^ E SURRENDER OF Dunkirk. 415 

amongst us, very brisk ; without his white cap on his head, 
and neither troubled with gravel or stone. 

When we were at the end of the pursuit, Marshal Turenne 
and above a hundred Officers of the army came up to us, 
quitted their horses, embraced the Officers, and said, '* They 
never saw a more glorious action in their lives ! and that 
they were so transported with the sight of it, that they had no 
power to move, or to do anything." And this high compliment, 
we had for our pains ! In a word, the French army did not 
strike one stroke in the battle of Dunkirk ; only the Six 
Thousand English ! 

After we had done pursuing the enemy, Major-General 
Morgan rallied his forces, and marched over the sands 
to where he had shocked them at first, to see what slaughter 
there was made. But Ambassador Lockhart went into the 
camp as fast as he could, to write his letters for England, 
of what great service he had done ! which was just nothing ! 

Marshal Turenne and Major-General Morgan brought 
the armies close to invest Dunkirk again, and to carry on the 
approaches. 

The Marquis de Leida happened to be in the Counter- 
scarp, and received an accidental shot, whereof he died : 
and the whole garrison, being discouraged at his death, came 
to capitulate in a few days. 

So the town was surrendered, and Ambassador Lockhart 
marched into it, with two Regiments of English for a 
garrison : but Major-General Morgan kept the field with 
Marshal Turenne, with his other four Regiments of 
English. 

The next siege was Bergen St. Winock, six miles from 
Dunkirk ; which Marshal Turenne beleaguered with the 
French army, and the four Regiments of English : and, in 
four or five days' siege, it was taken upon capitulation. 

Marshal Turenne did rest the army for two days after; 
and then resolved to march through the heart of Flanders, 
and take what towns he could, that campaign. 

The next town he took was Furnes, the next Menin ; after 
that, Oudenarde : and, in a word, eight towns besides Dunkirk 
and Ypres. For so soon as the Redcoats came near the 



4i6 The siege of Ypres. p^^^'^s,; 

counterscarps, there was nothing but a capitulation, and a 
surrender presently. All the towns we took were towns of 
strength [i.e., fortified]. 

The last siege we made, was before the city of Ypres, 
where the Prince de Ligny had cast himself in before, for 
the defence of that city, with 2,500 Horse and Dragoons. 
Besides, there were in the city, 4,000 burghers, all proper 
young men, under their arms. So that the garrison did 
consist of 6,500 men. 

Marshal Turenne sent in a summons; which was 
answered by a defiance. 

Then Marshal Turenne broke ground, and carried on two 
approaches towards the Counterscarp. Major-General Morgan 
went into the approaches every night, for fear of any mis- 
carriage by the English ; and came out of the approaches 
every morning at sunrising, to take his rest : for then the 
soldiers had done working. 

The fourth morning, Major-General Morgan went to take 
his rest in his tent ; but, within half an hour afterwards, 
Marshal Turenne sent a Nobleman to him, to desire him to 
come to speak with him. When the Major-General came, 
there were above a hundred Noblemen and Officers of the 
army walking about his tent. And his Gentlemen had decked 
a room for his Excellency with his sumpter cloths ; in which 
homely place, there were about twenty OfBcers of the army 
with him : but as soon as Major-General Morgan came, 
Marshal Turenne desired all of them to retire, for he had 
something to communicate to the Major-General. 

The room was immediately cleared, and Marshal Turenne 
turned the Gentlemen of his Chamber out, and shut the 
door himself. When this was done, he desired the Major- 
General to sit down by him ; and the first news that he spake 
of was that " he had certain intelligence that the Prince of 
CoNDE and Don Juan of Austria were at the head of 11,000 
Horse and 4,000 Foot, within three leagues of this camp : and 
resolved to break through one of our quarters, to relieve the 
city of Ypres," and therefore he desired Major-General 
Morgan to have all the English, under their arms, every 
night, at sunset ; and the French army should be so like- 
wise. 



Sir T. Morgan.-j Qe^ERAL MoRGAN PROPOSES AN ASSAULT. 417 

Major-General Morgan replied, and said, " Tiie Prince of 
CoNDE and Don Juan of Austria were great Captains ; and 
that they might dodge with Marshal Turenne, to fatigue 
his army :" and, further, that ** If he did keep the army three 
nights to that hard shift, they would not care who did knock 
them on the head ! " 

Marshal Turenne replied, " We must do it, and surmount 
all difficulty ! " 

The Major-General desired to know of his Excellency, 
" Whether he was certain, the enemy was so near him ? " 

He answered, " He had two spies just come from them." 

Then Major-General Morgan told him, " His condition 
was somewhat desperate!" and said that *'A desperate 
disease must have a desperate cure ! " 

His Excellency asked, ** What he meant ? " 

Major-General Morgan did offer him, to attempt the 
Counterscarp upon [by] an assault ; and so put all things out 
of doubt, with expedition. 

The Major-General had no sooner said this ; but Marshal 
Turenne joined his hands, and looked up, through the boards, 
towards the heavens, and said, " Did ever my Master, the 
King of France, or the King of Spain attempt a Counter- 
scarp upon an assault ; where there were three Half Moons 
covered with cannon, and the ramparts of the town playing 
point blank into the Counterscarp ? " 

Further, he said, " What will the King, my Master, say 
of me, if I expose his army to these hazards ? " And he rose 
up, and fell into a passion, stamping with his feet, and shak- 
ing his locks, and grinning with his teeth, he said, " Major- 
General Morgan had made him mad ! " 

But, by degrees, he cooled, and asked the Major-General, 
'* Whether he would stay to dinner with him ? " 

But the Major-General begged his pardon, for he had ap- 
pointed some of the Officers to eat a piece of beef at his tent 
that day. 

His Excellency asked him, " If he would meet him at two 
o'clock, at the opening of the approaches ? " 

The Major-General said, " He would be punctual, but 
desired he would bring none of his train with him (for it was 
usually a hundred Noblemen with their feathers and ri- 
bands) ; because if he did, he would have no opportunity to 

2D 2 



41 8 TuRENNE & Morgan view Counterscarp.[^''''^j^°^|3^; 

take a view of the Counterscarp : for the enemy would dis- 
cover them, and fire incessantly." 

His Excellency said, ** He would bring none but two or three 
of the Lieutenant-Generals." 

Major-General Morgan was at the place appointed, a 
quarter of an hour before his Excellency : who then came 
with eight Noblemen, and three Lieutenant-Generals, and 
took a place to view the Counterscarp. 

After he had looked a considerable time upon it ; he turned 
about, and looked upon the Noblemen and Lieutenant- 
Generals and said, *' I don't know what to say to you ! Here 
is Major- General Morgan has put me out of my wits ! for 
he would have me attempt yonder Counterscarp upon an 
assault." 

None of the Noblemen or Lieutenant-Generals made any 
reply to him ; but Count Schomberg, who said, " My Lord ! 
I think Major-General Morgan would offer nothing to your 
Lordship, but what he thinks feasible : and he knows he has 
good fighting men." 

Upon this, Marshal Turenne asked, " How many English 
he would venture ? " 

The Major-General said, " He would venture 600 common 
men, besides Officers; and fifty pioneers." 

Marshal Turenne said, " 600 of Monsieur la Ferte's 
army and 50 Pioneers ; and 600 of his own army and 50 
Pioneers more, would make better [more] than 2,000 men." 

Major-General Morgan replied, " They were abundance 
to carry it, with GOD's assistance." 

Then his Excellency said, *' He would acquaint the King 
and his Eminence that Major-General Morgan bad put him 
upon that desperate design." 

Major-General Morgan desired his pardon, " For it was 
in his [the Marshal's] power to attempt it, or not to attempt 
it." 

But in the close. Marshal Turenne said to the Major- 
General that " He must fall into Monsieur la Ferte's 
approaches, and that he should take the one half of Monsieur 
LA Ferte's men ; and that he would take the other half 
into his own approaches." 

Major-General Morgan begged his pardon, and said " He 



SirT.Morgan.J AnOTHER MOVING BiRNAM WoOD. 419 

desired to fall on with the English entire by themselves, 
without intermingling them." 

Marshal Turenne replied, " He must fall on out of one of 
the approaches ! " 

The Major-General replied that " He would fall on in the 
plain between both approaches." 

His Excellency said that " He would never be able to 
endure their firing ; but that they would kill half his men 
before he could come to the Counterscarp." 

The Major-General said that '* He had an invention, that 
the enemy should not perceive him, till he had his hands 
upon the stockadoes." 

Next, his Excellency said, " For the signal, there shall be 
a captain of Monsieur la Ferte's, with 20 Firelocks ; who 
shall leap upon the Point, and cry, Sa ! Sa ! Vive le Roi de 
France !"a.nd upon that noise all were to fall on together. 

But Major-General Morgan opposed that signal, saying, 
" The enemy would thereby be alarmed, and then he should 
hardly endure their firing." 

His Excellency replied then, that " He would give no signal 
at all ! but the Major-General should give it ! " and he would 
not be persuaded otherwise. 

Then the Major-General desired his Excellency that he 
would give order to them in the approaches, to keep them- 
selves in readiness against sunset ; for at the shutting of the 
night he would fall on. He likewise desired his Excellency 
that he would order a Major out of his own approaches, and 
another out of Monsieur la Ferte's approaches to stand by 
him, and when he should be ready to fall on, he would 
despatch the two Majors into each of the approaches, that 
they might be ready to leap out when the Major-General 
passed between the two approaches with the commanded 
English. 

Just at sunset. Marshal Turenne came himself, and told 
the Major-General " He might fall on, when he saw his own 
time." 

The Major-General replied, " He would fall on just at 
the setting of the night, and when the dusk of the evening 
came on." 

The Major-General made the English stand to their arms, 



420 The French a reb eaten off. p' \ ^^°[f^ 

and divided them into Bodies ; a Captain at the head of the 
Pioneers, and the Major-General and a Colonel at the head 
of the two Battalions. 

He ordered the two battalions and the pioneers, each man, 
to take up a long fascine upon their muskets and pikes ; and 
then, they were three small groves of wood ! 

Immediately the Major-General commanded the two 
Majors to go to their approaches ; and that they should leap 
out so soon as they should see the Major-General march 
between their approaches, and did order the two battalions 
that when they came within three score [yards] of the 
stockadoes to slip [off] their fascines, and fall on. 

But it so happened that the French never moved out of 
their approaches, till such time as Major-General Morgan 
had overpowered the enemy. 

When the Pioneers came within sight of the stockadoes, 
they slipped the fascines down, and fell on : the Major- 
General and the two battalions were close to them. When 
the soldiers began to lay their hands on the stockadoes they 
tore them down, for the length of six score [yards] ; and 
leaped pell mell into the Counterscarp amongst the enemy. 
Abundance of the enemy were drowned in the moat ; and 
many taken prisoners, with two German Princes ; and the 
Counterscarp cleared. 

The French were in their approaches all this time. Then, 
the English fell on upon the Half Moons ; and immediately 
the Redcoats were on the top of them ; throwing the enemy 
into the moat, and turning the cannon upon the town. Thus 
the two Half Moons were speedily taken. 

After the manning of the Half Moons, he did rally all 
the English, with intention to lodge them upon the Counter- 
scarp, that he might be free of the enemy's shot the next 
morning. And they left the other Half Moon for Marshal 
Turenne's party, which was even before their approaches. 

Then the French fell on upon the other Half Moon ; but 
were beaten off. 

The Major-General considered that that Half Moon would 
gall him in the day time, and, therefore, did speak to the 
Officers and soldiers, that " it were best to give them a little 
help." 



Sir T. Morgan.-] " A T I T, H A P P Y - G O - L U C K Y ! " 42 I 

The Redcoats cried, " Shall we fall on in order, or happy- 
go-lucky." 

The Major-General said, "In the name of GOD! at it, 
happy-go-lucky ! " And immediately the Redcoats fell on, 
and were on the top of it, knocking the enemy down, and 
casting them into the moat. 

When this work was done the Major-General lodged the 
English on the Counterscarp. 

They were no sooner lodged, but Marshal Turenne 
scrambled over the ditches to find out the Major-General ; and 
when he met[with him, he was much troubled the French did 
no better; for, indeed, they did just nothing ! 

Then his Excellency asked the Major-General to "goto 
his approaches to refresh himself." 

But the Major-General begged his pardon, and said, " He 
would not stir from his post, till he heard a drum beat a 
parley, and saw a white flag over the walls." 

Upon that, Marshal Turenne laughed and smiled, and 
said, *' They would not be at that pass, in six days 1 and 
then went to his approaches, and sent the Major-General 
three or four dozen of rare wine, with several dishes of cold 
meat and sweetmeats." 

Within two hours after sun-rising, a drum beat a parley, 
and a white flag was seen over the walls. 

The Major-General ordered a Lieutenant, with a file of 
musketeers, to go and receive the drummer, and to blindfold 
him, and to carry him straight to Marshal Turenne in his 
approaches. 

Marshal Turenne came immediately, with the drum- 
mer's message, to the Major-General ; and was much troubled 
he would not receive the message, before it came to him. 

The Major-General replied that "that was very improper, 
his Excellency being upon the place." 

The message was to this effect, " That whereas his 
Excellency had offered them honourable terms in his sum- 
mons, they were now willing to accept of them, provided 
they might have their Charter and the privileges of the city 
preserved. That they had appointed four of their Commis- 
sioners to treat further with four Commissioners from his 
Excellency." 



42 2 Testimony as to the 6,000 English, p' "^^ '^^Ij": 

Marshal Turenne was pleased to asked the Major- 
General " whether he would be one of the Commissioners ? " 
but the Major-General begged his pardon, and desired that 
he might abide at his post till such time as the city was 
surrendered up. 

Immediately then, his Excellency sent for Count Schom- 
BERG and three other Commissioners, and gave them instruc- 
tions how to treat with the four Commissioners from the 
enemy. Just as Marshal Turenne was giving the Com- 
missioners instructions, Major-General Morgan said " that 
the enemy were hungry ! so that they would eat any 
meat they could have " : whereupon his Excellency smiled, 
and shortened their instructions, and sent them away. 
Within half an hour, the Commissioners had concluded. 
That they should have their City Charter preserved. 
That they were to receive a French garrison in. And 
that the Prince de Ligny was to march out with all his 
forces, next morning, at nine o'clock, with one piece of 
cannon, colours flying, bullet in mouth, and match 
lighted at both ends ; and to have a convoy to conduct 
him into his own territories. 
Marshal Turenne was in the morning betimes, with 
several Noblemen and Officers of the army, and Major- 
General Morgan attending near the gate, for the Prince de 
Ligny's coming out. 

The Prince having noticed that Marshal Turenne was 
there, came out of his coach ; Marshal Turenne being 
alighted from his horse, and Major-General Morgan : at 
their meeting there was a great acclamation, and embracing 
one another. 

After a little time, Marshal Turenne told the Prince " He 
very much admired [wondered] that he should expose his 
person to a garrison before a conquering army." 

The Prince de Ligny replied that *' If Marshal Turenne 
had left his English in England, he durst have exposed his 
person in the weakest garrison the King of Spain had in 
Flanders." 

So they parted, and his Excellency marched into the town 
with a French garrison, and the Major-General with him. 

So soon as the garrison was settled, Marshal Turennb 



sirT.Morgan.-| 'YuE PHANTOM CjPBOARD OF Plate. 423 

wrote his letters to the French King, and his Eminence the 
Cardinal, how that " the city of Ypres was reduced to the 
obedience of His Majesty, and that he was possessed of it ; 
and that Major-General Morgan was instrumental in that 
service, and that the English did wonders ! " and sent the 
Intendant of the Army with his letters to the King and 
Cardinal. 

Monsieur Tallon, the Intendant, returned back from the 
King and Cardinal to the army within eight days, and 
brought a compliment to Major-General Morgan that "the 
King and his Eminence the Cardinal did expect to see him 
at Paris, when he came to his winter quarters ! where there 
would be a Cupboard of Plate [i.e., of gold and silver plate] 
to attend him." 

Major-General Morgan, instead of going for his Cupboard 
of Plate, went for England ; and His Majesty of France had 
never the kindness to send him his Cupboard of Plate. So 
that this is the reward that Major-General Morgan had had 
from the French King, for all his service in France and 
Flanders. 



Killed at the Battle of Dunkirk, 

Lieutenant-Colonel Fenwick, two Captains, one Lieu- 
tenant, two Ensigns, two Sergeants, thirty-two soldiers. 
And about twenty wounded. 

Killed at the Storming of Ypres, 

One Captain, one Sergeant, eight private soldiers. 
[Wounded], about twenty-five officers, out of thirty-five; 
and about six soldiers slightly wounded after they were 
lodged upon the Counterscarp. 

Sir Thomas Morgan himself slightly hurt by a shot in 
the calf of his leg. 

THE END, 



England's Joy 



OR A 



RELATION 



OF THE 



Most Remarkable passages, from his MA- 
JESTY'S Arrival at DOVER, to His 
entrance at WHITEHALL. 




X-ondon, Printed by Thomas Creak, 1660, 



427 



England's yor. 




EiNG come aboard one of the fairest of those 
ships which attended at Sluce [? Helvoetsliiys] 
for wafting him over from the Hague in 
Holland ; and therein having taken leave 
of his sisters, the Princess Royal ; he set 
sail for England on Wednesday evening, 
May 23rd, 1660. And having, during his 
abode at sea, given new names to that 
whole navy (consisting of twenty-six goodly vessels), he 
arrived at Dover on the Friday following [May 25th] about 
two o'clock in the afternoon. 

Ready on the shore to receive him, stood the Lord General 
Monk, as also the Earl of Winchelsea Constable of Dover 
Castle, with divers persons of quality on the one hand ; and 
the Mayor of Dover, accompanied by his brethren of that 
Corporation of the other, with a rich canopy. As soon as he 
had set foot on the shore, the Lord General presenting 
himself before him on his knee, and kissing his royal hand ; 
was embraced by his Majesty : and received divers gracious 
expressions of the great sense he had of his loyalty, and in 
being so instrumental in his Restoration. 

There also did the Corporation of Dover, and the Earl of 
Winchelsea do their duties to him, in like sort ; all the 
people making joyful shouts : the great guns from the ships 
and castle telling aloud the happy news of this his entrance 
upon English ground. 

From thence, taking coach immediately, with his royal 
brothers, the Dukes of York and Gloucester, he passed 
to Barham Down — a great plain lying betwixt Dover and 
Canterbury — where were drawn up divers gallant troops of 
horse, consisting of the nobility, knights and gentlemen of 
note, clad in very rich apparel ; commanded b}- the Duke of 
Buckingham, Earls of Oxford, Derby, Northampton, 
Winchelsea, Lichfield, and the Lord, Viscount Mordaunt: 



428 Charles II. journeys to Blackheath. [_J(,^ 

As also the several foot regiments of the Kentish men. 
Being entered the Down on horseback, where multitudes of 
the country people stood making loud shouts, he rode to the 
head of each troop — they being placed on his left hand, three 
deep — who bowing to him, kissed the hilts of their swords, 
and then flourished them above their heads, with no less 
acclamations ; the trumpets in the meantime also echoing 
the like to them. 

In the suburb at Canterbury stood the Mayor and 
Aldermen of that ancient city, who received him with loud 
music, and presented him with a cup of gold of two hundred 
and fifty pounds value. Whence, after a speech made to 
him by the Recorder, he passed to the Lord Campden's 
house, the Mayor carrying the sword before him. 

During his stay at Canterbury (which was till Monday 
morning) he knighted the Lord General Monk, and gave 
him the ensigns of the most honourable Order of the Garter : 
And by Garter Principal King of Arms sent the like unto 
Lord Admiral Montague, then aboard the navy, riding in 
the Downs. There likewise did he knight Sir William 
Maurice, a member of the House of Commons ; whom he 
constituted one of his principal Secretaries of State. 

From Canterbury he came on Monday to Rochester, 
where the people had hung up, over the midst of the streets, 
as he rode, many beautiful garlands, curiously made up with 
costly scarves and ribbons, decked with spoons and bodkins of 
silver, and small plate of several sorts ; and some with gold 
chains, in like sort as at Canterbury : each striving to outdo 
the other in all expressions of joy. 

On Tuesday, May the 29th (which happily fell out to be 
the anniversary of his Majesty's birthday) he set forth from 
Rochester in his coach ; but afterwards took horse on the 
farther side of Blackheath: on which spacious plain he found 
divers great and eminent troops of horse, in a most splendid 
and glorious equipage ; and a kind of rural triumph, expressed 
by the country swains, in a morrice dance with the old music 
of taber and pipe ; which was performed with all agility and 
cheerfulness imaginable. 

And from this Heath these troops marched off before him; 
viz. Major General Brown, the Merchant Adventurers, 
Alderman Robinson, the Lord Maynard, the Earls of 



jg'gj He passes through London. 429 

Norwich, Peterborough, Cleveland, Derby, Duke oi 
Richmond, and His Majesty's own Life Guards. 

In this order proceeding towards London, there were 
placed in Deptford, on his right hand — as he passed through 
the town — above an hundred proper maids, clad all alike in 
white garments, with scarves about them : who having 
prepared many flaskets covered with fine linen, and adorned 
with rich scarves and ribbons ; which flaskets were full of flowers 
and sweet herbs, strewed the way before him as he rode. 

From thence passing on he came into Saint George's 
Fields in Southwark, where the Lord Mayor and Aldermen 
of London in their scarlet, with the Recorder and other City 
Council, waited for him in a large tent, hung with tapestry ; 
in which they had placed a chair of state, with a rich canopy 
over it. When he came thither the Lord Mayor presented 
him with the City sword, and the Recorder made a speech to 
him ; which being done, he alighted and went into the tent, 
where a noble banquet was prepared for him. 

From this tent the proceeding was thus ordered, viz. First 
the City Marshal, to follow in the rear of His Majesty's Life 
Guards. Next the Sheriff's trumpets. Then the Sheriff's men 
in scarlet cloaks, laced with silver on the capes, carrying 
javelins in their hands. Then divers eminent citizens well 
mounted, all in black velvet coats, and chains of gold about 
their necks, and every one his footman, with suit, cassock 
and ribbons of the colour of his Company: all which were 
made choice of out of the several Companies in this famous 
City and so distinguished : and at the head of each distinction 
the ensign of that Company. 

After these followed the City Council, by two and two, near 
the Aldermen ; then certain Noblemen and Noblemen's sons, 
Then the King's trumpets. Then the Heralds at Arms. 

After them the Duke of Buckingham. Then the Earl of 
LiNDSEY, Lord High Chamberlain of England ; and the Lord 
General Monk. Next to them Garter Principal King of 
Arms; the Lord Mayor on his right hand bearing the City 
sword, and a Gentleman Usher on his left : and on each side 
of them the Sergeants at Arms with their maces. 

Then the King's Majest}- with his equerries and footmen 
on each side of him ; and at a little distance on each hand his 
royal brothers, the Dukes of York and Gloucester : and after 



430 Charles II. enters Whitehall. [J^^ 

them divers of the King's servants who came with him from 
beyond sea. And in the rear of all, those gallant troops, viz. 
The Duke of Buckingham, Earls of Oxford, Northampton, 
WiNCHELSEA, LiCHFiELD, and Lord Mordaunt : as also five 
regiments of horse belonging to the army. 

In this magnificent fashion, His Majesty entered the 
Borough of Southwark, about half-past three o'clock in the 
afternoon ; and within an hour after, the City of London, 
at the Bridge : where he found the windows and streets 
exceedingly thronged with people to behold him, and the wall 
adorned with hangings and carpets of tapestry and other 
costly stuff: and in many places sets of loud music ; all the 
conduits as he passed running claret wine ; and the several 
Companies in their liveries, with the ensigns belonging to 
them ; as also the trained bands of the city standing along the 
streets as he passed, welcoming him with loyal acclamations. 

And within the rails where Charing Cross formerly was, 
a stand of six hundred pikes, consisting of knights and 
gentlemen, as had been officers in the armies of his late 
Majesty, of blessed memory : the truly noble and valiant 
Sir John Stowell, Knight of the Honourable Order of the 
Bath (a person famous for his eminent actings and sufferings) 
being in the head of them. 

From which place, the citizens in velvet coats and gold 
chains being drawn up on each hand, and divers companies of 
foot soldiers; his Majesty passed betwixt them, and entered 
White Hall at seven o'clock: the people making loud shoutSy 
and the horse and foot several volleys of shots, at this his 
happy arrival. Where the House of Lords and Commons 
of Parliament received him, and kissed his royal hand. 

At the same time likewise, the Reverend Bishops of Ely, 
Salisbury, Rochester and Chichester in their episcopal 
habits, with divers of the long oppressed orthodox clergy ; 
met in that royal Chapel of King Henry the Seventh of 
Westminster, and there also sung Te DE UM cS-c, in praise and 
thanks to Almighty GOD, for this His unspeakable mercy, 
in the deliverance of his Majesty from many dangers, and 
so happily restoring him to rule these kingdoms, according to 
his just and undoubted right, 

FINIS. 






RELATION 



OF THE 



great sufferings 

AND 

Strange adventures 

of HENRY PITMAN, 

Chirurgeon to the late Duke of Monmouth, 
containing an account 

I. Of the Occasion of his being engaged in the Duke's service. 2. Of his trial, con- 
demnation, and transportation to Barbadoes ; with the most severe and unchristian 
Act made against him and his fellow sufferers, by the Governor and General Assembly 
of that island. 3. How he made his escape in a small open boat with some of his 
fellow-captives, namely, John Whicker, Peter Bagwell, William Woodcock, John 
Cooke, Jeremiah Atkins, &c. And how miraculously they were preserved on the sea. 

4. How they went ashore on an uninhabitable island, where they met with some Priva- 
teers, that burnt their boat, and left them on that desolate place to shift for themselves. 

5. After what manner they lived there for about three months; until the said Henry 
Pitman was taken aboard a Privateer and at length arrived safe in England. 6. How 
his companions were received on board another Privateer, that was afterwards taken 
by the Spaniards, and they all made slaves : and how, after six months' captivity, they 
were delivered ; and returned to England also. 

Licensed^ June 13th, 1689. 

London. Printed by Andrew Sowle : and are to be sold 

by John Taylor, at the sign of the Ship in 

Paul's Churchyard, 1689. 



433 




A RELATION &c. 




S A necessary introduction to the following 
Relation, it will be convenient that I give 
account of the Occasion of my being en- 
gaged with the rest that went in to the 
Duke of Monmouth ; and how far I was 
concerned in that action. 

Being, at that time, but newly returned 
from a voyage to Italy, I went to see 
my relations at Sandford in Somersetshire : where I had 
not been long, before the Duke landed at Lyme ; and mak- 
ing forwards, was advanced as far as Ilminster. Upon 
which, I was induced (partly out of my own curiosity, 
and partly by the importunity of some of my acquaintance) 
to go and see whether his strength and number were 
answerable to what the common rumour had spread abroad : 
and to that purpose, rode, accompanied by my brother and 
some other friends, to Taunton ; whither the Duke by this 
time was marching, with such forces as he had got together. 
After some stay there, having fully satisfied my curiosity, 
by a full view both of his person and his army ; I resolved to 
/eturn home : and in order thereunto, I took the direct road 
back again, with a friend, who had the same intention as 
myself : but understanding, upon the road, that if we went 
forward, we should be certainly intercepted by the Lord of 
Oxford's Troop, then in our way ; we found ourselves, of 
necessity, obliged to retire back again to the Duke's forces, 
till we could meet with a more safe and convenient oppor- 
tunity. 

2 E 2 



434 Pitman doing Red Cross Society work. [,o"uri'i"689: 

But, after some time, losing my horse, and no opportunity 
presenting itself; I was prevailed with, by the importunate 
desires of my friends and aquaintance then in the army, to 
stay and take care of the sick and wounded men. To which 
I was the rather induced, in regard I thought myself liable 
to the same punishment, should the Duke be defeated, as 
those who still remained in the army : but more especially, 
for that I saw many sick and wounded men miserably lament- 
ing the want of chirurgeons to dress their wounds. So that 
pity and compassion on my fellow creatures, more especially 
being my brethren in Christianity, obliged me to stay and 
perform the duty of my calling among them, and to assist my 
brother chirurgeons towards the relief of those that, otherwise, 
must have languished in misery ; though, indeed, there were 
many who did, notwithstanding our utmost care and diligence. 
Whose lives, perhaps, might have been preserved to this day, 
had we had a garrison wherein to have given them rest ; and 
not have been constrained, through the cruelty and inhuman- 
ity of the King's soldiers, to expose their wounded and 
fractured limbs to the violent agitation and shogging of the 
carts, in our daily marches. 

But as I was never in arms myself, so neither was I want- 
ing in my care to dress the wounds of many of the King's 
soldiers, who were prisoners in the Duke's army : using the 
utmost of my care and skill for both. And thus I continued 
in full employment, dressing the wounded in the night-time 
and marching by day : till the fatal rout and overthrow of the 
whole army [at Sedgmoor on July 6, 1685]. 

In my flight homewards, I was taken prisoner, and com- 
mited to IlchesterGaol by Colonel Hellier ; in whose porch, 
I had my pockets rifled and my coat taken off my back, by 
my guard : and, in that manner, was hurried away to prison; 
where I remained, with many more under the same circum- 
stances, until the Assizes at Wells ; though, perhaps, there 
could not anything have been proved against most of us, to 
have done us much harm, had they not extorted confessions 
from us, by sending certain persons to the prisons where we 
were. 

Who called us forth, one after another, and told us, that 
*'the King was very gracious and merciful, and would 
cause none to be executed but such as had been Oflicers or 



xo" uriTe^""] T H E Bloody Assizes of the West. 435 

capital offenders : and therefore if we would render ourselves 
tit objects of the King's grace and favour, our only way was 
to give them an account where we went into the Duke's army, 
and in what capacity we served him, &c. Otherwise we 
must expect no mercy or favour Irom the Kini^, who would 
certainly punish all such wilful and obstinate offenders." 

By which means, they drew us into the acknowledgement 
of our guilt, and our Examinations and Confessions were 
written and sent to the King, before the Lord Chief Justice 
Jeffries came to try us : so that he knew beforehand our 
particular crimes ; and likewise received orders from the King, 
as it is supposed, who, and what number to execute. 

But seeing our former Confessions were sufficient only to 
find the [True] Bill against us, by the Grand Jury ; and not 
to prove us " Guilty " ; the Petty Jury being obliged to give 
their verdict according to the evidence in Court : the Lord 
Chief Justice (fearing lest we should deny what we formerly 
confessed, and by that means, put them to the trouble of 
proving it against us) caused about twenty-eight persons at 
the Assizes at Dorchester, to be chosen from among the rest, 
against whom he knew he could procure evidence, and 
brought them first to their trial. Who pleaded " Not 
Guilty " ; but evidence being produced, they were immediately 
condemned, and a warrant signed for their execution the 
same afternoon. 

The sudden execution of these men so affrightened the rest, 
that we all, except three or four, pleaded " Guilty " in hopes 
to save our lives : but not without large promises of the 
King's grace and favour. For the Lord Chief Justice told us 
that " if we would acknowledge our crimes, by pleading Guilty 
to our Indictment, the King, who was almost all mercy [!], 
would be as ready to forgive us as we were to rebel against 
him ; yea, as ready to pardon us, as we would be to ask it 
of him." 

And now was that common saying verified, " Confess, and be 
hanged ! " For, notwithstanding his large promises of grace 
and favour, we were all condemned " to be hanged, drawn, 
and quartered." And by his order, there were two hundred 
and thirty executed ; besides a great number hanged imme 
diately after the Fight. 

The rest of us were ordered to be transported to the 



436 The TWO Pitmanssold as White Slaves. [,o^; 



Pitman. 



Caribbee Islands. And in order thereunto, my brother and I, 
with nearly a hundred more, were given to Jeremiah Nepho ; 
and by him, sold to George Penne, a needy Papist, that 
wanted money to pay for our transportation, and therefore 
was very importunate with my relations, to purchase mine 
and my brother's freedom. 

Which my relations, at first, were unwilling to do, having 
no assurance of his performing Articles at such a distance; 
and therefore thought it best to defer it until we came to 
Barbadoes, or otherwise to agree to pay him as soon as they 
should receive an account of our being set free. But this 
not satisfying him, having present occasion of money, he 
threatened that if they would not pay him now, he would give 
orders to his brother-in-law at Barbadoes, that our freedom 
should not be sold us after we came there : but that he should 
treat us with more rigour and severity than others. 

With these threats, on the one hand; and promises of 
particular favour on the other: he, at length, prevailed with 
our relations to give him ;£"6o, upon condition that we should 
be free when we came to Barbadoes ; only owning some person, 
whom we should think fit to nominate, as a titular Master. 
And in case that these, with other conditions, were not per- 
formed ; the said George Penne was bound with his brother 
John Penne, in a bond of ;^t20, to pay the ;^6o back again. 

And thus we may see the buying and selling of free men 
into slavery, was beginning again to be renewed among Chris- 
tians, as if that heathenish custom had been a necessary 
dependence on Arbitrary Power. 

And in order to our transportation, we were removed to 
Weymouth, and shipped on board a vessel that belonged to 
London : which, in a few days, sailed for Barbadoes, where 
we arrived in about five weeks' time ; but had a very sickly 
passage, insomuch that nine of my companions were buried 
in the sea. 

We had not been many days in Barbadoes, before the 
Governor [Edward Steed] of the said island summoned the 
General Assembly, who welcomed us with the following in- 
christian and inhuman Act, 



lo^uniTes".'] Severe Actofthe Barbadoes Assembly. 437 




An Act for the governing and retaining within this island, 
all such rebels convicty as by His most sacred Majesty's 
Order or Permit, have been, or shall be transported from 
his European dominion to this place. 

Here AS a most horrid, wicked, and execrable Rebellion 
was lately raised and prosecuted within His Majesty's 
Dominions, by James Scot, late Duke of Mon- 
mouth, and Archibald Campbell, late Earl of 
Argyle, and their traitorous complices, with intent 
to destroy His Majesty's most sacred Person and Royal Family, 
to overthrow his Crown and Government, and to render his 
Dominions the theatres of blood and misery. In prevention 
whereof, it hath pleased the Divitte Providence {which is ever 
peculiarly watchful to guard the thrones of Princes) to accompany 
His Majesty's counsel and arms with such success and victory 
that the said rebels and traitors were utterly defeated : for which 
impious fact, many of them have since deservedly suffered the pains 
of death, according to law ; which the rest were liable unto, being 
equally guilty of those barbarous crimes, and must have wider- 
gone , but that His Majesty, in his Princely and unparalleled grace 
and clemency, hath been pleased to extend his mercy in sparing the 
lives of several thousands of them, by committing the execution of 
their sentence into a Temporary Service in his American Colonies. 
And forasmuch as His sacred Majesty hath signified it, as hisroyal 
pleasure, that the said rebels or so many of them as should be trans- 
ported to his said American colonies, shoidd be there held and 
obliged to serve the Buyers of them, for and during the space of Ten 
Years at least; and that they be not permitted in a^iy manner 
whatsoever, to redeem themselves by money or otherwise, until that 
time be fully expired. 

Therefore, We, His Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, his 
Lieutenant Governor, Council, and General Assembly of this His 
Majesty's said island, taking the premises into our serious considera- 
tion; and being zealous, to render all due and ready obedience to His 
Majesty's command, as also to make apparent with how great abhor- 
rence and detestation, we resent the said late wicked inhuman and 
damnable Rebellion, and all those that were promoters and actors 
therein, have thought it becoming our duty to Enact : and it is 
hereby Enacted by the Right Honourable Edward Steed 
Esquire, Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief of this 



438 Severe A cr of the Barbadoes Assembly. [^J] 



Pitman. 

une 1680 



and other the Caribbee Islands, the Honourable the Council, and 
General Assembly of this island, and authority of the same : 
That what person or persons soever wer^ guilty of the aforesaid 
Rebellion, and have been therefore convict[ed], which either 
already have been, or hereafter shall be brought to this island ; 
either by His Majesty's order or permit for the purpose afore- 
said, shall be held compelled and obliged to serve and obey 
the Owner or Purchaser of him or them, in their plantations 
within this island, in all such labour or service as they shall 
be commanded to perform and do by their Owners, Masters, 
or Mistresses, or their Overseers, for the full time and term of 
Ten Years from the day of their landing, and disposed of fully 
to be completed and ended ; any bargain, law, usage or custom 
in this island to the contrary, in any wise, notwithstanding. 
And to the intent that no disobedience may be sujfered or done 
upon His Majesty's said Orders and Expectations concerning the 
said rebels convict[ed], but that they may become ftdly liable unto 
and bear the aforesaid mark of their monstrous villainy. It is 
further Enacted : 

That if any Master of a ship, Importer, Owner, Master or 
Purchaser of any of the said rebels aforesaid, shall acquit, 
release, or discharge them or any of them, or permit them 
or any of them to redeem themselves by money or other re- 
ward or recompense or consideration whatsoever , respecting 
either themselves or the said rebels convict[ed] , before the term 
of Ten Years' Service in this island as aforesaid, be fidly 
completed and ended ; or shall connive at or assist unto their, 
or any of their removes, withdrawings, or escapings from off 
this island : the Party or Parties so offending herein shall 
therefore forfeit and pay unto His Majesty his heirs and 
successors, the sum of Two Hundred Pounds [ = £^00 now] ster- 
ling for each, or every one of the said rebels, which by him 
or them shall be either acqtUtted, released, discharged, or per- 
mitted to be redeemed ; or connived at or assisted unto a 
remove, withdrawing, or escaping off this islatid before the 
full end of the Term aforesaid : over and above the value or 
recompense for which it was permitted or done ; and further 
shall suffer imprisonment in the common gaol of this island 
for the space and term of One whole Year without bail or 
mainprize : and be for ever thereafter uncapable of bearing 
any Public Office within this island. 



Jjune'iesgG Severe A ct OF THE Barbadoes Assembly. 439 

And it is hereby further Enacted and ordained by the Authority 

aforesaid : 

That if one or more of the aforesaid Servants [i.e., Slaves] or 
rebels convict[ed], shall attempt, endeavour, or contrive to make 
his or their escape from off this island before the said Term 
of Ten Years be fully complete[d] and ended ; such Servant 
or Servants, for his or their so attempting or endeavouring to 
make escape, shall, upon proof thereof made to the Governor, 
receive, by his warrant. Thirty-nine lashes on his bare body, 
on some public day, in the next market town to his Master's 
place of abode : and, on another market day in the same 
town, be set in the pillory, by the space of one hour ; and 
be burnt in the forehead with the letters F. T. signifying 
Fugitive Traitor, so as the letters may plainly appear in his 
forehead. But for all other misdemeanours and miscarriages, 
they shall be prosecuted and punished according to the laws 
of this island, provided for the governing of other Servants. 
And to the end the said convict rebels may be the better known 

and distinguished ; it is hereby further Enacted and Ordained : 

That, within eight days after the arrival of any ship or vessel to 
this island, in which any of the said convict rebels are 
brought, the Master of the said ship shall deliver to the 
Governor, and into the Secretary's Office of this island, a 
true list or catalogue of those names, upon oath; and the 
Merchant or Merchants to whom they come consigned, or 
who have the disposal of them, shall also, within eight days 
after finishing the Sale, give unto the said Office a just 
account of the persons' names to whom they were sold and 
disposed of : and in case of failure herein, the same shall 
forfeit to the King his heirs and successors, the sum of Two 
Hundred Pounds sterling ; and the Merchant or Merchants 
shall forfeit in like manner, the sum of Two Hundred 
Pounds sterling. 

And for such of the said convict rebels as have been already im- 
ported, before the making and publishing of this Act, the 
Master and Merchant of such vessels are hereby required 
forthwith to deliver to the Secretary, such list or catalogue 
as aforesaid, upon penalty of the like forfeiture : which said 
list or catalogue, the said Secretary is required to receive, 
and write out fairly, and cause to be hung up in his Office, 
that all persons concerned may have free recourse thereto. 



440 Severe yi^cz-OF THE Barbadoes Assembly. \_^J][ 



Pitman. 



1 



A nd in case the first Buyer shall sell or assign over any such rebel or 
rebels convict, to any other inhabitant or inhabitants of this 
island, the Vendor is hereby required to give notice thereof to 
the Secretary, to the end the name or names of such Servant 
or Servants may be changed m the Secretary's Office, from 
the first, to the second or other purchaser or assigns, [that they] 
may stand charged as the first. 
And in case of the death of any of the Servants aforesaid, it is 

hereby further Enacted : 

That the present Owner, shall, within fourteen days, make, or cause 
oath to be made, before the next or some Justice of the Peace, of 
the name and death of such Servant, and that he really was 
in the Record, and not another of the same name ; that by 
means of the certificate sent to the Secretary's Office, the Sec- 
retary may charge him. Dead. 

And if any Owners or Vendors shall fail, in either of the cases 
aforesaid, he or they shall forfeit to His Majesty his heirs 
and successors, the sum of Twenty five Pounds sterling : and 
for the Secretary's pains therein, and also in case of changing 
Masters and Mistresses, the Secretary may receive for such 
person dead or assigned over. Six Pence, and no more. 
And to the end, none of the Servants or convict rebels may remove 

or escape from this island, by obtaining Tickets under wrong 

names, or other fraudulent or illegal methods of this kind ; it is 

hereby further Enacted and Ordained by the Authority aforesaid : 

That all Justices of the Peace that shall hereafter take Affidavits 
(to be sent to the Secretary's Office) for persons that design to 
go off this island, shall always express and insert in those 
Affidavits, that the person so going off, and desiring aTicket , 
is not one of these Servants and convict rebels : without which, 
the Secretary is hereby forbidden to grant or produce a Ticket. 

And the Secretary is also required to use the same method in 
such Affidavits as shall be taken before himself, under the 
penalty of forfeiting to His Majesty his heirs and successors, 
the sum of Two Hundred Pounds sterling, for his neglect in 
either of these cases. 

And whosoever obtaining a Ticket lawfully out of the Secre- 
tary's Office, being of the name of any of those rebels, or 
otherwise, and shall permit any of the said rebels of that 
name, or others, to have such Tickets, by which he may be in 
a probable way of making his escape off this island, shall 



lojun^eTesg'.] Severe Acr of the Barbadoes Assembly. 441 

forfeit to the use of our Sovereign Lord the King his heirs 
and successors, the sum of One Hundred Pounds sterling, if 
he be able to pay the same ; and also suffer imprisonment in 
the common gaol, by the space of six months, without bail or 
mainprize. The said commitment to be made, and execution 
to be levied, by Warrant from the Governor, upon proof 
made before him, by two witnesses, or one witness with preg- 
nant circumstances. But in case such persons be uncapable 
to make payment of such forfeiture, he is hereby ordered to lie 
in prison during the space of six months, and be set once in 
the pillory, by the space of two hours at a time, in each of the 
four market towns of this island, on four several days. 
And for the encouragement of all such as shall inform or discover 
any false, fraudident, or wicked practice of this kind ; it is hereby 
Enacted : 

That One Fifth part of all forfeits in the Act mentioned, shall be 
to the use and benefit of such Informers. 
And to the end the restraint continuing and holding the said rebels 
convict within this island, during the Term aforesaid, may be the 
[more] effectually and fully secured and provided for ; and also for 
preventing the Servants, Slaves, and Debtors of this island from 
running off, by which some have perished in the sea ; it is hereby 
further Enacted and Ordained, by the Authority aforesaid : 
That every Owner or Keeper of any small vessel, sloop, shallop, 
wherry, fishing-boat, or any other sort of boat belonging to 
this island, shall, within twenty days after publication hereof, 
give into the Secretary's Office of this island, [security] in 
the sum of Two Hundred Pounds sterling {excepting the 
small boats and wherries, who are to enter in the sum of Ten 
Pounds sterling), that he will not convey or carry off from 
this island any of the aforesaid rebels convict, or any other 
person that hath not a lawful Ticket ; or will permit, siffer, 
or consent to the same : but will use his utmost skill, care^ 
and diligence in securing and guarding his small vessel, 
sloop, shallop, or boat, in such manner as may most probably 
prevent the escapes of such ftigitives . 
And if any Owner or Keeper of such small vessel, sloop, shallop, 
or boat shall hereafter make sale, change, or any other 
alienation thereof, without first giving notice in the Sec- 
retary's Office, that new security may be taken then : such 
vessel, shallop, or boat, shall be forfeited to His Majesty his 



442 Severe A cr of the Barbadoes Assembly. [^o^uneTesg, 

heirs and successors; and the Vendor to be further obliged to 
put in security to answer all damages that may happen, by 
reason of such sale, before security so given. 

And the like method and forfeitures is hereby required and 
appointed unto Masters of ships, in case they shall sell or dis- 
pose of any boat to any of the inhabitants of this island. 

And whosoever shall hereafter build or set up in this island, 
any small vessel, sloop, shallop, or boat, shall, when 
he or they build the same, enter into the security aforesaid, 
under the penalty of forfeiting the materials thereof to His 
Majesty his heirs and successors. 
And be it further ordained and Enacted : 

That the Secretary shall have and receive for the Bond and Cer- 
tificate for wherries, fishing-boats, and other small boats, only 
Fifteen Pence ; and for all other vessels of greater bulk, 
Five Shillings each, as has been customary. 
And it is further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid : 

That it shall be Felony in every Master of every shallop, sloop, 
wherry, or other boat belonging to this island, that runneth 
away with any shallop, sloop, wherry, or other boat which 
they command [although such boats should be their own 
property ! ] . 
A nd it is further Enacted by the A uthority aforesaid : 

That if any woman in this island. Owner or Mistress of any such 
convict rebels, by any means whatsoever, shall intermarry 
with any of the said convict rebels, whereby the said rebels 
may become free from their servitude ; or suffer or consent 
to the marriage of their daughters or other near relations, by 
which such Servant is freed, connived at, or eased from his 
servitude aforesaid : that upon notice thereof given to the 
Governor and Council, of such marriage or marriages, such 
rebel or rebels shall, notwithstanding, be, by the Governor and 
Council ordered to serve the remainder of his time to some 
other person, whom the Governor and Council shall think fit ; 
and the woman so marrying as aforesaid, is to forfeit to our 
Sovereign Lord the King his heirs or assigns, the sum of 
Two Hundred Pounds sterling, and suffer Six Months' im- 
prisonment for such her intermarrying with any of the said 
rebels convict. 
And, lastly, it is Enacted by the Authority aforesaid: 

That the Act be published by the Ministers of the several parishes 



lo^juniTe^sg.] Condition of White Slaves at Barbadoes. 443 

in this island, in their several parish churches, once in every 
six months from the date hereof, upon such penalty as the 
Governor and Council for the time being, shall think fit to 
impose on the person so neglecting to publish the same. 

Given under my hand, the Fourth day of January, 1685 [-6], 

Edward Steed. 

But to return to my discourse 

We were consigned to Charles Thomas and his Company, 
with particular orders and instructions from George Penne 
not to sell me or my brother, but permit us to make choice 
of some person to own as a titular Master. However, they 
were so unkind, they would not allow us that liberty ; but 
compelled us, contrary to our desires and inclinations, to live 
with one Robert Bishop : pretending that they had not 
absolutely sold us to him ; but could remove us again, in 
case we disliked our place. 

And that the before-mentioned George Penne might not 
be obliged to repay the money we gave him ; they told us, we 
should have the yearly salary of ;;^20, which they were to 
receive for our service. 

But these pretences were only to amuse us, for afterwards 
when we were constrained, by the great unkindness of our 
Master, to address ourselves unto them, not only in person, 
but also by many importunate and affectionate letters, intreat- 
ing them to use their utmost endeavour and Interest with our 
Master, in order to remove us ; we found it in vain : for they 
had positively sold us, and also given it in, on their oaths, 
at the Secretary's Office. 

When our Master perceived that we were uneasy, and un- 
willing to serve him ; he grew more and more unkind unto us, 
and would not give us any clothes, nor me any benefit of my 
practice, whereby to enable me to provide for myself : for I 
was obliged to give him an account of what physic I admi- 
nistered out of his plantation, and he received the money for 
the same. 

Our diet was very mean. 5 lbs. of salt Irish beef, or salt 
fish, a week, for each man ; and Indian or Guinea Corn 
[maize] ground on a stone, and made into dumplings instead of 
bread. 



444 H. Pitman a Slave, though a Surgeon. [^J]\ 



Pitman. 



Which coarse and mean fare brought me to a violent flux 
[diarrhcea], insomuch that 1 was forced to complain to my 
Master, desiring him to allow me some flour, instead of 
Indian corn, to make dumplings withal ; and humbly 
recommended to his consideration my Profession and practice, 
which I hoped would render me deserving of better accommo- 
dation than was usually allowed to other Servants. 

But he, not moved with pity, angrily replied, " I should 
not have so good ! " 

Whose unkind answer moved me so, that I had the confi- 
dence to tell him that " I would no longer serve him, nor any 
other, as a Surgeon, unless I were entertained according to 
the just merits of my Profession and practice ; and that I 
would choose rather to work in the field with the Negroes than 
to dishonour my Profession by serving him as Physician and 
Surgeon, and to accept the same entertainment as common 
Servants." 

My angry Master, at this, was greatly enraged, and the 
fiery zeal of his immoderate passion was so heightened by 
some lying stories of a fellow Servant, that he could not 
content himself with the bare execution of his cane upon my 
head, arms, and back, although he played so long thereon, like 
a furious fencer, until he had split it in pieces ; but he also 
confined me close prisoner in the Stocks (which stood in an 
open place), exposed to the scorching heat of the sun ; where 
I remained about twelve hours, until my Mistress, moved 
either with pity or shame, gave order for my release. 

It would be too tedious to give a particular account of 
the many other abuses and unkindnesses we received at his 
hands ; and therefore it shall suffice to say, that in this con- 
dition we lived with him about fifteen months [to about April, 
1687], until by his debauched and extravagant course of life, 
he had run himself so extremely in debt, and particularly 
to those merchants that sold us to him, that he could not 
well pay for us. For which reason, we were removed from 
him ; but the merchants were forced to remit the money 
due for our service, before he would return us. 

And now, being returned again, we remained in the 
merchants' hands, as goods unsold ; and because I would 
not consent to be disposed of, at their pleasure ; they threat- 
ened to horsewhip me and put me to servile employment. 



J 



lo^uriTs"".] Death of Pitman's brother. 445 

But we had not been long here, before my brother died, 
and I being wearied with long and fruitless expectation of 
my Pardon ; and no less perplexed and tired with the great 
abuses I had received at their hands, resolved to attempt the 
making of my escape from off the island : to which purpose, 
after several contrivances and ways that came into my head, 
and those well weighed with the consequent circumstances 
that possibly I could foresee ; I concluded at length to proceed 
after this manner. 

Being introduced by a friend into the acquaintance of 
one John Nuthall [Not a White Slave, but a Debtor, seep. 355], 
a carver; whose condition was somewhat mean, and therefore 
one that wanted money to carry him off the island : I 
imparted my design unto him, and employed him to buy a 
boat of a Guiney Man [a ship trading to Guinea] that lay in 
the road ; promising him for his reward, not only his passage 
free, and money for his present expenses, but to give him 
the boat also, when we arrived at our port. 

By the way, it is to be understood, that the means which 
enabled me to defray these extraordinary expenses, was a 
private consignation [consignment] of goods from my relations, 
to a particular friend in the island ; who took care to dispose 
of them for me. 

John Nuthall therefore readily consented to what I 
proposed ; and after I had enjoined him to secresy, I delivered 
him £12 to buy the boat; which accordingly he did, and 
gave in security for the same at the Secretary's Office, 
conformable to the custom and laws of the island. Never- 
theless all that would not prevent the jealousy of the magis- 
trates, that sprang from the consideration of his poverty, and 
the little service they knew the boat would do him. 

Whereupon, they sent for John Nuthall, and strictly 
commanded him to discover who it was that had employed 
him to buy the boat ; and threatened to put him to his oath. 
Nevertheless, they could get nothing out of him, for the man 
had so much courage that he confidently denied that any 
person had employed him ; but that he bought the boat 
merely for his own use. Yet was not all this sufficient. 
They still threatened to seize the boat, unless he gave in 
better security. Upon which, he came to me, to advise what 
it were best to be done. I ordered him forthwith to sink the 



446 Pitman prepares to escape. [lo^uneTelg: 

boat : which as it very much abated the suspicion of the 
Magistrates, so it secured the boat from seizure. 

While these things were in agitation, one of John Nut- 
hall's creditors, to whom he owed ■£'] for tools, threatened to 
arrest him, unless he paid him down the money ; which was 
no small surprise to a man that had no money to make his 
payment : however, having a day's respite to procure satis- 
faction, he came and told me, that " Unless I would supply 
him with money to pay his debt, necessity would constrain 
him to discover my design." So that, well knowing the 
danger I was in, I was forced to supply him. 

And here, I must not omit to relate, that, by this time, I 
had discovered my design to two of my acquaintance under 
the same circumstances \i.e.^ White Slaves], Thomas Austin 
and John Whicker; who readily agreed to be my com- 
panions, and gave me what money they could well spare, to 
help to carry on the design : but I myself was the chief 
contriver and manager of the whole, having more time and 
liberty than they. For I usually met John Nuthall every 
night, at some convenient place remote from the town by 
the sea side ; where, after we had consulted together, he 
took his instructions how to proceed. 

In this interval of time, the boat being sunk, and by that 
means, the suspicion of the Magistrates quite over ; John 
Nuthall's debt being paid, and he again secured to secresy : 
we began to think of providing necessaries for our intended 
voyage ; which, as they occurred to my thoughts, I set them 
down, that so nothing might be forgotten. Which take as 
followeth. A hundredweight of bread, a convenient quantity 
of cheese, a cask of water, some few bottles of Canary and 
Madeira wine and beer; these being for the support of 
Nature : and then for use, a compass, quadrant, chart, half- 
hour glass, half-minute glass, log and line, large tarpaulin, 
a hatchet, hammer, saw and nails, some spare boards, a 
lantern and candles. All which were privately conveyed to 
a friend's house, not far from the water side, to be in a 
readiness against the time. 

Which after I had bethought myself; who besides, to make 
choice of for my companions was the next thing to be con- 
sidered of; but that a lucky chance, after a short expectation, 
presented itself to us. 






lo^unl'iMg:] Dreadful fright when embarking. 447 

For within few days the Governor of Mevis putting in at 
the Barbadoes ; the Governor, for his more noble entertain- 
ment, caused the MiHtia of the town to be in arms : which 
was attended with revelHng, drinking, and feasting to excess; 
the consequence of which, I easily conjectured would be 
drowsy security and carelessness. 

This time, I therefore thought most proper for our in- 
tended enterprise ; and gave notice thereof to my in- 
tended companions (most of whom I kept ignorant of my 
design until now, fearing it should by any means be dis- 
covered) : and ordered them not to carry home their arms, 
but to bring them, after it was night, to a certain storehouse 
by the wharf; where I designed to put to sea. The store- 
house was then under the care of John Whicker, one of my 
confederates ; and therefore a most happy convenience to 
conceal both them and their arms, till it was time to sail. 

In the meantime, John Nuthall employed tv.'o lust} 
blacks to empty the water out of our skiff, and set her 
afloat ; and then brought her to the wharf before the store- 
house : whither by this time, we had conveyed our neces- 
saries ; keeping the blacks within the storehouse, that they 
might have no opportunity to discover our design. 

About II o'clock at night [gf/j May, 1687], thinking it time 
to embark in our small vessel, we assigned one of our com- 
pany to stand sentry at the head of the wharf, to give us 
notice if the Watch should happen to come that way ; and 
then, with all speed, we put our provisions and necessaries 
aboard : which we had no sooner done, but we had an 
alarm that the Watch was approaching to the head of the 
wharf. A misfortune which so surprised us, that we all, of 
an instant, betook ourselves to our heels. And I, for my own 
part, soon recovered a friend's house, giving all for lost ; sup- 
posing my companions were fallen into the enemy's hands. 

But whilst I was condoling my misfortune to my friend, 
and giving him a lamentable account of our attempt and 
discovery ; and also consulting whether to retire in the 
country, to He dormant if possible till some better opportunity 
oifered itself, I heard a person at the window inquiring for me. 

At first, I was in a dreadful fear, lest it was one of the 
Watch in quick pursuit after me : but knowing him, by his 
voice to be one of my companions, I gladly received the 



448 ThEESCAPE of eight in a boat. [10 juiTi'Ies"; 

account he gave me. Which was, that the Watch came 
only to call up one of their number, that was to watch with 
them that night ; and then went away, without taking the 
least notice of the boat. 

However, I was so disheartened by this unlucky accident, 
that I was altogether unwilling to make a second attempt, 
till at length overruled by the importunity of my friend ; more 
especially when he told me that they all waited for me, 
and could not go without me, for none of them had any 
skill in navigation. So, considering the baseness of dis- 
appointing so many persons, whom I had engaged in so 
much danger; I resolved, once more, to hazard a burnt 
forehead and sore back : and going with him to the water 
side, I found my companions by the boat, waiting for me, 
and not a little glad to see me come again. 

Then we put the Negroes into the storehouse, charging 
them not to stir forth or make any noise till the morning : 
and to encourage them to be faithful to us, I gave them 
three Half-Pieces of Eight [=6s. — i8s. now] for their good 
service. 

This done, and thus delivered from our fears, we embarked 
in our small vessel ; being in number eight, viz., John 
Whicker, Peter Bagwell, William Woodcock, John 
Cooke, Jeremiah Atkins, and myself, which were Sufferers 
on the account of the Duke of Monmouth : the other two 
were John Nuthall, who bought the boat for me, and 
Thomas Waker. Thomas Austin, of whom I formerly 
spake, was so possessed with fear of being cast away, that he 
would not go with us. 

About midnight, we put off to sea, designing for Curagoa, 
a Dutch island that lies about 200 leagues thence : for we 
durst not go to any English island, for fear we should be 
taken and sent back. 

We rowed softly forward, within a pistol's shot of the 
Fort ; and there lay at that time, a man-of-war in the road : 
which made us not a little afraid of being discovered by those 
watchful enemies ; but Providence so ordered it, that we 
passed both without discovery. 

However, by the time that we were got clear of the Fort and 
the shipping, our boat being so extremely leaky, had taken 
in so much water, that we were almost ready to sink; not 



lo^juriTes":] Steering by the stars, or the wind. 449 

daring to heave it out before, for fear of making a noise to 
alarm our enemies. 

But having the conveniency of a tub and a large wooden 
bowl ; we now fell to work, and in a little time, we pretty 
well emptied our boat : and then we set our mast, and hoisted 
our sail, and steered our course south-west as near as I could 
judge, intending to make the Great Grenada. Our candles 
being bruised into one mass of tallow, and our tinder and 
matches being wet, we could not strike a light to steer by 
our compass ; neither indeed had we any candles lighted for 
the same reason, during our whole voyage : so that, in the 
night, we were forced to steer by the stars; and when it was 
cloudy, by the wind. 

That which troubled us most was the leakiness of our little 
vessel. For although we endeavoured all we could to stop 
her gaping seams with our linen and all the rags we had, 
which we tallowed with our bruised candles: yet she was so 
thin, so feeble, so heavily ladened, and wrought [laboured] so 
exceedingly by reason of the great motion of the sea, that we 
could not possibly make her tight, but were forced to keep 
one person almost continually, day and night, to throw out 
the water, during our whole voyage. 

The same night, most of my companions were so sea-sick, 
that notwithstanding we were all ready to sink, I could hard 
persuade them to throw out the water ; and my place being 
at the helm, to guide and govern the boat, I could not safely 
go thence. However, at length, through great importunity 
and earnest persuasions, I prevailed with them to take a little 
pains to preserve us from drowning. My companions now 
began to wish themselves at Barbadoes again ; and would 
willingly have returned : but I told them there was no 
possibility of it, being so far to the leeward of the island. 

One of them, through carelessness in heaving out the 
water, threw over our wooden bowl ; and we running away 
with a large [full] wind, could not go back to take it up ; so 
that we had nothing left to throw out the water with, but our 
tub ; which obliged them to be more careful of it, for our lives 
were concerned therein. 

May the loth [1687], in the morning, we were got almost 
out of sight of the island ; at least far enough from being 
descried from thence. And perceiving no sort of vessel in 

2F 2 



450 Sailing away from Slavery. [,o"unl"i689: 

pursuit of us, we began to be cheered up with the thoughts 
of our liberty, and the hopes of our safe arrival at our desired 
port. 

But then, alas, the night no sooner approached, but we 
were assailed with a brisk gale of wind ; under which mis- 
fortune, another worse befel us, that we split our rudder so 
that we were forced to lower our sail, and with an oar to keep 
our boat before the sea, whilst one of my company, a joiner, 
mended our helm by nailing to it two pieces of boards. That 
done, we went cheerily on again. 

May the nth, we had indifferent good weather. My 
companions being pretty well recovered of their sea-sickness, 
we now had time to put things in a better posture in our 
boat ; and to raise her, which we did by nailing on tarpolings 
[tarpatdings] from her sides to our oars that were lashed fast 
about nine inches above, which did us good service in keeping 
out the sea. We likewise made a tilt [awning] with a 
hammock over the hinder part of our boat, to defend us from 
the scorching heat of the sun. 

May the 12th. This morning, notwithstanding we steered 
south-west, to weather the Great Grenada, the current had 
set us so much to the northward, that we made the Grena- 
dilloes to bear west of us : which obliged us to steer more 
southerly to weather the Great Grenada. 

May the 13th. The last night, we weathered the Great 
Grenada, and steered down the south side of the same ; and 
then shaped our course for the Testigos. For I could not 
take any true observation by my quadrant, because of the 
uneven motion of the sea, and the nearness of the sun to the 
zenith, and therefore was constrained to steer a course from 
island to island, though the further way about. 

May the 14th. We had fair weather, and a fresh gale of 
wind; and about noon, as I remember, we made the Testigos, 
bearing south-south-west; and before night, made the north- 
east end of the Margarita. 

But, by this time, being so extremely spent for want of 
sleep, having been obliged for the most part, night and day, 
to steer the boat ; I was desirous to take a little rest : but 
first I directed one of my companions how to steer down by 
the said island ; and then composed myself to sleep. 

In which interval of time, my companions eagerly longing 



lo'IuniTel"'.] '^W*^ REMARKABLE ESCAPES FROM PERIL. 45 1 

for fresh water, in regard ours stank so extremely as it did, 
stood in for the land ; and lowered the sail, designing to go 
ashore. At which time, I happily \by^ chance] awoke ; and 
apprehending the great danger of falling into the hands of 
the Indians, who had already kindled a fire on the shore not 
far from us, I caused the sail again to be hoisted up, and 
hasted away with all expedition : and being favoured with a 
brisk gale of wind, we soon got out of fear or danger of those 
savage cannibals. 

May the 15th. We had fair weather, and very pleasant 
sailing down the north side of this island [Margarita]. But 
when we had got about the middle of the island, my com- 
panions were no less importunate than before, to go ashore 
for fresh water. To which I, at length, consented, partly 
because I saw that part of the island free from inhabitants, 
and partly enticed by the fair appearance of a sandy bay and 
that the water seemed so smooth that I thought we could 
not injure our boat by running her ashore, in regard we had 
neither anchor nor grapling to ride her off. 

But, contrary to our expectations, and to our great sur- 
prisal, we found the ground near the shore extremely foul ; 
and the sea heaved us so fast in, that we could not possibly 
have avoided being split on the rocks, had not I leaped into 
the sea to fend her off, which whilst I laboured to do with 
my feet against the rock till I was almost spent, my com- 
panions with their two oars rowed her off. At which, our 
hearts were filled with joy, and our mouths with praises to 
the LORD, who had so wonderfully preserved us from being 
cast away on this island : where probably we must either 
have been starved ourselves, or have become food for those 
inhuman man-eaters. 

From the west end of this island, we directed our course 
for Saltatudos; but that afternoon, the wind increased, and a 
white ring encircled the moon, which I thought presaged ill 
weather, and to our great sorrow, proved too true. For about 
nine at night, a dreadful storm arose, which made us despair 
of ever seeing the morning sun. And now the sea began to 
foam, and to turn its smooth surface into mountains and 
vales. Our boat was tossed and tumbled from one side to 
the other; and so violently driven and hurried away by the 
fury of the wind and sea, that I was afraid we should be 



452 Safe arrival at Tortuga. [,„"; 



Pitman. 

une 1680. 



driven by the island in the night-time : and therefore we 
brought our boat to, with her head against the sea : but the 
wind and sea still increasing, we were forced to bear up before 
it, with only sail sufficient to give her steerage way. 

And now, in vain we began to wish ourselves at the 
Barbadoes again, or (which was worse) on that island on 
which we were so lately like to have been wrecked, believing 
that a misery then which now we should have thought a 
happiness, and that which confirmed us the more in the cer- 
tainty of our approaching ruin, was an unexpected voice, 
which (to our thinking) seemed to hallow [holloa] to us at a 
great distance. But the Omnipotent (who is never unmindful 
of the cries of his people in distress) heard our prayers; so 
that when all our hopes were given over, and we had resigned 
ourselves into his hands, expecting every moment when the 
wide gaping sea would devour and swallow us up : GOD, of 
his infinite mercy and unspeakable goodness, commanded 
the violence of the winds to cease, and allayed the fury of the 
raging waves. Eternal praises to his Name for evermore ! 

May the i6th. This morning, at break of day, we saw the 
island of Saltatudos just before us, and when it was suffi- 
ciently light, that we could discern how the land lay, we 
steered down the north side of it, intending to go ashore at 
some convenient place to refresh ourselves after that dread- 
ful storm, and to take on board some fresh vvater, and if 
possible to stop the leaks of our boat, in order to proceed in 
our voyage for Curagoa : and accordingly, when we came to 
the leeward of a small island hard by the other, we stood in 
directly for the shore, thinking it a convenient place to land. 
Which we had no sooner done, but we saw a canoe coming 
thence, directing her course towards us. At which sight, 
being a little surprised, my companions provided their arms, 
and charged their muskets and blunderbusses with glass 
bottles : for we coming from Barbadoes in so great a hurry 
and fear ; through forgetfulness they left their bag of bullets 
on the wharf. 

When they were come somewhat nearer, that we could 
perceive them to paddle like Indians, we bore up and were 
running from them. 

Which as soon as they perceived, they waved their hats 
and hailed us ; by which we knew they were not Indians as 



lo 'junlTsg'.] They FIND 26 privateers there. 453 

we supposed : and therefore we permitted them to come 
nearer, and perceiving them to be white men, we enquired 
" What they were ? " 

They told us, " They were EngHshmen in distress, &c.. 
and waited for an opportunity to go off the island." 

The account we gave them of ourselves was very short 
That we came from one of the Windward islands : by which, 
they supposed we had fled for debt ; and should have con- 
tinued in that belief, had not Thomas Waker, one of my 
companions, privately informed them, That there were only 
he and John Nuthall that were debtors: the rest of us 
being rebels : for he thought thereb}^ to ingratiate himself 
and friend in their friendship. 

But these privateers, for so they were, as we afterwards 
understood, hated them the more for their treachery ; and 
loved us the better, confessing that they were rebels too, 
adding that *'if the Duke of Monmouth had had 1,000 of 
them, they would soon have put to flight the King's army." 

But to proceed. When we came to the shore, the 
privateers assisted us to haul up our boat that she might not 
be injured by the sea ; having no conveniency to ride her off 
[i.e., at anchor]. 

Which done, they shewed us the well of fresh water which 
was hard by their huts ; where we refreshed ourselves a 
little ; and with our sail we made a shade to keep the sun 
from us : and when we had so done, we lay down under it, 
to refresh ourselves with rest and sleep ; having had but 
little of either, all our voyage, being so extremely thronged 
together in our little boat. 

These privateers at first were very kind to us, and gave us 
some of their provisions : and related to us the story of their 
adventures ; which, to the best of m}' memory, was thus : 

That they formerly belonged to one Captain Yanche, 
Commander of a Privateer of 48 guns, that designed to 
plunder a Spanish town by the Gulf of Florida, called St. 
Augustine. And in order thereunto, he sent 30 of them out 
into the Gulf of Florida, to take canoes from the Indians ; 
for the more convenient and speedy landing of their men. 
But they going ashore on the Main to turn turtle [i.e., on 
their backs], were set upon by the Indians, and two of them 
killed on the place. However, at length, they put the Indians 



454 T"E PRIVATEERS BURN PiTMAn's BOAT. [ jo^uri'lesg: 

to flight ; and some time afterwards, took two or three 
canoes, and one Indian prisoner : who conducted them to 
his own and his father's plantations, on condition they would 
afterwards set him free ; where they stored themselves with 
provisions and other necessaries. But it cost them dear. 
For their Quartermaster and one more of the company were 
poisoned, by their unwary eating of casader [cassava] roots. 

The rest of them went, with those canoes and the Indian 
they had taken, to the place appointed, expecting to meet 
their man-of-war : but could not find her, and therefore 
being necessitated to shift for themselves as well as they 
could, they came to this island, hoping to meet here with 
some vessel loading of salt in which they might get a passage 
for some English port : but were disappointed here also, for 
the ships were all gone before they came. 

After we had sufficiently refreshed ourselves with rest and 
sleep, and returned to the LORD the praises due to his 
Name, for his wonderful and miraculous deliverance ; we 
thought it time to consider how to stop the leaks of our 
boat, and to raise a deck over her with rinds [barks] of trees, 
&c., that we might proceed in our intended voyage for 
Cura9oa. 

Our intentions were no sooner perceived by the privateers, 
but they endeavoured to persuade us from it : alleging the 
insufficiency of our boat, and the dangers we were so lately 
exposed unto; and advising us rather to go with them in 
their pereagoes [piraguas] a privateering than to hazard our 
lives by a second attempt. With the like argument, they 
would have easily prevailed with my companions to consent 
to go with them ; had I not persuaded them to the contrary. 

But when the privateers saw it was in vain to persuade, 
they thought to compel us, by burning our boat : supposing 
then that we would choose rather to go with them, than to 
stay upon the island till shipping came for salt, which would 
be eight or nine months ; and in the meantime, to be in 
danger of being taken by the Spaniards for privateers, or 
otherwise to be starved with hunger, for we had no more 
than 4lbs. or 5lbs. of bread for each man left. 

But this contrivance answered not their expectations. 
For notwithstanding they burnt our boat and took our sails 
and other utensils from us, I continued my resolution, and 



"juneTeSg.] ^2 PRIVATEERS SAIL AWAY FOR THE MAINLAND. 455 

chose rather to trust Divine Providence on that desolate and 
uninhabitable island than to partake or be any ways con- 
cerned with them in their piracy : having confidence in 
myself, that GOD, who had so wonderfully and miraculously 
preserved us on the sea and brought us to this island, would, in 
like manner, deliver us hence, if we continued faithful to Him. 

And in order to our better accommodation and preservation 
on this island, I gave the privateers 30 Pieces of Eight 
[=3^6=5^18 now] for the Indian they took on the Main, but 
were not so true to their promise as to set him at liberty ; 
who I expected would be serviceable unto us in catching 
fish, &c. 

About the 25th of May [16S7], 22 of the privateers, having 
first raised the sides of their pereagoes [piraguas] with boards, 
fastened with the nails they saved in the burning of our boat, 
and fitted them for sea ; they set sail : leaving four of their 
company behind, that refused to go with them ; as also a 
Spanish boat that was of no service to them, neither could 
be of any use to us, unless we had sails to sail her, and a 
rudder to guide her, both of which we wanted. 

In this situation, they left us, deprived of all ways and 
means of getting off until the season aforesaid : unless GOD, 
by a particular Providence, should direct some vessel or 
other to touch here. 



But before I proceed to give account of our manner of life 
in this place, I think it necessary to give a short description 
of the island itself; which is situated in the latitude of 
11° 11' N. Lat. Its extent is about twelve miles in length, 
and two or three in breadth ; and is about 120 leagues 
from Barbadoes. 

It is called by the Spaniards, Tortuga, from the plenty of 
turtle that resort thither : but our English give it the name 
of Saltatndos, because there is such a great quantity of salt 
yearly brought from thence. The Spaniards claim the pro- 
priety of this island, lying so near the Main [South America], 
where they inhabit ; and therefore will sometimes take our 
English vessels as they are loading salt : of which they took 
two, the season before we came there. 

The east and west ends of this island are for the most part 



456 Manner of living on desolate Tortuga. [ lo^ureTcsg. 

sand. The middle consists of hard and craggy rocks, that 
are very porous, and resemble honeycombs : and therefore 
we called them Honeycomb Rocks. There are plenty of 
small bushes growing out of the sand, and of shrubs from 
between the rocks : but there are no timber trees on the 
whole island. 

On the south side, near the east end, are the salinas or salt 
ponds ; from whence the salt is brought ; which is thus 
made. The sea or salt water penetrates through the beachy 
banks of the sea, and overflows a large plain of two or three 
miles circumference, nearly a foot deep ; where, by the scorch- 
ing heat of the sun, the thin aqueous part is exhaled, and the 
saline part is coagulated into pure white crystaline salt. And 
because there is a continual supply of salt water from the 
sea, the sun continues exhaling and coagulating, until the 
whole Salinas is deeply covered over with salt ; so that all they 
have to do, is only to rake it together, and carry it aboard. 

There is great plenty of birds and fowl, as pelicans, flam- 
mans [ ? flamingoes], paraquets, mocking birds, and an 
innumerable company of sea fowl : and also some vegetable 
productions, of which I shall have occasion to treat hereafter. 



But to return from this digression. The privateers had no 
sooner left us, but we found ourselves, of necessity, obliged 
to seek out for provisions. Being led by the example of 
those four privateers that stayed behind ; we walked along 
the sea shore to watch for tortoises or turtle : which when 
they came up out of the sea to lay their eggs in the sand, we 
turned on their backs. And they being incapable of turning 
themselves again, we let them remain so till the day following, 
or until we had conveniency of killing them : for if they were 
sufficiently defended from the heat of the sun by a shade, 
which we usually built over them, they would live several 
days out of the water. 

And thus we walked to and fro in the night-time, to turn 
turtle ; and in the day-time, we were employed in killing 
them : whose flesh was the chiefest of our diet, being roasted 
by the fire on wooden spits. And sometimes when we 
designed a festival, we left some part of the flesh on the 
calapatch and calapee, that is, the back and breast shells ; 



I 



lo^uS'les"'] How THEY DRIED THE TURTLE. 457 

which we roasted, by setting them upright in two forked 
sticks thrust into the sand, before a large fire. 

What we did not eat, we cut into long and slender pieces; 
and after we had salted it very well, we dried it carefully in 
the sun, on ranges of sticks set up for that purpose : for we 
had no other way of preserving it, having nothing to wet 
salt in. But we found it so difficult to divide their shells, 
that we broke our knives ; and were forced to make new 
ones out of the swords my companions brought with them : 
which we did after this manner. First, we broke them into 
suitable lengths, and softened them in the fire ; and then 
rubbed them on a stone to a fit shape and thinness : and 
after we had hardened them again, we fixed them in hafts, 
and made them more serviceable than our former. 

And here for the better information of some persons, I 
think fit to describe these sea beasts, if I may so call them. 
They are somewhat of an oval form, strongly defended on 
the back and on the breast with a thick shell ; and have four 
fins covered with thick scales, that serve them instead of legs 
when they come ashore. They feed on Woose or Sea Grass 
that grows out of the rocks ; which I judge is the true reason 
they do not eat fishy. They breathe, and therefore are 
obliged to come frequently up to the surface of the water; on 
which they sometimes float so soundly asleep, that they give 
seamen an opportunity with a boat to take them up. Their 
flesh is very delightsome and pleasant to the taste, much 
resembling veal ; but their fat is more yellow. The she or 
female turtle come up on the shore to lay their eggs in the 
sand, three times in the year, in the months of April, May, 
and June ; where they are brought to maturity by the sweet 
influence of the sun. When the young ones are hatched, 
they muster out of their cells and march into the sea : but 
not without danger of being devoured by the sea fowl that 
wait to destroy them. Each of these tortoises lays about 
140 eggs at one time, in about an hour's space ; which are 
fully as large as hens' eggs, but with this difference, that 
these are round, and covered only with a thick strong mem- 
brane or skin, nor will their whites harden by heat as the 
whites of hens' eggs. Their yolks we beat in calabashes 
with some salt ; and fried them with the fat of the tortoise. 



458 Erecting houses against bad weather. [ lo^ure^^esg. 

like to pancakes, in a piece of an earthen jar found by the 
sea-side : which we did eat instead of bread. 

I never saw any creature so long a-dying as these : for 
after we had cut their throats, divided their bodies, and cut 
their flesh into small and minute parts ; every part and 
portion would continue twitching and moving itself a long 
time. They have a threefold heart, said to be the heart of 
a fowl, of a beast, and of a fish ; which will stir and pant 
several hours after it is taken out of their body. 

Our continual feeding on these tortoises brought us to a 
violent looseness [diarrhoea] which I speedily stopped with 
an opiatic tincture, which I had provided on another occa- 
sion. For before we came from Barbadoes, I thought of a 
way to deliver ourselves out of our enemies' hands, in case 
we should be taken, without shedding of blood. And it was 
thus. I dissolved a sufficient quantity of opium in a bottle 
of rich cordial water, which we carried with us in the boat : 
intending to give it to those persons that should take us, 
which I supposed they would readily drink, and by that 
means would be overtaken with so profound a sleep that we 
should have opportunity sufficient to make our escape from 
them. 

We were obliged to go many miles from the well of fresh 
water, to turn turtle, and to fetch salt from the Salinas. 
This necessitated us to carry our water with us in a cask, 
over those uneven rocks, which soon wore out our shoes, 
and compelled us to make use of our soft and tender feet, 
unwilling to salute those hard and craggy rocks : which was 
very irksome to us at first, but time and necessity made it 
more familiar and easy, that, at length, the bottoms of our 
feet were hardened into such a callous substance that there 
were scarcely any rocks so hard but we could boldly trample 
them under our feet. 

When the season of the tortoises' coming ashore was 
expired, and we had gotten a considerable quantity of their 
flesh salted and dried for our winter store ; we set about 
building houses to defend us from the stormy weather, which 
we were shortly to expect, which we did so artificially, and 
covered them so well with coarse grass that grew by the sea- 
side, that neither the violence of winds, nor fierceness of 
storms could easily injure or offend us. Our household 



lo^u^i'i'esg.] The plants found on Tortuga. 459 

goods consisted chiefly in two or three earthen jars left us hy 
the privateers, some few calabashes, and shells of fish that 
we found by the sea-side. In our houses, we formed a kind 
of little cabins to repose ourselves in, with as much ease as 
possibly we could. 

In these little huts or houses, we spent most of our time ; 
sometimes reading or writing. And at other times, I went 
abroad with my Indian a-fishing, at which he was so dex- 
terous that with his bow and arrow, he would shoot a small 
fish at a great distance. Sometimes we caught some craw- 
fish, which we broiled over the coals ; and for change of diet, 
we sometimes ate a sort of shell fish that live on the rocks, 
and are like snails, but much larger, called W[hlilks. 

And as there is no mountain so barren, on which there 
may not be found some medicinal plant ; so neither was this 
island so unfruitful, but it afforded us two vegetable produc- 
tions of great service unto us. The one we called Turks' 
Heads, being of an oval form, beset on every side with sharp 
prickles like a hedgehog; out of which there grew in the 
upper part, a longish red and pleasant fruit, about the big- 
ness of a small nut, in taste resembling a strawberry. The 
other was much more serviceable to us, called Curatoe [ ? the 
Agave], of an oval body or stump, like the former: but out of 
this grew long thick leaves, whose edges were prickly, and its 
juice so exceeding sharp and pungent that it was not easily 
suffered on the bare skin ; with which we washed our linen 
as with soap, for it would scour excellently well. Through 
the leaves are dispersed long and thready fibres, with which, 
when we had separated and dried them in the sun, we made 
very good thread, and mended our clothes therewith, in 
needles which we made of bones. With the leaves, I made 
a most excellent balsom [poultice] for wounds, by boiling 
them in the fat of the tortoises, which I brought to a sufficient 
consistency by adding bees' wax thereunto. Thus much of 
its external use. 

Its internal use follows. After we had cut off the leaves 
about three or four inches from the body, we digged a great 
hole or pit in the sand, and heated it exceedingly hot ; and 
put the said body therein, covering it up in the hot sand : 
where we permitted it to remain five or six days, in which 
time, the juice that was before extraordinarily sharp and 



460 Innumerable birds tasting vi'.ry fishy. [ lo^uriTesI]: 

corrosive, by this digestion became so strangely changed 
that it was extremely sweet and pleasant, like the syrup of 
baked pears. And after we had pressed it forth, and fer- 
mented it with a proportionable quantity of water ; it became 
a most pleasant and spirituous liquor to drink. The inner- 
most part of the body or stump, we cut into slices, and ate it 
like bread. 

At this island, there is an innumerable company of sea 
fowl that lay their eggs in the sand, overspreading at some 
places, nearly twenty yards as near together as the birds 
can well sit to lay them. And when the young ones are 
hatched, they run about in great companies, like chickens, a 
considerable time before they are able to fly ; which often 
afforded us pleasant diversion, to pursue and take them : 
which, when we had skinned, salted, and dried in the sun, we 
could preserve a long time. But they did eat extremel}^ fishy ; 
much like red herrings. 

We endeavoured to make a pot to boil our turtle in, by 
tempering the finest sand with the yolks of turtles' eggs and 
goats' hair : for we could find no clay or earth in the whole 
island : but we could not possibly make them endure the 
drying ; so that we were forced to eat our turtle roasted by 
the fire on wooden spits. 

There is a pleasant fragrant herb grows out of the sand 
among the rocks, which we call Wild Sage ; whose leaves 
we smoked instead of Tobacco : and for want of a pipe, I 
smoked it in a crab's claw ; of which crabs there were 
plenty, but they were so poor that we did not eat them. 

There is also an insect called a Soldier [? the hermit crab] ; 
having a shell like a snail : but some say this shell is not 
proper to themselves. For having weak and tender bodies, 
they get possession of these shells to defend themselves 
against the injury of the air, and attempts of other creatures. 
As they grow bigger, they shift their shells, and get into 
large ; being commonly those of Peridwinkles. They have, 
instead of a foot, an instrument like a crab's claw, where- 
with they close the entrance of their shells, and thereby 
secure their whole body. When they are set near the fire, 
they presently forsake their quarters ; and if it be presented 
to them again, they go backwards. They commonly keep 
in great companies about the rocks near the well of fresh 



lo "un^'Te^s":] Two VESSELS ARRIVE OFF THE ISLAND. 46 1 

water. When they intend to change their lodgings, there 
sometimes happens a serious engagement, managed with 
that clasping instrument ; still the strongest, by conquest, 
gets possession, which he carries about with him, on his 
back, during his pleasure. 

Another little insect is worthy to be mentioned, called 
Lizards. They were so familiar and friendly, that they 
would come boldly among us, and do us no harm. They 
have four legs and their bodies are adorned with divers 
delightsome colours. They feed on flies, and for that reason 
were serviceable unto us in killing them : which they per- 
formed with great nimbleness and cunning. For they lay 
down where they supposed the fly would come, putting their 
heads into as many different postures as the fly shifts places ; 
and when they find their advantage, they start so directly 
on their prey with open mouth, that they seldom miss it. 
They are so very tame that, when we were eating, they 
would come on our meat and hands to catch flies. 



After we had spent about three months [May-August, 1687] 
in this desolate and disconsolate island ; we saw a ship, at- 
tended by a small sloop, steering towards the shore. At which, 
we were at once possessed with hopes and fears : with hopes, 
that it was some E- glish vessel, in which we might prob- 
ably get a passage thence ; and with fear, lest it should be a 
Spaniard, who doubtless would make us prisoners, if they 
could take us, supposing that we were privateers. 

The four privateers that remained with us all this time, 
drew near the sea-side, where the ship was at an anchor, and 
after they had discovered them to be privateers, made signs 
to them to send their boat ashore : which accordingly they 
did. 

And after they had carried them on board, the Captain of 
the man-of-war sent up the sloop to that part of the island 
where I and my companions were : and when they came 
ashore unto us, they inquired, " Which was the Doctor? " 

My companions informed them it was I. One of them 
therefore addressed himself particularly to me, desiring me, 
in the name and on the behalf of their Captain, to go with 
them on board the man-of-war ; where I should be kindly 



462 The privateers will only take Pitman. [ ,<,"; 



Pitman. 



entertained, and have liberty to come [go] ashore when I 
pleased. 

I readily embraced this kind invitation; but could not 
procure liberty for any ol ay companions to go with me. 

When we came to the man-of-war, I was very honourably 
handed up the side, the trumpets in the meantime sounding; 
and very kindly received and welcomed aboard by the Cap- 
tain and Doctor : who invited me aft into the Great Cabin, 
where I was not only feasted with wine and choice provi- 
sions; but had given me by the Doctor a pair of silk 
stockings, a pair of shoes, and a great deal of linen cloth to 
make me shirts, &c. 

After a long discourse concerning the affairs of England, 
more particularly of the progress and defeat of the Duke of 
Monmouth, which they seemed to deplore; I addressed 
myself to the Captain in the behalf of myself and com- 
panions, humbly entreating him to permit us to go with 
them either to that port to which they were bound, or 
otherwise to put us on board some English ship that they 
should accidentally meet withal. For I understood by their 
discourse, that they had taken a rich prize ; and were bound 
directly for a port, to spend their money, as they usually do : 
so that I apprehended no danger in going with them. 

But the Captain not being able to take us aboard without 
the consent of the Company, having but two votes and as 
many shares in the ship and cargo ; the Company were 
called together, and, after some debates, they voted that 
they would take me with them, but none of my companions. 
However they were so kind that they sent them a cask of 
wine, some bread and cheese, a gammon of bacon, some 
linen cloth, thread and needles to make them shirts, &c. 
And the next day, they permitted them to come on board, 
and entertained them very courteously. 

In about two days' time, we set sail ; leaving my com- 
panions on the island, not a little grieved at my departure. 
We stood away to the northward, with a design to go to 
Ilia Terra. 

From which, at present I shall digress to give an account 
of what became of those privateers that left us ; who were 
the occasion of my being delivered from this place. 



lo^uri'TeTg.] They sail for the Bahamas. 463 

The next day [26th May, 1687], after they went from us, they 
arrived at the main continent, where they hauled up their 
piraguas, and stayed there about a fortnight, waiting to 
seize some Spanish vessel that might come that way, which 
they designed, if possible, speedily to board before the 
Spaniards could get themselves in a posture of defence. But 
not meeting here with any prize, they went to the wind- 
ward ; where they took a canoe ladened with pork : and 
meeting with some English vessel at one of the Windward 
Islands, they parted company. Some went for Carolina. 
The others went in a small sloop to Blanco : where they 
met with a man-of-war, a Privateer, that had taken a 
Portuguese, a great ship called the Grand Gustaphus, laden 
with wine and linen cloth, &c. When these had shared her 
cargo, they parted company : the French with their shares 
went it for Petty Guavas, in the Grand Gustaphus ; and the 
English being informed by those other privateers of our 
being on Saltatudos, came thither with their man-of-war, as 
is before expressed. 

In about five or six days after we left Saltatudos, we made 
Porto Rico. Our vessel being so extremely leaky, some of 
the Company were for putting into Mena. But the rest not 
consenting, we steered betwixt Porto Rico and Hispaniola, 
and so to the eastward of the Abroletas or " Handkerchers " : 
where there were divers vessels on the Wrack, diving for 
plate. But we stopped not here, but continued our course 
to the northward until we came into the latitude of Ilia 
Terra, and then steered away west for the island. 

As we were running down, we saw a ketch, to which we gave 
chase, and in a few hours came up with her; who told us that 
they came from New York, and were bound for Providence. 

As soon as the privateers understood that Providence [one 
of the Bahamas] was inhabited again ; they altered their reso- 
lutions, and designed to go with them to that place : and 
accordingly kept them company. 

The night following, we met with bad weather, and were 
like to run ashore on Ilia Terra, through the carelessness of 
our pilot ; had not a person from the quarter-deck, that was 
more watchful than the rest, espied the land just before us. 

But this was not all. For after we had tacked about, and 



464 The preaching Governor's signal. [.o^uriTsg; 

were lying by, with the heads of both vessels off ashore, the 
men on board the ketch were so drunk with the wine the 
privateers had given them, that they suffered their ketch to 
drive aboard us, and, with the violence of the blow she gave 
us, broke down our cat-head : and had we not by a particular 
Providence, got free from her : we had both unavoidably 
sunk down in the sea. For our vessel was so extremely 
leaky before, that at the same time she had three feet of 
water in her hold ; and our pumps being both out of order, 
we were forced to convey it out with tubs. 

The next day, we steered into Providence, and came to 
anchor under the command of a small stochadoe iort [stockade], 
built by the new inhabitants ; who had not been there above 
eight months. But they had so well improved their time, 
that they had built a town by the seaside ; and elected a 
Governor from among themselves : who, with the consent of 
twelve more of the chief men of the island, made and enacted 
divers laws for the good of their little commonwealth ; being 
as yet under the protection of no Prince. 

The privateers found here a kind reception by the inhabi- 
tants. After they had gotten their goods ashore, they ran 
their ship aground, and burnt her ; giving their guns to the 
inhabitants to fortify the island : designing to divide them- 
selves into small numbers, and to go thence, to some other 
place where they might sell their goods, and betake them- 
selves to an honest course of life. 

The Governor of this island was a very sober man, an 
Independent ; and usually preached to the inhabitants every 
First Day of the week : at which time, he caused a gun to 
be fired for a signal, to give notice to the people, when he 
was going to begin. 

Whilst I remained here, the privateers had two false 
alarms ; supposing the Spaniards were come again to dis- 
possess them of the island. For this being formerly a harbour 
for privateers, and a nest of robbers ; the Spaniards, on a 
time when most of the men were on the Old Wrack, pillaged 
and burnt their towns ; carried away, as it was reported, 
£30,000 [=£"90,000 now] in plate and money; and took some 
of the inhabitants prisoners. The others fled to Ilia Terra, 
where they remained till this island was resettled by those 
few inhabitants that came from Jamaica and other parts. 



JjunlTesp.] Pitman goes to New York. 465 

The island itself is very fruitful, and if the report of the 
inhabitants be true, the quickest in production of any I ever 
heard or read of. There is plenty of wild hogs in the 
woods, which the inhabitants often kill ; and good store of 
wild grapes, with which they make good wine ; and divers 
sorts of fruits, as oranges, lemons, limes, guavas : also 
medicinal herbs as tea radix, Contra yerva, Jesuit's hark, &c. 
Of eatable roots, there are partatoes, yams, edders, &c. 



The ketch, with whom we came in company to this island, 
sold part of their bread and flour to the privateers, for linen 
cloth ; and some they sold to the inhabitants. 

In about a fortnight's time, they set sail for Carolina, and 
I with them. As we were sailing down among the Bohemia 
islands [Bahamas], towards the Gulf of Florida; we were like 
to be cast away on the rocks and shoals that lay in our way : 
but, through mercy, we got clear. 

When we came on the coast of Carolina, we met with 
blowing weather; and by the mistake of our Captain fell in 
[with the coast] to the Southward, where we came to an 
anchor : but the wind was so high, that in weighing of it, 
our cable broke. 

The next day we came to an anchor again just before the 
bar of Carolina [ ? Charleston] : for our Captain was afraid to 
go in with his vessel, for fear they would seize him, because 
he had been dealing with the privateers : and for that reason, 
he only sent in his boat, to get some fresh provisions, and to 
put on shore a passenger that came with us. 

And because I found no vessel here, bound directly for 
England, I resolved to go with them to New York. And 
here also, we had the misfortune to lose our other anchor : 
insomuch that when we came to Sandy Hook, we were forced 
to ride our vessel by two of her guns, which we had slung 
for that purpose, until our boat had got us a small anchor 
from on board some other vessel. The next day, we went up 
to New York. 

Where, as I was walking one morning on the bridge, I 
accidentally met with a person I knew, that came lately from 
Barbadoes. At first I was surprised ; but having confidence 

2G 2 



466 Hopes &c. at Barradoes, after the escape, [j^n^j^esg. 

that he would not discover me, I went to him, and desired 
him to come to some house, where we might privately dis- 
course together. 

He was glad to see me safe there : and according to my 
desire, he went with me to a house hard by : where I gave 
him an account of my adventures, and what had happened 
to me since I left Barbadoes. 

He, in requital, gave me an account of the different resent- 
ments people had at our departure, and how after we were 
gone, our Masters had hired a sloop to send after us ; but 
thinking it in vain, they did not pursue us. However, they 
sent our names and the description of our persons to the 
Leeward Islands, that so, if any of us came thither, we might 
be taken prisoners and sent up again. 

At one time, it was reported that we had gotten aboard a 
Dutch vessel, and were bound for Holland : at another time, 
that we were taken prisoners at St. Christophers, and to be 
sent back in chains ; which made our Masters rejoice, and 
insultingly to boast of the severe punishments they would 
inflict upon us. They were resolved, as they said, that I 
should be hanged ! for an example to others ; because I was 
the chief contriver and manager of our escape. But these 
hopes and insultings of theirs were soon over : for when, at 
length, they could hear no true account of us, they concluded 
that we had perished in the sea. 

I had not been long at New York, before I got passage in 
a vessel bound for Amsterdam ; and in order thereunto took 
out a Ticket from the Secretary's Office by another name. 

In about five weeks' time, we arrived at Cowes, on the Isle 
of Wight ; where this vessel stopped to clear. 

As soon as I had got my chest, &c., ashore, I embarked 
for Southampton ; where I left my chest at a friend's house. 

I returned in a disguise to my relations : who, before this 
time, unknown to me, had procured my Pardon ; and joyfully 
received me, as one risen from the dead. For having 
received no account from me, since I left Barbadoes ; they 
did almost despair of ever seeing me any more. 



lojunTresg:] Praising, thanking, dedicating. 467 




Oiv iinto the Eteinial and Trite GOD, the 
sacred Fountain of all rne^^cies, that has been 
with vie in all dangers and times of trials 
Who miraculously p7^eserved me on the deep 
waters, and acco7^ding to the fmiltittide of His mercies 
delivered me when appointed to die : tmto Hhn, do I, 
with sincere gratitude, dedicate the remainder of my 
days I humbly imploring that the Angel of His Presence 
may ahvays attend me ! and the re^nembrance of His 
repeated favours more and more engage my heart to 
serve Him I that in testimony of my abundant thank- 
fulness, I may return to Him, a perpetual sacrifice of 
pi^aise and thanksgiving, henceforth and for ever ! 

From my lodging, at the sign of the Ship, in Paul's 
Churchyard, London. June the loth, i68g. 

Henry Pitman. 




468 




An Account of the adventures of my 

Companions^ since I left them 

on Saltatudos, 

Communicated to me, by J o h n Whicker, 
since his arrival in England. 

Dear Doctor, 

N ANSWER to your request, I have given you 
the following account. 

About a fortnight after you left us on Salta- 
tudos \in August, 1687J, ^wo of our companions, 
John Nuthall and Thomas Waker [the two 
that had not been out with Monmouth], having 
made sails of the cloth the privateers left us, 
and fitted the Spanish boat for the sea, went 
from us, designing for Cura9oa. But the boat was so large 
and unruly, and they, so unskilful in navigation ; that I fear 
they either perished in the sea, or were driven ashore on 
the Main among the cruel Spaniards : for we never heard 
of them since. 

The next day after they departed from us, there arrived 
here a small Privateer boat, of about 4 tons ; in which were 
eight Englishmen and one Negro, that formerly belonged to 
the ship in which you embarked, but had left her, and went 
ashore upon an island called Fernando [Po], which lies to 
the southward, on the coast of Brazil. 
Their reason for leaving their ship was this. Having 




^' T^'S-] '^^^ ^^^ ^"^^^ WOULD NOT TURN PIRATES. 469 

been out of Carolina, about a year and a half, and had made 
nothing considerable of a voyage, they had resolved for the 
South Seas, but coming to the Straits of Magellan, they met 
with very bad weather, which forced them to put back again ; 
and then the}' resolved to turn pirates. 

But these eight men being averse to the rest of their com- 
panions' design, went ashore upon the island aforesaid, 
carrying with them what they had on board, and intending 
to go from thence in a small boat, which was given them by 
the ship's crew, with some rigging and other necessaries ; 
which they designed to build upon and raise higher in case 
of bad weather, having in their company two carpenters and 
a joiner. 

Taking their leave of each other, the ship put to sea. Next 
morning, she saw a sail at a considerable distance ; but 
making the best of their way, they soon came up with her; 
and finding her to be a Portuguese, they laid her aboard, and 
took her with very little resistance ; though she was a bigger 
ship, and had more men than the Privateer. 

Having made her a prize, they brought her away to the 
same island [? Fernando Po], on which were their com- 
panions ; and turned the prisoners ashore among them, 
giving them a boat and oars. But this caused no small 
trouble among the English who were then inhabiters with 
them. Being well armed, they kept them at a distance from 
their apartment all that day : but the next night, the Portu- 
guese ran away, carrying with them their own boat and the 
Englishmen's too. 

Then were they in a bad condition, not having a ship nor 
boat with which they could convey themselves from that 
desolate island. 

Then were they constrained to cut and fell a sort of trees 
called mangroves ; and in the best manner they could, 
sawed out boats, planks, and other timbers fit for their use ; 
and began to build a new boat from the keel. 

In six weeks, or thereabouts, they finished her, being in 
burden as they judged 4 tons. No one was idle, but em- 
ployed himself; some about their new vessel, while others, 
by turns, travelled the island to shoot for provision : which 
was a sort of birds, called Boobies, something resembling our 
English seagulls or pies, but bigger. 



470 Three ruffians try to master the rest. [^- T^'^esg.' 

This island affords a sort of very large and pleasant figs ; 
which they also fed on sometimes. There are a great many 
wild dogs, very large and fat, which eat very little or nothing 
but figs. Likewise, in the day-time, there came ashore sea 
lions [? walruses], which will sit by the water-side, and make 
hideous roaring. The}' are hairy about their head and neck, 
much like our land lions ; their paws are very large, with a 
skin like the foot of a «wan, which serves them to swim 
withal. They are very fearful and timorous, not suffering a 
man to come nigh them but presently they make to the sea. 
They live under water as well as above. 

Having launched and rigged their boat, they put on board 
their provisions ; which was only a small cask of pease that 
was given them by the ship, which they kept by them for 
their sea store. 

Having water and all things aboard, they took their depar- 
ture from Fernando aforesaid, committing themselves to the 
protection of Almighty GOD and the mercies of the seas, and 
directing their course for Tobago. But missing it, the pilot 
ordered to bear up the helm for Saltatudos : at which place 
they arrived, but almost famished ; for they had had neither 
peas nor water for the space of five or six days before. 

Having lain some days at the east end of the island un- 
known to us, and being in great want of provisions, they 
resolved to travel over the island to see if they could find out 
any food. By chance, they found some salt turtle, which we 
had laid upon a tree, and covered it over with a calapatch to 
secure it from the weather. 

Three of these men being very unprincipled and loose kind 
of fellows, waiting their opportunity when three of their 
companions were abroad, went aboard and fetched their 
arms : then came to the hut, where the other two were, and 
presented a pistol to each of their breasts, and swore " If 
they would not carry everything aboard, they were dead 
men ! " 

The two men being surprised, and not able to make any 
resistance (the three having all the arms in their custody) 
were forced to comply, and carry all aboard. 

Which done, they charged them that "if they did not 
acquaint them when the others came homie, they would make 
them examples ! " 



'■ ""r^'iesg.] The prisoner runs to Wiiicker's company. 47 1 

They promised very fair. 

Having done this, they went aboard, waiting for their 
coming home. 

In the evening, the other three men came to their hut, not 
mistrusting what had happened ; but finding the hut rifled 
and everything gone, inquired the meaning of it. Which 
having understood, they bethought what to do. 

To tarry, they were afraid: to go, they could not tell where. 
For they had travelled all day, and could not find a drop of 
fresh water ; neither was there any at the hut, for the others 
had carried all aboard. 

Being very faint, one was resolved to hail the boat, and 
beg a little. The others kept close [hid] to see how he would 
fare. 

Who having hailed them, they made answer " He should 
have some." So coming ashore, they laid hold on him, and 
tied his hands behind him ; and left him in custody with one 
of them, while the}' went to look for the rest. The reason 
why they endeavoured to take them, was because the}' had 
hid their money in the sand, and did not keep it in their chests. 

But in the meantime, while they were looking for the 
others, the prisoner, by means of a knife he had in his pocket, 
cut loose the line with which his hands were tied, and made 
his escape. 

Being thus exiled from his companions, he bethought him- 
self of ranging the island to look for men : for the turtle which 
they had found came afresh in his memory. All this time 
ne had no victuals, nor a drop of water ; being excessively 
hot. 

At length, having travelled about the island till almost 
ready to faint; he came near our huts ; and seeing us dressing 
of turtle with nothing on but a pair of drawers ; the man 
made a stand, thinking we had been Indians, for we were 
tanned with the sun almost as yellow as them. 

At length, he advanced, and inquired if we were English- 
men ? 

We told him, " We were." 

Then he begged for a little water, which we gave him, and 
some of our turtle. 

And after some conference, he told us of his condition, and 
desired us to help him to regain what was so ungratefully 



472 The ruffians are left on Tortuga. p- 



Whicker. 
? i68q. 



taken from him and his fellow sufferers, by their own country- 
men and boat's crew. Which we readily agreed to. 

And when we had fixed our arms, we travelled all night till 
we came where the boat lay ; which was about six or seven 
miles from that place. 

When we came near the place, we hid ourselves in the 
bushes by the sea-side, waiting their coming ashore next 
morning, which they usually did, as we were informed. 

Morning being come ; two of them came ashore, and the 
Negro slave bearing a vessel to fetch water : they with their 
arms, and leaving one aboard, with twelve pieces by him 
ready loaded. 

When they were come ashore, we appeared, with our arms 
ready cocked, enclosed them and took them prisoners. 

Then we brought them to the water-side, and shewed the 
other aboard what we had done, commanding him not to fire, 
but to jump overboard, and swim ashore to us : which he 
immediately did. 

So taking them all three prisoners, we put them ashore, 
leaving them some of our provisions. 

[? Did Defoe get his idea of Will. A tkins &r>c.from t/iis.] 

The rest we put aboard, in order to prosecute our voyage 
for New England. So victualling and watering our small 
frigate in the best manner we could, we left them upon the 
island ; and the 24th of August [1687] we took our departure 
from Saltatudos. 

In about six days' time, we made the island of Porto Rico ; 
but our pilot not being very well acquainted with that country, 
supposed it to be the high land of Santo Domingo upon 
Hispaniola; and therefore ordered to bear up the helm and 
stand away to the westward before the wind. 

The next day, we could see no land ; which caused no 
small trouble amongst us, being dubious where we were. 

Towards the evening, we made the east end of Hispaniola. 
Then our pilot saw his error, and that we had lost our passage 
between the islands Hispaniola and Porto Rico. 

We were sailing down the south side of Hispaniola about 
nine days, having sometimes very little wind, and at other 
times tornadoes that we could carry no sail. Our water was 
all spent. 



^^•"'^elgj WhICKEr's COMPANY ENSLAVED BY SPANIARDS. 473 

Running along close aboard the shore, we espied three 
men running with all the haste that possibly they could, till 
they came to a canoe which lay at the mouth of a creek ; 
which immediately they rowed up into the country among 
the woods. We imagined they were afraid of us, supposing 
us to be Spaniards. 

Then we came to an anchor, and I myself with one more, 
a carpenter, swam ashore : but with a great deal of difficulty, 
for the rocks lying so far off the shore, had like to have 
dashed out our brains. 

Coming ashore, we swam up the creek ; but the tide being 
so strong against us, we were forced to return back again, 
neither finding the men nor hope of getting fresh water. 
Therefore we swam aboard again. 

Weighing our anchor, we steered within the isle of Ash, 
which lies almost to the west end of Hispaniola. Our pilot 
looking over his Waggoner, found that within this island 
was a fresh-water creek, into which we designed to run ; 
but through mistake ran about two leagues up into a 
wrong creek where we could find no fresh water : so that 
with drinking salt water, our mouths were almost grown 
together and hardly able to speak. But GOD Almighty was 
pleased to send us a very great shower of rain, which lasted 
so long that, by means of a sheet held up by the four corners, 
with a weight in it, we caught about two gallons of water. 

So lowering our sails we hauled up the creek into the 
woods, and went ashore, and concluded to dig a well. When 
we had digged about four or six feet deep, we found fresh 
water to our great comfort and satisfaction. 

Lying ashore all night to take up the water as it sprang, 
we were almost stung to death with a sort of flies, called 
Musquitoes and Merrywings, which drew blisters ajid bladders 
in our skin, that we looked as if we had the smallpox ; which 
were very tedious for cur bodies too. 

By next morning, we had got about forty gallons of water 
aboard ; with which we put to sea again. 

But we had not been at sea above three hours, before we 
saw a sail within the west end of the isle of Ash before 
mentioned. We bore up our helm, and stood away for her. 
In a short time, we saw her come to an anchor. 



474 The death or J. Atkins, of Taunton. [J- V^'igg^ 

Supposing her to be a Jamaica sloop, for she had our King's 
Jack [amis] and ancient \ colours] ; we hailed them. 

Whose answer was " From Jamaica." 

So coming to anchor by their side, they laid us aboard 
with two canoes, full of Spaniards, all armed as pirates, and 
carried us aboard their sloop, stripped us naked, and put us 
down in their hold : having nothing to lay our naked bodies 
upon but their ballast stones, or atop of their water cask. 

The provisions they allowed us were coarse and short : 
about half a pint of Indian corn a day for a man, for nine 
days together. 

The place where they carried us is called St. Jago, a 
Spanish town upon Cuba. 

We remained in this condition above six months. When 
they wxnt to sea, we were carried as their slaves ; to pump 
ship, wash their clothes, and beat corn in great wooden 
mortars ; with Negroes, with naked swords, always standing 
by as overseers : so that our hands have been bladdered, and 
so sore that we could hardly hold anything. When at home, 
our business was to row the canoe up two leagues into the 
country ; full of jars, to fetch water, which we were forced 
to carry upon our naked backs a great way, to fill them ; 
sometimes, into the woods to cut wood, barefooted and bare- 
legged, with neither a shirt to our back, nor a hat to our 
head, but only a rag sufficient to cover our nakedness. Our 
provisions, as I told you before, were Indian corn boiled in 
water ; but a larger share than the first. 

About the latter end of October [1687], we were divided : 
myself with three more were put on board a small bark, the 
rest of my companions remained aboard the sloop ; both 
vessels being bound down to leeward of Cape [de] Cruz ; 
having information of a Dutch trader that lay there, before 
a small tow'n, called Byan. 

In which voyage, we were all taken very sick in the ague, 
as well Spaniards as English ; which reduced us to a deplor- 
able condition, having nothing to yield us any comfort. 

In this distemper, died one of our companions, Jeremiah 
Atkins, of Taunton. During his sickness, they were very 
cruel to him ; not suffering us to carry him down into the 
hold, but made him lie day and night upon the deck. All 
we could do for him. was to cover him w4th the bark of a 



■^' T'"^689:] The Spaniards attack two ships. 475 

cabbage tree, to keep the sun froio him by day, and the dew 
by night. In this languishing condition, he lay about a 
week ; and then died. When dead, they threw him over- 
board, letting him float astern ; without using any means to 
sink him, as is usual. 

Returning back again for St. Jago, without their expected 
prize ; myself and one more of our companions were taken 
again from on board the bark, and put aboard the sloop ; and 
two others of our English were put aboard the bark, which 
took its departure from us at Cape [de] Cruz aforesaid, bound 
for Cartagena, a Spanish town upon the main continent. 

In five days, we arrived at our port of St Jago, where we 
lay about a month. 

Having careened our sloop, we put to sea again, bound 
for the north side of Hispaniola, to take Frenchmen. 

Turning up to windward of Cuba, w^e met with a Jamaica 
sloop bound for the Wrack. The Spaniard commanded him 
to hoist out his canoe, and come aboard : which he refusing, 
went his way. 

Having weathered Cape Myceze [Maysi], which is the east- 
ward point of Cuba, we stood along shore, bound for a small 
town, called Barracco [Baracoa], wherein two days we arrived. 

We lay there till the latter end of October, [1687], at 
which place our sloop drave ashore, and struck off about 
fourteen feet of her false keel : but after a great deal of 
trouble, we got her off again. At this place, they got two 
hogs ; and a quantity of plantains, a sort of food that grow 
upon trees, and are made use of instead of bread, among the 
inhabitants in the West Indies. 

We then proceeded in our voyage for Hispaniola, and fell 
in with a place called the Mould. Off which place, we saw 
two sail : an English vessel that came from Jamaica, bound 
for New York ; and a French sloop bound for Petty Guavas, 
a French town to leeward, on the north side of the said 
Hispaniola. 

Having a fresh gale, we came up with the Englishman, 
brought him by the lee, commanded the Captain with four 
of his men aboard, and put twelve Spaniards aboard his 
ship. 

Then chasing the Frenchman, we came up with him, 
about an hour after night. The Frenchman stood it out 



476 How Whicker's company were freed. \J- T"""^"^ 

and fought us, making a stout resistance ; although they 
had not above seven or eight men, and of the Spaniards, 
there were thirty-five men, eight guns, six patteroes, and 
every man hie small arms. The French making such a bold 
resistance kept them off till such time as they had an oppor- 
tunity to run their sloop aground in the Mould, in the dark ; 
by which means they saved their lives : otherwise they had 
been all dead men, as the Spaniards swore if they took them. 

In the next morning, we ran into the Mould, and brought 
out their sloop ; and put about ten men aboard : bringing 
both prices away for St. Jago. 

From the English Captain, they took £900 in money, and 
plundered him of all he had, save a suit of clothes that he 
wore: and but waited the Governor's [of St. Jago] motion, to 
make a prize of the ship. Which would have been done, 
had not the Spanish Governor received advice of the Duke 
of Albemarle's arrival at Jamaica. 



Upon which news, the Governor paid the English Captain 
;;^6oo of his money back again, and sent him away to 
Jamaica; and all the English prisoners, that would go with 
him, were freed by his consent. 

By this time, arrived the bark in which were the other 
three of our companions ; who were very glad to hear of our 
and their redemption. 

We embarked once again free men together, by GOD's 
grace, bound for Jamaica : where we safely arrived about the 
latter end of March [1688]. 

So separating ourselves, we endeavoured in the best 
manner we could, to get passage for England, our native 
country, desiring GOD Almighty to deliver us, and all our 
dear countrymen Protestants, from the barbarous cruelty of 
the Spaniards and Papists. 

FINIS. 



j A true and exact Account 

of 

I The Retaking of a Ship, called 

The Friends' Adventure^ of Topsham, 
from the 

FRENCH; 

I After she had been taken six days, and they 

were upon the coasts of France with it four days. 

Where 

One Englishman and a boy set upon Seven 

Frenchmen, killed two of them, took the other 

Five prisoners, and brought the ship 

and them safe to England, 

Their Majesties' Customs of the said ship amounted to £i,ooo and upwards. 
Performed and written by 

ROBERT LYDE, Mate of the same ship. 

L N D O N, 
« Printed for R. Baldwin, near the Oxford Arms^ in Warwick lane. 

1693. 



479 




Courteous Reader, 




Here present you with a token of GO Us 
almighty goodness in relieving me, by His 
special Providence, from the barbarity, in- 
humanity, ajid most cruel slavery of the Most 
Christian Turk of France : whose delight it is, to make 
his own subjects, slaves ; and his chief study to put 
prisoners of war to the most tedious and cruel lingering 
deaths of hunger and cold, as I have experimentally, to 
my own damage, both felt and seen, by a four 7no7iths 
confinement in his country. Whereas, by their cruel 
usage, I was reduced to the last gasp of life : but, 
through the merciful goodness of GOD, I did recover ; 
notwithstanding that of 600 prisoners, upwards of 400 
were starved to death, as by the sequel more fully will 
appear. 

What I have written is really matter of fact : and it 
had never appeared in print, were it not to vindicate 
myself, and to free myself from the many calumnies 
and aspersions of unreasonable men : who have not so 
much civility as to commend the action ; but, on the con- 



480 Address to the courteous Reader. [^t^^etl' 

trary, tell the World, that I attacked the Frenchmen in 
cold blood, and murdered the two m,en I fairly killed ; 
and that the spirits of the^n have haunted me ever since ^ 
and will till I am hanged. 

Others say, that I retook the ship witho7it a Corn- 
mission, and I might have as well taken any other ship, 
and so been hanged for a pirate. 

And others, m,ore unreasonably, say, that the boy 
solicited me, for many days together, to stand by him in 
the attempt, before I consented to it. 

And others say, that I had the help of the Devil to 
biHng home the ship. 

And therefore to convince these, and to satisfy others ; 
I have here represented you with an exact Relation of the 
whole matter of fact ^ with an account of my bringing 
the ship and prisoners home together, also with the in- 
gratitude and unkindness of the owners of the ship and 
cargo to me. 

It is not so methodical as I could wish it was; but 
I hope your candour will excuse it : for it was not 
ambition, but respect to my native country, together with 
the reasons before hinted, that prompted me to make it 
public. 

I shall detain you no longer : but wishing prosperity 
to Their Majesties, and the settlement and happiness of 
these nations, I subscribe myself 
Courteous Reader, 

Your cordial and real friend^ 

ROBERT L Y D E , 





A true and exact Account of the retaking of the 

Friends' Adventure, of Topsham, from the French ; 

after she had been taken six days, and upon 

the coast of France four days : 

by one Englishman 

and a boy. 

T IS natural for all men living to have a certain 
kind of a natural affection for the country 
from whence they first have their being : and 
every man ought as much to vindicate his 
native country as he would his own posterity ! 
for the fall or ruin of the one is the Prodromns 
of the other; besides the duty and allegiance 
which we owe, by GOD's command, to our 
most gracious Sovereigns, the King [William III.] and 
Queen [Mary]. 

And how much we ought, at this time particularly, to fight 
in vindication of all, I presume none can be ignorant of. For 
if the enemy fall upon and assault us, with all the strength 
they have, we ought in like manner to resist as powerfully : 
and if unhappily they prove victors at any time, this book 
will inform you how cruelly they use their prisoners of war, 
contrary to the ancient custom of nations. The very report 
of which, before I experimentally knew their tyranny, did so 
exasperate me against them, that if I could possibly have 
had any assistance, next to Providence, to have stood by me, 
I would never have gone into France, a captive at all ! for I 
had resolved to myself rather to die upon the deck fighting, 
than ever to be subject to those that, Nero like, rejoice over 

2H 2 



482 Lyde, a prisoner in France, in Oct. 1689. [^^'593. 

them that lie languishing under their torments. And so I 
will first give you an account of my being taken the first 
time. 



In the month of February, 1689, I [Robert Lyde, a native 
of Topsham, " a lusty young man, aged about twenty •three,'" see 
p. 453] shipped myself on board a Pink [a fishing boat] in 
Topsham, of 80 tons burden, Mr. Isaac Stoneham, Master, 
bound for Virginia, and from thence to Topsham again : and 
on the i8th of May following, we arrived there. 

After we had taken in our lading, we set sail homeward 
bound, with 100 Sail of merchantmen, under the convoy of 
two Men-of-war. 

About a fortnight after, the winds separated us from our 
convoy : so that our ship with several others, made the best 
of our way for England ; but, soon after, left each other's 
company. 

The 19th of October following, we came up with two 
Plymouth vessels that were of our said fleet : being then 
about 40 leagues to the westward of Scilly, having the wind 
easterly. 

On the 2ist of the same month, we saw four other ships 
to leeward of us ; which we took to be some of our said fleet. 
But one of them proved to be a French Privateer ; which 
came up under our lee quarter, and went ahead of us, and took 
a Virginia-man of our former fleet, belonging to London : 
which gave us three an opportunity to make our escape from 
the said Privateer. But the two Plymouth men being in 
great want of provisions, and an easterly wind being likely to 
continue ; they bore away for Galicia in Spain. But our 
ship kept on her way for England. 

The Mate of our ship and I made an agreement, in case 
we should be taken by the French, and left on board our own 
ship ; although they should put ten men on board with us, 
to carry the ship and us to France : yet, if we lost sight of 
the Privateer, to stand by each other and attack them ; and 
if it did please GOD that we should overcome them, to carry 
home the ship. 

On the 24th of this month [October, 1689], we were, as I 
feared, taken by a Privateer of St. Malo, of 22 guns, 8 



'^^ ^;^J:] Miseries of English prisoners in France. 483 

patteroes [carronades], and 100 and odd men. But the Mate's 
design and mine was spoiled : for we were put on board the 
Privateer with three more of our men; and the Master with 
four men and a boy left on board, with eight Frenchmen, to 
navigate the prize to St. Malo. 

On the 26th, we had as much wind as could well blow at 
south-south-west, so that the Privateer could not take care 
of the prize, and so left her : and in some time after, she 
arrived at Havre de Grace. 

Then I made it my endeavour to persuade our Mate and 
the [three] other prisoners, to attack the Frenchmen [about a 
hundred] on board the Privateer; being very positive, with 
the assistance of GOD and theirs, to overcome them, and 
carry home the ship (with less trouble to my share than I 
found in this which is done). But they concluded it im- 
possible ; and so we continued attempting no resistance at 
all. 

On the 28th of October [i68gj, we arrived at St Malo ; and 
were carried on shore and imprisoned, and in all respect, 
during the space of seventeen days, were used with such 
inhumanity and cruelty, that if we had been taken by the 
Turks we could not have been used worse. For bread, we 
had 61bs., and one cheek of a bullock, for every 25 men for a 
day : and it fell out, that he that had half of a bullock's eye 
for his lot, had the greatest share. 

This makes me wish that I could be the prison keeper, 
and have my liberty to do the Frenchmen that are brought 
in, their justice. 

They daily adding to our number until the prison was so 
full, that swarms of vermin increased amongst us, not only 
here at St. Malo, but also at Dinan whereunto we were 
removed ; insomuch, that many of our fellow prisoners died, 
three of whom were our Mate and two more out of the five 
of our company : and all that did survive, were become mere 
skeletons. I was so weak that I could not put my hand to 
my head. There died out of 600 men, upwards of 400 through 
their cruelty, in three months' time. 

They plundered us of our clothes, when we were taken. 
Some of us that had money purchased rugs to cover our rags 
by day, and keep us warm by night : but, upon our return 
home from France, the Deputy Governor of Dinan (in hopes 



484 The Fj?i£Arns A DVENT[//?E SAILS Sett 30, i69i.[^^g^ 

either to kill us with cold, or to disable us for Their Majesties' 
service at our return) was so cruel as to order our said rugs 
to be taken from us ; and himself stayed, and saw it per- 
formed. And when some of our fellow prisoners lay a-dying ; 
they inhumanly stripped off some of their clothes three or 
four days before they were quite dead. 

These and other their barbarities made so great an im- 
pression upon me, as that I did then resolve never to go a 
prisoner there again ; and this resolution I did ever since 
continue in, and, by GOD's assistance, always will ! 



And so I was released [ ? by exchange], and, through the 
goodness of GOD, got to England. 

And after I had been at home so long as to recover my 
health and strength fit to go to sea again ; I shipped myself 
as Mate of a vessel of Topsham [the Friends' Adventure] of 80 
tons burthen, Roger Briant Master, bound from thence to 
Oporto in Portugal, and from thence to London. 

Accordingly, on the 30th day of September, 1691, we began 
our voyage ; and on the 27th of December following, we 
arrived at Oporto. 

On the 24th of February following [1692], we set sail from 
thence to London. 

On the 29th day, being then about 25 leagues north-west 
from Cape Finisterre, about six in the morning, we saw a 
ship, which came up with us at a great pace. At ten in the 
morning, he was within half a league of us; and then put 
out French colours and fired a gun, whereby we knew him 
to be a Frenchman. 

Then I took a rope yarn, and seized two parts of the top- 
sail hilliers [halliards or ropes] together, that our men might 
not lower the topsail ; for I was desirous to have as much 
time as possibly I could, to hide some necessaries, to attack 
the Frenchman [i.e., the prize crew]. 

At which, the Master perceiving and knowing my intention, 
said, " Mate ! are you in the same mind now, as you have 
been in all the voyage ? " for I had often been saying what 
I would do towards the retaking of our ship. 

I answered, " Yes ; " and said, " I did not question but, 
with GOD's assistance, to perform what I had said." 



■^^ ^,^J;] Taken by a French Privateer of 36 guns. 485 

The Master said he believed I could not do it; but if I 
should, he thought it was impossible for me to carry home 
the ship. 

Notwithstanding all this, I was not discouraged, but 
desired him to pray for a strong gale of wind after we were 
taken, that we might be separated from the Privateer, and 
be out of sight of her. 

Then I went down in the forecastle, and hid a blunderbuss 
and ammunition betwixt decks, amongst the pipes of wine. 
Before I went aft again the topsails were lowered ; and I 
perceiving that it would not be long before the enemy would 
be on board us, I took a five gallon vessel of my own wine 
[probably Port], and with a hammer beat in one head, and 
put several pounds of sugar in it, and then drank to the 
Master : and said that " I designed that I would drink my 
fill of it, while I had the command of it : and if it would 
please GOD that I should be continued on board, I hoped 
that I should not be long dispossessed of the rest. 

Betwixt ten and eleven o'clock, by the Privateer's com- 
mand, we hauled up the coasts and braced to. 

Then the Privateer's boat, full of men, came on board us : 
and I stept over the side, with my hat under my arm, 
handing the French gentlemen in, till one of them took hold 
of my coat, and I (not daring to resist him) helped it off: 
and ran aft into the cabin, and saved myself from further 
damage. 

After they had taken away almost all our clothes, and 
what else they pleased ; the Lieutenant ordered me and a 
boy [jfOHN Wright, about sixteen years old] to stay on 
board: which I was very glad of; but could heartily have 
wished they had left a man in the boy's room. 

Before the Master and I parted, for he and four of our 
men and a boy were carried on board the Privateer ; I asked 
him privately, " What he had done with the money he had 
in a bag ? " 

He told me he had given it to the Lieutenant, and 
withal would know of me, why I made that inquiry. 

I answered, " Because 1 did not question but I should 
have secured that on board, by retaking our ship." 

But the Master said, " It was an impossible thing to be 
done." 



486 Lyde and J. Wright are left on board. [^•^^93" 

I replied, "Although it seemed to him to be so; yet 
nothing was impossible to be effected by GOD, in whom I 
put my trust." 

Soon after, the Lieutenant and our men returned aboard 
the Privateer ; having left seven of his men on board our 
ship to navigate her to St. Malo. 

In three hours' time, the Privateer was out of our sight, 
which I was very glad of. 

I asked the Master, " If I should fetch a barrel of wine 
up," in hopes to make them drunk ; and then I should com- 
mand them with the less trouble. 

He said I might, if I could find one. Then I fetched a 
barrel of five gallons of sweet strong wine, and kept it tapped 
in the steerage. I drank freely of it, hoping that they thereby 
would be induced to do the like, and so drink to excess ; but 
that stratagem failed me, for they were never the worse for 
drinking, all the time I was their prisoner. 

Then I acquainted the boy with my intent, and persuaded 
him to assist me in overcoming them ; and I would, with 
the assistance of GOD, carry the ship to Galicia in Spain. 
I continued soliciting him for his compliance in that, and 
the third for England [?] ; but could not prevail with him. 

On the 3rd of March [1692], we saw Ushant in the 
night. Being within two ships' length of the Fern Rock 
and in great danger of being lost, they called up me and the 
boy to save our lives. When I came up and saw that the 
Frenchmen had got the tackle in the boat and were going 
to hoist her out, I told the boy "to stay aft; for when the boat 
is overboard, they may all go in her, if they will ! but they 
shall not come aboard again : for I will not leave the ship, 
because I shall get the ship off presently." For the wind was 
west-north-west; and the Frenchmen never minded [thought] 
to trim the sails close by the wind, and I would not tell 
them of it because I would get them out of the ship, till I 
saw they did not get out the boat, but gazed at the Rock, 
some crying, and others calling to saints for deliverance. 
Then I desired, and helped them to trim the sails, and soon 
got the ship off again. 

On Friday [^th March, 1692], at noon, we being about 10 
leagues to the eastward of Brest, with the wind easterly : 
they bore away for Port bean, or some such name they 



^■^1693.] Sailing along the coast of France. 4S7 

called it ; which was about 4 or 5 leagues to the eastward of 
Brest. 

Then I called the boy down betwixt decks, and read two 
or three chapters in the Bible ; and then used all my en- 
deavour to persuade him to assist me : but by all the 
arguments I could use, I could not prevail at this time. 

Then I took a brick, and whetted my knife upon it ; and 
told the boy, "I would not use my knife, upon any account, 
till I was carried into France ; except it were to cut the 
throats of the Frenchmen." 

At which words, the boy startled as if his own throat had 
been cutting ; and then left me, and went up on deck. 

At four in the afternoon, we were within half a mile of the 
aforesaid harbour. Then the French fired a patteroe for a 
pilot to come off: whereupon I went upon deck, with a 
sorrowful heart, to see how near we were to the shore ; but 
the Frenchmen were as joyful as I was melancholy. 

Then considering the inhuman usage I formerly had in 
France, and how near I was to it again ; it struck me with 
such terror that I could stay no longer upon deck : but went 
down betwixt decks, and prayed to GOD for a southerly 
wind, to prevent her going into that harbour: which GOD 
was graciously pleased immediately to grant me, for which 
I returned my unfeigned thanks. 

Friday night, the wind was westerly ; and Saturday, 
southerly : so that in the evening, I heard the Frenchmen 
say that they saw Cape Farril [Frehel]. 

At eight on the Saturday night, I prayed again for a 
south-west wind, that we might not be near the shore in the 
morning ; and immediately I heard them put the helm a lee, 
and put her about, and got the larboard tacks aboard. 

The boy was then lying by my side. I bade him go up 
and see if the wind was not south-west ; which he ac- 
cordingly did : and at his return, told me it was, and that 
the ship lay off north-north-west. Then I rejoiced, and 
gave GOD thanks for this second signal deliverance. 

The nearer we came to St. Malo, the surlier the French- 
men were to me. 

At twelve a clock, on Saturday night, they called me to 
the pumps ; as they had done several times before, although 
I never went but when I pleased : nor would I do anything 



488 Sunday, Mar. 6, i692,the day of the conflict. [^i^eS- 

else for them, thinking it much inferior for an Enghshman 
to do anything for a Frenchman. 

But they calling on me several times, at last I turned 
out, and stood in the Gun Room scuttle ; and told the 
Master that " I had served two years for the French already, 
and if I went to France again, I should serve three years." 

" That is bien," said the Master. 

Then I told them that " I had nothing in the ship to lose : 
and that if they would not pump themselves, the ship should 
sink forme." 

Then I went and laid myself down again, fully resolved 
that if they came to haul me out by force, that I would make 
resistance, and kill or wound as many of them as I could, 
before I died myself : but they let me alone. 

All that night, when the boy was awake, I endeavoured 
to persuade him to assist me ; but still could not prevail : 
though I used, as I had done ever since we were taken, 
many arguments. So that that night, I slept but very little ; 
and when I did slumber at all, I dreamt that I was attack- 
ing the Frenchmen. 

For sleeping or waking, my mind ran still upon the 
attacking of them. 

Sunday, at seven in the morning, we being then about five 
leagues off from Cape Farril ; I then prayed heartily for a 
south-south-east wind : and immediately I heard them take 
in their topsails and haul up the foresail, and brace them 
aback and lash the helm a lee, and let the ship drive off, 
with her head to the westward. Then I sent the boy up 
again, to see if the wind was not come at south-south-east : 
and he brought me word it was. 

Then I gave GOD thanks, and rejoiced at His signal 
providential mercy on me, and for so immediately strengthen- 
ing my faith, and confirming my hopes of redeeming myself 
from slavery : and then I renewed my solicitation to the boy 
to yield to me, but still he would not consent ; which made 
me think of attempting it myself, and then I went and took 
a pint of wine, and half a pint of oil, and drank it to make 
me more fit for action. 

At eight in the morning, all the Frenchmen sat round the 
cabin table at breakfast, and they called me to eat with them. 
Accordingly I accepted their invitation, but the sight of the 



^' ^1693'.] Lyde trying to persuade J. Wright to help. 489 

Frenchmen did immediately take away my stomach and 
made me sweat as if I had been in a stove, and was ready to 
faint with eagerness to encounter them. Which the Master 
perceiving, and seeing me in that condition, asked me in 
French, " If I were sick ? " and because he should not mistrust 
anything, I answered " Yes." But could stay no longer in 
sight of them, and so immediately went down betwixt decks, 
to the boy ; and did earnestly intreat him to go up presently 
with me into the cabin and to stand behind me, and knock 
down but one man in case two laid hold on me ; and I would 
kill and command all the rest presently [at once] ; "for now," 
I told him, " was the best time for me to attack them, while 
they were all around the table ; for now I shall have them 
all before me purely, and it may never be the like opportunity 
again." 

After many importunities, the boy asked me, " After what 
manner I intended to encounter with them ? " 

I told him, " I would take the crow of iron, and hold it on 
the middle with both hands ! and I would go into the cabin, 
and knock down him that stood at the end of the table on 
my right hand, and stick the point of the crow into him that 
sat at the end of the table on my left hand : and then for the 

other five that sat behind the table " But still he not 

consenting, I had second thoughts of undertaking it without 
him : but the cabin was so low that I could not stand upright 
in it by a foot ; which made me desist at that time. 

By this time they had eat their breakfast, and went out 
upon the deck. Then I told the boy, with much trouble 
[vexation] we had lost a brave opportunity, for, by this time, 
I had had the ship under my command ! 

" Nay," says the boy, " I rather believe that, by this time, 
you and I should have both been killed." 

In a little time after they had been on deck, they separated 
from each other, viz., the Master lay down in his cabin ; two 
of the men lay down in the Great Cabin, and one in a cabin 
between decks, and another sat down upon a low stool by 
the helm, to look after the Glass [sand-glass to measure each half- 
hour of time], to call to pump, which they were forced to do 
every half-hour by reason of the leakiness of the ship ; and 
the other two men walked upon the decks. 

Then hoping I should prevail with the boy to stand by me; 



490 Bitter memories of his sufferings, p'^^g^ 

if not, I was resolved to attack them myself: I immediately 
applied myself to prayer, and desiring GOD to pardon my 
sins which I had committed, and to receive my soul and the 
boy's to mercy. For I thought, if they overcame me, they 
would give the boy no quarter; although he did nothing 
against them. I prayed also for my enemies who should 
happen to die by my hands, because they might not have 
time to call for mercy themselves. I prayed also that GOD 
would strengthen me in my design, that my heart fail not in 
the action. 

And then I endeavoured again to persuade the boy, telling 
him that we should bring a great deal of honour to our native 
country, besides the particular honour which would accrue to 
ourselves : but all this, and much more to that purpose, too 
long to be here insisted on, would not prevail with him to 
consent. 

Then the Glass was out, it beinghalf an hour after eight, and 
the two men that were upon deck went to pump out the water. 

Then I also went upon deck again, to see whether the wind 
and weather were like to favour my enterprise, and casting my 
eyes to windward, I liked the weather, and hoped the wind 
would stand. Then immediately I went down to the boy, 
and begged of him again to stand by me, while two of the 
men were at the pump. For they pumped on the starboard 
side, and the steerage door opened on the larboard side ; so 
that they could not see me go aft to them in the cabin. But 
I could by no persuasions prevail with the boy ; so that by 
this time the men had done pumping. 

Whereupon losing this opportunity caused me again to be 
a little angry with the boy for not yielding to me. Telling 
him that " I had prayed three times for the change of the 
wind, and GOD was pleased to hear my prayers, and to grant 
my request ; and thereupon I had a firm belief wrought in 
me, that I should not be carried a prisoner into France, where 
I had suffered such great hardship and misery. Our allowance 
of food at St. Malo, where we were kept prisoners for seven- 
teen days, was only one cheek of a bullock and 81bs. weight 
of bread for 25 men a day ; and only water to drink. And 
at Dinan, where we were kept close prisoners for three 
months and ten days, our allowance was 3lbs. weight of an 
old cow beef, without any salt to savour it, for 7 men a day. 



^■^ieSG Wright asks, What he should do? 491 

But I think we had 2lbs. of bread for each man, but it was so 
bad that dogs would not eat it ; neither could we eat but very 
little, and that we did eat did us more hurt than good, for it 
was more orts [refuse food] than bread; so we gave some of it 
to the hogs, and made pillows of the rest to lay our heads on. 
For they allowed us fresh straw but once every five weeks ; 
so that we bred such swarms of lice in our rags that one man 
had a great hole eaten through his throat by them ; which 
was not perceived till after his death : and I myself was so 
weak that it was fourteen weeks after my releasement before 
I recovered any tolerable strength again. And all this was 
through their cruel tyranny in not allowing us, as their men 
are allowed in England." 

Said the boy, " If I do find it so bad as you do say, when 
I am in France, I will go along with them in a Privateer ! " 

These words of his struck me to the heart, which made me 
say, "You dog! what! will you go with them against your 
King and countiy, and father and mother ? Sirrah I I was 
in France, a prisoner four months, and my tongue cannot 
express what I endured there ; yet I would not turn Papist 
and go with them ! Yet they came daily persuading me and 
others to go out; and, the time I was there, I think 17 turned 
Papists, and were kept in a room by themselves ; but GOD 
was pleased to make an example of them ; for I think 13 of 
them died while I was there. And if thou dost turn Papist, 
thou mayest fare as they did ! and if thou, or any of them 
that be turned, be ever taken again, you will certainly be 
hanged in England by the law ! But I had the command of 
a Privateer, and should take my brother in a French Privateer, 
after he had willingly sailed with them, I would hang him 
immediately ! " 

I, seeing the boy seemed to be reconciled, told him that 
" he should not go into France, if he would do as I would 
have him do ! " 

The boy asked, *' What I would have him do ? " 

I told him, "to knock down the man at the helm sickore 
[for certain] ; and I would kill and command all the rest pre- 
sently [at once]. 

Saith the boy, " If you be sure to overcome them, how many 
do you count to kill ? " 

I answered that " I intended to kill three of them." 



492 Lyde's plan of attack. [^- ^^^f^ 

Then the boy replied, " Why three, and no more ? " 

I answered that, " I would kill three, for three of our men 
that died in prison when I was there. And if it should please 
GOD that I should get home safe to England, I would, if I 
could, go in a Man-of-war or fireship, and endeavour a revenge 
on the enemy, for the death of those 400 men that died in the 
same prison of Dinan ! " 

But the boy said " Four alive would be too many for me," 

I then replied, " I would kill but three, but I would break 
the legs and arms of the rest, if they won't take quarter, and 
be quiet without it." 

Then the boy asked me, " Which three I designed to 
kill ? " 

I told him, "I designed to kill those three that I judged to 
be the strongest ; which were those that carried themselves 
most surly towards me : but if any of the rest did take hold 
on me, and that my life were in danger, I would then en- 
deavour to kill a fourth, and not otherwise." 

Then said the boy, " What do you intend to do with the 
other Frenchmen that shall remain alive ? " 

I answered, " I will command three of them down into the 
Forepike [fore hold] and nail the scuttle upon them : and I 
would keep the fourth above deck, to help to carry the ship 
for England." 

Then the boy asked me, " How I thought to carry the ship 
to England, with only the assistance of him and one 
Frenchman ? " 

I answered, " I did not at all question that, but I did 
verily believe that I should carry the ship safe to an anchor, 
either in Plymouth or Dartmouth, before twelve o'clock the 
next day : for this is a fair wind for that purpose." 

" But," said the boy, " how do you think to pump out the 
water, seeing the ship is so very leaky, and to have time to 
refresh ourselves with sleep ; for it may be a longer time than 
you suppose before we shall come to an anchor ? " 

I answered that " the assistance of GOD would be suffi- 
cient to enable us to do all this and more ; for the joy of over- 
coming them will banish sleep from my eyes ! and work will 
weary me but little ! " 

The boy's asking me these several questions did encourage 
me to hope that he would at last be prevailed with to starjd 



^■^^^I'j "LORD ! BE WITH us, AND STRENGTHEN US!" 493 

by me : and still he proceeded in his inquiries, and asked me, 
" How I did intend to attack them ? " 

I told him, *' I would take the crow [crowbar] of iron, and 
hold it with both hands in the middle of it ; and go into the 
[Great] Cabin, and knock down one with the claws, and 
strike the point into the other that lay by his side in the 
cabin ! and I would wound the Master in his cabin ! and do 
thou take the drive-bolt [a long iron pin for driving out bolts], 
and be sure to knock down the man at the helm ! so soon as 
you hear me strike the first blow ; for otherwise if he should 
hear the blow, he may come into the cabin, and lay hold on 
me, before I shall overcome them three." 

And I resolved to myself, of which I said nothing to the 
boy, that if they should all rise against me before I could get 
into the cabin, I would strike at them, and either kill them 
or do them as much hurt as I could before I died myself: 
concluding that after I had once begun, if I should yield, then 
I should certainly die by them ; and therefore did resolve to 
sell my life as dear as I could. 

Then the boy asked me, " What he should do when he had 
knocked down the man at the helm ? " 

I told him, " He should stand without the [Great] Cabin 
door, and not stir from thence, but to have his eye upon the 
two Frenchmen that were upon deck : and not to come into 
the cabin to me, unless he observed them coming towards the 
cabin; and then he should tell me of it, and come into the cabin. 

At nine in the morning, the two men upon deck went to 
pumping. Then I turned out from the sail, where the boy 
and I then lay, and pulled off my coat that I might be the 
more nimble in the action : and having [but] little hair, I 
hauled off my cap, that if they had the fortune to knock me in 
the head, they might kill me with it. 

Having fitted myself for the action, I went up the Gun 
Room scuttle into the Steerage, to see what posture they were 
in ; and being satisfied therein, I leapt down the scuttle and 
went to the boy : who seeing me resolved upon the action, 
with an earnest entreaty to him to join with me ; he, at last, 
did consent. 

Then the boy coming to me, I leapt up the Gun Room 
scuttle, and said, " LORD ! be with us, and strengthen us 



494 Wright knocks down the steersman. pVegt 

in the action ! " : and then I told the boy that the drive-bolt 
was by the scuttle in the Steerage. 

Then I went softly aft into the Cabin, and put my back 
against the bulk head, and took the iron crow (it was laying 
without the Cabin door), and held it with both my hands in 
the middle of it, and put my legs abroad to shorten myself, 
because the Cabin was very low. 

But he that lay nighest to me, hearing me, opened his eyes ; 
and perceiving my intent, and upon what account I was com- 
ing, endeavoured to rise, to make resistance against me : but 
I prevented him, by a blow upon his forehead, which mortally 
wounded him. And the other man, which lay with his back 
to the dying man's side, hearing the blow, turned about and 
faced me ; very fiercely endeavouring to come against me. I 
struck at him, but he let himself fall from his left arm, and 
held his arm for a guard ; whereby he did keep off a great 
part of the blow : but still his head received a great part of 
the blow. 

The Master laying in his Cabin on my right hand, hearing 
the two blows, rose, and sat in his cabin ; and seeing what I 
had done, he called me Boogra ! and Footra ! But I having 
my eyes ever}^ way, I pushed at his ear betwixt the turnpins 
with the claws of the crow : but he falling back for fear thereof. 
It seemed, afterwards, that I struck the claws of tjie crow into 
his cheek, which blow made him lie still as if he had been 
dead. 

While I struck at the Master, the fellow that fended off 
the blow with his arm, rose upon his legs, and ran towards 
me, with his head low (I suppose he intended to run his 
head against my breast to overset me) : but I pushed the 
point at his head, and stuck it an inch and a half into his fore- 
head (as it appeared since by the chirurgeon that searched 
the wound) ; and as he was falling down, I took hold of him 
by the back, and turned him into the steerage. 

I heard the boy strike the man at the helm, two blows ; 
after I knocked down the first man : which two blows made 
him lie very still. 

As soon as I turned the man out of the Cabin, I struck one 
blow more at him that I struck first, thinking to leave no man 
alive aft of myself. 

The Master all this while did not stir : which made me 



'^^^ggj.] LyDE struggling with 4 MEN AT ONCE. 495 

conclude that I had struck him under the ear, and had killed 
him with the blow. 

Then I went out to attack the two men that were at the 
pump ; where they continued pumping, without hearing or 
knowing what I had done. 

As I was going to them, I saw that man that I had turned 
out of the Cabin into the Steerage, crawling out upon his 
hands and knees upon the deck; beating his hands upon the 
deck to make a noise, that the men at the pump might hear: 
for he could not cry out or speak. 

And when they heard him, seeing the blood running out 
of the hole in his forehead, they came running aft to me, 
grinding their teeth as they would have eaten me. 

But I met them as they came with the Steerage door, 
and struck at them : but the Steerage being not about four 
foot high, I could not have a full blow at them. Where- 
upon they fended off the blow, and took hold of the crow 
with both their hands close to mine, striving to haul it from me. 

Then the boy might have knocked them down with much 
ease, while they were contending with me ; but that his heart 
failed him, so that he stood like a stake at a distance on their 
left side. 

Two feets' length of the crow being behind their hands, 
on their left side, I called to the boy to *' take hold of it, and 
haul as they did, and I would let it go all at once ! " Which 
the boy accordingly did. I pushed the crow towards them, 
and let it go : and was taking out my knife to traverse [nish 
in] amongst them : but they seeing me put my right hand 
into my pocket, fearing what would follow, both let go the 
crow to the boy, and took hold of my right arm with both 
their hands, grinding their teeth at me. 

The Master, that I thought I had killed in his Cabin, 
coming to himself; and hearing that they had hold of me, 
came out his Cabin and also took hold of me, with bot