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Full text of "An English garner; ingatherings from our history and literature"

LIBRARY 

THE UNIVERSITY 
OF CALIFORNIA 

SANTA BARBARA 



PRESENTED BY 

MRS. DONALD KELLOGG 



VOYAGES AND TRAVELS 



-?^S[ 




* faunte mj> full oCp^ma 

CU)B 




<$Cf^ ;; 



This represents the undated title page of a small quarto 
book, once no doubt popular, now exceedingly rare. 
It was printed by Wyllyam Copland, son of Robert 
Copland, who was a pupil of Caxton. He began 
printing by 1550, and was one of the first to cater to 
the public for cheap literature. 



THE PENSHURST EDITION 

OF 

an Cnjltsfi #arner 

INGATHERINGS FROM OUR 
HISTORY AND LITERATURE 



EDITED BY 



PROFESSOR EDWARD ARBER 




PENSJIURST 



LONDON 

ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO. LTD. 

1909 



This Edition is limited to 750 copies 
for England and America 



No L.L.b... 



Edinburgh: T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty 



CONTENTS TO VOLUME I 



PAGE 

1. Captain Roger Bodenham's Voyage to Scio in 155 1. [From 

HaMuyi's Prificipal Navigations, \S()(^-i6od], ... i 

2. Robert Tomson, of Andover, Merchant : his Voyage to the 

West Indies and Mexico, 1556-58. [From Hakluyt's 
Principal Navigations, 1 589], ...... 7 

3. Master Roger Bodenham : his Trip to Mexico, 1564-65. 

[From the Hakluyt of 1589], 25 

4. Sir John Hawkins' First Voyage to the West Indies, October 

1562 — September 1563. [From the Hakluyt of 1589], . 29 

5. Sir John Hawkins' Second Voyage to the West Indies, i8th 

October 1564— 20th September 1565. [From the Hakluyt 

of 1589], 31 

6. The Third Voyage of Sir John Hawkins, 1567-68, ... 81 

i. Earliest Tidings of the Disaster in England. [From 
the State Papers ; Domestic ; Elizabeth, vol. 48, 
no. 50 ; vol. 49, no. 37 ; vol. 49, no. 36 ; vol. 49, 
no. 42], 83 

ii. A true declaration of the troublesome Voyage of 
John Hawkins to Guinea and the West Indies in 
1567-68. [Printed at London, 1569], . . 91 

iii. Depositions in the English Admiralty Court as to 
the Fight at San Juan de Ulua. [From the State 
Papers; Domestic; Elizabeth; July 1569, vol. 
53J, . . 104 



vi Voyages and Travels 

PAGB 

7. Hawkins' pretended treachery in the summer of 157 1. [Froni 

State Papers ; Scotland ; Mary Queen of Scots, vol. 6, 

no. 61], 127 

8. Jasper Campion : The Enghsh Trade to Scio, 1539-70. [From 

the Hakluyt of 1599-1600], 131 

9. Anthony Monday : Captivity of John Fox. [From the 

Hakluyt of 1589], 139 

10. Thomas Stevens, an English Jesuit ; his Voyage to India by 

the Cape Route. [From the Hakluyt of 1589; reprinting 

a letter from Goa, 1579], 152 

11. The Third Hawkins' Voyage, 1567-68 ; three narratives by 

survivors, .......... 161 

i. David Ingram's relation, of 1582, August — Sep- 
tember. [From the Hakluyt of 1589; in Sloane 
MSS., 1447], 161 

ii. Miles Phillips' Discourse, of 1583 [?]. [From the 

Hakluyt of 1589], 173 

iii. Job Hortop's Travels. [From the Hakluyt of 1599- 

1600; originally printed in 1 591], . . . 219 

12. Thomas Sanders : The Unfortunate Voyage of the Jesus to 

Tripoli, in 1584. [From the Hakluyt of 1589 and the 
original publication of 1587, March 31], . . . , 243 

13. John Chilton: Travels in Me.xico, 1568-85. [From the 

Hakluyt of 1 589], 263 

14. The Voyage of Thomas Cavendish round about the Globe, 

1586-88. [From the Hakluyt of 1589], .... 281 

15. The first Englishmen who reached India overland, 1583-89 

[From the Hakluyt of 1599- 1600, Linschoten's Discourse of 
Voyages, 1598, etc.J, 295 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME I 

The following collection of voyages and travels, mainly of 
Elizabethan Englishmen, is the reappearance of an old 
friend, or rather of many old friends. As distributed 
throughout the volumes of 'Arber's Garner^ these narratives 
have long been consulted by students of the Tudor and 
Stuart periods : they are now separated from the matter 
relating to other subjects in Prof Arber's great compilation, 
and arranged as nearly as possible in strict chronological 
order. The greater number, amounting to a little less than 
half the present body of text, are reprinted (with occasional 
compression) from Hakluyt's Principal Navigations, either 
from the first edition of 1589 (so constantly superior in 
clearness of arrangement and judgment of selection to any 
later stage of that memorable work), or else from the bulkier 
edition of 1599- 1600, the final Hakluyt of the compiler's 
own life and labour. But besides these Hakluytian pieces, 
the present volumes contain the interesting and not easily 
accessible correspondence between William Hawkins and 
Sir William Cecil of December 1568 and January 1569, 
relative to the disaster of * San Juan d'Ulloa ' (pp. 83-90), and 
the still more important depositions of March 1569 in the 
English Admiralty Court as to the aforesaid disaster, the 
guilt of the Spanish assailants of Sir John Hawkins, and 
the losses sustained by his fleet on that occasion (see vol. i. 
pp. 104-26). Here is also reprinted the correspondence 
necessary to give a summary view of John Hawkins' pre- 



viii Voyages and Travels 

tended intrigue with Spain in the summer of 1571 (vol. i. 
pp. 127-30). 

It is in the second volume, however, that we find the 
gems of the present collection — an abridgment of the first 
part of Linschoten's Itinerario, Sir Francis Drake revived^ 
and The Captivity of Robert Knox; the first (pp. i- 126 of 
vol. ii. and pp. 321-30 of vol. i.) being from the standard old 
English version of the Dutch text made in 1598; the 
second (pp. 220-94) from the very rare edition of 1626; 
and the third (pp. 295-429) from the original text of 1681. 
All three are narratives of first-class value, not too easy to 
procure, and as interesting as they are valuable. 

Of lesser importance, but even by themselves giving 
reason sufficient for the present issue, are such tracts as 
Edward Wright's Voyage of the Earl of Cumberland {i^2>g\ 
The ' Dolphin's ' Sea-Fight against Five Turkish Men of War 
(161 6-7), and The Captivity of Richard Hasleton (1582-92; 
see vol. ii. pp. 186-212 ; 213-20; 151-80). 

Professor Arber's businesslike and suggestive notes have 
usually been retained, and with these and the help of this 
Introduction it is hoped that students of the great age of 
discovery may find some use in a series of narratives so 
vivid in style, so photographic in their character-sketches, 
so admirably characteristic of the men and the times to 
which they refer. 

Of the first three tracts in volume i. (pp. 1-28) — Roger 
Bodenham's Voyage to Scio in 1551, Tomson's Voyage to the 
West Indies and Mexico in 1555-8, and Roger Bodenham's 
fourney to Mexico in 1564-5 — it is not necessary to say 
much. The first is from the final edition of Hakluyt 
{Principal Navigations) oi 15 99-1 600, the second and third 
from Hakluyt's first edition of 1589. It is noteworthy that 



Introduction ix 

Robert Tomson, in 1555, found English traders, servants 
of two City Merchants, engaged in commerce in Grand 
Canary ; and that in the town of Mexico itself he arrived 
only to find himself anticipated by a Scotsman. This 
pioneer, one Thomas Blake, had been there over twenty 
years (in 1556), and must therefore have appeared in that 
remote Spanish possession before 1536, or less than fifteen 
years after Cortes' conquest (1521). Richard Chancellor, 
'who first discovered Russia,' was with Bodenham in the 
voyage to Scio : it may perhaps be noted that the real 
discoverer of Russia to Western Europe was the Imperial 
envoy Sigismund von Herberstein, who in 15 17 and 1526 
(more than thirty years before Chancellor) visited Moscow, 
and compiled the most valuable of all early descriptions of 
Muscovy. The voyage of Chancellor and Willoughby in 
1553 was really in search of the north-east passage to 
Cathay ; in the course of this unsuccessful venture 
Chancellor and his men found their way to the White Sea, 
the Dvina, and the court of Ivan the Terrible; thus 
opening Russia to English and Western European trade 
by a new and direct route, and outflanking the obstructive 
monopoly of the Hanse traders of the Baltic. 

Next comes the series of John Hawkins' voyages (1562-8) 
to the West Indies ; and here it will be necessary to say 
rather more by way of preface (see vol. i. pp. 29-130, 161- 
242). The narrative of the first Hawkins voyage hereafter 
printed is from the Hakluyt of 1589, First Voyage of Sir 
John Hawkins^ . . . made to the West Indies 1562. John 
Hawkins, younger son of William Hawkins, the Brazil 
trader of 1530, seems to have been born in or about 1532, 
though the traditional date is 1520. According to Hakluyt, 
it was by divers voyages to the Canaries that John had 



X Voyages and Travels 

'informed himself by diligent inquisition of the State of the 
West India (whereof he had received knowledge by the 
instructions of his father, but increased the same by 
the advertisements and reports of that people). And being 
amongst other particulars assured that Negroes were very 
good merchandise in Hispaniola, and that store of Negroes 
might easily be had upon the coast of Guinea, [he] resolved 
with himself to make trial thereof These voyages of 
John's to the Canaries were probably subsequent to I555> 
the year of old William's death, and they soon brought 
such profit, that shortly after the accession of Elizabeth the 
future sea-king married a daughter of Benjamin Gonson, 
Treasurer of the Royal Navy. Already, in 1553, the 
English had begun to struggle for a share of the Guinea 
trade; and in 1561 Gonson had joined in a syndicate 
whose aim was to establish a factory at Benin or some 
other point in the Guinea littoral, in defiance of Portuguese 
opposition.^ The enterprise failed, but in 1562 it was 
renewed, while Hawkins prepared for a still more daring 
venture — no less than the commercial invasion of the 
Spanish American monopoly by means of the African, or 
more particularly the Guinea, slave trade. As to this 
commerce, it had been practised by the Portuguese con- 
tinually since 1441, when Antam Gonsalves brought home 
certain Mouros negros from the neighbourhood of Cape 
Bojador.2 In 15 17 Charles V. formally licensed the 
importation of African negroes into the West Indies. The 
trade was supported by philanthropic arguments, as by 
the generous Las Casas, who (for a time) saw in it the 

^ The Queen, as Mr. Corbett well suggests {Drake, i. 78), was possibly a 
shareholder in this venture : the Minion was certainly lent to the venturers 
from the Royal Navy. 

' Cf. Azurara, Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea, chs. xii. -xiv. 



Introduction x\ 

only means of preserving the weaker American Indians 
from extinction. Las Casas changed his view before his 
death ; but he had at least the satisfaction of stopping 
many abuses, and imposing a certain responsibility on the 
traders. No one was now permitted to take part in the 
commerce without a royal licence, only granted at a high 
price ; a duty was also imposed on every slave that entered 
the West Indies from Guinea. 

In 155 1, 17,000 licences for slave-importation from Africa 
to the West Indies were offered for sale by the Spanish 
Government. In 1553 Fernando Ochoa obtained a mono- 
poly of the slave trade for seven years, during which he 
bound himself to import 23,000 negroes. Two years 
after the expiry of Ochoa's term Hawkins entered the 
field with a bold attempt to break through the monopoly 
altogether. 

No English fleet had yet ventured into the Spanish 
sphere, though from the days of William Hawkins and his 
Brazil voyage of 1530 our countrymen had been attempting 
to break into the mare clausuni of the weaker Portuguese. 
The Spanish name was too imposing, the trade with the 
European ports of the Spanish Empire, — in the Peninsula, 
in the Netherlands, and in Italy — was too precious an 
asset of our early trade to be lightly affronted or en- 
dangered. 

John Hawkins, therefore, when he proposed a venture, 
which to any prudent man foreshadowed inevitable trouble 
with Spain, found but a few inclined to back his venture. 
The chief of these were Alderman Lionel Ducket, an 
enterprising Father of London City, and Thomas Lodge 
(afterwards Sir Thomas), a Governor of the Muscovy 
Company, which, since the Russian voyage of Chancellor 



xii Voyages and Travels 

and Willoughby in 1553, had won a very prominent posi- 
tion in English trade-expansion. Three 'private' ships, 
the largest of 120 tons, were fitted out, and with this little 
squadron and a cargo of English goods Hawkins set out 
in October 1562. With this voyage opened the great 
commercial (and so political) struggle that ended with the 
downfall of Spanish oceanic power. Deeper even than 
religious hatred, we may find the prime cause of the long 
and bitter war of Elizabethan England against Spain lies 
in the trade rivalry for the Western world and in the 
aggressive mercantile policy of the English people. 

At Teneriffe Hawkins had formed a trade-alliance with 
one Pedro de Ponte, an ambitious and not too patriotic 
merchant, who was shrewdly suspected of having suggested 
the whole project of the West Indian trade to the English, and 
at his hands the adventurers received their prime necessity, 
a pilot for Spanish America. On the Guinea coast the 
'interlopers' kidnapped about three hundred slaves who were 
sold at a very large profit in various ports of Hispaniola, 
Hayti, or San Domingo. Hawkins chartered two extra 
vessels to transport the surplus of his gains to Europe, and 
with an almost incredible assurance, professedly relying on 
the old commercial treaties (of 1495, 1499, etc.) between 
England and Burgundy, sent these ships to be sold at 
Cadiz in charge of Captain Hampton, his second in 
command (1563). They were promptly confiscated, and a 
long-standing implicit prohibition was now made suffi- 
ciently explicit. The Spanish colonies of the New World 
were forbidden absolutely and without exception to trade 
with the English in any way. 

Hawkins' second voyage (1564-5) was supported by a 
far more powerful syndicate than the first. Among the 



Introduction xiii 

shareholders ^ of the capital appears to have been the Queen, 
who lent the expedition its flagship or ' admiral,' the Jesus 
of Lubecky a vessel of 700 tons, which had been bought for 
the English navy by Henry VIII. from the Hanse traders of 
Lubeck. Elizabeth's stake in the venture may be judged 
from the fact that the Jesus was valued at £4000 (perhaps 
;^30,ooo — ;^40,ooo of our money). The Earl of Pembroke was 
another shareholder, and efforts were made, though in vain, 
to induce Cecil (Burleigh) to join. Nothing in the nature 
of illicit commerce or piracy attracted the conservative 
leader of English statesmen ; but he took no steps, as on 
certain subsequent occasions, to nip in the bud a possible 
buccaneering outgrowth of legitimate trade. 

Again Hawkins made for Teneriffe and his friend, Pedro 
de Ponte ; again he provided himself with the needful 
information in the very house of his rivals ; again he 
prospected successfully for slaves on the Guinea coast ^ 
(going every day on shore to hunt his negroes, ' with 
burning and spoiling of their towns ') ; again he crossed to 
the West Indies, but not this time to Hispaniola. Well 
aware of King Philip's prohibition and of the certainty that 
in the great colonial centre of San Domingo, if anywhere, 
no smuggling would be allowed, he tried his luck in the 

^ The usual practice, as Mr. Corbett explains (Drake, i. 82), was for a 
small group of capitalists (commonly about five) to 'underwrite' or become 
responsible for definite portions of the required capital, which they placed 
among their friends. Only the names of the original underwriters, who were 
directors of the company, usually appeared ; among their backers were often 
to be found the leading people in the State, the Queen, the Earl of Pembroke, 
etc. On ihs Jesus, cf. State Papers, Domestic, xxxvii. 6i; Oct. 23, 1565. 

' Just at the same time the Garrard Company's fleet, with the Minion as 
flag-ship, sailed for Guinea and was discomfited off' La Mina. Hawkins was 
much aggrieved at the information given by the Minion's people to certain 
negro tribes near Cape Verde, 'of nature very gentle and loving,' whom he was 
attempting to kidnap. 



xiv Voyages and Travels 

ports of the ' Spanish Main ' or Tierra Firma, the con- 
tinental province whose coast stretched from the Orinoco 
to the Isthmus of Panama. 

The harbour of ' Burboroata/ Burburata or Borburata, 
where he began operations, is the ' Burborough water ' of 
later English seamen, in the Golfo Triste on the Venezuela 
coast, now marked out by a deserted creek or ensenada, 
some five leagues east of the present Puerto Cabello.^ 
Here, as at Curasao and Rio de la Hacha, the cheerful 
insolence of the English captain ' forcing to friendly com- 
merce ' proved completely successful ; the ' lean and sick 
negroes ' were sold at good profit (60 per cent.) ; and on his 
way home Hawkins was able to succour the distressed 
Huguenot colony of Laudonniere in Florida. The reason 
of their misfortune was clear to the Englishmen : the 
French settlers had no labourers, but being soldiers, desired 
to live by the sweat of other men's brows : one of their 
chief comforts was 'tabacco,' by the great virtue whereof 
they could satisfy their hunger for four or five days 
without meat or drink. 

Not only was gold and silver plentiful in Florida, 
Hawkins reported, but unicorns and other useful com- 
modities might be found there ; to settle and colonise 
this country would be an attempt requisite for a prince of 
power ; the increase from cattle alone, without counting 
the precious metals, would bring profit sufficient (pp. 73- 
79). So keenly were the eyes of English pioneers already 
fixed upon the Western world as a field for colonising 
energy.^ 

' Corbett, Drake, i. 84 ; Blaeu, Atlas Major, 1652, vol. ii. f. 89. 

^ The narrative of the second Hawkins voyage, hereafter printed, is from the 
Hakluyt of 1589, written by one John Sparke, a gentleman adventurer who 
accompanied Hawkins. 



Introduction xv 

After Hawkins* second return, a new Spanish ambassador, 
Don Diego Guzman De Silva, came to England, and to his 
watchful energy was largely due that greater alertness of 
the Spanish authorities which ruined the third venture of 
the interlopers (1567-8). In 1565-6 Francis Drake seems 
to have sailed to the Spanish Main with one Captain Lovell, 
and to have been roughly handled at Rio de la Hacha, a not 
wholly unnatural retaliation for Achines' behaviour there 
a few months before ;^ but De Silva's diplomacy prevented 
Hawkins from breaking loose again till 1567. Then at 
last, after many a check and double, the Adventurers got 
clear away. Backed by a syndicate, at the head of which 
were Alderman Lionel Ducket and Sir William Garrard, 
and to which the Queen appears to have lent her support 
(as a shareholder) even more generously than before, the 
English captain slipped off from Plymouth on October 2, 
1567, with a fleet of six vessels, two of them from the royal 
navy. These were the Jesus of Lubeck (700 tons ; 180 men 
in crew ; 22 heavy and 42 lighter guns) and the Minion 
(350 tons): the private barks were the William and John 
of 150 tons, the Swallow of 100, the Judith of 50, and the 
Angel of 32. Francis Drake sailed as captain and master of 
the Judith, being then, according to Stow, twenty-two years 
of age. The squadron had an 'Admiral,' 'Vice- Admiral,' 
' General,' and ' Captain of Soldiers,' the complete naval 
equipment, and carried a force of between 6co and 700 
men, in De Silva's opinion. Hawkins' Syndicate had sub- 
scribed sums equal to ;;^i6,ooo of modern money to the 
expedition: Hawkins' own property on ^o. Jesus of Lubeck 

^ In the same year Fenner of Chichester, who had intended sailing to the 
West Indies with Hawkins, was obliged to content himself with a Guinea voyage, 
in which he exchanged some hard knocks with the Portuguese. 



xvi Voyages and Travels 

was estimated at between ^^3000 and ;^4000 in modern 
value.^ In reading the various narratives referring to this 
voyage, we cannot help noticing how constantly Hawkins' 
own (official) account requires supplementing from the 
narratives of the Englishmen who landed on the Mexico 
coast, and after so many trials escaped to England. David 
Ingram, Job Hartop, and Miles Phillips ^ were the survivors 
of a hundred of Hawkins' seamen who volunteered to go 
ashore from the overcrowded Minioji (rescued with such 

^ As to the authorities for the third Hawkins voyage : — Hawkins' own 
account of the voyage of 1567-8 (afterwards reprinted by Hakluyt ; see vol. i- 
pp. 91-103) was originally printed in 1569 under the title A true declaration oj 
the troublesome voyage of Mr. John Hawkins to the parts of Guinea and the West 
Indies in the years . . . 1567 and 1568. Miles Phillips, who returned from 
captivity in 1583, compiled his narrative with the assistance of Hawkins' 
report. 

The affidavits as to the losses at San Juan de Ulua (printed in vol. i. pp. 104- 
26) are from a manuscript volume in the Public Record Office {S. P. Dom., 
Eliz. liii. ) — Sir John Hawkins' Voyage, 1569 (July 2). Of the eleven depositions, 
only Hawkins' own is here printed in full. This, of course, was the English 
Government's official statement of its case. The Spanish Government's has been 
lately rediscovered by Captain Fernandez Duro from the Coleccion Navarrete, 
and a version of it is given in Corbett, Drake, i. 417-20. It was originally sent 
by Philip II. to Alva with orders to forward it to the Spanish Ambassador in 
London (cf. Spanish Calendar, 1568-79, p. 1 10; Feb. 18, 1569): but Alva 
advised and procured its suppression. Besides these, there is Herrera's account 
of the action at San Juan, in his Historia General, Part I. book xv. chap. 18 ; 
a letter from Hawkins to Cecil written from the Minion, on his return to Eng- 
land, the same day as his arrival at Plymouth ; and the narratives of Ingram, 
Phillips, and Hartop. 

Drake was considered by Hawkins to have deserted after the San Juan 
disaster. *So with the . . . Judith, a small bark . . .' (says John) 'we 
escaped; which bark the same night forsook us in our great misery.' (See 
vol. i. p. 10 1.) This was long remembered against him : even in 1587 Admiral 
Borough retorts upon the great captain with the charge, so much exaggerated 
by Herrera, so discreetly softened away by Miles Phillips ('the same night the 
said bark lost us ' : see vol. i. p. 183.) 

"^ For David Ingram, see vol, i. pp. 161-72 (reprinted from the Hakluyt of 1589, 
P- 557) ; for Miles Phillips, see vol. i. pp. 173-218 (from the Hakluyt of 1589, or 
1599-1600, pp. 469-87) ; for Job Hartop, see vol. i. pp. 219-42 (from the Hakluyt 
of 1599-1600, vol. iii. pp. 487-495 ; first printed as a separate tract in 1591). 



Introduction xvii 

difficulty from the catastrophe at San Juan), in order 
to save the remaining hundred ; and the stories of these 
three survivors are given in vol. i. pp. 161-242. Ingram's 
record,^ the most fabulous but fortunately the shortest of 
the three, was omitted from Hakluyt's final edition of 1599- 
1600 — although in some points ' this Examinate's ' testi- 
mony is certainly worth preserving — 'the reward of lying,' 
as Purchas complains, 'being not to be believed in truths' 
{PilgrimeSy vol iv. p. 1179, ed. of 1625; book vi. ch. 4). 

It is from Hartop, a gunner of the Jesus, not from 
Hawkins himself, that we learn of the reprisals under- 
taken by the English squadron against the Portuguese, 
during the first stage of the voyage, off West Africa. 
Hartop also is the only one who tells us how, at Margarita 
island in the West Indies, *our general, in despite of the 
Spaniards, landed and took in fresh victuals ' ; how at 
Placentia the bishop [and people] ' hearing of our coming 
for fear forsook the town ' ; how at Rio de la Hacha 
Drake cut out, ran ashore, and seized as prize a Spanish 
'caravel of advice,' or official despatch boat, from the Vice- 
roy at San Domingo. Speaking in 1591, Hartop had no 
motive to conceal anything. 

As to Hawkins' tempest-tost career in the Gulf of 
Mexico and the harbour of San Juan de Ulua ('Ulloa'), 
an interesting and valuable commentary on the Hawkins 
narratives may be found in Robert Tomson's account 
of his journey in 1555-58,^ and in John Chilton's Travels 

^ It must be very seriously doubted whether David Ingram ever made such an 
extensive journey in the interior of North America as he claims — from the Gulf 
of Mexico to within fifty leagues or thereabouts of Cape Breton. 

* The Voyage of Robert Tomson, merchant, into Nova Hispania {1555-8) ; 
see vol. i. pp. 7-23 ; for Chilton's Travels, see pp. 265-80. Both these are from 
the Hakluyt of 1589. 

\. b A, 



xviii Voyages and Travels 

in Mexico between 1568 and 1585, also printed in this 
collection. 

In reading the account of the naval action at San 
Juan it may also be noted that the English ships carried 
a far heavier artillery than the Spaniards. Thus 
the Jesus 'could throw 250 lbs. '^ from her twenty-two 
heavy guns alone without counting the discharge of 
her forty-two lighter pieces. Had the English not lost 
command of the eleven guns they had mounted on 
the island, they would probably have won. Until the 
undisputed possession of this islet had been granted — in 
words at least — to his force, Hawkins, though professing 
himself so 'orderly' and a 'hater of folly' (otherwise 
piracy), forbade the Viceroy of Mexico entrance to his 
own chief port. * If he be Viceroy, I represent my Queen's 
person, and I am Viceroy as well as he.' After this 
perhaps a struggle to the death was only to be expected, 
though not such an 'affair of foxes' as the treacherous 
indignation of Martin Enrinquez and Francisco de Luxan^ 
contrived. It was a terrible revenge for such incidents 
as the trading at Rio de la Hacha in 1565, when Hawkins 
gave his unwilling customers the choice of 'granting him 
a market ' or ' else to stand to their own harms,' when the 
Spanish prices were raised by the 'breakfast' salutation 
of a volley of ordnance and a landing-party, and when 
accounts were settled under the superintendence of three 
English boats 'with bells in their noses and men with 
weapons accordingly.' 

The pretended intrigue of John Hawkins with the 

1 Cf. Corbett, Drake, i. 1 14 n. 

^ Cf. Pedro de Santillana's poem of 1570 on De Luxan's victory over 
Hawkins, the poet's 'Juan Acle' (cf. Duro, Armada invencible, ii. 490-501). 



Introduction xix 

Spanish Government (vol. i. pp. 127-30) is famous not 
only for itself, but for Lingard's self-deception in the 
matter. The whole was of course undertaken by ' Ackins,' 
partly to feather his own nest, partly to rescue from 
captivity some of his unfortunate men, marooned in the 
Gulf of Mexico and now in Spanish prisons. The English 
Council of State, so far from being 'suspicious,' were 
cognisant of the whole throughout. 

Jasper Campion's Discourse of the trade to Scio, written 
the \dtth Feb. 1569 [1570] to Michael Lock and William 
Winter} is a summary history of English commerce in 
the Greek Archipelago during the middle of the sixteenth 
century, from 1539 to 1570, and itself forms a part of the 
history of our commerce in the Mediterranean. This trade 
was prosecuted with great energy under the Tudors — 
above all, under Elizabeth herself — and Hakluyt gives a 
surprising number of documents relative to the same. 
Like Francis I. of France, Elizabeth cultivated friendly, 
and especially commercial, relations with the chief 
Mohammedan states, notably the Ottoman Sultan and 
the 'Emperor' of Morocco. By its subject-matter it is 
connected with the narratives of Munday and Sanders, 
immediately following, and with that of Roger Bodenham 
at the beginning of this volume (see pp. 1-5, 13 1-8, 139- 
151, 243-61). 

Anthony Munday [A. M.]'s account ^ of the Captivity 
of John Fox of Woodridge, gunner of the Three Half 
Moons, and of his escape from Alexandria, in which two 
hundred and sixty-six Christian prisoners of the Turk also 
participated (Jan. 3, 1577), is one of the most interesting 

^ Reprinted from the Hakluyt of 1599 (final edition). 
* Reprinted from the Hakluyt of 1589. 



XX Voyages and Travels 

narratives in Hakluyt, and remarkable as causing a 
momentary softening of bitterness between Catholic and 
Protestant : the Prior and Fathers of the Dominican Con- 
vent of Gallipoli, the Pope, and the King of Spain, all ex- 
erted themselves on Fox's behalf; he was granted a licence 
to beg through the cities and towns of Spain ; and Philip II. 
made him a gunner in the Valencia fleet of galleys. 

Thomas Sanders's report of the unfortunate voyage 
of the Jesus to Tripoli in 1584 was first printed as a 
separate tract on March 31, 1587 (see p. 243 of vol. i.) ; 
two years later it was reprinted by Hakluyt in the first 
edition of his Principal Navigations (1589). 

From the Mediterranean, Elizabethan traders essayed 
to push on by overland routes to India, just as others 
were even now trying to reach the same goal by the 
long sea route round Africa ; and the narratives of 
Bodenham and Campion, Munday and Sanders, find their 
continuation in those of Eldred, Newberie, and Fitch, 
which trace the progress of the English pioneers to the 
south-east, from the ports of Syria and Egypt to the 
Persian Gulf, Ormuz, Malabar, and even Bengal and Pegu 
(pp. 295-324 of this volume). 

Thomas Stevens, the English Jesuit who afterwards did 
so much for the release of Newberie and Fitch, when 
arrested in Portuguese India, had the same objective as 
they, but sought it by a different, longer, slightly speedier, 
and infinitely less obstructible route. He was the first 
Englishman known to Hakluyt as having reached the 
Indian mainland by the Cape of Good Hope ; and his 
letter^ of 1579 (see vol. i. pp. 152-9) from Goa to his father 
and namesake is a premonition of such future developments 

^ Reprinted from the Hakluyt of 15S9. 



Introduction xxi 

as the London East Indian Company. Stevens was a 
native of Wiltshire, who started for the East from Lisbon on 
April 4, 1479, with the usual trumpets and 'shooting of 
ordnance,' ' all in the manner of war,' as the Portuguese were 
wont to set out for India. His description of the maritime 
routes inside and outside Madagascar (St. Lawrence Island) 
was the most valuable part of his narrative for English 
traders, statesmen, and explorers ; for the rest the Letter 
is much more explicit on the birds and fish of the Southern 
Seas than on people, products, or markets. The good Jesuit 
in fact was a born naturalist. He has a little to say about 
the Moors and Cafifres of Ethiopia and the inhabitants of 
Goa 'tawny, but not disfigured in their lips and noses' like 
the former : yet on the whole it is for descriptions of the 
albatross, the shark, the pilot-fish, the sucker, and the 
Medusa that the modern reader will value this report. 

John Chilton's notable discourse^ (see vol. i. pp. 263-80) 
concerning the memorable things of the West Indies, seen 
and noted by himself during seventeen years of travel in 
Mexico and the Islands of the Carribean Sea, is perhaps 
the most valuable Elizabethan English account of these 
regions. It refers to the third Hawkins voyage of 1567-8, 
and to Drake's voyage round the world of 1577-80, when 
the great freebooter touched at Acapulco on the Pacific 
coast of Mexico (see pp. 268-9) \ but it has no direct con- 
nection with either of these expeditions. Its picture of 
Spanish government in New Spain and of the distribution 
of garrisons, its account of the trade regulations between the 
colony and the mother-country, and its emphatic statement 
of the discontent of the settlers and their eagerness for 
greater freedom of commerce, are all worthy of notice. 

* Reprinted from the Hakluyt of 1589. 



xxii Voyages and Travels 

Thomas Cavendish or Candish was the only Englishman 
of the Elizabethan time who successfully followed Drake 
upon the path of Magellan, the circumnavigation of the 
world. He started on July 21, 1586, upon his 'admirable and 
prosperous journey into the South Sea, and thence round 
about the whole earth,' and returned on September 9, 
1588, just after the 'overthrowing of the Spanish fleet/ 
but this second English encircling of the globe was for the 
most part a less eventful repetition of the first (see vol. i. 
pp. 281-94).^ Cavendish was born in or about 1556, and 
belonged to the Suffolk Cavendishes of Trimley St. Martin, 
near Ipswich. Having squandered his property in 'follow- 
ing the Court' and leading the life of a gallant, he became 
a pirate to mend his fortune. His first naval venture was 
in Sir Richard Grenville's expedition for the planting of the 
abortive Virginia Colony of 1585. He then followed 
Grenville in a voyage of plunder and adventure in the 
Atlantic. 

On his return to England, Cavendish promptly set about 
the organisation of a new expedition, this time for 'the 
South Sea and round about the globe.' The fullest narra- 
tive of the voyage of 1586-8 is that of Francis Pretty, given 
in the final edition of Hakluyt's Principal Navigations (vol. 
iii. pp. 803-25). To the account hereafter printed we may 
add the following details. The Spanish settlements in 
Magellan's Straits visited and described by the English on 
this venture were relics of the great expedition of twenty- 
three sail which had been sent out from Seville in September 
I58i,as a direct consequent of Drake's passage into the 
Pacific, and as a measure for preventing any similar aggres- 
sion by the south-west. The Armada was under Diego 
* Reprinted from the Hakluyt of 1589. 



Introduction xxiii 

Flores de Valdez as Admiral ; Pedro Sarmiento,one of Spain's 
truest heroes, was governor-designate of the intended colony. 
Storms played havoc with the fleet ; only sixteen vessels 
finally got off to Rio Janeiro ; and a start was not made from 
Brazil until November 1582. De Valdez and Sarmiento, 
after many bickerings, now finally quarrelled and parted, 
De Valdez returning to Rio, where he picked up four rein- 
forcement ships that had been sent from Spain with supplies 
for the colonists, and with their help made his way home 
again. Sarmiento, driven back once and again by stress of 
weather, at last made a successful start from the Brazil coast 
on December 2, 1583, with five ships and five hundred and 
thirty persons, reached Magellan's Straits on February i, 
1584, and in spite of desertions planted four hundred men 
and thirty women in two settlements — Nombre de Jesus and 
San Felipe (miscalled King Philip's town by the Cavendish 
narratives). After Sarmiento's departure the colony went 
rapidly to ruin. 'Their whole living for a great space' (so 
the English thought when they lighted upon the twenty-two 
survivors^ on January 9, 1587) had been mussels and limpets, 
eked out by an occasional bit of venison from deer that came 
down 'out of the mountains to the fresh rivers to drink.' 

During the two years they had been there, ' they could 
never have anything to grow or in any wise prosper.' The 
Indians also often 'preyed upon them,' and 'victuals grew 
short, so that they died like dogs in their houses and in 
their clothes, wherein we found them still at our coming.' 
The town of San Felipe was so ' wonderfully tainted with 
the smell and savour of the dead,' that the survivors for- 
sook it and made what living they could, rambling along 
the shore, from roots, leaves, and any fowl they might kill. 

^ The number is also given as twenty-three or twenty-four. 



xxiv Voyages and Travels 

From among these outcasts Cavendish secured one 
prisoner, Tom^ Hernandez, who succeeded in escaping 
(March 30, 1587) near Valparaiso, ' notwithstanding all his 
deep and damnable oaths that he would die on their side 
before he would be false.' The same man also planned an 
ambuscade on the next day, in which twelve of the English 
were cut off. At Guatulco or Aguatulco (Acapulco ; see 
vol. i. p. 287), Cavendish is said to have burnt a church and 
a great wooden cross, which some zealots believed St. 
Andrew had planted there when he preached the faith to 
the Mexican Aztees — a distant mission, unrecorded until 
the discovery of America started a fresh growth of Apos- 
tolic legends. Cavendish smeared the cross with pitch 
and heaped dry reeds around it ; for three days the fire 
burnt, but at the end the holy sign was still scatheless. 

After the capture^ of the treasure-galleon Santa Anna, 
the division of the spoil offended the crew of the Content, 
who deserted in the night of the 20th November 1587, close 
to Port Agua Secura, where the booty had been sorted, 
appropriated, or destroyed. As the Hugh Gallant had been 
sunk off Puna Island in the Gulf of Guayaquil, after the 
'regrettable incident' of the ambuscade at that place (see 
vol. i. p. 286), Cavendish's fleet was now reduced to one 
vessel, the Desire, his own flagship. The loss of the Content 
(which was never seen again) was especially felt from the 
fact that her captain, John Brewer, had' accompanied Drake 
round the world, and had been hitherto the chief guide and 
pilot of the second English circumnavigation. His place, 
however, was well supplied for some way by a pilot of the 

' The capture of the Santa Anna was greatly helped by the information 
extracted from some prisoners — a Fleming and three Spaniards whom Caven- 
dish captured off the Chilian coast, and • tortured for news ' of the treasure 
galleons and other things. 



Introduction xxv 

Santa Anna, who took Cavendish as far as Capul in the 
Philippines (Jan, 15, 1588). Here he tried to communicate 
with the Spanish Governor of Manilla, and was hanged by 
his captors for his plot. 

By the help of this pilot, Brewer's earlier guiding, and 
Drake's narratives, Cavendish finished his circuit of the 
world in five months less than Sir Francis. Like Magellan, 
he came to blows with the natives of the Ladrones, but appar- 
ently rather from a fierce weariness of their mercantile impor- 
tunity than from anger at their thievishness. During a nine 
days' stay at Capul the English mariners made observations 
on the trade, natives, arts, and disposition of the Philippines, 
which materially stimulated subsequent English voyages to 
this Archipelago. For here, we were now told, lived men 
'of great genius and invention in handicrafts and sciences, 
every one so expert in his faculty as few Christians are 
able to go beyond them ' ; and especially in ' drawing and 
embroidery upon satin, silk or lawn, either beast, fowl, fish, 
or worm, for liveliness and perfectness, both in silk, silver, 
gold, and pearl.' These paragons also promised Cavendish 
(so Pretty reports) to aid him whenever he should come 
again to overcome the Spaniards, and paid him a tribute of 
pigs, poultry, cocoa-nuts, and potatoes. They were skilled 
in the black art as well as in tattooing, and their inter- 
course with the devil was of the most pleasant and familiar 
kind. 

Near Manilla the Desire chased, but without success, a 
Spanish vessel which had just put out: only one prisoner 
was the result of the pursuit, and he was sent on shore 
with ' commendations ' to the Governor and his people, 
' willing them to provide good store of gold, for they meant 
to visit them again within four years.' The rich commerce 



xxvi Voyages and Travels 

that met here from East and South Asia on one side, and 
from the western littoral of America on the other, moved 
the admiration of the visitors ; and to secure a share in 
this Philippine wealth, and, if possible, the sole control of 
it, soon became a prominent ambition of English commerce. 
The political action of Cavendish here was a complement 
to that of Drake in Ternate. Hurrying through the un- 
healthy Moluccas, where his men suffered severely from 
the ' untemperate ' climate. Cavendish made a stay of eleven 
days in Java (March 5-16). The natives he thought the 
bravest race in the south-east parts of the globe. Still more 
opportunely for his political projects, he here fell in with 
some Portuguese exiles who hoped to win for Don Antonio 
' all the Moluccas at command, besides China, Ceylon, and 
the Philippines,' to say nothing of all the Indians. Here 
was a bright prospect for the English allies of Don Antonio 
who might well hope to reap some profit out of a colonial 
rising against Philip II. 

In a rapid passage of two months and three days Caven- 
dish traversed the ' mighty and vast sea ' between Java and 
the main of Africa, observing the ' heavens, stars, and fowls 
— marks unto seamen ' ; and almost as rapid was his voyage 
in eighty-one days from St. Helena (where he repeated his 
outrages upon the faith he detested, beating down the altar 
and cross of the church, as Linschoten tells us) to the 'long- 
wished-for port of Plymouth.' 

The narratives of Eldred, Fitch, and Newberie (already 
referred to) are of much higher importance than seems 
generally understood (see vol. i. pp. 295-332). They record 
the first direct intercourse of the English nation, and 
especially of its merchants, with India (1583-91) : they repre- 
sent to us the essential forward step to which the Central 



Introduction xxvii 

Asiatic ventures of Anthony Jenkinson, Drake's treaty with 
the King of Ternate, and the isolated and, so to say, almost 
accidental journey of Thomas Stevens, were preliminaries: 
with them begins the British trade-empire in South Asia. 
And in all our later history there is no process more in 
evidence than the conversion of commercial into political 
dominion. With the three above-named went two less- 
known merchants, Leedes and Storey : all alike were sent 
out by the joint-boards of the Levant and Muscovy Com- 
panies, and acted as accredited envoys from England to 
the Great Mogul and the Son of Heaven, bearing letters 
from Elizabeth to Akbar and the Emperor of China. 
Primarily, however, they were sent out to prospect for 
English commerce, conveying samples of our goods, especi- 
ally in cloth and tin, to Aleppo, Bagdad, Ormuz, and the 
other markets of the Levant, and reporting home first and 
foremost upon the markets, prices, and trade routes of 
South- Western and Southern Asia. 

It is noteworthy that we find in Newberie's list of 
nationalities then to be found trading at Goa, not only 
French, Germans, and Italians, but even Hungarians and 
Muscovites, among Christian peoples. 

Of the whole party only Fitch returned to England to 
report complete success in the mission for which he had 
been sent out. Leedes entered the service of the Great 
Akbar ; Storey joined the Church of Rome, and was 
ordained a priest at Goa ; Newberie died in the Punjab on 
his way home ; Eldred seems not to have gone beyond 
Basrah — Bassora or Bussorah — at the head of the Persian 
Gulf. 

Who ever heard, says Hakluyt, of Englishmen at Goa 
before? Who ever heard of the Indian trade, in the next 



xxviii Voyages and Travels 

generation, without some reference to the eager competi- 
tion of England in this traffic? The information given 
to London merchants by the Newberie-Fitch group of 
pioneers was undoubtedly one of the main guides to the 
organised effort of the next decade, culminating in the 
East India Company of 1600. Among other stimulants 
we must not forget Linschoten's great work (portions of 
which are printed in vol. i. pp. 324-30, and vol. ii. pp. 1-126), 
which give the most detailed account of the East Indies 
and their trade-routes that had yet been supplied to the 
Northern peoples of Europe. Nor must it be forgotten that 
when Drake captured the great ' Portugal Carrack ' (the San 
Felipe) in 1587, off St. Michael in the Azores, there were 
found in the prize papers which revealed many of the most 
hidden secrets of the East Indian trade, papers to which, 
before all else, contemporaries ascribed the formation of 
our East India Company. 

C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY. 

Merton College, Oxford, 
October 2>th, 1902. 

Note. — On the influence of Fitch and his companions in the over- 
land East India journey of 1583 upon the formation and first measures 
of the East India Company, some light is thrown by the earliest records 
of the Company — e.g. (i) '2nd Oct. 1600 : Ordered that Mr. Eldred and 
Mr. Fitch shall in the meeting to-morrow morning confer of the mer- 
chandise fit to be provided for the voyage; (2) 31J/ Dec. i6o6.' King 
fajnes's letters to be obtained to the Ki'iig of Cambay, the Governors of 
Aden., etc. ; their titles to be inquired of R. Fitch.' 

On Drake's Burburata, cp. also J. Blaeu, Atlas Novus, Amsterdam, 
1650 (II. ii.), map of Venezuela cum parte australi Novae Andalusiae 
[^Burburate, here.] 




Captain Roger Bodenham. 
Voyage to Scio in 1 5 5 1 a.d. 

[Hakluyt's Voyages, 1599.] 

]N THE year 1550, the 13th of November, I Roger 
Bodenham, Captain of the bark Aucher, entered 
the said ship at Gravesend, for my voyage to the 
islands of Candia and Scio in the Levant. The 
master of my ship was one William Sherwood 
From thence we departed to Tilbery Hope, and there remained 
with contrary winds until the 6th of January 1551. 

The 6th of January, the master came to Tilbery, and I had 
provided a skilful pilot to carryover [past] Land's End, whose 
name was Master Wood. With all speed I vailed [dropped] 
down that night ten miles, to take the tide in the morning : 
which happily I did, and that night came to Dover and there 
came to an anchor. There I remained until Friday [the 
gtli] : meeting with the worthy knight Sir Anthony Aucher, 
owner of the said ship. 

The nth day, we arrived at Plymouth. The 13th in the 
morning, we set forward on our voyage with a prosperous 
wind : and the i6th, we had sight of Cape Finisterre on the 
coast of Spain. 

The 30th, we arrived at Cadiz : and there discharged 
certain merchandize, and took other aboard. 

The 20th of February, we departed from Cadiz, and passed 
the straits of Gibraltar that night ; and the 25th we came 
to the isle of Majorca, and were stayed there five days with 
contrary winds. 

The ist of March, we had sight of Sardinia, and the 5th 
of the said month we arrived at Messina in Sicily ; and there 
discharged much goods, remaining there until Good Friday 
in Lent [27th of March, 1551]. 

The chief merchant [in London] that laded the said bark 
I. A 4 



2 Voyage to Scio in 1551 a.d. [^'^'"Vfe-rS: 

Aucher was a Merchant Stranger called Anselm Salvago ; 
and because the time was then very dangerous, and that there 
was no going into the Levant — especially to Scio — without a 
safeconduct from the Turk: the said Anselm promised the 
owner Sir Anthony Aucher that we should receive the 
same at Messina. But I was posted from thence to Candia : 
and there I was answered that I should send to Scio, and 
there I should have my safeconduct. I was forced to send 
one, and he had his answer " that the Turk would give none, 
willing me to look what was best for me to do : " which was no 
small trouble to me, considering that I was bound to deliver 
the goods that were in the ship at Scio or send them at my 
adventure [risk]. The merchants [supercargoes], without cave 
of the loss of the ship, would have compelled me to go or send 
their goods at mine adventure. The which I denied, and 
said plainly I would not go, because the Turk's galleys were 
come forth to go against Malta. But by the French king's 
means, he was persuaded to leave Malta, and to go to Tripoli 
in Barbary : which by means of the French, he wan. 

In this time there were in Candia certain Turkish vessels 
called skyrasas, which had brought wheat thither to sell ; 
and were ready to depart for Turkey. And they departed in 
the morning betimes ; carrying news that I would not go 
forth. That same night I had prepared beforehand what I 
thought good, without making any man privy to it until I 
saw time. Then I had no small business to cause my 
mariners to venture with the ship in such a manifest danger. 
Nevertheless I wan them all to go with me, except three 
which I set on land ; and with all diligence I was ready to 
set forth about eight o'clock at night, being a fair moonshine 
night, and went out. Then my three mariners made such 
requests unto the re .t of my men to come aboard, that I was 
constrained to take them in. 

So with a good wind we put into the Archipelago, and 
being among the islands, the wind scanted [fell away], and I 
was forced to anchor at an island called Micone ; where I 
tarried ten or twelve days; having a Greek pilot to carry the 
ship to Scio. In this mean season, there came many small 
boats with mysson [inizen] sails to go for Scio, with divers 
goods to sell ; and the pilot requested me that I would let 
them go in my company, to which I yielded. 



Capt.R.^Bodenham.j VOYAGE TO SCIO IN I55I A.D. 3 

After the said days were expired, I weighed and set sail for 
the island of Scio; with which place I fell in in the afternoon: 
whereupon I cast [tacked] to seaward again to come with the 
island in the morning betimes. The foresaid small vessels 
which came in my company, departed from me to win the 
shore to get in during the night : but upon a sudden they 
espied three foists [ligJit galleys] of Turks coming upon them to 
spoil them. My pilot, having a son in one of those small 
vessels, entreated me to cast about [wear] towards them ; 
which at his request I did : and being somewhat far from 
them, I caused my gunner to shoot a demi-culverin at a 
foist that was ready to enter one of the boats. This was sj 
happy a shot that it made the Turk to fall astern of the boat 
and to leave him : by the which means he escaped. 

Then they all came to me, and requested that they might 
hang at my stern until daylight : by which time, I came 
before the mole of Scio, and sent my boat on land to the 
merchants of that place to send for their goods out of hand 
[immediately] or else I would return back with all to Candia, 
and they should fetch their goods from there. But in fine, 
by what persuasion of my merchants, Englishmen, and of 
those of Scio: I was entreated to come into the harbour: 
and had a safe assurance for twenty days against the Turk's 
army, with a bond of the city in the sum of 12,000 ducats. 
So I made haste and sold such goods as I had to the Turks 
that came thither ; and put all in order with as much speed 
as I could : fearing the coming of the Turk's navy ; of the 
which, the chief of the city knew right well. 

So upon the sudden, they called me of great friendship 
and in secret told me, I had no way to save myself but to 
be gone ; for said they, " We are not able to defend you that 
are not able to help ourselves. For the Turk, where he 
Cometh, taketh what he will and leaveth what he lists : but 
the chief of the Turks set order that none shall do any harm 
to the people or to their goods." This was such news to me, 
that indeed I was at my wits' end ; and was brought into 
many imaginations what to do : for the wind was contrary. 
In fine, I determined to go forth. 

But the merchants, Englishmen, and others, regarding 
more their gains than the ship, hindered me very much 
in my purpose of going forth : and made the mariners to 



4 Voyage to Scio in 1551 a.d. [^^p'- V;?ot"J59™: 

come to me to demand their wages to be paid out of hand, 
and to have a time to employ [spend] the same there. But 
GOD provided so for me that I paid them their money that 
night : and then charged them that if they would not set the 
ship forth ; I would make them to answer the same in 
England with danger of their heads. Many were married in 
England and had somewhat to lose. These did stick to me. 
I had twelve gunners. The Master Gunner, who was a mad- 
brained fellow, and the owner's servant had a parliament 
between themselves : and he, upon the same, came up to me 
with his sword drawn ; swearing that he had promised the 
owner. Sir Anthony Aucher, to live and die in the said ship 
against all that should offer any harm to the ship, and that 
he would fight with the whole army of the Turks, and never 
yield. With this fellow I had much ado : but at the last I 
made him confess his fault and follow my advice. 

Thus with much labour I got out of the mole of Scio into 
the sea, by warping forth ; with the help of Genoese boats, and 
a French boat that was in the mole : and being out, GOD 
sent me a special gale of wind to go my way. Then I caused 
a piece to be shot off for some of my men that were yet in 
the town, and with much ado they came aboard : and then I 
set sail a little before one o'clock, and I made all the sail I 
could. 

About half past two o'clock there came seven galleys into 
Scio to stay the ship, and the Admiral of them was in a great 
rage because she was gone. Whereupon they put some of 
the best [of the townsfolk] in prison ; and took all the men of 
the three ships which I left in the port, and put them into 
the galleys. The Turks would have followed after me ; but 
that the townsmen found means that they did not. The next 
day came thither an hundred more galleys, and there tarried 
for their whole company, which being together, were about 
250 sail ; taking their voyage to surprise the island of Malta. 

The next day after I departed, I had sight of Candia : but 
I was two days more ere I could get in : where I thought 
myself out of their danger. There I continued until the 
Turk's army was past, which came within sight of the town. 

There was preparation made as though the Turks would 
have come thither. There are in that island of Candia 
many banished men, that live continually in the mountains. 



Capt. R.^Bodenharn.J VOYAGE TO SCIO IN I55I A.D. 5 

They came down to serve, to the number of 4,000 or 5,000. 
They are good archers. Every one was armed with his bow 
and arrows, a sword and a dagger; and had long hair, boots 
that reached up to the groin, and a shirt of mail hanging, the 
one half before, and the other half behind. These were sent 
away again as soon as the army was past. They would 
drink wine out of all measure. 

Then the army being past, I ladened my ship with wines 
and other things : and so, after I had that which I had left at 
Scio, I departed for Messina. In the way, I found about 
Zante, certain galliots of Turks laying aboard of certain 
vessels of Venice laden with muscatels. I rescued them, 
and had but a barrel of wine for my powder and shot. 
Within a few days after, I came to Messina. 

I had in my ship a Spanish pilot, called Nobiezia, which 
I took in at Cadiz at my coming forth. He went with me 
all this voyage into the Levant without wages, of goodwill 
that he bare me and the ship. He stood me in good stead 
until I came back again to Cadiz ; and then I needed no pilot. 
And so from thence I came to London with the ship and 
goods in safety : GOD be praised ! 

And all those mariners that were in my said ship — which 
were, besides boys, threescore and ten — for the most part, 
were within five or six years after, able to take charge of 
ships, and did. 

Richard Chancellor, who first discovered Russia, was 
with me in that voyage ; and Matthew Baker, who 
afterwards became the Queen's Majesty's Chief Shipwright. 




Robert Tomson, of Andover, Mercliant 

Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico^ 
1556-1558, A.D. 

[Hakluyt. Voyages. 1589.] 

That these Englishmen were allowed to go to New Spain at all was 
probably one of the results of the marriage of Philip with Mary 
Tudor. Blake, Field, and Tomson were probably the first 
British islanders who reached the city of Mexico. This narrative 
also gives us an account of the first auto-da-fe in that city. 



8 TOMSON STAYS A YEAR AT SEVILLE, [^'^ 



Tomson. 
1587. 




HObert Tomson, born in the town of 
Andover, in Hampshire, began his travels 
out of England in the month of March, 
aiiiw 1553 [2.5., 1554] ; who departing out of 
the city of Bristol in company of other 
merchants of the said city, in a good ship 
called the bark Young, within eight days 
after, arrived at Lisbon, at Portugal : where 
the said Robert Tomson remained fifteen days. At the end 
of which, he shipped himself for Spain in the said ship, and 
within four days arrived in the bay of Cadiz in Andalusia, which 
is under the kingdom of Spain : and from thence, travelled up 
to the city of Seville by land, which is twenty leagues ; and 
there, he repaired to the house of one John Field, an 
English merchant who had dwelt in the said city of Seville 
eighteen or twenty years married, with wife and children. 
In whose house, the said Tomson remained by the space of 
one whole year or thereabout, for two causes : the one, to 
learn the Castilian tongue; the other, to see the orders of 
the country, and the customs of the people. 

At the end of which time, having seen the fleets of ships 
come out of the [West] Indies to that city, with such great 
quantity of gold and silver, pearls, precious stones, sugar, 
hides, ginger, and divers other rich commodities ; he did 
determine with himself to seek means and opportunity to 
pass over to see that rich country, from whence such a great 
quantity of rich commodities came. 

And it fell out, that within short time after, the said John 
Field, where the said Tomson was lodged, did determine to 
pass over into the West Indies himself, with his wife, chil- 
dren, and family : and, at the request of the said Tomson, he 
purchased a license of the King, to pass into the Indies, for 
himself, wife, and children; and among them, also, for the said 
Tomson to pass with them. So that presently they made 
preparation of victuals and other necessary provision for the 
voyage. But the ships which were prepared to perform the 
voyage being all ready to depart, were, upon certain con- 
siderations by the King's commandment, stayed and arrested, 
till further should be known of the King's pleasure. 



•*• f^Tss":] AND THEN STARTS FOR MexICO. 9 

Whereupon, the said John Field, with his company and 
Robert Tomson (beinj; departed out of Seville, and come 
down to San Lucar de Barrameda, fifteen leagues off) seeing 
the stay made upon the ships ol the said fleet, and not being- 
assured when they would depart, determined to ship them- 
selves for the isles of the Canaries, which are 250 leagues 
from San Lucar, and there to stay till the said fleet should 
come hither ; for that is continually their port to make stay 
at, six or eight days, to take fresh water, bread, flesh, and 
other necessaries. 

So that in the month of February, in anno 1555, the said 
Robert Tomson, with the said John Field and his com- 
pany, shipped themselves in a caravel of the city of Cadiz, 
out of the town of San Lucar ; and within six days, they 
arrived at the port of the Grand Canary : where at our 
coming, the ships that rode in the said port began to cry out 
of all measure, with loud voices ; insomuch that the Castle, 
which stood fast by, began to shoot at us, and shot six or 
eight shot at us, and struck down our mainmast before we 
could hoist out our boat to go on land to know what the 
cause of the shootmg was; seeing that we were Spanish 
ships, and coming into our country. 

So that being on land, and complaining of the wrong and 
damage done unto us; they answered that "they had thought 
we had been French rovers, that had come into the said port 
to do some harm to the ships that were there." For that 
eight days past, there went out of the said port a caravel 
much like unto ours, ladened with sugars and other merchan- 
dise for Spain ; and on the other side of the Point of the 
said island, met with a French Man of War : which took the 
said caravel, and unladed out of her into the said French 
ship, both men and goods. And it being demanded of the 
said Spaniards, "What other ships remained in the port 
whence they came?"; they answered, "There remained 
divers other ships, and one ladened with sugars as they 
were, and ready to depart for Spain." Upon the which 
news, the Frenchmen put thirty tall men of their ship, well 
appointed, into the said caravel that they had taken, and 
sent her back again to the said port from whence she had 
departed the day before. 

Somewhat late towards evening, she came into port, not 



lo English Factors at the Canaries. [^^^"Tss": 

showing past three or four men • and so came to an anchor 
hard by the otlier ships that were in the said port. Being 
seen by the Castle and by the said ships, they made no 
reckoning of her, because they knew her: and thinking that 
she had found contrary winds at the sea, or having forgotten 
something behind them, they had returned back again for the 
same, they made no account of her, but let her alone riding 
quietly among the other ships in the said port. So that 
about midnigiit, the said caravel, with the Frenchmen in her, 
went aboard [touched] the other ship that lay hard by, ladened 
with sugars ; and driving the Spaniards that were in her 
under the hatches, presently let slip her cables and anchors, 
and set sail and carried her clean away : and after this sort, 
deceived them. And they thinking or fearing that we were 
the like, did shoot at us as they did. 

This being past : the next day after our arrival in the said 
port, we did unbark ourselves, and went on land up to the 
city or head town of the Grand Canaria, where we remained 
eighteen or twenty days ; and there found certain Englishmen, 
merchants, servants of Anthony Hickman and Edward 
Castelin, merchants in the city of London, that lay there 
for traffic : of whom we received great courtesy and much 
good cheer. 

After the which twenty days being past, in which we had 
seen the country, the people, and the disposition thereof; we 
departed from thence, and passed to the next isle of the 
Canaries, eighteen leagues off, called Teneriffe ; and being 
come on land, went up to the city called La Laguna : where 
we remained seven months, attending the coming of the 
whole fleet, which, in the end, came; and there having 
taken that which they had need of, we shipped ourselves in a 
ship of Cadiz, being one of the said fleet, belonging to an 
Englishman married in the city of Cadiz in Spain, whose 
name was John Sweeting. There came in the said ship as 
Captain, an Englishman also, whose name was Leonard 
Chilton, married in Cadiz, and son-in-law to the said John 
Sweeting : and another Englishman also, whose name was 
Ralph Sarre, came in the same ship, which had been a 
merchant of the city of Exeter; one of fifty years of age or 
thereabouts. 

So that we departed from the said islands in the month of 



R. Tomson.-| Santo Domingo IN 1555. II 

October, the foresaid year [1555], eight ships in our company, 
and so directed our course towards the Bay of New Spain 
[Gulf of Mexico] ; and, by the way, towards the island ot 
Santo Domingo, otherwise called Hispaniola: so that within 
forty-two days [i.e., in December] after we departed from the 
said islands of Canaries, we arrived with our ship at the 
port of Santo Domingo ; and went in over the bar, where our 
ship knocked her keel at her entry. There our ship rid [rode] 
before the town ; where we went on land, and refreshed 
ourselves sixteen days. 

There we found no bread made of wheat, but biscuit 
brought out of Spain, and out of the Bay of Mexico. For 
the country itself doth yield no kind of grain to make bread 
withal : but the bread they make there, is certain cakes made 
of roots called cassavia; which is something substantial, but it 
hath an unsavoury taste in the eating thereof. Flesh of beef 
and mutton, they have great store; for there are men that 
have 10,000 head of cattle, of oxen, bulls, and kine, which 
they do keep only for the hides : for the quantity of flesh is 
so great, that they are not able to spend the hundredth part. 
Of hog's flesh is there good store, very sweet and savoury ; 
and so wholesome that they give it to sick folks to eat, 
instead of hens and capons : although they have good store of 
poultry of that sort, as also of guinea cocks and guinea hens. 

At the time of our being there, the city of Santo Domingo 
was not of above 500 households of Spaniards : but of the 
Indians dwelling in the suburbs, there were more. The 
country is, most part of the year, very hot : and very full of 
a kind of flies or gnats with long bills [mosquitos], which do 
prick and molest the people very much in the night when 
they are asleep, in pricking their faces and hands and other 
parts of their bodies that lie uncovered, and make them to 
swell wonderfully. Also there is another kind of small worm, 
which creepeth into the soles of men's feet, and especially of 
the Black Moors [Indians] and children which use to go 
barefoot, and maketh their feet to grow as big as a man's 
head, and doth so ache that it would make one run mad. 
They have no remedy for the same, but to open the flesh, 
sometimes three or four inches, and so dig them out. 

The country yieldeth great store of sugar, hides of oxen, 
bulls and kine, ginger, cana fistula, and salsaparilla. Mines 



12 Hurricane in the Gulf of Mexico. [^T°T577. 

of silver and gold there are none ; but in some rivers, there 
is found some small quantity of gold. The principal coin 
that they do traffic withal in that place is black money, made 
of copper and brass: and this they say they do use, not for 
that they lack money of gold and silver to trade withal out 
of the other parts of [West] India, but because, if they 
should have good money, the merchants that deal with them 
in trade would carry away their gold and silver, and let the 
country commodities lie still. And thus much for Santo 
Domingo. So sve were, coming from the isles of Canaries 
to Santo Domingo, and staying there, until the month of 
December : which was three months. 

About the beginning of January [1556], we departed thence 
towards the Bay of Mexico and New Spain ; towards which 
we set our course, and so sailed twenty-four days, till we 
came within fifteen leagues of San Juan de Ulua, which was 
the port of Mexico of our right discharge. 

And being so near our said port, there rose a storm of 
northerly winds which came off from Terra Florida ; which 
caused us to cast about into the sea again, for fear lest that 
night we should be cast upon the shore before day did break, 
and so put ourselves in danger of casting away. The wind 
and sea grew so foul and strong, that, within two hours after 
the storm began, nine ships that were together, were so 
dispersed, that we could not see one another. 

One of the ships of our company, being of the burden of 
500 tons, called the " Hulk of Carion," would not cast about 
to sea, as we did ; but went that night with the land : 
thinking in the morning to purchase the port of San Juan 
de Ulua; but missing the port, went with the shore, and was 
cast away. There were drowned of that ship, seventy-five 
persons, men, women, and children ; and sixty-four were saved 
that could swim, and had means to save themselves. Among 
those that perished in that ship, was a gentleman who had 
beenPres[id]ent the year before in Santo Domingo, his wife and 
four daughters, with the rest of his servants and household. 

We, with the other seven ships, cast about into the sea, the 
storm [enjduring ten days with great might, boisterous winds, 
fogs, and rain. Our ship, being old and weak, was so tossed 
that she opened at the stern a fathom under water, and the 
best remedy we had was to stop it with beds and pilobiers 



^■j^^^ss?:] They abandon their sinking ship. 13 

[? pillows for litters] : and for fear of sinking we threw and 
lightened into the sea all the goods we had, or could come 
by ; but that would not serve. 

Then we cut our mainmast, and threw all our ordnance 
into the sea, saving one piece ; which, early in a morning, 
when we thought we should have sunk, we shot off: and, as 
it pleased GOD, there was one of the ships of our company 
near unto us, which we saw not by means of the great fog; 
which hearing the sound of the piece, and understanding 
some of the company to be in great extremity, began to make 
towards us, and when they came within hearing of us, we 
desired them " for the love of GOD ! to help to save us, for 
that we were all like to perish !" They willed us " to hoist 
our foresail as much as we could, and make towards them ; 
for they would do their best to save us ; " and so we did. 

And we had no sooner hoisted our foresail, but there came 
a gale of wind ; and a piece of sea struck in the foresail, and 
carried away sail and mast all overboard : so that then we 
thought there was no hope of life. And then we began to 
embrace one another, every man his friend, every wife her 
husband, and the children their fathers and mothers ; com- 
mitting our souls to Almighty GOD, thinking never to escape 
alive. Yet it pleased GOD, in the time of most need, when 
all hope was past, to aid us with His helping hand, and 
caused the wind a little to cease ; so that within two hours 
after, the other ship was able to come aboard us, and took 
into her, with her boat, man, woman and child, naked without 
hose, or shoes upon many of our feet. 

1 do remember that the last person that came out of the 
ship into the boat was a woman Black Moore [Indian] ; v/ho 
/eaping out of the ship into the boat, with a young sucking 
child in her arms, leapt too short, and fell into the sea, and 
was a good while under the water before the boat could come 
to rescue her : and, with the spreading of her clothes rose 
above water again, and was caught by the coat and pulled 
into the boat, having still her child under her arm, both of 
them half drowned ; and yet her natural love towards her 
child would not let her let the child go. And when she came 
aboard the boat, she held her child so fast under her arm 
still, that two men were scant able to get it out. 

So we departed out of our ship, and left it in the sea. It 



14 They arrive at San Juan de Ulua. p- 



Tonisoi\ 
? 1587. 



was worth 400,000 ducats [= about £100,000 then = about 
;^900,ooo i:ow], ship and goods, when we left it. 

Within three days after, we arrived at our port of San Juan 
de Ulua, in New Spain. 

I do remember that in the great and boisterous storm of 
this foul weather, in the night there came upon the top of 
our mainyard and mainmast, a certain little light, much like 
unto the light of a little candle, which the Spaniards called 
the corpos sancto, and said " It was Saint Elmo " [see Vol. II. 
/. 7 1 ], whom they take to be the advocate of sailors. At which 
sight, the Spaniards fell down upon their knees and wor- 
shipped it: praying GOD and Saint Elmo to cease the 
torment, and save them from the peril they were in ; with 
promising him that, on their coming on land, they would repair 
unto his chapel, and there cause masses to be said, and other 
ceremonies to be done. The friars [did] cast relics into the 
sea, to cause the sea to be still, and likewise said Gospels, 
with other crossings and ceremonies upon the sea to make 
the storm to cease: which, as they said, did much good to 
weaken the fury of the storm. But I could not perceive it, 
nor gave any credit to it ; till it pleased GOD to send us the 
remedy, and delivered us from the rage of the same. His 
name be praised therefore ! 

This light continued aboard our ship about three hours, 
flying from mast to mast, and from top to top ; and sometimes 
it would be in two or three places at once. I informed myself 
of learned men afterward, what this light should be ? and they 
said that " It was but a congelation of the wind and vapours 
of the sea congealed with the extremity of the weather, and 
so flying in the wind, many times doth chance to hit the 
masts and shrouds of the ship that are at sea in foul weather." 
And, in truth, I do take it to be so : for that I have seen the 
like in other ships at sea, and in sundry ships at once. By 
this, men may see how the Papists are given to believe and 
worship such vain things and toys as God ; to whom all 
honour doth appertain : and in their need and necessities do 
let [cease] to call upon the living GOD, who is the giver of 
all good things. 

The i6th of April in anno 1556, we arrived at the port of 
San Juan de Ulua in New Spain, very naked and distressed 
of apparel and all other things, by means of the loss of our 



^^"Tss":] Noble generosity of a Spaniard. 15 

foresaid ship and goods ; and from thence we went to the 
new town called Vera Cruz, five leagues from the said port 
of San Juan de Ulua, marching still by the sea shore : where 
we found lying upon the sands a great quantity of mighty 
great trees, with roots and all, some of them four, five, or six 
cart load, by estimation ; which, as the people told us, were, in 
the great stormy weather which we [enjdured at sea, rooted 
out of the ground in Terra Florida right against that place 
(which is 300 leagues over the sea), and brought thither. 

So that we came to the said town of Vera Cruz ; where we 
remained a month. There the said John Field chanced to 
meet an old friend of his acquaintance in Spain, called 
GoNZALO Ruiz de Cordova, a very rich man of the said 
town of Vera Cruz ; who (hearing of his coming thither, 
with his wife and family ; and of his misfortune by sea) came 
unto him, and received him and all his household into his 
house, and kept us there a whole month, making us very 
good cheer ; and giving us good entertainment, and also gave 
us, that were in all eight persons, of the said J. Field's 
house, double apparel, new out of the shop, of very good 
cloth, coats, cloaks, shirts, smocks, gowns for the women, 
hose, shoes, and all other necessary apparel ; and for our 
way up to the city of Mexico, horses, moyles [mules], and 
men ; and money in our purses for the expenses by the way, 
which by our account might amount unto the sum of 400 
crowns [=£"120 then = about 5ri,ooo 7^ow]. 

After we were entered two days' journey into the country, 
I, the said Robert Tomson, fell sick of an ague: so that the 
next day I was not able to sit on my horse ; but was fain to 
be carried upon Indians' backs from thence to Mexico. 

And when we came within half a day's journey of the city 
of Mexico, the said John Field also fell sick; and within 
three days after we arrived at the said city, he died. And 
presently sickened one of his children, and two more of his 
household people ; who within eight days died. So that 
within ten days after we arrived at the city of Mexico, 
of eight persons that were of us of the said company, there 
remained but four of us alive : and I, the said Tomson, at 
the point of death, of the sickness that I got on the way, 
which continued with me for the space of six months [till 
October 1556J. At the end of which time, it pleased GOD 



i6 TheCityofMexicoini556. PTTss": 

to restore me my health again, though weak and greatly 
disabled. 

Mexico was a city, in my time, of not above 1,500 house- 
holds of Spaniards inhabiting there ; but of Indian people in 
the suburbs of the said city, there dwelt about 300,000 as it was 
thought, and many more. This city of Mexico is sixty-five 
leagues from the North Sea [tlie Gulf of Mexico] and seventy- 
five leagues from the South Sea [ilie Pacific Ocean] ; so that it 
standeth in the midst of the main land, betwixt the one sea 
and the other. 

It is situated in the midst of a lake of standing water, and 
surrounded round about with the same ; save, in many places, 
going out of the city, are many broad ways through the said 
lake or water. This lake and city are surrounded also with 
great mountains round about, which are in compass above 
thirty leagues ; and the said city and lake of standing water 
doth stand in a great plain in the midst of it. This lake of 
standing water doth proceed from the shedding of the rain, 
that falleth upon the said mountains ; and so gathers itself 
together in this place. 

All the whole proportion of this city doth stand in a very 
plain ground ; and in the midst of the said city is a square 
Place, of a good bow shot over from side to side. In the 
midst of the said Place is a high Church, very fair and well 
built all through, but at that time not half finished. 

Round about the said Place, are many fair houses built. 
On the one side are the houses where Montezuma, the 
great King of Mexico that was, dwelt ; and now there lie 
always the Viceroys that the King of Spain sendeth thither 
every three years : and in my time there was for Viceroy a 
gentleman of Castille, called Don Luis de Velasco. 

And on the other side of the said Place, over against the 
same, is the Bishop's house, very fairly built ; and many ether 
houses of goodly building. And hard by the same are also 
other very fair houses, built by the Marquis DE LA Valle, 
otherwise called Hernando Cortes ; who was he that first 
conquered the said city and country. After the said con- 
quest (which he made with great labour and travail of his 
person, and danger of his life), being grown great in the 
country ; the King of Spain sent for him, saying that he had 



'^^ ?^°T587;] ThEGREAT BUILDING IN PROGRESS. I7 

some particular matters to impart to him : and, when he 
came home, he could not be sufiered to return back again, as 
the King before had promised him. With the sorrow for 
which, he died : and this he had for the reward of his good 
service. 

The said city of Mexico hath streets made very broad and 
right [straight] that a man being in the highway at one end 
of the street, may see at the least a good mile forward : and 
in all the one part of the streets of the north part of their 
city, there runneth a pretty lake of very clear water, that 
every man may put into his house as much as he will, with- 
out the cost of anything but of the letting in. 

Also there is a great ditch of water that cometh through 
the city, even into the high Place; where come, every morn- 
ing, at break of the day, twenty or thirty canoes or troughs 
of the Indians ; which bring in them all manner of provisions 
for the city that is made and groweth in the country : which 
is a very good commodity for the inhabitants of that place. 
And as for victuals in the said city, beef, mutton, hens, capons, 
quails, guinea cocks, and such like, are all very good cheap; 
as the whole quarter of an ox, as much as a slave can carry 
away from the butcher's, for five tomynes, that is, five rials 
of plate [i.e., of silver. See Vol. I. p. 320 ; Vol. II. p. 8], which 
is just 2s, 6d, [ = £\ 5i". od. nozv\\ and fat sheep at the 
butcher's, for three rials, which is is. 6d. [= I2j-. 6d. now], and 
no more. Bread is as good cheap as in Spain ; and all other 
kinds of fruits, as apples, pears, pomegranates, and quinces, 
at a reasonable rate. 

The city goeth wonderfully forward in building of Friaries 
and Nunneries, and Chapels ; and is like, in time to come, to 
be the most populous city in the world, as it may be sup- 
posed. 

The weather is there always very temperate. The day dif- 
fereth but one hour of length all the yearlong. The fields and 
woods are always green. The woods are full of popinjays, 
and many other kind of birds, that make such a harmony of 
singing and crying, that any man will rejoice to hear it. In 
the fields are such odoriferous smells of flowers and herbs, 
that it giveth great content to the senses. 

In my time, were dwelling and alive in Mexico, many 
ancient men that were of the Conquerors, at the first con- 
I. B 4 



l8 TOMSON SERVES GoNZALO S E R E Z O . P' T'Tja;. 

quest with Hi'RNANdo Cortes : for, then, it was about 
thirty-six years ago, that the said country was conquered. 

Being something strong, I procured to seek means to live, 
and to seek a way how to profit myself in the country seeing 
it had pleased GOD to send us thither in safety. 

Then, by the friendship of one Thomas Blake, a Scottish- 
man born, who had dwelt, and had been married in the said 
city above twenty years before I came to the said city [i.e., 
before 1536], I was preferred to the service of a gentleman, a 
Spaniard dwelling there, a man of great wealth, and of one of 
the first conquerors of the said city, whose name was Gonzalo 
Serezo : with whom I dwelt twelve months and a half [i.e., 
up to November 1557] ; at the end of which, I was maliciously 
accused by the Holy House for matters of religion. 

And because it shall be known wherefore it was, that I 
was so punished by the clergy's hand ; I will in brief words, 
declare the same. 

It is so, that, being in Mexico, at table, among many 
principal people at dinner, they began to inquire of me, being 
an Englishman, " Whether it were true that in England, 
they had overthrown all their Churches and Houses of Re- 
ligion ; and that all the images of the saints of heaven that 
were in them, were thrown down and broken, and burned, 
and [that they] in some places stoned highways with them ; 
and [that they] denied their obedience to the Pope of Rome : 
as they had been certified out of Spain by their friends ? " 

To whom, I made answer, " That it was so. That, in 
deed, they had in England, put down all the religious houses 
of friars and monks that were in England ; and the images 
that were in their churches and other places were taken 
away, and used there no more. For that, as they say, the 
making of them, and the putting of them where they were 
adored, was clean contrary to the express commandment of 
Almighty GOD, Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven 
image S'C. : and that, for that cause, they thought it not 
lawful that they should stand in the church, which is, the 
House of Adoration." 

One that was at the declaring of these words, who was my 
master, Gonzalo Serezo, answered and said, " If it were 
against the commandment of GOD, to have images in the 



^■?^°Ts87G Table Talk in Mexico in Nov. 1557. 19 

churches ; that then he had spent a great deal of money in 
vain ; for that, two years past [i.e., in 1555] he had made in 
the Monastery of Santo Domingo in the said city of Mexico, 
an image of Our Lady, of pure silver and gold, with pearls 
and precious stones, which cost him 7,000 and odd pesos" 
(and every peso is 6s. 8d. of our money) \_ = about ;^2,400, or 
about ;^24,ooo now'\ : which indeed was true, for I have seen 
it many times myself where it stands. 

At the table was another gentleman, who, presuming to 
defend the cause more than any one that was there, said, 
" That they knew well enough, that they were made but of 
stocks and stones, and that to them was no worship given ; 
but that there was a certain veneration due unto them after 
they were set up in church : and that they were set there with 
a good intent. The one, for that they were Books for the 
Simple People, to make them understand the glory of the 
saints that were in heaven, and a shape of them ; to put us 
in remembrance to call upon them to be our intercessors unto 
GOD for us : for that we are such miserable sinners that we 
are not worthy to appear before GOD ; and that using devo- 
tion to saints in heaven, they may obtain at GOD's hands, 
the sooner, the thing that we demand of Him. As, for 
example," he said, "imagine that a subject hath offended his 
King upon the earth in any kind of respect ; is it for the 
party to go boldly to the King in person, and to demand 
pardon for his offences ? No," said he, " the presumption 
were too great ; and possibly he might be repulsed, and have 
a great rebuke for his labour. Better it is for such a person 
to seek some private man near the King in his Court, and to 
make him acquainted with this matter, and let him be a 
mediator to His Majesty for him and for the matter he had to 
do with him ; and so might he the better come to his purpose, 
and obtain the thing which he doth demand. Even so," 
saith he, " it is with GOD and His saints in heaven. For 
we are wretched sinners ; and not worthy to appear or 
present ourselves before the Majesty of GOD, to demand of 
Him the thing that we have need of: therefore thou hast 
need to be devout ! and have devotion to the mother of God, 
and the saints in heaven, to be intercessors to GOD for thee ! 
and so mayest thou the better obtain of GOD, the thing that 
thou dost demand ! " 



20 The dangerous talk is s t o p p e d. [^- ^""Jjg"; 

To tliis I answered, " Sir, as touching the comparison you 
madeof the intercessors to the King, how necessary they were, 
I would but ask of 5'ou this question. Set the case, that this 
King you speak of, if he be so merciful as when he knoweth 
that one or any of his subjects hath offended him ; he send 
for him to his own town, or to his own house or place, and 
say unto him, * Come hither ! I know that thou hast offended 
many laws ! if thou dost know thereof, and dost repent thee 
of the same, with full intent to offend no more, I will forgive 
thee thy trespass, and remember it no more ! ' " Said I, " If 
this be done by the King's own person, what then hath this 
man need go and seek friendship at any of the King's private 
servants' hands ; but go to the principal : seeing that he is 
readier to forgive thee, than thou art to demand forgiveness 
at his hands !" 

" Even so is it, with our gracious GOD, who calleth and 
crieth out unto us throughout all the world, by the mouth of 
His prophets and apostles; and, by His own mouth, saith, 
' Come unto me all ye that labour and are over laden, and I 
will refresh you ! ' besides a thousand other offers and 
proffers, which He doth make unto us in His Holy Scriptures. 
What then have we need of the saints' help that are in 
heaven, whereas the LORD Himself doth so freely offer 
Himself for us ? " 

At which sayings, many of the hearers were astonied, and 
said that, " By that reason, I would give to understand 
that the Invocation of Saints was to be disannulled, and by 
the laws of GOD not commanded." 

I answered, "That they were not my words, but the words 
of GOD Himself. Look into the Scriptures yourself, and you 
shall so find it ! " 

The talk was perceived to be prejudicial to the Romish 
doctrine ; and therefore it was commanded to be no more 
entreated of. And all remained unthought upon, had it not 
been for a villainous Portuguese that was in the company, 
who said, Basta ser Ingles para saber todo esto y mas, who, the 
next day, without imparting anything to anybody, went to the 
Bishop of Mexico and his Provisor, and said, that " In a 
place where he had been the day before was an Englishman, 
who had said that there was no need of Saints in the Church, nor 
of any Invocation of Saints. Upon whose denomination [ffe- 



R. Tomson.-J XoMSON IN PRISON SEVEN MONTHS. 21 

nouncemenf], I was apprehended for the same words here re- 
hearsed, and none other thing ; and thereupon was used as 
hereafter is written. 

So, apprehended, I was carried to prison, where I lay a 
close prisoner seven months [till July 1558], without speaking 
to any creature, but to the gaoler that kept the said prison, 
when he brought me my meat and drink. In the meantime, 
was brought into the said prison, one Augustine Boacio, an 
Italian of Genoa, also for matters of religion ; who was taken 
at Zacatecas, eighty leagues to the north-westward of the city 
of Mexico. 

At the end of the said seven months [i.e., in July 1558], we 
were both carried to the high Church of Mexico, to do an 
open penance upon a high scaffold made before the high altar, 
upon a Sunday, in the presence of a very great number of 
people ; who were, at least, 5,000 or 6,000. For there were 
some that came one hundred miles off to see the said auto, 
as they call it ; for that there was never any before, that had 
done the like in the said country : nor could tell what 
Lutherans were, nor what it meant ; for they never heard of 
any such thing before. 

We were brought into the Church, every one with a san henito 
upon his back ; which is, half a yard of yellow cloth, with a 
hole to put in a man's head in the midst, and cast over a 
man's head : both flaps hang, one before, and another behind ; 
and in the midst of every flap a Saint Andrew's cross, made 
of red cloth, and sewed in upon the same. And that is called 
San Benito. 

The common people, before they saw the penitents come 
into the Church, were given to understand that we were 
heretics, infidels, and people that did despise GOD and His 
works, and that we had been more like devils than men ; and 
thought we had had the favour [appearance] of some monsters 
or heathen people : and when they saw us come into the 
Church in our players' coats, the women and children began 
to cry out and made such a noise, that it was strange to 
hear and see ; saying, that " They never saw goodlier men 
in all their lives ; and that it was not possible that there 
could be in us so much evil as was reported of us ; and 
that we were more like angels among men, than such 
persons of such evil religion as by the priests and friars, we 



2 2 TOMSON SENTENCED IN MeXICO, IS IN PRISON [^- ,'^°";58^ 

were reported to be ; and that it was a great pity that we 
should be so used for so small an offence." 

So that we were brought into the said high Church, and set 
upon the scaffold which was made before the high altar, in 
the presence of all the people, until High Mass was done; and 
the Sermon made by a friar concerning our matter: put- 
ting us in all the disgrace they could, to cause the people not 
to take so much compassion upon us, for that " we were 
heretics, and people seduced of the Devil, and had forsaken 
the faith of the Catholic Church of Rome " ; with divers other 
reproachful words, which were too long to recite in this place. 
High Mass and Sermon being done ; our offences (as they 
called them) were recited, each man what he had said and 
done : and presently was the sentence pronounced against us, 
that was that — 

The said Augustine Boacio was condemned to wear 
his Sa7t Benito all the days of his life, and put into per- 
petual prison, where he should fulfil the same ; and all 
his goods confiscated and lost. 

And I, the said Tomson, to wear the San Benito for 
three years ; and then to be set at liberty. 

And for the accomplishing of this sentence or condem- 
nation, we must be presently sent down from Mexico to 
Vera Cruz, and from thence to San Juan de Ulua, which 
was sixty-five leagues by land; and there to be shipped 
for Spain, with straight commandment that, upon pain 
of 1,000 ducats, every one of the Masters should look 
straightly unto us, and carry us to Spain, and deliver us 
unto the Inquisitors of the Holy House of Seville ; that 
they should put us in the places, where we should fulfil 
our penances that the Archbishop of Mexico had en- 
joined unto us, by his sentence there given. 
For the performance of the which, we were sent down 
from Mexico to the seaside, with fetters upon our feet ; and 
there delivered to the Masters of the ships to be carried for 
Spain, as is before said. 

And it was so, that the Italian fearing that if he presented 
himself in Spain before the Inquisitors, that they would have 
burnt him ; to prevent that danger, when we were coming 
homeward, and were arrived at the island of Terceira, one ot 
the isles of Azores, the first night that we came to an anchor 



'^•J"°"J58":]iN Seville; then marries well. 23 

in the said port [i.e., of Angra], about midnight, he found 
the means to get him naked out of the ship into the sea, and 
swam naked ashore ; and so presently got him to the further 
side of the island, where he found a little caravel ready to 
depart for Portugal. In the which he came to Lisbon ; and 
passed into France, and so into England; where he ended his 
life in the city of London. 

And I, for my part, kept still aboard the ship, and came 
into Spain ; and was delivered to the Inquisitors of the Holy 
House of Seville, where they kept me in close prison till I 
had fulfilled the three years of my penance, [i.e., till about 
1561J.. 

Which time being expired, I was freely put out of prison, 
and set at liberty. 

Being in the city of Seville, a cashier of one Hugh Typton, 
an EngUsh merchant of great doing, by the space of one year 
[i.e., till about 1562] ; it fortuned that there came out of the 
city of Mexico, a Spaniard, Juan de la Barrera, that had 
been long time in the Indies, and had got great sums of gold 
and silver. He, with one only daughter, shipped himself for 
to come to Spain ; and, by the way, chanced to die, and gave 
all that he had unto his only daughter, whose name was 
Maria de la Barrera. 

She having arrived at the city of Seville, it was my chance 
to marry with her. The marriage was worth to me 3^2,500 
[=;£'25,ooo now] in bars of gold and silver, besides jewels of 
great price. This I thought good to speak of, to show the 
goodness of GOD to all them that trust in Him ; that I, being 
brought out of the Indies in such great misery and infamy 
to the world, should be provided at GOD's hand, in one mo- 
ment, of more than in all my life before, I could attain unto 
by my own labour. 

After we departed from Mexico, our San Benitos were set 
up in the high Church of the said city, with our names written 
in the same, according to their use and custom ; which is and 
will be a monument and a remembrance of us, as long as the 
Romish Church doth reign in that country. The same have 
been seen since, by one John Chilton ; and divers others of 
our nation, which were left in that country, long since [i.e., 
in October 156S] by Sir John Hawkins. 



Ill 



Roger Bodenham's 
Trip to Mexico 

[1564-5]- 




27 



Master Roger Bodenham. 
Trip to Mexico^ 1564-1565, a.d. 

[Probably the same man as went to Scio in 1551.] 

[Hakluyt. Voyages. 1589.] 

, Roger Bodenham, having lived a long time in the 
city of Seville, in Spain, being there married : and 
by occasion thereof, using trade and traffic to the 
parts of Barbary ; I grew, at length, to great loss 
and hinderance by that new trade, begun by me, in 
the city of Fez. 

Whereupon, being returned into Spain, I began to call my 
wits about me, and to consider with myself by what means I 
might recover and renew my state : and, in conclusion, by the 
aid of my friends, I procured a ship, called the bark Fox, 
pertaining to London, of the burden of i6o or i8o tons ; and 
with the same, I made ,i voyage to West India ; having 
obtained good favour with the Spanish merchants, by reason 
of my long abode and marriage in the country. 

My voyage was in the company of the General [Admiral] 
Don Pedro Melendez, for New Spain : who being himself 
appointed General for Tierra Firma and Peru, made his son 
our General for New Spain ; although Pedro Melendez 
himself was the principal man and director in both fleets. 

We all departed from Cales together, the 31st day of May, 
in the year 1564. 

And I, with my ship, being under the conduct of the son of 
Don Pedro aforesaid, arrived with him in New Spain ; where, 
immediately, I took order for the discharge of my merchan- 
dise at the port of Vera Cruz, otherwise called Villa Ricca : to 
6e transported thence, to the city of Mexico ; which is seventy 
and odd leagues from the said port of Villa Rica. In the 
way are many good towns, as Pueblo de los Angelos, and 
another called Tlaxcalan. 

The city of Mexico hath three great cause[wa]ys to bring 
men to it: and is compassed with a lake, so that it needeth 



28 Cochineal, 3s. 40. the lb 



r R. Bodenham 



no walls, being so defended with water. It is a city plenti- 
ful of all necessary things, having many fair houses, churches, 
and monasteries.. 

I, having continued in the country the space of nine months, 
returned again to Spain with the Spanish Fleet; and delivered 
the merchandise and silver which I had in the ship, into 
the Contraction House [at Seville] ; and there received my 
freight, which amounted, outwards and homewards, to the 
value of 13,000 ducats and more [ = about £^,6oo=about 
£30,000 now]. 

I observed many things, in the time of my abode in New 
Spain, as well touching the commodities of the country as the 
manners of the people, both Spaniards and Indians ; but 
because the Spanish histories are full of those observations, 
I omit them, and refer the readers to the same. 

Only this I say, that the commodity of cochineal groweth 
in greatest abundance about the town of Puebla de los 
Angelos ; and is not worth there, above forty pence the pound. 




29 



Rev. Richard Hakluyt. 

Siryo HN Ha wkinss First Voyage to the 
West I?7dies^ Oct, i ^6 2- Sept. 1563, a.d. 

This and the two subsequent Voyages of Sir John Hawkins were 
the first initiation of the English into the African slave trade. 

While the primary object of these voyages was Traffic : the secondary 
one was Discovery ; to find out those West Indian coasts which the 
Spaniards had hitherto kept so secret. Notice how each successive 
expedition penetrated further and further towards the Gulf of Mexico. 

It should also be remembered that, at the time of these Voyages, 
Hawkins had not been knighted, and was simply an Esquire.] 

[yoynges. 1589.] 

The first Voyage of the right worshipful and vaHant Knight, 
Sir John Hawkins (now [i.e., in 1589] Treasurer of Her 
Majesty's Royal Navy), made to the West Indies. 

Aster John Hawkins having made divers voyages 
to the Isles of the Canaries ; and there, by his good 
and upright dealing, being grown in love and 
favour with the people, informed himself amongst 
them, by diligent inquisition, of the state of the 
West India : whereof he had received some knowledge by 
the instructions of his father; but increased the same, by the 
advertisements and reports of that people. 

And being, amongst other particulars, assured that Negroes 
were very good merchandise in Hispaniola; and that store of 
Negroes might easily be had upon the coast of Guinea ; he re- 
solved with himself to make trial thereof: and communicated 
that device with his worshipful friends in London, namely, 
with Sir Lionel Ducket, Sir Thomas Lodge, Master 
GuNSTON his father-in-law. Sir William Winter, Master 
Bromfield, and others. All which persons liked so well of 
his intention, that they became liberal Contributors and 
Adventurers in the action. 

For which purpose, there were three good ships imme- 
diately provided, the one called the Solomon, of the burthen 




30 The First Vuyage is to Hispaniola only. [^^j^'^^'X 

of 120 tons, wherein Master Hawkins himself went as General 
[i.e., Admiral] ; the second, the Swallow, of loo tons, wherein 
went for Captain, Master Thomas Hampton ; and the third, 
the Jonas, a bark of 40 tons, wherein the Master supplied 
the Captain's room. In which small fleet, Master Hawkins 
took with him not above a hundred men, for fear of sickness 
and other inconveniences, whereunto men in long voyages 
are commonly subject. 

With which company, he put off and departed from the 
coast of England, in the month of October, 1562 ; and in his 
course, touched first at Teneriffe, where he received friendly 
entertainment. From thence, he passed to Sierra Leone, upon 
the coast of Guinea ; which place, by the people of the country 
is called Tagarin ; where he stayed some good time, and got 
into his possession, partly by the sword, and partly by other 
means, to the numlaer of three hundred Negroes, at the least ; 
besides other merchandise which that country yieldeth. 

With this prey, he sailed over the ocean sea unto the 
island of Hispaniola, and arrived first at the port of Isabella ; 
and there he had reasonable utterance of his English Com- 
modities, as also of some part of his Negroes : trusting the 
Spaniards no further than that, by his own strength, he was 
able still to master them. 

From the port of Isabella, he went to Porte de Plata, 
where he made like sales : standing always upon his guard. 

From thence also, he sailed to Monte Christi, another port 
on the north side of Hispaniola ; and the last place of his 
touching : where he had peaceable traffic, and made vent of 
the whole number of his Negroes. 

For which he received, in those three places, by way of ex- 
change, such a quantity of merchandise, that he did not only 
lade his own three ships with hides, ginger, sugar, and some 
quantity of pearls ; but he freighted also two other Hulks with 
hides and other like commodities, which he sent into Spain. 

And thus leaving the island, he returned and disimboked 
[disembogued, i.e., went out into the main ccean], passing by the 
islands of the Caicos, without further entering into the Bay 
of Mexico, in this his First Voyage to the West India. 

And so, with prosperous success, and much gain to himself 
and the aforesaid Adventurers, he came home, and arrived in 
the month of September, 1563. 



3r 



A Gentleman in the Voyage. 

Sir y OHN Ha wkins's Second 

Voyage to the West htdies ; 

i^th Oct.y 15^4 — 20th Sept,^ ^S^'^S' 

[Hakluyt. yoya^es. 7589.] 

[There are six stages in this Voyage : 

OUTWARDS. 

18 Oct. — 29 Nov. 1564. Plymouth, to Cape de Verde ... fP-'h'^'Zl 
29 Nov. 1564 — 19 Jan. 1565. Along the Guinea coast ... pp.yj-^b 

19 Jan. — 9 March 1565. Guinea coast to the W. I p. 46 

9 Mar. — 31 May 1565. Along the North coast of South 

America, to Rio de la Hacha ... pp. 46-62 

HOMEWARDS. 
31 May— 28 July 1565. Rio de la Hacha, to River of May, 

Florida pp.62-y() 

28 July — 20 Sept. 1565. Florida, to Padstow in Cornwall pp. 79-80] 

The Voyage made by the Worshipful Master John Hawkins, 
Esquire, now Knight ; Captain of the Jesus of Lubeck, 
one of Her Majesty's ships: and General [Aduiiyal] of 
the Solomon, and other two [vessels] barks, going in his 
company to the coast of Guinea, and the Indies of New 
Spain; being in Africa and America. Began in Anno 
Domini, 1564. 

The names of certain Gentlemen that were in this Voyage. 

Master John Hawkins. 

Master John Chester, Sir William 

Chester's son. 

Master Anthony Park hurst. 

Master Fitzwillia m. 

Master Thomas Woorley. 

Master Edward Lacie. With divers others. 




32 Departure of the Second Expedition, [ j '565. 

•.' The Register [i.e., the Log of the various dates] and 
true accounts of all herein expressed hath been approved by me, 
John Sparke the younger ; who went upon the same Voyage, 
and wrote the same [i.e., kept a journal of these transactions]. 

Ith the Jcsiis of Lubeck, a ship of 700 tons ; and the 
Solomon, a ship of 140 ; the Tiger, a bark of 50 ; 
and the Sivallow, of 50 tons ; being all well fur- 
nished with men to the number of 170, as also 
with ordnance and victuals requisite for such a 
Voyage ; Master John Hawkins departed out of Plymouth, 
the i8th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1564, with 
a prosperous wind. 

At which departing, in cutting of the foresail, a marvellous 
misfortune happened to one of the Officers in the ship ; who 
by the pulley of the sheet, was slain out of hand : being a 
sorrowful beginning to them all. 

And after their setting out ten leagues to the sea, he met, 
the same day, with the Minion, a ship of the Queen's Majesty, 
whereof was Captain David Carlet, and also her consort, 
the John Baptist of London ; being bound to Guinea also : 
who hailed one the other, after the custom of the sea, with 
certain pieces of ordnance, for joy of their meeting. Which 
done, the Minion departed from him, to seek her other con- 
sort, the Merlin of London, which was astern, out of sight ; 
leaving in Master Hawkins's company, the John Baptist, her 
other consort. 

Thus sailing forwards on their way, with a prosperous 
wind, until the 21st of the same month ; at that time, a great 
storm arose, the wind being at north-east, about nine o'clock 
in the night, and so continued twenty-three hours together. 
In which storm. Master Hawkins lost the company of the 
JoJin Baptist aforesaid, and of his pinnace called the Swallow : 
his other three ships being sore beaten with the storm. 

The 23rd day, the Swallow, to his no small rejoicing, came 
to him again in the night, ten leagues to the northward 
of Cape Finisterre : he having put roomer [gone out to sea] ; 
not being able to double the Cape, in that there rose a 
contrary wind at south-west. 

The 25th, the wind continuing contrary, he put into a 



, ^^-65.] AND ITS Sailing Orders. 33 

place in Galicia, called Ferrol ; where he remained five days, 
and appointed all the Masters of his ships an Order for keep- 
ing of good company, in this manner. 

The small ships to be always ahead and aweather ot 
the Jesus : and to speak, twice a day, with the Jesus at 
least. 

If in the day, the ensign to be over the poop of the 
Jesus ; or in the night, two lights : then shall all the 
ships speak with her. 

If there be three lights aboard the Jesus, then doth 
she cast about. 

If the weather be extreme, that the small ships 
cannot keep company with the Jesus, then all to keep 
company with the Solomon : and forthwith to repair to 
the island of Teneriffe, to the northward of the road of 
Sirroes. 

If any happen to any misfortune ; then to shew two 
lights, and to shoot off a piece of ordnance. 

If any lose company, and come in sight again ; to 
make three yaws [? veerings of the ship] and strike [lower] 
the misen [i.e., the misen sail] three times. 

Serve GOD daily! [i.e., have daily prayers], \owe one 
another ! preserve your victuals ! beware of fire ! and 
keep good company [i.e., of the fleet together]. 

The 26th day, the Minion came in also, where he was : for 
the rejoicing whereof, he gave them [volleys from] certain 
pieces of ordnance, after the courtesy of the sea, for their wel- 
come. But the Minion's men had no mirth, because of their 
consort, the Merlin : which, after their departure from Master 
Hawkins upon the coast of England, they went to seek ; and 
having met wnth her, kept company two days together. At 
last, by the misfortune of fire, through the negligence of one 
of their Gunners, the powder in the Gunner's Room was set 
on fire : which, with the first blast, struck out her poop, and 
therewithal lost three men : besides many sore burned, which 
escaped by the brigantine [i.e., the Minion ; apparently the 
ship of the same name in the Third Voyage] being at her stern : 
and, immediately, to the great loss of the owners, and most 
horrible sight to the beholders, she sank before their eyes. 

The 30th day of the month, Master Hawkins, with his 
I. c 4 



34 Arrival at Teneriffe, and [^ ^^gj 

consorts, and I the] company of the Minion ; [iht Jesus] having 
now both the bri<;;antines [the Solomon and the Minion] 
at her stern, weighed anchor, and set sail on her voyage ; 
having a prosperous wind thereunto. 

The 4th of November, they had sight of the island of 
Madeira ; and the 6th day, of Teneriffe, which they thought 
to have been the [Grand] Canary, in that they supposed 
themselves to have been to the eastward of Teneriffe ; and 
were not. But the Minion, being three or four leagues 
ahead of us, kept on her course to Teneriffe ; having a better 
sight thereof, than the others had: and by that means, the}' 
parted company. 

For Master Hawkins and his company went more to the 
West. Upon which course, having sailed a while, he espied 
another island, which he thought to be Teneriffe : and being 
not able, by means of the fog upon the hills, to discern the 
same, nor yet to fetch it by night ; he went roomer until 
the morning, being the 7th of November. Which, as yet, he 
could not discern, but sailed along the coast the space of 
two hours, to perceive some certain mark of Teneriffe ; and 
found no likelihood thereof at all, accounting that to be (as it 
was indeed) the isle of Palms [Palmas]. 

So sailing forwards, he espied another island called Gomera; 
and also Teneriffe, with which he made : and, sailing all 
night, came in the morning, the next day, to the port of 
Adecia ; where he found his pinnace, which had departed 
[separated] from him the 6th of the month, being in the 
weather of him, and espying the Pike of Teneriffe all a high, 
bare thither. 

At his arrival, somewhat before he came to anchor, he 
hoisted out his ship's pinnace, rowing ashore ; intending to 
have sent one with a letter to Peter de Ponte, one of 
the Governors of the island, who dwelt a league from the 
shore : but as he pretended [intended] to have landed, sud- 
denly there appeared upon the two points of the road, men 
levelling of bases and harquebusses to them, with divers 
others with halberts, pikes, swords, and targets, to the 
number of four score : which happened so contrary to his 
expectation, that it did greatly amaze him ; and tlie more, 
because he was now in their danger, not knowing well how 
to avoid it without some mischief. 



, ^,565] HOSPITABLE ENTERTAINMENT THERE. 35 

Wherefore, he determined to call to them, for the better 
appeasing of the matter ; declaring his name, and professing 
himself to be an especial friend to Peter de Ponte, and 
that he had sundry things for him, which he greatly desired : 
and in the meantime, while he was thus talking with them 
(whereby he made them to hold their hands) he willed the 
mariners to row away; so that, at last, he gat out of their 
danger. And then asking for Peter de Ponte ; one of his 
sons, being Senor Nicholas de Ponte, came forth : whom, 
he perceiving, desired " to put his men aside, and he himself 
would leap ashore, and commune with him," which they did. 
So that after communication had between them, of sundry 
things, and of the fear they both had : Master Hawkins 
desired to have certain necessaries provided for him. 

In the mean space, while these things were providing, he 
trimmed the mainmast of the Jestis, which, in the storm 
aforesaid, was sprung. Here he sojourned seven days, re- 
freshing himself and his men. In the which time, Peter de 
Ponte, dwelling at Santa Cruz, a city twenty leagues off, 
came to him ; and gave him as gentle entertainment, as if 
he had been his own brother. 

To speak somewhat of these islands, being called, in old 
time, InsulcB fortuncB, by the means of the flourishing thereof. 
The fruitfulness of them doth surely exceed far all other that 
I have heard of. For they make wine better than any in 
Spain : and they have grapes of such bigness that they may 
be compared to damsons, and in taste inferior to none. For 
sugar, suckets [sweetmeats], raisons of the sun [our present 
raisins], and many other fruits, abundance: for rosin, and 
raw silk, there is great store. They want neither corn, pul- 
lets, cattle, nor yet wild fowl. 

They have many camels also: which, being young, are 
eaten of the people for victuals ; and being old, they are 
used for carriage of necessities. Whose property is, as he is 
taught, to kneel at the taking of his load, and the unlading 
again ; of understanding very good, but of shape very de- 
formed ; with a little belly ; long misshapen legs ; and feet 
very broad of flesh, without a hoof, all whole saving the great 
toe ; a back bearing up like a molehill, a large and thin neck, 
with a little head, with a bunch of hard flesh which Nature 
hath given him in his breast to lean upon. This beast liveth 



36 The vanishing islands! [ 



1565- 



hardly, and is contented with straw and stubble ; but of strong 
force, being well able to carry five hundredweight. 

In one of these islands called Ferro, there is, by the reports 
of the inhabitants, a certain tree which raineth continually ; 
by the dropping whereof, the inhabitants and cattle are satis- 
fied with water: for other water have they none in all the island. 
And it raineth in such abundance that it were incredible unto 
a man to believe such a virtue to be in a tree ; but it is known 
to be a Divine matter, and a thing ordained by GOD : at 
whose power therein, we ought not to marvel, seeing He 
did, by His Providence (as we read in the Scriptures) when 
the Children of Israel were going into the Land of Promise, 
fed them with manna from heaven, for the space of forty 
years. Of these trees aforesaid, we saw in Guinea many ; 
being of great height, dropping continually; but not so 
abundantly as the other, because the leaves are narrower, 
and are like the leaves of a pear tree. 

About these islands are certain flitting islands, which have 
been oftentimes seen ; and when men approach near them, 
the}^ vanished : as the like hath been of these now known (by 
the report of the inhabitants), which were not found but of along 
time, one after the other; and, therefore, it should seem he isnot 
yet born, to whom GOD hath appointed the finding of them. 

In this island of Teneriffe, there is a hill called the Pike, 
because it is piked ; which is, in height, by their report, 
twenty leagues : having, both winter and summer, abundance 
of snow on the top of it. This Pike may be seen, in a clear 
day, fifty leagues off; but it sheweth as though it were a black 
cloud [at] a great height in the Element [atmosplicve]. I have 
heard of none to be compared with this in height ; but in 
the [West] Indies I have seen many, and, in my judgement, 
not inferior to the Pike : and so the Spaniards write. 

The 15th of November, at night, we departed from Tene- 
riffe ; and the 20th of the same, we had sight of ten caravels 
that were fishing at sea : with whom we would have spoken ; 
but they, fearing us, fled into a place of Barbary, called Cape 
de las Barbas. 

The 20th, the ship's pinnace, with two men in her, sailing 
by the ship, was overthrown [upset] by the oversight of them 
that were in her. The wind was so great, that before they 



, -jgj] Narrow escape of the Pinnace. 37 

were espied and the ship had cast about [tacked] for them, she 
was driven half a league to the leeward of the pinnace ; 
and had lost sight of her, so that there was small hope of 
recovery, had not GOD's help and the Captain's [Sir J. Haw- 
kins] diligence been: who, having well marked which way the 
pinnace was by the sun, appointed twenty-four of the lustiest 
rowers in the great boat to row to the windwards ; and so 
recovered (contrary to all men's expectations) both the 
pinnace and the men sitting upon the keel of her. 

The 25th, he came to Cape Blanco, which is on the coast 
of Africa ; and a place where the Portuguese do ride [i.e., at 
anchor], that fish there, in the month of November especially ; 
and is a very good place of fishing for pargoes, mullet, and 
dog fish. In this place, the Portuguese have no Hold for 
their defence ; but have rescue [defence] of the barbarians, 
whom they entertain as their soldiers for the time of their 
being there : and for their fishing upon that coast of Africa, 
do pay a certain tribute to the King of the Moors. The 
people of that part of Africa are tawny, having long hair. 
Their weapons, in wars, are bows and arrows. 

The 26th, we departed from S. Avis Bay, within Cape 
Blanco; where we had refreshed ourselves with fish and 
other necessaries : and the 29th, we came to Cape Verde, 
which lieth in iJ^Y N. Lat. 

These people are all black, and are called Negroes ; of 
stature, goodly men : and well liking, by reason of their food, 
which [surjpasseth [that of] all other Guineans, for kine, 
goats, pullen, rice, fruits, and fish. Here we took fishes with 
heads like conies [rabbits], and teeth nothing varying; of a 
jolly thickness, but not past a foot long : and are not to be 
eaten, without flaying or cutting off the head. 

To speak somewhat of the sundry sorts of these Guineans. 
The people of Cape Verde are called Leophares, and counted 
the goodliest men of all others, saving the Manicongoes, which 
do inhabit on this side the Cape of Good Hope. These Leo- 
phares have wars against the Jeloffes, which are borderers 
[neighbours] by them. Their weapons are bows and arrows, 
targets, and short daggers ; darts also, but varying from 
other Negroes : for, whereas the others use a long dart to 
fight with in their hands, they carry five or six small ones 
a piece, which they cast with. 



o 



8 The Kidnappers arrive at Cape Verde. [ , \^^^^ 



These men also are more civil than any others, because of 
their daily traffic with the Frenchmen ; and are of a nature 
very gentle and loving. For while we were there, we took in 
a Frenchman ; who was one of the nineteen that going to 
Brazil in a bark of Dieppe, of 60 tons : and being a seaboard 
of Cape Verde, 200 leagues, the planks of their bark, with a 
sea, break out upon them so suddenly, that much ado they 
had to save themselves in their boats. But by GOD's 
providence, the wind being westerly (which is rarely seen 
there), they got to the shore, to the isle Braves [? Goree] ; and 
in great penury got to Cape Verde : where they remained six 
weeks, and had meat and drink of tne same people. 

The said Frenchman having forsaken his fellows, which 
were three leagues from the shore : and wandering with the 
Negroes to and fro, fortuned to come to the w^ater's side ; and 
communing with certain of his countrymen which were in 
our ship, by their persuasions, came away with us. But his 
entertainment amongst them was such [i.e., so pleasant], that 
he desired it not ; but, through the importunate request of 
his countrymen, consented at the last. 

Here we stayed but one night and part of the day. For the 
7th of December, we came away : in that pretending [intend- 
ing] to have taken Negroes there, perforce; the Minion's men 
gave them there to understand of our coming, and our pretence, 
wherefore they did avoid the snares we had laid for them. 

The 8th of December, we anchored by a small island 
called Alcatrarsa [Alcantraz island] : wherein, at our going 
ashore, we found nothing but sea birds, as we call tbem, 
gannets ; but by the Portuguese called Alcatrarses, who, for 
that cause, gave the said island the same name. Herein, 
half of our boats were ladened with young and old fowl ; 
which, not being used to the sight of men, flew so about us, 
that we struck them down with poles. 

In this place, the two ships riding; the two barks, with 
their boats, went into an island of the Sapies, called La 
Formio, to see if they could take any of them : and there 
landed, to the number of 80, in armour. And espying cer- 
tain, made to them ; but they fled in such order [a manner] 
into the woods, that it booted them not to follow. 

So, going on their way forward till they came to a river, 
which they could not pass over ; they espied on the other side, 



, I565.] The Samboses, a conquering tribe. 39 

two men ; who, with their bows and arrows, shot terribly at 
them. Whereupon we discharged certain harquebusses to 
them again ; but the ignorant people weighed it not, because 
they knew not the danger thereof: but used a marvellous 
crying in their fight, with leaping and turning their tails, that 
it was most strange to see, and gave us great pleasure to 
behold them. At the last, one being hurt with an harquebus 
upon the thigh, looked upon his wound, and wist now how it 
came because he could not see the pellet. 

Here Master Hawkins perceiving no good to be done 
amongst them, because we could not find their towns ; and 
also not knowing how to go into Rio Grande [or Jeha] for 
want of a pilot, which was the very occasion of our coming 
thither : and finding so many shoals, feared, with our great 
ships to go in ; and therefore departed on our pretended 
[intended] way to the Idols. 

The loth of December, we had a north-east wind with 
rain and storm ; which weather continuing two days to- 
gether, was the occasion that the Solomon and Tiger lost our 
company : for whereas the Jesus and pinnace [Sivallow] 
anchored at one of the islands called Sambula, the 12th day; 
the Solomon and Tiger came not thither till the 14th. 

In this island, we stayed certain days ; going, everyday, on 
shore to take the inhabitants, with burning and spoiling 
their towns : who before were Sapies, and were conquered 
by the Samboses [the modern Sambos], inhabitants beyond 
Sierra Leone. 

These Samboses had inhabited there three years before our 
coming thither; and, in so short space, have so planted the 
ground that they had great plenty of mill [millet], rice, roots, 
pompions [pumpkins], pullin, goats, of small dried fry: every 
house being full of the country's fruit, planted by GOD's 
Providence, as Palmito trees, fruits like dates, and sundry 
others, in no place in all that country so abundantly; where- 
by they lived more deliciously than others. 

These inhabitants had divers of the Sapies which they took 
in the wars, as their slaves ; whom only they kept to till the 
ground, in that they neither have the knowledge thereof, nor 
yet will work themselves : of whom, we took many at that 
place ; but of the Samboses, none at all ; for they fled into 
the mainland]. 



40 Two Negro cannibal tribes. [, ^,565. 

All the Samboses have white teeth as we have, far unlike 
to the Sapies which do inhabit about Rio Grande : for their 
teeth are all filed, which they do for bravery, to set them- 
selves out ; and do jag [? tattoo] their flesh, both legs, arms, 
and bodies as workmanlike as a jerkin maker with us pinketh 
a jerkin. These Sapies be more civil than the Samboses. 
For whereas the Samboses live most by the spoil of their 
enemies, both in taking their victuals, and eating them also: 
the Sapies do not eat man's flesh, unless, in the wars, they be 
driven by necessity thereunto (which they have not used 
[done] but by the example of the Samboses) ; but live only 
with fruits and cattle, whereof they have great store. 

This plenty is the occasion that the Sapies desire not war, 
except they be thereunto provoked by the invasions of the 
Samboses : whereas the Samboses, for want of food, are 
enforced thereunto ; and, therefore, are not only wont to kill 
them that they take, but also keep those that they take 
until such time as they want meat, and then they kill 
them. 

There is also another occasion that provoketh the Sam- 
boses to war against the Sapies ; which is for coveteousness 
of their riches. For whereas the Sapies have an order [a 
custom] to bury their dead in certain places appointed for 
that purpose, with their gold about them ; the Samboses 
dig up the ground to have the same treasure : for the Sam- 
boses have not the like store of gold that the Sapies have. 

In this island of Sambula, we found about fifty boats called 
[in Portuguese] alniadas or canoes, which are made of one 
piece of wood, digged out like a trough ; but yet of a good pro- 
portion, being about eight yards long, and one in breadth, 
having a beak head, and a stern very proportionably made ; 
and on the outside artificially carved, and painted red and 
blue. They are able to carry [at sea] twenty or thirty men ; 
but about the coast, threescore and upward. In these canoes, 
they row, standing upright, with an oar somewhat longer 
than a man ; the end whereof is made about the breadth and 
length of a man's hand of the largest sort. They row very 
swift ; and, in some of them, four rowers and one to steer 
make as much way as a pair of oars in [a wherry on] the 
Thames of London. 

Their towns are prettily divided, with a main street at 



7 ^,565.] Description of a Negro village. 41 

the entering in, that goeth through the town ; and another 
overthwart street, which maketh their towns crossways. 

Their houses are huilt in a rank, very orderly, in the face 
of the street : and they are made round, Hke a dovecot, with 
stakes set full of Palmito leaves, instead of a wall. They are 
not much more than a fathom large [across], and two of height ; 
and thatched with Palmito leaves very close, other some 
with reeds : and over the roof thereof, for the better garnish- 
ing of the same, there is a round bundle of reeds prettily 
contrived like a lover [louvre]. In the inner part, they make 
a loft of sticks whereupon they lay all their provision of 
victuals. A place they reserve at their entrance for the 
kitchen ; and the place they lie in is divided with certain 
mats, artificially made with the rind of the Palmito trees. 
Their bedsteads are of small staves laid along, and raised 
a foot from the ground, upon which is laid a mat ; and 
another upon them, when they list. For other covering 
they have none. 

In the middle of the town, there is a house larger and 
higher than the others, but in form alike ; adjoining unto 
which, there is a place made of four good stanchions of wood, 
and a round roof over it : the ground also raised round with 
clay, a foot high : upon the which floor were strewed many 
fine mats. This is the Consultation House ; the like where- 
of is in all towns, as the Portuguese affirm. In which place, 
when they sit in council, the King or Captain sitteth in the 
midst ; and the Elders upon the floor by him (for they give 
reverence to their Elders), and the common sort sit round 
about them. There they sit to examine matters of theft; 
which if a man be taken with, to steal but one Portuguese 
cloth from another, he is sold to the Portuguese for a slave. 
They consult also and take order what time they shall go to 
wars ; and (as it is certainly reported by the Portuguese) they 
take order in gathering of the fruits, in the season of the year: 
and also of Palmito wine (which is gathered by a hole cut 
in the top of a tree and a gorde [got^rd] set there for the re- 
ceiving thereof, which falleth in by drops ; and yieldeth fresh 
wine again within a month), and this being divided, part and 
portion like, to every man, by the judgement of the Captain 
[Chief] and Elders ; ever man holdcth himself contented. 
And this, surely, I judge to be a very good order ; for other- 



42 Death of a Carpenter of the Tiger. [ , \^^^^ 

wise where there is scarcity of Palmito ; every man would 
have {see]i\ the same ; which might breed great strife. But 
of such things as every man doth plant for himself; the 
sower thereof reapeth it to his own use : so that nothing is 
common but that which is unset by man's hands. 

In their houses, there is more common passage of lizards 
like evets, and others greater (of black and blue colour, of 
near[ly] a foot long besides their tails) than there is, with 
us, of mice in great houses. 

The Sapies and Samboses also use, in their wars, bows and 
arrows made of reeds, with heads of iron poisoned with the 
juice of a cucumber : whereof I have had many in my hands. 

In their battles they have target men with broad wicker 
targets [shields], and darts with heads of iron at both ends : 
the one in form of a two-edged sword, a foot and a half long, 
and at the other end the iron of the same length, made to 
counterpoise it ; that, in casting, it might fly level, rather 
than for any other purpose as I can judge. And when they 
espy the enemy, the Captain, to cheer his men, crieth, Hungry ! 
and they answer Heygre ! and with that, every man placeth 
himself in order. For about every target man, three bowmen 
will cover themselves; and shoot as they see advantage : and 
when they give the onset, they make such terrible cries that 
they may be heard two miles off. 

For their belief, I can hear of none that they have, but in 
such as they themselves imagine to see in their dreams ; and 
so worship the pictures, whereof we saw some like unto 
devils. 

In this island aforesaid, we sojourned unto the 21st of 
December, where, having taken certain Negroes, and as much 
of their fruit, rice, and mill as we could well carry away 
(whereof there was such store that we might have laden one 
of our barks therewith) we departed. 

And, at our departure, divers of our men [i.e., of the Jesus] 
being desirous to go on shore to fetch pompions (which 
having proved, they had found to be very good) certain of the 
Tiger's men went also: amongst the which, there was a Car- 
penter, a young man. Who, with his fellows, having fetched 
many, and carried them down to their boats ; as they were 
ready to depart, desired his fellows " to tarry while he might 



? I56S-] Unsuccessful attack on Bimba. 43 

go up to fetch a few, which he had laid hy for himself," who, 
being more licorous [[gluttonous] than circumspect, went up 
without his weapon. And as he went up alone, possibly being 
marked of the Negroes that were upon the trees, they, 
espying him to be alone and without weapon, dogged him; 
and finding him occupied in binding his pompions together, 
came behind him ; and overthrowing him, straight cut his 
throat : as he, afterwards, was found by his fellows, who 
came to the place for him ; and there found him naked. 

The 22nd, the Captain went into a river, called Callowsa, 
with the two barks, the Jesus'^ pinnace, and the Solomon's 
boat ; leaving at anchor, in the river's mouth, the two ships : 
where the Portuguese rode in the river,, being twenty leagues 
in. He came thither the 25th, and despatched his business ; 
and so returned, with two caravels laden with Negroes. 

The 27th, the Captain, being advertised by the Portuguese 
of a town of the Negroes, called Bimba, being in the way as 
they returned ; where was not only great quantity of gold, 
but also there were not above forty men, and a hundred 
women and children in the town, so that if he would give the 
adventure upon the same, he might get a hundred slaves. 
With the which tidings, he being glad (because the Portu- 
guese should not think him to be of so base a courage, but 
that he durst give them that, and greater attempts; and being 
thereunto, also, the more provoked with the prosperous 
success he had in other adjacent islands, where he had put 
them all to flight, and taken in one boat twenty together), 
determined to stay before the town three or four hours, to 
see what he could do. And thereupon prepared his men in 
armour and weapon, together, to the number of forty men, 
well appointed, having for their guides certain Portuguese in 
a boat : who brought some of them to their death. 

We landing, boat after boat, and divers of our men scat- 
tering themselves (contrary to the Captain's will) by one or 
two in a company, for the hope they had to find gold in their 
houses, ransacking the same; in the meantime, the Negroes 
came upon them, and hurt many, being thus scattered ; 
whereas, if five or six had been together, they had been able 
(as their companions did) to give the overthrow to forty of 
them. Being driven down to take their boats, they were 



44 An equal number of Men, and Sharks ! [ , ^,55^ 

followed so hardly by a rout of Negroes (who, by that, took 
courage to pursue them to their boats) that not only some of 
them, but others standing on shore, not looking for any such 
matter (by means that the Negroes did flee at the first, and 
our company remained in the town) were suddenly so set 
upon, that some, with great hurt, recovered their boats : 
other some, not able to recover the same, took to the water, 
and perished by means of the ooze. 

While this was doing ; the Captain, who, with a dozen 
men, went through the town, returned ; finding two hundred 
Negroes at the water's side, shooting at them in the boats, 
and cutting them in pieces that were drowned in the water : 
at whose coming, they all ran away. 

So he entered his boats ; and before he could put off from 
the shore, they returned again, and shot very fiercely, and 
hurt divers of them. 

Thus we returned back, somewhat discomforted ; although 
the Captain, in a singular wise manner, carried himself, with 
countenance very cheerful outwardly, as though he did little 
weigh the death of his men, nor yet the hurt of the rest 
(although his heart inwardly was broken in pieces for it) : done 
to this end, that the Portuguese being with him, should rot 
presume to resist against him, nor take occasion to put him 
to further displeasure or hindrance for the death of our men ; 
having gotten, by our going, ten Negroes, and lost seven of 
our best men (whereof Master Field, Captain of the Solomon 
was one) and had twenty-seven of our men hurt. 

In the same hour, while this was adoing, there happened, 
at the same instant, a marvellous miracle to them in the 
ships, who rode ten leagues to the seaward, by many sharks 
or tibiirons, which came about the ships : one was taken by 
the Jesus, and four by the Solomon; and one, very sore hurt, 
escaped. And so it fell out with our men [i.e.,at Biuiba],whereoi 
one of the Jestis's men, and four of the Solomon's were killed, 
and the fifth, having twenty wounds, was rescued, and 
escaped with much ado. 

The 28th, they came to their ships, the Jesus and the 
Solomo7t. 

And the 30th, they departed from thence to Taggarin. 
The 1st of January [1565], the two barks, and both the 



, ^565] They escape the army of Sierra Leone. 45 

boats forsook the ships, and went into a river called the 
Casseroes : and the 6th, having despatched their business, 
the two barks returned, and came to Taggarin where the two 
ships were at anchor. 

Not two days after the coming of the two ships thither 
[i.e., 2nd January] they put their water caske [casks] ashore, 
and filled it with water, to season the same : thinking to 
have filled it with fresh water afterwards. And while their 
men were some on shore, and some at their boats ; the 
Negroes set upon them in their boats, and hurt divers of 
them ; and came to the casks, and cut the hoops of twelve 
butts, which lost us four or five days' time, besides great 
want we had of the same. 

Sojourning at Taggarin, the Swallow went up the river, 
about her traffic ; where they saw great towns of the Negroes, 
and canoes that had threescore men in apiece. 

There, they understood by the Portuguese, of a great 
battle between them of Sierra Leone side, and them of 
Taggarin. They of Sierra Leone had prepared three hundred 
canoes to invade the other. 

The time was appointed, not past six days after our de- 
parture from thence : which we would [wished to] have seen, 
to the intent we might have taken some of them ; had it not 
been for the death and sickness of our men, which came by the 
contagiousness of the place ; which made us to haste away. 

The i8th of January, at night, we departed from Taggarin ; 
being bound for the West Indies. Before which departure, 
certain of the Solomon's men went on shore to fill water, in 
the night ; and as they came on shore, with their boat, being 
ready to leap on land, one of them espied a negro in a white 
coat, standing on a rock, ready to have received them when 
they came on shore ; having in sight, also, eight or nine of 
his fellows, some leaping out in one place and some in 
another ; but they hid themselves straight [immediately] again. 
Whereupon our men doubting [fearing] they had been a great 
company, and sought to have taken them at more advantage, 
(as GOD would ! ) departed to their ships: not thinking there 
had been such mischief pretended to them, as there was 
indeed ; which, the next day, we understood of a Portuguese 
that came down to us, who had traffic with the Negroes. 



46 50 days' sailing to the West Indies. [ j l^ss 

By whom, we understood, that the King of Sierra Leone 
had made all the power he could, to take some of us. Partly 
for the desire he had to see what kind of people we were, that 
had spoiled his people at the Idols, whereof he had news 
before our coming; and, as I judge, also upon other occasions, 
provoked by the Tangomangoes. But sure we were, that the 
army was come down : by means that, in the evening, we 
saw such a monstrous fire made by the watering place, that 
was not seen before ; which fire is the only mark for the 
Tangomangoes, to know where tbeir army always is. 

If these men had come down in the evening, they had 
done us great displeasure ; for that we were on shore filling 
water. But GOD (who worketh all things for the best) 
would not have it so ; and by Him, we escaped without 
danger. His name be praised for it ! 

The igth of this same month, we departed with all our 
ships, from Sierra Leone towards the West Indies ; and for the 
space of twenty-eight days, we were becalmed, having now 
and then contrary winds and some tornadoes amongst the 
same calm, which happened to us very ill : being but reason- 
ably watered for so great a company of Negroes and ourselves, 
which pinched us all ; and that which was worst, put us in 
such fear that many never thought to have reached to the 
Indies, without great death of Negroes and of themselves. But 
the Almighty GOD (who never suffereth His elect to perish !) 
sent us the i6th of February, the ordinary breeze, which is 
the North-west wind, which never left us, till we came to an 
island of the cannibals, called Dominica ; where we arrived 
the gth [? loth] of March, upon a Saturday. And because 
it was the most desolate place in all the island, we could see 
no cannibals ; but some of their houses where they dwelled ; 
and as it should seem, they had forsaken the place for want 
of fresh water ; for we could find none there but rain water, 
and such as fell from the hills and remained as a puddle in 
the dale ; whereof we filled for our Negroes [!]. 

The cannibals of that island, and also others adjacent, 
are the most desperate warriors that are in the Indias, 
by the Spaniards' report ; who are never able to conquer 
them ; and they are molested by them not a little, when they 
are driven to water there in any of those islands. 



, ^,565.1 The Fleet arrives at Margarita. 47 

Of very late, not two months past, in the said island, a 
caravel being driven to water, was, in the night, set upon by 
the inhabitants ; who cut their cable in the hawser, whereby 
they were driven ashore, and so taken by them and eaten. 

The Green Dragon of Newhaven [Havre], whereof was 
Captain, one Bontemps, in March [1565], also, came to one 
of those islands, called Grenada ; and being driven to water, 
could not do the same for the cannibals, who fought with him 
very desperately two days. 

For our part also, if we had not lighted upon the desertest 
place in all that island, we could not have missed ; but 
should have been greatly troubled by them, by all the 
Spaniards' reports, who make them devils in respect of men. 

The loth day, at night, we departed from thence, and the 
15th, had sight of nine islands called the Testigos ; and the 
i6th, of an island called Margarita, where we were entertained 
by the Alcade, and had both beeves and sheep given us, for 
the refreshing of our men. But the Governor of the island 
would neither come to speak with our Captain, neither yet 
give him any license to traffic : and to displease us the more, 
whereas we had hired a Pilot to have gone with us, they 
would not only not suffer him to go with us, but also sent 
word by a caravel, out of hand, to Santo Domingo, to the 
Viceroy, who doth represent the King's person, of our arrival 
in those parts. Which had like to have turned us to great dis- 
pleasure, by the means that the same Viceroy did send word 
to Cape de la Vela, and toother places along the coast, com- 
manding them (by the virtue of his authority and by the 
obedience that they owe to their Prince) that no man should 
traffic with us, but should resist us with all the force they 
could. 

In this island, notwithstanding that we were not within 
four leagues of the town ; yet were they so afraid, that not 
only the Governor himself but also all the inhabitants forsook 
their town, assembling all the Indians to them, and fled into 
the mountains : as we were partly certified, and saw the ex- 
perience ourselves, by some of the Indians coming to see us ; 
when three Spaniards a horseback passing hard by us, went 
unto the Indians (having every one of them their bows and 
arrows), procuring them away, who before were conversant 
with us. 



48 Potatoes, the most delicate of roots ! [ j \^q^_ 

Here perceiving no traffic to be had with them, not yet 
water for the refreshing of our men ; we were driven to depart 
the 20th day. 

And the 22nd, we came to a place in the Main, called 
Cumana : whither the Captain going in his pinnace, spake 
with certain Spaniards, of whom he demanded traffic. 

But they made him answer, " They were but soldiers newly 
come thither, and were not able to buy one Negro." 

Whereupon he asked for a watering place, and they 
pointed him a place two leagues off, called Santa Fe : where 
we found marvellous goodly watering, and commodious for the 
taking in thereof; for that the fresh water came into the sea, 
and so our ships had, aboard the shore, twenty fathoms water. 
Near about this place inhabited certain Indians, who, the next 
day after we came thither, came down to us ; presenting 
mill, and cakes of bread, which they had made of a kind of 
corn called Maize, in bigness of a pea, the ear whereof is 
much like to a teasel, but a span in length, having thereon 
a number of grains. Also they brought down to us hens, 
potatoes, and pines, which we bought for beads, pewter 
whistles, glasses, knives, and other trifles. 

These potatoes be the most delicate roots that may be 
eaten ; and do far exceed our parsnips or carrots. Their 
pines be of the bigness of two fists, the outside whereof is 
of the making of a pine apple, but it is soft like the rind of a 
cucumber ; and the inside eateth like an apple, but it is more 
delicious than an}^ sweet apple sugared. 

These Indians be of colour tawny, like an olive; having 
every one of them, both men and women, hair all black, and 
no other colour ; the women wearing the same hanging down 
to their shoulders, and the men rounded, and without beards : 
neither men or women suffering any hair to grow in any part 
of their body, but daily pull it off as it groweth. 

These people be very small feeders : for travelling, they 
carry but two small bottles of gourds, wherein they put in 
one the juice of sorrel whereof they have great store ; and in 
the other flour of their maize, which being moist, they eat, 
taking sometimes of the other. These men carry every man 
his bow and arrows ; whereof some arrows are poisoned for 
wars, which they keep in a cane together, which cane is of 



J '563] Tempted by Caries with gold. 49 

the bigness of a man's arm : other some with broad heads of 
iron, wherewith they strike fish in the water. The experience 
whereof, we saw not once nor twice, but daily, for tlie time 
we tarried there. For they are so good archers, that the 
Spaniards, for fear thereof, arm themselves and their 
horses with quilted canvas of two inches thick, and leave no 
place of their bodies open to their enemies, saving their eyes 
which they may not hide ; and yet oftentimes are they hit in 
that so small a scantling. Their poison is of such a force, 
that a man being stricken therewith, dieth within four and 
twenty hours, as the Spaniards do affirm : and, in my judge- 
ment, it is likely there can be no stronger poison, as they 
make it, using thereunto apples which are very fair and red 
of colour, but are a strong poison ; with the which, together 
with venemous bats and vipers, adders and other serpents, 
they make a medley, and therewith anoint the same. 

The beds which they have, are made of gossapine cotton, 
and wrought artificially of divers colours ; which they carry 
about with them when they travel, and making the same 
fast to two trees, lie therein. The people be surely gentle 
and tractable, and such as desire to live peaceable ; or else 
had it been impossible for the Spaniards to have conquered 
them as they did, and the more to live now peaceably : they 
being so many in number, and the Spaniards so few. 

From thence, we departed the 28th ; and the next day, we 
passed between the mainland and the island called Tortuga, 
(a very low island) in the year of our Lord GOD 1565 afore- 
said : and sailed along the coast until the ist of April ; at 
which time, the Captain sailed along in the J^esiis^s pinnace 
to discern the coast, and saw many Caribs on shore, and 
some also in their canoes : which made tokens unto him of 
friendship, and shewed gold, meaning thereby that they 
would traffic for wares. 

Whereupon he stayed, to see the manner of them ; and so 
for two or three trifles, they gave such things as they had about 
them, and departed. 

But the Caribs were very importunate to have them come 

on shore; which, if it had not been for want of wares to 

traffic with them, he would not have denied them : because 

the Indians which we saw before, were very gentle people, and 

I. D 4 



50 The Fleet arrives at Burboroata. [ , '565. 

such as do no man hurt. But (as GOD would have it !) he 
wanted that thing, which, if he had had, would have heen his 
confusion. For these were no such kind of people as we took 
them to be ; but more devilish a thousand parts, and are 
eaters and devourers of any man they can catch. A.s it was 
afterwards declared unto us at Burboroata, by a caravel 
coming out of Spain with certain soldiers and a Captain 
General, sent by the King for those eastward parts of the 
Indias. Who sailing along in a pinnace, as our Captain did, 
to descry the coast, was by the Caribs called ashore, with 
sundry tokens made to him of friendship, and gold shewed as 
though they desired to traffic : with the which the Spaniards 
being moved, suspecting no deceit at all, went ashore amongst 
them. The Captain was no sooner ashore, but with four or 
five more was taken ; the rest of his company being invaded 
by them, saved themselves by flight : but they that were 
taken, paid their ransom with their lives, and were presently 
[at once] eaten. And this is their practice to toll [decoy] 
with their gold, the ignorant to their snares. They are blood- 
suckers of Spaniards, Indians, and all that light in their 
laps : not sparing their own countrymen if they can con- 
veniently come by them. 

Their policy in fight with the Spaniards is marvellous. For 
they choose for their refuge, the mountains and woods ; where 
the Spaniards, with their horses, cannot follow them : and if 
the}' fortune to be met in the plain, where one horseman may 
overrun a hundred of them ; they have a device, of late 
practised by them, to pitch stakes of wood in the ground, and 
also small iron pikes, to mischief their horses ; wherein they 
shew themselves politic warriors. 

They have more abundance of gold than all the Spaniards 
have, and live upon the mountains where the mines are, in 
such number, that the Spaniards have much ado to get any 
of them from them. And yet, sometimes, by assembling a 
great number of men, which happeneth once in two years, 
they get a piece from them ; which afterwards they keep sure 
enough. 

Thus having escaped the danger of them ; we kept our course 
along the coast, and came the 3rd of April, to a town called 
Burboroata [ ? La Guayra, or near it] ; where his ships came to 



, ',565] The tricks of trade. 51 

an anchor, and the Captain himself went ashore to speak 
^vith the Spaniards. To whom, he declared himself to be an 
Englishman, and came thither to trade with them, by the way 
of merchandise ; and therefore required license for the same. 

Unto whom, they made answer, that " They were forbidden 
by the King to traffic with any foreign nation, upon penalty 
to forfeit their goods." Therefore they desired him " not to 
molest them any further ; but to depart as he came ! for other 
comfort he might not look for at their hands : because they 
were subjects, and might not go beyond the law." 

But he replied, " His necessity was such, as he might not 
do so. For being in one of the Queen of England's Armados, 
and having many soldiers in them ; he had need of some re- 
freshing for them, and of victuals, and of money also : with- 
out the which, he could not depart." And, with much other 
talk, persuaded them not to fear any dishonest part on his 
behalf towards them ; for neither would he commit any such 
thing to the dishonour of his Prince, nor yet for his honest 
reputation and estimation, unless he were too rigorously 
dealt withal, which he hoped not to find at their hands : in 
that it should as well redound to their profit as his own, and 
also he thought they might do it without danger ; because 
their Princes were in amity one with another, and for our 
parts, we had free traffic in Spain and Flanders which are in 
his dominions ; and therefore he knew no reason why he 
should not have the like in all his dominions. 

To the which, the Spaniards made an answer, that " It lay 
not in them, to give any license ; for that they had a Governor 
to whom the government of those parts was committed ; but 
if they would stay ten days, they would send to their Governor, 
who was threescore leagues off; and would, within the space 
appointed, return answer of his mind." 

In the meantime, they were contented he should bring his 
ships into harbour ; and there they would deliver him any 
victuals he would require. 

Whereupon, the fourth day, we went in, where, being one 
day, and receiving all things according to promise, the 
Captain advised himself that to remain there ten days idle, 
spending victuals and men's wages ; and perhaps, in the end, 
receive no good answer from the Governor, it were mere 
folly, were mere folly: and therefore determined to make 



52 Continued mercantile diplomacy. [ , l^^^ 

request to have license for the sale of certain lean and sick 
Negroes, which he had in his ship, like[ly] to die upon his 
hands, if he kept them ten days; having little or no refreshing 
for them, whereas other men having them, they would he 
recovered well enough. And this request he was forced to 
make, because he had no otherwise wherewith to pay for 
victuals and for necessaries which he should take. 

Which request being put in writing, and presented, the 
Officers and town dwellers assembled together ; and finding 
his request so reasonable, granted him license for thirteen 
Negroes : which, afterwards, they cause the Officers to view, 
to the intent they should grant to nothing but that which 
were very reasonable, for fear of answering thereunto after- 
wards. 

This being past, our Captain, according to their license, 
thought to have made sale ; but the day passed, and none 
came to buy, who before made shew that they had great need 
of them : and therefore he wist not what to surmise of them, 
whether they went about to prolong the time of the Governor's 
answer, because they would keep themselves blameless ; or 
for any other policy he knew not. And for that purpose, 
sent them word, marvelling what the matter was, that none 
came to buy them. 

They answered, " Because they had granted license only 
to the poor to buy those Negroes of small price; and their 
money was not so ready as other men's of more wealth. 
More than that. As soon as ever they saw the ships ; they 
had conveyed away their money by their wives that went 
into the mountains for fear, and were not yet returned : and 
yet asked tvv'o days, to seek their wives, and fetch their 
money." 

Notwithstanding, the next day, divers of them came to 
cheapen ; but could not agree of price, because they thought 
the price too high. 

Whereupon the Captain (perceiving they went about to 
bring down the price, and meant to buy ; and would not 
confess, if he had license, that he might sell at any reason- 
able rate, as they were worth in other places), did send for 
the principals of the town, and made a shew he would depart, 
declaring himself "to be very sorry that he had so much 
troubled them, and also that he had sent for the Governor to 



^ ^565] The arrival of the Governor. 53 

come down ; seeing now his pretence [intention] was to 
depart " : whereat they marvelled much, and asked him, 
" What cause moved him thereunto seeing, by their working, 
he was in possibility to have his license ? " 

To which, he replied that " It was not only a license that 
he sought, but proht; which he perceived was not to be had 
there; and therefore would seek farther": and withal 
shewed them his writings, what he paid for his Negroes ; 
declaring also the great charge he was at, in his shippmg and 
men's wages, and, therefore, to countervail his charges, he 
must sell his Negroes for a greater price than they offered. 

So they, doubting [fearing] his departure, put him in 
comfort to sell better there than in any other place : and if it 
fell out that he had no license, that he should lose his labour 
in tarrying, for they would buy without license. 

Whereupon, the Captain being put in comfort, promised 
them to stay, so that he might make sale of his lean Negroes; 
which they granted unto : and the next day did sell some of 
them. 

They having bought and paid for them, thinking to have 
had a discharge of the Customer [Fanner of the Cnstoms] 
for the custom [ import duty] of the Negroes, being the King's 
duty; they gave it away to the poor, for GOD's sake; and 
did refuse to give the discharge in writing : and the poor, 
not trusting their words, for fear lest, hereafter, it might be 
demanded of them, did refrain from buying any more. So 
nothing else was done until the Governor's coming down ; 
which was the 14th day [ i.e., of April]. 

Then the Captain made petition, declaring that " He was 
come thither in a ship of the Queen's Majesty of England, 
being bound to Guinea ; and thither driven by wind and 
weather : so that being come thither, he had need of sundry 
necessaries for the reparation of the said Navy, and also 
great need of money for the payment of his soldiers, unto 
whom he had promised payment ; and therefore although he 
would, yet would not they depart without it. And for that 
purpose, he requested license for the sale of certain of his 
Negroes; declaring that though they were forbidden to traffic 
with strangers : yet for that there was great amity between 
their Princes, and that the thing pertained to our Queen's 
Highness ; he thought he might do their Prince great service, 



54 Hostages given for a bona fide traffic. [ , \^f,^ 

and that it would be well taken at his hands, to do it in this 
cause." 

The which allegations, with divers others put in request, 
were presented unto the Governor ; who sitting in council 
for that matter, granted unto his request for license. 

But yet there fell out another thing, which was the abating 
of the King's custom ; being upon every slave, 30 ducats 
[5s. 6^. each^£^ ^s.=aboiit £"66 now]: which would not be 
granted unto. 

Whereupon the Captain perceiving that they would neither 
come near his price, he looked for, by a great deal ; not yet 
would abate the King's custom of that they offered ; so that 
either he must be a great loser by his wares, or else compel 
the Officers to abate the same King's custom, which was too 
unreasonable (for to a higher price he could not bring the 
buyer): therefore the i6th of April, he prepared 100 men, well 
armed with bows, arrows, harquebusses, and pikes ; with the 
which he marched to the townwards. 

Being perceived by the Governor, he straight, with all 
expedition, sent messengers to know his request, desiring him 
" to march no further forward until he had answer again, 
which incontinent he should have." 

So our Captain declaring "how unreasonable a thing the 
King's custom was, requested to have the same abated and 
to pay 75- per centum, which is the ordinary custom for wares 
through his Dominions there ; and unto this, if they would 
not grant, he would displease them." 

And this word being carried to the Governor; answer was 
returned that "all things should be to his content." 

Thereupon he determined to depart ; but the soldiers and 
mariners finding so little credit in their promises, demanded 
gages for the performance of the promises, or else they would 
not depart. And thus they being constrained to send their 
gages ; we departed, beginning our traffic, and ending the 
same without disturbance. 

Thus having made traffic in the harbour until the 28th ; 
our Captain with his ships intended to go out of the road and 
purposed to make shew of his departure ; because now the 
common sort having employed their money, the rich men were 
come to town, who made no shew that they were come to buy, 
so that they went about to bring down the price ; and by his 



J ^,565.] Trading, anchored off Curacao. 55 

policy the Captain knew they would be made the more eager, 
for tear lest we departed, and they should go without any at all. 

The 29th, we beinj^ at anchor without the road, a French 
ship called the Green Dragon of Newhaven [Havre] ; whereoi 
was Captain one Bontemps, came in : who saluted us after 
the manner of the sea, with certain pieces of ordnance ; and 
we saluted him with the like again. 

With whom, having communication ; he declared that he 
had been at the Mine [El Mina] in Guinea, and was beaten 
off by the Portuguese galleys, and enforced to come thither 
[Burboroata] to make sale of such wares [i.e., Negroes] as he 
had : and further that the like was happened with the Minion. 
Besides [which], the Captain David Carlet and a Merchant 
[Supercargo], with a dozen mariners [had been] betrayed by the 
Negroes at their first arrival thither, and remained prisoners 
with the Portugals; besides other misadventures of the loss 
of their men happened, through the great lack of fresh water, 
with great doubts of bringing home the ships. Which was 
most sorrowful for us to understand. 

Thus having ended our traffic here, the 4th of May; we 
departed, leaving the Frenchman behind us. 

The night before the which, the Caribs, whereof I made 
mention before, being to the number of two hundred, came 
in their canoes to Burboroata, intending by night to have 
burned the town and taken the Spaniards, who being more 
vigilant (because of our being there) than their custom was : 
perceiving them coming, raised the town ; who, in a moment, 
being a horseback (by means [that] their custom is, for 
all doubts, to keep their horses ready saddled, in the 
night), set upon them and took one ; but the rest making 
shift for themselves, escaped away. This one, because he 
was their guide, and was the occasion that divers times they 
had made invasion upon them, had for this travail a stake 
thrust through him, and so out at his neck. 

The 6th of May aforesaid, we came to an island called 
Cura9ao, where we had thought to have anchored ; but could 
not find ground, and having let fall an anchor with two cables 
were fain to weigh it again : and the 7th, sailing along the 
coast to seek a harbour, and finding none, we came to an 
anchor where we rode open in the sea. In this place, we 



56 Vast increase of West Indian cattle. [ , \^^^_ 

had traffic for hides, and found great refreshing both of beef, 
mutton, and lambs ; whereof there was such plenty that 
saving the skins, we had the flesh given us for nothing. The 
plenty whereof was so abundant, that the worst in the ship 
thought scorn not only of mutton, but also of sodden lamb, 
which they disdained to eat unroasted. 

The increase ot cattle in this island is marvellous; which, 
from a dozen of each sort brought thither by the Governor, in 
25 years [i.e., about 1540], he had a hundred thousand, at the 
least : and of other cattle was able to kill, without spoil of the 
increase, 1,500 yearly, which he killethfor the skins ; and of 
the flesh saveth only the tongues, the rest he leaveth to the 
fowl [birds] to devour. And this I am able to affirm, not only 
upon the Governor's own report (whowas the first that brought 
the increase thither) who so remaineth unto this day : but 
also by that I saw myself in one field ; where a hundred 
oxen lay one by another, all whole, saving the skin and tongue 
taken away. 

And it is not so marvellous a thing, why they do thus cast 
away the flesh in all the islands of the West Indies, seeing 
the land is great, and more than they are able to inhabit ; the 
people few, having delicate fruits and meats enough besides 
to feed upon, which they rather desire ; and the increase of 
cattle which passeth man's reason to believe, when they 
come to a great number. 

For in Santo Domingo (an island called by the finders 
thereof, Hispaniola) is so great a quantity of cattle, and such 
increase thereof, that, notwithstanding the daily killing of 
them for their hides, it is not possible to assuage the number 
of them, but they are devoured by wild dogs, whose number 
is such (by suffering first to range the woods and mountains), 
that they eat and destroy 60,000 a year ; and yet small lack 
is found of them. And, no marvel ! for the said island is al- 
most as big as all England, and being the first place that 
was found of all the Indies, and of long time inhabited before 
the rest, it ought therefore, of reason, to be the most populous ; 
and, to this hour, the Viceroy and the Council Royal abideth 
there, as in the chiefest place of all the Indies, to prescribe 
orders to the rest, for the King's behalf: yet they have but 
one city and thirteen villages in all the same island, whereby 
the spoil of the cattle, in respect of the increase, is nothing. 



, ^,56s.] Arrival at Rio de la IIacha. 57 

The 15th of the foresaid month, we departed from Cura9ao ; 
not a Httle to the rejoicinj^ of our Captain and us, that 
we had there ended our traffic [i.e., in hides]. But notwith- 
standing our sweet meat, we had sour sauce ! For, by reason 
of our riding [in] so open a sea : what with blasts (wherewith 
our anchors, being aground, three at once came home), and 
also with contrary winds blowing (whereby, for fear of the 
shore, we were fain to haul off to have anchor hold) some- 
times a whole day and a night, we turned [tacked] up and 
down. And this happened not once, but half a dozen times, 
in the space of our being there. 

The i6th, we passed by an island, called Aruba [Oruha]. The 
17th, at night, we anchored six hours, at the west end of Cape 
de la Vela: and, in the morning, being the i8th, weighed again, 
keeping our course. In the which time, the Captain sailing 
by the shore in the pinnace, came to the Rancheria, a place 
where the Spaniards used to fish for pearls ; and there 
spoke with a Spaniard, who told him how far off he was 
from Rio de la Hacha : which, because he would not over- 
shoot, he anchored that night again. And the 19th, came 
thither. 

Where, having talk with the King's Treasurer of the Indies, 
resident there, he declared his quiet traffic at Burboroata ; 
and shewed a certificate of the same, made by the Governor 
thereof: and therefore he desired to have the like there 
also. 

But the Treasurer made answer that " They were forbidden 
by the Viceroy and Council at Santo Domingo ; who having 
intelligence of our being on the coast, did send express com- 
mission to resist us with all the force they could, insomuch 
that they durst not traffic with us in any case," alleging 
that " If they did, they should lose all that they did traffic for ; 
besides their bodies at the Magistrate's commandment." 

Our Captain replied, that " He was in an Arniado of the 
Queen's Majesty's of England, and sent about her other 
affairs; but driven besides his pretended [intended] voyage, 
was enforced by contrary winds to come into those parts, 
where he hoped to find such friendship as he should do in 
Spain : to the contrary whereof, he knew no reason, in 
that there was amity betwixt their Princes. But seeing they 
would, contrary to all reason, go about to withstand his 



58 Display of force on both sides. [ 



? 1565. 



traffic; it should not be said by [of] him, that 'having the 
force he hath, to be driven from his traffic, perforce,' but he 
would rather put it in adventure, to try whether he or they 
should have the better : and, therefore, willed them, to 
determine either to give him license to trade, or else to stand 
to their own harms ! " 

So upon this, it was determined, " He should have license 
to trade ; but they would give him such a price as was the 
one half less than he had sold for before : " and thus they 
sent word they would do, and none otherwise, and " If it 
liked him not, he might do what he would 1 for they were 
determined not to deal otherwise with him." 

"Whereupon, the Captain weighing their unconscionable 
request, wrote to them a letter, that " they dealt too rigorously 
with him ! to go about to cut his throat in the price of his com- 
modities ; which were so reasonably rated, as they could not, 
by a great deal, have the like at any other man's hands. 
But seeing they had sent him this, for his supper ; he would, 
in the morning, bring them as good a breakfast ! " 

And therefore, in the morning, being the 21st of May, he 
shot off a whole-culverin, to summon the town : and, pre- 
paring 100 men in armour, w-ent ashore ; having in his great 
boat, two falcons of brass, and in the other boats, double- 
bases in their noses [bows]. 

Which being perceived by the townsmen, they, incontinent, 
in battle array, with their drum, and ensign [colours] displayed, 
marched from the town to the sands, to the number of 150 
footmen, making great brags by their cries, and weaving 
[waving] us ashore ; whereby they made a semblance to have 
fought with us indeed. 

But our Captain perceiving them to brag so, commanded 
the two falcons to be discharged at them, which put them in 
no small fear (as they afterwards declared) to see such great 
pieces in a boat. At every shot, they fell flat to the ground ; 
and as we approached near unto them, they broke their array, 
and dispersed themselves so much for fear of the ordnance, 
that, at last, they all went away with their ensign. 

The horsemen, also, being about 30, made as brave a shew 
as might be ; coursing up and down, with their horses, their 
brave white leather targets in the one hand, and their javelins 
in the other : as though they would have received us, at our 



J ^,565] Matters are peaceably settled. 59 

landing. But when we landed, they gave ground, and con- 
sulted what they should do : for they little thought we would 
have landed so holdly. 

And therefore, as the Captain was putting his men in array, 
and marching forward to have encountered with them ; they 
sent a messenger on horseback, with a flag of truce, to the 
Captain : who declared that " the Treasurer marvelled what 
he meant to do, to come ashore in that order ; in considera- 
tion that they had granted to every reasonable request that 
he did demand ! " 

But the Captain, not well contented with this messenger, 
marched forwards. 

The messenger prayed him to stay his men ; and said, " If 
he would come apart from his men, the Treasurerwould come 
and speak to him ! " whereunto he did agree to commune 
together. 

The Captain, only with his armour, without weapon ; and 
the Treasurer on horseback, with his javelin : who was 
afraid to come near him, for fear of "his armour, which," he 
said, " was worse than his weapon ! " And so keeping aloof, 
communing together, the Treasurer, granted, in fine, all his 
requests. 

Which being declared by the Captain to the company 
they desired " to have pledges for the performance of all 
things," doubting [fearing] that otherwise, when they had 
made themselves stronger, they would have been at defiance 
with us : and seeing that, now, they might have what they 
would request, they judged it to be more wisdom to be in assur- 
ance than to be forced to make any more labours about it. 

So, upon this, gages were sent, and we made our traffic 
quietly with them. 

In the meantime, while we stayed here, we watered a good 
breadth off from the shore ; where, by the strength of the fresh 
water, running into the sea, the salt water was made fresh. 

In this river, we saw many crocodiles, of sundry bignesses, 
but some as big as a boat, with four feet, a long broad mouth, 
and a long tail ; whose skin is so hard, that a sword will not 
pierce it. His nature is to live out of the water, as a frog 
doth : but he is a great devourer, and spareth neither fish 
(which is his common food), nor beasts, nor men, if he take 
them : as the proof thereof was known by a Negro, who, as 



6o Spaniards are secretly reinforced. [ , [^^^ 

he was filling water in the river, was by one of them, carried 
clean away, and never seen after. 

His nature is ever, when he would have his prey, to cry 
and sob like a Christian bod}' ; to provoke [entice] them to 
come to him : and then he snatcheth at them ! And, there- 
upon, came this proverb, that is applied unto women, when 
they weep, Lachrynicc Crocodili : the meaning whereof is, that 
as the crocodile when he crieth, goeth them about most to 
deceive ; so doth a woman, most commonly, when she weepeth. 

Of these, the Master of the Jesus watched one ; and by 
the bank's side, struck him, with the pike of a bill, in the 
side ; which, after three or four times turning in sight, sank 
down, and was not afterwards seen. 

In the time of our being in the rivers of Guinea, we saw 
many of a monstrous bigness : amongst the which, the 
Captain being in one of the barks coming down the same, 
shot a falcon at one, which he very narrowly missed, that, 
with a fear, plunged into the water, making a stream, like 
the " way " of a boat. 

Now while we were here, whether it were of a fear that the 
Spaniards doubted [feared], we would have done them some 
harm before we departed ; or for any treason that they pre- 
tended towards us, I am not able to say : but then, came 
thither a Captain with a dozen soldiers, from some of the 
other towns, upon a time when our Captain and the Treasurer 
had cleared all things between them, and were in communica- 
tion of a debt of the Governor's of Burboroata, which was to 
be paid by the said Treasurer ; who would not answer the 
same by any means. 

Whereupon certain words of displeasure passed betwixt 
the Captain and him ; and parting [separating] the one from 
the other ; the Treasurer possibly doubting that our Captain 
would, perforce, have sought the same, did immediately 
command his men to arms, both horsemen and footmen ; but 
because [and inasmuch] as the Captain was in the river, on the 
back side of the town, with his other boats and all his men 
unarmed and without weapons, it was to be judged he meant 
him little good ; having that advantage of him, that, coming 
upon the sudden, he might have mischiefed many of his men. 

But the Captain having understanding thereof not (trusting 



? 1565 



] Providential discovery of the same. 6i 



to their gentleness, if they might have the advantage), de- 
parted aboard his ships ; and, at night, returned again : and 
demanded, amongst other talic, " What they meant by 
assembhng their men, in that order? " 

They answered, that " their Captain being come to town, 
did muster his men according to his accustomed manner." 

But this is to be judged to be a cloak, in that, coming for 
that purpose, he might have done it sooner. But the truth 
is, they were not of force until then, whereby to enterprise 
any matter against us by means of pikes and harquebusses ; 
whereof they had want and were now furnished by our 
Captain ; and also three falcons which (having got in other 
places) they had secretly conveyed thither. These made 
them the bolder, and also for that they saw now a con- 
venient place to do such a feat : and time also serving there- 
unto, by the means that our men were not only unarmed and 
unprovided (as at no time before), but also were occupied in 
hewing of wood, and least thinking of any harm. These 
were occasions to provoke them thereunto. 

And I suppose they went about to bring it to effect, in that 
I* and another Gentleman being in the town, think- ♦The Author 
ing of no harm towards us; and seeing men "f" "^'^ ^'°''y- 
assembling in armour to the Treasurer's house, whereof we 
marvelled : and (revoking [recalling to mind] the former talk 
between the Captain and him, and the unreadiness of our 
men of whom advantage might have been taken) departed out 
of the town immediately, to give knowledge thereof. But 
before we came to our men by a flight-shot [bow-shot], two 
horsemen riding at gallop, were come near us (being sent, 
as we did guess, to stay us, lest we should carry the news to 
our Captain), but seeing us so near our men, they stayed 
their horses ; com.ing together and suffering us to pass : belike 
because we were so near that if they had gone about the same, 
they had been espied by some of our men; which then would 
have immediately departed, whereby they would have been 
frustrate of their pretence. 

So the two horsemen rode about the bushes, to espy what 
we did. And seeing us gone, to the intent that they might 
shadow [cover] their coming down in post [i.e., in post 
haste] ; whereof suspicion might be had, feigned a simple 
excuse, in asking, " Whether he could sell any wine ? " 



62 Turning their faces homewards. [ [^^^ 

But that seemed so simple to the Captain, that, standing 
in doubt of their courtesy, he returned in the morning, with 
his three boats appointed with bases, [and falcons] in their 
noses ; and his men with weapons accordingly : whereas, 
before, he carried none. 

Thus dissembling all injuries conceived of both parts, the 
Captain went ashore, leaving pledges in the boats for him- 
self, and cleared all things between the Treasurer and 
him, saving for the Governor's debt : which the one, by no 
means, would answer; and the other (because it was not his 
due debt), would not molest him for it, but was content to 
remit it until another time. 

He therefore departed, causing the two barks which rode 
near the shore, to weigh and go under sail ; which was done 
because that our Captain, demanding a testimony of his good 
behaviour there, could not have the same until he were 
under sail, ready to depart. And therefore, at night, he went 
for the same again, and received it at the Treasurer's hand; 
of whom, very courteously, he took his leave, and departed, 
shooting off the base of his boat, for his farewell : and the 
townsmen also shot off four falcons and thirty harquebusses, 
and this was the first time that he knew of the conveyance of 
their falcons. 



The 31st of May, we departed, keeping our course to His- 
paniola : and the 4th June, we had sight of an island, which 
we made to be Jamaica ; marvelling that, by the vehement 
course [current] of the seas, we should be driven so far to 
leeward. For setting our course to the west end of His- 
paniola, we fell with the middle of Jamaica ; notwithstand- 
ing that to all men's sight, it shewed a headland : but they 
were all deceived by the clouds that lay upon the land two 
days together, in such sort, that we thought it to be the 
headland of the said island. 

And a Spaniard being in the ship, who was a merchant, 
and an inhabitant in Jamaica (having occasion to go to 
Guinea, and being, by treason, taken of the Negroes, and 
afterwards bought by the Tangomangoes, was by our Captain, 
brought from thence ; and had his passage to go into his 
country), perceiving the land, made as though he knew every 



^ ^,565.1 English ignorance of W. I. navigation. 63 

place thereof, and pointed to certain places, which he named 
to be such a place ! and such a man's ground ! and that 
behind such a point, was the harbour ! but, in the end, he 
pointed so from one point to another, that we were a leeboard 
of all places ; and found ourselves at the west end of 
Jamaica, before we were aware of it ; and being once to 
leeward, there was no getting up again. 

So that, by trusting to the Spaniard's knowledge, our 
Captain sought not [had no opportunity] to speak with any of 
the inhabitants ; which if he had not [thus] made himself so 
sure of, he would have done, as his custom was, in other 
places. But this man was a plague, not only to our Captain, 
whom he made to lose, by overshooting the place, ;£'2,ooo 
[=about ^16,000 now] by hides, which he might have gotten; 
but also to himself. For having been three years out of his 
country, and in great misery in Guinea, both among the 
Negroes and Tangomangoes ; and in hope to come to his 
wife and friends, as he made sure account : in that, at his 
going into the pinnace, when he went to shore, he put on 
his new clothes, and, for joy, flung away his old ; he could 
not, afterwards, find any habitation, neither there, nor in 
all Cuba, which we sailed along ; but it fell out ever, by 
one occasion or other, that we were put besides the same. 
So that, he was fain to be brought into England. And it 
happened to him, as it did to a duke of Samaria, when the 
Israelites were besieged, and were in great misery with 
hunger ; and being told by the prophet Elisha, that " a 
bushel of flour should be sold for a shekel," would not be- 
lieve him, but thought it impossible : and for that cause, 
Elisha prophesied " He should see the same done, but he 
should not eat thereof! " So this man, being absent three 
years, and not ever thinking to have seen his own country ; 
did see the same ! went upon it ! and yet was it not his 
fortune, to come to it ! or to any habitation whereby to re- 
main with his friends, according to his desire ! 

Thus, having sailed along the coast, two days, we departed 
the 7th June ; being made to believe by the Spaniard, that it 
was not Jamaica, but rather Hispaniola ; of which opinion, 
the Captain also was, because that which he made Jamaica 
seemed to be but a piece of the land, and thereby took it 
rather to be Hispaniola, by the lying of the coast ; and also 



64 TlIEY WATER AT THE ISLE OF PiNES. [ , \^q^, 

for that being ignorant of the force of the current, he could 
not believe he was so far driven to leeward. 

And therefore setting his course to Jamaica, and after cer- 
tain days not finding the same ; he perceived then certainly 
that the island which he was at before, was Jamaica; and that 
the clouds did deceive him : whereof he marvelled not a little. 

And this mistaking of the place came to as ill a pause as 
the overshooting of Jamaica. For by this, did he also over- 
pass a place in Cuba, called Santa Cruz ; where, as he was 
informed, was a great store of hides to be had. 

Thus being disappointed of his two ports; where he 
thought to have raised great profit by his traffic, and also to 
have found great refreshing of victuals and water for his men : 
he was now greatly disappointed. 

And such want had he of fresh water, that he was forced 
to seek the shore, to obtain the same. Which, after certain 
days overpassed with storms and contrary winds, he had sight 
of; but yet not of the main [land] of Cuba, but of certain 
islands, two hundred in number, whereof the most part were 
desolate of inhabitants. 

By the which islands, the Captain passing in his pinnace, 
could find no fresh water, until he came to an island bigger 
than all the rest, called the Isle of Pines [I. de Pinos], where 
we anchored with our ships, the i6th of June, and found 
water. Which although it were neither so toothsome as 
running water, by means it was standing and but the water 
of rain, and also, being near the sea, was brackish : yet did 
ve not refuse it ; but were more glad thereof, as the time 
then required, than we should have been, another time, with 
fine conduit water. 

Thus, being reasonably watered, we were desirous to de- 
part : because the place was not very convenient for such 
ships of charge [big vessels] as they were, as there were many 
shoals to leeward ; and it also lay open to the sea, for any 
wind that should blow. Therefore, the Captain made the 
more haste away; which was not unneedful. For little 
sooner [scarce] were their anchors weighed, and foresail set ; 
but there arose such a storm that they had not much to spare 
in doubling of the shoals: and one of the barks, not being 
fully ready as the rest, was fain, for haste, to cut the cable in 
hawse, and lose both anchor and cable, to save herself. 



J ^,565] Early English notice of turtle. 65 
Thus, the 17th of June, we departed. 



On the 20th, we fell in with the west end of Cuba, 
called Cape St. Antonio; where, for the space of three days, 
we doubled along [tacked], till we came beyond the shoals 
which are twenty leagues beyond St. Antonio. 

And the ordinary brise [breeze] taking us, which is the 
north-east wind, put us, the 24th, from the shore ; and there- 
fore we went to the north-west, to fetch wind ; and also to 
the coast of Florida, to have ihe help of the current [the Gulf 
Stream], which was judged to have set to the eastward. 

So the 29th, we found ourselves in 27° [i.e., N. Lat., hut 
still inside the Gulf of Mexico] : and in the soundings of Florida, 
wherein we kept ourselves, the space of four days, sailing 
along the coast [which was, however, Westward of the Fleet, 
not Eastward] as near as we could, in ten or twelve fathom 
water : having, all the while, no sight of land. 

The 5th of July, we had sight of certain islands of sand, 
called the Tortugas, which is low land, where the Captain 
went in, with his pinnace ; and found such a number of birds 
that, in half an hour, he laded her with them; and, if there 
had been ten boats more, they might have done the like. 
These islands bear the name of Tortles [turtle], because of 
the number of them which there do breed : whose nature is, 
to live both in the water and also upon land, but breed only 
upon the shore, by making a great pit, wherein they lay eggs, 
to the number of three or four hundred, and covering them 
with sand, they are hatched by the heat of the sun ; and by 
this means, cometh the great increase. Of these, we took 
very great ones, which have both back and belly all of bone 
of the thickness of an inch; the fish [flesh] whereof we proved, 
[it] eating much like veal: and finding a number of eggs in 
them, tasted also of them, but they did eat very sweetly. 

Here we anchored six hours ; and then a fair gale of wind 
springing : we weighed anchor, and made sail toward Cuba, 
whither we came the 6th day ; and weathered as far as the 
Table, being a hill so called, because of the form thereof. 

Here, we lay off and on all night, to keep that which we 
had gotten to windward ; intending to have watered in the 
morning, if we could have done it ; or else, if the wind had 
I. £ 4 



66 The SHIPS MISS Havana twice. [ /,56s 

come larger [fuller], to have plied to windward, to Havana ; 
which is a harbour, whereunto all the Fleets of the Spaniards 
come, and do there tarry to have the company one of 
another. 

This hill, we thinking to have been the Table, as it was 
indeed, made account that Havana was but eight leagues to 
windward. But, by the persuasions of a Frenchman, who 
made the Captain believe he knew the Table very well, and 
had been at Havana, and said that " It was not the Table 1 
and that the Table was much higher, and nearer to the 
seaside! and that there was no plain ground to the Eastward, 
nor hills to the Westward ; but all was contrary ! and that 
behind the hills to the Westward was Havana ! " 

To which persuasion, credit being given by some, and they 
not of the worst; the Captain was persuaded to go to leeward : 
and so sailed along the 7th and 8th days, finding no habi- 
tation, nor no other Table. And then perceiving his folly to 
give ear to such praters, was not a little sorry : both because 
he did consider what time he should spend ere he could get 
so far to windward again (which would have been, with the 
weathering which we had, ten or twelve days' work ; and what 
it would have been longer, he knew not) ; and, that which 
was worst, he had not above a day's water, and therefore, 
knew not what shift to make. 

But in fine, because the want was such, that his men could 
not live without it ; he determined to seek water ; and to go 
further to leeward, to a place, as it is set in the Card [chart], 
called Rio de los Puercos. Which he was in doubt of, as to 
whether it were inhabited ; and whether there were water or 
not, and whether (for the shoals) he might have such access 
with his ships, that he might conveniently take in the same. 
And while we were in these troubles, and kept our way to 
the place aforesaid. Almighty GOD, our guide ! (who would 
not suffer us to run into any further danger which we had 
been like to have incurred, if we had ranged the coast of 
Florida [i.e., the West coast of the present State of Florida], as 
we did before ; which is so dangerous, by reports, that no 
ship escapeth, which cometh thither; as the Spaniards have 
very well proved the same) sent us, the 8th day, at night, a 
fair westerly wind. Whereupon the Captain and company 
consulting, determined not to refuse GOD's gift ; but every 



f Jjgjl Narrow escape of the two boats. 6^] 

man was contented to pinch his own belly, whatsoever had 
happened [might happen]. 

And taking the said wind, we got the gth day to the Table ; 
and sailing the same night, unawares overshot Havana; at 
which place we thought to have watered. But the next day, 
not knowing that we had overshot the same, sailed along the 
coast, seeking it : and the i ith day, in the morning, by certain 
known marks, we understood that we had overshot it twenty 
leagues ; in which coast ranging, we found no convenient 
watering place. Whereby there was no remedy, but to dis- 
embogue, and to water upon the coast of Florida [i.e., to go 
out of the Gulf of Mexico, by the Gulf of Florida, into the A tlantic 
Ocean; and coast Northward along the East coast of the present 
State of Florida]. For, to go farther to the Eastward, we 
could not for the shoals ; which are very dangerous ; and 
because the current [the Gidf Stream] shooteth to the North- 
east, we doubted [feared], by the force thereof, to set upon 
them, and therefore durst not approach them. 

So making but reasonable way, the day aforesaid and all 
the night; the 12th day, in the morning, we fell in with the 
Islands upon the Cape of Florida [? Florida Reefs] ; which we 
could scant [scarcely] double, by the means that fearing the 
shoals to the Eastward, and doubting the current coming 
out of the West, which was not of that force we made account 
of. For we felt little or none, till we fell with the Cape; and 
then felt such a current [going North-east] that, bearing 
all sails against the same [i.e., PF^Js^war^i], we were yet driven 
back again [at] a great pace. 

The experience whereof, we had by the Jesus's pinnace and 
the Solomon's boat : which were sent the same day, in the 
afternoon, whiles the ships were becalmed, to see if they 
could find any water upon the islands aforesaid. Who spent 
a great part of the day in rowing thither, being farther off 
than they deemed it to be ; and in the meantime, a fair 
gale of wind springing at sea, the ships departed, making a 
sign to them to come away. Who, although they saw them 
depart, because they were so near the shore, would not lose 
all the labour they had taken ; but determined to keep their 
way, and see if there were any water to be had ; making no 
account but to find the ships well enough. 

But they spent so much time in filling the water which 



68 Gulf Stream carries yEsus northward. [ ? \^(^^_ 

they had found, that night was come before they could make 
an end : and having lost the sight of the ships, they rowed 
what they could ; but were wholly ignorant which way they 
should seek them again, as indeed there was a more [greater] 
doubt, than they knew of. 

For when they departed, the ships were in no current ; but 
sailing but a mile further, they found one so strong, that, 
bearing all sails, it could not prevail against the same, but 
they were driven back. 

Whereupon the Captain sent the Solomon, with the two 
barks, to bear near the shore, all night; because the current 
was a great deal less there: and to bear a light, with shooting 
off a piece [gun] now and then; to the intent, the boats might 
better know how to come to them. 

The Jesus also bear a light in her topgallant, and also 
shot off a piece, now and then. 

But the night passed, and the morning was come, being 
the 13th day, and no news could be heard of them. But the 
ship and barks ceased not to look still for them ; yet they 
thought it was all in vain, by means they heard not of them 
all the night past: and therefore determined to tarry no longer 
seeking for them till noon ; and if they heard no news then, 
they would depart to the Jesus, which, perforce, by the 
vehemency of the current, was carried almost out of sight. 

But, as GOD would have it ! the time being now come, 
and they having tacked about : in the pinnace's top, they had 
sight of them, and took them up. They in the boats, being 
to the number of one and twenty, having sight of the ships, 
and seeing them tacking about ; whereas, before, at the first 
sight of them, they did greatly rejoice, were, now, in a greater 
perplexity than ever they were ; for by this, they thought 
themselves utterly forsaken, whereas, before, they were in 
some hope to have found them. 

Truly, GOD wrought marvellously for them ! For they 
themselves, having no victuals but water, and being sore 
oppressed with hunger, were not of opinion to bestow any 
further time in seeking the ships than that present noon time. 
So that, if they had not, at that instant, espied them, they 
had gone to the shore to have made provision for victuals ; 
and with such things as they could have gotten, either to 
have gone for that part of Florida where the Frenchmen were 



, I565.] Coasting along the Floridan shore. 69 

planted [the River of May], which would have been very hard 
for them to have done, because they wanted victuals to bring 
them thither, being 120 leagues off; or else to have remained 
among the Floridans. At whose hands, they were put in 
comfort by a Frenchman who was with them (that had re- 
mained in Florida, at the first finding thereof, a whole year 
together) to receive victuals sufficient, and gentle entertain- 
ment, if need were for a year or two, until which time, GOD 
might have provided for them. But how contrary this would 
have fallen out to their expectations, it is not hard to judge ; 
seeing those people of the Cape of Florida are of more 
savage and fierce nature, and more valiant than any of 
the rest : which the Spaniards well proved. Who, being 500 
men, intended to land there : and few or none of them returned, 
but were enforced to forsake of the same. And of their 
cruelty; mention is made in the book of the Decades, of a 
friar, who taking upon him to persuade the people to sub- 
jection, was by them taken, and his skin cruelly pulled over 
his ears, and his flesh eaten. 

In these islands, they, being ashore, found a dead man dried 
in a manner whole; with other heads and bodies of men. 
So that this sort of men are eaters of the flesh of men, as 
well as the cannibals. 

Rut to return to our purpose. 

The 14th day [of July], the ship and barks came to the Jesus, 
bringing news of the recovery of the men ; which was not a 
little to the rejoicing of the Captain and the whole company. 
And so then, all together, they kept on their way along the 
coast of Florida. 

The 15th day, they came to an anchor ; and so from 26° 
to 30° 30' where the French abode, ranging all along the 
coast ; seeking for fresh water. Anchoring every night 
because we would overshoot no place of fresh water ; and, in 
the day time, the Captain in the ship's pinnace sailing along 
the shore, went into every creek, speaking with divers of the 
Floridans, because he would understand where the French 
inhabited ; and not finding them in 28° as it was declared 
unto him, marvelled thereat : and never left sailing along the 
coast till he found them ; who inhabited in a river, by them 
called the River of May, standing in 30° and better. 



70 They find the French at River of May, [ , \^g^_ 

In ranging along this coast, the Captain found it to be all 
an island ; and therefore it is all low land, and very scant of 
fresh water ; but the country was marvellously sweet with 
both marsh and meadow ground, and goodly woods among. 
There they found sorrel to grow as abundantly as grass ; and, 
where their houses were, great store of maize and mill [niillef, 
and grapes of great bigness, but of taste much like our 
English grapes. Also great plenty of deer, which came upon 
the sands before them. 

The houses are not many together ; for in one house, an 
hundred of them do lodge : they being made much like a great 
barn (and in strength not inferior to ours, for they have 
stanchions and rafters of whole trees, and are covered with 
Palmito leaves) having no place divided, but one small room 
for their king [chief] and queen. 

In the midst of this house is a hearth, where they make 
great fires all night ; and they sleep upon certain pieces of 
wood, hewn in for the bowing of their backs, and another 
place made high for their heads ; which they put, one by 
another, all along the walls on both sides. In their houses 
they remain only in the nights ; and in the day, they frequent 
the fields, where they dress their meat, and make provision 
for victuals ; which they provide only for a meal from hand 
to mouth. 

There is one thing to be marvelled at, the making of their 
fire; and not only they, but the Negroes do the same: which 
is made only by two sticks, rubbing them one against another ; 
and this they may do, in any place they come [to], where 
they find sticks sufficient for the purpose. 

In their apparel, the men only use deer skins, wherewith 
some use the same as garments to cover them before and 
behind : which skins are painted, some yellow and red, some 
black and russet ; every man according to his own fancy. 

They do not omit to paint their bodies also with curious 
knots or antique work, as every man, in his own fancy deviseth : 
which painting [tattooing], to make it continue the better, they 
use with a thorn to prick their flesh, and dent in the same, 
whereby the painting may have better hold. In their wars, 
they use a slighter colour of painting their faces, thereby to 
make themselves shew the more fierce ; which, after their 
wars ended, they wash away again. 



, '.jSs.J AND ARE WELL RECEIVED BY THEM. Jl 

In their wars, they use bows and arrows, whereof their 
bows are made of a kind of yew, but blacker than ours ; and, 
lor the most part, passing the strength of the Negroes or 
Indians, for it is not greatly inferior to ours. Their arrows are 
also of a great length, but yet of reeds, like other Indians : 
but varying in two points, both in length, and also for nocks 
and feathers, which the others lack; whereby they shoot very 
steady. The heads of the same are vipers' teeth, bones of 
fishes, flint stones, piked points of knives which they having 
gotten of the Frenchmen, broke the same, and put the points 
of them in their arrows' heads. Some of them have their 
heads of silver; other some that have want ot these, put in 
a kind of hard wood, notched, which pierceth as far as any of 
the rest. 

In their fight, being in the woods, they use a marvellous 
policy for their own safeguard ; which is, by clasping a tree 
in their arms, and yet shooting notwithstanding. This policy 
they used with the Frenchmen in their fight ; whereby it ap- 
peareth that they are people of some policy : and al- 
though they are called by the Spaniards, Gente triste, that is 
to say, "Bad people," meaning thereby, that they are not 
men of capacity; yet have the Frenchmen found them so 
witty in their answers, that by their Captain's own report, a 
Councillor with us could not give a more profound reason. 

The women, also, for their apparel use painted skins, but 
most of them gowns of moss, somewhat longer than our 
moss, which they sew together artificially, and make the same 
surplice wise : wearing their hair down to their shoulders, like 
the Indians. 

In this river of May aforesaid, the Captain entering vv^ith 
his pinnace, found a French ship of 80 tons; and two pinnaces, 
of 15 tons apiece, by her : and speaking with the keepers 
thereof, they told him of a fort, two leagues up, which they had 
built, in which their Captain, Monsieur Laudonniere was, 
with certain soldiers. 

To whom, our Captain sending to understand of a watering 
place, where he might conveniently take it in, and to have 
license for the same : he straight (because there was no con- 
venient place but up the river five leagues, where the water 
was fresh) did send him a pilot for the more expedition thereof, 



72 Soldiers, the worst of colonists. [ , [^^^^ 

to bring in one of his barks ; which going in with other boats 
provided for the same purpose, anchored before the fort. Into 
the which, our Captain went ; where he was, by the General 
with other Captains and soldiers, very gently entertained : 
who declared unto him, the time of their being there, which 
was fourteen months [i.e., from May, 1564], with the extremity 
they were driven to for want of victuals, having brought very 
little with them. In which place they, being 200 men at their 
iirst coming, had, in short space, eaten all the maize they 
could buy of the inhabitants about them, and therefore 
were driven certain of them to serve a king [chief] of the 
Floridans against others his enemies, for mill [millet] and 
other victuals : which having got, could not serve them, being 
so many, so long a time. But want came upon them, in such 
sort, that they were fain to gather acorns, which being 
stamped small, and often washed to take away the bitterness 
of them, they did use for bread : eating withal sundry times 
roots, whereof they found many good and wholesome ; and 
such as serve rather for medicines than for meats alone. 

But this hardness, not contenting some of them (who would 
not take the pains so much as to fish in the river before 
their doors, but would have all things put into their mouths), 
they did rebel against the Captain ; taking away first his 
armour, and afterwards imprisoning him : and so, to the number 
of 80 of them, departed with a bark and a pinnace, spoiling 
their store of victuals, and taking away a great part thereof 
with them. And so went to the islands of Hispaniola and 
Jamaica a roving, where they spoiled and pilled [pillaged] 
the Spaniards, and having taken two caravels laden with wine 
and casavi (which is a bread made of roots) and much other 
victuals and treasure, had not the grace to depart therewith : 
but were of such haughty stomachs that they thought their 
force to be such that no man durst meddle with them, and so 
kept harbour in Jamaica, going daily ashore at their pleasure. 

But GOD which would not suffer such evil doers un- 
punished, did indurate their hearts in such sort, that they 
lingered the time so long that a ship and galleas, being made 
out of Santo Domingo, came thither into the harbour, and took 
twenty of them ; whereof the most part were hanged, and the 
rest carried into Spain : and some, to the number of five and 
twenty, escaped in the pinnace, and came to Florida ; where, 



J *56s.] Hawkins's kindness to the French. 73 

at their landing, they were put in prison ; and, incontinent, 
four of the chiefest being condemned, at the request of the 
soldiers, did pass the harquebussiers, and then were hanged 
upon a gibbet. 

This lack of 60 men was a great discourage[ment] and 
weakening to the rest ; for they were the best soldiers that 
they had. For they had now made the inhabitants weary of 
them, by their daily craving of maize, having no wares left 
to content withal ; and therefore were enforced to rob them, 
and to take away their victuals perforce ; which was the oc- 
casion that the Floridans, not well contented therewith, did 
take certain of their company in the woods, and slew them ; 
whereby there grew great wars betwixt them and the French- 
men, and therefore they being but a few in number durst not 
venture abroad, but as such time as they were enforced there- 
unto for want of food to do the same. And going twenty 
harquebussiers in a company, were set upon by eighteen 
kings, having 700 or 800 men, which with one of their bows 
slew one of their men, and hurt a dozen, and drove them all 
down to their boats ; whose policy in fight was to be marvelled 
at, for having shot at divers of their bodies which were 
armed, and perceiving that their arrows did not prevail 
against the same, they shot at their faces and legs which 
were the places that the Frenchmen were hurt in. 

Thus, the Frenchmen returned, being in ill case by the hurt 
of their men, having not above 40 soldiers left unhurt ; 
whereby they might ill make any more invasions upon the 
Floridans, and keep their fort withal : which they must have 
been driven unto, had not GOD sent us thither for their 
succour. For they had not above ten days' victuals left 
before we came. 

In which perplexity, our Captain seeing them, spared them 
out of his ship twenty barrels of meal, and four pipes of beans ; 
with divers other victuals and necessaries which he might 
conveniently spare: and to help them the better homewards, 
whither they were bound, before our coming, at their request, 
we spared them [for 700 crowns] one of our barks of 50 tons. 

Notwithstanding the great want that the Frenchmen had, 
the ground doth yield victuals sufficient, if they would have 
taken pains to get the same ; but they being soldiers, 
desired to live by the sweat of other men's brows : for while 



74 Glowing description of Florida. [ , \^q^_ 

they had peace with the Floridans, they had fish sufficient, 
by weirs which they made to catch the same ; but when they 
grew to wars, the Floridans took away the same again, and 
then would not the Frenchmen take the pains to make any 
more. The ground yieldeth naturally grapes in great store, 
for, in the time that the Frenchmen were there, they made 
twenty hogsheads of wine. Also it yieldeth roots passing 
good, deer in marvellous store, with divers other beasts and 
fowl [birds] serviceable to the use of man. These be things 
wherewith a man may live, having corn or maize wherewith 
to make bread ; for maize maketh good savoury bread, and 
cakes as fine as flour : also it maketh good meal, beaten and 
sodden with water, and eateth like pap wherewith we feed 
children. It maketh also good beverage, sodden in water, 
and nourishable : which the Frenchmen did use to drink of 
in the morning ; and it assuaged their thirst, so that they had 
no need to drink all the day after. And this maize was the 
greatest lack they had, because they had no labourers to sow 
the same; and therefore to them that should inhabit the land 
it were requisite to have labourers to till and sow the ground. 
For they having victuals of their own, whereby they neither 
rob nor spoil the inhabitants, may live not only quietly with 
them, who naturally are more desirous of peace than of wars ; 
but also shall have abundance of victuals proffered them for 
nothing : for it is with them, as it is with one of us, when 
we see another man ever taking away from us, although 
we have enough besides, yet then we think all too little for 
ourselves. For surely we have heard the Frenchmen report, 
and I know it by the Indians, that a very little contenteth 
them : for the Indians, with the head of maize roasted, will 
travel a whole day ; and when they are, at the Spaniards* 
finding [vi ciiiallmg], thty give them nothing but sodden herbs 
and maize ; and, in this order, I saw [i.e., in the W. I.] 60 of 
them feed, who were laden with wares, and come fifty leagues 
off. 

The Floridans, when they travel, have a kind of herb dried, 
Tobacco, and who witli SL cauc and a earthen cup in the end, with 
thefeo^ "^^ " fire, and the dried herbs put together, do suck 
through the cane the smoke thereof; which smoke satisfieth 
their hunger, and therewith they live four or five days without 
meat or drink. And this all the Frenchmen used for this 



J ^jgjj Very early English notice of Tobacco. 75 

purpose ; yet do they hold opinion withal, that it causeth 
water and phlegm to void from their stomachs. 

The commodities of this land are more than are yet known 
to any man. For besides the land itself, whereof there is 
more than any Christian king is able to inhabit, it flourisheth 
with meadow, pasture ground, with woods of cedar, Cyprus, 
and other sorts, as better cannot be in the world. They 
have for apothecary herbs, trees, roots, and gums in great 
store ; as storax liquida, turpentine, gum, myrrh, and frank- 
incense, with many others, whereof I know not the names : 
colours, red, black, yellow, and russet, very perfect ; where- 
with they so paint their bodies, and deer-skins which they 
wear about them, that with water it neither fadeth away, 
nor altereth colour. 

Gold and silver they want not. For at the Frenchmen's 
first coming thither, they had the same offered them for little 
or nothing ; for they received for a hatchet 2lbs. weight of 
gold, because they knew not the estimation thereof: but the 
soldiers being greedy of the same, did take it from them, 
giving them nothing for it. The which they perceiving, that 
both the Frenchmen did greatly esteem it, and also did 
rigorously deal with them by taking the same away from 
them, at last would not be known they had any more, neither 
durst they wear the same for fear of [its] being taken away : 
so that saving at the first coming, they could get none 
of them. And how they came by this gold and silver the 
Frenchmen knew not as yet ; but by guess, some (having 
travelled to the south-west of the Cape, having found 
the same dangerous, by means of sundry banks, as we 
also have found the same : and there finding masts which 
were wrecks of Spaniards coming from Mexico) judged that 
they had gotten treasure by them. For it is most true that 
divers wrecks have been made of Spaniards, having much 
treasure. For the Frenchmen having travelled to the Cape- 
ward a 150 miles, did find two Spaniards with the Floridans, 
which they brought, after, to their fort ; whereof one was in 
a caravel coming from the Indies, which was cast away four- 
teen years ago [i.e., in 1551] and the other twelve years [in 
1553] : of whose fellows, some escaped : other some were 
slam by the inhabitants. 

It seemeth they had estimation of their gold and silver, for 



76 Two Spanish castaways. [, ^j^^. 

it is wrought flat and graven, which they wear about their 
necks: other some made round like a pancake, with a hole 
in the midst, to bolster up their breasts withal, because they 
think it a deformity to have great breasts. As for mines, 
either of gold or silver, the Frenchmen can hear of none they 
have upon the island ; but of copper whereof, as yet, they have 
not made the proof, because they were but few men. But it 
is not unlike[ly], but that in the main[land] where are high 
hills, may be gold and silver as well as in Mexico, because it 
is all one main[land]. 

The Frenchmen obtained pearls of them, of great black- 
ness, but they were black, by means of roasting of them; for 
they do not fish for them as the Spaniards do, but for their 
meat. For the Spaniards used to keep daily afishing some 
two or three hundred Indians, some of them that be of choice 
a thousand : and their order is to go in canoes or rather great 
pinnaces, with thirty men in apiece ; whereof the one half or 
most part be divers, the rest do open the same for the pearls, 
for it is not suffered that they should use dragging, for 
that would bring them out of estimation, and mar the beds 
of them. 

The oysters which have the smallest sort of pearls are 
found in seven or eight fathoms of water, but the greatest in 
eleven or twelve fathoms. 

The Floridanshave pieces of unicorn horns [? bear's claws], 
which they wear about their necks, whereof the Frenchmen 
Unicorn's obtained many picccs. Of those unicorns they have 

horns, which r i i ^ rr • i i • i 

the inhabitants many,iorthat they do arhrm it to be a beast with one 
mnmrnJ^"^ hom, which coming to the river to drink, putteth 
the same into the water before he drinketh. Of this unicorn's 
horn, there are of our company, that having gotten the same 
of the Frenchmen, brought home thereof to show. 

It is therefore to be presupposed that there are more com- 
modities as well as that, which, for want of time, and people 
sufficient to inhabit of the same, cannot yet come to light ; 
but I trust GOD will reveal the same before it be long, to 
the great profit of them that shall take it in hand. 

Of beasts in the country, besides deers, hares, polecats, 
conies, ounces, and leopards, I am not able certainly to say ; 
but it is thought that there are lions and tigers as well as 
unicorns. Lions especially, if it be true that is said of the 



7 *565.] The Fauna of F" l o r i d a. ^'j 

emnity between them and the unicorns. For there is no beast 
but hath his enemy, as the cony \the rabbit], the polecat ; a 
sheep, the woh" ; the elephant, the rhinoceros ; and so of 
other beasts the like : insomuch that whereas the one is, the 
other cannot be missing. 

And seeing I have made mention of the beasts of this 
country, it shall not be from my purpose to speak also ot the 
venomous beasts ; as crocodiles, whereof there is great abun- 
dance, adders of great bigness, whereof our men killed some of 
a yard and a half long. Also I heard a miracle of one of 
these adders, upon the which a falcon seizing the said adder, 
[it] did clasp her tail upon her, which the French Captain 
seeing, came to the rescue of the falcon, and took her flaying 
the adder : and this falcon being wild, he did reclaim her, 
and kept her, for the space of two months ; at which time, 
for very want of meat, he was fain to cast her off. On these 
adders, the French did feed, to the no little admiration 
[wonderment] oi MS ; and affirmed the same to be a delicate 
meal. And the Captain of the Frenchmen saw also a serpent 
with three heads and four feet, of the bigness of a great 
spaniel; which, for want of a harquebuss, he durst not 
attempt to slay. 

Offish, also, they have in the river, pike, ro[a]ch, salmon, 
trout, and divers other small fishes ; and of great fish, some 
of the length of a man and longer, being of bigness accor- 
dingly, having a snout much like a sword, of a yard long. 

There be also of sea fishes, which we saw coming along the 
coast, flying : which were of the bigness of a smelt ; the 
biggest whereof have four wings, but the others have but 
two. Of these, we saw coming out of Guinea a hundred in 
a company, which being chased by the "gilt-heads," other- 
wise called the bonitos, do to avoid them the better, take their 
flight out of the water ; but yet are they not able to fly far 
because of the drying of their wings, which serve them not to 
fly but when they are moist : and therefore when they can fly 
no further, they fall into the water, and having wet their 
wings, take a new flight again. These bonitos be of bigness 
like a carp, and in colour like a mackerel ; but it is the 
swiftest fish in swimming that is, and followeth her prey very 
fiercely, not only in the water, but also out of the water ; for as 
the flying fish taketh her flight, so doth this bonito leap after 



78 Early description of Flying Fishes. [ , 1565. 

them, and taketh them sometimes above the water. There 
were some of those honitos which, being galled by a fisgig, 
did follow our ship, coming out of Guinea, 500 leagues. 
There is a sea fowl also that chaseth this flying fish as well 
as the honito ; for as the flying fish taketh her flight, so doth 
this fowl pursue to take her : which to behold is a greater 
pleasure than hawking, for both the flights are as pleasant, 
and also more often by a hundred times ; for the fowl 
can fly no way, but one or other lighteth in her paws, the 
number of them is so abundant. There is an innumerable 
young fry of these flying fishes which commonly keep about 
the ship, and are not so big as butterflies, and yet by flying, 
do avoid the insatiableness of the bonito. Of the bigger sort 
of these fishes, we took many, which, both day and night, 
flew into the sails of our ship ; and there was not one of 
them which was not worth a bonito : for being put upon a 
hook drabbling in the water, the bonito would leap thereat, 
and so was taken. Also we took many with a white cloth 
made fast to a hook, which being tied so short in the water 
that it might leap out and in, the greedy bonito thinking it to 
be a flying fish leapeth thereat, and so is deceived. 

We took also dolphins, which are of very goodly colour 
and proportion to behold ; and no less delicate in taste. 

Fowls also there be many, both upon land and upon sea; 
but concerning them on the land, I am not able to name 
them, because my abode there was so short. But for the 
fowl of the fresh rivers, these two I noted to be the chief : 
whereof the Flamingo is one, having all red feathers, and 
long red legs like the heme [heron] , a neck according to the 
bill, red, whereof the upper neb [i.e., of the beak] hangeth an 
inch over the nether; and an Egript, which is all white as 
the swan, with legs like to an hearneshewe [heronshnw] and of 
bigness accordingly, but it hath in her tail feathers of so fine 
a plume, that it passeth the estridge [ostrich] his feather. 

Of the sea fowl, above all others not common in England, 
I noted the Pelican, which is feigned to be the lovingest bird 
that is ; which rather than her young should want, will spare 
her heart's blood out of her belly : but, for all this lovingness, 
she is very deformed to behold. For she is of russet colour 
(notwithstanding, in Guinea, I had seen of them as white as 
a swan) having legs like the same, and a body like a heme 



, ,565] Cattle are the hope of Florida. 79 

[heron], with a long neck; and a thick long beak, from the 
nether jaw whereof, down to the breast, passeth a skin of 
such bigness as is able to receive a fish as big as a man's 
thigh : and thus her big throat and long bill doth make her 
seem so ugly. 

Here I have declared the estate of Florida, and the com- 
modities therein, to tliis day known ! which although it may 
seem unto some by the means, that the plenty of gold and 
silver is not so abundant as in other places, that the cost 
bestowed on the same will not be able to quit [clear] the 
charges ; yet am I of the opinion by that which I have seen 
in other islands of the Indies (where such increase of cattle 
hath been, that of twelve beasts, in five and twenty years, 
did, in the hides of them, raise a £"1,000 [^£8,000 now] profit 
yearly) that the increase of cattle only [alone] would raise 
profit sufficient for the same. For we may consider, if so 
small a portion did raise so much gain in so short a time, 
what would a greater do, in many years ? And surel}' I may 
affirm this, that the ground of the Indies, for the breed [ing] 
of cattle, is not, in any point, to be compared with this of 
Florida ; which is as green, all the year long, as it is any 
time, in the summer, with us : which surely is not to be 
marvelled at, seeing the country standeth in so watery a 
climate. For once a day, without fail, they have a shower 
of rain ; which, by means of the country itself (which is dry, 
and more fervent[ly] hot than ours) doth make all things to 
flourish therein. And because there is not there the thing 
which we all seek for, being rather desirous of present gains; 
I do therefore affirm the attempt thereof to be more requisite 
for a Prince : who is of power able to go through with the 
same, rather than for any subject. 



From thence, we departed, the 28th July, upon our voyage 
homewards ; having there all things as might be most con- 
venient for our purpose : and took leave of the Frenchmen 
that still remained there ; who determined, with diligence, 
to make so great speed after, as they could. 

Then, by means of contrary winds, we prolonged our 
voyage in such manner, that victuals scanted with us; so 
that we were, divers times, or rather the most part, in de- 



So Safely reach home, bv Newfoundland. [ , \^^^_ 

spair of ever cominp^ home: had not GOD, of His goodness, 
better provided for us, than our deserving. In which state 
of great misery, we were provoked to call upon Him, by 
fervent prayer ; which moved Him to hear us : so that we 
had a prosperous wind, which did set [send] us so far shot 
[ahead] as to be on the Bank of Newfoundland on St. 
Bartholomew's Eve [z^rd Atcgtist] ; and we sounded there- 
upon, finding ground at 130 fathoms. And being that day 
somewhat becalmed, we took a great number oi fresh codfish, 
which greatly relieved us: and, being very glad thereof, the 
next day [2^th August] we departed; and had lingering little 
gales for the space of four or five days. At the end of which 
[? 2gth August] we saw a couple of French ships, and had of 
them so much fish as would serve us plentifully for all the 
rest of the way : the Captain paying for the same, both gold 
and silver, to the just value thereof, unto the chief owners of 
the said ships ; but they, not looking for anything at all, 
were glad in themselves, to meet with such good entertain- 
ment at sea as they had at our hands. 

After which departure from them, with a good large wind, 
we came, the 20th of September [1565], to Padstow in Corn- 
wall, GOD be thanked! in safety: with the loss of twenty 
persons in all the voyage ; as with great profit to the 
Venturers of the said voyage, so also to the whole realm, in 
bringing home both gold, silver, pearls, and other 
jewels in great store. His name therefore 
be praised, for evermore ! Amen. 




The Third Voyage of Sir yoiiN Hawkins. 



I . — £1 ARLIEgT TIDINq3 
TER IJM fJjMQLAND, DeC. 

3 Dec. 1568. W. Hawkins, junior, to Sir W. Cecil 

22 Jan. 1569. The same to the Privy Council ... 

22 Jan. 1569. The same to Sir W. Cecil 

27 Jan. 1569. The same to the same 



OF THE D I 3 A 3- 
1568 — Jan. 1569. 

p. 83-4 
p. 85-6 
p. 87-8 
p. 89-90 



II. — S IR JOHJM HawKIN3'3 own PRINTED 
ACCOUNT, SpRINQ of 1569. 

A true Declaration of the troublesome Voyage of Mr. JOHN 
Hawkins to the parts of Guinea and the West Indies, in 
the years of our Lord 1567 and 1568 pp. 91-103 



III. — The Depo3ition3 in 
Admiralty Court, JVl a r 

William Fowler, of Ratcliffe, Merchant 
William Clarke, Supercargo in the Fleet 

John Hawkins, Esq 

Humphrey Fones, Steward of the Angel 

Jean Turren, Trumpeter in the Jesus ... 

The Depositions to the Twenty-seven Articles of the Schedule pp 11 5- 126 



THE ^ NQLl^H 


C H , 


1569. 






P 


106-8 




P 


108-9 




... p. 


10913 




... p. 


113-14 




p. 


114 



With which are to be taken — 

THE NARRATIVES OF THREE SURVIVORS OF THE 112 MEN 
LANDED NEAR TAMPICO ON 8th OCTOBER, 1568. 

David Ingram, who reached England in 1569 //. 161-172 

Miles Phillips, who arrived in England 1583 pp. 173-218 

Job Hortop, who got home to England, at last, in 1590 ... pp. 219-242 



HAWKINS'S PRETENDED TREACHERY TO THE SPANIARDS, 
MAY— SEPT. 1571. 

13 May 1571. John Hawkins to Lord Burghley ... pp. 127-^ 

7junei57i. The same to the same //. 128-9 

4 Sept. 1571. The same to the same pp. 129-130 

I. F 4 



82 



[This Third Voyage was the most important expedition that had hitherto been 
made by the English nation beyond the coasts of Europe. Of its numerical strength 
we have no precise record ; but it could hardly have been less than from 300 to 400 
men : a very considerable force for that time, to send on such a remote adventure. 

Its tragical fate, so far from being a discouragement to English seamen, only 
stung them to a manifold revenge ; and the baptism of blood at San Juan de Ulua 
was afterwards expiated in the plunder of many an unfortunate Spinish ship. 
Drake never rested till his "particular Indignation" of it was fully assuaged : 
and it was in pursuit of that object, that we see him ( Vol. II. p. 269) on the i ith 
February, 1573, on the top of a very high tree on the dividing ridge of Central 
America, gazing, for the first time, on the Pacific Ocean ; which sight moved him 
to his famous Voyage round the World. 

On the other hand, we must consider the Spaniards point of view. They were 
alarmed in the highest degree at seeing a strong English fleet at the very door of 
the Indies. If they came to San Juan de Ulua with impunity ; not Mexico itself, 
nor Peru, nor the annual galleons that came from the Philippine islands would be safe 
from these heretical islanders. We can appreciate their instant realisation of this 
menace to their power ; also their quick sense of insult at the impudent audacity of 
these Englishmen in coming thus unbidden to their hidden Treasure House ; and 
how both these motives would occasion an almost Irenzied purpose to destroy them, 
any how, and at any cost. The stigma on them, therefore, comes not so much 
from their fighting, as from their supreme treachery : but they seem to have chosen 
treachery, as feeling they had no chance in a fair fight ; as indeed it actually turned 
out. For in the fight itself between the ships, Hawkins was the victor. It was 
the fired ships (a strange anticipation of those at Calais, twenty years later) that 
compelled the English to abandon the Jesus, and the vast treasure that she 
contained. 

This Third Voyage is also memorable as being the first occasion on which English 
keels furrowed that hitherto unknown sea, the Bay of Mexico. The Spaniards had 
kept their West Indian navigations a dead secret. No foreigner, unless naturalised 
by marriage and a long residence in Spain, had a chance of obtaining a license to 
go to the West Indies. The English had no charts or maps to guide them, and 
had to grope their way as best they could ; often only by compelling the help of the 
local pilots whom they took prisoners. 

In those days, the English always entered the West Indies by the South, by 
Trinidad and the northern shore of South America ; and then felt their way north- 
wards as well as they were able : so that Mexico, though geograpliically much 
nearer to England, was considered by them as much more remote and less known. 
It was an excellent proof of Hawkins's good seamanship, that the Minion ever 
got out of the Bay of Mexico at all. It took them a month (16 Oct. — 16 Nov. 
1568, p. 102) to do so : whereas, once clear of the West Indies, he sailed across the 
much wider, but more familiar Atlantic in about six weeks' time.] 



^3 



I. — The Earliest Tidinq^ of the 

Dl^A^TER IN EnQLAND. 

William Hawkins, junior, Esq., 
Governor of Plymouth. 

\,See pp. 84-8.] 

Letter^ on i^rd December^ 1568, to Sir 

W I L LI AM C E ciL , informing him of 

Spanish reports of the destruction of 

his brother s Fleet in the Indies, 

[This letter may be taken as indubitable evidence of the kind inten- 
tions of the Spaniards in respect of JOHN Hawkins's fleet, should they 
be able to carry them out ; for it was not possible that any news of the 
treachery and tragedy at San Juan de Ulua of the previous 23rd Septem- 
ber, could have got to Spain, and from thence to London, and so to 
Plymouth, in the seventy-two days which had since elapsed. Drake (in 
xhe. Judith^ a good sailer,//. 85, 88, loi, and coming straight home from 
the scene of the catastrophe), did not reach Plymouth till the 22nd January 
following, i.e. fifty days later than the date of this letter.] 

[State Papers. Domestic. ELIZABETH. Vol. 48. No. 50.] 

Y BOUNDEN duty always had in remembrance. It 
may please your Honour to be advertised that 
til ere was certain news declared unto me by 
Master William Wynter, Esquire, and he 
should hear [had heard] it of Benedick Spinola, 
of a letter he should [had] received out of Spain. GOD for- 
bid it should be true ! I hope it is but as the Spaniard 
would have it. 

The news should be [was] that my brother, John Haw- 
kins, was constrained to land, and to travel far 
into the land, to make his traffic : and so by a great 
number of men should be entrapped, and all put to 
the sword ; with a great loss to the Spaniards also. 




84 Forerunning rumour of the Disaster. [^Jb^ri'^ses'.' 

But if it should be true, as GOD forbid ! I shall have 
cause to course them whiles I live, and my children after me. 
Wherefore, I shall desire your Honour to be so good in this 
cause, to call before your Honour, Benedick Spinola, 
and to require him to declare you the truth in this matter, 
and thereupon, as the cause requireth, to advertise the 
Queen's Majest}' thereof; to the end there might be some 
Stay made of King Phillip's treasure here in these parts, 
till there be sufficient recompense made for the great 
wrong offered, and also other wrongs done before this. 

And if it shall not please the Queen's Majesty to meddle 
in this matter (although Her Majesty shall be the greatest 
loser therein !) yet that she would give her subjects leave 
to meddle with them by law; and then, I trust, we should 
not only have recompense to the uttermost, but also do as 
good service as is to be devised, with so little cost. And I 
hope to please GOD best therein ; for that they are GOD's 
enemies ! 

This I thought good to advertise your Honour, to the end, 
I might thereby be blameless therein, and you, thereby, to 
see it redressed. 

There was an Act and Decree directed unto Sir Arthur 

Champernown and me, out of the [Lord] Admiral's Court, 

[ofj which [the] effect was, that, by both our consents, the 

ships with the goods sequestered in our hands should 

be delivered unto the Flemings; and Master Kell and 

his [ac]complices, with their ships, to be released ; 

always reserving unto every one, for the false keeping 

and conservation of the ships and goods, their charges, 

taxed and allowed by Sir Arthur and me, or one of us. 

Which we have done accordingly; and now the Judge 

mindeth to alter all ; wherefore, if occasion shall serve, I 

shall desire your Honour's help herein. And I shall daily 

pray for your Honourable Estate long to endure. 

From Plymouth, the 3rd day of December, 1568. 
By your Honour's always to command, 

William Hawkins. 

Addressed — 

To the Right Honourable Sir William Cecil Knight, 
Secretary to the Queen's Majesty; give this, with all speed! 



S5 



William Hawkins, junior, Esq., 
Governor of Plymouth. 

Letter to the Privy Council^ in the night of 

the 22nd yanuary^ 15^9) advising of 

the arrival at Plymouth that nighty 

of Fr an c I s Dr a ke^ 

in the Judith. 

{State Papers. Domestic. ELIZABETH. Vol. 49. No. 37.] 

[At the time, William Hawkins was writing this letter, his brother 
[OHN was sailing homewards in the Mijiion, from Vigo to Mount's Bay in 
Cornwall : see^. 103.] 

Right Honourable, and my singular Good Lords. 

Y BOUNDEN duty alwa3's had in remembrance. It 
may please your Honours to be advertised that 
there is, this present night, arrived into the 
port of Plymouth, one of the small barks \the 
Judith] of my brother John Hawkins' Fleet, 
from the Indias ; and for that I have neither writing from 
him, nor anything else, I thought good, and my most bounden 
duty so to do, to send [to] your Honours, the Captain of the 
same bark, to the end the Queen's Majesty may be, by your 
Honours, thoroughly advertised of the whole proceedings of 
this Voyage. 

And for that my brother's safe return is very dangerous 
and doubtful, but that it resteth in GOD's hands (who send 
him well, if it be His blessed will !) ; and our adventures 
[i.e., of the. two brothers' Hawkins], at this present time, 
jf2,ooo [= abotit ^16,000 now] : besides many injuries we 




86 The money stake of the two Hawkins. [Yzjl^^'i^ld^! 

have sustained at the Spaniards' hands heretofore. Where- 
fore, my humble suit unto your Honours is to, be a mean[s] 
unto the Queen's Majesty that I may be by some means, 
recompensed, as time and occasion hereafter shall serve; 
either by some of those Spaniards' goods stayed in these 
West parts, or otherwise by some furtherance from the 
Queen's Majesty ; whereby I may the better be able to recom- 
pense myself against those nations that hath offered these 
wrongs. 

And I shall daily pray for the long continuance of your 
Honour's estates, long to endure. 

From Plymouth, the 22nd day of January, anno 1568 
[i.e., 1569,] 

By your Honours always to command, 

William Hawkins. 

And further, if it shall please your Honours to have some 
consideration towards the poor state of our town. I assure 
your Honours, it is not, of itself, able to provide two hundred- 
weight of powder, without a collection amongst ourselves : 
and the inhabitants very poor besides. But to our powers, 
we will be found ready for the defence of the same. 

The great passing of Fleets, this summer [1568] , before 
our haven, either with fleeing out of Flanders (which GOD 
grant !) or otherwise the repair into Flanders out of Spain, 
with aid, may be a means whereby the town may be put 
to a great after deal : which GOD forbid ! Wherefore I 
shall desire your Honours to consider of it. 

This I thought good to advertise your Honours, for my 
own discharge. 

By your Honours always, 

William Hawkins. 

Addressed — 

To the Right Honourable and my singular good Lords, 
the Lords of the Privy Council ; give this at the Court with 
all speed. 

Haste! Haste! 



87 



William Hawkins, junior, Esq. 
Governor of Plymouth. 

Letter to Sir William C e c i l^ on 

the same night of the 22nd 

yanuary^ iS^Q* 

[State Papers. Domestic. ELIZABETH. Vol. 49. No. 36.] 

Right Honourable. 

&''^|^;&I 4||Y BOUNDEN duty always had in remembrance. It 
% VViwI m ^^^^ please your Honour to be advertised that 
■ ^1^^ ^^^^ present hour there is come to Plymouth, one 
B ^nB^ of the small barks of my brother's fleet ; and for 
that I have neither writing, nor anything else 
from him, I thought it good and my most bounden duty, to 
send you the Captain of the same bark, being our kinsmen, 
called Francis Drake ; for that he shall thoroughly inform 
your Honour of the whole proceedings of these affairs, to the 
end the Queen's Majesty may be advertised of the same. 

And for that it doth plainly appear of their manifest 
injuries from time to time offered; and our losses only in 
this Voyage ^^2,000 [= ^^16,000 now] at least ; besides my 
brother's absence (which unto me is more grief than any 
other thing in this world), whom I trust, as GOD hath pre- 
served, will likewise preserve and send well home in safety : 
in the meantime, my humble suit unto your Honour is, 
that the Queen's Majesty will, when time shall serve, see 
me her humble and obedient subject, partly recompensed 
of those Spaniards' goods here stayed. And further, if it shall 
please Her Grace to give me leave to work my own force 
against them, to the end I may be the better recompensed : 
I shall be the more bound unto Her Highness : who I pray 



88 The Judith is a very good sailer, [y^jlrise^ 

GOD long to live to the Glory of GOD, and the comfort of 
her subjects. 

If I may have any warrant from Her Majesty, or from 
your Honour ; I shall be glad to set forth four ships of mv 
own presently \at once]. 

I have already commission from the Cardinal Chatil- 
LiON for one ship to serve the Princes of Navarre and 
CoNDE : but I may not presume any further, without com- 
mission. 

In these things, I shall desire your Honour to be adver- 
tised by my servant, Francis Drake ; and I shall daily pray 
for your Honour's estate long to endure. 

From Plymouth, the 20th of January, at night, 1568 
[i.e., 1569]. 

By your Honour's, 

William Hawkins. 

For the small bark [the Judith] that is come home, if I 
might be so bold [as] to cause her to be [aplpraised by fouf 
honest men, to the end the Adventurers might be duly 
answered ; I would, for that she is a very good sailer, bestow 
a £100 [£"800 now] upon her presently [at once]. 

Our town is very weak, and hath no help of the Prince : 
wherefore I shall most humbly desire your Honour to be a 
help for some allowance for us. 

By your Honour's, 

William Hawkins. 

Addressed — 

To the Right Honourable Sir William Cecil, Chief 
Secretary to the Queen's Majesty; give this, at the Court, 
with all speed 1 




89 



William Hawkins, junior, Esq. 
Governor of Plymouth. 

Letter to Sir William Gecil^ of 

2^th January^ 1569, announcing the 

arrival of his brother at 

Mount's Bay, 

[State Papers. Domestic. ELIZABETH. Vol s,r). A'o. 42.] 

Right Honourable. 

Y BOUNDEN duty always had in remembrance. It 
may please your Honour to be advertised, that I 
am credibly informed of my brother's arrival \pn 
the 2Sth January, see p. 103] with the Minion, in 
Mount's Bay, in Cornwall. Not from him, nor 
any of his company; but by one of the Mount, [who] for 
good will, came immediately away in post, upon the speech 
of one of his men who was sent aland for help of men, and 
also for cables and anchors, for that they had but one : and 
their men [are] greatly weakened by reason he put ashore [on 
the 8th of October, 1568] in the Indias, a hundred of his men, 
for the safeguard of the rest ; and also that he should [had] 
cast overboard, not five days before [i.e., between the ^rd — 8th 
of October, 1568] forty-five men more ; and the rest, being 
alive, were fain to live seven days upon an ox-hide. 

Whereupon, the wind being easterly; I sent away for his 
succour, a bark with thirty-four mariners, store of fresh 
victuals, two anchors, three cables, and store of small warps, 
with other necessaries, as I thought good. 




90 The Spanish treasure sent to London. [Y;] 



Hawkins. 

an. 1569. 



I am assured to hear from himself, this night at the 
furthest ; and then I will certify your Honour, with speed, 
again. 

And so, for this time, I leave to trouble your Honour any 
further; praying for the increase of your Honour's estate. 

From Plymouth, the 27th of January, 1568 [i.e., 1569]. 



Sir Arthur Champernown hath willed me to advertise 
your Honour, that, to-morrow next, he mindeth depart out 
of Plymouth, with all the treasure, towards Exeter ; and to 
be there, the next day following, where he mindeth to stay 
till Saturday next following. He mindeth to provide, for 
the safe conduct of the same, fifty horsemen, and fifty foot- 
men, with artillery and things necessary for the same ; which 
this bearer can declare to your Honour all at large : and then 
to come with the treasure, with as much diligence as is 
possible. Praying your Honour to advertise, by post, if this 
determination like you not; and he will be willing to follow 
your Honour's determination to the contrary. 

From Plymouth, ut supra. 

By your Honour's, always to command, 

William Hav^^kins. 

Addressed — 

To the Right Honourable Sir William Cecil Knight, 
Chief Secretary to the Queen's Majesty; give this, at the 
Court, with all haste possible. 

Haste! Haste! Post Haste! 





eclaratiott of t|)e 

troublesome Wlo^ast of 

^^ fl@. 3ol)n i^atoluns to tl)e 

part^ of di^utnea anti t\)t 

mm 9inMe03 in tlje 

tcar0 of our ilorD 

1567 ant) 1568, 



IT 5n\printcD at lonnon^ 

^ in IPaurs Cfjurcfti^art), tj? Cbomas 

purfoot for lucas (Harmon, 

ntuelling at tf)e sign 

of tije Crane. 

yf;?;/^. 1569. 





^ Here followeth a Note or Declaration of 

the troublesome Voyage made with the 

Jesus, the Minion, and four other 

ships to the parts oj Guinea in the 

years 1567 and 1568, by 

John Ha wkins. 

I Also in Hakluyt, 15S9.] 

'He ships departed from Pl3'mouth, the 2nd 
day of October, anno 1567 ; and had reason- 
able weather until the 7th day, at which 
time, some 40 leagues north from Cape 
Finisterre, there arose an extreme storm, 
which continued four days, in such sort 
that the fieet was dispersed, and all our 
great boats lost, and the Jesus, our chief 
ship, in such case as not thought able to serve the v6}-age : 
whereupon, in the same storm, we set our course homeward, 
determining to give over the voyage. But the nth day of 
the same month, the wind changed, with fair weather : 
whereby we were animated to follow our enterprise ; and so 
did, directing our course to the isles of the Grand Canaries ; 
where, according to an order before prescribed, all our ships, 
before dispersed, met in one of those islands, called Gomera. 
There we took water, and departed from thence, the 4th 
day of November., towards the coast of Guinea; and arrived 




94 Kidnapping on the African Coast, [^''^pri^g'l'seg: 

at Cape de Verde the i8th day of November, where we 
landed 150 men, hoping to obtain some Negroes : where 
we got but few, and those with great hurt and damage to our 
men, which chieily proceeded of their envenomed arrows. 
And although in the beginning, they seemed to be but small 
hurts : yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawn of 
them, but died in strange sort, with their mouths shut some 
ten days before they died, and after their wounds were whole. 
Where I myself had one of the greatest wounds ; yet, thanks 
be to GOD ! escaped. 

From thence, we passed the time upon the coast of Guinea, 
searching with all diligence the rivers, from Rio Grande unto 
Sierra Leone, till the 12th of January [1568] ; in which time, 
we had not got together 150 Negrose [Negroes] : yet, not- 
withstanding the sickness of our men, and the late time of 
the year commanded us away. 

Thus having nothing wherewith to seek the coast of the 
West Indias, I was, with the rest of our company, in consul- 
tation, to go to the Coast of the Mine [El Mina, near Cape 
Coast Castle] ; hoping there to have obtained some gold for our 
wares, and thereby to have defended [defrayed] our charges : 
but even, in that present instant, there came to us a Negro 
sent from a king oppressed by other kings his neighbours, 
desiring our aid, with promise that as many Negrose as by 
these wars might be obtained, as well of his part as of ours, 
should be at our pleasure. 

Whereupon we concluded to give aid, and sent 120 of our 
men ; which the 15th of January [1568] assaulted a town of 
the Negrose [Negroes], our ally's adversaries, which had in it 
8,000 inhabitants. It was very strongly impaled and fenced, 
after their manner ; and it was so well defended that our men 
prevailed not, but lost six men, and forty hurt. So that our men 
sent forthwith to me for more help: whereupon considering 
that the good success of this enterprise might highly further 
the commodity of our voyage, I went myself; and with the 
help of the King of our side, assaulted the town, both by land 
and sea : and very hardly, with fire (their houses being covered 
with dry palm leaves), obtained the town and put the inhabi- 
tants to flight. 

There we took 250 persons (men, women, and children), 
and by our friend the King of our side, there were taken 600 



^'■"Jpr^r^sep] ^^O DE LA HaCHA AGAIN OCCUPIED. 93 

prisoners whereof we hoped to have had our choice : but the 
Negro (in which nation is seldom or never found the truth) 
meant nothing less. For that night, he removed his camp 
and prisoners : so that we were fain to be content with those 
few, which we had got ourselves. 

H Now had we obtained between 400 and 500 Negrose, 
wherewith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seek the 
coast of the West Indians; and there for our Negrose and 
our other merchandise, we hoped to obtain whereof to counter- 
vail our charges, with some gains. 

Whereunto we proceeded with all diligence, furnished our 
watering, took fuel, and departed the coast of Guinea, the 
3rd of February, continuing at the sea, with a passage more 
hard than before hath been accustomed, till the 27th day of 
March, on which day, we had sight of an island called 
Dominica, upon the coast of the West Indies, in 14° N. 

From thence, we coasted from place to place, making our 
traffic with the Spaniards as we might ; somewhat hardly, 
because the King had straitly commanded all his Governors 
in those parts, by no means, to suffer any trade to be made 
with us. 

Notwithstanding, we had reasonable trade and courteous 
entertainment, from the isle of Margarita, unto Cartagena, 
without anything greatly worth the noting : saving at Cape 
de la Vela, in a town called Rio de la Hacha (from vs^hence 
come all the pearls), the Treasurer [Captain John Lovell 
with young Francis Drake {then on his first visit to West 
Indies, had tho7ight themselves wronged here, ijt 1565-66], 
who had charge there, would, by no means, agree to any 
trade, or suffer us to take water. He had fortified his 
town with divers Bulwarks [forts] in all places where it 
might be entered ; and furnished himself with a hundred 
harquebussiers : so that he thought to have enforced us 
by famine \inchiding thirst\ to have put a land our 
Negrose. Of which purpose, he had not greatly failed, 
unless we had by force entered the town : which (after we 
could by no means obtain his favour) we were enforced to do. 
And so, with 200 men, brake in upon their Bulwarks, and 
entered the town ; with the loss of only two men of our part ; 



96 They seek Florida first, then Mexico. [^''^rmrS- 

and no hurt done to the Spaniards ; because after their volley 
of shot discharged, they all fled. 

H Thus having the town, with some circumstance [negotia- 
tions^, as partly by the Spaniards' desire of Negroes, and partly 
by the friendship of the Treasurer, we obtained a secret trade : 
whereupon, the Spaniards resorted to us by night, and bought 
of us to the number of 200 Negroes. 

In all other places, where we traded, the Spanish inhabi- 
tants were glad of us, and traded willingly. 

At Cartagena, the last town we thought to have seen on 
the coast, we could, by no means, obtain to come with any 
Spaniard; the Governor was so strait. And because our 
trade was so near[ly] finished, we thought it not good either 
to adventure any landing, or to detract further time ; but, in 
peace, departed from thence, the 24th of July: hoping to 
have escaped the time of their storms, which then, soon after, 
begin to reign ; the which they call Furicanos [hurricanes]. 

But passing by the west end of Cuba, towards the coast 
of Florida, there happened to us, the 12th day of August, an 
extreme storm, which continued by the space of four days ; 
which did so beat the Jesus, that we cut down all her higher 
buildings : her rudder also was sore[ly] shaken, and withal 
she was in so extreme a leak, that we were rather upon the 
point to leave her, than to keep her any longer. 

Yet hoping to bring all to good pass, we sought the coast 
of Florida ; where we found no place nor haven for our ships, 
because of the shallowness of the coast. 

Thus being in greater despair, and taken with a new storm 
which continued another three days; we were enforced to 
take for our succour the port which serveth the city of Mexico, 
called Saint John de Lye [San Juan de Ulna] ; which standeth 
in 19° N. 

In seeking of which port, we took, in our way, three ships, 
w^hich carried passengers to the number of a hundred : which 
passengers we hoped should be a means to us, the better to 
obtain victuals for our money, and a quiet place for the re- 
pairing of our fleet. 

Shortly after this, the i6th of September, we entered the 
port of Saint Jon de lue [San Juan de Ulna] ; and in our 
entry, the Spaniards thinking us to be the Fleet of Spain, the 



^''irS^'^S.] Arrival at San Juan de Ulua. 97 

Chief Officers of the countiy came aboard us : who, being 
deceived of their expectation, were greatly dismayed ; but 
immediately when they saw our demand was nothing but 
victuals, were recomforted. 

I found also in the same port, twelve ships which had in 
them, by report jTaoOjOOO [ = nearly two millions sterling now] 
in gold and silver. All which, being in my possession, with 
the King's island, as also the passengers before stayed in my 
way thitherward, I set at liberty, without the taking from 
them, the weight of a groat. 

Only because I would not be delayed of my despatch, I 
stayed two men of estimation ; and sent post immediately to 
Mexico (which was 200 miles from us) to the Presidents and 
Council there, shewing them of our arrival there, by the force 
of weather, and the necessity of the repair of our ships, and 
victuals : which wants we required, as friends to King Phillip, 
to be furnished of for our money: and that the Presidents 
and Councilthere, should with all convenient speed take order 
that, at the arrival of the Spanish Fleet, which was daily 
looked for, there might no cause of quarrel rise between us 
and them ; but for the better maintenance of amity, their 
commandment might be had in that behalf. 

This message was sent away the i6th day of September, 
at night, being the very day of our arrival. 

In the next morning, which was the 17th day of the same 
month, we saw open of the haven thirteen great ships ; and 
understanding them to be the Fleet of Spain, I sent immedi- 
ately to advertise the General of the Fleet, of my being there : 
giving him to understand that " Before I would suffer them to 
enter the port, there should be some order of Conditions 
passed between us, for our safe being there, and maintenance 
of peace." 

Now it is to be understood, that this port is a little island 
of stones, not three feet above the water in the highest place ; 
and but a bow shot of length any way. This island standeth 
from the mainland, two bow shots or more. Also it is to be 
understood that there is not in all this coast, any other place 
for ships to arrive in safety, because the north wind hath 
there such violence that, unless the ships be very safely 
moored with their anchors fastened upon this island ; there 
I. G 4 



98 The Fleet of Spain off the Harbour, p'^p^g^'^seg: 

is no remedy for [on account of] the north winds, but death. 
Also the place of the haven was so little, that, of necessity, 
the ships must ride one aboard [touching] the other : so that 
we could not give place to them, nor they to us. 

And here I began to bewail that which after followed, for 
now, said I, " I am in two dangers ; and forced to receive the 
one of them." That was, either I must have kept the Fleet 
from entering the port, the which, with GOD's help, I was 
very well able to do : or else suffer them to enter in, with 
their accustomed treason, which they never fail to execute 
where they may have opportunity, or circumvent it by any 
means. If I had kept them out, then had there been present 
shipwreck of all the Fleet, which amounted in value to 
6,000,000 [crowns] which was in value [at 6s. the crown] 
j^i, 800,000 [ = about four millions and a half now] which I 
considered I was not able to answer ; fearing the Queen's 
Majesty's indignation in so weighty a matter. 

Thus revolving with myself the doubts ; I thought it 
rather better to abide the jutt of the uncertainty, than the 
certainty. The uncertain doubt I accounted, was their 
treason ; which, by good policy, I hoped might be prevented : 
and therefore as choosing the least mischief, I proceeded to 
Conditions. 

Now was our first messenger come and returned from the 
Fleet, with report of the arrival of a Viceroy ; so that he 
had authority both in all this Province of Mexico otherwise 
called Nova Hispania, and in the sea. Who sent us word 
that " We should send our Conditions, which, of his part, 
should (for the better maintenance of amity between the 
Princes), be both favourably granted, and faithfully per- 
formed " : with many fair words, " how passing the coast 
of the Indies, he had understood of our honest behaviour 
towards the inhabitants where we had to do ; as well else- 
where, as in the same port," the which I let pass. 

Thus following our demand, we required. 

Victuals for our money, and license to sell as much 
wares as might furnish our wants. 

That there might be, of either part, twelve gentlemen 
as hostages for the maintenance of peace. 

That the island, for our better safety, might be in our 
own possession, during our abode there ; and such ord- 



^'spHng'Sl Conditions of Peace are proclaimed. 99 

nance as was planted in the same island : which were 
eleven pieces of brass. 

And that no Spaniard might land in the island, with 
any kind of weapon. 

These Conditions, at the first, he somewhat misliked ; 
chiefly the guard of the island to be in our own keeping : which 
if they had had, we had soon known our fare. For with the 
first north wind, they had cut our cables, and our ships had 
gone ashore. But in the end, he concluded to our request, 
bringing the twelve hostages [down] to ten : which, with all 
speed, of either part, were received ; with a writing from the 
Viceroy signed with his hand, and sealed with his seal, of all 
the Conditions concluded. 

Forthwith a trumpet was blown ; with commandment, that 
none, of either part, should be means to violate the peace, 
upon pain of death. 

And further, it was concluded, that the two Generals of 
the Fleets should meet, and give faith each to the other, 
for the performance of the premisses. Which was so done. 

Thus at the end of three days, all was concluded ; and the 
Fleet entered the port : we saluting one another, as the 
manner of the sea doth require. 

Thus, as I said before, Thursday [i6th], we entered the 
port ; Friday [lyth], we saw the Fleet ; and on Monday [20th] 
at night, they entered the port. 

Then we laboured two days, placing the English ships by 
themselves, and the Spanish ships by themselves ; and the 
Captains of each part, and inferior men of their parts, 
promising great amity of all sides. Which even, as with all 
fidelity, was meant of our part : so the Spaniards meant 
nothing less of their parts : but having furnished themselves 
from the mainland, with a supply of men, to the number of 
1,000 ; they meant, the next Thursday, being the 23rd of 
September, at dinner time, to set upon us, of all sides. 

The same Thursday, in the morning, the treason being at 
hand, some appearance shewed; as shifting of weapons from 
ship to ship, planting and bending of ordnance from the ship 
to the island where our men warded, passing to and fro of 
companies of men more than required for their necessary 
business, and many other ill likelihoods, which caused us to 



loo Unmasking of the Spaniards' treason. [^'"■Jpr^g^^se,: 

have a vehement suspicion ; and therewithal, sent to the 
Viceroy, to inquire what was meant by it. 

Who sent, immediately, straight commandment to unplant 
all suspicious things; and also sent word that "he, on 
the faith of Viceroy, would be our defence from all 
villains." 

Yet we, not being satisfied with this answer (because we 
suspected a great number of men to be hid in a great ship, of 
900 tons, which was moored next unto the Minion), sent again 
to the Viceroy, the Master of the jfesus (who had the Spanish 
tongue), and required to be satisfied if any such thing were, 
or not. 

The Viceroy seeing that the treason must be discovered ; 
forthwith stayed our Master, blew the trumpet, and set upon 
us of all sides. 

Our men, which warded ashore, being stricken with 
sudden fear, gave place, fled, and sought to recover succour 
from the ships. The Spaniards, being provided before for 
the purpose, landed in all places in multitudes from their 
ships, which they might easily do without boats ; and slew 
all our men ashore without mercy. A few of them escaped 
aboard the Jesus. 

The great ship, which had by the estimation, 300 men 
secretly placed in her, immediately fell aboard the Minion ; 
which (by GOD's appointment) (in the time of suspicion we 
had, which was only half an hour) the Minion was made 
ready to avoid, and so loosing her head fasts, and hauling 
away by the stern fasts she was gotten out. Thus, with 
GOD's help, she defended the violence of the first brunt of 
these 300 men. 

The Minion being passed out, thej^ came aboard the Jesus ; 
which also with very much ado, and the loss of many of our 
men, was defended, and they kept out. 

Then were there also two other ships that assaulted the 
Jestis at the same instant; so that she had [a] hard getting 
loose : but yet, with some time, we had cut our head fasts, 
and gotten out by the stern fasts. 

Now when the Jesus and the Minion were gotten abroad, 
two ships' length from the Spanish Fleet, the fight began hot 
of all sides [that is, outside or in the mouth of the harbour] : so 
that, within one hour, the admiral [Flag Ship] of the Spaniards 



^'""/p "r59.'] Sinking of English and Spanish S hips, i o i 

was supposed to be sunk, their vice admiral burned, and one 
other of their principal ships supposed to be sunk. So that 
the ships were little able to annoy us. 

Then it is to be understood that all the ordnance upon the 
Island was in the Spaniards' hands, which did us so great 
annoyance, that it cut all the masts and yards of the Jesus ; 
in such sort that there was no hope to carry her away. Also 
it sank all our small ships. 

Whereupon, we determined to place the Jesus on that side 
of the Minion, that she might abide all the battery from the 
land, and so be a defence for the Miction till night ; and 
then to take such relief of victuals and other necessaries 
from the Jesus, as time would suffer us, and so to leave her. 

As we were thus determining, and had placed the Million 
[away] from the shot of the land ; suddenly, the Spaniards 
had fired two great ships, which were coming directly with 
us. 

Having no means to avoid the fire, it bred among our men 
a marvellous fear : so that some said, " Let us depart with 
the Minion ! " Others said, " Let us see whether the wind 
will carry the fire from us ! " But, to be short, the Minion's 
men, which had always their sails in a readiness, thought to 
make sure work ; and so, without eitherconsent of the Captain 
or Master, cut their sail ; so that, very hardly, I was re- 
ceived into the Minion. 

The most part of the men that were left alive in the Jesus, 
made shift, and followed iheMinion in a small boat. The rest, 
which the little boat was not able to receive, were enforced to 
abide the mercyof the Spaniards; which I doubt was very little. 

So with the Minion only, and the Judith, a small bark of 
50 tons, we escaped : which bark, the same night, forsook us 
in our great misery. 

We were now removed with the Minion from the Spanish 
ships two bow shots ; and there rode all that night. 

The next morning [24^/t], we recovered an island, a mile 
from the Spaniards : where there took us a north wind : and 
being left only with two anchors and two cables (for in this 
conflict, we lost three cables and two anchors), we thought 
always upon death, which ever was present ; but GOD pre- 
served us to a longer time. 

The weather waxed reasonable, and the Saturday [25^/j] we 



I02 Fearful Famine on board the Minion, psprkir^s"^ 

set sail ; and having a great number of men and little victuals, 
our hope of life waxed less and less. Some desired to yield 
to the Spaniards. Some rather desired to obtain a place, 
where they might give themselves to the infidels \Indians\. 
And some hath rather abide with a little pittance, the mercy 
of GOD at sea. 

So thus, with many sorrowful hearts, we wandered in an 
unknown sea, by the space of fourteen days, till hunger 
enforced us to seek the land. For hides were thought very 
good meat ; rats, cats, mice, and dogs, none escaped that 
might be got. Parrots and monkeys that were had in great 
price \_weYe, great pets] were thought there very profitable if 
they served the turn of one dinner. 

Thus, in the end, the 8th day of October, we came to the 
land, in the bottom [or rather, at the east] of the Bay of 
Mexico in ;^^^° N. lat., where we hoped to have found 
inhabitants of the Spaniards, relief of victuals, and 
place for the repair of our ship : which was so sore beaten 
with shot from our enemies, and bruised with [the] shooting 
of our own ordnance ; that our weary and weak arms were 
scarce able to defend and keep out the water. [They would 
have found all the three things they needed, had they struck the 
coast ten leagues to the westward, where Tampico was situated, at 
the mouth of the Panuco ; see pp. i86, 232-3.] 

But all things happened to the contrary, for we found 
neither people, victuals, nor haven of relief; but a place, 
where, having fair weather, we might, with some peril, land a 
boat. 

Our people being forced with hunger, desired to be set a 
land; whereunto I concluded. And such as were willing to 
land, I put them apart ; and such as were desirous to go 
homewards, I put apart. So that they were indifferently 
parted ; a hundred [the exact number landed was 114, seep. 187] 
of one side, and a hundred of the other side. 

These hundred men we set a land, with all diligence, in 
this little place before said : which being landed, we deter- 
mined there to refresh our water ; and so, with our little 
remain of victuals, to take the sea. 

The next day, having a land with me, fifty of our hundred 
men that remained, for the speedier preparing of our water 



^''fchirSg'] -^ REMNANT ONLY REACH ENGLAND. IO3 

aboard ; there arose an extreme storm ; so that, in three days 
we could by no means repair to our ship. The ship also was 
in such peril, that, every hour, we looked for shipwreck; but 
yet GOD again had mercy on us, and sent fair weather. 

We had aboard our water, and departed the i6th of 
October ; after which day, we had fair and prosperous weather 
till the i6th of November, which day, GOD be praised ! we 
were clear from the coast of the Indians, and out of the 
channel and Gulf of Bahama, which is between the Cape of 
Florida, and the island of Cuba. 

After this, growing near to the cold country; our men 
being oppressed with famine, died continually : and they that 
were left, grew into such weakness, that we were scarcely able 
to manure [jnanceuvre] our ship. 

The wind being always ill for us to recover England, we 
determined to go with Galicia in Spain ; with the intent there 
to relieve our company, and other extreme wants. 

Being arrived the last day of December in a place near 
unto Vigo, called Ponte Vedra, our men, with excess of fresh 
meat, grew into miserable diseases ; and a great part of them 
died. 

This matter was borne out [i.e., their crippled condition was 
concealed] as long as it might be : but in the end, although 
there was none of our men suffered to go a land : yet, by the 
access of the Spaniards, our feebleness was known to them ; 
whereupon they ceased not to seek by all means to betray us. 

But, with all speed possible, we departed to Vigo ; where 
we had some help of certain English ships, and twelve fresh 
men wherewith we repaired our wants as we might. 

And departing, the 20th of January, 1569, we arrived in 
Mount's Bay in Cornwall, the 25th of the same month. 
Praised be GOD therefore 1 

^ If all the miseries and troublesome affairs of this 
Sorrowful Voyage should be perfectly and thoroughly 
written ; there should need a painful man with his pen, and 
as great a time as he [i.e., John Fox] had, that wrote the 
Lives and Deaths of the Martyrs. John Hawkins. 

FINIS, 



I04 



III. — The Deposition? in the Enqli?h 

Admiralty Court. 

The Depositions in the Admiralty Court 
as to the Fight at San Juan de Ulua^ 
and the E?7glish losses there sustained^ 
I'T^rd March^ 15^9* 




Hese are preserved in State Papers, Dom. Eliz., July, 1569, 
Vol. 53, in the Public Record Office, London ; and throw a 
flood of light on many incidents of the fight, and on the 
prices of Negroes and other "wares" in the West Indies at 
this time. 

The Depositions were made to eleven Interrogatories, and to a Schedule 
of values consisting of twenty-seven Items. The answers vary in impor- 
tance as in fulness, according to the opportunities and position of the 
several Deponents in the fleet. The whole purpose of the Depositions 
was to get up the biggest possible bill against the King of Spain for the 
injuries received ; as a justification and groundwork for further attacks on 
him : as Drake thought and afterwards did. 

We first give the testimony of one of the earliest of English trafficers 
in Spanish ships, to Mexico ; but who, however, was not with Hawkins in 
any of these Voyages. His deposition was evidently made to show, by an 
i7idependent and competent authority, what were the current prices at 
Vera Cruz and the city of Mexico, of such goods as HAWKINS had been 
spoiled of at San Juan de Ulua. 

Principally, from this witness, WiLLlAM FowLER, we get the following 
table of monetary values, on the basis, as monetary unit, of the Rial de 
Plata, the "Rial of Silver" then roughly considered as equal to the 
English Sixpence. 



23 M?rch'i569:] Equivalent values ofWest Indian coins. 105 

English^ Money. I'^GO-I'^SO A.D. Spanish. 

[Modem Contemporary 
approximate current Peso of Peso of 

value xS.} value. Rials. Silver. Gold. 

S. d. 

[40J.] 5 Oi^.'iZ^) Peso. Corieiite%\\vtx... lo = i 
[44^.] 5 6 Spanish Ducat ii 

[The normal Peso de\ 
[53-y-] 8 \ Plata in the West[ 13 = i* 

i Indies j 

(The Peso de Plata in \ 
Mexico, Peru, and _ 

the inland districts [ ^ 
of the Spanish Main/ 

[64J.] 8 O PesodOro 16 = It 

[8 3/. 547.] 
[260J.] 32 6 Mark/, 285 65 6>^ 4 

* This is what is meant, when the word Peso only is used. It was an English ounce (troy 
weight) of silver ; and was the monetary Unit of Central America; afterwards known as the 
Piece of Eight, and is the Mexican dollar of the present day. [The English Mint value for which 
is about 4s. 3d., it being below the English Standard of fineness. — Kelly, Cambist, i. sqi Ed. 
1811.] 

+ Always distinguished as the Peso of Gold. 

In order to get some approximate corresponding modern value ; the 
equivalents multiplied by eight are shown within square brackets [ ]. 
Sonie of the amounts seem marvellously great : but, of course, Hawkins 
only took those things with him which brought the highest prices ; and 
that was why he stained himself and England with Negro-hunting and 
Negro slavery. 

Although it is no justification whatever, it is clear, from p. 29, that 
Hawkins learnt the trade of slave-hunting from the Portuguese. 

Then we have in the State Papers,Xhe depositions of Sir John Hawkins 
himself. 

Suppressing all legal verbiage, we give the substance of his depositions ; 
and then add any additional points from those of the following eye-wit- 
nesses, 

[Captain Thomas Hampton, est. 44, Captain of the Minion?^ 
William Clarke, oet. 28, one of the four Merchants \Supercaro;oes'\ 
appointed for the fleet ; who, sailing in the William and Joht, 
escaped the Fight. 

John Tommes, cet. 27, servant to Sir John, and sailing with him 
in the Jesus. 

Jean Turren, cet. 30, Trumpeter of the Jesus. 
Humphrey Fones, <zt. 25, Steward of the Angel. 
It is curious that there is no deposition by Drake included in this 
Series, though he was present at the Fight. 

The William and John was not at the Fight ; but was represented, as 
the sixth ship of the original Squadron, by a caravel captured at sea, and 
christened the Grace of God., a remarkable name for a slaver. 



io6 




William Fowler-^ of Ratcliffe^ in 

the kingdom of England^ merchant^ of 

about 38 years of age ; witnesseth^ 

E knoweth shipping to be very dear both at 
Seville in Andalusia, in Spain; and at the 
harbour of la Vera Cruz [the true Cross] in 
the West Indias. For the ton freight is 30 
Ducats [=^£^ 5s. =£66 now] from Seville 
to la Vera Cruz ; and so much money 
more, from la Vera Cruz to Seville : which, 
in the whole, is 60 Ducats [;£i6 ios.= 
£1^2 now] the ton freight. 

For he hath traded from Seville, to the said port of la Vera 
Cruz, [the city of] Mexico, and other places in the West 
Indies ; hath been there six several times; hath carried wares 
to and fro, from the same places ; and hath paid for freight, 
after the like rate. 

That by the experience of the trade which he hath had to and 
at the said place, called la Vera Cruz, and other the chief 
places of the West Indias ; this Deponent knoweth that a 
Negro of a good stature and young of years is worth, and is 
commonly bought and sold there at Mexico, and the Mainland 
of the West Indias, for 400, 500, and 600 pesos [ = £100, 
£125, or j^i50=or about ;£'8oo, ^^1,000, or £1,200 now]. 

For if a Negro be a Bossale, that is to say, " ignorant 
of the Spanish or Portuguese tongue," then he or she is 
commonly sold for 400 and 450 pesos [=^100 or £112 

IDS.]. 

But if the Negro can speak any of the foresaid 
languages anything indifferently, who is called Ladinos, 
then the same Negro is commonly sold for 500 and 600 
pesos [=£125, or £150] ; as the Negro is of choice, and 
young of years. 



.sA^Ksg.] The current prices at Vera Cruz. 107 

And this Deponent saith that the best trade in those places 
is of Negroes : the trade whereof he hath used, and hath sold 
Negroes at the said places ; and seen other merchants likewise 
sell their Negroes there, divers times. 

Which Negroes, being carried into the inner and farther 
parts of the Mainland of Peru, be commonly sold there for 
800 and 900 pesos of 14 Rials. [The inland price of a Negro 
therefore varied from ^^280 to £^i^=aboHt ^2,240 to 5^2,480]. 

The Peso being worth at la Vera Cruz 13 Rials of Plate 
of the Spanish coin, being 6s. 8d. sterling : and in other 
places of Mexico, Peru, and Mainland the said Peso is worth 
14 Rials, which is ys. sterling. 

A Fardel of Linen Cloth called Ordmardas or Preselias, is 
worth and commonly sold at la Vera Cruz for 250 pesos 
of 13 Rials [@ 05. 8d.=about £S^] which is after the rate of 
3,250 Rials the Fardel. 

And the Linen Cloth called Roanes is sold there after the 
rate of 226 pesos the Fardel, which is 2,940 Rials. For this 
Deponent hath sold, and seen other merchants sell, divers 
times, Linen Cloth after that rate at la Vera Cruz and Mexico. 



That a lb. of Magaritas [? Periwinkles ; the word also means 
Pearls] is worth at la Vera Cruz, 18 and 20 Rials [ = gs. and 
10s. = £^ I2s. and £^ now] for he hath sold, and seen other 
merchants so sell, there, commonly after that rate. Notwith- 
standing he saith that he hath sold a lb. of Margaritas 
at la Vera Cruz for 30 Rials and sometime 3 pesos (39 Rials) 
[=155. and 19s. 6d.=£6 and £y 16s. now]. 

That pewter vessel and kerseys called ** Hampshire " and 
" Northerns " be commonly worth and sold at la Vera Cruz 
for the several prices following, 

I lb. (being 16 ounces) of Pewter at 4, and sometimes 
5 Rials [2s. ajid 2s. 6d. = i6s. and £1 now]. 

The good "Hampshire Kersey," containing commonly 
18 Vares [The Vare was '^^^ English inches. Kelly, idem.], 
which is about 17 English yards ; at 36 ducats [which is 
after 2 ducats, or 22 Rials the Vare], 



io8 The Deposition of William Fowler. [,3 ^JI^chTseJ." 

And the " Northern Kersey" [of the same length], for 

2i| ducats [=:234 Rials] which is after 13 Rials the 

Vare. 

A piece of Cotton of 61 Vares [about 57 yards] of length, 

is worth and is commonly sold at la Vera Cruz for 30^ ducats 

which is after 5^ Rials [=2s. g^i.Jthe W2ir:t[or nearly 2,s. a Yard]. 

A Quintall [100 lbs.] of Wax is worth commonly at Vera 
Cruz, 40 ducats [=z£iiz:^about -£"88 now]. 

A Butt [130 gallons] of Seek [Sack, i.e., our modern Sherry] 
is worth commonly at la Vera Cruz, 100 pesos [£*33 6s. 8i. 
=zabout £266 now]. 

Depositions as to the Fiqht, etc. 
The Deposition of William Clarke. 

E WAS entertained by Sir William Garrard and 
others of the Company to sail in the said fleet as 
a Merchant [Supercargo], to assist the said John 
Hawkins in state of traffic, and making accounts 
of the same voyage : and sailed in the William 
and John. 

All the treasure was, immediately after the traffic, brought 
on board the Jesus of Lubeck, and left there, by the consent 
and knowledge of this Deponent, in the custody of the said 
John Hawkins, to the use of the said Company. 

The 3^200 of plate was put in a chest ; and the 22,000 
Pesos of Gold into little chests and bags. 

This Examinate was present at all the traffics and truck of 
merchandize ; and was commonly aboard the Jesus while she 
remained upon any coast where the traffic was : being one of 
four specially appointed, which made also the accounts, and 
kept the same. 

Being near Cape St. Antonio, the William and John, 
wherein this Deponent then sailed, was separated from the 
other ships of the Fleet, in a great storm happening about 





fi'Ma^crS:] Sworn Depositions as to the Fight. 109 

the 15th day of Auf^ust last. Since which time he never had 
sight of the said Fleet ; but was driven to and from, with 
much contrary winds, till, at the last, the William and John, 
without any other company of ships, arrived upon the coast 
of Ireland, in the month of February last [1569]. 



Tf)e Deposition of John Hawkins, Esq. 

N the year 1567, the articulate Sir William 
Garrard Knight, Rowland Heyward Alder- 
man of London, and others joined with them in 
Society and Company, did furnish a Fleet of six 
ships for a voyage to the coast of Guinea and 
other foreign regions, for merchandize to be had with the 
inhabitants of those countries. In which respect, they, the 
said Sir William Garrard and Company, did also then 
provide, prepare, and lade in those ships much wares and 
merchandize necessary and meet for those parts : the whole 
charges of which preparation amounted to the sum of about 
£16,500 [=about £130,000]. 

That by Commission of the said Sir William Garrard 
and others of his Company, who had the direction of that 
Navigation and Voyage, he was appointed and authorized 
General of the said Fleet : and had to him committed, by 
their authority, not only the chief rule, government, and 
order of the said Fleet ; but also of the state of Traffic in 
such places as he should arrive and come unto. The which 
government, he took upon him accordingly, and went upon 
the same voyage, doing and procuring the affairs of the said 
Company, according to the trust given. And in the be- 
ginning of October was twelve month, being in the said year 
1567, he departed from Plymouth, with said Fleet towards 
the coast of Guinea. 

That he, with the Fleet aforesaid, did arrive upon the 
coast of Guinea, in November, a««o 1567 ; where this 
Deponent, and other Merchants [Supercargoes] appointed by 
the said Company for the assistance of traffic, did purchase [!] 
and buy [!] a good quantity of Negroes. And from thence 
departed with them unto the West Indies. In which 



no Sworn Depositions as to the Fight, ^'■//".rl'^eg: 

country he, and William Clarke, with other Factors 
[Supercargoes], did trafBc with the inhabitants there : and did 
receive, in truck and exchange of wares and commodities, to 
the said Company's use and behalf, so much treasure and 
commodities as amounted to the sum of 29,743 Pesos of 
Gold [@ 8s. each=£ii,8gy 4s.=about £100,000 now]. Which 
treasure, upon the said traffic, was brought wholly, from 
time to time, upon board the Jesus of Lubeck, wherein he 
sailed himself, by order and consent of the said Merchants. 
Of which treasure there were — 

22,000 Pesos of Gold, in bars and pieces of gold. 
4,000 Pesos of Silver, in Coriente. 
5^200 sterling in divers sorts of plate. 
The rest was in other commodities purchased and bought 
in the said parts of the West Indies. 

After the traffic was made of the treasure and other com- 
modities, the Fleet whereof he had charge and government, 
did set their course from Cartagena, a place in the West 
Indies, to the Cape called St. Antonio, in the west point of 
the island of Cuba. 

And when the said Fleet approached near to the said 
Cape, they were constrained by force of weather to enter 
into the Bay of Mexico, not being able to recover the said 
Cape, or to keep the course determined; and, through cruel 
storms and contrary winds, were forced to enter the haven of 
St. John de Lowe [San Juan de Ulua]; where this Deponent 
arrived the i6th of September last or thereabouts, minding 
for the time of his there abode and tarriance to behave him- 
self there towards the King of Spain's subjects in quiet and 
loving manner; and, after a small abode, and some refreshing 
had there, to depart towards England. 

The 20th day of the said month of September last, there 
arrived in the said haven, the new Viceroy of Mexico, and the 
General of the Spanish fleet of thirteen great ships: the 
which Viceroy General and their company did outwardly 
make a resemblance and show of amity and peace. And 
made proclamation by sound of trumpet, which this Deponent 
did hear : the effect whereof was, that " no violence nor out- 



fa'Ma^rS] Sworn Depositions as to the Fight, i i i 

rageous dealing should be showed to the Englishmen, but 
they should be courteously entertained, upon pain of death," 
And to that effect, amongst other things, the said Viceroy 
gave his promise, by writing subscribed and sealed with his 
hand and seal ; which was delivered to this Deponent. And 
for the better conservation of peace, the said Viceroy did de- 
liver to this Deponent ten pledges (as he promised, gentle- 
men !) : and, in like manner, he did consent that there should 
be ten pledges of Englishmen given to the said Viceroy, for 
the same intent and purpose. 

In consideration of the said Viceroy's proclamation, he, 
this Deponent, caused to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet, 
that '* none of his company should break the peace, or give 
occasion of quarrel to the Spaniards, upon pain of his dis- 
pleasure." Whereupon, the Englishmen remained in quiet 
manner till such time as they were assaulted by the said 
Viceroy of his adherents ; who first began the fight, contrary 
to their fidelity and Christian dealing. 

Soon after that the said Viceroy was entered into the said 
haven, he or his adherents the Spaniards gathered from the 
mainland a great number of men, in most secret manner, as 
well into his said fleet of thirteen ships as into other Spanish 
ships which were in the same haven before, to the number of 
eight or nine ships. And amongst others had manned one 
great Hulk of the burden of 800 tons, and placed and put into 
her, to this Deponent's judgement, about 300 men more than 
she had before. And besides this, the said Spaniards had 
fastened a hawser from the said Hulk to the head cable of the 
Jesus in the night time ; which Hulk did ride within twenty 
yards or thereabouts from the same Jesus. And having 
brought their business thus to pass, they planted their 
ordnance from their ships towards the Englishmen which 
were upon the little island which maketh the haven. 

Upon the intelligence of these things, he, this Deponent, 
sent one of his company, Robert Barret, to understand 
what these innovations did mean ; and to request him that 
he would see the peace to be preserved according to his 
promise. 

And the said Viceroy perceiving, as it seemed, that his in- 
tended enterprise was discovered ; and to the intent this De- 
ponent should have no time to provide for his defence, stayed 



112 Sworn Depositions as to the Fight. [f]'/iafcri''5'69: 

the said Barret, presently blew the defiance, shot off the 
Spanish ordnance at the Englishmen which were in the said 
island, and upon the same there suddenly landed on the island 
about 800 Spaniards and other inhabitants of that country, 
who slew almost all the Englishmen which were there a 
land. 

Moreover, at the same instant, the said great Hulk by haul- 
ing the hawser which was fastened to the Jesus, as is afore- 
said, boarded first the Minion, and then the Jesus (wherein 
this Deponent then was), riding hard aboard one another. 

And this Deponent saith the Spaniards began the fight un- 
looked for on the English side. And so the Spaniards 
continued shooting off their artillery, both from the Platform 
[battery] which was upon the said island and hard upon [close 
to] the English ships, and also from their ships, in most cruel 
manner, by the space of about eight or nine hours, from 
about eight o'clock in the morning till the evening following 
the same day ; which cruel fight was done on the twenty- 
third day of the said month of September. 

In the afternoon of the same day that the said fight was 
thus begun, and during the same, the Spaniards did set a 
fire two of their ships ; and afterwards drived them towards 
the Jesus and the Minion : to the intent and purpose, as he 
thinketh, to destroy the English ships there, or else to cause 
them to yield unto them. 

And whereas, this Deponent had, all that day, attended to 
the defence of the Jesus, and his company by their good 
travail and manliness had stoutly stood unto the same 
defence ; the sudden approaching of the fired ships made a 
great alteration of things. 

For the Minion did, without this Deponent's command-, 
ment or the Captain's (as he saith), set sail, for fear of the 
fire ; to withdraw herself out of the way of those fired ships : 
which caused the men of the Jesus to be much more troubled, 
for that she could not be removed out of that place with any 
sail, and was the hardlier [with more difficulty] to be kept, 
upon the departure of the Million. 

So that this Deponent perceiving the sudden fear of his 
men, and the imminent danger that they stood in for the 
safeguard of themselves, leaped into the Minion, out of the 
said Jesus ; whereunto he was very hardly [with great dif- 



jMafrSS Sworn Depositions as to the Fight. 113 

ficuUy] received : for, in that instant, was she under sail, and 
departing from off board the Jesus. Whereas this Deponent 
had determined otherwise to have kept the Jesus till night ; 
and then to have saved and brought such things [i.e., the 
great treasure] out of her into the Minion as he conveniently 
might : and by this occasion, he left behind him in the Jesus 
such things as he hereafter expressed in his Deposition to the 
Schedule. 

If he had tarried ever so little longer upon board the said 
Jestis, he could not, by any means, have gotten therehence ; 
neither escaped the hands of the Spaniards, v^^hich would 
have been to his utter confusion. 

And this Deponent did see the Swallow and the Grace of 
God taken by force of the Spaniards, in the aforesaid fight ; 
and by them possessed : and the Angel was sunk by the 
ordnance which the Spaniards shot off from the Platform 
[on the island]. 

And shortly after that this Deponent was departed forth 
of the Jesus, the Spaniards entered into her also ; and 
possessed her in his sight : whereby he was not only spoiled 
by the said Spaniards of the said four ships, with their 
ordnance, apparel, furniture, and victuals ; but also of the 
wares and goods [i.e., the treasure] particularly valued in his 
Depositions to the Schedule. 



T/ie Deposition of Humphrey Fones, 
Steward of the Angel. 

E AT the beginning of the fight, was in the Angel, 

and there remained till she was like[ly] to sink by 

the great shot from off the Platform on the shore 

which the Spaniards kept : and, for saving of himself 

came aboard the Minion. 

Upon the approaching of the fired ships, the men that 
were in the Minion then riding hard aboard the Jesus, were in 
great fear and perplexity to be fired. Insomuch that, upon 
the sudden, the men cut her foresail : whereupon divers of 
the said Jesus men did leap into the Minion to save them- 
I- H 4 



LiH 



114 Sworn DErosiTioNs as to the Fight. g-'^^^.f^rS 

selves ; amongst whom, the above named Hawkins was one, 
And certain leapt short of the Minion and were drowned. 
• At which time, the said Hawkins could not save the 
things that were in the j^csus : which was so beaten with the 
Spanish ordnance that she could not be removed from the 
place where she lay at anchor ; her foreyard being broken 
and the masts perished with the shot. 

If the said Hawkins had but the space of one minute 
deferred his coming off from the said Jesus, either he had in 
her, by reason of the continual shooting at her, been slain, 
or else taken by the Spaniards : for the said Jesus lay as a 
bulwark and succoured the Minion, so as all the shot and 
battery of the Spanish ordnance rested upon the Jesus. 

He himself lost the worth of 20 marks [ = ;^I3 6s. 8^.] which 
he left in the Angel; and could not carry the same away, 
being narrowly driven that he could scarcely save himself; 
for he escaped out of the Angel in his doublet and hose. 

T/ie Deposition of Jean Turren, 
Trumpeter in the Jesus. 

|E was Trumpeter unto the said Hawkins, in the 
Jesus, and then blew the trumpet himself \on the 
occasion of Sir J. Hawkins's proclaiming the Truce 
to the Englisli fleet]. 
The Jesus was not prepared for the fight, but altogether 
unready, by reason the Englishmen (not mistrusting the 
breach of friendship, and falsehood of the Spaniards) had 
minded to set carpenters a work, the next day, to mend her. 
The English ships could not without present [instant] 
danger of shipwreck avoid the fight, nor escape the Spanish 
shot ; for that the haven was very little, and the wind did not 
serve to get out. 

About three o'clock in the afternoon, the Spaniards set a fire 
two of their own ships. 

The Spaniards took the Grace of God and the Swallow, 
w^hose anchors lay fastened upon the shore, and thereby 
were the easier to be gotten ; for the one ship lay fast aboard 
the other. 




1^5 



Deposition? to the twenty-seven 

A R T I C jL E S OF the ScHEDULE. 




S c HE D u L E I . — The ship Jesus of Lubeck, zvith her 
tackle and furniture £5,000. 

[•.• This is the amount that was claimed by Sir WILLIAM Garrard 
and his Company for the ship in its perfect order as it was sent forth from 
England.] 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

E DID carry with him out of England, the 
said ship call the Jesu^ of Lubeck, in the 
which he sailed all the last Voyage from 
England to the West Indias ; and the same 
was appointed one of his fleet by Sir 
William Garrard and his Company : 
which was of the burthen of 700 tons and 
upwards, well furnished in all respects and 
points for such a long voyage. 

At such time as the Spaniards began the fight, as it is before 
by him deposed, she was worth, in his judgement, the sum of 
£4,000 sterling, besides her ordnance : especially in the 
haven of Vera Cruz and other places in the West Indias. 
For this Deponent, having used the trade of merchandize, 
built, bought, and sold ships, do know very well, what doth 
belong unto shipping : and thereby judgeth the said Jesm to 
be worth, at the time aforesaid, the said sum of £4,000, as 
ships be commonly bought and sold, both in England and 
Spain ; especially at Seville,'where, to this Deponent's know- 
ledge, ships be sold much dearer than in England for the 
occupying of merchandize. 

And trading with the Merchants of Spain, he knoweth a 
ton freight from Seville to the West Indias, to be commonly 
in price and rate, 30 ducats [=£8 ^s.=about £66 7iow] and 
between 30, and 36 ducats [=-£g 18s. = about 3^80 now]. 



ii6 Depositions to the Schedule. 



rSir J. Hawkins. 
l_23 5laich 1569. 



S c H E D u L E 2. — The orchiance of the Jesus, as sent 
out of England £23000. 




John Hawkins, Esq. 

He ordinary ordnance of the Jems in her, at 
the time of the fight aforesaid, was worth ... 
There were two whole-culverins, two 
cannons, five demi-culverins, three sacres 
and two falcons. All which pieces were of brass 

and worth 

And besides, there were in her, at that time, these 
pieces of iron ordnance ; first, three demi-culverins 
iUm^ five sacres ; iicm, two whole slings ; item, ten 
fowlers ; item, thirty bases. And the same iron ord 

nance he esteemeth worth 

And more, he doth judge the value of the shot 
carriages, and the other furniture which belonged to 
the said ordnance, to be, then, well worth 



1,800 



1,200 

250 
;^i,8oo 

This Deponent, as he saith, hath good experience what 
ordnance is worth, by reason he had made, divers times, 
provision of ordnance for his shipping : and that such 
ordnance as this was, with their carriages and furniture, is 
and would be commonly sold for the said sum of £1,800 
sterling. 



6" c HE D u LE 3. — Ammunition 



£1,000. 



[•.• It should be remembered that this ammunition was actually ex- 
pended in fighting the Spaniards.] 

T THE time of the fight aforesaid, there were these 
parcels of munition [ajninunition] ensuing, provided 
at the charges and expenses of the said Sir William 
Garrard and Company. 
First, 4 barrels of Serpentine [gunjpowder, at 
£"5 sterling the barrel, and every barrel contained 




1 cwt. 



£ s. d. 

20 o o 



Item, 50 barrels of Corn [gunjpowder, at £6 



ffMa^rl'iS Depositions to the Schedule. 117 

13s. 4d. the barrel ; and every barrel contained i £ s. d. 
cwt _ ... 333 6 b 

And there were, in addition, at the same time 
of the fi^ht, in the three ships, the Swallow, the 
Grace of God, and the Angel, 10 barrels of [corn] 
gunpowder, worth [a^ £6 13s. 4^.] 66 13 4 

£420 

Moreover there were, then, in all the same four ships, these 
parcels of armour; which were also provided upon the charge 
of Sir William Garrard and Company. 



First, 70 Corslets 
Item, 250 Jacks 
Item, 250 Pikes 
Item, 250 Calivers 
Item, 40 Partizans 
Item, 200 Brown Bills 



[at about 24s. each] worth 
[at los. each] worth 
[at 3s. each] worth 
[at 20s. each] worth .. 
[at 13s. ^d. each] worth 
[at IS. 6d. each] worth.. 



£ 


s. 


d. 


ti 85 








• 125 








• 37 


10 





. 250 








26 


13 


4 


. 15 








• 25 








£984 


3 


4 



Item, 100 Bows and 100 Sheafs of Arrows [at 5s 
the Bow and Sheaf of A rrows] worth 

All which sums do amount to 



Which this Deponent knoweth the better, for that he hath 
good experience in armour and munition, and by that occa- 
sion, knoweth, that the like of such parcels afore declared, 
be commonly bought and sold for the several prices above 
declared. 

Of all which parcels, this Deponent was spoiled by the 
Spaniards, in the fight before by him declared. 



Schedule 4. — Two anchors and three cables, 
belo7tging to the Minion £200. 

John Haw^kins, Esq. 

N THE fight before mentioned, the Minion (which 

was set forth, this last voyage, by the appointment 

of the said Sir William Garrard and Company) ; 

the better to shift for herself from the fired ships 

(being, in a manner, come upon her), did lose in the said 




ii8 Depositions to the Schedule. ^''Ma^ri'ieg! 

haven, two anchors and three cables of her tackle and furni- 
ture ; for the want of which, this Deponent and his company, 
in their return to England in the said ship, were in great 
danger of their lives, and put to great extremities. 

That (by reason he hath been traded in navigations and 
voyages ; and hath used the seas) he hath good experience in 
cordage and anchors; and thereby knoweth the same to be 
worth £130 sterling, and that such cables and anchors be 
commonly bought and sold in England, for the same sum. 

Schedule 5. — The ship Swallow, with Jier tackle, 
fuvjiiture, and ordnance ; and the provisions and saiioj's 
effects on aboard, as sent out of England .... £850. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

He ship articulate, called the Swallow, was of the 
Adventure of the said Sir William Garrard and 
Company, and one of the said fleet of six ships ; 
which was a new ship of about 100 tons portage, 
very well conditioned, good of sail, and well furnished with 
ordnance. And therefore, this Deponent saith, that she was 
worth, at the beginning of the said fight, with her victuals 
and other necessaries and preparation lost in her, the said 
sum of £850 sterling; according as the like ships, ordnance, 
and furniture be commonly sold in England : and for that 
money, might have been commonly sold in this realm ; and 
especially at Seville in Spain aforesaid, agreeing to his 
experience and knowledge above remembered. 

Schedule 6. — The ship Angel with her tackle, 
furniture, and oi'dnance ; and the provisio7is and sailors 
effects on board, as sent out of England .... £180. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

He Angel articulate was of the said Company's Ad- 
venture, which was of about 32 tons burthen. And 
she was worth at the beginning of the said fight, the 
sum of £180. 






fi%^ia"*rS:] Depositions to the Schedule. 119 

S c iiED ULE 7. — The ship The Grace of God, with 
her tackle, funiitiLve, and ordnance ; and the provisions 
and sailors effects on board £400. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

He said ship, called The Grace of God was of the 
said Company's Adventure, and of this Deponent's 
fleet likewise ; being but a new ship, and of the 
burthen of about 150 tons. And thereby, this De- 
ponent judgeth that she was worth, at the beginning of the 
said fight, in her hull, apparel, ordnance, victuals and other 
necessaries, the sum of £350 sterling; as shipping is com- 
monly bought and sold in England, and especially at Seville 
in Spain. 

John Tommes, Hawkins's servant. 

The Grace of God was about 150 tons burthen. 

Schedule 8. — Fifty-seven Negroes in the Jesus 
and the other three ships aforesaid, each worth in the 
West Indies 400 Pesos of Gold at [8j". the Peso =] 
^160 the slave \_—now about ;^i,25o] .... £9,120. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

Fter the traffic (by him deposed to before) ; the 
Jesus, the Swallow, the Grace of God, and the Angel 
departing from Cartagena, brought in them, Irom 
thence unto the Port of Vera Cru2, forty- five 
Negroes, of goodly stature, shape, and personage ; and young 
of years, being the choice and principal of all the Negroes 
which were gotten and purchased in the last voyage at 
Guinea. And moreover, there were twelve other Negroes 
carried then in the Million to Vera Cruz. 

All which forty-five Negroes were of the said Company's 
goods and adventure ; and were either slain in the fight at 
Vera Cruz, or then taken by the Spaniards, from the posses- 
sion of this said Deponent. And the other twelve Negroes, 
which were in the Minion, might have been sold [!] at the 
said Port of Vera Cruz greatly to the profit of the said Sir 




I20 Depositions to the Schedule. [^J'/fa^rl'ses: 

William Garrard and Company, if the said Spaniards had 
not used such violence ; by reason whereof, this Deponent 
was enforced to depart from the said Port of Vera Cruz 
sooner than he thought to do. 

At such time, as he was at Vera Cruz, being in Septem- 
ber last as before, the said 57 Negroes, one with another, 
might have been sold at Vera Cruz for 400 Pesos of Gold 
every Negro. And for reason of his better knowledge, he 
saith that he hath sold, and seen others buy and sell Negroes 
at Rio de la Hacha and other hither* places of the West 
Indias, both this last summer, and in two other voyages 
before ; and, by that experience, knoweth that such choice 
Negroes be commonly sold there for 150 Pesos of Gold [^^60 
=abont ;£"500 now]. 

And saith, that, this last year, there was one choice Negro 
sold Rio de la Hacha for 150 Pesos of Gold ; and yet (in this 
Deponent's judgement) that Negro was not worth so much 
money as many of the said 45 Negroes were. For the Eng- 
lishmen, Frenchmen, and Portuguese do bring many Negroes 
to the said hither places of the West Indias ; but none that 
ever this Deponent could hear of, to the haven of Vera Cruz ; 
being about 600 leagues sailing beyond these hither places. 
By reason whereof, the Negroes and all other wares [!J must 
be dearer bought and sold there, than in the other said hither 
and near places. t 

John Tommes. 

There were ten or twelve Negroes or thereabouts in the 
Minion; whereof she brought seven into England [seep. ], 
and the rest died by the way homewards. 

S c HE D u LE 9. — 30 Bales of Linen Cloth at [3,000 
Rials of Silver =] ^75 [= about ^600 now the 
Bale] £2,250. 

* Hither places, i.e., nearer to England, by the ordinary course of Eng- 
lish navigation in the West Indies. What is meant are the ports in the 
Carribean Sea ; which were frequented by English ships before the Bay of 
Mexico was known to them. 

f Of course this is merely an argument here for a fictitious price : but 
unless William Fowler perjured himself (see p. 106-8) 400 Pesos of 
Gold for a Negro was under rather than over the mark. 




S^M^crS;] Depositions to the Schedule. 121 
John Hawkins, Esq. 

Hen the Jesus departed last from Cartagena, as 
aforesaid, she had left in her, 30 Fardels of Linen 
Cloth, belonging to the said Sir William Garrard 
and Company : whereof 25 Fardels were good 
Ordmardas, called in the West Indias, Presdtas; and 5 Fardels 
were Roanes. 

At the said Rio de la Hacha and the coast thereabouts, 
divers Fardels of like Ordmardas were commonly sold by this 
Deponent and others, this last year, for the value of 2,290 
Rials of Plate of Spanish coin, every Fardel : and divers Far- 
dels of like Roanes were commonly sold by this Deponent 
and others for 2,100 Rials of Plate, every Fardel. And, there- 
fore, this Deponent vainly believeth that the said 30 Fardels 
of Linen Cloth would have been sold at Vera Cruz for 3,000 
Rials of Plate, every Fardel. 

Which said 30 Fardels were, in the said Jesus, brought to 
the said Port of Vera Cruz ; and there, in her remaining, at 
such time as this Deponent did there forsake the Jesus by the 
sudden invasion and violence of said Spaniards done unto 
him and his company as before specified. 

Schedule 10. — 1,000 Pintados [at 15s. 
each] £750. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

He Jesus brought in her, from Cartagena, 900 
Pintados, which were left of the whole number 
brought out of England, at the said Company's 
Adventure, to the said haven of Vera Cruz. And 
in this last voyage, he and others sold at Barboroatta and 
Santa Marta, the like Pintados for a Peso and a half of Gold 
[= 12s.] apiece ; and so were they commonly sold there. 

And of those Pintados, was this Deponent likewise spoiled 
by the Spaniards, at the port of Vera Cruz, as above men- 
tioned. 

Sc H E D ULE II. — 400 lbs. ejus generis quae vulgo 
diicuni^v Margaritas, at ^s £100. 





122 Depositions to the Schedule. [ffMa^ri^jeg" 

Schedule 12. — t^oo lbs. of Pewter [at 2s. a lb.] 
Iworlk'] £30. 

S c HE D ULE 13. — A Bale of Broad Taffetas, con- 
taining \o Spanish Vares £40. 

Schedule 14. — 4 Bales \oi 11 pieces each] of 
woolle^i cloths called Hampshires \i.e., Kersies\ and 
Northerns £340. 

Schedule 15. — 6 Bales oj Cottons at £\^ each 
\_worth'\ £90. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

PoN the foresaid traffic made by this Deponent, in 
that last voyage, there was left of the said Company's 
.j^oods, these parcels of wares following ; which this 
Deponent brought in the Jesm from the port of 
Cartagena to Vera Cruz. 400 lbs. of Margaritas; 300 lbs. 
of Pewter; A case of Broad Taffetas, containing 40 Spanish 
Vares; 4 Packs of "Hampshires" and "Northerns;" 6 
Packs of Cottons. Whereof, this Deponent was spoiled by 
the Spaniards in the said haven of Vera Cruz, as above 
declared. 

And as touching the value of these wares, this Deponent 
saith that the like wares unto those, were sold at Barboroatta, 
Rio de la Hacha, and other places in the West Indies, by this 
Deponent and others, for the several prices underwritten. 
The lb. of Pewter, for Af\ Rials of Silver [2s. 3^.]. 
The lb. of Margaritas, for a Peso of Gold [=85.]. 
The Vare of Taft'eta, for 3 Pesos of Gold [=245.]. 
A \i.e.^ a piece of Hampshires] Kersey at 18 Pesos of Gold 
[=^7 4s.] the piece [0/17 English yards]', of which 11 be 
contained in every pack [i.e., 198 Pesos of Gold, the pack]. 
The piece of " Northerns " at 14 Pesos of Gold [=;^5 17s.], 
whereof 11 be contained in every pack [i.e., 154 Pesos of 
Gold, the pack]. 
And the Piece of Cottons, at 15 Pesos of Gold [=£6], 
whereof 5 make the pack [i.e., 90 Pesos of Gold, the pack] ; 
and every piece of Cottons containeth 61 Vares. 




S'MaSrl'iey Depositions to the Schedule. 123 

Schedule 16. — A chesl of ■i,^ gilt rapier's, with 
their daggers and girdles £120. 

Schedule 17. — 12 Quintals (100 lbs?) of Wax [at 
^10 each] £120. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

He said Sir William Garrard and Company had 

in the Jesus, after the traffic aforesaid, these parcels 

also ; which this Deponent brought from Cartagena. 

A chest of gilt rapiers, with their daggers and 

girdles, and 12 Quintals of Wax. 

Whereof the Spaniards spoiled this Deponent in the fight 

aforesaid. 

Like rapiers unto these were worth, and commonly sold in 
that voyage in the West Indies, for 10 and 12 Pesos of 
Gold ['=£^ and £^ i6s.] the piece. 

And judgeth the common price of wax in the West Indias 
to be £10 sterling the hundred [lbs. or Quintal]. 

Schedule 18. — Seven tons of Manilios, at 

£so £350. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

His Deponent knoweth well that the Company afore- 
said, had remaining in the Jesus, the Swallow, the 
Grace of God, and the Angel, 6 tons of Manilios, at 
the least, sent by them out of England ; which cost, 
the first penny, one ton with another, £/^6 13s. 4d. sterling. 

And of those wares also was this Deponent dispossessed, 
and spoiled by the Spaniards, in the fight aforesaid. 

Schedule 19. — A bag of gold and silver ifi the 
J esus, containing 600 Pesos of Gold and Silver £ 2 000. 

Schedule 20. — A chest of Silver Plate, in the 
Jesus, worth £200. 

Schedule 21. — Coriente silver, in the Jesus 
\worth'\ £500. 




124 Depositions to the Schedule. [f3''L"drS. 
John Hawkins, Esq. 



i 



wsaii 



E LEFT such quantity of treasure and plate in the 
Jesus. Of which treasure he was spoiled by the 
violence of the Spaniards. 

John Tommes {Hawkins's servant). 

Hath helped to lay up the Silver Plate, when it was used 
aboard at the receiving of any Spaniards, and it was as much 
as he could conveniently carry. 

Schedule 22. — In the four ships, 20 butts vini 
Cretici et Hispanic! vulgo, Mahneseys, and Seeks [Sack, 
the modern Sherry], [at £1^ the butt] .... £300. 

Schedule 23. — In the same, 36 barrels 0/ meal, 

at £\ £144. 

Schedule 24. — In the same, othe^" victuals and 
necessaries, to the value of £160. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

Here were, in the said four ships which were lost at 
the time of the said fight, so much victuals as is 
here specified ; which he esteemeth to be no less 
worth than is particularly specified in these articles ; 
for this Deponent being well experienced in victualling of 
ships, knoweth that the same can be worth no less. 

William Clarke, Merchant in the Fleet. 

There could be no less quantity of wines, meat, and other 
victuals in the Jesus (where the said Hawkins sailed himself) 
and the other three ships : because the ship called the William 
and John [wherein Clarke was], at her departure from Carta- 
gena, had in her dry muttons [sheep], peas, bacon, rice, maize, 
beef, stock fish, and biscuit ; worth £60 sterling. And be- 
sides, she had then 3 butts of Canary wine, and 13 barrels of 
meal. And therefore he judgeth that the other four ships 
above mentioned, had their share and store of wine and 




S^^iarcrSg.] DEPOSITIONS TO THE Schedule. 125 

victuals proportionably ; and believeth that the Jesus had 
most of all ; for that she had in her, much provision for the 
relief of all the fleet in time of need. 

And the company in the William and Mary, being [evidently 
after their separation from Hawkins] in necessity of meal ; he 
did buy meal about 140 leagues on this side of the haven of 
Vera Cruz, after the rate of 40 Rials of Plate [=£1] the 
English bushel; which is at the rate of £y sterling for every 
barrel of meal. 

Humphrey Fones, Steward of the Angel. 

There was in the Angel at the time she was sunk, i|- butts 
of Canary wine, 2 barrels and more of meal, i hogshead of 
pickled pork, i hogshead of rice, 3 hogsheads of pease, 250 
stock fish, I butt of maize, i butt of biscuit, 24 dried sheep, 
and I hogshead of beer : for this Deponent, being the Steward, 
of the ^wo'^/, did make these sorts and quantities of victuals the 
better; and knoweth that the other ships were provided of the 
same kind of victuals, every one agreeing to their burden and 
bigness. 

Schedule 25. — In the Jesus, the apparel and 
furniture of John Hawkins, Esquire .... £300. 

John Haw^kins, Esq. 

Is apparel and furniture was worth much more. 
For he left in the Jesus, through the said violence 

of the Spfiniards, these parcels of apparel and furni- 
ture ensuL ^g. 

First, 300 lbs. weight of pewter ... worth ;^ 30 

Item, Twelve pieces of Tapestry ... worth 100 
Item, His bedding and other things belonging 

unto the same worth 40 

Item, Apparel and linen worth 140 

Item, Three corslets of proof worth 30 

Item, His provision of spice, sugar, marma- 
lade, and conserves worth 40 

Item, Instruments of the sea, books and 

other things worth 60 

£440 




126 Depositions to the Schedule. [f^'/L^cri^^sg. 

William Clarke, Merchant in the Fleet. 

He saw Master Hawkins wear, in this Voyage, divers suits 
of apparel of velvets and silks, with buttons of gold, and 
pearl; with other apparel and furniture: which in his judge- 
ment, might well be worth ;^25o. 

Schedule 26. — In the Jesus, chests and bundles 
of the sailors £900. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 




E BELIEVETH in his conscience, that the same is 
true. For he had in the Jesus 180 men ; whereof 
part were Officers in the ships, part gentlemen of 
good houses ; and some Surgeons, and some Mer- 
chants ; whereof divers had their provision worth ^^40 sterling, 
and many lost £2.0, So that he believeth that the men's 
losses in the Jesus could be no less worth than is articulated. 

Schedule 27, — In the Jesus, a bale 20 mantel- 
lorum vulgo dicitur, a Pack of Twenty Cloaks, each 
worth £\ £80. 

John Hawkins, Esq. 

He Company had in tYv^ Jesus, 20 cloaks; whereof 
this Deponent was spoiled by the Spaniards in the 
fight aforesaid. 

Those cloaks were worth £->^ sterling apiece ; for 
the like were commonly sold in the West Indies by this 
Deponent and others for 8 Pesos of God V = £z 12s.]. 

Jean Turren, Trumpeter. 

There was in the Jesus, a Pack of 20 Cloaks of sundry 
colours; which he did brush and make clean sometimes 
during that Voyage. 






127 



Sir John Hawkin3'3 pretended treach- 
ery, IN THE SuMMEF^ OF 1571 ; CARRIED ON WITH 

the knowledqe and under the ganctiojm of 
Queen JEJli^Abeth a;^d J^ord Burleiqh. 

Sir John Hawkins. 

Letter of i^th May^ ^Sl^-i ^^ Lord 

B URGHLE Yy to arrange for Fjtz- 

WILLIAMS to have access to 

the ^lueen of Scots, 

IState Papers. Scotland. MARY, Queen of Scots. V0I.&. No-di.^ 

Our good Lordship may be advertised, that 
FiTZWiLLiAMS hath been in the country to 
deliver his tokens, and to have had some 
speech with the Queen of Scots; which, 
by no means, he could obtain. Whereupon, 
he hath devised with me, that I should 
make some means to obtain him license to 
have access unto her, for her letter to the 
King of Spain, for the better obtaining of our men's liberty : 
which, otherwise, are not to be released ; which device I 
promised him I would follow. 

And if it shall seem good unto your Lordship, he may be 
recommended by such credit as to your Lordship shall seem 
best : for, unless she be first spoken with, and answer from 
her sent into Spain, the credit for the treasure cannot be 
obtained. 

If your Lordship think meet that Fitzwilliams shall be 
recommended to speak with her ; if I may know by what 
sort your Lordship will appoint, there shall [be] all diligence 




1 28 Text by Queen of Scots in a breviary, l^"" ^jun^'l's"!" 

for his despatch used. And hereof I most humbly pray your 
good Lordship's speedy resolution. 

And thus I rest (13th of May, 1571). 

Your Good Lordship's most humbly to command, 

John Hawkins 

Addressed — 

To the Right Honourable Lord Burghley ; give these ! 

John Hawkins. 

Letter of the 'jth yu7te^ iS?'? to Lord 

Burghley^ desiring that Fitz- 

WILLIAMS may have license 

to go to Spain, 

[State Papers. Scotland. MARY, Queen of Scots. Vol.6. No. ^%.^ 

Our good Lordship may be advertised that FiTZ- 

wiLLiAMS is returned, and hath letters from 

the Queen of Scots to the King of Spain ; 

which are enclosed with others in a packet directed 

unto your Lordship. 

He hath also a book of gold (sent from her, to the Duchess 

of Feria) with the Old Service in Latin ; and in the end hath 

written this word, with her own hand, Ahsit nobis gloriari, nisi 

in cruce Domini nostri, Jesu Christi. Marie R. 

I would have brought your Lordship the packet myself; 
but he would deliver it himself; and requireth to have from 
me a speedy despatch for his departure into Spain : the 
which I would gladly your Lordship would determine. 

And if the course which I have begun shall be thought 
good by Her Majesty, that I shall proceed [in] ; there is no 
doubt but three commodities will follow, that is: 

1. First, the practices of the enemies will be daily more 
and more discovered. 

2. There will be credit gotten hither for a good sum of 
money. 

3. Thirdly, the same money, as the time shall bring 
forth cause, shall be employed to their own detriment : 




^'■"is^ptrisTiG Anticipations of the Spanish Armada. 129 

and what ships there shall be appointed (as they shall 
suppose to serve their turn), may do some notable ex- 
ploit, to their great damage, 
I most humbly pray your Lordship to carry this matter, so 
as FiTzwiLLiAMS may not have me in suspicion; and as 
speedy a determination for his despatch as conveniently may be. 
And so [I] leave to trouble your good lordship any further. 
The 7th of June, 1571. 

Your good Lordship's most humbly to command, 

John Haw^kins. 

Addressed — 

To the Right Honourable Lord Burghley, give this I 

John Hawkins, 

Letter of the A^th September^ ^57^^ 

announcing the success of the 

intrigue, 

[State Papers. Domestic Series. ELIZABETH. Vol. 8i. No. 7. 

My very good Lord. 

T may please your Honour to be advertised, that 
FiTzwiLLiAMS is returned from the Court of 
Spain ; where his message was acceptably re- 
ceived, both by the King himself, the Duke of 
Feria, and others of his Privy Council. 
His despatch and answer were with great expedition ; and 
with great countenance and favour of the King \i.e. , Phillip 
II. jumped at the idea of Hawkins's treachery]. 

The Articles are sent to the Ambassador [i.e., of Spain in 
England, Don Guerau D'Esfes\ with order also for money 
to be paid me by him, for the enterprise to proceed with all 
diligence. 

Their pretence [design] is, that my power should join with 
the Duke of Alva's power, which he doth secretly provide in 
Flanders, as well as with the power which cometh with the 
Duke of Medina out of Spain : and so, all together to invade 
this realm, and set up the Queen of Scots. 

I. I 4 




I 2,0 GOD DELIVER ME FROM THE TITLES ! &C. p'/sS!''! 



kins. 
571- 



They have practised with us for the burning of Her 
Majesty's ships ; therefore there would be some good care 
had of them : but not as it may appear that anything is 
discovered, as your Lordship's consideration can well provide. 

The King hath sent a ruby of good price to the Queen 
of Scots, with letters also; which, in my judgement, were 
good to be delivered. The letters be of no importance : but 
his message by word is to comfort her, and say that " He 
hath now none other care, than to place her in her own." 

It were good also that the Ambassador did make request 
unto your Lordship that Fitzwilliams may have access to 
the Queen of Scots, to render thanks for the delivery of our 
prisoners [i.e., of such of Hawkins's Third Voyage men, as had 
been sent to Spain by this time, July, 1571, and were not in the 
Inquisition, see pp. 161-242, and esp. 205], which are now at 
liberty. It will be a very good colour Ypreteuce^ for your Lord- 
ship to confer with him [i.e., Fitzwilliam] more largely. 

I have sent your Lordship the [or rather a] copy of my 
Pardon from the King of Spain, in the very order and manner 
I have it. The Duke of Medina, and the Duke of Alva hath, 
every of them, one of the same Pardons more amplified, to 
present to me ; although this be large enough ! with very 
great titles and honours from the King : from which, may 
GOD deliver me ! 

I send your Lordship also the copy of my letter from the 
Duke of Feria, in the very manner as it was written ; with 
his wife's and son's hands in the end. 

Their practices be very mischievous; and they be never 
idle ; but GOD, I hope, will confound them 1 and turn their 
devices upon their own necks ! 

I will put my business in some order, and give mine at- 
tendance upon Her Majesty, to do her that service that, by 
your Lordship, shall bethought most convenient in this case. 

I am not tedious with your Lordship, because Fitz- 
williams cometh himself; and I mind not to be long after 
him ! and thus I trouble your good Lordship no further. 

From Plymouth, the 4th day of September, 1571. 
Your good Lordship's most faithfully to my power, 

John Hawkins. 

Addressed — 

To the Right Honourable the Lord Burghley, give this ! 



Jasper Campion. 
The English trade to Scio. 



^539-1570 ^'^' 



132 



Jasper Ca mp ion . 
The English trade to Scio. i 539-1 570 a.d. 

[Hakluvt's Voyages. 1599.] 

A discourse of the trade to Scio, made in the year 1569, 
[i.e. 1570] by Jasper Campion unto Master Michael 
Lock and unto Master William Winter : as by his 
letters unto them both, shall appear. Written the 14th 
of February 1569 [i.e. 1570]. 

Worshipful Sir, etc. 

S these days past, I spake unto you about the 
procurement of a safe - conduct from the great 
Turk for a trade to Scio : the way and manner 
how it may be obtained with great ease, shall 
plainly appear unto you in the lines following. 
Sir, you shall understand that the island of Scio in time 
past hath been a Signiory or lordship of itself; and did 
belong to the Genoese. There were twenty-four of them 
that governed the island, who were called Mauneses. But in 
continuance of time the Turk waxed so strong and mighty : 
that they — considering they were not able to keep it, unless 
they should become his tributaries : because the island had 
no corn nor any kind of victuals to sustain them, but only that 
which must of necessity come out of the Turk's dominions ; 
and the said island being enclosed with the Turks round 
about, and but twelve miles from the Turk's continent — 
therefore the said Genoese did compound and agree to be 
the Turk's tributaries, and to pay him 14,000,000 ducats 
yearly: always provided that they should keep their laws both 
spiritual and temporal, as they did when the island was in 
their own hands. Thus he granted them their privilege, 




i4F^rSo.'] English trade to Scio. i 539-1 5 70 a. d.i 33 

which they enjoyed for many years : so that all strangers, 
and also many Englishmen, did trade thither of long 
continuance, and went and came in safety. 

In this meantime, the Prince Pedro Doria, being a 
Genoese, became a captain to serve the Emperor with thirty 
or forty galleys against the Turk. And since that time, 
divers other captains belonging to Genoa, have been in the 
service of King Philip against the Turk. Moreover, 
whensoever the Turk made out an army, he perceived that 
no nation did him more hurt than those Genoese who were 
his tributaries. Likewise at the Turk's siege of Malta [in 
1551-53 A.D.] — before which place he lay a great while ; with 
loss of his men, and also of his galleys — he found none so 
troublesome unto his force as one Juanette Doria a Genoese, 
and divers others of the island of Scio, who were his tributaries. 
At which sight, he took such displeasure against them of 
Scio, that he sent certain of his galleys to the island, to seize 
upon all the goods of the twenty-four Maimeses ; and to turn 
them, with their wives and children, out of the island : but 
they would let none other depart, in order that the island should 
not be unpeopled. So that now the Turk hath sent one of his 
chief men to rule there : whereby now it will be more easy 
for us to obtain our safe-conduct than ever it was before. 

For if the townsmen of Scio did know that we would trade 
thither, as we did in times past ; they themselves, and also 
the Customer — for the Turk in all his dominions doth rent 
his customs — would be the chiefest procurer of this our safe- 
conduct for his own gain. Which is no small matter, for we 
must pay no less than ten in the hundred throughout the 
Turk's whole dominion : insomuch that if one of our ships 
should go thither, it would be for the Customer's profit 4,000 
ducats at least ; whereas if we should not trade thither, he 
would lose so much. 

Also the burgesses and the common people would be very 
glad of our trade there, for the commonalty do get more by 
our countrymen than they do by any other nation whatsoever: 
for we do use to buy many of their silk quilts and of their 
scamato and dimity, that the poor people make in that town, 
more than any other nation ; so that we would not so gladly 
trade, but the people of the country would be twice as 
willing. Wherefore they themselves would be a means unto 



1 34 English trade to Scio. i 539-1 5 70 a. d. [|;B^b'"So. 

their governor by their petition, to bring this trade to pass : 
giving him to understand that of all nations in the world we 
do him least hurt, and that we may do his country great 
good in consuming those commodities which his countiy 
people make. 

Furthermore, it were far more requisite that we should 
carry our own commodities, than to suffer a stranger to carry 
them thither : for that we can afford them better cheap than 
a stranger can. 

I write not this by hearsay of other men, but of mine 
own experience : for I have traded in the country above this 
thirty years ; and have been married in the town of Scic full 
twenty-four years : so you may assure yourself that I will 
write nothing but truth. 

Now I wail declare unto you the wares and commodities 
that are in the countries near about Scio. There are very 
good galls, the best sort whereof are sold in England, five 
shillings [the hundredweight] dearer than any other country's 
galls. There are also cotton wool ; tanned hides ; hides in 
the hair ; wax ; camlets ; mocayares ; grogerams ; silk of 
divers countries ; Cordovan skins tanned white to be made 
black, of them in great quantity ; and also coarse wool to 
make beds. The natural commodities growing in the island 
itself are raw silk and mastic. 

Of these commodities there are laden yearly ten or twelve 
great ships of Genoa ; besides five or six which belong to the 
town of Scio : which ships are freighted for Genoa, Messina 
and Ancona. And now that the Maimcses and the chief 
merchants of Genoa are banished, the trade is clean lost : by 
reason whereof our merchandise must now of necessity be 
better cheap than it has been in times past. 

But yet when all those ships did trade to the country, and 
also our ships ; we never had less than three quintals of 
galls for a kersey ; and in England we sold them for 35s. 
and 36s. the hundred : whereas now they are brought by the 
Venetians ; they sell them unto us for £^ los. and £^ the 
hundredweight. 

Also we had three quintals of cotton wool for a kersey, and 
sold the wool for £2 los. or ^^3 at the most : whereas now 
the Italians sell the same to us for £^ los. and ^^5 the 
hundredweii/ht. 



^4Feb.Ts7;j English trade to Scio. 1539-1570 A.D.135 

In like manner, camlets : whereas we had three pieces, 
and of the best sort two pieces and a half, for a kersey ; and 
could not sell them above 20s. and 22s. the piece, they sell 
them for 30s. and 35s. the piece. 

Also grogerams, where we had of the best, two pieces and 
a half for a kersey : they sell them for 4s. and 4s. 6d. the 
yard. 

Carpets, the smaller sort which serve for cupboards, we 
had three for a kersey. Whereas we, at the most, could not 
sell them but for 20s, the piece, they sell them for 35s. the piece. 

And so all other commodities that the Venetians do bring, 
they sell them to us for the third part more gains than we 
ourselves obtained in those days that we traded in those parts. 

Likewise the barrels of oil that they bring from Candia, 
we never could sell them above four nobles [-£'2 13s. 4d.] the 
barrel : where they sell them always for 50s. and £3 the barrel. 

What great pity it is, that we should lose so good a trade ; 
and may have it in our own hands, and be better welcome to 
that country than the Venetians. Moreover, the Venetians 
come very little to Scio ; for most of their trade is to 
Alexandria. 

And for to assure you that we had these commodities in 
barter for our kerseys; look into your father's books, and the 
books of Sir John Gresham and his brethren ; and you shall 
find what I have said to be true. 

Also you know that we are forced to seek for oils out of 
Spain, and that for these many years they have been sold 
there for ^25 and ;£"30 the tun : whereas — if we can obtain 
the foresaid safe-conduct from the Turk — there are divers 
places in his dominions, where we may lade 500 tuns at £^ 
sterling the tun. The places are Modon and Coron, which 
are but twelve miles distant the one from the other; and do 
stand in our way to Scio, as you may plainly see by the card 
[chart]. Also there are places where we may utter [dispose of] 
our own commodities. And not only at these two places, but 
at many others ; where we ma}^ have oils, and be better used 
than we are in Spain : where we pay very dear, and also are 
very evilly entreated many ways, as to you is not unknown. 
So that by these means, if the merchants will, we may be 
eased ; and have such a trade as the like is not in Christendom. 

Now as for getting the safe-conduct, if I were but able to 



1 36 English trade to Scio. i 539-1 570 a.d. [/^F^rS: 

spend ;£'ioo by the year : I would be bound to lose it, if that 
I did not obtain the foresaid safe-conduct. For I know that 
if the inhabitants of Scio did but think that we would trade 
thither again ; they would, at their own cost, procure to us 
a safe-conduct without a penny of charges to the merchants. 
So that if the merchants will but bear my charges to solicit 
the cause, I will undertake it myself. Where I pray you 
speak to Master Winter and the other merchants, that this 
may take effect ; and let me have your answer herein as soon 
as conveniently you may : for the time of the year draweth 
nigh that this business must be done. 

Thus I commit you to GOD ; and rest always yours to 
command, 

Yours as your servant, 

Jasper Campion. 



To the Worshipful Master William Winter. 

T may please your worship to understand, that as 
concerning the voyage to Scio, what great profit 
would be got both for merchants, and also for 
owners of ships — as it was well known in those 
days when the Matthew Gonson, the Trinity Fitz Williams, 
and the Saviour of Bristol with divers other ships which 
traded thither yearly; and made their voyage in ten or twelve 
months, and the longest in a year— Master Francis Lambert, 
Master John Brooke and Master Draver can truly inform 
you hereof at large. 

And by reason that we have not traded into those parts 
these many years; and that the Turk is grown mighty, 
whereby our ships do not trade as they were wont : I find 
that the Venetians do bring those commodities hither ; and 
do sell them for double the value of that we ourselves were 
accustomed to fetch them. Wherefore, as I am informed by 
the abovenamed men, that there is none so fit to furnish 
this voyage as yourself: my request is that there may be a 
ship of convenient burthen prepared for this voyage ; and 
then I will satisfy you at large what is to be done therein. 
And because the Turk, as I said before, is waxen strong, 




J- pC^^'^p*°^;] English trade to Scio. i 539-1 570 a.d. 137 

and hath put out the Christian rulers and placed his own 
subjects ; we may doubt whether we may so peaceably trade 
thither as we were wont : therefore I dare undertake to 
obtain a safe-conduct, if my charges may be borne to go and 
come. Of the way how this may be done, Master Lock can 
satisfy you at large. 

Moreover, I can inform you more of the trade of that 
country than any other ; for that I have been in those parts 
these thirty years, and have been married in the very town 
of Scio full four and twenty years. Furthermore, when one 
of our ships cometh thither, they bring at the least 6,000 or 
8,000 kerseys; so that the customs thereof are very profitable 
for the prince, and the return of them is profitable to the 
common people : for in barter of our wares, we took the 
commodities which the poor of that town made in their 
houses. So that one of our ships brought the prince and 
country more gain than six ships of other nations. The 
want of this our trade thither was the only cause why the 
Christian rulers were displaced : for when they paid not their 
yearly tribute, they were put out by force. 

Touching the ship that must go, she must observe this 
order. She must be a ship of countenance. She must not 
touch in any part of Spain, for the times are dangerous, nor 
take in any lading there : but she either lade in England, 
either goods of our own or else of strangers, and go to Genoa 
or Leghorn, where we may be well intreated. From thence 
she must make her money to buy wines by exchange to 
Candia, for there both customs and exchange are reasonable : 
and not do as the Matthew Gonson and other ships did in 
times past, who made sale of their wares at Messina for the 
lading of their wines ; and paid for turning their white money 
[silver] into gold after four or five in the hundred, and also 
did hazard the loss of ship and goods by carrying away 
their money. Thus by the aforesaid course we shall trade 
quietly, and not be subject to these dangers. 

Also [along the coast] from Leghorn to Castel del Mare 
which is but sixteen miles from Naples, and the ready way to 
Candia ; you may lade hoops : which will cost 27^ " caro- 
lins " of Naples the thousand, which is 2^ ducats of Spain. 
And in Candia for every thousand of hoops you shall have a 
butt of Malmsey clear of all charges. Insomuch that a ship of 



1 38 English trade to Scio. 



1 5 39- 1 5 70 A. a KFeTXo. 



the burden [300 tons] of the Mattheio Gonson will carry 400,000 
hoops, so that 1,000 ducats will lade her. And this is an 
usual trade to Candia, as Master Michael Lock can testify. 

Furthermore, it is not unknown to you, that the oils which 
we do spend [consume] in England for our cloth, are brought 
out of Spain ; and that they are very dear ; so that in Eng- 
land we cannot sell them under £2^ and 5^30 the tun. I say 
we may have good oil, and better cheap in divers places 
within the Straits [of Gibraltar]. 

Therefore if you think good to take this voyage in hand; I 
will inform you more particularly, when you please. 

In the meantime, I rest 

Your Worship's to command. 

Yours at your pleasure. 

Jasper Campion. 




139 



A[NTHONy] M[unday]. 

Captivity of yoHN Fox of JVoodhridge^ 

GuJtner of the Three Half Moons, 

by the Turks ; and of his 

wonderful escape from 

Alexandria. 

[Hakluyt, Voyages, 1589.] 

The worthy enterprise of John Fox an Englishman, in 
dehvering 266 Christians out of the captivity of the 
Turks at Alexandria, the 3rd of January, 1577. 

Mono our merchants here in England, it is a 
common voyage to traffic into Spain. Whereunto 
a ship, being called the Three Half Moons, manned 
with eight and thirty men, and well fenced with 
munitions the better to encounter their enemies 
withal ; having wind and tide, set forth from Portsmouth in 
the year 1563, and bent her journey towards Seville, a city 
in Spain : intending there to traffic with them. 

And falling near the Straits of Gibraltar; they perceived 
themselves to be beset round about with eight galleys of 
the Turks, in such wise that there was no way for them 
to fly or escape away : but that either they must yield 
or else be sunk. Which the Owner perceiving, manfully 
encouraged his company; exhorting them " valiantly to 
show their manhood, showing them that GOD was their 
GOD and not their enemy's, requesting them also not to 
faint in seeing such a heap of their enemies ready to devour 
them:" putting them in mind also "that if it were GOD's 




140 Eight Turkish galleys capture the ship. [^juiy"57g: 

pleasure to give them into their enemies' hands; it was not 
they that ought to show one displeasant look or countenance 
there against: but to take it patiently and not to prescribe 
a day and time for their deliverance as the citizens of 
Bethuliah did {Judith, v. 24] ; but to put themselves 
under His mercy." And again, "if it were His mind and 
goodwill to show His mighty power by them; if their enemies 
were ten times so many, they were not able to stand in their 
hands." Putting them likewise in mind of "the old and 
ancient worthiness of their countrymen: who in the hardest 
extremities have always most prevailed ; and gone away 
conquerors, yea, and where it hath been almost impossible." 
" Such," quoth he, " hath been the valiantness of our 
countrymen ; and such hath been the mighty power of our 
GOD." 

With such other like encouragements, exhorting them to 
behave themselves manfully ; they fell all on their knees 
making their prayers briefly unto GOD : who being all risen 
up again, perceived their enemies by their signs and defiances 
bent to the spoil, whose mercy was nothing else but cruelty. 
Whereupon every man took him to his weapon. 

Then stood up one Grove the Master, being a comely 
man, with his sword and target ; holding them up in defiance 
against his enemies. So likewise stood up the Owner, the 
Master's Mate, Boatswain, Purser, and every man well 
appointed. Now likewise sounded up the drums, trumpets, 
and flutes, which would have encouraged any man ; had he 
never so little heart or courage in him. 

Then taketh him to his charge, John Fox the Gunner, in 
the disposing of his pieces in order to the best effect : and 
sending his bullets towards the Turks; who likewise bestowed 
their pieces thrice as fast towards the Christians. But shortly 
they drew near, so that the bowmen fell to their charge in 
sending forth their arrows so thick amongst the galleys ; and 
also in doubling their shot so sore upon the galleys, that 
there were twice so many of the Turks slain as the number 
of the Christians were in all. But the Turks discharged 
twice as fast against the Christians, and so long ; that the 
ship was very sore stricken and bruised under water. 
Which the Turks perceiving, made the more haste to come 
aboard the ship; which ere they could do, many a Turk 



^jSS] The crew are made galley slaves. 141 

bought it dearly with the loss of his life. Yet was all in vain, 
and boarded they were : where they found so hot a skirmish, 
that it had been better they had not meddled with the feast. 
For the Englishmen showed themselves men indeed, in 
working manfully with their brown bills and halberds ; where 
the Owner, Master, Boatswain, and their company stood to 
it so lustily, that the Turks were half dismayed. But chiefly 
the Boatswain showed himself valiant above the rest, for he 
fared [went] among the Turks like a wood [enraged] lion ; for 
there were none of them that either could or durst stand in 
his face : till at the last there came a shot from the Turks, 
which brake his whistle asunder and smote him on the breast, 
so that he fell down ; bidding them farewell and to be of good 
comfort, encouraging them likewise to win praise by death 
rather than to live captives in misery and shame. Which 
they hearing, indeed intended to have done, as it appeared by 
their skirmish; but the press and store [number] of the Turks 
was so great, that they were not long able to endure it : but 
were so overpressed, that they could not wield their weapons. 
By reason whereof, they must needs be taken; which none of 
them intended to have been, but rather to have died : except 
only the Master's Mate, who shrank from the skirmish like a 
notable coward ; esteeming neither the valour of his name, 
nor accounting the present example of his fellows, nor having 
respect to the miseries whereunto he should be put. But in 
fine, so it was ; that the Turks were victors : whereof they 
had no great cause to rejoice or triumph. 

Then would it have grieved any hard heart to see these 
infidels so violently intreating the Christians, not having any 
respect unto their manhood which they had tasted of; nor yet 
respecting their own state, how they might have met with such 
a booty [prey] as might have given them the overthrow : but 
no remorse hereof, or any thing else doth bridle their fierce 
and tyrannous dealing, but that the Christians must needs 
go to the galleys to serve in new offices. And they were no 
sooner in them, but their garments were pulled over their ears 
and torn from their backs : and they set to the oars. 

I will make no mention of their miseries, being now under 
their enemies' raging stripes. I think there is no man will 
judge their fare good, or that bodies unladen with stripes, 
and not pestered with too much heat and also with too much 



142 The SLAVE PRISON AT Alexandria. [^juryS- 

cold : but I will go to my purpose, which is to show the end of 
those who, being in mere [niter] misery, continually do call 
on GOD with a steadfast hope that He will deliver them; and 
with a sure faith that He can do it. 

Nigh to the city of Alexandria, being a haven town, and 
under the dominion of the Turks ; there is a road, being made 
very fencible with strong walls : whereinto the Turks do 
customably bring their galleys on shore every year in the 
winter season, and there do trim them and lay them up 
against the spring time. In which road, there is a prison 
wherein the captives, and such prisoners as serve in the 
galleys are put for all that time, until the seas be calm and 
passable for the galleys : every prisoner being most 
grievously ladened with irons on their legs to their great 
pain, and sore disabling of them to taking any labour. Into 
which prison were these Christians put ; and fast warded all 
the winter season. But ere it was long, the Master and the 
Owner, by means of friends, were redeemed. The rest 
abiding still by the misery; while that they were all, through 
reason of their ill-usage and worse fare, miserably starved : 
saving one John Fox, who — as some men can abide harder 
and more misery than some others can ; so can some likewise 
make more shift and work more devices to help their state 
and living than some others can do — being somewhat skilful 
in the craft of a barber, by reason thereof made great shift in 
helping his fare now and then with a good meal. Insomuch, 
till at the last, GOD sent him favour in the sight of the 
Keeper of the prison ; so that he had leave to go in and out 
to the road at his pleasure, paying a certain stipend unto the 
Keeper, and wearing a lock about his leg. Which liberty like- 
wise six more had upon like sufferance ; who — by reason of 
their long imprisonment, not being feared or suspected to 
start aside, or that they would work the Turks any mischief — 
had liberty to go in and out of the said road in such manner 
as this John Fox did ; with irons on their legs, and to 
return again at night. 

In the year of our Lord 1577, in the winter season, the 
galleys happily coming to their accustomed harbour, and 
being discharged of their masts, sails, and other such furniture 
as unto galleys do appertain ; and all the masters and mariners 
of them being then nested in their own homes : there 



^J^ly"t79'] ^^^ ^ UnTICARO plan THE ESCAPE. I43 

remained in the prison of the said road two hundred three- 
score and eight Christian prisoners, who had been taken by 
the Turks' force ; and were of sixteen sundry nations. Among 
which, there were three EngHshmen, whereof one was named 
John Fox of Woodbridge in Suffolk ; the other William 
WiCKNEY of Portsmouth in the county of Southampton, and 
the third Robert Moore of Harwich in the county of Essex. 
Which John Fox having been thirteen or fourteen years under 
their gentle entreatance, and being too too weary thereof, 
minding his escape ; weighed with himself by what means it 
might be brought to pass ; and continually pondering with 
himself; thereof took a great heart unto him, in hope that 
GOD would not be always scourging His children, and never 
ceasing to pray Him to further his pretended [intended] 
enterprise, if that it should redound to His glory. 

Not far from the road, and somewhat from thence at one 
side of the city, there was a certain victualling house ; which 
one Peter Unticaro had hired, paying also a certain fee 
unto the Keeper of the road. This Peter Unticaro was a 
Spaniard born, and a Christian, and had been prisoner above 
thirty years ; and never practised any means to escape, but 
kept himself quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracy: 
until that now this John Fox using much thither ; they 
brake one to another their minds, concerning the restraint 
of their liberty and imprisonment. So that this John Fox 
at length opening unto this Unticaro the device which he 
would fain put in practice, made privy one more to this their 
intent. Which three debated of this matter at such times 
as they could compass to meet together; insomuch, that at 
seven weeks' end they had sufficiently concluded how the 
matter should be, if it pleased GOD to further them thereto. 
Who making five more privy to this their device, whom 
they might safely trust ; determined in three nights after to 
accomplish their deliberate purpose. 

Whereupon the said John Fox and Peter Unticaro and 
the other six appointed to meet all together in the prison the 
next day, being the last day of December [1576 a.d.] ; where 
John Fox certified the rest of the prisoners what their 
intent and device was, and how and when they minded to 
bring their purpose to pass : who thereunto persuaded them 
without much ado to further their device. Which the same 



144 Fox's OLD RUSTY SWORD BLADE. ['^■juiy"'5y^. 

John Fox seeing, delivered unto them a sort [number] of 
files, which he had gathered together for this purpose, by 
the means of Peter Unticaro : charging them that every 
man should be ready discharged of his irons by eight o'clock 
on the next day at night. 

On the next day at night, this said John Fox and his six 
other companions, being all come to the house of Peter 
Unticaro ; passed the time away in mirth for fear of suspect 
till the night came on, so that it was time for them to put in 
practice their device : sent Peter Unticaro to the Master 
of the Road, in the name of one of the Masters of the city 
with whom this Keeper was acquainted and at whose request 
he also would come at the first ; who desired him to take the 
pains to meet him there, promising him that he would bring 
him back again. The Keeper agreed to go with him, willing 
the warders not to bar the gate ; saying, " that he would not 
stay long, but would come again with all speed." 

In the mean season, the other seven had provided them of 
such weapons as they could get in that house : and John 
Fox took him to an old rusty sword blade, without either 
hilt or pommel ; which he made to serve his turn, in bending 
the hand end of the sword, instead of a pommel : and the 
others had got such spits and glaives as they found in the 
house. 

The Keeper now being come into the house, and perceiving 
no light, nor hearing any noise ; straightv\^ay suspected the 
matter: and returning backward, John Fox, standing behind 
the corner of the house, stepped forth unto him ; who 
perceiving it to be John Fox said, "O Fox! what have I 
deserved of thee, that thou shouldest seek my death ? " 
" Thou villain," quoth Fox, "hast been a bloodsucker of many 
a Christian's blood ; and now thou shalt know what thou 
hast deserved at my hands." Wherewith he lifted up his 
bright shining sword of ten years' rust, and stroke him so 
main a blow, as therewithal his head clave asunder; so 
that he fell stark dead to the ground. Whereupon Peter 
Unticaro went in and certified the rest how the case stood 
with the Keeper; who came presently forth and some with 
their spits ran him through, and the other with their glaives 
hewed him asunder, cut off his head, and mangled him so, 
that no man should discern what he was. 



^■j^rS-] Unticaro, laden with money, is killed. 145 

Then marched they toward the road, whereinto they 
entered softly ; where were six warders : one of whom asked, 
saying "Who was there?" Quoth Fox and his company 
"All friends." Which when they were all within proved 
contrary ; for, quoth Fox, " My masters, here is not to every 
man, a man ; wherefore look you play your parts." Who 
so behaved themselves indeed, that they had despatched 
these six quickly. Then John Fox, intending not to be 
barred of his enterprise, and minding to work surely in that 
which he went about ; barred the gate surely, and planted a 
cannon against it. 

Then entered they into the Gaoler's lodge, where they 
found the keys of the fortress and prison by his bedside ; and 
there had they all better weapons. In this chamber was a 
chest, wherein was a rich treasure, and all in ducats ; which 
this Peter Unticaro and two more, opening, stuffed them- 
selves so full as they could between their shirts and their 
skin : which John Fox would not once touch, and said, " that 
it was his and their liberty whether he sought for, to the 
honour of his GOD ; and not to make a mart of the wicked 
treasure of the infidels." Yet did these words sink nothing 
into their stomachs, " they did it for a good intent ; " so did 
Saul save the fattest oxen to offer unto the LORD, and they 
to serve their own turn. But neither did Saul escape the 
wrath of GOD therefore ; neither had these that thing which 
they desired so, and did thirst after. Such is GOD's justice. 
He that they put their trust in to deliver them from the 
tyrannous hands of their enemies ; He, I say, could supply 
their want of necessaries. 

Now these eight being armed with such weapons as they 
thought well of; thinking themselves sufficient champions 
to encounter a stronger enemy, and coming unto the prison. 
Fox opened the gates and doors thereof, and called forth all 
the prisoners : whom he set, some to ramming up the gate, 
some to the dressing up of a certain galley, which was the 
best in all the road, and was called the Captain of Alexandria ; 
whereinto some carried masts, sails, oars, and other such 
furniture as doth belong to a galley. 

At the prison, were certain warders ; whom John Fox and 
his company slew. In the killing of whom, there were eight 
more of theTurks which perceived them, and got themselves to 
I. K 4 



146 They float a galley, & pass the forts. [^■juty"t79: 

the top of the prison ; unto whom John Fox and his company 
were fain to come by ladders, where they found a hot 
skirmish. For some of them were slain, some wounded, and 
some but scared and not hurt. As John Fox was thrice 
shot through his apparel and not hurt ; Peter Unticaro 
and the other two that had armed themselves with ducats 
were slain, as not able to wield themselves, being so pestered 
with the weight and uneasy carrying of the wicked and 
profane treasure ; and also divers Christians were as well 
hurt about that skirmish as Turks slain. 

Amongst the Turks, was one thrust through, who (let us 
not say it was ill fortune) fell off from the top of the prison 
wall, and made such a lowing ; that the inhabitants there- 
about, as here and there scattering stood a house or two, 
came and dawed [aroused] him : so that they understood the 
case, how that the prisoners were paying their ransoms : 
wherewith they raised both Alexandria, which lay on 
the w-est side of the road, and a castle at the city's end 
next to the road, and also another fortress which lay 
on the north side of the road : so that now they had no 
way to escape but one, which by man's reason (the two 
holds lying so upon the mouth of the road) might seem 
impossible to be a way for them. So was the Red Sea 
impossible for the Israelites to pass through, the hills and 
rocks lay so on the one side, and their enemies compassed 
them on the other. So was it impossible that the walls 
of Jericho should fall down ; being neither undermined nor 
yet rammed at with engines, nor yet any man's wisdom, 
policy, or help set or put thereunto. Such impossibilities can 
our GOD make possible. He that held the lions' jaws from 
rending Daniel asunder, yea, or yet from once touching him 
to his hurt : cannot He hold the roaring cannons of this 
hellish force ? He that kept the fierce rage in the hot 
burning oven from the three children that praised His name : 
cannot He keep the fierce flaming blasts from among his elect ? 

Now is the road fraught [filled] with lusty soldiers, 
labourers, and mariners, who are fain to stand to their 
tackling ; in setting to every man his hand : some to the 
carrying in of victuals, some of munition, some of oars, and 
some one thing and some another : but most are keeping 
their enemy from the wall of the road. But to be short, 



^jS"!?^ Twenty-nine days without a compass. 147 

there was no time misspent, no man idle, nor any man's 
labour ill-bestowed or in vain. So that in short time this 
galley was ready trimmed up. Whereinto every man leaped 
with haste, hoisting up the sails lustily : yielding themselves 
to His mercy in whose hands are both wind and weather. 

Now is this galley afloat, and out of the safety of the road. 
Now have the two castles full power upon the galley. Now 
is there no remedy but sink. How can it be avoided ? The 
cannons let fly from both sides ; and the galley is even in the 
midst, and between them both. What man can devise to 
save it ? There is no man, but would think it must needs 
be sunk. 

There was not one of them that feared the shots ; which 
went thundering round about their ears : nor yet were once 
scarred or touched with five and forty shots which came from 
the castles. Here did GOD hold forth His buckler! He 
shieldeth now this galley, and hath tried their faith to the 
uttermost. Now cometh His special help, yea, even when 
man thinks them past all help, then cometh He himself down 
from heaven with His mighty power; then is His present 
remedy, most ready pressed. For they sail away, being not 
once touched with the glance of a shot, and are quickly out 
of the Turkish cannons' reach. 

Then might they see them coming down by heaps to the 
waterside, in companies like unto swarms of bees, making 
show to come after them with galleys : in bustling themselves 
to dress up the galleys ; which would be a swift piece of work 
for them to do, for that they had neither oars, masts, sails, 
cables, nor anything else ready in any galley. But yet they 
are carrying them into them, some into one galley and some 
into another; so that, being such a confusion amongst them, 
without any certain guide, it were a thing impossible to 
overtake them. Besides that, there was no man that would 
take charge of a galley ; the weather was so rough, and 
there was such an amazedness amongst them. And verily I 
think their god was amazed thereat, it could not be but he 
must blush for shame ; he can speak never a word for dulness, 
much less can he help them in such an extremity. Well, 
howsoever it is, he is very much to blame to suffer them to 
receive such a gibe. But howsoever their god behaved 
himself, our GOD showed Himself a GOD indeed, and that 



148 Starving, they reach Candia. [^juiy"579: 

He was the only living GOD ; for the seas were swift under 
His faithful ones, which made the enemies aghast to behold 
them ; a skilful pilot leads them, and their mariners bestir 
thfim lustil}' : but the Turks had neither mariners, pilots, nor 
an)^ skilful Master that was in readiness at this pinch. 

When the Christians were safe out of the enemy's coast, 
John Fox called to them all, willing them to be thankful 
unto Almighty GOD for their delivery; and most humbly 
to fall down upon their knees, beseeching Him to aid them 
unto their friends' land and not to bring them into another 
danger; since He had most mightily delivered them from so 
great a thraldom and bondage. 

Then when every man had made his petition, they fell 
straightway to their labour with the oars, in helping one 
another when they were wearied ; and with great labour 
striving to come to some Christian land, as near as they 
could guess by the stars. But the winds were so diverse, 
one while driving them this way, another while that way ; 
that they were now in a new maze, thinking that GOD 
had forsaken them, and left them to a greater danger. And 
forasmuch as there were no victuals now left in the galley, 
it might have been cause to them (if they had been the 
Israelites) to have murmured against their GOD ; but they 
knew how that their GOD who had delivered them out of 
Egypt, was such a loving and merciful GOD, as that He 
would not suffer them to be confounded, in whom He had 
wrought so great a wonder. But what calamity soever they 
sustained, they knew that it was but for their further trial ; 
and also (in putting them in mind of their farther misery) 
to cause them not to triumph and glory in themselves 
therefore. Having, I say, no victuals in the galley ; it might 
seem one misery continually to fall upon another's neck. 
But to be brief, the famine grew to be so great, that in 
twenty-eight days wherein they were on the sea, there died 
eight persons; to the astonishment of all the rest. 

So it fell out, that upon the twenty-ninth day after they had 
set out from Alexandria, they fell on the island of Candia, and 
landed at Gallipoli : where they were much made of by the 
Abbot and monks there ; who caused them to stay there, 
while they were well refreshed and eased. They kept there 
the sword wherewith John Fox had killed the Keeper ; 



^j!ly"t79-] ^°^ ^^ LENGTH REACHES ENGLAND. I49 

esteeming it as a most precious jewel, and hanged it up for 
a monument. 

When they thought good, having leave to depart from 
thence ; they sailed along the coast, till they arrived at 
Tarento : where they sold their galley ; and divided it, every 
man having a part thereof. 

The Turks receiving so shameful a foil at their hands, 
pursued the Christians ; and scoured the seas, vi'here they 
could imagine that they had bent their course. And the 
Christians [in their galley] had departed from thence 
[? Gallipoli] on the one day in the morning ; and seven galleys 
of the Turks came thither that night : as it was certified by 
those who followed Fox and his company ; fearing lest he 
should have been met with. 

And then, they came afoot to Naples ; where they departed 
asunder : every man taking him to his next way home. 

From whence, John Fox took his journey unto Rome, 
where he was well entertained of an Englishman, who 
presented his worthy deed unto the Pope : who rewarded him 
liberally, and gave him his letters to the King of Spain ; 
where he was very w-ell entertained of him there [in Spain], 
who for this his most worthy enterprise, gave him twenty 
pence a day. 

From whence, being desirous to come into his own country ; 
he came thither at such time as he conveniently could, which 
was in the year of our LORD GOD, 1579. Who being come 
into England, went into the Court ; and showed all his travel 
unto the Council : who considering the state of this man, in 
that he had spent and lost a great part of his youth in 
thraldom and bondage, extended to him their liberality ; to 
help maintain him now in age : to their right honour, and to 
the encouragement of all true-hearted Christians. 

The copy of the certificate for John Fox and his company, 

made by the Prior and the brethren of Gallipoli ; 

where they first landed. 

\E the Prior and Fathers of the Convent of the 
Amerciates, of the city of Gallipoli, of the Order of 
Preachers ; do testify that upon the 2gth of January last 
past, 1577, there came into the said city a certain galley 




150 The Pope's letters on behalf of Fox. [^juiy^'Jyg: 

from Alexandria, taken from the Turks, with two hundred and 
fifty and eight Christians: whereof was principal, master John 
Fox, an Englishman, Gunner ; and one of the chiefest that did 
accomplish that great work, whereby so many Christians have 
recovered their liberties, hi token and remembrance whereof, upon 
our earnest request to the same John Fox, he hath left an old 
sword wherewith he slew the Keeper of the prison : which sword 
we do as a monument and memorial of so worthy a deed, hang up 
in the chief place of our Convent house. And for because all things 
aforesaid are such as we will testify to be true, as they are orderly 
passed and have therefore good credit, that so much as is above 
expressed is true ; and for the more faith thereof, we the Prior and 
Fathers aforesaid have ratified and subscribed these presents. 
Given in Gallipoli the third of February, 1577. 

/ Friar Vincent Barba, Prior of the same place, confirm the 
premises, as they are above written. 

I Friar Albert Damaro of Gallipoli, Sub-Prior, confirm as 
much. 

I Friar Anthony Cellarer of Gallipoli, confirm as aforesaid. 

I Friar Bartholomew of Gallipoli, confirm as above said. 

I Friar Francis of Gallipoli, confirm as much. 



The Bishop of Rome's letters in behalf of 
John Fox. 

R it known unto all men to whom this writing shall 
come, that the bringer hereof, John Fox, Englishman, 
a Gunner, after he had served captive in the Turks' 
galleys by the space of fourteen years, at length, through 
GOD's help, taking good opportunity, the third of January last 
hast, slew the Keeper of the prison {whom he first struck on the face) ; 
together with four and twenty other Turks, by the assistance of his 
fellow-prisoners : and with 266 Christians {of whose liberty he 
was the author) launched from Alexandria, and from thence 
arrived first at Gallipoli in Candia, and afterwards at Tarento 
in Aptdia : the written testimony and credit of which things, as 
also of others, the same John Fox hath in public tables from 
Naples. 

Upon Easter Eve ['zgth March, 1577], he came to Rome, and is 
now determined to take his journey to the Spanish Court ; hoping 




fn^'isvg^'] King Philip makes him a gunner. 151 

there to obtain some relief towards his living : wherefore the poor 
distressed man humbly beseechcth ; and we, in his behalf, do in the 
bowels of Christ, desire you that taking compassion of his former 
captivity and present penury, you do not only suffer him freely to 
pass througJi all your cities and towns, but also succour him with 
your charitable alms, the reward whereof you shall hereafter most 
assuredly receive : which we hope you will afford to him, whom 
with tender affection of pity, we commend unto you: At Rome, 
the 20th of April, 1577. 

Thomas Grolos, Englishman, Bishop of Astraphan. 

Richard Silleun, Prior Anglice. 

Andreas Ludovicus. Registrar to our sovereign Lord the 
Pope : which for the greater credit of the premisses, have set my 
seal to these presents. At Rome, the day and year above written. 

Mauricius Clement. The Governor and Keeper of the 
English Hospital in the city. 



The King of Spain's letters to the Lieutenant, for placing 
of John Fox in the office of a Gunner, &c. 

the ilhistrious Prince, Vespasian Gonzaga Colonna, 
our Lieutenant and Captain General of our Realm of 
Valencia. Having consideration that John Fox, 
Englishman, hath served us, and was one of the most 
principal which took away from the Turks a certain galley, 
which they have brought to Tarento, wherein were two hundred, 
fifty and eight Christian captives : We license him to practise, 
and give him the office of a Gunner, and have ordained that he go 
to our said Realm, there to serve in the said office in the galleys, 
which by our commandment are lately made. And we do command 
that you cause to be paid to him eight ducats pay a month, for the 
time that he shall serve in the said galleys as a gunner, or till we 
can otherwise provide for him : the said eight ducats monthly of the 
money which is already of our provision present and to come, and 
to have regard of those which come with him. 
From Escurial the tenth of August, 1577. 
/ the King 

Juan del Goda. 
And under that a confirmation of the Council. 



>. 



152 



Thomas S t e v e n s, an English Jesuit. 

The first R?iglishman known to have 

reached the continent of India by 

the Cape of Good Hope, 

[Hakluyt, Voyng:es, 1589.] 

A Letter written from Goa, the principal [Portuguese] city 
of all the East Indies, by one Thomas Stevens an 
Englishman ; and sent to his father, Master Thomas 
Stevens. Anno 1579. 

Fter most humble commendations : these shall be 
to crave your daily blessing, with like commenda- 
tions unto my mother ; and withal to certify you 
of my being, according to your will and my duty. 
I wrote unto you, taking my journey from Italy to 
Portugal, which letters I think are come to your hands: so 
that presuming thereupon, I think I have the less need at 
this time to tell you the cause of my departing ; which 
nevertheless in one word I may conclude, if I do but name 
Obedience. 

I came to Lisbon towards the end [i.e. the 26th] of March 
eight days before the departure of the ships, so late that if they 
had not been stayed about some weighty matters, they had 
been long gone before our coming : insomuch that there were 
others ordained to go in our places that the King's provision 
and ours also might not be in vain. Nevertheless our sudden 
coming took place, and the 4th of April five ships departed 
for Goa, wherein, besides shipmen and soldiers, there were a 
great number of children which in the seas bear out better 




?oNoTi579-] Solemn SETTING FORTH OF THE CARACKs. 153 

than men, and no marvel, when that many women also pass 
[the seasj very well. The setting; forth from the port, I need 
not to tell how solemn it is, with trumpets and shooting of 
ordnance. You may easily imagine it, considering that they 
go in the manner of war. 

The tenth of the aforesaid month, we came to the sight 
of Porto Santo, near unto Madeira; where an English ship 
set upon ours (which was then also alone) with a few shots, 
which did no harm ; but after that our ship had laid out her 
greatest ordnance, they straight departed as they came. The 
English ship was very fair and great, which I was sorry to 
see so ill occupied ; for she went roving about, so that we 
saw her again at the Canary Isles : unto the which we came 
the 13th of the said month, and good leisure we had to 
wonder at the high mountain of the island of Teneriffe ; 
for we wandered between that and the Great Canary four 
days by reason of contrary winds. And briefly, such evil 
weather we had until the 14th of May, that they despaired 
to compass the Cape of Good Hope that year. 

Nevertheless taking our voyage between Guinea and the 
islands of Cape Verde, without seeing any land at all, we 
arrived at length unto the coast of Guinea, which the Portu- 
guese so call chiefly that part of the burning zone which is 
from the sixth degree unto the equinoctial ; in which parts 
they suffered so many inconveniences of heat and lack 
of winds, that they think themselves happy when they have 
passed it. For sometimes the ship standeth there almost by 
the space of many days ; sometimes she goeth but in such 
order that it were almost as good to stand still. And the 
greatest part of this coast is not clear but thick and cloudy ; 
full of thunder and lightning, and rain so unwholesome that 
if the water stand a little while, all is full of worms : and falling 
on the meat which is hung up, it maketh it straight full of 
worms. Along all that coast we oftentimes saw a thing 
swimming upon the water like a cock's comb (which they 
call a Ship nf Guinea) [a Nautilus] but the colour much fairer ; 
which comb standeth upon a thing almost like the swimmer 
[bladder] of a fish in colour and bigness, and beareth under 
the water, strings ; which saveth it from turning over. This 
thing is so poisonous that a man cannot touch it without 
great peril. In this coast, that is to say, from the 6th degree 



154 The variation u'/ the compass. [^^ n 



T. Stevens, 
ov. 1579. 



[North] unto the equinoctial, we spent no less than thirty 
days, partly with contrary winds, partly with calm. 

The 30th of May we passed the equinoctial with conten- 
tation, directing our course, as well as we could to pass 
the promontory : but in all that gulf, and in all the way 
besides, we found so often calms that the expertest mariners 
wondered at it. And in places where are always wont to be 
most horrible tempests, we found most quiet calms, which 
were very troublesome to those ships [the caracks] ; which be 
the greatest of all other and cannot go without good winds. 
Insomuch that when it is a tempest almost intolerable for 
other ships, and maketh them main [furl] all their sails; these 
hoist up theirs, and sail excellently well; unless the waters 
be too furious, which seldom happeneth in our navigation. 
You shall understand, that being passed the line, they can- 
not straightway go the next way to the promontory; but 
according to the wind, they draw always as near south as 
they can put themselves in the latitude of the point, which 
is 35° 30' [South] and then they take their course towards 
the east, and so compass the point. But the wind served 
us so, that at 30° [South] we did direct our course toward 
the point or promontory of Good Hope. 

You know that it is hard to sail from East to West, 
because there is no fixed point in all the sky, whereby they 
may direct their course: wherefore I shall tell you what 
helps God provided for these men. There is not a fowl that 
appeareth, or sign in the air or in the sea ; which they have 
not written which have made the voyages heretofore. 
Wherefore partly by their own experience, and pondering 
withal what space the ship is able to make with such a wind 
and such a direction, and partly by the experience of others, 
whose books and navigations they have, they guess where- 
abouts they be touching degrees of longitude. For of lati- 
tude they be always sure. But the greatest and best industry 
of all is to mark the variation of the needle or compass 
which in the meridian of the island of Saint IVIichael, which 
is one of the Azores, in the latitude of Lisbon, is just north, 
and thence swerveth towards the east so much that be- 
twixt the meridian aforesaid and the point of Africa [i.e. 
the Cape of Good Hope] it carrieth three or four quarters of 
thirty- two [or in modern language, the magnetic variation at the 



7o' NoTi"s79] The WONDERS OF THE TROPICAL Ocean. 155 

Cape was at that time from 30° /<? 45° East?^ And again in 
the point of Africa, a little beyond the Point, that is called 
Cape das Agtilias {Agulhas, in ¥^ng\\s\\The Needles) it returneth 
again unto the north ; and that place passed, it svverveth 
again toward the west, as it did before proportionably. 

As touching our first signs, the nearer we came to the 
people of Africa, the more strange kinds of fowls [birds] ap- 
peared : insomuch that when we came within no less than 
thirty leagues (almost an hundred miles) and six hundred 
miles as we thought from any island, as good as 3,000 
fowls of sundry kinds followed our ship, some of them so 
great that their wings, being opened from one point to the 
other, contained seven spans, as the mariners said. A mar- 
vellous thing to see how GOD provided so that in so wide a 
sea these fowls are all fat and nothing wanteth them. The 
Portuguese have named them all according to some property 
which they have. Some they call Rush-tails because their 
tails be not proportionable to their bodies, but long and 
small like a rush. Some Forked-tails because they be very 
broad and forked. Some Velvet-sleeves, because they have 
wings of the colour of velvet, and boweth [bendeth] them as 
a man boweth his elbow. This bird is always welcome, for 
he appeareth nearest the Cape. I should never end if I 
should tell all particulars; but it shall suffice briefly to touch 
a few, which yet shall be sufficient, if you mark them, to give 
occasion to glorify GOD in his wonderful works and such 
variety in His creatures. 

And to speak somewhat of fishes in all places of calm, 
especially in the burning zone [i.e. the Tropics] . Near the 
line (for without [the Tropics] we never saw any) there 
waited on our ship fishes as long as a man, which they call 
Ttiberones [the aboriginal West Indian name for sharks] . They 
come to eat such things as from the ship fall into the sea, 
not refusing men themselves if they light upon them : and 
if they find any meat tied in the sea, they take it for theirs. 
These have waiting on them six or seven small fishes 
(which never depart) with gards blue and green round about 
their bellies, like comely serving men, and they go two 
or three before him and some on every side. Moreover 
they have other fishes which cleave always unto their body 
and seem to take such superfluities as grow about them, and 



156 Carack nearly wrecked off the Cape. [loNo^v'^isyg! 

they are said to enter into their bodies also to purge them if 
they need. The mariners in time past have eaten of them, 
but since they have seen them eat men, their stomachs abhor 
them : nevertheless they draw them up with great hooks, 
and kill of them as many as they can, thinking that they 
have made a great revenge. 

There is another kind of fish [the flying-fish] as big 
almost as a herring, which hath wings and flieth, and they 
are together in great number. These have two enemies : 
the one in the sea, and the other in the air. In the sea, the 
fish which is called the Albacore [the Porfugttese for Dolphin] 
as big as a salmon followeth them with great swiftness to 
take them. This poor fish not being able to swim fast, for 
he hath no fins but swimmeth with the moving of his tail, 
shutting his wings, lifteth himself above the water, and 
flieth not very high. The Albacore seeing that, although he 
have no wings, yet giveth he a great leap out of the water, 
and sometimes catcheth him ; or else he keepeth himself 
under the water, going that way as fast as he flieth. And 
when the fish being weary of the air or thinking himself out 
of danger, returneth into the water, the Albacore meeteth 
with him : but sometimes his other enemy, the Sea Crow 
catcheth him before he falleth. 

With these and like sights, but always making our suppli- 
cations to GOD for good weather and salvation of the ship ; 
we came at length unto the Point, so famous and feared of 
all men. But we found there no tempest, only great waves. 
Where our pilot was a little overseen. For whereas com- 
monly all other never come within sight of land, but seeing 
signs ordinary and finding bottom, go their way sure and safe ; 
he thinking himself to have wind at will, shot [steered] so nigh 
the land, that the wind turning to the south and the waves 
being exceeding great rolled us so near the land, that the 
ship stood in less than fourteen fathoms of water, no more 
than six miles from the Cape, which is called Las Agidias ; 
and there we stood as utterly cast away. For under us were 
rocks of main stone so sharp and cutting that no anchor 
could hold the ship, the shore so evil that nothing could take 
land, and the land itself so full of tigers and people that are 
savage and killers of all strangers, that we had no hope 
of life or comfort but only in GOD and a good conscience. 



loNov.^is^g'] ^^^^ CARACK GOES OUTSIDE MADAGASCAR. I 57 

Notwithstanding after we had lost anchors, hoisting up the 
sails for to get the ship a coast [to the coast] in some safer 
place or when it should please GOD : it pleased His mercy 
suddenly, where no man looked for help, to fill our sails with 
wind from the land, and so we escaped, thanks be to GOD ! 
And the day following, being in the place where they are 
always wont to catch fish, we also fell a fishing, and so 
many they took, that they served all the ship for that day 
and part of the next. And one of them pulled up a coral of 
great bigness and price. For there they say (as we saw by 
experience) that the coral grows in the manner of stalks 
upon the rocks in the bottom, and waxes hard and red. The 
day of peril was the 29th of July, 1579. 

And you shall understand that the Cape passed ; there be 
two ways to India, one within the Isle of Saint Lawrence 
[Madagascar], which they take willingly, because they refresh 
themselves at Mozambique a fortnight or a month, not with- 
out great need ; and thence in a month more, land at Goa. 
The other is without the Isle of St. Lawrence, which they take 
when they set forth so late and come so late to the Point that 
they have no time to take the foresaid Mozambique : and then 
they go heavily [sadly] because in this way they take no port, 
and by reason of the long navigation, and want of food and 
water, they fall into sundry diseases ; their gums wax great 
and swell, and they are fain to cut them away ; their legs 
swell and all the body becometh sore and so benumbed that 
they cannot stir hand nor foot, and so they die for weakness, 
others fall into fluxes [diarrhcea] and agues and die thereby. 

And this way it was our chance to make, yet though we 
had more than one hundred and fifty sick, there died not 
past twenty-seven ; which loss they esteemed not much, in 
respect of other times [i.e. voyages] . Though some of ours 
[i.e. the company of Jesuits of whom Stevens was one] were 
diseased in this sort ; yet thanks be to GOD, I had my health 
all the way, contrary to the expectation of many. GOD send 
me my health so well in the land, if it may be, to His honour 
and service ! 

This way is full of privy rocks and quicksands, so that 
sometimes we durst not sail by night ; but by the providence 
of GOD we saw nothing nor never found bottom until we came 
to the coast of India. When we had passed again the line 



158 Are DRIVEN AS FAR NORTH AS SOCOTRA. [lo^o^vfierg. 

and were come again to the third degree [north] or somewhat 
more, we saw crabs swimming on the water as though they 
had been sodden [boiled], but this was no sign of land. After, 
about the eleventh degree, for the space of many days, more 
than ten thousand fishes by estimation followed round about 
our ship ; whereof we caught so many, that for fifteen days 
we did eat nothing else, and they served our turn very well : 
for at this time we had neither meat nor almost any thing 
else to eat, our navigation growing so long that it drew near 
to seven months, whereas commonly they go it in five ; I 
mean when they sail the inner way [through the Mozambique 
Channel]. But these fishes were not sign of land, but rather 
of deep sea. 

At length we took a couple of birds, which were a kind of 
hawks ; whereof they joyed much, thinking that they had been 
of India, but indeed they were of Arabia, as we found after- 
wards. And we that thought we had been near India, were 
in the same latitude near Socotra, an isle in the mouth of 
the Red Sea. But there GOD sent us great winds from the 
north-east or north-north-east, whereupon unwillingly they 
bare up toward the east, and thus we went ten days without 
seeing sign of land, whereby they perceived their error : for 
they had directed their course before, always north-east, 
coveting to multiply [pass over] degrees of latitude ; but partly 
the difference [variation] of the needle, and most of all the 
running seas [currents], which at that time ran north-west, 
had drawn us to this new danger, had not GOD sent us this 
wind, which at once waxed larger [veered] and restored us 
to our right course. 

These running seas [currents] be so perilous that they de- 
ceive the most part of the Governors [pilots of the caracks] and 
some be so little curious, contenting themselves with ordinary 
experience that they care not to seek out any means to know 
when they swerve, neither by the compass nor by any other 
trial. 

The first sign of land was certain fowls [birds] which they 
knew to be of India. The second was boughs of palms and 
sedges. The third, snakes swimming on the water, and a 
substance which they call by the name of a coin of money, 
as broad and as round as a groat, wonderfully printed and 
stamped of Nature like unto some coin. And these two last 



loNov.Tsyy Welcomed at Goa, with great charity. 159 

signs be so certain that the next day after, if the wind serve, 
they see land, which we did to our great joy; when all our 
water (for you know they make no beer in those parts) and 
victuals began to fail us. And to Goa we came the 24th of 
October 1570; there being received with surpassing great 
charity. 

The people be tawny, but not disfigured in their lips and 
noses as the Moors and Kaffirs of Ethiopia. They that be 
not of reputation, or at least the most part, go naked, save 
an apron of a span long and as much in breadth before them, 
and a lace two fingers broad before them, girded about with 
a string, and no more : and thus they think themselves as 
well as we with all our trimming. 

Of the fruits and the trees that be here I cannot now 
speak, for I should make another letter as long as this. For 
hitherto I have not seen any tree here, whose like I have 
seen in Europe ; the vine excepted, which nevertheless here 
is to no purpose, so that all the wines are brought out of 
Portugal. The drink of the country is good water, or wine of 
the palm tree or of a fruit called cocoas. 

And this should suffice for this time. If GOD send me my 
health, I shall have opportunity to write to you once again. 
Now the length of my letter compelleth me to take my leave, 
and thus I wish your most prosperous health. 

From Goa, the tenth of November 1579. 

Your loving Son, 

Thomas Stevens. 




i6i 



The Third Hawkins Voyage, 

[FiR^T Karrative by a Survivor.] 

The relation of David Ingram, of Barking, in the county of 
Essex, sailor, being now about the age of forty years, 
of sundry things which he with others did see in 
travelling by land from the most northerly part of the 
Bay of Mexico (where he with many others were set 
on shore by Master Hawkins), through a great part of 
America, until they came within fifty leagues, or 
thereabouts, of Cape Breton : which he reported unto 
Sir Francis Walsingham Knight, Her Majesty's 
Principal Secretary of State, and to Sir George Peck- 
ham Knight, and divers others of good judgement and 
credit, in August and September, 1582. 

[Sloane MS. 1447. 
[Also printed, with variations, in HAKLUYT's Voyages, p. 557. Ed. 1589.] 

This narrative was omitted by Hakluyt, in his revised and enlarged 
edition of his Voyages, 3 vols., 1 599-1600: fol. 

Rev. S. PURCHAS in his Pilgrimes, iv. p. 179, Ed. 1625, states : 
"As for David Ingram's perambulation to the north parts, Master 
Hakluyt, in his first edition, published the same ; but it seemeth some 
incredibilities of his reports caused him to leave him out in the next im- 
pression ; the reward of lying being, not to be believed in truths." — See 
R. Hakluyt's Discourse concerning Western Planting, p. 22a (Maine 
Historical Society, Second Series) Cambridge, Mass., 1877-78. 

Bout the beginning of October, anno Domini 
1568, David Ingram, with the rest of his 
company, being a hundred persons in all, 
were set on land by Master John Haw- 
kins, about six leagues to the west of the 
river Cnmina or Rio de Mynas which 
standeth about 140 leagues west-and-by- 
north from the Cape of Florida. 
He hath travelled in those countries from beyond Terra 
I. L 4 




1 62 Ingram, Browne, and Twide walk, in ii [i;pt"^j''5''8™: 

Florida, extending towards the Cape Breton, about eleven 
months in the whole ; and about seven months thereof in 
those countries which lie towards the north of the river of 
May. In which time, as the said Ingram thinketh, he 
travelled, by land, 2,000 miles, at the least : and never con- 
tinued in any one place above three or four days ; saving at 
the city of Balma, where he stayed six or seven days. 

There are in those parts, saith he, very many kings, com- 
monly within 100 or 120 miles one from another ; who are at 
continual wars together. 

The first king that they came before, dwelt in a country 
called Giricka ; who caused them to be stripped naked, and, 
wondering greatly at the whiteness of their skins, let them 
depart without further harm. 

The kings in those countries are clothed with painted or 
coloured garments ; and thereby you may know them : and 
they wear great precious stones, which commonly are rubies, 
being six inches long and two inches broad ; and if the same 
be taken from them, either by force or sleight, they are 
presently deprived of their kingdoms. 

When they do mean to speak with any person publicly, 
they are always carried by men in a sumptuous chair of silver 
or crystal, garnished about with sundry sorts of precious 
stones. 

And if you will speak with the king, at your first approach- 
ing near him, you must kneel down on both your knees; and 
then arise again and come somewhat nearer him, within 
your length, then kneel down again, as you did before. Then 
take of the earth or grass between both your hands, kissing 
the backside of each of them, and put the earth or grass on 
the crown of your head : and so, come and kiss the king's 
feet. Which circumstances being performed, you may then 
arise, and stand up, and talk with him. 

The noblemen, and such as be in special favour with the 
King, do commonly wear feathers in the hair of their heads, 
for the most part, of a bird as big as a goose, of russet colour. 
And this is the best mark that this Examinate can give to 
know them by. 

There is, in some of those countries, great abundance of 
pearls. For in every cottage, he found pearls; in some 



Sept'^i'sS.] MONTHS, FROM TaMPICO, TO CaPE BrETON. 1 63 

houses a quart, in some a pottle [half a gallon], in some a 
peck, more or less : where he did see some as great as an 
acorn : and Richard Browne, one of his companions, found 
one of these great pearls in one of their canoes or boats, 
which pearl he gave to Monsieur Champaigne, who took 
them aboard his ship, and brought them to Newhaven 
[Havre], in France. 

All the people generally do wear Manylions or bracelets as 
big as a man's finger, upon each of their arms ; and the like 
on the small of each of their legs : whereof commonly one 
is gold, and two are silver. And many of the women also do 
wear great plates of gold covering their bodies in manner of 
a pair of Currettes, and many bracelets and chains of great 
pearl. 

The people commonly are of good favour, feature, and shape 
of body, of growth about five feet high, somewhat thick, with 
their faces and skins of colour like an olive; and towards the 
north, somewhat tawny, but some of them are painted with 
divers colours. They are very swift of foot. The hair of 
their head is shaven in sundry places, and the rest of their 
head is traced [tattooed]. 

In the north parts, they are clothed with beasts' skins, the 
hairy side being next to their body in winter. 

They are naturally very courteous, if you do not abuse 
them either in their persons or goods, but use them cour- 
teously. The killing and taking of their beasts, birds, fishes, 
and fruits cannot offend them ; except it be of their cattle, 
which they keep about their houses, as kine, guinea hens, 
and such like. 

If any of them do hold up both their hands at length to- 
gether, and kiss the backs of them on both sides : then you 
may undoubtedly trust them 1 for it is the greatest token of 
friendship that may be. 

If any of them shall come unto you with a horse's tail in 
his hand, then you may assure yourself that he is a messenger 
from the king ; and to him, you may safely commit your per- 
son, or go to the king or anywhere else, or by him send any- 
thing or message to the King. For these men are always 
either Ensign [y?aj^] -bearers in the wars, or the king's mes- 
sengers who will never betray you. 



164 Arms of North American Indians, [^'ept'^^^^s'^: 

To allure the people to speech, if you will have any of the 
people to come aboard your ship, hang out some white cloth 
upon a staff, for it is a sign of amity. 

If you will bargain for ware with them ; leave the things 
that you will sell upon the ground, and go from it a pretty 
way off. Then will they come and take it, and set down 
such wares as they will give for it in the place : and if you 
think it not sufficient, leave the wares with signs that you 
like it not ; and they will bring more until either they or you 
be satisfied, or will give no more. Otherwise you may hang 
your wares upon a long pole's end ; and so put more or less on 
it, until they have agreed on the bargain. 

When they go to the wars, they march in battle [ar]ray 
two and three in a rank. 

Their trumpets, they do make of certain beasts' [elephants' 
in MS.] teeth. They have a kind of drum, which they make 
of beasts' skins. They have shields and targets of the skins 
of beasts, compassed with willow twigs ; and being dried, 
they are strong and defensible. 

Their weapons are darts headed with iron : the heads are 
two fingers broad, and half a foot long, which are fastened 
within a socket. 

They have also short bows strung with the bark of trees, 
being half an inch broad, and the arrows are of bone, a yard 
long, nocked and headed with silver and bone. Their arrows 
are of small force within a stone's cast of them, and you may 
put them by, with a staff, a pretty way off. 

They have short broad swords of black iron, of the length 
of a yard, or very near an ell ; bearing edges thicker than 
backs of knives : somewhat like the foils in our fence schools. 

They have crooked knives of iron, somewhat like a wood- 
knife or hanger ; wherewith they will carve excellently both 
in wood and bone. 

Their Ensign [flag] is a horse's tail, with glass or crystal 
in some of them; being dyed in sundry colours, as red, yellow, 
green, &c. 

The people in those countries are professed enemies to the 
Cannibals or man eaters. The Cannibals do mostly inhabit 
between Norumbegc and Barimuthe. They have teeth like 
dogs' teeth ; and thereby you may know them. 



^■ep"^iT8"'] Names of towns in North America. 165 

In the wars they do pitch their camp as near as they 
may unto some wood of palm trees ; which yieldeth them 
meat, drink, and a present [instant] remedy against poisoned 
arrows. 

Their buildings are weak and of small force. Their houses 
are made round like dove houses, and they do dwell together 
in towns and villages. 

And some of them have banquetting houses in the top of 
them, made like the lover \louvre] of a hall, built with pillars 
of massy silver and crystal, framed square ; whereof many of 
them are as big as a boy's leg of fifteen years of age, and 
some less. 

This Examinate did also see divers towns and villages, as 
Gunda, a town, a flightshot in length. 
Ochala, a great town, a mile long. 
Balma, a rich city, a mile and a half long. 
Bega, a country, and town of that name three quarters 

of a mile long. There is a good store of ox hides. 
Saguanathe, a town almost a mile in length. 
Barimuthe, a city a mile and a quarter long. Also there 
is a river and town of that name, but less than the first 
above named. 
Guinda, a small town, and a river; both of that name. 
And this is the most northerly part that this Examinate 
was at. 
[There are, besides those towns aforenamed, many other 
great towns, which this Ingram passed by. They are com- 
monly distant six or eight miles one from the other : which 
have divers small villages within eight or ten miles from 
them.] 

They have in every house, scoops, buckets, and divers other 
vessels of massy silver ; wherewith they do throw out 
water and dust, and otherwise do employ them to their 
necessary uses in their houses. All which this Examinate 
did see common and usual in some of these countries ; 
especially where he found the great pearls. 

There are also great rivers ; at the heads of which, this 
Examinate and his companions did find sundry pieces of gold, 
some as big as a man's fist ; the earth being washed away 
with the water. 



1 66 The natural products of the country. [^ejt"^8^. 

And in other places, they did see great rocks of crystal, 
which grew at the heads of great and many rivers ; being 
enough in quantity to load ships. 

There are also in those parts, plenty of fine furs, unknown 
to this Examinate ; dressed after the manner of the country. 

The people there do burn a kind of white turf or earth, 
which they dig out of the marshes, a fathom deep in the 
ground. It burneth very clear, and smelleth as sweet as 
musk : and that earth is as wholesome, sweet, and comfort- 
able to smell unto, as any pomander. They do make their 
fire of this earth for the sweetness thereof, having great 
abundance of wood. 

When they want fire, they take briars, and rub them very 
hard between their fists ; and so, with hard and often rubbing, 
they kindle and make fire. 

They have great plenty of iron : and there is also great 
plenty of mineral salt in the marish ground which looketh 
reddish ; a thing necessary for the great fishing near the 
sea shore, which are here abundant, and the fish large and 
huge. 

The ground and country is most excellent, fertile, and 
pleasant ; and especially towards the River of May. For the 
grass of the rest is not so green as it is in those parts ; for the 
other is burnt away with the heat of the sun. 

All the country is good and most delicate ; having great 
plains as large and as fair, in many places, as may be seen : 
being as plain as a board. 

And then great and huge woods, of sundry kinds of trees, 
as cedars, date trees, li<^nmn viice, bomhassa, plantains, and 
bushes, and also great abundance of those trees which carrieth 
a thick bark that biteth like pepper (of which kind, young 
Master Winter brought home part from the Straits of 
Magellan), with the fruitful Palm tree, and a great plenty 
of other sweet trees to this Examinate unknown. 

And after that, plains again ; and, in other places, great 
closes of pasture environed with most delicate trees instead of 
hedges ; they being, as it were, set by the hands of men. 

Yet the best grass, for the most part, is in the high 
countries, somewhat far from the seaside and great rivers ; 
by reason that the low grounds there be so rank, that the 
grass groweth faster than it can be eaten, whereby the old 



^=pt".^5^8^:] Flora of North America. 167 

grass lieth withered thick, and the new grass groweth 
through it ; whereas in the upper parts, the grass and ground 
is most excellent and green ; the ground not being over- 
charged with any old withered grass, as is afore specified. 

The Palm tree aforesaid carrieth hairs on the leaves thereof, 
which reach to the ground : whereof the Indians do make 
ropes and cords for their cotton beds, and do use the same 
for many other purposes. The which tree, if you prick with 
your knife, about two feet from the root, it will yield a wine 
in colour like whey, but in taste strong and somewhat like 
Bastard ; which is most excellent drink : but it will distemper 
both your head and your body, if you drink too much thereof; 
as our strong wines will do in these parts. 

The branches of the top of the tree are most excellent meat, 
raw, after you have pared away the bark. 

Also there is a red oil that cometh out of the root of this 
tree, which is most excellent against poisoned arrows and 
weapons: for by it they do recover themselves of their 
poisoned wounds. 

There is a tree called the Plantain, with a fruit growing on 
it like a pudding, which is most excellent meat, raw. 

They have also a red berry, like a peascod, called Guiathos, 
two or three inches long, which groweth on short bushes full 
of pricks like the sloe or thorn tree ; and the fruit eateth like 
a green raisin, but sharper somewhat. They stamp this 
berry to make wine thereof; which they keep in vessels made 
of wood. They have also, in many places, vines which bear 
grapes as big as a man's thumb. 

There is also a great plenty of herbs, and of all kind of 
flowers, as roses and gillyflowers, like ours in England : and 
many others which he knew not. Also they have a kind of 
grain [maize], the ear whereof is as big as the wrist of a man's 
arm. The grain is like a flat pease. It maketh very good 
bread, and white. 

They do also make bread of the root called cassava : which 
they do dry, and beat it as small as they can, and temper it 
with water ; and so bake it, in cakes, on a stone. 

There is also a great plenty of buffes [buffaloes], bears, 
horses, kine, wolves, foxes, deer, goats, sheep, hares, and 
conies. Also other cattle like ours, and very many unlike 



i68 Fauna of North America. [^eS^ss^.: 

ours, to this Examinate unknown, the most part being wild : 
the hides and skins of them are good merchandise. 

There is very great store of those buffes, which are beasts 
as big as two oxen, in length almost twenty feet, having long 
ears like a bloodhound, with long hairs about their ears, their 
horns be crooked like ram's horns, their eyes black, their 
hairs long, black, rough, and shagged as a goat. The hides 
of these beasts are sold very dear. This beast doth keep 
company only by couples, male and female ; and doth always 
fight with others of the same kind, when they do meet. 

There is also a great plenty of deer — red, white, and 
speckled. This last sort this Examinate knoweth not. 

There is also a great plenty of another kind of sheep, which 
carry a kind of coarse wool. This sheep is very good meat ; 
although the llesh be very red. They are exceeding fat ; and 
of a nature loath to rise when they are lain, which is always 
from five o'clock at night until five o'clock in the morning, 
between which time you may easily kill them ; but after they 
be on foot, they are very wild, and rest not in one place, living 
together in herds, in some 500, as it happeneth, more or less. 
And these red sheep are most[ly] about the Bay of Saint 
Mary, as this Examinate guesseth. 

There are bears, both black and white. There are wolves. 
The foxes have their skins more grizzled than ours in England. 
There are conies, white, red, and grey, in every place in 
great plenty. 

This Examinate did also see in those countries, a mon- 
strous beast twice as big as a horse, and in proportion like to 
a horse, in mane, hoof, hair, and neighing; saving it was 
small towards the hinder parts like a greyhound. This beast 
hath two teeth or horns, of a foot long, growing straight 
forth by their nostrils. They are natural enemies of the horse. 

He did also see in that country, both elephants and ounces. 
He did also see one another strange beast bigger than a bear. 
He had neither head nor neck. His eyes and mouth were 
in his breast. This beast is very ugly to behold, and 
cowardly of kind. It beareth a very fine skin like a rat, full 
of silver hairs. 

There are in those countries, abundance of russet parrots, 
but very few green. There are also birds of all sorts, as we 
have; and many strange birds, to this Examinate unknown. 



?"e£^5^2.] The American Indians speak Welsh! 169 

There is great plenty of guinea hens, which are tame birds, 
and proper to the inhabitants, as big as geese, very black of 
colour, having feathers like down. There is also a bird 
called a Flamingo, whose feathers are very red. It is bigger 
than a goose, billed like a showeler, and very good meat. 

There is also another kind of fowl in that country which 
hunteth [haunteth] the rivers, near unto the islands. They 
are of the shape and bigness of a goose ; but their wings are 
covered with small yellow feathers, and cannc^t fly. You 
may drive them before you like sheep. They are exceeding 
fat, and very delicate meat. They have white heads, and 
therefore the countrymen call them Penguins, which seemeth 
to be a Welsh name [!]. And they have also in use divers 
other Welsh words [!]. A matter worth the noting. 

There is also a very strange bird, thrice as big as an eagle, 
very beautiful to behold. His feathers are more orient 
[brilliant] than a peacock's feathers ; his eyes are glistering 
as a hawk's eyes, but as great as a man's eyes : his head and 
thigh as big as a man's head and thigh. It hath a crest and 
tuft of feathers of sundry colours, on the top of the head, like 
a lapwing, hanging backwards. His beak and talons are in 
proportion like eagles, but very huge and large. 

Touching tempests and other strange monstrous things in 
those parts, this Examinate saith, that he hath seen it light- 
ning and thunder, in summer season, by the space of four and 
twenty hours together. The cause whereof, he judgeth to be 
the heat of the climate. 

He further saith, that there is a cloud, some time of the 
year, seen in the air, which commonly turneth to great tem- 
pests. And that, some times of the year, there are great 
winds in manner of whirlwinds. 

Touching their religion, he saith, that they honour for 
their god, a devil [? medicine man], which they call Collochio : 
which speaketh unto them, sometimes in the likeness of a 
black dog, and sometimes in the likeness of a black calf. 

And some do honour the sun, the moon, and the stars. 

He saith, that the people in those countries are allowed 
many wives : some five, some ten, and a king sometimes a 
hundred. And that adultery is very severely punished in the 
following manner. 



lyo The English sailors defy the DEvn.[!] [^eS^s™: 

The woman taken in adultery must, with her own hands, 
cut the throat of the adulterer ; and the next of his kindred 
doth likewise cut the throat of the adulteress. 

Being asked, in what manner, they take their executions ? 
he saith, "That they are brought to execution by certain 
magistrates ; who deliver unto the woman, the knife where- 
with she cutteth the throat of the adulterer. Then appeareth 
their Collochio, or devil, in the likeness aforesaid, and speaketh 
unto them : and to that devil, the parties brought to execu- 
tion do great reverence, and with many prayers to it, they 
do take their death." 

He saith that, " Such persons as are put to death in such 
sort, have not any of their friends buried with them. But 
such as die naturally, have always buried with them, quick 
[alive], one of their dearest friends to keep them company, and 
to provide necessaries and victuals for them : who do wil- 
lingly consent thereto, being thereto persuaded by their 
Collochio, or devil, whom they do worship." 

He saith further, that " He and his two fellows (namely, 
Richard Browne and Richard Twide) went unto a poor 
man's house, and there they did see the said Collochio^ or 
devil, with very great eyes like a black calf. Upon which 
sight, Browne said ' There is the devil ! ' and thereupon he 
blessed himself. In iJie name of the Father ! and of the Son! 
and of the Holy GHOST ! and Twide said very vehemently, 
' I defy thee, and all thy works ! ' and presently the Collo- 
chio shrank away in a stealing manner, forth of the doors, 
and Vv'as seen no more unto them." 

Also they passed over many great rivers in those countries 
in canoes or boats ; some four, some six, some eight, some 
ten miles over : whereof one was so large that they could 
scarce cross the same in four and twenty hours. 

Also he saith that " in the same country, the people have 
instruments of music made of a piece of a cane, almost a 
foot long, being open at both ends : which, sitting down, 
they smite upon their thighs and one of their hands, making 
a pleasant kind of sound." 

And they do use another kind of instrument like a taber 
[? banjo], covered with a white skin somewhat like parch- 
ment. 



?eS^'.] They come home in a French ship. 171 

This Examinate can very well describe their gestures, 
dancing, and songs. 

After long travail, the aforesaid David Ingram with his 
two companions Browne and Twide, came to the head of 
a river called [Garinda,] which is 60 leagues west from Cape 
Breton ; where they understood by the people of that country, 
of the arrival of a Christian. Whereupon, they made their 
repair to the seaside ; and there found a French Captain, 
named Monsieur Champaigne : who took them unto his 
ship, and brought them unto Newhaven [Havre] in France ; 
and from thence, they were transported unto England, Anno 
Duuiini 1569. 

This Monsieur Champaigne, with divers of his company, 
wasbrought unto the village of Baryniathe, about twenty miles 
up into the country, by the said Examinate and his two com- 
panions : by whose means, he had a trade with the people, 
of divers sorts of fine furs ; and of great red leaves of trees 
almost a yard long and about a foot broad, which he thinketh 
are good for dyeing. 

Also the said Monsieur Champaigne had there, for exchange 
of trifling wares, a good quantity of rude and unwrought silver. 

He further saith that, " divers of the said Frenchmen, 
which were in the said ship, called the Gargarine, are yet 
living in [Honfleur], upon the coast of France, as he thinketh : 
for he did speak with some of them within these three years " 
[i.e., since 1579]. 

About a fortnight after their coming from Newhaven into 
England [in 1569], this said Examinate and his two com- 
panions came to Master John Hawkins ; who had set them 
on shore upon the Bay of Mexico ; and unto each of them, he 
gave a reward. 

Richard Browne, his companion, was slain, about five 
years past [1577], in the Elizabeth of Master Cockens, of 
London. And Richard Twide, his other companion died 
at Ratcliffe, in John Sherwood's house there, about three 
years past [1579]. 

Gtiando is a word of salutation, as among us ** Good 
morrow!" " Good even ! " "GOD save you!" 
and the like. 



172 Docility of the West Indian slaves. [^ejt%^s^: 

Garicona. A King. 

Garaccona. A Lord. 

Tona. Bread, 

Kerucca. The Sun. 

Also the said Examinate travelling towards the North, 
found the Main sea [Gulf of St. Lawrence] upon the north 
side of America ; and travelled in sight thereof the space of 
two whole days : where the people signified unto him, that 
they had seen ships on the coast, and did draw upon the 
ground the shape and figure of ships and of their sails and 
flags. 

Which thing specially provcth the passage of the North- 
west ; and is agreeable to the experience of Vasquez de 
CoRONADO, who found a ship of China or Cataia upon the 
North-west of America. 

Also the said Examinate saith that " there is an island 
called Corrasau [Curagao] ; and there are in it, 5,000 or 6,000 
Indians, at the least : and all those are governed by only 
one Negro, who is but a slave to a Spaniard. 

And, moreover [in other places], the Spaniards will send 
but one of their slaves with 100 or 200 of the Indians, when 
they go to gather gold in the rivers descending from the 
mountains. And when they shall be absent by the space 
of 20 or 30 days' [journey] at the least ; every one of the 
Indians will nevertheless obey all the slave's commandments, 
with as great reverence as if he were their natural King ; 
although there be never a Christian near them, by the space 
of 100 or 200 miles : which argueth the great obedience of 
those people, and how easily they may be governed when 
they be once conquered. 

In considering the exaggerations which led Hakluyt to reject 
Ingram's narrative as a tissue of falsehoods ; we must think of the 
enormous stretch of country over which he claimed to have travelled, 
from Tampico to Cape Breton, and of the diversities of climate, tribes, 
customs, animals, birds, &c., which he has here jumbled up in a general 
way. 

It is also to be noted that this examination was taken some twelve 
years after he had returned home ; in the year before that in which 
Miles PtriLLiPS got back home, see/. 218. Had it been taken earlier, 
his memory might have been somewhat fresher. 




Second I\f /. r r at i v e , by another 
Survivor. 

[Hakluyt. Voyages. 1589.] 

A Discourse written by one Miles Phillips, Englishman, one 
of the company put ashore in the West Indies by Master 
John Hawkins in the year 1568. Containing many 
special things of that country and of the Spanish Govern- 
ment [there] : but specially of their cruelties used to our 
Englishmen ; and among the rest, to himself, for the 
space of fifteen or sixteen years together, until, by good 
and happy means, he was delivered from their bloody 
hands, and returned to his own country, anno i582[3]. 



THE FIRST CHAPTER. 

Wherein is shewn the day and time of our departure from the 
coast of England; with the number and names of the ships, their 
Captains and Masters : and of our traffic and dealing upon the 
coast of Africa. 

pPoN Monday, being the 2nd of October, 
1567, the weather being reasonably fair, 
our General [Admiral], Master John Haw- 
kins, having commanded all his Captains 
and Masters to be in a readiness to make 
sail with him ; he himself being embarked 
in the Jesus (whereof was appointed for 
Master, Robert Barret), hoisted sail, and 




174 T^JE Fleet slave hunting in Guinea ; ["^^-^^j; 

departed from Plymouth, upon his intended voyage for the 
parts of Africa and America ; being accompanied with five 
other sail of ships, as, namely. 

The Minio7i, wherein went for Captain, Master John 
Hampton ; and John Garret, Master. 

The William and John, wherein was Captain, Thomas 
Bolton ; and James Raunce, Master. 

The Judith, in whom was [subsequently] Captain, 
Master Francis Drake, now Knight : and 

The Angel, whose Master, as also the Captain and 
Master of the Swallow, I now remember not. 

And so sailing in company together, upon our voyage until 
the 6th of the same month, an extreme storm then took us 
near unto Cape Finisterre ; which [enjdured for the space of 
four days, and so separated our ships that we had lost one 
another : and the General, finding the Jesus to be in an ill case, 
was in mind to give over the voyage, and to return home. 
Howbeit the nth of the same month, the seas waxing calm, 
and the wind coming fair ; he altered his purpose, and held 
on the former intended voyage. 

And so coming to the island of Gomera, being one of the 
Islands of the Canaries, where, according to an order before 
appointed, we met with all our ships which were before dis- 
persed ; we then took in fresh water, and departed from thence 
the 4th of November; and holding on our course, upon the 
i8th of the same month, we came to an anchor upon the 
coast of Africa, at Cape de Verde, in twelve fathom [s ofj 
water. 

Here our General landed certain of our men, to the number 
of 160 or thereabouts ; seeking to take some Negroes. And 
they going up into the country, for the space of six miles, 
were encountered with a great number of Negroes ; who with 
their envenomed arrows did hurt a great number of our men, 
so that they were enforced to retire to the ships : in which 
conflict, they recovered but a few Negroes. Of these our men, 
which were hurt with their envenomed arrows, there died to 
the number of seven or eight, in a very strange manner, with 
their mouths shut ; so that we were forced to put sticks and 
other things into their mouths, to keep them open. 



^'•™p^]then leaves for the West Indies. 175 

So afterwards passing the time upon the coast of Guinea 
until the 12th of January [1568], we obtained by that time, 
the number of 150 Negroes. 

And being ready to depart from the sea coast, there was a 
Negro sent as an ambassador to our General, from a king 
[chief] of the Negroes (which was oppressed with other kings, 
his bordering neighbours) desiring our General to grant him 
succour and aid against those his enemies ; which our General 
granted unto, and went himself in person aland, with the 
number of 200 of our men or thereabouts : and the said King, 
which had requested our aid, did join his force with ours, so 
that thereby our General assaulted and set fire upon a town 
of the said king his enemy, in which there was, at the least, 
the number of 8,000 or 10,000 Negroes. They perceiving that 
they were not able to make any resistance, sought by flight 
to save themselves ; in which their flight, there were taken 
prisoners to the number of 800 or 900, which our General 
ought to have had for his share : howbeit the Negro king 
which requested our aid, falsifying his word and promise, 
secretly, in the night, conveyed himself away, with as many 
prisoners as he had in his custody. 

But our General, notwithstanding, finding himself to have 
now very near the number of 500 Negroes, thought it best, 
without longer abode, to depart with them and such mer- 
chandise as he had, from the coast of Africa towards the 
West Indies : and therefore commanded, with all diligence, to 
take in fresh water and fuel ; and so with speed to prepare to 
depart. 

Howbeit before we departed from thence,* in a storm that 
we had, we lost one of our ships, namely, the William and 
John : of which ship and her people, we heard no tidings 
during the time of our voyage. 

* This is wrong. The William and John was separated from the rest 
of the English fleet in the storm in the Gulf of Mexico, on the 15th 
August, 1568 ; and reached the coast of Ireland in February, 1569, 




176 The English get as far as Cartagena. [^^- t^'^^ 

THE SECOND CHAPTER. 

Wherein is shewed the day and time of our departure from the 
coast of Africa, with the day and time of our arrival in the West 
Indies. Also of our trade and traffic there. And also of the 
great cruelty that the Spaniards used towards us, by the Viceroy 
his direction and appointment ; falsifying his faith and promise 
given, and seeking to have entrapped us. 

Ll things being made in a readiness, at our General 

his appointment, upon the 3rd day of February, 1568, 

we departed from the coast of Africa ; having the 

weather somewhat tempestuous, which made our 

passage the more hard. 

So saiHng for the space of forty-five days, upon the 27th 
of March, 1568, we came in sight of an island called Dominica, 
upon the coast of America, in the West Indies, situated in 
14° [N.] Lat. and 222° of Longitude. 

From thence, our General coasted from place to place, ever 
making traffic with the Spaniards and Indians, as he might : 
which was somewhat hardly obtained ; for that the King [of 
Spain] had straightly charged all his Governors in those parts 
not to trade with any. 

Yet, notwithstanding, during the months of April and May, 
our General had reasonable trade and traffic, and courteous 
entertainment in sundry places, as at Margarita, Curagao, 
and elsewhere, till we came to Cape de la Vela, and Rio de la 
Hacha a place from whence all the pearls do come. The 
Governor there, would not, by any means, permit us to have 
any trade or traffic, nor yet suffer us to take in fresh water. 
By means whereof, our General, for the avoiding of famine 
and thirst, about the beginning of June, was enforced to land 
200 of our men ; and so, by main force and strength, to 
obtain that which, by no fair means, he could procure : and 
so recovering [capturing] the town, with the loss of two of our 
men, there was a secret and peaceable trade admitted, and 
the Spaniards came in by night, and bought of our Negroes, to 
the number of 200 and upwards, and of our other merchan- 
dise also. 

From thence, we departed for Cartagena, where the 



M. Phimps.-j Y^j^yg Qp SHIPS AT San Juan de Ulua. 177 

Governor was so straight, that we could not obtain any traffic 
there; and so, for that our trade was near[ly] finished, our 
General thought it best to depart from thence, the rather for 
the avoiding of certain dangerous storms called the Huricanos 
[hurricanes], which are accustomed to begin there about that 
time of the year. 

So, the 24th of July, 1568, we departed from hence, direct- 
ing our course North ; leaving the island of Cuba upon our 
right hand, to the eastward of us. 

And so sailing towards Florida, upon the 12th of August, 
an extreme tempest arose, which [enjdured for the space of 
eight days ; in which our ships were most dangerously tossed 
and beaten hither and thither, so that we were in continual 
fear to be drowned, by reason of the shallowness of the coast; 
and in the end, we were constrained to flee for succour to the 
port of San Juan de Ulua, or Vera Cruz, situated in 19° 
N. Lat. and 279° Long., which is the port that serveth for 
the city of Mexico. 

In our seeking to recover this port, our General met, by 
the way, three small ships, that carried passengers ; which 
he took with him : and so, the i6th of September, 1568, we 
entered the said port of San Juan de Ulua. 

The Spaniards there, supposing us to have been the King 
of Spain's Fleet, the Chief Officers of the country thereabouts 
came presently [at once] aboard our General ; where perceiving 
themselves to have made an unwise adventure, they were in 
great fear to have been taken and sta3'ed : howbeit our 
General did use them all very courteously. In the said port, 
there were twelve ships, which, by report, had in them in 
treasure, to the value of ;£'200,ooo [=-nearly two millions 
sterling now] ; all which being in our General his power, and 
at his devotion, he did freely set at liberty ; as also the pas- 
sengers which he had before stayed, not taking from any of 
them all, the value of one groat. Only he stayed two men of 
credit and account ; the one named Don Lorenzo de Alva, 
and the other Don Pedro de Revera. 

And presently our General sent to the Viceroy, to Mexico 
(which was threescore leagues off) certifying him of our 
arrival there, by force of weather; desiring that "Forasmuch 
as our Queen his Sovereign, was the King of Spain his loving 
Sister and Friend ; that therefore he would, considering our 
I. M 4 



178 A Fleet of Spain worth 4^ Millions, [^^•^'""s^j.' 

necessities and wants, furnish us with victuals for our Nav}^; 
and quietly to suffer us to repair and amend our ships. And 
furthermore, that at the arrival of the Spanish Fleet, which 
was there dail}' expected and looked for, to the end that there 
might no quarrel arise between them and our General and 
his company, for the breach of amity ; he humbly requested 
of his Excellency that there might, in this behalf, some 
special order be taken." This message was sent away the 
i6th of September, 1568 ; it being the very day of our arrival 
there. 



The next morning, being the 17th of the same month, we 
descried thirteen Sail of great ships ; and after that our 
General understood that it was the King of Spain's Fleet, 
then looked for ; he presently sent to advertise the General 
thereof, of our being in the said port, and giving him further 
to understand that " Before he should enter there into that 
harbour, it was requisite that there should pass between 
the two Generals, some orders and conditions to be observec 
on either part, for the better contriving of peace between 
them, and theirs," according to our General's request made 
unto the Viceroy. 

And, at that instant, our General was in a great perplexity 
of mind, considering with himself that if he should keep out 
that Fleet from entering into the port (a thing which he was 
very well able to do, with the help of GOD), then should 
that Fleet be in danger of present shipwreck and loss of all 
their substance which amounted to the value of 1,800,000 
crowns [=£ ^40, 000=: about four millions and a half pounds 
sterling now] . Again he saw, that if he suffered them to enter, 
he was assured that they would practise, by all manner of 
means, to betray him and his : and, on the other side, the 
haven was so little, that the other Fleet entering, the ships 
were to ride one hard aboard of another. 

Also he saw that if their Fleet should perish by his keeping 
of them out (as of necessity they must, if he should have 
done so) ; then stood he in great fear of the Queen our Sove- 
reign's displeasure, in so weighty a cause. Therefore did he 
choose the least evil ; which was, to suffer them to enter 
under assurance : and so, to stand upon his guard, and to 



M. PI*-] Articles between Hawkins & Henriquez. i 79 

defend himself and his, from their treasons, which we were 
well assured, they would practise. 

So the messenger being returned from Don Martin de 
Henriquez, the new Viceroy (who came in the same Fleet, 
and had sufficient authority to command in all cases, both 
by sea and land, in this Province of Mexico or New Spain) 
did certify our General that " For the better maintenance of 
amity between the King of Spain and our Sovereign ; all our 
requests should be both favourably granted, and faithfully 
performed : " signifying further that " He heard and under- 
stood of the honest and friendly dealing of our General 
towards the King of Spain's subjects in all places where he 
had been, as also in the said port." 

So that, to be brief, our requests were articled, and set down 
in writing. 

The first was that we might have victuals for our money, 
and license to sell as much wares as might suffice to furnish 
our wants. 

The second, that we might be suffered peaceably to repair 
our ships. 

The third, that the Island might be in our possession 
during the time of our abode there. 

In which Island, our General, for the better safety of 
him and his, had already planted and placed certain 
ordnance ; which were eleven pieces of brass. Therefore 
he required that the same might so continue ; and that no 
Spaniard should come to land in the said Island, having or 
wearing any kind of weapon about hint. 

The fourth, and last, that for the better and more sure 
performance and maintenance of peace, and of all the condi- 
tions; there might ten gentlemen of credit be delivered of either 
part, as hostages. 
These conditions were concluded and agreed upon in 
writing by the Viceroy, signed with his hand, and sealed 
with his seal: and ten hostages, upon either part, were 
received. 

And further it was concluded that the two Generals 
should meet ; and give faith, each to the other, for the per- 
formance of the promises. 
All which being done, the same was proclaimed by the 



i8o The Spaniards prepare their treachery,^'- ^'"Ja! 

sound of a trumpet ; and commandment was given that none, 
of either part, should violate or break the peace upon pain of 
death. 

Thus, at the end of three days, all was concluded ; and the 
Fleet entered the port [the 20th] ; the ships saluting one 
another, as the manner of the sea doth require. 

The morrow after, being Tuesday [the 2is^], we laboured on 
all sides, in placing the English ships by themselves, and the 
Spanish ships by themselves : the Captains and inferior 
persons, of either part, offering and shewing great courtesy 
one to another ; and promising great amity on all sides. 
Howbeit, as the sequel shewed, the Spaniards meant nothing 
less upon their parts. For the Viceroy and Governor there- 
abouts, had secretly assembled at land, to the number of 
1,000 chosen and well appointed men : meaning the next 
Thursday, being the 23rd of September, at dinner time 
[10 a.m.], to assault us, and set upon us, at all sides. 

But before I go any further, I think it not amiss, briefly to 
describe the manner of the Island, as it then was ; and the 
force and strength that it is now of. For the Spaniards, 
since the time of our General's being there, for the better 
fortifying of the same place, have built a fair Castle and 
Bulwark very well fortified, upon the same Island. 

This port was then, at our being there, a little island of 
stones, not past three feet above water in the highest 
place ; and not past a bow shot over, any way, at the most ; 
and it standeth from the mainland, two bow shots or more. 
And there is not in all this coast, any other place for ships 
safely to arrive at. Also the north winds in this coast are of 
great violence and force ; and unless the ships be safely 
moored in, with their anchors fastened in this Island ; there 
is no remedy but present destruction and shipwreck. 

All this our General wisely foreseeing, did provide that he 
should have the said Island in his custody; or else the 
Spaniards might, at their pleasure, have cut our cables ; and 
so, with the first north wind that blew, we had had our pass- 
port, for our ships had gone ashore. 

But to return to the matter. 

The time approaching that their treason must be put in 



M. PhilHps.-| j^^^ THEN SUDDENLY DISCOVER IT. l8l 

practice, the same Thursday morning, some appearance 
thereof began to shew itself; as shifting of weapons from 
ship to ship, and planting and bending their ordnance against 
our men that warded upon the land, with great repair of 
people : which apparent shews of breach of the Viceroy's 
faith, caused our General to send one to the Viceroy, to 
inquire of him, " What was meant thereby ? " who presently 
sent and gave order that the ordnance aforesaid, and other 
things of suspicion should be removed : returning answer to 
our General, " On the faith of a Viceroy ! that he would be 
our defence and safety from all villainous treachery." This 
was upon Thursday, in the morning. 

Our General not being therewith satisfied, seeing they had 
secretly conveyed a great number of men aboard a great Hulk 
or ship of theirs, of goo tons ; which ship rode hard by the 
Minion : he sent again to the Viceroy, Robert Barret, the 
Master of the Jesus, a man that could speak the Spanish 
tongue very well ; and required that " those men might be 
unshipped again, which were in that great Hulk." 

The Viceroy (then perceiving that their treason was 
thoroughly espied, stayed our Master) sounded the trumpet, 
and gave order that his people should, upon all sides, charge 
upon our men which warded the shore, and elsewhere : which 
struck such a maze and sudden fear among us, that many 
gave place, and sought to recover our ships for the safety 
of themselves. 

The Spaniards, which secretly were hid in ambush at land, 
were quickly conveyed over to the Island, in their longboats ; 
and so coming to the Island, they slew all our men they could 
meet with, without any mercy. 

The Minion, which had somewhat before prepared herself 
to avoid tire danger, hauled away, and abode the first brunt 
of the 300 men that were in the great Hulk. Then they 
sought to board the Jesus, where was a cruel fight, and many 
of our men slain : but yet our men defended themselves, and 
kept them out. 

So the y^s^/s also got loose, and joining with the M/?n"o;i, the 
fight waxed hot on all sides ; but they having won and got 
our ordnance on shore, did greatly annoy us. In this fight, 
there were two great ships of the Spaniards sunk, and one 
burnt. So that with their ships, they were not able to harm 



1 82 Hanging prisoners of war on posts. [^•™?j: 

us ; but from the shore, they beat us cruelly with our own 
ordnance, in such sort, that the JesiLs was very sore spoiled. 

Suddenly, the Spaniards having fired two great ships of 
their own ; they came directly against us, which bred in our 
men a marvellous fear. 

Howbeit, the Minion, which had made her sails ready, 
shiftedfor herself (without the consent of the General, Captain, 
or Master) ; so that very hardly our General could be received 
into the Minion. The most of our men that were in the 
yesus shifted for themselves, and followed the Minion in the 
boat ; and those which that small boat was not able to 
receive, were most cruelly slain by the Spaniards. 

Of our ships, none escaped saving the Minion and the 
Judith ; and all such of our men as were not in them were 
enforced to abide the tyrannous cruelty of the Spaniards. 

For it is a certain truth, that when they had taken certain 
of our men ashore ; they took them and hung them up by the 
arms upon high posts, until the blood burst out at their 
fingers' ends. Of which men so used, there is one Copstowe, 
and certain others, yet alive : who, through the merciful 
providence of the Almighty, have long since [i.e.^ before. 
1583] arrived here at home in England ; carrying still about 
with them (and shall, to their graves), the marks and tokens 
of those their inhuman, and more than barbarous, cruel 
dealing. 



THE THIRD CHAPTER. 

Wherein is shewed how that, after we were escaped from the 
Spaniards, we were like to perish with famine at the sea; and how, 
our General, for the avoiding thereof, was constrained to put half 
of J lis men on land. And what miseries we, after that, sustained 
among the savage people ; and how we fell again into the hands of 
the Spaniards. 

FTERthat, the Viceroy, Don Martin de Henriquez, 

had thus, contrary to his faith and promise, most 

cruelly dealt with our General, Master Hawkins, at 

San Juan de Ulua, where most of his men were, by 

the Spaniards, slain and drowned ; and all his ships sunk and 




M. PhilHps.-j -pjjE LAST EXTREMITIES OF FAMINE. 183 

burnt, saving the Minion and the Judith (which was a small 
bark of 50 tons, wherein was then Captain, Master Francis 
Drake aforesaid) : the same night, the said bark lost us. 

We were in great necessity, and enforced to remove with 
the Minion two bow shots from the Spanish Fleet ; where we 
anchored all that night. 

And the next morning [z^th September], we weighed anchor, 
and recovered an island, a mile from the Spaniards, where a 
storm took us with a North wind ; in which, we were greatly 
distressed, having but two cables and two anchors left. For 
in the conflict before, we had lost three cables and two 
anchors. 

The morrow after [25^/1 September], the storm being ceased, 
and the weather fair ; we weighed and set sail : being many 
[i.e.y between 200 and 300] men in number, and but small 
store of victuals to suffice us for any long time : by means 
whereof we were in despair and fear, that we should perish 
through famine, so that some were in mind to yield themselves 
to the mercy of the Spaniards, others to the savages or infidels. 

And wandering thus certain days in these unknown seas, 
hunger constrained us to eat hides, cats and dogs, mice, rats, 
parrots, and monkeys : to be short, our hunger was so great, 
that we thought it savoury and sweet, whatever we could get 
to eat. 

And on [Friday] the 8th of October, we came to land again 
in the bottom [or rather on the West side] of the Bay of 
Mexico ; where we hoped to have found some inhabitants, 
that we might have had some relief of victuals, and a place 
where to repair our ship, v/hich was so greatly bruised that 
we were scarce able, with our weary arms, to keep forth the 
water. 

Being thus oppressed with famine on the one side, and 
danger of drowning on the other ; not knowing where to find 
relief, we began to be in wonderful despair, and we were of 
many minds. Amongst whom there were a great many that 
did desire our General to set them on land ; making their 
choice rather to submit themselves to the mercy of the 
savages or infidels than longer to hazard themselves at sea : 
where they very well saw that, if they should all remain 
together, if they perished not by drowning, yet hunger would 
enforce them, in the end, to eat one another. To which re- 



I 84 114 MEN PUT A S 11 O R E, O C T. 8, I 568. [*^^- "^j'. 

quest, our General did very willingly agree, considering with 
himself that it was necessary for him to lessen his number ; 
both for the safety of himself and the rest. 

And thereupon being resolved to set half his people on 
shore, that he had then left alive ; it was a world to see how 
suddenly men's minds were altered ! for they which, a little 
before, desired to be set on land, were now of another mind, 
and requested rather to stay. 

By means whereof, our General was enforced, for the more 
contentation of all men's minds, and to take away all occa- 
sions of offence, to take this order. 

First, he made choice of such persons of service and 
account as were needful to stay : and that being done, 
of those who were willing to go, he appointed such as he 
thought might best be spared. 

And presently appointed that, by the boat, they should 
set on shore : our General promising us, that, the next year, 
he would either come himself, or else send to fetch us home. 

Here again, it would have caused any stony heart to have 
relented, to have heard the pitiful moan that many did make ; 
and how loath they were to depart. The weather was then 
somewhat stormy and tempestuous, and therefore we were 
to pass with great danger [i.e., to the shore] ; yet notwithstand- 
ing there was no remedy but we that were appointed to go 
away, must of necessity do so. 

Howbeit, those that went in the first boat were safely set 
ashore ; but of them which went in the second boat, of which 
number I myself was one, the seas wrought so high that we 
could not attain to the shore : and therefore we were con- 
strained through the cruel dealing of John Hampton, Captain 
of the Minion, John Sanders, Boatswain of the Jesns, and 
Thomas Pollard, his [i.e., the Boatswain's] Mate, to leap out of 
the boat into the main sea, having more than a mile to the 
shore ; and so to shift for ourselves, and either to sink or 
swim. And of those that were so, as it were, thrown out, 
and compelled to leap into the sea ; there were two drowned, 
which were of Captain Bland's [a Frenchman of Rochelle, sec 
p. 222] men. 

In the evening of the same day, it being Friday, the 8th of 



'^^ r'lS'] ^'^'^^^^'^^^ ^^^ STRIPPED BY ClIICIIEMICS. 1 85 

October, 1568, when we were all come ashore, we found fresh 
water; whereof some of our men drank so much that they 
had almost cast themselves away, for we could scarce get life 
in them for the space of two or three hours after. Some 
others were so cruelly swollen, what with the drinking in of 
the salt water, and what with the eating of the fruit, which 
is called Capide [? chestnut], having a stone in it much like an 
almond, which we found on land, they were all in very ill 
case. So that we were, in a manner, all of us, both feeble, 
faint, and weak. 

The next morning, it being Saturday, the gth of October, 
we thought it best to travel along by the sea coast, to seek 
out some place of habitation ; whether they were Christians 
or savages, we were indifferent, so that we might have where- 
withal to sustain our hungry bodies. 

So departing from a hill, where we had rested all night, 
not having any dry thread about us : for those that were not 
wet, being thrown into the sea, were thoroughly wet with 
rain ; for it rained cruelly all the night. 

As we went from the hill, and were come into the plain, 
we were greatly troubled to pass, for the grass and woods 
[shrubs] that grew there higher than any man. On the left 
hand, we had the sea; and upon the right hand, great woods : 
so that, of necessity, we must needs pass, on our way west- 
ward, through those marshes. 

Going thus, suddenly, we were assaulted by the Indians, a 
warlike kind of people ; which are, in a manner as cannibals, 
although they do not feed upon men's flesh as cannibals do. 
These people are called Chichemics; and they use to wear 
their hair long, even down to their knees. They do also 
colour their faces green, yellow, red, and blue ; which maketh 
them to seem very ugly and terrible to behold. 

These people do keep wars against the Spaniards ; of whom 
they have been oftentimes very cruelly handled : for with the 
Spaniards there is no mercy. 

They perceiving us, at our first coming on land, supposed 
us to have been their enemies, the bordering Spaniards ; and 
having by their forerunners [scouts] described what number 
we were, and how feeble and weak, without armour or weapon, 
they suddenly (according to their accustomed manner when 
they encounter with any people in warlike sort) raised a 



1 86 Anthony Goddard's party go westward, p^- ^j^f^l^ 

terrible and huge cry ; and so came running fiercely upon us, 
shooting off their arrows as thick as hail. 

Unto whose mercy, we were constrained to yield, not having 
amongst us any kind of armour : nor yet weapon, saving one 
caliver and two old rusty swords, whereby to make any re- 
sistance or to save ourselves. Which when they perceived 
that we sought not any other than favour and mercy at their 
hands, and that we are not their enemies, the Spaniards ; 
they had compassion on us, and came and caused us all to 
sit down. And when they had a while surveyed and taken a 
perfect view of us, they came to all such as had any coloured 
clothes amongst us, and those they did strip stark naked, and 
took their clothes away with them ; but they that were 
apparelled in black, they did not meddle withal. And so 
went their ways, and left us, without doing us any further 
hurt : only in the first brunt, they killed eight of our men. 

At their departure, they perceiving in what weak case we 
were, pointed us with their hands, which way we should 
go to come to a town of the Spaniards (which, as we after- 
wards perceived, was not past ten leagues from thence), 
using these words, Tanipcco ! tampeco Christiano ! tampeco 
Christiano ! which is as much, we think, as to say in English, 
" Go that way, and you shall find the Christians ! " [or 
rather the name of the town of Tampico, at the mouth of the 
Panuco]. The weapons that they use, are no others but bows 
and arrows ; and their aim is so good that they very seldom 
miss to hit anything that they shoot at. 

Shortly after they had left us stript, as aforesaid, we thought 
it best to divide ourselves into two companies. So being 
separated, half of us went under the leading of Anthony 
GoDDARD (who is a man alive, and dwelleth at this instant 
[? 1583J in the town of Plymouth), whom before, we chose 
to be Captain over us all : and those which went under his 
leading (of which number, I, Miles Phillips, was one), 
travelled westward, that way which the Indians with their 
hands had before pointed us to go. 

The other half went, under the leading of one John Hooper, 
whom they did choose for their Captain (and with the company 
that went with him, David Ingram [pp. 161-72] was one), and 
they took their way, and travelled northward. And shortly 



^'r'lsss.] John Hooper's party start northward. 187 

after, within the space of two days, they were again en- 
countered with the savage people: and their Captain, Hooper, 
and two more of their company were slain. 

Then, again, they divided themselves. Some held on their 
way still northward : and some others, knowing that we were 
gone westward, sought to meet with us again ; as, in truth, 
there was about the number of 25 or 26 of them that met 
with us, in the space of four days again. 

Then we began to reckon among ourselves, how many we 
were that were set on shore : and we found the number to be 
114 : whereof two were drowned in the sea, and eight slain at 
the first encounter ; so that there remained 104, of which 25 
went westward with us, and 52 to the north with Hooper and 
Ingram. And as Ingram since hath often told me, there 
were not past three of their company slain ; and there were 
but 26 of them that came again to us. So that of the company 
that went northward, there is yet lacking, and not certainly 
heard of, to the number of 23 men : and verily I do think that 
there are some of them yet alive, and married in the said 
country, at Sibola ; as hereafter I purpose, GOD willing ! to 
discourse of more particularly, with the reason and causes 
that make me so to think of them, that were [thus] lacking; 
which were David Ingram, Twide, Browne [//. 163, 170, 
171], and sundry others whose names we could not remember. 

Being thus met again together, we travelled on still west- 
ward, sometimes through such thick woods that we were en- 
forced to break away, with cudgels, the brambles and bushes 
from tearing our naked bodies. Some other times, we should 
travel through the plains in such high grass that we could 
scarce see one another. And as we passed, in some places, 
we should have of our men slain, and fall down suddenly ; 
being stricken by the Indians, which stood behind trees and 
bushes, in secret places, and so killed our men as they went 
by : for we went scatteringly in seeking of fruits to relieve 
ourselves. 

We were also, oftentimes, greatly annoyed with a kind of 
fly, which in the Indian tongue is called, Tequani, and the 
Spaniards call them Musketas [mosquitos]. 

There are also in the said country, a number of other flies, 
but none so noisome as these tequanies be. You shall hardly 



iS8 Great joy at hearing a cock crow, p^-j'^'^j. 

see them, they be so small ; for they are scarce so big as a 
gnat. They will suck one's blood marvellously, and if you 
kill them, while they are sucking, they are so venomous that 
the place will swell extremely even as one that is stung with 
a wasp or bee : but if you let them suck their fill and to go 
away of themselves, they do you no other hurt, but leave 
behind them a red spot somewhat bigger than a flea-biting. 
At first, we were terribly troubled with these kind of flies, 
not knowing their qualities: and resistance we could make 
none against them, being naked. As for cold, we feared not 
any : the country there is always so warm. 

And as we travelled thus, for the space of ten or twelve 
days, our Captain did oftentimes cause certain to go to the 
tops of high trees to see if they could descry any town or 
place of inhabitants ; but they could not perceive any. 

Using often the same order, to climb up into high trees, at 
the length, they descried a great river that fell from the north- 
west into the main sea ; and presently after, we heard a 
harquebuss shot off, which did greatly encourage us, for 
thereby we knew that we were near to some Christians, and 
did therefore hope shortly to find some succour and comfort. 

Within the space of one hour after, as we travelled, we 
heard a cock crow : which was no small joy to us. 

So we came to the north side of the river of Panuco ; where 
the Spaniards have certain Salinas [salt pans] : at which 
place it was that the harquebuss was shot off, which we 
heard before. To which place, we went not directly ; but 
missing thereof, we left it about a bow shot upon our left 
hand. 

Of this river, we drank very greedily ; for we had not met 
with any water, in six days before. 

As we were here by the river, resting ourselves, and longing 
to come to the place where the cock did crow, and where the 
harquebuss was shot off; we perceived many Spaniards upon 
the other side of the river, riding up and down on horseback: 
and they perceiving us, did suppose that we had been of the 
Indians their bordering enemies, the Chichemics. The river 
was not past half a bow shot over. 

Presently, one of the Spaniards took an Indian boat called 
a canoe ; and so came over, being rowed by two Indians. 
Having taken the view of us, he did presently row over back 



M. Pli 



?'"',583.] Taken by the Spaniards of Tampico. 189 

again to the Spaniards : who, without any delay, made out 
about the number of twenty horsemen ; and embarking them- 
selves in the canoes, they led their horses by the reins, swim- 
ming over after them. Being come over, to that side of the 
river where we were, they saddled their horses ; and being 
mounted upon them, with their lances charged, they came 
very fiercely, running at us. 

Our Captain, Anthony Goddard, seeing them come in 
that order, did persuade us to submit and yield ourselves 
unto them ; for being naked as we were at this time, without 
weapon, we could not make any resistance : whose bidding 
we obeyed. 

Upon the j-ielding of ourselves, they perceived us to be 
Christians ; and did call for more canoes, and carried us over 
by four and four in a boat. Being come on the other side, they 
understanding by our Captain how long we had been without 
meat [food], imparted [divided] between two and two, a loaf of 
bread made of that country wheat which the Spaniards call 
Maize, of the bigness of one of our halfpenny loaves; which 
bread is named in the Indian tongue, Clashacally. 

This bread was very sweet and pleasant unto us, for we 
had not eaten anything in a long time before : and what is it 
that hunger doth not make to have a savoury and a delicate 
taste ? 

Having thus imparted the bread amongst us, those which 
were men, they sent afore to the town ; having also many 
Indians, inhabitants of that place, to guard them. They 
which were young, as boys ; and some such also as were 
feeble, they took up upon their horses behind them. And so 
carried us to the town, where they dwelt ; which was very 
near a mile distant from the place where we came over. 

This town [Tampico] is well situated, and well replenished 
with all kinds of fruits, as oranges, lemons, pomegranates, 
apricots, and peaches, and sundry others ; and is inhabited 
with a number of tame Indians or Mexicans ; and had in it, 
also, at that time, about the number of 200 Spaniards (men, 
women, and children), besides Negroes. 

Of the Salinas, which lie upon the west side of the river, 
more than a mile distant from thence, they make a great 
profit. For salt is an excellent good merchandise there. The 
Indians do buy much thereof, and carry it up into the country 



1 90 Robbed again, this time by Spaniards. [^^- f'^'lj^j; 

and there sell it to their own people, doubling the price. 
Also much of the salt made in this place is transported from 
thence, by sea, to sundry other places, as Cuba, San Juan 
de Ulua, and the other ports of Tamiago and Tamachos, 
which are two barred havens [i.e., with sand bars] west-and-by- 
south, above threescore leagues, from San Juan de Ulua. 

When we were all come to the town, the Governor there, 
shewed himself very severe unto us, and threatened to hang 
us all. Then he demanded, " What money we had ? " which, 
in truth, was very little : for the Indians, which we first 
withal, had, in a manner, taken all from us ; and of that 
which was left, the Spaniards, which brought us over, took away 
a good part also. Howbeit, the Governor here had from 
Anthony Goddard a chain of gold, which was given unto 
him at Cartagena, by the Governor there ; and from others, 
he had some small store of money. So that we accounted 
that among us all, he had the number of 500 pesos [i.e., pesos 
of silver, at 6s. 8d. each=z£i^^ or about ;£'i,ooo now], besides 
the chain of gold. 

Having thus satisfied himself, when he had taken all that 
we had ; he caused us to be put into a little house, much like 
a hogsty, where we were almost smothered [suffocated]. 

Before we were thus shut up in that little cot, they gave 
us some of the country wheat, called Maize, sodden : which 
they feed their hogs withal. But many of our men, which had 
been hurt by the Indians at our first coming on land, whose 
wounds were very sore and grievous, desired to have the help 
of their Surgeons to cure their wounds. The Governor, and 
most of them, all answered that " We should have none other 
surgeon but the hangman ; which should sufficiently heal us 
of all our griefs." 

Thus reviling us, and calling us, " English dogs ! " and 
" Lutheran heretics ! " we remained the space of three days 
in this miserable state, not knowing what should become of 
us ; waiting every hour to be bereaved of our lives. 




M.PhiiHps.-j March in a gang up to Mexico. 191 

THE FOURTH CHAPTER. 

Wherein is shewed how we were used in Panuco [Tampico], and 
in what fear of death we were there. And how we were carried to 
Mexico, to tlie Viceroy ; and of our imprisonment there, and at 
Tescuco, with tlie courtesies and cruelties we received during that 
time. And how, in the end, we were, by Proclamation, given as 
slaves to sundry Spanish gentlemen. 

|PoN the fourth day, after our coming thither, and 
there remaining in a perplexity ; looking every hour 
when we should suffer death : there came a great 
number of Indians and Spaniards, weaponed, to fetch 
us out of the house. And amongst them, we espied one that 
brought a great many of new halters : at the sight whereof, 
we were greatly amazed, and made no other account but that 
we should presently have suffered death ; and so, crying and 
calling on GOD for mercy and forgiveness of our sins, we 
prepared ourselves, making us ready to die. 

Yet in the end, as the sequel shewed, their meaning was 
not so. For when we were come out of the house, with those 
halters, they bound our arms behind us ; and so coupling us 
two and two together, they commanded us to march on through 
the town, and so alongst the country, from place to place, to- 
wards the city of Mexico ; which is distant from Panuco [Tam- 
pico], west-and-by-south, the space of threescore leagues: 
having only but two Spaniards to conduct us; they being ac- 
companied with a great number of Indians, warding, on each 
side, with bows and arrows, lest we should escape from them. 

Travelling in this order, upon the second day, at night, we 
came unto a town, which the Indians call Nohele ; and the 
Spaniards call it Santa Maria. In which town there is a 
House of White Friars ; which did very courteously use us, 
and gave us hot meat, as mutton and broth ; and garments 
also to cover ourselves withal, made of white bayes [baize]. 
We fed very greedily of the meat, and of the Indian fruit 
called Nochole, which fruit is long and small, much like in 
fashion to a little cucumber. Our greedy feeding caused us 
to fall sick of hot burning agues. 

And here at this place, one Thomas Baker, one of our 



192 Difference between their two Officers-^^- ^'^'I'^lj; 

men, died of a hurt ; for had been before shot in the throat 
with an arrow, at the first encounter. 

The next morrow, about ten of the clock, we departed from 
thence, bound two and two together, and guarded as before. 
And so travelled on our way towards Mexico, till we came to 
a town within forty leagues of Mexico, named Mesticlan ; 
where is a House of Black Friars ; and in this town there are 
about the number of 300 Spaniards, men, women, and 
children. The Friars sent us meat from the House ready 
dressed ; and the Friars, and men and women, used us very 
courteously, and gave us some shirts and other such things 
as we lacked. Here our men were very sick of their agues ; 
and with the eating of another fruit, called in the Indian 
tongue, Guiaccos. 

The next morning, we departed from thence, with our two 
Spaniards, and Indian guard ; as aforesaid. 

Of these two Spaniards, the one was an aged man, who, 
all the way, did very courteously intreat us ; and would care- 
fully go before to provide for us, both meat and things 
necessary, to the uttermost of his power. The other was a 
young man, who, all the way, travelled with us, and never 
departed from us ; who was a very cruel caitiff. He carried 
a javelin in his hand ; and sometimes when our men, with 
very feebleness and faintness, were not able to go as fast as he 
required them ; he would take his javelin in both his hands, 
and strike them with the same, between the neck and the 
shoulders so violently that he would strike them down : then 
would he cry, and say, Marches ! marches Ingleses perros ! 
Lutheranos ; enemicos de DIOS ! which is as much as to say in 
English, '* March ! march on, you English dogs ! Lutherans! 
enemies to GOD ! " 

And the next day, we came to a town called Pachuca. 
There are two places of that name, as this Town of Pachuca ; 
and the Mines of Pachuca, which are mines of silver, and are 
about six leagues distant from this town of Pachuca, towards 
the north-west. 

Here, at this town, the good old man, our governor, 
suffered us to stay two days and two nights, having com- 
passion of our sick and weak men : full sore against the mind 
of the young man, his companion. 

From thence, we took our journey, and travelled four or 



M.phiiiips.j At LENGTH TiiEY APPROACH Mexico, to-? 

five days, by little villages, and Stantias which are farms or 
dairy houses of the Spaniards ; and ever, as we had need, the 
good old man would still provide us sufficiently of meats, fruits, 
and water to sustain us. 

At the end of which five days, we came to a town within 
five leagues of Mexico, which is called Quoglilican ; where we 
also stayed one whole day and two nights ; where was a fair 
House of Grey Friars ; howbeit, we saw none of them. 

Here we were told by the Spaniards in the town, that we 
were not past fifteen English miles from thence to Mexico ; 
whereof we were all very joyful and glad : hoping that when 
we came thither, we should either be relieved and set free out 
of bonds, or else be quickly despatched out of our lives. For 
seeing ourselves thus carried bound from place to place, al- 
though some used us courteously, yet could we never joy nor 
be merry till we might perceive ourselves set free from that 
bondage, either by death or otherwise. 

The next morning, we departed from thence, on our journey 
towards Mexico ; and so travelled till we came within two 
leagues of it. Where there was built by the Spaniards a very 
fair church, called Our Lady's Church ; in which, there is an 
image of Our Lady, of silver and gilt, being as high and as large 
as a tall woman \cf.pp. 275, 276] ; in which church, and before 
this image, there are as many lamps of silver, as there be 
days in the year ; which, upon high days, are all lighted. 

Whensoever any Spaniards pass by this church, although 
they be on horseback, they will alight, and come into the 
church, and kneel before this image, and pray to our Lady to 
defend them from all evil ; so that, whether he be horseman 
or footman, he will not pass by, but first go into the church, 
and pray as aforesaid ; which if they do not, they think and 
believe that they shall never prosper. Which image, they 
call in the Spanish tongue. Nostra Senora de Guadaloupe. 

At this place, there are certain cold baths, which arise, 
springing up as though the water did seethe. The water 
whereof is somewhat brackish in taste, but very good for any 
that have any sore or wound, to wash themselves therewith. 
For, as they say, it healeth many. And every year, upon our 
Lady's Day [2<^th March], the people use to repair thither to 
offer, and to pray in the church before the image : and they say 
that Our Lady of Guadaloupe doth work a number of miracles. 
I. N 4 



194 -^^^ VERY WELL TREATED BY THE CITIZENS. P^' ^""I'sS^; 

About this church, there is not any town inhabited by 
Spaniards ; but certain Indians do dwell there, in houses of 
their own country building. 

Here, we were met with a great number of Spaniards on 
horseback, which came from Mexico to see us, both gentle- 
men and men of occupations ; and they came as people to 
see a wonder. We were still called upon to march on ; and 
so, about four of the clock in the afternoon of the said day, 
we entered into the city of Mexico, by the way or street 
called La Calla de Santa Catharina : and we stayed not in 
any place till we came to the House or Palace of the Viceroy, 
Don Martin de Henriquez, which standeth in the midst 
of the city, hard by the Market Place, called La Plaza dell 
Marquess. 

We had not stayed any long time at the place, but there 
was brought us by the Spaniards from the Market Place, 
great store of meat sufficient to have satisfied five times so 
many as we were. Some also gave us hats, and some gave 
us money. In which place, we stayed for the space of two 
hours. 

From thence, we were conveyed by water in large canoes 
to an Hospital, where certain of our men were lodged, which 
were taken before, at the fight at San Juan de Ulua. We 
should have gone to Our Lady's Hospital ; but there were 
there also so many of our men taken before, at that fight, 
that there was no room for us. 

After our coming thither, many of the company that came 
with me from Panuco died, within the space of fourteen days. 
Soon after which time, we were taken forth from that place, 
and put together in Our Lady's Hospital ; in which place, 
we were courteously used, and oftentimes visited by virtuous 
gentlemen and gentlewomen of the city : who brought us 
divers things to comfort us withal, as succets [sweetmeats], 
marmalades, and such other things ; and would also many 
times give us many things, and that very liberally. 

In which Hospital, we remained for the space of six months 
[i.e., till the summer of 1569], until we were all whole and 
sound of body. 

Then we were appointed by the Viceroy, to be carried 



^■T'Sy They break out of Tescuco prison. 195 

into the town of Tescuco, which is distant from Mexico, 
south-west, eight leagues. In which town, there are certain 
Houses of Correction and Punishment, for ill people called 
Obraches ; like to Bridewell here in London. Into which 
place, divers Indians were sold for slaves ; some for ten years 
and some for twelve. 

It was no small grief unto us, when we understood that we 
should be carried thither ; and to be used as slaves. We had 
rather be put to death. 

Howbeit, there was no remedy ; but we were carried to the 
Prison of Tescuco : where we were not put to any labour; 
but were very straitly kept, and almost famished. Yet, by 
the good providence of our merciful GOD, we happened to 
meet there, with one Robert Sweeting, who was the son of 
an English man born of a Spanish woman [/>. 199 ; and also 
p. 267]. This man could speak very good English ; and 
by his means we were helped very much with victuals from 
the Indians, as muttons [sheep], hens, and bread. And if we 
had not been so relieved, we had surely perished. And yet 
all the provision that we had got that way was but slender. 
And continuing thus straitly kept in prison there, for the 
space of two months ; at the length, we agreed amongst our- 
selves to break forth of prison, come of it what would. For 
we were minded rather to suffer death, than to live longer in 
that miserable state. 



And so having escaped out of prison, we knew not what 
way to fly for the safety of ourselves. The night was dark, 
and it rained terribly : and not having any guide, we went we 
knew not whither. 

In the morning, at the appearing of the day, we perceived 
ourselves to be come hard to the city of Mexico ; which is 24 
English miles from Tescuco. 

The day being come, we were espied by the Spaniards, and 
pursued, and taken : and brought before the Viceroy and 
ihe Head Justices, who threatened to hang us, for breaking 
the King's prison. 

Yet, in the end, they sent us into a garden belonging to 
the Viceroy ; and coming thither, we found there our English 
gentlemen, which were delivered as hostages when our 



196 Are apportioned out as slaves! p^' ™83." 

General was betrayed at San Juan de Ulua, as is aforesaid. 
And with them also, we found Robert Barret, the Master 
of the Jesus. 

In which place, we remained, labouring and doing such 
things as we were commanded, for the space of four months ; 
having but two sheep a day allowed to suffice us all, being 
very nearly a hundred men; and for bread, we had every man, 
two loaves a day, of the quantity of one halfpenny loaf. 

At the end of which four months [i.e., about January 1570], 
they having removed our Gentlemen hostages and the 
Master of the Jesus to a prison in the Viceroy's own house 
[//>. 197-8] ; he did cause it to be proclaimed, that what gentle- 
man Spaniard soever was willing, or would have any Eng- 
lishman to serve him, and be bound to keep him forthcoming, 
to appear before the Justices within one month after notice 
given ; that he should repair to the said garden, and there 
take his choice : which Proclamation was no sooner made, 
but the gentlemen came and repaired to the garden amain : 
so that happy was he, that could soonest get one of us. 



THE FIFTH CHAPTER. 

Wherein is shewed in what good sort, and how wcnlihily we 
lived with our Masters, until the coming of the Inquisition : when 
again our sorrows began afresh. Of our imprisonment in the 
Holy House ; and of the severe judgement and sentences given 
against us, and with what rigour and cruelty the same were 
executed. 




He Gentlemen that took us for their servants or 
slaves, did new apparel us throughout ; with whom 
we abode, doing such service as they appointed us 
unto, which was, for the most part, to attend upon 
them at the table, and to be as their chamberlains [serving 
men or valets], and to wait upon them, when they went abroad, 
which they greatly accounted of. For in that country, no 
Spaniard will serve another; but they are, all of them, 



**■ ■?^''is83'.] SoiME Hostages & Barret are burnt. 197 

attended and served by Indians, weekly ; and by Negroes, 
which be their slaves, during their life. 

In this sort, we remained, and served in the said city of 
Mexico and thereabouts, for the space of a year and somewhat 
longer [ ? till Spring of 1571]. 

Afterwards, many of us were appointed by our masters, to 
go to sundry of their mines, where they had to do ; and to be 
as Overseers of the Negroes and Indians that laboured there. 

In which mines, many of us did profit and gain greatly. 
For first we were allowed 300 pesos a man for a year; which 
is £60 sterling [=about £"500 now]. And besides that, the 
Indians and Negroes which wrought under our charge, upon 
our well using and intreating of them, would, at times (as 
upon Saturdays when they had left work) labour for us ; and 
blow as much silver as should be worth unto us 3 marks or 
tliereabouts (every mark being worth 6j pesos of their money; 
which ig^ pesos is worth £4. los. of our money). 

Sundry weeks, we did gain so much by this means, besides 
our wages, that many of us became very rich, and were 
worth 3,000 or 4,000 pesos [=^600 or £Hoo=:about ^^5,000 
or -^7,000 now]. For we lived and gained thus much in those 
mines, in some three or four years. 

As concerning those gentlemen which were delivered as 
hostages, and that were kept in prison in the Viceroy's house ; 
after that we [about January, 1570] were gone from out of the 
garden to serve gentlemen as aforesaid ; they remained 
prisoners in the said house, for the space of four months after 
their coming thither. 

At the end whereof [in tJie Summer of 1570], the Fleet being 
ready to depart from San Juan de Ulua, to go for Spain ; the 
said Gentlemen * were sent away into Spain, with the Fleet 
[p. 198]. Where, as I have heard it credibly reported, many 
of them died with the cruel handling of the Spaniards in 
the Inquisition House ; as those which have been delivered 
home after they had suffered the persecution of that House, 
can more perfectly declare. 

Robert Barret,* the Master of the Jesus, was also sent 

* Note the murderous injustice of this. Neither the hostages, nor 
Barret had fought a stroke at San Juan de Ulua. 



198 Holy Hellish House come to Mexico, [''•f53^• 

away, with the Fleet into Spain [/. 196; see also p. 225]; 
where, afterwards, he suffered persecution in the Inquisition; 
and at the last was condemned to be burnt, and with him 
three or four more of our men. Of whom, one was named 
Gregory, and another John Browne, whom I knew ; for 
they were of our General's Musicians: but the names of the 
rest that suffered with them, I know not. 

Now after that six years were fully expired since our first 
coming into the Indies, in which time, we had been imprisoned 
and served in the said country, as is before truly declared : in 
the year of our Lord 1574 [? 1573-4], the Inquisition began 
to be established in the Indies ; very much against the minds 
of many of the Spaniards themselves. For never until this 
time, since their first conquering and planting in the Indies, 
were they subject to that bloody and cruel Inquisition. 

The Chief Inquisitor was named Don Pedro Moya de 
Contreres, and Juan de Bouilla, his companion; and Juan 
Sanchis, the Fiscal ; and Pedro de la Rios, the Secretary. 

They being come and settled, and placed in a very fair 
house near unto the White Friars (considering with them- 
selves that they must make an entrance and beginning of 
that their most detestable Inquisition here in Mexico, to the 
terror of the whole country) thought it best to call us that 
were Englishmen first in question : and so much the rather, 
for that they had perfect knowledge and intelligence that 
many of us were become very rich, as hath been already de- 
clared ; and therefore we were a very good booty and prey to 
the Inquisitors. So that now again began our sorrows afresh. 

For we were sent for, and sought out in all places of the 
country; and Proclamation made, upon pain of losing of goods 
and excommunication, that no man should hide or keep 
secret any Englishman or any part of his goods. 

By means whereof, we were all soon apprehended in all 
places, and all our goods seized and taken for the Inquisitors' 
use. And so, from all parts of the country, we were conveyed 
and sent as prisoners to the city of Mexico; and there com- 
mitted to prison, in sundry dark dungeons, where we could 
not see but by candle light ; and were never past two together 
in one place : so that we saw not one another, neither could 
one of us tell what was become of another. 



^' ^^'''isSs'.] A FIENDISH WAY OF GETTING UP A CASE. 1 99 

Thus we remained close imprisoned for the space of a year 
and a half, and others for some less time : for they came to 
prison ever as they were apprehended. 

During which time of our imprisonment, at the first begin- 
ning, we were often called before the Inquisitors alone ; and 
there severely examined of our faith ; and commanded to say 
the Pater nostcr, the Ave Maria, and the Creed in Latin : 
which, GOD knoweth ! a great number of us could not say 
otherwise than in the English tongue. And having the said 
Robert Sweeting, who was our friend at Tescuco always 
present with them for an interpreter, he made report for us, 
that in our own country speech, we could say them perfectly, 
although not word for word as they were in the Latin. 

Then did they proceed to demand of us, upon our oaths, 
" What we did believe of the Sacrament ? " and " Whether 
there did remain any bread or wine, after the words of con- 
secration, Yea or No ? " and whether we did not believe that 
the Host of bread which the priest did hold up over his head, 
and the wine that was in the chalice, was the very true and 
perfect body and blood of our Saviour Christ, Yea or No ? " 

To which, if we answered not " Yea ! " then there was no 
way but death. 

Then they would demand of us, " What did we remember 
of ourselves, what opinions we had held or been taught to 
hold contrary to the same, whiles we were in England ? " 

So we, for the safety of our lives, were constrained to say 
that, " We never did believe, nor had been taught otherwise 
than as before we had said." 

Then would they charge us that "We did not tell them 
the truth. That they knew to the contrary, and therefore we 
should call ourselves to remembrance, and make them a better 
answer at the next time, or else we should be racked, and 
made to confess the truth whether we would or not 1" 

And so coming again before them, the next time, we were 
still demanded of " our belief whiles we were in England, and 
how we had been taught ; " and also what we thought, or did 
know of such of our own company as they did name unto 
us. So that we could never be free from such demands. 

And, at other times, they would promise us that if we would 
tell them truth, then should we have favour and be set at 
liberty ; although we very well knew their fair speeches 



200 Preparing for a Holy Thursday tragedy. [^^3: 

were but means to intrap us, to the hazard and loss of our 
lives. 

Howbeit, GOD so mercifully wrought for us, by a secret 
means that we had, that we kept us still to our first answer; 
and would still say that " we had told the truth unto them ; 
and knew no more by ourselves, nor any other of our fellows 
than as we had declared ; and that for our sins and offences 
in England, against GOD, and Our Lady, and any of His 
blessed Saints ; we were right heartily sorry for the same, 
and did cry GOD, mercy!" And besought the Inquisitors, 
" For GOD's sake, considering that we came unto those 
countries by force of weather, and against our wills ; and 
that we had ne\er, in all our lives, either spoken or done 
anything contrary to their laws ; that therefore they would 
have mercy upon us ! " Yet all this would not serve. 

About the space of three months before [i.e., in January, 
1575] they proceeded to their severe judgement, we were all 
racked [i.e., tortured on the rack] ; and some enforced to utter 
against themselves, which afterwards cost them their lives. 

And having thus got, from our own mouths, sufficient for 
them to proceed in judgement against us ; they caused a large 
scaffold to be made in the midst of the Market Place in Mexico, 
right over against the Head Church : and fourteen or fifteen 
days before the day of their judgement, with the sound of 
trumpet and the noise of their attabalies (which are a kind of 
drums) they did assemble the people in all parts of the city ; 
before whom it was then solemnly proclaimed that "whoso- 
ever would, upon such a day, repair to the Market Place, 
they should hear the sentence of the Holy Inquisition against 
the English heretics, Lutherans ; and also see the same put 
in execution." 

Which being done, and the time approaching of this cruel 
judgement ; the night before, they came to the prison where 
we were, with certain Officers of that Holy Hellish House, 
bringing with them certain fools' coats, which they had pre- 
pared for us, being called in their language, San Benitos, 
which coats were made of yellow cotton, and red crosses upon 
them both before and behind. 

They were so busied in putting on their coats about us, 
and in bringing us out into a large yard, and placing and 
[apjpointing us in what order we should go to the scaffold or 



^■r'l'&l A CRUEL JUDGEMENT ON J I PRISONERS. 20I 

place of judgement upon the morrow, that they did not once 
suffer us to sleep all that night long. 

The next morning being come, there was given to every 
one of us, for our breakfast, a cup of wine and a slice of bread 
fried in honey ; and so about eight of the clock in the morn- 
ing, we set forth of the prison : every man alone, in his yel- 
low coat, and a rope about his neck, and a great green wax 
candle in his hand unlighted ; having a Spaniard appointed, 
to go upon either side of every one of us. 

So marching in this order and manner towards the Scaf- 
fold in the Market Place, which was a bow shot distant or 
thereabouts, we found a great assembly of people all the way, 
and such a throng that certain of the Inquisitors' Officers, on 
horseback, were constrained to make way. 

So coming to the Scaffold, we went up by a pair of stairs, 
and found seats ready made, and prepared for us to sit down 
on, every man in the order as he should be called to receive 
his judgement. 

We ioeing thus set down as we v^^ere appointed : presently 
the Inquisitors came up another pair of stairs ; and the Viceroy 
and all the Chief Justices with them. 

When they were set down under the Cloth of Estate, and 
placed according to their degrees and calling; then came up 
also a great number of Friars, White, Black, and Grey. They, 
being about the number of 300 persons, were set in the places 
appointed for them there. 

There was there a solemn Oyez ! made ; and silence 
commanded. 

And then presently began their severe and cruel judge- 
ment. 

The first man that was called, was one Roger, the 
Chief Armourer of the Jesus: and he had judgement to 
have 300 stripes on horseback; and, after, was condemned 
to the galleys, as a slave, for ten years. 

After him, were called John Gray, John Browne, 
John Rider, John Moon, James Collier, and one 
Thomas Browne. These were adjudged to have 200 
stripes on horseback ; and, after, to be committed to the 
galleys for the space of eight years. 

Then was called John Keies, and was adjudged to 



202 A BLESSED EXERCISE FOR GoOD FrIDAY! [^- ^^'Ijg^ 

have 100 stripes on horseback ; and condemned to serve 
in the galleys for the space of six years. 

Then were severally called, to the number of fifty- 
three ; one after another: and every man had his several 
judgement. Some to have 200 stripes on horseback, and 
some 100 ; and condemned for slaves in the galleys, 
some for six years, some for eight, and some for ten. 

And then was I, Miles Phillips, called ; and was ad- 
judged to serve in a Monastery for five years [or rather 
the three years 1575-1578, ^^^^ //. 204, 206J without any 
stripes ; and to wear a fool's coat, or San Benito, during 
all that time. 

Then were called John Story, Richard Williams, 

David Alexander, Robert Cooke, Paul Horsewell, 

and Thomas Hull. These six were condemned to serve 

in Monasteries without stripes ; some for three years, and 

some for four ; and to wear the San Benito during all the 

said time. 

Which being done, and it now drawing towards night, 

George Rivelie, Peter Momfrie, and Cornelius the 

Irishman were called : and had their judgement to be burnt to 

ashes. And so were presently [immediately^ sent away to the 

place of execution in the Market Place, but a little from the 

Scaffold : where they were quickly burnt and consumed. 

And as for us that had received our judgement, being 68 in 
number [With the three burnt, the total number of the Ens;lish 
sufferers was therefore 71] ; we were carried back that night to 
prison again. 

And the next day, in the morning, being Good Friday [ist 
April], the year of our Lord 1575, we were all brought into a 
court of the Inquisitors' Palace ; where we found a horse in 
a readiness for every one of our men which were condemned 
to have stripes, and to be committed to the galleys, which 
were in number 61. 

So they being enforced to mount up on horseback, naked 
from the middle upwards, were carried to be shewed as a 
spectacle for all the people to behold throughout the chief 
and principal streets of the city; and had the number of 
stripes appointed to every one of them, most cruelly laid 
upon their naked bodies with long whips, by sundry men ap- 
pointed to be the executioners thereof. And before our men 



^^' r'Ss'.] Phillips' mild and fortunate sentence. 203 

there went a couple of Criers, which cried as they went, 
"Behold these English dogs! Lutherans! enemies to 
GOD ! " And all the way as they went, there were some of 
the Inquisitors themselves, and of the Familiars of that 
rakehell Order, that cried to the executioners, " Strike ! Lay 
on those English heretics! Lutherans ! GOD's enemies ! " 

So this horrible spectacle being shewed round about the 
city ; and they returned to the Inquisitor's House, with their 
backs all gore blood, and swollen with great bumps: they were 
then taken from their horses ; and carried [taken] again to 
prison, where they remained until they were sent into Spain 
to the galleys, there to receive the rest of their martyrdom. 

I, and the six others with me, which had judgement, and 
were condemned amongst the rest, to serve an apprenticeship 
in the Monasteries, were taken presently, and sent to certain 
Religious Houses appointed for the purpose. 



THE SIXTH CHAPTER. 

Wherein is shewed how we were used in the Religious Houses ; 
and that when the time was expired that we Lvere adjudged to serve 
in them, there came news to Mexico of Master Francis Drake's 
hcinginthe South Sea; and what preparation was made to take him. 
And how I, seeking to escape, was again taken, and put in prison 
at Vera Cruz ; and how again I made my escape from thence. 

Miles Phillips, and William Lowe were ap- 
pointed to the Black Friars ; where I was appointed 
to be an overseer of Indian workmen, who wrought 
there in building of a new church. Amongst which 
Indians, I learned their language or Mexican tongue very 
perfectly; and had great familiarity with many of them; 
whom I found to be a courteous and loving kind of people, 
ingenious and of great understanding; and they hate and 
abhor the Spaniards with all their hearts. They have used 
such horrible cruelties against them, and do still keep them 




204 Lutheran heretics reconciled or burnt, p^- ^'''J"^" 

in such subjection and servitude that they, and the Negroes 
also, do daily lie in wait to practice their deliverance out of 
that thraldom and bondage that the Spaniards do keep them 
in. William Lowe was appointed to serve the cook in the 
kitchen ; Richard Williams and David Alexander were ap- 
pointed to the Grey Friars; John Story and Robert Cooke to 
the White Friars. Paul Horsewell, the Secretary [Pedro 
de la Rios] took to be his servant. Thomas Hull was 
sent to a Monastery of priests ; where, afterwards, he died. 

Thus we served out the years that we were condemned for, 
with the use of our fools' coats. And we must needs confess 
that the Friars did use us very courteously ; for every one of 
us had his chamber with bedding and diet, and all things 
clean and neat. Yea, many of the Spaniards and Friars them- 
selves do utterly abhor and mislike that cruel Inquisition ; 
and would, as they durst, bewail our miseries, and comfort 
us the best they could : although they stood in such fear of 
that devilish Inquisition, that they durst not let the left hand 
know what the right doeth. 

Now after that the time was expired, for which we were 
condemned to serve in those Religious Houses ; we were then 
brought again [in 1578, en Phillip's case, see pp. 202, 206] before 
the Chief Inquisitor; and had all ourfools'coats pulled off, and 
hanged up in the Head Church, called Ecclcsia Majore ; and 
every man's name and judgement written thereupon, with 
this addition, An heretic LiUheran reconciled. And there are 
also all their coats hanged up which were condemned to the 
galleys, with their names and judgements, and under each 
coat, Heretic Lntheran reconciled. And also, the coats and 
names of the three that were burned ; whereupon was 
written, An obstinate heretic Lutheran burnt. 

Then we were suffered to go up and down the country and 
to place ourselves as we could ; and yet not so free but that 
we very well knew that there was good espial always attend- 
ing us and all our actions : so that we durst not once to speak 
or look awry. 

David Alexander and Robert Cooke returned to serve 
the Inquisitor [Don Pedro Moya de Contreres] ; who, 
shortly after, married them both to two of his Negro women. 
Richard Williams married a rich widow of Biscay, with 



^^' ?^''lsS3'.] I^niLLIPS LEARNS TO MAKE TAFFETAS. 205 

4,000 pesos [=^800 = about ;^5,ooo now]. Paul Horse- 
well is married to a Mestizoa ; as they name those whose 
fathers were Spaniards, and their mothers Indians ; and this 
woman which Paul Horswell hath married is said to be the 
daughter of one that came in with Hernando Cortes the 
Conqueror. Who had with her, in marriage, 4,000 pesos 
[=^8oo=;;^5,ooo now] and a fair house. John Story is 
married to a Negro woman. William Lowe had leave and 
hcense to go into Spain ; where he is now [? 1583] married. 

For mine own part, I could never thoroughly settle myself to 
marry in that country ; although many fair offers were made 
unto me, of such as were of great ability and wealth : but I 
could have no liking to live in that place where I must every- 
where see and know such horrible idolatry committed, and 
durst not once, for my life, speak against it ; and therefore I 
had always a longing and desire to this my native country. 
To return and serve again in the mines, where I might have 
gathered great riches and wealth ; I very well saw that 
[thereby], at one time or another, I should fall again into the 
danger of that devilish Inquisition ; and so be stripped of all, 
with loss of life also. And therefore I made my choice rather 
to learn to weave grogranes [grograms] and taffetas. 

So, compounding with a Silk Weaver, I bound myself for 
three years to serve him ; and gave him 150 pesos [=;^3o 
= about ^^250 now] to teach me the science ; otherwise he 
would not have taught me under a seven years' apprenticeship. 
And, by this means, I lived the more quiet and free from 
suspicion. 

Howbeit, I should, many times, be charged by Familiars 
of that devilish House that " I had a meaning to run away 
into England, and to be a heretic Lutheran again ! " 

To whom, I would answer that " They had no need to 
suspect any such thing in me ; for that they all knew very 
well, that it was impossible for me to escape by any manner 
of means." 

Yet, notwithstanding, I was called before the Inquisitor, 
and demanded, " Why I did not marry ? " 

I answered, " That I had bound myself at an occupation." 

" Wtll," said the Inquisitor, " I know thou meanest to run 
away ; and therefore I charge thee, here, upon pain of burning 
as a relapsed heretic, that thou depart not out of this city ! 



2o6 The fright in Mexico, of Drake, p^ f'f^st 

nor come near to the port of San Juan de Ulua, nor to any 

other port." 

To the which, I answered "That I would wiHingly obey." 
'* Yea," said he, " see thou do so ! And thy fellows also, 

they shall have the like charge." 

So I remained at my science [trade] the full time [i.e., 
three years, 1578-15S1], and learned the art.* 

At the end [or rather, in the midst of his apprenticeship, see 
pp. 202, 204-5] whereof, there came news to Mexico, that there 
were certain Englishmen landed, with a great power, at the 
port of Acapulco upon the South Sea ; and that they were 
coming to Mexico, to take the spoil thereof: which wrought 
a marvellous great fear amongst them ; and many of those 
that were rich, began to shift for themselves, their wives and 
children. 

Upon which hurly burly, the Viceroy caused a general 
Muster to be made of all the Spaniards in Mexico, and there 
were found to the number of 7,000 and odd householders of 
Spaniards in the city and suburbs ; and of single men, 
unmarried, the number of 3,000; and of Mestizos (which are 
counted to be the sons of Spaniards born of Indian women) 
20,000. 

Then were Paul Horsewell and I, Miles Phillips, 
sent for before the Viceroy ; and were examined *' If we did 
know an Englishman named Francis Drake, which was 
brother to Captain Hawkins? " 

To which we answered, that " Captain Hawkins had not 
any brother but one ; who was a man of the age of threescore 
years or thereabouts, and was now Governor of Plymouth in 
England." 

And then he demanded of us, " If we knew one Francis 
Drake ? " 

* Sir Francis Drake was at Acapulco in March, 1579: by which 
time, Phillips's sentence liad expired, and he is apprenticed to the Silk 
Weaver ; therefore his sentence must have been for the three (not five) 
years 1 575-1 578. Then he served an apprenticeship of three years (1578- 
1581); and, apparently, afterwards, continued as a workman with his 
Master till he made his escape home in the Spanish Fleet of the autumn 
of 1582; finally reaching England in February, 1583, which was in the 
sixtee7ith year of his absence, or as he roughly reckons it, at/. 218 after 
sixteen j'fars' absence. 



^■™83'.] ^ ^^^^^ GOOSE CHASE AFTER DrAKE. 207 

And we answered, " No ! " [Of course they knew him well ; 
but denied it.] 

While these things were in doing, there came news that all 
the Englishmen were gone. Yet were there 800 men made 
out, under the leading of several Captains. Whereof 200 
were sent to the port of San Juan de Ulua upon the North Sea, 
under the conduct of Don Louis Suarez ; 200 were sent to 
Guatemala in the South Sea, who had for their Captain, 
Juan Cortes; 200 more were sent to Guatulco, a port of 
the South Sea, over whom went for Captain, Don Pedro de 
RoBLis ; and 200 more were sent to Acapulco, the port where 
it was said Captain Drake had been, and they had for 
Captain, Doctor Roblis Alcade de Corte ; with whom I, 
Miles Phillips, went as Interpreter, having license given 
by the Inquisitors. 

When we were come to Acapulco [in May, 1579], we found 
that Captain Drake was departed from thence, more than a 
month before we came thither [i.e., in March, 1579]. 

But yet our Captain Alcade de Corte, there presently 
embarked himself, in a small ship of 60 tons or thereabouts, 
having also in company with him, two other small barks ; 
and not past 200 men in all. With whom, I went as Inter- 
preter in his own ship ; which, GOD knoweth 1 was but weak 
and ill appointed ; so that, for certain, if we had met with 
Captain Drake, he might easily have taken us all. 

We being embarked, kept our course, and ran southward 
towards Panama, keeping still as nigh the shore as we could, 
and having the land upon our left hand. Having coasted 
thus, for the space of eighteen or twenty days ; and having 
reached more to the south than Guatemala ; we met, at last, 
with other ships which came from Panama. Of whom we 
were certainly informed that Captain Drake was clean gone 
off the coast, more than a month before. 

So we returned back to Acapulco again, and there landed : 
our Captain being forced thereunto : because his men were 
very sore sea sick. 

All the while that I was at sea with them, I was a glad 
man. For I hoped that if we met with Master Drake, we 
should all be taken : so that then I should have been freed 
out of that danger and misery wherein I lived ; and should 
return to my own country of England again. But missing 



2o8 "Drake cannot get out, he must starve !"[^^- ^'''§3; 

thereof, when I saw there was no remedy, but that we must 
needs come on land again. Little doth any man know the 
sorrow and grief that inwardly I felt ; although outwardly, I 
was constrained to make fair weather of it. 

And so, being landed, the next morrow after, we began our 
journey towards Mexico ; and passed these towns of name in 
our way. As first, the town of Tuantepec, 50 leagues from 
Mexico ; from thence, to Washaca, 40 leagues from Mexico ; 
from thence, to Tepiaca, 24 leagues from Mexico ; and from 
thence, to La Puebla de los Angelos, where is a high hill 
\volcano] which casteth out fire three times a day, which hill 
is 18 leagues in a manner directly west from Mexico. From 
thence, we went to Stapelapa, 8 leagues from Mexico ; and 
there, our Captain and most of his men took boat, and came 
to Mexico again [about July, 1579] : having been forth, about 
the space of seven weeks or thereabouts. 

Our Captain made report to the Viceroy, what he had done, 
and how far he had travelled ; and that he was informed for 
certain, that Captain Drake was not to be heard of. 

To which, the Viceroy replied and said, "Surely, we shall 
have him shortly come into our hands, driven aland through 
necessity, in some one place or other. For he being now in 
these Seas of the South, it is not possible for him to get out 
of them again. So that if he perish not at sea; yet hunger 
will force him to land ! " 

And then again I was commanded by the Viceroy, that I 
should not depart the city of Mexico ; but always be at my 
Master's house [It is clear from this, that Phillips was still 
serving his time with the Silk Weaver] in a readiness at an 
hour's warning, whensoever I should be called for. 

That notwithstanding, within one month after [ ? nearly 
three years, i.e., in 1582], certain Spaniards going to Mecameca, 
18 leagues from Mexico, to send away certain hides and 
cochineal that they had there, at their Stantias or Dairy 
Houses ; and my Master having leave of the Secretary [i.e., 
to the Inquisition, Pedro de la Rios] for me to go with 
them, I took my journey with them, being very well horsed 
and appointed. Coming to Mecameca, and passing the time 
there certain days, till we had perfect intelligence that the 
Fleet was ready to depart ; I, not being past three days' 



^'- ^''''"X'] P H I L L I P S ARRESTED BY MISTAKE. 209 

journey from the port of San Juan de Ulua, thought it 
to be the meetest time for me to make an escape. And 
I was the bolder, presuming upon my Spanish tongue, 
which I spake as naturally as any of them all, thinking with 
myself that when I came to San Juan de Ulua, I would get to 
be entertained as a soldier, and so go home into Spain by the 
same Fleet. 

Therefore, secretly, one evening late, the moon shining 
fair, I conveyed myself away : and riding so, for the space of 
two nights and two days, sometimes in [the roadj and some- 
times out, resting very little all that time, upon the second 
day at night, I came to the town of Vera Cruz, distant from 
the port of San Juan de Ulua, where the ships rode but 
only five leagues : here purposing to rest myself a day or 
two. 

I was no sooner alighted, but, within the space of half an 
hour after, I was by ill hap arrested, and brought before the 
Justices there ; being taken and suspected to be a gentleman's 
son of Mexico, that was run away from his father : who, in 
truth, was the man they sought for. 

So I being arrested and brought before the Justices, there 
was a great hurly burly about the matter; every man 
charging me, that I was the son of such a man, dwelling in 
Mexico : which I flatly denied, affirming that I knew not the 
man ; yet they would not believe me, but urged still upon me, 
that I was he that they sought for, and so I was conveyed 
away to prison. 

And as I was thus going to prison, to the further increase 
of my grief, it chanced that, at that very instant, there was a 
poor man in the press, that was come to town to sell hens ; 
who told the Justices that "They did me wrong; and that, in 
truth, he knew me very well, that I was an Englishman, and 
no Spaniard." 

They then demanded of him, *' How he knew that ? " and 
threatened him that said so, for that he was my companion, 
and sought to convey me away from my father : so that he, 
also, was threatened to be laid in prison with me. 

He, for the discharge of himself, stood stiffly in it that " I 
was an Englishman ; and one of Captain Hawkins's men ; 
and that he had known me wear the San Benito in the 
I. O 4 



2IO Kindness from a fellow prisoner. [^^"^'"5^3: 

Black Friars at Mexico, for three or four whole years 
together." 

Which when they heard, they forsook him ; and began to 
examine me anew, " Whether that speech of his were true ? 
Yea or no ! " 

Which when they perceived, that I could not deny ; and 
perceiving that I was run from Mexico, and came thither of 
purpose to convey myself away with the Fleet ; I was pre- 
sently committed to prison, with a sorrowful heart, often 
wishing myself that that man which knew me, had at that 
time, been further off: howbeit he, in sincerity, had com- 
passion of my distressed state ; thinking by his speech and 
knowing of me, to have set me free from that present danger 
which he saw me in. Howbeit, contrary to his expectation, 
I was thereby brought into my extreme danger, and to the 
hazard of my life ; yet there was no remedy but patience, 
perforce. 

And I was no sooner brought into prison, but I had a great 
pair of bolts clapped on my legs ; and thus I remained in that 
prison, for the space of three weeks : where were also many 
other prisoners, which were thither committed for sundry 
crimes, and condemned to the galleys. 

During which time of imprisonment there, I found, amongst 
those my prison fellows, some that had known me before, in 
Mexico ; and truly they had compassion of me, and would 
spare of their victuals and anything else that they had, to do 
me good. 

Amongst whom, there was one of them, that told me, that 
he understood by a secret friend of his, which often came to 
the prison to him, that I should shortly be sent back again 
to Mexico by waggon ; so soon as the Fleet was gone from 
San Juan de Ulua for Spain. 

This poor man, my prison fellow, of himself and without 
any request made by me, caused his said friend, which often 
came to him to the grate of the prison, to bring him wine 
and victuals, to buy for him two knives, which had files in 
their backs, which files were so well made that they would 
serve and suffice any prisoner to file off his irons ; and of 
those knives or files, he brought me one, and told me that he 
had caused it to be made for me, and let me have it at the 
very price it cost him which was 2 pesos, the value of 8s. of 



M. Phimps.-j Phillips files away his irons. 211 

our money [ = aboitt ^3 now]. Which knife, when I had it, I 
was a joyful man ; and conveyed the same into the foot of my 
boot, upon the inside of my left leg. 

So, within three or four days after I had thus received my 
knife, I was suddenly called for, and brought before the head 
Justice, which caused those my irons with the round bolt to 
be striken off, and sent to a smith's in the town ; where was 
a new pair of bolts made ready for me, of another fashion, 
which had a broad iron bar coming between the shackles : 
and caused my hands to be made fast with a pair of 
manacles. 

And so was I presently laid in a waggon, all alone, which 
was there ready to depart towards Mexico ; with sundry other 
waggons, to the number of sixty, all laden with sundry mer- 
chandise which came in the Fleet out of Spain. 

The waggon that I was in, was foremost of all the com- 
pany; and as we travelled, I, being alone in the waggon, 
began to try if I could pluck my hands out of the manacles : 
and, as GOD would ! although it were somewhat painful for 
me, yet my hands were so slender that I could pull them 
out, and put them in again ; and ever, as we went, when the 
waggons made most noise, and the men busiest, I would be 
working to file off my bolts. 

Travelling thus, for the space of eight leagues from Vera 
Cruz, we came to a high hill ; at the entering up of which, 
as GOD would 1 one of the wheels of the waggon wherein I 
was, brake ; so that, by that means, the other waggons went 
afore ; and the waggon man that had charge of me, set an 
Indian carpenter a work to mend the wheel. 

Here, at this place, they baited [fed] at a hostelry that 
a Negro woman keeps; and, at this place, for that the going 
up of the hill is very steep for the space of two leagues or 
better, they do always accustom to take the mules of three 
or four waggons, and to place them all together for the draw- 
ing up of one waggon ; and so to come down again, and fetch 
up others in that order. 

All which came very well to pass. For as it drew towards 
night, when most of the waggoners were gone to draw up 
their waggons in this sort, I, being alone, had quickly filed 
off my bolts. And so espying my time, in the dark of the 



212 Philips escapes away at last. [^^•^''"5^3: 

evening, before they returned down the hill again, I conveyed 
myself into the woods there adjoining, carrying my bolts and 
manacles with me, and a few biscuits and two small cheeses. 

Being come into the woods, I threw my irons into a thick 
bush ; and then covered them with moss and other things : 
and then shifted for mj-self as I might, all that night. 

And thus, by the good providence of Almighty GOD, 1 
was freed from mine irons, all saving the collar that was 
about my neck; and so got my liberty the second time. 



THE SEVENTH CHAPTER. 

Wherein is shewed how I escaped to Guatemala upon the South 
Sea, and from thence, to the port of Cavallios, where I got passage 
to go into Spain. And of our arrival at the Havana ; and our 
coining into Spain ; where I was again like[ly] to have been com- 
mitted prisoner. And how, through the great mercy of GOD, I 
escaped ; and came home in safety, in February, 1582 [i.e. 1583]. 




He next morning, daylight being come, I perceived 
by the sun rising, what way to take to escape their 
hands ; for when I fled I took the way into the 
woods upon the left hand, and having left that way 
that went to Mexico upon my right hand, I thought to keep 
my course, as the woods and mountains lay, still direct south, 
as near as I could ; by means whereof, I was sure to convey 
myself far enough from that way that went to Mexico. 

And as I was thus going in the woods, I saw many great 
fires made to the north, not past a league from the mountain 
where I was. 

Travelling thus in my boots, with my iron collar about my 
neck, and my bread and cheese ; the very same forenoon, I 
met with a company of Indians, which were hunting deer for 
their sustenance : to whom I spake in the Mexican tongue, 
and told them how that I had, of a long time, been kept in 
prison by the cruel Spaniards, and did desire them to help 



^'' f'^'lssS A MOST BLESSED GrEY FrIAR. 213 

me to file off mine iron collar; which they willingly did, 
rejoicing greatly with me, that I was thus escaped out of 
the Spaniards' hands. 

Then I desired that I might have one of them to guide me 
out of those desert mountains, towards the South ; which 
they also most willingly did : and so they brought me to an 
Indian town eight leagues distant from thence, named 
Shalapa [ ? now Jalapa] ; where I stayed three days, for 
that I was somewhat sickly. 

At which town, with the gold that I had quilted in my 
doublet, 1 bought me a horse of one of the Indians, which 
cost me 6 pesos [ = 3^1 ^s.=about £g now] ; and so, travelling 
South, within the space of two leagues, I happened to over- 
take a Grey Friar : one that I had been familiar withal in 
Mexico, whom then, I knew to be a zealous good man, and 
one that did much lament the cruelty used against us by 
the Inquisitors. And, truly, he used me very courteously. 

I, having confidence in him, did indeed tell him that I was 
moved to adventure to see if I could get out of the said 
country, if I could find shipping ; and did therefore pray of 
of him aid, direction, and advice herein : which he faithfully 
did, not only in directing me which was my safest way to 
travel ; but he also, of himself, kept me company for the 
space of three days, and ever as we came to the Indians' 
houses, who used and entertained us well, he gathered among 
them, in money, to the value of 20 pesos [=£^=.£^2 now] ; 
which, at my departure from him, he freely gave unto 
me. 

So came I to the city of Guatemala, which is distant from 
Mexico, about 250 leagues ; where I stayed six days, for that 
my horse was weak. 

From thence, I travelled, still south-and-by-east, seven 
days' journey, passing by certain Indian towns, until I 
came to an Indian town distant from Mexico, direct South, 
309 leagues. 

And here, at this town, inquiring to go to the port of 
Cavallios on the North-East Sea ; it was answered, that in 
travelling thither, I should not come to any town in ten or 
twelve days' journey. 

So here, I hired two Indians to be my guide, and I bought 
hens and bread to serve us so long a time ; and took with us 



2T4 Is A SOLDIER IN THE HOMEWARD FlEET. [^- ™^3. 

things to kindle fire every night because of the wild beasts, 
and to dress our meat. Every night, when we rested, my 
Indian guides would make two great fires, between which, we 
placed ourselves and my horse ; and in the night time, we 
should hear the lions' [!] roars, with tigers [!], ounces, and other 
beasts ; and some of them we should see in the night, which 
had eyes shining like fire. 

And travelling thus for the space of twelve days, we came 
at last to the port of Cavallios, upon the East Sea; distant 
from Guatemala, south-and-by-east, 200 leagues ; and from 
Mexico, 450 or thereabouts. This is a good harbour for 
ships, and it is without either Castle or Bulwark. 

Having despatched away my guides, I went down to the 
haven, where I saw certain ships ladened chiefly with Canary 
wines ; where I spake with one of the Masters, who asked me, 
" What countryman I was ? " 

I told him that " I was born in Granada." 

And he said, "Then I was his countryman." 

I required him that " I might pass home with him, in his 
ship, paying for my passage." 

And he said, "Yea, so that 1 had a safe conduct or letter 
testimonial to shew, that he might incur no danger : for," 
said he, " it may be you have killed some man, or be indebted : 
and would therefore run away." 

To that, I answered, " There was not any such cause." 

Well, in the end, we grew to a price, that for 60 pesos 
[=£i2^aboiit £"100 now], he would carry me into Spain. 

A glad man was I at this good hap ! and I quickly sold my 
horse, and made my provision of hens and bread to serve me 
in my passage. 

And thus, within two days after, we set sail, and never 
stayed until we came to the Havana ; which is distant from 
the port of Cavallios, by sea, 500 leagues : where we found 
the whole Fleet of Spain, which was bound home from the 
Indies. 

And here, I was hired for a soldier, to serve in the 
Admiral's ship of the same Fleet, wherein the General 
himself went. 

There landed while I was there, four ships out of Spain, 
being all full of soldiers and ordnance, of which number. 



^^' ^'""S Spanish supplies for the W. I., in 1582. 215 

there were 200 men and four great brass pieces of ordnance ; 
although the Castle was before sufficiently provided. 200 
men more, and certain ordnance were sent to Campeche ; 200 
with ordnance to Florida; and lastly 100 to San Juan de Ulua. 
As for ordnance there, they have sufficient, and of the very 
same which was ours, which we had in the Jesus; and those 
others which we had planted in the place where the Viceroy 
betrayed Master Hawkins, ourGeneral: as hath been declared. 
The sending of those soldiers to every of those ports, and 
the strengthening of them, was done by commandment from 
the King of Spain : who wrote also by them, to the General of 
his Fleet, giving him in charge so to do ; as also directing him 
what course he should keep in his coming home into Spain. 
Charging him, at any hand, not to come nigh to the Isles 
of the Azores, but to keep his course more to the northward ; 
advertising him withal, what number and power of French and 
other Ships of War Don Antonio had, at that time, at 
Terceira and the Isles aforesaid ; which the General of the 
Fleet well considering, and what great share of riches he had 
to bring home with him into Spain, did, in all, very dutifully 
observe and obey. For, in truth, he had in his said Fleet, 
^^y Sail of ships : and in every of them, there was as good as 
30 pipes of silver, one with another ; besides great store of 
gold, cochineal, sugar, hides, and cana fistula, with Apothecary 
drugs. 

This, our General, who was called Don Pedro de Gusman, 
did providently take order for, for their most strength and 
defence, if need should be, to the uttermost of his power : 
and commanded, upon pain of death, that neither passenger 
nor soldiershould come aboard, without his sword and harque- 
buss, with shot and powder ; to the end that they might be the 
better able to encounter the fleet of Don Antonio, if they 
should hap to meet with them, or any of them. And ever as 
the weather was fair, the said General would himself go 
aboard from one ship to another ; and see that every man 
had his full provision, according to the commandment 
given. 

Yet, to speak truly what I think, two good tall Ships of 
War would have made a foul spoil amongst them. For, in 
all this Fleet, there were not any that were strong and war- 
like appointed; saving only the admiral and vice-admiral: 



2i6 Again discovered to be an Englishman; P^^r^'isfj; 

and again, over and besides the weakness and the ill furnish- 
ing of the rest, they were all so deeply laden, that they had 
not been able, if they had been charged, to have held out any 
long fight. 

Well, thus we set sail, and had a very ill passage home, 
the weather was so contrary. We kept our course in a 
manner north-east, and brought ourselves to the height of 
42° N. Lat., to be sure not to meet with Don Antonio his 
fleet : and were upon our voyage from the 4th of June until 
the loth of September [1582] ; and never saw land till we 
fell with the Arenas Gordas hard by San Lucar de Barra- 
meda. 

And there was an order taken that none should go on shore 
until he had license. 

As for me, I was known by one in the ship ; who told the 
Master that I was an Englishman; which, as GOD would ! 
it was my good hap to hear; for if I had not heard it, it had 
cost me my life. Notwithstanding, I would not take any 
knowledge of it, and seemed to be merry and pleasant that 
we were all come so well in safety. 

Presently after, license came, that we should go on shore : 
and I pressed to be gone with the first. 

Howbeit, the Master came unto me, and said, " Sirrah ! 
you must go with me to Seville by water ! " I knew his 
meaning well enough ; and that he meant to offer me up as 
a sacrifice to the Holy House. For the ignorant zeal of a 
number of these superstitious Spaniards is such, that they 
think that they have done GOD good service, when they 
have brought a Lutheran heretic to the fire to be burnt. 
For so do they account of us. 

Well, I perceiving all this, took upon me not to suspect 
anything, but was still jocund and merry ; howbeit, I knew 
it stood upon me to shift for myself. So waiting my time, 
when the Master was asleep in his cabin, I conveyed myself 
secretly down by the shrouds into the ship's boat, and made 
no stay, but cutting the rope wherewith she was moored, and 
so by the cable hauled on shore ; where I leapt on land, and 
let the boat go whither it would. 

Thus, by the help of GOD, I escaped that day, and then 
never stayed at San Lucar ; but went all night by the way 
which I had seen others take towards Seville. 



M.PhiiUps.j BUT HE AGAIN ESCAPES, AND KEEPS CLOSE. 217 

So that, the next morning, I came to Seville, and sought 
me out a work master, that I might fall to my science, which 
was the weaving of taffetas. And being entertained, I set 
myself close to my work, and durst not, for my life ! once 
stir abroad for fear of being known. 

Being thus at my work, within four days after, I heard one 
of my fellows say that he heard there was great inquiry made 
for an Englishman that came home in the Fleet. 

" What, an heretic Lutheran was it ! " quoth I ; " I would 
to GOD, I might know him ! Surely, I would present him to 
the Holy House !" 

And thus I kept still within doors at my work; and feigned 
myself not well at ease ; and that I would labour as I might 
to get me new clothes. And continuing thus for the space 
of three months, I called for my wages ; and bought me all 
things new, different from the apparel that I did wear at sea ; 
and yet durst not be overbold to walk abroad. 

And, after, understanding that there were certain English 
ships at San Lucar, bound for England: I took a boat, and 
went aboard one of them, and desired the Master that I might 
have passage with him to go into England ; and told him 
secretly, that I was one of those which Captain Hawkins did 
set on shore in the Indies. 

He very courteously prayed me to have him excused ; for 
he durst not meddle with me, and prayed me therefore to 
return from whence I came. 

Which when I perceived, with a sorrowful heart, GOD 
knoweth ! I took my leave of him ; not without watery 
cheeks. 

And then, I went to Porto Santa Maria, which is three 
leagues from San Lucar ; where I put myself to be a soldier 
in the King of Spain's Galleys, which were bound for 
Majorca. 

Coming thither, in the end of the Christmas holidays [i.e., 
about the 6th January, 1583], I found there, two English ships, 
the one of London, and the other of the West Country : 
which were ready freighted, and stayed but for a fair wind. 
To the Master of the one which was of the West Country, 
went I, and told him that " I had been two years in Spain, 
to learn the language ; and that I was now desirous to go 



2 1 8 At length he reaches home, at Poole. P^- p^^'^p* 

L f 1583- 

home, and see my friends, for that I lacked maintenance " 
So having agreed with him, for my passage, I took shippng. 
_ And thus, through the providence of Almighty GOD, aftei 
sixteen years' absence ; having sustained many and sundry 
great troubles and miseries, as by this Discourse appeareth • 
I came home to this, my native country of England, in the 
ship called the Landrct, and arrived at Poole, in the month 
of February, in the year 1582 [i.e., 1583]. 




[Third KAf^RATivE, by another 
Survivor.] 

THE RARE 

Travels of Job Hortop, an 

Englishman, who was not heard of, 
in three and twenty years' space. 

Wherein is declared the dangers 

he escaped in his Voyage to Guinea; 

where, after he was set on shore, in a 

wilderness near to Panico [Tampico]y 

he endured much slavery and 

bondage in the Spanish 

Galleys. 

Wherein also he discourseth many strange and zvonder- 

fiil things seen in the time of his travels ; as well 

concerning zvild ajtd savage people, as also 

of sundiy mojistrous beasts, fisheSy 

and fowls : and also trees of 

wonderful for^n and 

quality. 



LONDON: 

Printed for William Wright. 
1591- 

[*.* Title and Dedication of the original tract only are here reprinted. The 
narrative itself is taken as rewritten in Hakluyt.] 



220 

#3<>n csj^ riJ>=^ f^>J^ fstJ^^t r>J^ 

T T Y T T ▼ T T T T T T T T T T T T T T 

*T* -^ *4s --^ -^ -^ -^ 'dS "^ -T" -^ -X" *T- -T- -^ '^ -^ -^ •T" -T" 
\3<>e/ w^jV* K;<V» \^^« \^^ 

To THE MOST High and Mighty Princess 

ELIZABETH, 

^j the grace of GO D^ ^een of 

Kngland^ France^ and Ireland^ 
Defendress of the Faith, &c. 

Your Highness's most humble subject, Job Hortop, 

heartily prayeth for a continuance of your Majesty's 

most prosperous reign. 

Most Gracious and Renowned Sovereign! 

EiXG, about three and twenty years' past, pressed 
forth to serve in a Gunner's room, for the Guinea 
Voyage, of which Sir John Hawkins was General ; 
such was our success, before his return into Eng- 
land [that] we were distressed through want of 
victuals, nor could we obtain any for money. By means 
whereof, many of us (though to our General's great grief), 
were constrained to be set on shore, in a land inhabited by 
none but Negroes [Indians] and wild people. 

Since which time, most dread Sovereign ! I have passed 
sundry perils in the wildernesses, and escaped many dangers ; 
wherein my life often stood in great hazard ; yet, by the 
Providence of GOD preserved. 

And being now come into my native country of England ; 

I do, in all humbleness, prostrate myself, together with this 

Discourse of my travels, at your Highness's feet! humbly 

beseeching Your Majesty to accept the same at your subject's 

hands, as our Saviour Christ accepted the widow's mite. 

And thus, I humbly take my leave ! praying 

for the prosperous reign of your 

most Excellent Majesty. 




^'^•^ 



221 



-^i 





The Rare Travels of J o b H o r t o p * 

[Opening of the original tra' t of 1591.] 

O DISCOURSE, in large circumstances, the 
full scope of this my tedious travail would 
seem superfluous; and in omitting that 
which is most needful, I might commit 
great folly : wherefore, to avoid circum- 
stance, and yet to deliver matters of chiefest 
effect; I will, so near as I may, briefly, yet 
truly, run over the principal points, and 
particular substance of my travels, troubles, and dangers 
sustained since my departure, even until my return into 
England : which I am most joyful to see to stand in so happy 
and flourishing estate, which I pray GOD still to continue, 
to the world's end ! 

[Opening of the revised and better written text in Hakluyt. Voyages, 
£^c.,\\\. 487. Ed. 1600.] 

Ot untruly, nor without cause, said Job, the faith- 
ful servant of GOD, whom the Sacred Scriptures 
tell us to have dwelt in the land of Hus, that 
" Man, being born of a woman, living a short time, 
is replenished with many miseries" : which some 
know by reading of histories, many by the view of others' 
calamities, and I, by experience in myself; as this present 
ensuing Treatise shall shew. 

It is not unknown to many, that I, Job Hortop, Powder 
Maker, was born at Bourne, a town in Lincolnshire. 




222 Francis Drake's first command. [{-eKTsgn 

From my age of twelve j^ears, I was brought at Redriffe 
[Raddijfe], near London, with Master Francis, who was the 
Queen's Majesty's Powder Maker: whom I served, until I 
was pressed [compelled] to go on the Third Voyage to the 
West Indies, with the Right Worshipful Sir John Hawkins; 
who appointed me to be one of the gunners in Her Majesty's 
Ship, called the Jesus of Lubeck. 

Who set sail from Plymouth, in the month of October, 1567, 
having with him, another Ship of Her Majesty's, called the 
Minion; and four ships of his own, namely, the Angel, the 
Sivallow, the Judith, and the William and John. He directed 
his Vice Admiral, that if foul weather did separate them, 
to meet at the island of Teneriffe. 

After which, by the space of seven days and seven nights, 
we had such storms at sea, that we lost our long boats and a 
pinnace ; with some men. 

Coming to the island of Teneriffe, there our General heard 
that his Vice Admiral, with the Swallow and the William and 
John, were at the island called Gomera ; where finding his 
Vice Admiral, he anchored, took in fresh water, and set sail 
for Cape Blanc. 

In the way, we took a Portuguese caravel, ladened with 
mullets. 

From thence, we sailed to Cape de Verde. 

In our course thither, we met a Frenchman of Rochelle, 
called Captain Bland ; who had taken a Portuguese caravel : 
whom our Vice Admiral chased and took. Captain Drake, 
now Sir Francis Drake, was made Master and Captain of 
the caravel.* 

So we kept our way, till we came to Cape de Verde ; and 
there we anchored, took our boats, and set soldiers on shore. 
Our General was the first that leapt on land ; and with him, 
Captain Dudley. 

There, we took certain Negroes ; but not without damage 
to ourselves : for our General, Captain Dudley, and eight 
others of our company were hurt with poisoned arrows. 

* This would appear to be Drake's first command. The Captain of 
\\\t Judith, when she left England, is not stated. Apparently he died (?), 
and Drake was promoted (?) from this caravel {i.e. the Grace of God, com- 
manded by the Frenchman, Captain Bland, at the fight,/. 184) to the 
Judith, in which he brought home the first news of the disaster, j2^/. 85-8. 



^e"°i59'-] '^^^ ^^^ Negroes kill the hippopotami. 223 

About nine days after, the eight that were wounded, died-. 
Our General was taught by a Negro, to draw the poison out 
of his wound, with a clove of garlic ; whereby he was cured. 

From thence, we went to Sierra Leone, where be monstrous 
fishes, called sharks, which will devour men. 

I, amongst others, was sent in the Angel, with two pinnaces, 
into the river, called Calousa, to seek two caravels that were 
there, trading with the Negroes. We took one of them, with 
the Negroes, and brought them away. 

In this river, in the night time, we had one of our pinnaces 
bulged by a sea horse [hippopotamus] : so that our men 
swimming about the river, were all taken into the other 
pinnaces ; except two that took hold one of another, and 
were carried away by the sea horse [or rather drowned]. This 
monster hath the just proportion of a horse, saving that his 
legs be short, his teeth very great and a span in length. He 
used, in the night, to go on land into the woods ; seeking, at 
unawares, to devour the Negroes in their cabins : whom they, 
by their vigilancy, prevent, and kill him in this manner. The 
Negroes keep watch, and diligently attend their coming; 
and when they are gone into the woods, they forthwith lay a 
great tree overthwart the way : so that, at their return, for 
that their legs be so short, they cannot go over it. Then 
the Negroes set upon them, with their bows, arrows, and 
darts ; and so destroy them. 

From thence, we entered the river called the Casseroes ; 
where there were other caravels trading with the Negroes : 
and them we took. In this island betwixt the river and the 
main, trees grow with oysters upon them. 

There grow Palmito trees, which be as high as a ship's 
mainmast ; and on their tops grow nuts, wine, and oil, 
which they call Palmito Wine and Palmito Oil. 

The Plantain tree also groweth in that country. The tree 
is as big as a man's thigh, and as high as a iir pole. The 
leaves thereof be long and broad; and on the top grow the 
fruit which are called Plantains. They are crooked, and a 
cubit long, and as big as a man's finger. They grow on 
clusters. When they be ripe, they be very good and dainty 
to eat : sugar is not more delicate in taste than they be. 

From thence, with the Angel, the Judith, and the two 
pinnaces, we sailed to Sierra Leone; where our General was 



2 24 Death OF Captain Dudley. [ieb!°i59?: 

at that time ; who with the Captains and soldiers went up 
into the river called Tag^^arin, to take a town of the Negroes : 
where we found three Kings of that country, with 50,000 
Negroes, besieging the same town ; which they could not 
take, in many years before, when they had warred with it. 

Our General made a breach, entered, and valiantly took 
the town ; where were five Portuguese, which yielded them- 
selves to his mercy, and he saved their lives. 

We took, and carried from thence, for traffic in the West 
Indies, 500 Negroes. 

The three Kings drove 7,000 Negroes into the sea, at low 
water, at a point of land ; where they were all drowned in 
the ooze, for that they could not take their canoes to save 
themselves. 

We returned back again, in our pinnaces, to the ships, and 
there took in fresh water, and made ready to sail tov/ards 
Rio Grande. 

At our coming thither, we entered with the Angel, the 
Judith, and the two pinnaces ; and found there, seven Portu- 
guese caravels, which made great fight with us. In the end, 
by GOD's help, we won the victory, and drave them to the 
shore : from whence, with the Negroes, they fled ; and we 
fetched the caravels from the shore into the river. 

The next morning, Master Francis Drake with his 
caravel, the Swallow, and the William and John, came into 
the river, with Captain Dudley and his soldiers: who landed, 
being but a hundred soldiers, and fought with 7,000 Negroes, 
burned the town, and returned to our General, with the loss 
of one man. 

In that place, there be many musk-cats, which breed in 
hollow trees. The Negroes take them in a net, put them in 
a cage, nourish them very daintily, and take the musk from 
them with a spoon. 

Now we directed our course from Guinea towards the 
West Indies. 

And by the way, died Captain Dudley. 

In sailing towards the Indies, the first land that we 
escried, was the island called Dominica : where, at our com- 
ing, we anchored ; and took in fresh water and wood for our 
provision. 



kbiTSgi.] Capture of Rio de la Hacha. 225 

Which done, we sailed towards the island called Margarita; 
where our General, in despite of the Spaniards, anchored, 
landed, and took in fresh victuals. 

A mile off the island, there is a rock in the sea, whereon do 
breed many fowls like unto Barnacles. In the night, we 
went out in our boats, and killed many of them with cudgels; 
and brought them, with many of their eggs aboard with us. 
Their eggs be as big as Turkey's eggs, and speckled like 
them. We did eat them, and found them very good meat. 

From thence, we sailed to Burboroata, which is in the 
main land of the West Indies [i.e., on the northern shore of 
South America]. There we came in, moored our ships, and 
tarried two months, trimming and dressing our ships : and, in 
the meantime, traded with certain Spaniards of that country. 

There, our General sent us unto a town, called Placencia, 
which stood on a high hill, to have intreated a Bishop that 
dwelt there, for his favour and friendship in their laws : who, 
hearing of our coming, for fear, forsook the town. 

In our way up the hill to Placencia, we found a monstrous 
venomous worm with two heads. His body was as big as a 
man's arm, and a yard long. Our Master, Robert Barret, 
did cut him in sunder, with his sword ; and it made it as 
black as if it were coloured with ink. 

Here be many tigers [jaguars ?], monstrous and furious 
beasts, which, by subtlety, devour and destroy many men. 
They use the traded ways, and will shew themselves twice or 
thrice to the travellers; and so depart secretly, lurking till 
they be past : then, suddenly and at unawares, they leap 
upon them, and devour them. They had so used two of our 
company, had not one of them looked behind. 

Our General sent three ships unto the Island of Curagoa 
to make provision for the rest ; where they remained until 
his coming. 

He sent from thence, the Angel and the Judith to Rio de la 
Hacha; where we [HoRTOP apparently was serving in the 
Angel at this time] anchored before the town. The Spaniards 
shot three pieces at us from the shore ; whom we requited 
with two of ours, and shot through the Governor's house. 
We weighed anchor, and anchored again without the shot 
of the town ; where we rode, five days, in despite of the 
Spaniards and their shot. 

I. P 4 



2 26 The English fleet at Santa Marta. [^ekTsp?: 

In the mean space, there came a Caravel of Advice 
[Despatch boat] from Santo Domingo; which, with the Angel 
and Judith, we chased and drove to the shore. We fetched 
him from thence, in spite of two hundred Spaniard harque- 
buss shot [i.e., harqitebitssiers] ; and anchored again before the 
town, and rode there with them till our General's coming : 
who anchored, landed his men, and valiantly took the town, 
with the loss of one man, whose name was Thomas Surgeon, 

We landed, and planted our field ordnance on the shore 
for our safety. We drove the Spaniards up into the country 
above two leagues ; whereby they were enforced to trade 
with our General, to whom he sold most part of his Negroes. 

In this river we killed a monstrous legarto or crocodile [or 
rather alligator], at sunset, in the port. Seven of us went in 
the pinnace up the river, carrying with us a dog, unto 
whom, with rope yarn, we bound a great hook of steel, 
with a chain that had a swivel, which we put under the 
dog's belly, the point of the hook coming over his back, fast 
bound as aforesaid. We put him overboard, and veered out 
our rope by little and little, rowing away with our boat. 

The legarto came and presently swallowed up the dog, 
then did we row hard till we had choked him. He plunged 
and made a wonderful stir in the water. We leapt on shore, 
and hauled on land. He was twenty-three feet by the rule, 
headed like a hog, in body like a serpent, full of scales as 
broad as a saucer, his tail long and full of knots as big as a 
" falcon shot." He had four legs ; his feet had long nails 
like unto a dragon. 

We opened him, flayed him, dried his skin, and stuffed it 
with straw, meaning to have brought it home, had not the 
ship been cast away. 

These monsters will carry away and devour both man 
and horse. 

From thence, we shaped our course to Santa Marta, 
where we landed, traded, and sold certain Negroes. 

There two of our number killed a monstrous adder, going 
towards his cave with a cony in his mouth. His body was 
as big as any man's thigh, and seven feet long. Upon his 
tail he had sixteen knots, every one as big as a great walnut, 
which, they say, do shew his age. His colour was green 



k"°i59i'] Spanish brag, and English assurance. 227 

and yellow. They opened him and found two conies in his 
belly. 

From thence we sailed to Cartagena, where we went 
in, moored our ships, and would have traded with them ; 
but they durst not for fear of the King. 

We brought up the Minion against the Castle, and shot at 
the Castle and town. 

Then we landed in an island, where they have many 
gardens ; where, in a cave, we found certain botijos of wine, 
which we brought away with us. In recompense whereof, our 
General commanded to be set on shore woollen and linen 
cloth, to the value thereof. 

From hence, by foul weather, we were forced to seek the 
port of San Juan de Ulua. 

In our way, thwart of [off] Campeche, we met with a 
Spaniard, a small ship, which was bound for Santo Domingo. 
It had in it a Spaniard called Augustine de Villa Neuva; 
who was the man that betrayed all the noblemen in the 
Indies, and caused them to be beheaded ; wherefore he, with 
two Friars, fled to Santo Domingo. We took and brought 
them with us into the port of San Juan de Ulua. Our 
General made great account of him, and used him like a 
Nobleman ; howbeit, in the end, he was one of them that 
betrayed us. 

When we had moored our ships, and landed [at San Juan 
de Ulua]', we mounted the ordnance that we found there in 
the Island ; and for our safety, kept watch and ward. 

The next day after, we discovered the Spanish Fleet ; 
whereof LugoN, a Spaniard, was General. With him came 
a Spaniard called Don Martin de Henriquez, whom the 
King of Spain sent to be his Viceroy of the Indies. 

He sent a pinnace with a flag of truce unto our General, 
to know, " Of what country those ships were, that rode there 
in the King of Spain's port ? " 

Who said, " They were the Queen of England's ships, 
which came in there for victuals tor their money : wherefore 
if your General will come in here ! he shall give me victuals 
and other necessaries, and I will go out on the one side of the 
port, and he shall come in on the other side." 



2 28 Villa Neuva tries to stab Hawkins. [{^""Sii 

The Spaniard returned for answer, " He was a Viceroy, 
and had a thousand men, and therefore he would come in ! " 

Our General said, " If he be a Viceroy ; I represent my 
Queen's person ; and I am a Viceroy as well as he ! and if he 
have a thousand men, my powder and shot will take the 
better place ! " 

Then the Viceroy, after counsel among themselves, yielded 
to our General's demand, swearing " by his King and his 
crown, by his commission and authority that he had from his 
King, that he would perform it ! " and thereupon pledges 
were given on both parts. 

Our General, bearing a godly and Christian mind, void of 
fraud and deceit, judged the Spaniards to have done the like, 
delivered to them ten gentlemen ; not doubting to have 
received the like from them : but the faithless Spaniards, in 
costly apparel, gave of the basest of their company ; as after- 
wards it was well known. 

These things finished. Proclamation was made on both 
sides that "on pain of death, no occasion should be given, 
whereby any quarrel should grow to the breach of the 
league " : and then they peaceably entered the port, with 
great triumph on both sides. 

The Spaniards presently brought a great Hulk, a ship of 
600 [tons], and moored her by the side of the Minion; and 
they cut out ports in their other ships, planting their 
ordnance towards us. 

In the night, they filled the Hulk with men, to lay the 
Minion aboard, as the sequel did show ; which made our 
General doubtful of their dealings. Wherefore, for that he 
could speak the Spanish tongue, he sent Robert Barret 
aboard the Viceroy ['s ship], to know his meaning in those 
dealings. Who willed him and his company [i.e., his boat's 
crew] to come in to him ; whom he presently [instantly] com- 
manded to be set in the bilbows [irons]. 

And forthwith ; for a watchword among the false Spaniards, 
a cornet [trumpet] was sounded for the enterprising of their 
pretended [intended] treason, against our General : whom 
Augustine de Villa Neuva sitting at dinner [Hortop says, 
p. 317, the fight began at 10 a.m., which would be the dinner hour 
at sea, but HAWKINS says at 8 a.m., at p. 112] with him, should 



te^^Sgi.] A Gunner's description of the Fight. 229 

then presently have killed with a poinado [dagger], which he 
had privily in his sleeve: which was espied and prevented by 
one John Chamberlayne, who took the poinado out of his 
sleeve. Our General hastily rose up, and commanded him 
to be put prisoner in the Steward's room, and to be kept 
with two men. 

The faithless Spaniards thinking all things had been 
finished to their desire, suddenly sounded a trumpet ; and 
therewith 300 Spaniards entered the Minion : whereat our 
General, with a loud and fierce voice called unto us, saying, 
" GOD and Saint George ! upon those traitorous villains, and 
rescue the Minion ! I trust in GOD, the day shall be ours ! " 

With that, the mariners and soldiers leaped out of the 

' jfestis of Lubeck into the Minion, and beat out the Spaniards; 

and with a shot out of her [the Minion] fired the Spaniard's 

vice-admiral ; where the most part of 300 Spaniards were 

spoiled, and blown overboard, with powder. 

Their admiral also was on fire half an hour. 

We cut our cables, wound off our ships, and presently 
fought with them. They came upon us on every side, and 
continued the fight from ten o'clock until it was night. They 
killed all our men that were on shore in the island ; saving 
three [of ivho/n Hortop was one; but see pp. 112, 100, 181] 
which by swimming got aboard the Jesus of Lubeck. They 
sank the General's ship called the Angel, and took the 
Swallow. The Spaniard's admiral had above threescore 
shot through her ; and many of his men were spoiled. Four 
other of their ships were sunk. 

There were in that Fleet and that came from the shore to 
rescue them, 1,500 : we slew of them 540, as we were credibly 
informed by a Note that came to Mexico. 

In this fight, the Jesus of Lubeck had five shot through 
her mainmast, her foremast was struck in sunder under the 
hounds [the holes in the timber cheeks, through which the ropes 
hoist the sails] with a chain-shot ; and her hull was wonder- 
fully pierced with shot : therefore it was impossible to bring 
her away. 

They set two of their own ships on fire* intending therewith 

* It will be noticed that HORTOP's account differs somewhat from the 
former ones ; and yet it may be harmonized. The fireships burnt neither 
the Mi /lion, nor the Jesus ; the latter of which was taken by the Spaniards, 



230 Captain Bland fires the Grace of God. [kSTsg?, 

to have burnt the Jem^ of Lubeck; which we prevented by cut- 
ting our cables in the hawse, and winding off by our stern- 
fast. The Minion was forced to set sail and stand off from us, 
and come to an anchor without shot of the island. 

Our General courageously cheered up his soldiers and 
gunners, and called to Samuel his page, for a cup of beer; 
who brought it to him in a silver cup : and he drinking to all 
the men, willed " the gunners to stand by their ordnance 
lustily like men ! " He had no sooner set the cup out of his 
hand, but a demi-culverin shot struck away the cup and a 
cooper's plane that stood by the mainmast, and ran out on 
the other side of the ship ; which nothing dismayed our 
General, for he ceased not to encourage us, saying, " Fear 
nothing ! For GOD, who hath preserved me from this shot, 
will also deliver us from these traitors and villains ! " 

Then Captain Bland {apparently in command of the Grace 
of God] meaning to have turned out of port, had his main- 
mast struck overboard with a chain-shot, that came from the 
shore : wherefore he anchored, fired his ship, took his pinnace 
with all his men, and came aboard the Jesus of Lubeck to 
our General; who said to him, " He thought he would not 
have run away from him ! " 

He answered, " He was not minded to have run away 
from him ; but his intent [i.e., previous to the loss of his main- 
mast] was to have turned up, and to have laid the weather- 
most ship of the Spanish fleet aboard, and fired his ship in 
hope therewith to have set on fire the Spanish fleet." 

He said, " If he had done so, he had done well ! " With this 
night came on. 

Our General [had] commanded the Minion, for safeguard of 
her masts, to be brought under the Jesii,s of Lubeck's lee. 

He willed Master Francis Drake to come in with the 
Judith, and to lay the Minion aboard, to take in men and 
other things needful ; and to go out. And so he did. [See 
p. lOi, on Drake's alleged desertion of the IMinion. His trying 
to get home by himself, crowded as the little Judith must have 
been, seems to have been the wisest thing he could do; though 
Ha WKINS, no doubt, thought it very hard.] 

At night, when the wind came off the shore, we [i.e., the 

in boats. His narrative is very important here as he was taken on 
board the Jesus and therefore an eye witness. 



Febl^i'S^.] Hawkins's sorrowful leave taking. 231 

Million] set sail, and went out in despite of the Spaniards 
and their shot ; where [the next day] we anchored with two 
anchors under an island : the wind being northerly, which was 
wonderfully dangerous, and we feared every hour to be driven 
with the lee shore. 

In the end, when the wind came larger, we weighed anchor 
and set sail, seeking the river of Panuco for water, whereof 
we had very little ; and victuals were so scarce that we were 
driven to eat hides, cats, rats, parrots, monkeys, and dogs. 

Wherefore our General was forced to divide his company 
into two parts : for there was a mutiny among them for want 
of victuals. And some said, " They had rather be on the 
shore to shift for themselves am.ongst the enemies, than to 
starve on shipboard." 

He asked them, "Who would go on shore, and who would 
tarry on shipboard?" Those that would go on shore, he 
willed to go on fore mast ; and those that would tarry, on 
'baft mast. Fourscore and sixteen of us were willing to 
depart [but 114 actually landed, see p. 187]. Our General gave 
unto every one of us six yards of Roane [woollen] cloth ; and 
money to them that demanded it. 

When we were landed, he came unto us ; where friendly 
embracing every one of us, he was greatly grieved that he 
was forced to leave us behind him. He counselled us " to 
serve GOD, and to love one another," and thus courteously 
he gave us a sorrowful larewell ; and promised "if GOD 
sent him safe home, he would do what he could, that so many 
of us as lived, should, by some means, be brought into Eng- 
land." And so he did. 

Since my return into England, I have heard that many 
misliked that he left us so behind him, and brought away [16] 
Negroes. But the reason is this. For them, he might have 
had victuals or any other thing needful, if, by foul weather, 
he had been driven upon the [West Indian] islands; which, 
for gold or silver, he could not have had. 

And thus our General departed to his ship, and we 
remained on land. Where, for our safeties, fearing the wild 
Indians that were about us, we kept watch all night. At 



232 Stripped by the C h i c n e m i c s. [|-e"°i'j9?; 

sunrising, we marched on our way, three and three in a rank, 
until we came into a field under a grove ; where the Indians 
came upon us, asking us, " What people we were ? and how 
we came there ? " 

Two of our company, namely, Anthony Goddard and 
John Cornish, for that they could speak the Spanish tongue, 
went to them, and said, " We were Englishmen, that never 
came in that country before : and that we had fought with 
the Spaniards: and for that we lacked victuals, our General 
had set us on shore." 

They asked us, " Whither we intended to go ? " 

We said, "To Panuco." 

The captain of the Indians willed us to give unto them 
some of our clothes and shirts. 

Which we did. 

Then he bade us give them all. 

But we would not so do. Whereupon John Cornish was 
then slain with an arrow, which an Indian boy, that stood by 
the captain, shot at him ; whereupon he [the chief] struck the 
boy on the neck with his bow that he lay for dead, and willed 
us to follow him. 

Who brought us into a great field, where we found fresh 
water. He bade us sit dov/n about the pond and drink ; and 
he, with his company, would go, in the mean space, to kill 
five or six deer, and bring them us. 

We tarried there till three o'clock, but they came not. 
There one of our company, whose name was John Cooke, 
with four others, departed from us into a grove to seek 
relief ; where presently they were taken by the Indians and 
stripped as naked as ever they were born ; and so returned. 

Then we divided ourselves into two parts ; half to 
Anthony Goddard, and the rest to James Collier : and 
thus severally we sought for Panuco. 

Anthony Goddard, with his company, bade us farewell. 
They passed a river, where the Indians robbed many of them 
of their clothes; and so passing on their way, came to a stony 
hill where they stayed. 

James Collier with his company, that day, passed the 
same river, and were also robbed, and one of them slain by 
chance. 

We came that night, unto the hill where Anthony 



I'e"°i59i."] From Tampico to Mexico. 233 

GoDDARD and his company rested. There we remained till 
morning. Then we marched, all together, from thence, enter- 
ing between two groves, where the Indians robbed us of all 
our clothes, and left us naked. They hurt many, and killed 
eight of us. 

Three days after, we came to another river. There, the 
Indians showed us the way to Panuco, and so left us. 

We passed the river into the wilderness, where we made 
wreaths of green grass ; which we wound about our bodies to 
keep us from the sun and gnats [mosquitoes] of that country. 

We travelled there seven days and seven nights before we 
came to Panuco, feed on nothing but roots and guavas, a 
fruit like figs. 

At our coming to the river of Panuco, two Spanish horse- 
men came over unto us in a canoe. 

They asked us, " How long we had been in the wilderness, 
and where our General was ? " for they knew us to be of the 
company that had fought with their countrymen. 

We told them, " Seven days and seven nights; and for lack 
of victuals, our General set us on shore : and he was gone 
away with his ships." 

They returned to their Governor, who sent them with five 
canoes to bring us all over. 

Which done, they set us in array; where a hundred horse- 
men with their lances came forcibly upon us ; but they did 
not hurt us. 

They carried us prisoners to Panuco [or rather Tampico, the 
town near the river Panuco], where we remained one night. 

In the river of Panuco, there is a fish like a calf. The 
Spaniards call it a MaUatin. He hath a stone in his head, 
which the Indians use for the disease of the colick. In the 
night he cometh on land, and eateth grass. I have eaten 
of it, and it eateth not much unlike to bacon. 

From thence, we were sent to Mexico, which is ninety 
leagues from Panuco. 

In our way thither, twenty leagues from the seaside, I did 
see white crabs running up and down the sands. I have 
eaten of them, and they be very good meat. 

There groweth a fruit which the Spaniards call Avocottes. 
It is proportioned like an eg^, and as black as a coal, having 
a stone in it : and it is an excellent good fruit. 



234 Kind treatment at Mexico. [k^Tsgi; 

There also groweth a strange tree, which they call Magnets 
[Agave]. It serveth them to many uses. Below, by the 
root, they make a hole, whereat they do take out of it, 
twice every day, a certain kind of liquor, which they seeth in 
a great kettle till the third part of it be consumed, and that 
it wax thick. It is as sweet as any honey, and they do eat it. 
Within twenty days after that they have taken all the liquor 
from it, it withereth, and they cut it down and use it as we 
use our hemp here in England. Which done, they convert 
it to many uses. Of some part, they make mantles, ropes 
and thread ; of the ends, they make needles to sew their 
saddles, panels [cloths], and other furniture for their horses; 
of the rest, they make tiles to cover their houses : and they 
put it to many other purposes. 

And thus we came to Mexico, which is seven or eight 
miles [round] about, seated in a great fen, environed with 
four hills. It hath but two ways of entrance ; and is full of 
creeks, in the which, in their canoes, they pass from place 
to place and to the islands there within. 

In the Indies, ordinarily three times a year, be wonderful 
earthquakes, which put the people in great fear and danger. 
During the time of two years that I was in Mexico, I saw 
them six times. When they come, they throw down trees, 
houses, and churches. 

There is a city, twenty-five leagues from Mexico, called 
Tlaxcallan, which is inhabited with a 100,000 Indians. They 
go in white shirts, linen breeches, and long mantles ; and the 
women w^ear about them a garment much like unto a flannel 
petticoat. 



The King's Palace was the first place that we were 
brought unto in Mexico ; where, without [on the outside of 
which], we were willed to sit down. 

Much people, men, women, and children, came wondering 
about us. IVIany lamented our misery. 

Some of their clergy asked us, " If we were Christians ? " 
We said, "We praised GOD, we were as good Christians as 
they ! " 

They asked, " How they might know that ? " 

We said, " By our confessions." 



Feb!°i59^'.] English beat their masters at Tescuco. 235 

From thence, we were carried in a canoe to a tanner's 
house, which standeth a Httle from the city. 

The next morning, two friars and two priests came thither 
to us, and willed us " to bless ourselves, and say our 
prayers in the Latin tongue, that they might understand us." 
Many of our company did so. 

Whereupon, they returned to the Viceroy, and told him 
that " We were good Christians ! and that they liked us well." 

Then they brought us much relief, with clothes. Our 
sick men were sent to their hospitals ; where many were 
cured, and many died. 

From the tanner's house, we were led to a gentleman's 
place ; where, upon pain of death, we were charged to abide, 
and not to come into the city. Thither, we had all things 
necessary brought us. On Sundays and holidays, much 
people came, and brought us great relief. 

The Viceroy practised [endeavoured] to hang us, and 
caused a pair of new gallows to be set up, to have executed 
us ; whereunto the noblemen of the country would not 
consent, but prayed him to stay until the Ship of Advice 
brought news from the King of Spain, what should be done 
with us: for they said, " They could not find anything by us, 
whereby they might lawfully put us to death." 

The Viceroy then commanded us to be sent to an island 
thereby, and he sent for the Bishop of Mexico : who sent 
four priests to the island to examine and confess us ; who 
said, " The Viceroy would [wished to] burn us." 

When we were examined and confessed, according to the 
laws of the country ; they returned to the Bishop, and told 
him that " We were very good Christians ! " The Bishop 
certified the Viceroy of our examinations and confessions ; 
and said that " We were good Christians ! therefore he 
would not meddle with us." 

Then the Viceroy sent for our Master [i.e., of the Jesus], 
R. Barret ; whom he kept prisoner in his Palace until the 
Fleet was departed for Spain. The rest of us he sent to a 
town seven leagues from Mexico, called Tescuco, to card 
wool among the Indian slaves: which drudgery we disdained, 
and concluded to beat our masters ; and so we did. Where- 
fore they sent to the Viceroy, desiring him "for GOD's sake 



236 Service in the Spanish homeward fleet. [^g^,°;3°P; 

and our Lady's ! to send for us ; for they would not keep us 
an)' lonf;er." They said that " We were devils, and no men." 
The Viceroy sent for us, and imprisoned us in a house in 
Mexico. From thence, he sent Anthony Goddard and 
some others of our company with him, into Spain ; with 
LugoN, the General [i.e., Admiral] that took us [fuught us at 
San Juan de Ulna], 

The rest of [hulk of] us [i.e., the six men and the hoy named on 
the next page. For the English captives that remained behind, 
see pp. 202, 204-205, etc.] stayed in Mexico two years after; 
and then were sent prisoners into Spain, with Don JUAN DE 
Velasco de Vare, Admiral and General of the Spanish Fleet. 

He carried with him, in his ship, to be presented to the 
King of Spain, the anatomy [skeleton] of a giant which was sent 
from China, to the Viceroy Don Martin Henriquez at 
Mexico, to be sent to the King of Spain. It did appear by 
the anatomy, that he was of a monstrous size. The skull of 
his head was near[ly] as big as half a bushel. His neck 
bones, shoulder plates, arm bones, and all other lineaments 
of his other parts were huge and monstrous to behold. The 
shank of his leg, from the ankle to the knee, was as long as from 
any man's ankle up to his waist; and of bigness accordingly. 

At this time, and in this ship, were also sent two chests 
full of earth with ginger growing in them ; which were also 
sent from China, to be sent to the King of Spain. The ginger 
runneth in the ground like liquorice. The blades grow out of 
it in length and proportion like unto the blades of wild garlic ; 
which they cut every fifteen days. They use [are accustomed] to 
water them twice a day, as we do our herbs here in England. 

They put the blades in their pottage, and use them in their 
other meats ; whose excellent savour and taste is very 
delightful, and procureth a good appetite. 

"When [in 1570] we were shipped in the Port of San 
Juan de Ulua, the General called our Master, Robert 
Barret, and us with him, into his cabin, and asked us, " If we 
would fight against Englishmen, if we met them at the sea ? " 

"We said, " "We would not fight against our Crown ; but if 
we met with any others, we would do what we were able." 

He said, " If we had said otherwise, he would not have 



Fe"°is9^;] HoRTOP AND Barret save the Fleet. 237 

believed us ! and for that, we should be the better used, and 
have allowance as other men had." And he gave a charge 
to every one of us, according unto our knowledge. Robert 
Barret was placed with the Pilot ; I was put in the Gunner's 
room [i.e., in the office of a Gunner] ; William Cawse with 
the Boatswain, John Beare with the Quarter Masters, 
Edward Rider and Geoffrey Giles with the ordinary 
Mariners, Richard the Master's boy, attended on him and 
the Pilot. 

Shortly after, we departed from the port of San Juan 
de Ulua, with all the Fleet of Spain, for the port called 
Havana. We were twenty-six days sailing thither. 

There we came in, anchored, took in fresh water, and 
stayed sixteen days for the Fleet of Nombre de Dios ; which 
is the Fleet that brings the treasure from Peru. The General 
[Admiral] of that Fleet was called Diego Flores de Valdez. 

After his coming, when he had watered his ships, both the 
Fleets joined in one : and Don Juande Velasco de Varre 
was, for the first fifteen days. General of both the Fleets. 

Turning through the Channel of Bahama, his Pilot had 
like to have cast away all the Fleet upon the Cape, called 
Canaveral [on the West coast of Florida] : which was prevented 
by me. Job Hortop, and our Master, Robert Barret. 

For I, being in the second watch, escried land; and called 
to Robert Barret, bidding him " to look overboard ! for I 
saw land under the lee bow of the ship." He called to the 
Boatswain, and bid him let fiy the foresail sheet, and lay the 
helm upon the lee, and cast the ship about. 

When we were cast about, we were but in seven fathom 
water. We shot off a piece, giving advice to the Fleet to 
cast about [tack] : and so they did. 

For this, we were beloved of the General, and all the 
Fleet. The General was in a great rage, and swore, by the 
King ! that he would hang his Pilot. For he said that " twice 
before, he had almost cast away the admiral [flagship]." 

When it was day, he commanded a piece to be shot off, to 
call to Council. The other Admiral in his ship came up to 
him, and asked, " What the matter was? " 

He said, " His Pilot had cast away his ship and all the 



238 The English plan to escape, at Terceira. [{^""'sg?, 

Fleet, had it not been for two of the Englishmen ; and there- 
fore he would hang him ! " 

The other Admiral, with many fair words, persuaded him 
to the contrary. 

When we came in the height [latitude] of Bermuda, we 
discovered a monster in the sea, who shewed himself three 
times unto us, from the middle upwards ; in which parts he 
was proportioned like a man, of the complexion of a Mulatto 
or tawny Indian. The General did command one of his 
clerks to put it in writing ; and he certified the King and his 
nobles thereof. 

Presently after this, for the space of sixteen days, we had 
wonderful [I}'] foul weather: and then GOD sent us a fair 
wind, until such time, as we discovered the island called 
Fayal. 

On St. James's day {2^th July), we made rockets, wheels, 
and other fireworks, to make pastime that night, as it is the 
order of the Spaniards. 

When we came near the land, our Master, Robert 
Barret, conferred with us to take the pinnace one night, 
when we came near the island called Terceira, to free our- 
selves from the danger and bondage that we were going into : 
whereunto we agreed. None had any pinnace astern then, 
but our ship ; which gave great courage to our enterprise. 
We prepared a bag of bread and a botijo [jar] of water, 
which would have served us nine days : and provided our- 
selves to go. 

Our Master borrowed a small compass of the Master 
Gunner of the ship, who lent it him ; but suspected his 
intent, and closely [secretly] made the General privy to it : 
who, for a time, dissembled the matter. 

In the end, seeing our pretense [design] ; he called Robert 
Barret, commanding his head to be put in the stocks, and 
a great pair of iron bolts on his legs : and the rest of us to 
be put in the stocks by the legs. 

Then he willed a piece to be shot off and he sent the 
pinnace for the other Admiral and all the Captains, Masters, 
and Pilots of both Fleets to come aboard of him. He com- 
manded the mainyard to be struck down ; and to put two 
pullies, on every yard arm one. The hangman was called, 



Feb!°i59i-] Detected, they are imprisoned at Seville. 239 

and we were willed to confess ourselves : for he swore, " by 
the King ! that he would hang us." 

When the other Admiral and the rest were come aboard, 
he called them into his Council chamber ; and told them that 
" he would hang the Master of the Englishmen and all his 
company." 

The Admiral, whose name was Diego Floresde Valdez, 
asked him, " Wherefore ? " 

He said, " We had determined to rise in the night with 
the pinnace, and with a ball of fire work, to set the ship on 
fire, and go our ways. Therefore," said he, " I will have you, 
the Captains, Masters, and Pilots to set your hands unto that : 
for I swear, by the King ! that I will hang them 1 " 

Diego Flores de Valdez answered, " Neither I, nor the 
Captains, Masters, and Pilots will set our hands to that 1 " 
for, he said, if he had been prisoner as we were, he would 
have done the like himself. He counselled him to keep us 
fast in prison till he came into Spain ; and then send us to 
the Contrataction House in Seville : where, if we had 
deserved death, the law would pass on us. For he would 
not have it said that in such a Fleet as that was, six men 
and a boy should take the pinnace, and go away. 

And so he returned to his ship again. 

When he was gone, the General came to the mainmast to 
us, and swore, *' by the King ! that we should not come out of 
the stocks till we came into Spain." 

Within sixteen days after [i.e., in August, 1570], we came 
over the bars of San Lucar de Barrameda ; and came 
up to the Hurcados. Then he put us into a pinnace, [still] 
in the stocks ; and sent us prisoners to the Contrataction 
House in Seville. 

From thence, after one year [i.e., in 157 1], we brake 
prison ; on St. Stephen's day [26 December, 1571], at night. 
Seven of our [then English] company escaped. 

Robert Barret, I, Job Hortop, John Emerie, Hum- 
phry Roberts, and John Gilbert were taken, and brought 
back to the Contrataction House; where we remained in the 
stocks till Twelftide [6 January, 1572] was passed. Then our 
Keeper put up a petition to the Judge of the Contrataction 
House, that we "might be sent to the Great Prison House 
in Seville ; for that we had broken prison 1 " 



240 R. Barret and J. Gilbert burnt in 1573. [^eKg^; 

Whereupon we were presently led thither, where we re- 
mained one month [till February, 1572] ; and then, from thence 
to the Castle of the Inquisition House in Triana, where we 
continued one year [till abont February, 1573]. 

Which expired, they hrought us out in procession, every 
one of us having a candle in his hand, and a coat with St. 
Andrew's Cross on our backs. 

They brought us up on a high scaffold, that was set up in 
the Place of St. Francis, which is in the chief street of Seville. 
There, they set us down on benches, every one in his degree : 
and against us, on another scaffold, sat all the Judges and 
the Clergy on their benches. 

The people wondered, and gazed on us : some pitying our 
cases ; others said, " Burn those heretics ! " 

When we had sat there two hours, we had a sermon made 
to us. 

After which, one, called Bresinia, Secretary to the Inqui- 
sition, went up into the pulpit, with the process : and called 
Robert Barret and John Gilbert, whom two familiars 
of the Inquisition brought from the scaffold before the Judges ; 
where the Secretary read the sentence, "which was that they 
should be burnt ! " And so they were returned to the scaffold, 
and were burnt. 

Then I, Job Hortop, and John Bone were called, and 
brought to the place, as before : where we heard our sentence, 
which was that we should go to the galleys and there row at 
the oar's end, ten years : and then to be brought back to the 
Inquisition House, to have the coat with St. Andrew's Cro;s 
put on our backs ; and from thence, to go to the everlasting 
prison remediless. And so we were returned to the scaffold, 
from whence we came. 

Thomas Marks and Thomas Ellis were called, and had 
sentence to serve in the galleys eight years; and Humphry 
Roberts and John Emerie, to serve five years : and so were 
returned to the benches on the scaffold, where we sat till 
four o'clock in the afternoon. 

Then we were led again to the Inquisition House, from 
whence we were brought. 

The next day, in the morning, Bresinia the Treasurer 
came thither to us ; and delivered to every one of us his sen- 
tence in writing. 



Fe"T59i."j HORTOP IS TWELVE YEARS IN THE GALLEYS. 24 I 

I, with the rest, were sent to the galleys, where we were 
chained four and four togetlier. Every man's daily allowance 
was twenty-six ounces of coarse black biscuit and water. 
Our clothing for the whole year, two shirts, two pair of 
breeches of coarse canvas, a red coat of coarse cloth soon on 
and soon off, and a gown of hair with a friar's hood. Our 
lodging was on the bare boards and banks of the galleys. 
Our heads and beards were shaven every month. 

Hunger, thirst, cold, and stripes, we lacked none ! till our 
several times expired. 

After the time of twelve 5'ears [1573-1585] (for I served 
two years above my sentence) I was sent back to the Inqui- 
sition House in Seville : and there, having put on the coat 
with St. Andrew's Cross, I was sent to the everlasting prison 
remediless ; where I wore the coat four years [1585-1589]. 

Then, upon great suit, I had it taken off for 50 ducats 
{=£1^ i=^s.=nbont ;^So now); which Hernando de Soria, 
Treasurer of the King's Mint, lent me. 

Whom I [engaged to serve] as a drudge seven years, and 
served for it until the month of October last, 1590. [HORTOP, 
however, only served a short two years, 1589-1590.] 

Then, I came from Seville to San Lucar de Barameda : 
where I made means to come away in a Flyboat that was 
ladened with wines and salt, which were Fleming's goods ; 
the King of Spain's subjects dwelling in Seville, married to 
Spanish women, and sworn to their King. 

In this month of October last, departing from San Lucar, 
at sea, off the southernmost Cape [C, St. Vincent], we met 
an English ship called the Galleon Dudley ; which took the 
Fleming, and m.e out of it : and brought me to Portsmouth, 
where they set me on land, the 2nd day of December last 
past, 1590. 

From thence, I was sent by Master MuNS, the Lieutenant 
of Portsmouth, with letters to the Right Honourable the 
Earl of Sussex; who commanded his Secretary to take my 
name and examination, how long I had been out of England, 
and with whom I went ; which he did. 

And on Christmas Even [24 December, 1590], I took my 
leave of his Honour, and came to Redriffe [Ratcliffe], 
I. Q 4 



242 A Summary OF sufferings and PERiLS.[^-e^°f5°P: 

The Cojnptitation of my Imprisonment. 

I suffered imprisonment in Mexico, two years [1568-1570] ; 
in the Contrataction House in Seville, one year 
[1571] ; in the Inquisition House, in Triana, one 
year [1572]. 

I was in the galleys, twelve years [1573-15S5]; in the 
everlasting prison remediless, with the coat with 
St. Andrew's Cross, on my back, four years 
[1585-1589]. 

And, at liberty, I served as a drudge, Hernando de Soria, 
three years [1589-1590]. 

Which is the full complement of twenty-three years?* 



Since my departure from England, until this time of my 
return ; I was five times in great danger of death, besides 
the many perils I was in, in the galleys. 

First, in the port of San juan de Ulua; where I was on 
shore \i.e., on the little island] with many others of our 
company: which were all slain, saving I and two others, 
that by swimming got aboard the Jesus of Lubeck. 

Secondly, when we were robbed by the wild Indians. 

Thirdly, after we came to Mexico, the Viceroy would 
have hanged us. 

Fourthly, because he could not have his mind to hang us ; 
he would have burnt us. 

Fifthly, the General that brought us into Spain, would have 
hanged us at sea. 



Thus having truly set down unto you, my travels, misery 
and dangers endured the space of twenty-three years, I end. 

* The exact time from the landing near Tampico, on 8th October, 
1568, to H(.)RT0P's landing at Portsmouth, on 2nd December, 1590, was 
a little over Twenty-two years. 



Thomas Sanders. 

The u7tfor tint ate Voyage of the Jesus 

to Tripoli^ in 1584. 

(This Narrative was entered at Stationers' Hail on 31st of March 15S7 {Transcript, b'c.y^ it. 
467. Bid. 1875) as a distinct pubhcation under the title of A most lameiitabU Voyage nidde into 
Turkey, &'c. ; reprint in Haklui 1 s i^'oya^es, isfay.J 

The voyage made to Tripoli in Barbary, in the year 1584, 
with a ship called the Jesus ; wherein the adventures and 
distresses of some Englishmen are truly reported, and 
other necessary circumstances observed. 



r T. Sanders 




244 The first Master& Purser are drowned. Lm^ch 1587 



His voyage was set forth [chartered] by the 
right worshipful Sir Edward Osborne, 
Knight, Chief Merchant of all the " Turkey 
Company," and one Master Richard 
Stapers; the ship being of the burden 
of 100 tons, called the Jesus. She was 
built at Farmne [ ? Fareham], a river by 
Portsmouth. The owners were Master 
Thomas Thomson, Nicholas Carnabie, and John Oilman, 
The Master (under GOD) was one Zaccheus Hellier of 
Blackwall, and his Mate was one Richard Morris of that 
place. Their Pilot was one Anthony Jerado, a Frenchman 
of the province of Marseilles. The Purser was one William 
Thomson, our owner's son. The Merchants' Factors [super- 
cargoes] were Romaine Sonnings a Frenchman, and Richard 
Skegs servant unto the said Master Stapers. . 

The owners were bound unto the merchants by charterparty 
thereupon, in 1000 marks [ = ;^333, or in present value about 
3^2000], that the said ship, by GOD's permission, should go 
for Tripoli in Barbarj' : that is to say, first from Portsmouth 
to Newhaven [Havre] in Normandy; from thence to San Lucar 
de Barrameda in Andalusia ; and from thence to Tripoli, which 
is in the east part of [the northern shore of] Africa ; and so to 
return unto London. 

But here ought every man to note and consider the works 
of our GOD ; that, many times, what man doth determine, 
GOD doth disappoint. The said Master having some occa- 
sion to go to Farmne, took with him the Pilot and the Purser; 
and returning again, by means of a perry [gust] of wind the 
boat, wherein they were, was drowned with the said Master, 
Purser, and all the company ; excepting the said Pilot, who 
by experience in swimming saved himself. These were the 
beginnings of our sorKAVs. 

After which, the said Master's Mate would not proceed in 
that voyage ; and the owner hearing of this misfortune, and 
the unwillingness of the Master's Mate, did send down one 
Richard Deimond, and shipped him for Master; who did 
choose for his Mate one Andrew Dier, and so the said ship 



iafch"l787-] The second Master dies at Havre 245 



departed on her voyaf^e accordingly. That is to say, about 
the i6th of October 1583, she made sail from Portsmouth, 
and the i8th day then next following, she arrived in Newhaven 
[Havre] ; where our said last Master, Deimond, by a surfeit, 
died. 

The Factors then appointed the said Andrew Dier, being 
then Master's Mate, to be their Master for that voyage ; who 
did choose to be his Mates, the two Quarter Masters of the 
same ship, to wit, Peter Austin and Shillabey, and for 
Purser was shipped one Richard Burges. 

Afterwards, about the 8th day of November, we made sail 
forward, and by force of weather we were driven back again 
into Portsmouth ; where we refreshed ourselves with victuals 
and other necessaries : and then the wind came fair. 

About the 2gth day then next following, we departed thence ; 
and the ist day of December, by means of a contrary wind, 
we were driven into Plymouth. 

The i8th day then next following, we made southward 
again, and by force of weather we were driven into Falmouth ; 
where we remained until the ist day of January [1584]. At 
which time the wind coming fair, we departed thence ; and 
about the 20th day of the said month we arrived safely at 
San Lucar. 

About the gth day of March next following, we made sail 
from thence ; and about the i8th day of the same month, we 
came to Tripoli in Barbary : where we were very well enter- 
tained by the King of that country, and also of the commons 
[people] . 

The commodity of that place is sweet oils. The King 
there is a merchant, and the rather (willing to prefer himself 
before his commons) requested our said Factors to traffic with 
him ; and promised them that if they should take his oils at his 
own price, they should pay no manner of custom [export duty] : 
and they took of him certain tuns of oils. Afterward per- 
ceiving that they might have far better cheap notwithstanding 
the free custom, they desired the King to licence them to 
take the oils at the pleasure of his commons, for that his 
price did exceed theirs: whereunto the King would not agree, 
but was rather contented to abate his price, insomuch that 
the Factors bought all their oils of the King, custom free, and 
so laded the same aboard. 



246 SONNINGS CHEATS DiCKENSON. [Mafc^Sy. 

In the mean time there came to that place, one Miles 
Dickenson, in a ship of Bristol ; who, together with our said 
Factors, took a house to themselves there. Our French 
Factor, Romaine Sonnings desired to buy a commodity in 
the market; and wanting money, desired the said Miles 
Dickenson to lend him an hundred chikinos \sheki?is] until 
he came to his lodging : which he did. Afterw aids the same 
Sonnings met with Miles Dickenson in the street, and 
delivered him money bound up in a napkin, saying, " Master 
Dickenson, there is the money I borrowed of you !" and so 
thanked him for the same. He doubted nothing less than 
falsehood, which is seldom known among merchants, and 
specially being together in one house ; and is the more 
detestable between Christians, they being in Turkey among 
the heathen. 

The said Dickenson did not tell [count] the money 
presently [immediately], until he came to his lodging; and 
then finding nine chikinos lacking of his hundred, which 
was about £^ { = £20 in present value), for t\ at every chikino 
is worth seven shillings of English money; he came to the said 
Romaine Sonnings, and delivered him his handkerchief, and 
asked him, " How many chikinos he had delivered him ? " 
Sonnings answered, *' An hundred." Dickenson said, 
" No ! " And so they protested, and swore on both parts. 
But in the end, the said Romaine Sonnings did swear 
deeply, with detestable oaths and curses; and prayed GOD 
that He might show His works on him that others might 
take example thereby, and that he might be hanged 
like a dog, and never come into England again ; if he 
did not deliver into the said Dickenson a hundred 
chikinos. 

And here, behold a notable example for all blasphemers, 
cursers, and swearers ! how GOD rewarded him accordingly. 
For many times it cometh to pass that GOD showeth His 
miracles upon such monstrous blasphemers, to the example 
of others ; as now hereafter you shall hear what befel to this 
Romaine Sonnings. 

There was a man in the said town, a pledge ; whose name 
was Patrone Norado; who, the year before, had done this 
Sonnings some pleasure there. The foresaid Patrone 



T. Sanders 
March 



^,58;.] SONNINGS BRINGS NORADO ON BOARD 247 



NoRADO was indebted unto a Turk of that town in the sum of 
450 crowns { = aboHt £i;^o, or in present value about ^TijOoo) for 
certain goods sent by him into Christendom in a ship of his 
own, and by his own brother ; and he himself remained in 
TripoH as a pledge until his said brother's return : and, as 
the report went there, after his brother's arrival in Chris- 
tendom, he came among lewd company, and lost his brother's 
said ship and goods at dice ; and never returned unto him 
again. 

The said Patrone Norado — being void of all hope, and 
finding now opportunity — consulted with the said Sonnings 
for to swim a seaboard the islands, and the ship being then 
out of danger, should take him in (as after was confessed); and 
so to go to Toulon, in the Province of Marseilles, with this 
Patrone Norado, and there to take in the rest of his lading. 

The ship being ready the ist day of May [1584], and 
having her sails all aboard ; our said Factors took their leave 
of the King, who very courteously bade them farewell : and 
when they came aboard, they commanded the Master and the 
company hastily to get out the ship. The Master answered 
that it was impossible, for that the wind was contrary and 
overblowed: and he required us upon forfeiture of our bonds, 
that we should do our endeavour to get her forth. Then 
went we to warp out the ship. Presently [immediately] the 
King sent a boat aboard of us, with three men in her, com- 
manding the said Sonnings to come ashore. At whose 
coming, the King demanded of him custom for the oils. 
Sonnings answered him, " that His Highness had promised 
to deliver them custom free ! " But notwithstanding, the King 
weighed not his said promise, and — as an infidel that had not 
the fear of GOD before his eyes; nor regard for his word, 
albeit he was a King — he caused the said Sonnings to pay 
the custom to the uttermost penny : and afterwards willed him 
to make haste away, saying, " that the Janissaries would 
have the oil ashore again." 

These Janissaries are soldiers there, under the Great 
Turk ; and their power is above the King's. 

So the said Factor departed from the King, and came to the 
water side, and called for a boat to come aboard. He brought 
with him the foresaid Patrone Norado. The company 
inquisitive to know what man that was, Sonnings answered, 



248TheTurks fire at the J" e sus. [Marcos': 

that he was his countryman, as passenger. " I pray GOD," 
said the company, "that we come not into trouble by this 
man." Then said Sonnings angrily, " What have you to do 
with any matters of mine ? If anything chance otherwise 
than well, I must answer for all." 

Now the Turk unto whom the Patrone Norado was in- 
debted, missing him, supposed him to be aboard of our ship ; 
presently went unto the King, and told him "that bethought 
his pledge Patrone Norado was aboard the English ship : " 
whereupon the King presently sent a boat aboard of us, with 
three men in her, commanding the said Sonnings to come 
ashore, and not speaking anything as touching the man. He 
said, " He would come presently in his own boat." But as 
soon as they were gone, he willed us to warp forth the 
ship ; and said that " he would see the knaves hanged, before 
he would go ashore." 

And when the King saw that he came not ashore, but still 
continued warping away the ship, he straight commanded the 
gunner of the bulwark to fire three shoots [rounds] without 
ball. 

Then we came all to the said Sonnings, and asked of him, 
" What was the matter that we were shot at ? " He said that 
" it was the Janissaries, who would have the oil ashore again," 
and willed us to make haste away. 

After that the King had discharged three shots without ball, 
he commanded the gunners in the tovv^n to do their endeavour 
to sink us : but the Turkish gunners could not once strike us. 
Wherefore the King sent presently to the bagnio — this bagnio 
is the prison where all the captives lay at night — and pro- 
mised that if there were any that could either sink us or else 
cause us to come in again, he should have a hundred crowns 
{ = £-^0, or in present value over £200) and his liberty. With that, 
came forth a Spaniard called Sebastian, who had been an 
old servitor in Flanders; and he said, that " upon the per- 
formance of that promise, he would undertake either to sink us 
or to cause us to come in again ; and thereto he would gage his 
life." At the first shot, he split ourrudder's head in pieces; the 
second shot, he strake us under water ; and with the third 
shot, he shot us through the foremast with a culvering shot. 
Thus he having rent both our rudder and mast, and shot us 
under water, we were enforced to go in again. 



^chtss;.] All the Crew are made Slaves 249 



T. 

March 



This Sebastian, for all his diligence herein, had neither 
his liberty, nor a hundred crowns, so promised by the King ; 
but after his service done, was committed again to prison. 
Whereby may appear the regard that a Turk or inlidel hath 
of his word, although he be able to perform it : yea more, 
though he be a King. 

Then our Merchants [i.e., Factors] seeing no remedy ; they 
together with five of our company went ashore. Then they 
ceased shooting. They shot unto us in the whole, nine and 
thirty shots ; without the hurt of any man. 

And when our Merchants came ashore, the King com- 
manded presently that they, with the rest of our company 
that were with them, should be chained four and four to an 
hundredweight of iron. When we came in with the ship, there 
came presently above a hundred Turks aboard of us. They 
searched us, and stript our very clothes from our backs, 
brake open our chests, and made a spoil of all that we had. 

The Christian caitiffs [renegadoes] likewise that came aboard 
us made spoil of our goods, and used us as ill as the Turks 
did. 

And our Master's Mate having a. " Geneva. Bible" in his 
hand ; there came the King's Chief Gunner, and took it from 
him. The Master's Mate showed me of it, and I, having the 
language, went to the King's Treasurer; and told him of it, 
saying, " that since it was the will of GOD that we should 
fall into their hands; yet that they should grant us to use our 
consciences to our own discretion, as they suffered the 
Spaniards and other nations to use theirs." He granted it 
us. Then I told him that " the Master Gunner had taken 
away a Bible from one of our men." The Treasurer went 
presently, and commanded him to deliver up the Bible again : 
which he did. 

But within a little while after, he took it from the man 
again ; and I showed the Treasurer of it, and he commanded 
him to deliver it again, saying, " Thou villain ! wilt thou turn 
to Christianity again ? " For he was renegado ; which is one 
that first was a Christian, and afterwards became a Turk. 
So he delivered me the Bible a second time. 

And then I having it in my hand, the Gunner came to me, 
and spake these words, saying, " Thou dog ! I will have the 
book in despite of thee : " and took it from me, saying, " If 



250 A STRANGE STRUGGLE FOR A BiBLE. [MaS"^;. 

thou tell the King's Treasurer of it any more, by Mahomet ! I 
will be revenged of thee ! " Notwithstanding, I went the 
third time unto the King's Treasurer, and told him of it. He 
came with me, saying thus unto the Gunner, " By the head 
of the Great Turk, if thou take it from him again; thou shalt 
have an hundred bastinados ! " Forthwith he delivered me 
the book, saying, " He had not the value of a pin of the spoil 
of the ship ! " which was the better for him, as hereafter you 
shall hear. For there was none, whether Christian or Turk, 
that took the value of a pennyworth of our goods from us, 
but perished both body and goods within seventeen months 
following ; as hereafter shall plainly appear. 

Then came the Guardian Pasha, which is the Keeper of 
the King's captives, to fetch us all ashore. Then I, remem- 
bering the miserable estate of the poor distressed captives in 
the time of their bondage to those infidels, went to mine own 
chest, and took out thereof a jar of oil and filled a basket full 
of white rusk to carry ashore with me ; but before I came to 
the bagnio, the Turkish boys had taken away almost all my 
bread ; and the Keeper said, " Deliver me the jar of oil, and 
and when thou comest to the bagnio, thou shalt have it 
again ! " but I never had it of him any more. 

But when I came to the bagnio, and saw our Merchants 
and all the rest of our company in chains ; and we all ready 
to receive the same reward : whose heart in the world is 
there so hard, but would have pitied our course ? hearing or 
seeing the lamentable greeting there was betwixt us. 

All this happened the ist of May 1584. 

And the 2nd day of the same month, the King with his 
Council [Divan] sate in judgement upon us. The first that 
were had forth to be arraigned were the Factors and the 
Master. The King asked them, " Wherefore came they not 
ashore when he sent for them?" Romaine Sonnings 
answered, that "though he were King on shore, and might 
command there ; so was he as touching those that were 
under him," and therefore said, " if there be any offence, the 
fault is wholly in myself, and in no other." Then forthwith 
the King gave judgement that the said Romaine Sonnings 
should be hanged over the north-east bulwark [rampart], from 
whence he conveyed the forenamed Patrone Norado. 



Mafch'lsS?] DiER AND SONNINGS ARE HANGED. 25 I 

Then he called for our Master, Andrew Dier, and used 
few words to him; and so condemned him to be hanged over 
the walls of the westermost bulwark. Then fell our other 
Factor, named Richard Skegs, upon his knees before the 
King, and said, " I beseech your Highness either to pardon 
our Master, or else suffer me to die for him. For he is igno- 
rant of this cause." Then the people of that country 
favouring the said Richard Skegs, besought the King to 
pardon them both. Then the King spake these words, 
" Behold, for thy sake, I pardon the Master 1 " Then pre- 
sently the Turks shouted, and cried, saying, " Away with the 
Master from the presence of the King I " Then he came into 
the bagnio where we were, and told us what had happened : 
and we all rejoiced at the good hap of Master Skegs ; that 
he was saved, and our Master for his sake. 

But afterwards our joy was turned to double sorrow, for 
in the mean time the King's mind was altered, for that 
one of his Council had advised him that unless the Master 
died also, by the law they could not confiscate the ship nor 
goods, nor captive [enslave] any of the men. Whereupon the 
King sent for our Master again, and gave him another judge- 
ment, after his pardon for one cause ; which was that he 
should be hanged. 

Here all true Christians may see what trust a Christian 
man may put in an infidel's promise ; who, being a King, 
pardoned a man now, as you have heard, and within an 
hour after hanged him for the same cause before a whole 
multitude : and also promised our Factors their oils custom 
free, and at their going away made them pay the uttermost 
penny for the custom thereof. 

When that Romaine Sonnings saw no remedy but that he 
should die ; he protested to turn Turk, hoping thereby to 
have saved his life. Then said the Turk, " If thou wilt turn 
Turk, speak the words that thereunto belong ! " And he did 
so. Then said they unto him, " Now thou shalt die in the 
faith of a Turk ! " And so he did, as the Turks reported that 
were at his execution. 

The forenamed Patrone Norado, whereas before he had 
liberty, and did nothing; he was then condemned to be a 
slave perpetually ; unless there were payment made of the 
foresaid money. 



252 Sanders's first experience as a Slave. [^uJiTt 



r T. Sanders. 

87. 



Then the King condemned us all — who were in number 
six and twenty ; of the which two were hanged, as you have 
heard, and one died the first day we came on shore by the 
visitation of Almighty GOD — the other three and twenty 
he condemned to be slaves perpetually unto the Great Turk; 
and the ship and goods were confiscated to the use of the 
Great Turk. 

Then we all fell down upon our knees, giving GOD thanks 
for this sorrowful visitation, and giving ourselves wholly to 
the almighty power of GOD ; unto whom all secrets are 
known, that He of His goodness would vouchsafe to look 
upon us. 

Here, may all true Christian hearts see the wonderful 
works of GC)D showed upon such infidels, blasphemers, and 
runnagate Christians ! and so you shall read in the end of 
this book [7iarrativc], of the like upon the unfaithful King and 
all his children, and upon as many as took any portion of the 
said goods. 

But first to show our miserable bondage and slavery, and 
unto what small pittance we were tied. Every five men had 
allowance of but five Aspers of bread in a day, which are but 
two pence English : and our lodging was to lie on the bare 
boards, with a very simple cape to cover us. We were also 
forcibly and most violently shaven, head and beard. 

Within three days after [on ^th May 1584], I and six more 
of my fellows together with four score Italians and Spaniards, 
were sent forth in a galliot to take a Greek Carmosel, 
which came into Arabia [?] to steal negroes ; and went out of 
Tripoli unto that place, which was 240 leagues thence. We 
were chained three and three to an oar, and we rowed naked 
above the girdle. The Boatswain of the galley walked abaft 
the mast, and his Mate afore the mast ; and each of them 
with a thong in their hands. When their devilish choler 
rose, they would strike the Christians for no cause. They 
allowed us but half a pound of bread a man in a day, with- 
out any other kind of sustenance, water excepted. 

And when we came to the place where we saw the Carmosel, 
we were not suffered to have either needle, bodkin, knife, or 
any other instrument about us ; nor at any other time in the 
night, upon pain of one hundred bastinados. We were then 



Mafchtss;.] Fight with a Greek Carmosel. 253 

also cruelly manacled in such sort that we could not put our 
hands the length of one foot asunder the one from the other : 
and every night, they searched our chains three times, to see 
if they were fast rivetted. 

We continued fight with the Carmosel three hours, and 
then we took it. We lost but two men in that fight, but 
there were slain of the Greeks, five ; and fourteen were 
cruelly hurt. They that were sound were presently made 
slaves, and chained to the oars : and within fifteen days after 
we returned again to Tripoli ; and then we were put to all 
manner of slavery. 

I was put to hew stones, others to carry stones, some to 
draw the cart with earth, some to make mortar, and some to 
draw stones : for at that time the Turks builded a church 
[mosque]. Thus we were put to all kind of slavery that was 
to be done. 

In the time of our being there, the Moors that are the 
husbandmen of the country, rebelled against the King, 
because he would have constrained them to pay greater 
tribute than heretofore they had done : so that the soldiers 
of Tripoli marched forth from the town to have joined battle 
against the Moors for their rebellion. The King sent with them 
four pieces of ordnance ; which were drawn by the captives 
twenty miles into the country after them. At the sight 
thereof, the Moors fled : and then the captives returned back 
again. 

Then I and certain Christians more were sent twelve 
miles into the country, with a cart to load timber; and we 
returned the same day. 

Now the King had eighteen captives which three times a 
week went to fetch wood thirty miles from the town ; and 
on a time he appointed me for one of the eighteen. We 
departed at eight o'clock in the night, and upon the way as 
we rode upon the camels, I demanded of one of our company, 
who did direct us the way ? He said, there was a Moor in 
our company which was our guide. I demanded of them 
how Tripoli and the wood bare one off the other ? He said, 
" East-north-east, and west-south-west." 

At midnight or thereabouts, as I was riding on my camel, 
I fell asleep ; and the guide and all the rest rode away from 



254 Sanders's peril in the Desert. [MafcrS?: 

me, not thinking but that I had been among them. When I 
awoke, finding myself alone, I durst not call nor halloa, for 
fear lest the wild Moors should hear me ; because they hold 
this opinion that in killing a Christian they do GOD good 
service. Musing with myself what were best for me to do. if 
I should go forth and the wild Moors should hap to meet with 
me, they would kill me ; and on the other side, if I should 
return back to Tripoli without any wood or company, I should 
be most miserably used therefore : of the two evils, rather 
did I go forth to the losing of my life, than to turn back and 
trust to their mercy, fearing to be used as before I had seen 
others. Understanding before by some of my company how 
Tripoli and the said wood did lie one off another, by the north 
star I went forth at adventure ; and, as GOD would have it, I 
came right to the place where they were, even about an hour 
before day. There all together we rested, and gave our 
camels provender ; and as soon as the day appeared, we rode 
all into the wood. I seeing no wood here, but a stick here 
and a stick there, about the bigness of a man's arm, growing 
in the sand ; it caused me to marvel how so many camels 
should be laden in that place. The wood was Juniper. We 
needed no axe nor edge tool to cut it, but pluckt it up by 
strength of hands, roots and all ; which a man might easily 
do : and so gathered it together a little at one place, and so 
at another; and laded our camels, and came home about 
seven o'clock that night following. And because I fell lame, 
and my camel was tired, I left my wood in the way. 

There was in Tripoli, at that time, a Venetian w-hose name 
was Benedetto Venetiano, and seventeen captives more of 
his company ; who ran away from Tripoli in a boat, and 
came in sight of an island called Malta, which lieth forty 
leagues right north from Tripoli. Being within a mile of 
the shore, and with very fair weather, one of their company 
said. In dispetto de DIO adesso venio a pilliar terra ; which is 
as much as to say, " In the despite of GOD, I shall now 
fetch the shore : " and presently there arose a mighty storm 
•with thunder and rain, and the wind at north. Their boat 
being very small, there were enforced to bear up room, and 
to shear right afore the wind over against the coast of 
Barbary from whence they came ; and rowing up and down 



M'Jch'lss;.] The recapture of Benedetto &:c. 255 

the coast, their victuals being spent, the twenty-first day 
after their departure they were enforced tlirough want of food 
to come ashore, thinking to have stolen some sheep. But 
the Moors of the country, perceiving their intent, very craftily 
gathered together a threescore horsemen, and hid themselves 
behind a sandy hill ; and when the Christians were come all 
ashore, and had passed up half a mile into the country; the 
Moors rode betwixt them and their boat, and some of them 
pursued the Christians. So they were all taken and brought 
to Tripoli, from whence they had before escaped. Presently 
the King commanded that the foresaid Benedetto with one 
more of his company should lose their ears, and the rest to 
be most cruelly beaten ; which was presently done. 

This King had a son, who was a ruler in an island called 
Jerbah, whereunto arrived an English ship called the Green 
Dragon, of the which was Master one Master Blonket: who 
had a very unhappy boy in that ship ; and understanding 
that whosoever would turn Turk should be well entertained 
of the King's son, this boy did run ashore, and voluntarily 
turned Turk. 

Shortly after [May 1584], the King's son came to Tripoli 
to visit his father; and seeing our company, he greatly fancied 
Richard Burges our Purser, and James Smith. They were 
both young men. Therefore he was very desirous to have 
them to turn Turks : but they would not yield to his desire, 
saying, "We are your father's slaves; and as slaves, we will 
serve him." Then his father the King sent for them, and 
asked them if they would turn Turk ? They said, " If it 
please your Highness, Christians we were born, and so we 
will remain ; " and beseeched the King that they might not 
be enforced thereunto. The King had there before, in his 
house, a son of a Yeoman of our Queen's Guard ; whom the 
King's son had enforced to turn Turk. His name was John 
Nelson. Him, the King caused to be brought to these 
young men, and then said unto them, " Will you not bear 
this your countryman company, and be Turk as he is ? " 
And they said, " They would not yield thereunto during 
life." 

But it fell out, that within a month after, the King's son 
went home to Jerbah again, being six score miles from 



256 Sanders writes home &c., for help. ["Mar^rS?! 

Tripoli ; and carried our two foresaid young men v/ith him, 
which were Richard Burges and James Smith. After 
their departure from us, they sent us a letter signifying that 
there was no violence showed to them as yet. But within 
three days after, they were violently used : for that the 
King's son Jemanded of them again, " If that they would 
turn Turk?" Then answered Richard Burges, "A 
Christian I am, and so will I remain." Then the King's son 
very angrily said unto him, " By Mahomet ! thou shalt pre- 
sently [instantly] be made Turk ! " Then called he for his 
men, and commanded them to make him Turk ; and they did 
so, and circumcised him : and would have had him speak 
the words that thereunto belonged ; but he answered them 
stoutly that he would not, and although they had put on 
him the habit of a Turk; "Yet," said he, "a Christian I 
was born, and so I will remain ; though you force me to do 
otherwise." And then he called for the other, and com- 
manded him to be made Turk perforce also ; but he was 
very strong, for it was as much as eight of the King's son's 
men could do to hold him ; so in the end they circumcised 
him, and made him Turk. 



Now to pass over a little, and so to show the manner of our 
deliverance out of that miserable captivity. 

In May [1584] aforesaid, shortly after our apprehension, I 
wrote a letter into England unto my father dwelling at 
Eaxistoke [Tavistock] in Devonshire, signifying unto him the 
whole state of our calamities ; and I wrote also to Constan- 
tinople to the English Ambassador : both of which letters were 
faithfully delivered. 

But when my father had received my letter, and understood 
the truth of our mishap and the occasion thereof, and 
what had happened to the offendors ; he certified the Right 
Honourable the Earl of Bedford thereof, who, in short space, 
acquainted Her Highness with the whole cause thereof: and 
Her Majesty, like a merciful Princess tendering her subjects, 
presently took order for our deliverance. 

Whereupon the right worshipful Sir Edward Osborne, 
Knight, directed his letters [5//^ of September 1584] with all 
speed to the English Ambassador in Constantinople to procure 



Mafch'lls?.] ^ Commission sent to free them. 257 

our delivery. He obtained the Great Turk's Commission 
[October 1584], and sent it forthwith [January 1585] to 
Tripoli by one Master Edward Barton [his Secretary], 
together with [Mahomet Beg] a Justice of the Great Turk's, 
one soldier, another Turk; and a Greek who was his Inter- 
preter, and could speak Greek, Turkish, Italian, Spanish, and 
English. 

When they came to Tripoli, they were well entertained; 
and the first night, they did lie in a captain's house in the 
town. All our company that were in Tripoli came that night 
for joy, to Master Barton and the other Commissioners 
to see them. Then Master Barton said unto us, "Welcome, 
my good countrymen ! " and lovingly entertained us; and at 
our departure from him, he gave us two shillings, and said, 
" Serve God ! for to-morrow I hope you shall be as free as 
ever you were." We all gave him thanks, and so departed. 

The next day in the morning, very early, the King having 
intelligence of their coming, sent word to the Keeper that 
" none of the Englishmen," meaning our company, " should 
go to work." 

Then he sent for Master Barton and the other Commis- 
sioners, and demanded of the said Master Barton his message. 
The Justice answered that " the Great Turk my Sovereign 
had sent them unto him, signifying that he was informed 
that a certain English ship called the Jesics was by him, the 
said King, confiscated about twelve months since ; and now 
my said Sovereign hath here sent his especial Commission by 
us unto you for the deliverance of the said ship and goods ; 
and also the free liberty and deliverance of the Englishmen 
of the said ship, whom you have taken and kept in captivity." 
And further the same Justice said, " I am authorised by my 
said Sovereign the Great Turk to see it done ; and therefore 
I command you by virtue of this Commission presently to 
make restitution of the premises or the value thereof." So 
did the Justice deliver unto the King, the Great Turk's 
Commission to the effect aforesaid ; which Commission the 
King with all obedience perused. 

After the perusing of the same, he forthwith commanded 

all the English captives to be brought before him ; and then 

willed the Keeper to strike off all our irons. Which done, the 

King said, " You Englishmen ! for that you did offend the 

I. R 4 



258 Eleven Survivors are set free. [Mafch"^^ 

laws of this place : by the same laws therefore, some of your 
company were condemned to die, as you know; and you to 
be perpetual captives during your lives. Notwithstanding, 
seeing it hath pleased my Sovereign Lord the Great Turk to 
pardon your said offences, and to give you your freedom and 
liberty; behold, here I make delivery of you to this English 
gentleman 1 " So he delivered us all that were there, being 
thirteen [or rather eleven] in number, to Master Barton : who 
required also those two young men which the King's son had 
taken with him. Then the King answered that " it was against 
their law to deliver them, for that they had turned Turks." 
And touching the ship and goods, the King said that " he had 
sold her; but would make restitution of the value, and as 
much of the goods as came unto his hands." So the King 
arose, and v/ent to dinner; and commanded a Jew to go 
with Master Barton and the other Commissioners to show 
them their lodging, which was a house provided and appointed 
them by the said King. And because I had [knew] the Italian 
and Spanish tongues, by which most of their traffic in that 
country is; Master Barton made me his cater [caterer] to buy 
his victuals for him and his company, and delivered me money 
needful for the same. Thus were we set at liberty the 28th 
day of April 1585. 

Now to return to the King's plagues and punishments: 
which Almighty GOD at His will and pleasure, sendeth upon 
men, in the sight of the world; and likewise of the plagues 
that befel his children and others aforesaid. 

First, when we were made bondmen, being the 2nd day 
of May 1584, the King had 300 captives ; and before the 
month was expired, there died 150 of them of the plague. And 
whereas there were twenty-six men of our company ; of whom 
two were hanged, and one died the same day that we were 
made bondslaves : that present month there died of the 
plague, nine [? te}i]movQ of our company; and other two were 
forced to turn Turks, as is before rehearsed. 

On the 4th day of June next following, the King lost 150 
camels, which were taken from him by the wild Moors. 

On the 28th day of the said month of June, one Geoffrey 
Maltese, a renegado of Malta, ran away to his country ; 
and stole a brigantine which the King had buildedfor to take 



LShtss;.] The Janissaries kill the King. 259 

Christians withal : and carried with him twelve Christians 
more, which were the King's captives. 

Afterwards about the loth day of July next following, the 
King rode forth upon the greatest and fairest mare that might 
be seen, as white as any swan. He had not ridden forty 
paces from his house, but on a sudden the same mare fell 
down under him stark dead : and I with six more were 
commanded to bury her, skin, shoes, and all; which we 
did. 

And about three months after our delivery [i.e., July 1585], 
Master Barton with all the residue of his company, de- 
parted from Tripoli for Zante, in a vessel called a Settee, 
of one Marcus Segoorus who dwelt in Zante. After our 
arrival at Zante, we remained fifteen days aboard our vessel 
before we could have platcgo, that is, leave to come ashore ; 
because the plague was in that place from whence we came. 

About three days after we came ashore, thither came 
another Settee of Marseilles bound for Constantinople. Then 
did Master Barton and his company, with two more of our 
Company, ship themselves as passengers in the same Settee; 
and went to Constantinople. 

But the other nine of us that remained in Zante, about 
three months after, shipped ourselves in a ship of the said 
Marcus Segoorus, which came to Zante, and was bound 
for England. 

In which three months, the soldiers of Tripoli killed the 
said King. Then the King's son, according to the custom 
there, went to Constantinople to surrender up all his father's 
treasure, goods, captives, and concubines unto the Great 
Turk: and took with him our said Purser Richard Burges, 
and James Smith ; and also the other two Englishmen which 
he, the King's son, had enforced to become Turks, as is afore- 
said. 

And they, the said Englishmen, finding now some oppor- 
tunity, concluded with the Christian captives which were 
going with them unto Constantinople, being in number about 
150, to kill the King's son and all the Turks which were on 
board the galley : and privily the said Englishmen conveyed 
unto the said Christian captives weapons for that purpose. 



26o Surpassing courage of four Englishmen. [MLfc^JsT. 

And when they came into the main sea, toward Constanti- 
nople, upon the faithful promise of the said Christian captives, 
these four Englishmen leaped suddenly into the crossia, that is, 
into the midst of the galley where the cannon lieth, and with 
their swords drawn, did fight against all the foresaid Turks : 
but for want of help from the said Christian captives, who 
falsely brake their promises, the said Master Blonket's boy 
and [John Nelson] the other Englishman were killed ; and 
the said James Smith and our Purser Richard Burges 
were taken, and bound in chains, to be hanged at their 
arrival in Constantinople. 

And as the LORD'S will was, about two days after, 
passing through the Gulf of Venice, at an island called 
Cephalonia, they met with two of the Doge of Venice's 
galleys ; which took that galley, and killed the King's son, 
his mother, and all the Turks that were there, 150 in 
number. They saved the Christian captives ; and would 
have killed the two Englishmen, because they were circum- 
cised and become Turks ; had not the other Christian 
captives excused them, saying that " they were enforced to 
be Turks by the King's son," and showed the Venetians also 
how they did enterprise at sea to fight all the Turks, and that 
their two fellows were slain in that fight. Then the Vene- 
tians saved them ; and they, with all the residue of the said 
captives (which were in number 150 or thereabouts), had their 
liberty : and the said galley and all the Turks' treasure was 
confiscated to the use of the State of Venice. 

From thence, our two Englishmen travelled homeward by 
land. 

In this mean time, one more of our company died at Zante, 
and afterwards the other eight shipped themselves at Zante 
in a ship of the said Marcus Segoorus, which was bound 
for England. Before we departed thence, there arrived the 
Ascension and the George Bonavcntnre of London, in Cepha- 
lonia ; in a harbour there called Argostoli ; whose Merchants 
[supercargoes] agreed with the Merchant of our ship, and so 
laded all the merchandise of our ship into the said ships of 
London ; who took us eight also in as passengers. So we 
came home. 

And within two months after our arrival at London, our 



Marchess;.] THANKSGIVINGS. 26r 

said Purser Richard Burges and his fellow came home 
also. 

For all which, we are bound to praise Almighty GOD during 
our lives ; and as duty bindeth us, to pray for the preservation 
of our most gracious Queen, for the great care Her Majesty 
had over us her poor subjects, in seeking and procuring our 
deliverance aforesaid; and also for her honourable Privy 
Council. And I especially for the prosperity and good estate 
of the house of the late deceased the Right Honourable 
[Francis Russell] the Earl of Bedford [d. 1585] ; whose 
Honour, I must confess, most diligently, at the suit of my 
father now departed, travailed herein ; for the which I rest 
continually bounden to his ; whose soul, I doubt not, but is 
already in the heavens in joy, with the Almighty. Unto which 
place. He vouchsafe to bring us all, that for our sins suffered 
most vile and shameful death upon the cross : there to live 
perpetually, world without end. Amen. 




John Chilton. 
Travels in Mexico, 1568 — 1585 a.d. 

[Hakluyt. Voyages. 1589.] 

A notable Discourse of Master John Chilton, touching the 
people, manners, mines, cities, riches, torces, and other 
memorable things of the West Indias; seen and noted 
by himself in the time of his travels, continued in those 
parts the space of seventeen or eighteen years. 

These travels also refer to Sir John Hawkins's disaster at San Juan 
de Ulna. 



264 Chilton's arrival at Vera Cruz, [•^•j'^^'ge: 



N THE year of our Lord 1561, in the month of 
July, I, John Chilton, went out of this city 
of London into Spain ; where I remained for 
the space of seven years : and from thence, I 
sailed into New Spain, and so travelled there, 
and by the South Sea [Pacific] into Peru, the 
space of seventeen or eighteen years. 

After that time expired, I returned into 
Spain ; and so, in the year 1586, in the month of July, I 
arrived at the foresaid city of London : where perusing the 
notes which I had taken in the time of my travel in those 
years, I have set down, as foUoweth. 




In the year 1568, in the month of March, being desirous 
to see the world, I embarked myself in the Bay of Cadiz, in 
Andalusia, in a ship bound for the isles of the Canaries ; 
where she took in her lading, and set forth from thence for 
the voyage, in the month of June the same year. 

Within a month after, we fell with the isle of Santo 
Domingo ; and from thence, sailing directly to New Spain, 
we came into the port of San Juan de Ulua [about two months 
before Hawkins's arrival at the same port on September 16, 1568 : 
sre Vol. I. pp. 96-8, and the following description probably describes 
the island as Sir John found it] : which is a little island stand- 
ing in the sea, about two miles [?] from the land : where the 
King maintaineth about 50 soldiers, and Captains, that keep 
the forts ; and about 150 Negroes, who, all the year long, are 
occupied in carrying stone for building and other uses, and 
to help to make fast the ships that come in there with their 
cables. There are two Bulwarks [batteries], 2i\. each end of a 
wall, that standeth likewise in the said island ; where the 
ships use [are accustomed ] to ride, made fast to the said wall 
with their cables; so near, that a man may leap ashore. 

From this port, I journeyed by land to a town called Vera 
Cruz, standing by a river's side : where all the Factors of the 
Spanish merchants dwell, which receive the goods of such 
ships as come thither ; and also lade the same with such 
treasure and merchandize as they return back into Spain. 



^■y^i'sse.] The Tlascalan tax of a handful of wheat 265 

They are in numl^er, about 400 : who only remain here during 
the time that the Spanish Fleet dischargeth and is ladenecl 
again ; which is from the end of August, to the beginning of 
April following : and then, for the unwholesomeness of the 
place, they depart thence sixteen miles further up within the 
country, to a town called Xalapa [see page 213], a very 
healthful soil. 

There is never any woman delivered of child in this town ; 
for so soon as they perceive themselves conceived with child, 
they get them up into the country, to avoid the peril of the 
infected air: although they use [are accustomed], every morn- 
ing, to drive through the town, about 2,000 head of cattle, to 
take away the ill vapours of the earth. 

From Xalapa, seven leagues, I came to another place 
named Perota; wherein are certain houses built of straw, 
called by the name of Ventz : the inhabitants whereof are 
Spaniards, who accustom to harbour such travellers as are 
occasioned to journey that way, up into the land. It standeth 
in a great wood of pine and cedar trees ; the soil being very 
cold, by reason of store of snow, which lieth on the mountains 
there, all the year long. There are in that place, an infinite 
number of deer, of highness like unto great mules, having 
also horns of great length. 

From Perota, nineleagues, I came to the fo[u]ntsof Ozumba ; 
which fo[u]nts are springs of water issuing out of certain 
rocks into the midst of the highway : where likewise are 
certain ranges ; and houses for the uses before mentioned. 

Eight leagues off, from this place, I came to the City of 
Angels [Pttebla de los Angeles], so called by that name, of the 
Spaniards ; who inhabit there to the number of 1,000, besides 
a great number of Indians. This city standeth in very plain 
fields, having near adjoining to it many sumptuous cities: 
as, namely, the city of Tlascala, a city of 200,000 Indians, 
tributary to the King [of Spain] ; although he exacteth no 
other tribute of them than a handful of wheat a piece, 
which amounteth to 13,000 hannegas [2,600 English Quarters] 
yearly, as appeareth by the King's Books of Account. And 
the reason why he contenteth himself with this tribute only 
from them, is because they were the occasion that he took 
the city of Mexico : with which, the Tlascalans had war at 
the same time that the Spaniards came into the country. 



266 The Mexican Indians taxed at 12s. each, p-j'^'^^jsg; 

The Governor of this city is a Spaniard, called among them 
Alcade Major, who administereth chiefest causes of justice, 
both unto the Christians and Indians ; referring smaller and 
lighter vices, as drunkenness and such like, to the judgement 
and discretion of such of the Indians as are chosen, ever}^ 
year, to rule amongst them, and called by the name of 
Alcades. 

These Indians [at Puchla de los Anf:;elcs], from fourteen 
years old and upwards, pay unto the King for their yearly 
tribute one ounce of silver [tJie Peso = 6s. 8d. (or in present 
value 53i".); see pp. 105, 320] and a hannega \^th of an 
English Quarter] of maise, which is valued among them com- 
monly at 12 Rials of Plate [or silver = 6s. {or in present value 
48s.)]. The widows among them pay half of this. 

The Indians both of this city, and of the rest lying about 
Mexico, go clothed with mantles of linen cloth made of cotton 
wool, painted throughout with works of divers and fine 
colours. 

Distant from the City of the Angels, four leagues to the 
northward, and fourteen from Mexico; there is another city 
called Cholula, consisting of more than 60,000 Indians, 
tributaries : and there dwelleth not above twelve Spaniards 
there. 

From it, about two leagues, there is another called 
Acassingo, of about 5,000 Indians, and eight or twelve 
Spaniards ; which standeth at the foot of the Volcano of 
Mexico [Popocatepetl]. 

There are besides these, three other great cities, the one 
named Tepeaca, a very famous city; Huexot2inco, and 
Tetzmellocan. 

All these, in times past, belonged to the kingdom Tlascala: 
and from these cities they bring all their cochineal into Spain. 



The distance from the City of the Angels to the city of 
Mexico is twenty leagues. This city, Mexico, is the city 
of greatest fame in all the Indias : having goodly and 
costly houses in it, built all of lime and stone; and seven 
streets in length, and seven in breadth, with rivers running 
through every second street, by which they bring their pro- 
visions in canoes. 



^■?^i5S6.] First trip to New Biscay in 1569.267 

It is situated at the foot of certain hills, which contain in 
compass by estimation above twenty leagues, compassing 
the said city on the one side ; and a lake, which is fourteen 
leagues about, on the other side. Upon which lake, there 
are built many notable and sumptuous cities, as the city of 
Tescuco : where the Spaniards built six frigates at that time 
when they conquered Mexico; and where also Hernando 
Cortes made his abode five or six months, in curing of the 
sickness of his people, which they had taken at their coming 
into the country. There dwell in this city about 60,000 
Indians, which pay tribute to the King. 

In this city [Mexico] the said Hernando built the finest 
Church that ever was built in the Indias; the name whereof 
is St. Peter's. 



After I had continued six months in this city; being 
desirous to see farther the countries, I employed [invested] 
that which I had, and took my voyage [in 1569] towards the 
Provinces of the California: in the which was discovered a 
certain country by a Biscayan, whose name was Diego de 
GuiARA, and called it after the name of his country, New 
Biscay ; where I sold my merchandise for exchange of silver, 
for there were there certain rich mines discovered by the 
aforesaid Biscayan. 

Going from Mexico, I directed my voyage towards the 
south-west, to certain mines called Tamalxaltepec ; and so 
travelled forward, the space of twenty days, through desert 
uninhabited places, till I came to the Valley of St. Bar- 
tholomew, which joineth to the province of New Biscay. In 
all these places, the Indians are for the most part naked, and 
are wild people. Their common armour is bows and arrows. 
They use [are accustomed] to eat up such Christians as they 
come by. 

At my return to Mexico, I came along by the coast of the 
South Sea, through the Province of Zacatula; from thence in 
the Province of Coloa : where I employed the silver that I had 
in a certain grain growing like an almond, called among the 
Indians Cacao [Cocoa beans] which in New Spain is current 
for money, to buy things of small value, as fruits, &c. ; fof 
they have no sm ill money there ; and in which, also, they pay 



268 Chilton loses igoo ducats by Drake, p^^^'ss": 

the King his tribute. They grind this grain to a powder, and 
mingle it with water ; and so is made both bread and drink 
to them; which is a provision of great profit and good 
strength. 

From thence departing, I came to another province named 
Xalisco, and from thence to the port of Navidad which is 
sixty-six leagues from Mexico. In which port arrive, always 
in the month of April, all the ships that come out of the South 
Sea, from China and the Philippines ; and there they lay 
their merchandise ashore : the most part whereof is mantles 
made of cotton wool, wax, and fine platters gilt made of earth, 
and much gold. 

The next summer following, being in the year 1570, which 
was the first year that the Pope's Bulls were brought into 
the Indias ; I undertook another voyage towards the Province 
of Sonsonate, which is in the kingdom of Guatemala ; whither 
I carried divers merchandise of Spain, all by land on mules' 
backs. The way thitherward, from Mexico, is to the City of 
the Angels ; and from thence to another city of Christians, 
eighty leagues off, called Guaxaca, in which there dwelt about 
fifty Spaniards and many Indians. All the Indians of this 
Province pay their tribute in mantles of cotton wool, and 
cochineal, whereof there groweth great abundance about this 
country. 

Near to this place, there lieth a port in the South Sea, 
called Aquatulca [Acapiilco] : in which there dwelleth not 
above three or four Spaniards, wdth certain Negroes which 
the King maintaineth there. In which place, Sir Francis 
Drake arrived in the year 1579, in the month of April [see 
Vol. I. pp. 206-8] : where I lost with his being there, about 
1,000 ducats* [=;£'275 =now aboitt £2,200] : which he took 
away, with much other of goods of other merchants of Mexico, 
from one Franciso Gomes Rangifa, Factor there, for all the 
Spanish merchants that then traded in the South Sea. For 
from this port, they use to embark all their goods that go for 
Peru, and to the kingdom of Honduras. 

From Guaxaca, I came to a town named Nixapa, which 

* This loss was subsequent to the conclusion of Chilton's narrative 
of his personal adventures ; which ends with his journey to Yucatan. 



■^'t^iss";] Hawkins's brass piece at Teiiuantepec. 269 

standeth upon certain very high hills in the Province of 
Zapatecos, wherein inhahit about the number of twenty 
Spaniards by the King of Spain's commandment, to keep 
that country in peace ; for that the Indians are very rebel- 
lious : and for this purpose he bestoweth on them the towns 
and cities that be within that Province. 

From hence, I went to a city called Tehuantepec, which 
is the furthest town to the eastward in all New Spain, 
which sometime did belong to [Hernando Cortes] the 
Marquis de la Valle : and because it is a very fit port, 
standing in the South Sea, the King of Spain, upon a re- 
bellion [!] made by the said Marquis against him, took it from 
him, and doth now possess it as his own. 

Here, in the year 1572, I saw a piece of ordnance of brass, 
called a Demi-Culverin, which came out of a ship called the 
Jrsns of Lubeck [See Vol. I. pp. 93, lOi, 115-126], which 
Captain HAWKINS left in San Juan de Ulua, being in fight 
with the Spaniards, in the year 1568, which piece they 
afterward carried a hundred leagues by land, over mighty 
mountains, to the said city, to be embarked for the Philippines. 

Leaving TehuantepLC, I went still along by the South Sea, 
about 150 leagues, in the desolate Province of Soconusco : in 
which Province there groweth Cacao, which the Christians 
carry from thence into New Spain ; for that it will not grow 
in any cold country. The Indians of this country pay the 
King their tribute in Cacao, giving him 400 Cargas (every 
Carge is 2,400 almonds) which Carge is worth in Mexico, 30 
pieces of Rials of Plate [15s. ( = ;^6 noiv)]. They are men of 
great riches, and withal very proud : and in all this Province 
throughout, there dwell not twenty Christians. 

I travelled through another Province called Suchetepec, 
and thence to the Province of Guasacapan, in both of which 
Provinces are very few people ; the biggest town therein 
having not above 200 Indians. The chiefest merchandise 
there is Cacao. 

Hence, I went to the city of Guatemala, which is the 
chief city of all this Kingdom. In this city, do inhabit about 
eighty Spaniards : and here the King hath his Governors 
and Council, to whom all the people of the kingdom repair 
for justice. This city standeth from the coast of the South 
Sea, fourteen leagues within the land, and is very rich, 



270 Second trip, in 1570-71, to Guatemala, [J-j^'^'Jjg"; 

by reason of the gold that they fetch out of the coast of 
Veragua. 

From this city, to the Eastward, sixty leagues, hath the 
Province of Sonsonate ; where I sold the merchandise I 
carried out of New Spain. The chiefest city of this Province 
is San Salvador, which hath seven leagues from the coast of 
the South Sea, and hath a port lying by the sea coast, 
called Acaxutla, where the ships arrive with the merchandise 
they bring from New Spain ; and from thence, lade back the 
Cacao. There dwell there to the number of sixty Spaniards. 

From Sonsonate, I travelled to Nicoya, which is the 
Kingdom of Nicaragua. In which port, the King buildeth 
all the shipping that travel out of the Indies to the Moluccas. 

I went forward from thence to Costa Rica, where the 
Indians, both men and women, go all naked ; and the land 
lieth between Panama and the Kingdom of Guatemala. 

And for that the Indians there, live as warriors, I durst 
not pass by land : so that here, in a town called San Salvador, 
I bestowed that which I carried in anil [indigo], which is a 
kind of thing to dye blue withal, which I carried with me 
to the port of Cavallos [see Vol. I. p. 213, at present, called 
Puerto Cortes or Cabcllos], lying in the Kingdom of Honduras: 
which port is a mighty huge river ; and at the coming in 
of the one side of it, there lieth a town of little force, without 
ordnance or any other strength, having in it houses of straw. 
At which town, the Spaniards use yearly, in the month of 
August, to unlade four ships which come out of Spain laden 
with rich merchandise, and receive in again here, a kind of 
merchandise called anil, cochineal (although it be not of such 
value as that of New Spain), silver of the mines of Toma 
Angua, gold of Nicaragua, hides, and salsaparilla the best in 
all the Indies. All which merchandise they return [take back], 
and depart from thence always in the month of April following 
[Chilton evidently went this voyage in April, 1571], taking their 
course by the island of Jamaica : in which island, there dwell 
on the west side of it certain Spaniards of no great number. 
From this place, they go to Cape St. Antonio ; which is the 
uttermost part of the westward of the isle of Cuba. 

And from thence, to Havanna, lying hard by ; which is the 
chiefest port that the King of Spain hath in all the countries 
of the Indies, and of greatest importance. For all the ships 



■'■?^*'S6:] Honduras, Havanna, and Peru; and back 271 

from Peru, Honduras, Porto Rico, Santo Domingo, Jamaica, 
and all other places in his Indies, arrive there, on then- 
return to Spain; for that in this port, they take in victuals 
and water, and the most part of their lading. Here they 
meet from all the foresaid places, always in the beginning of 
May, by the King's commandment. At the entrance of 
this port, it is so narrow that there can scarce come in two 
ships together ; although it be above six fathoms deep in 
the narrowest place of it. 

In the north side of the coming in, there standeth a tower, 
in which there watcheth every day a man to descry the sail 
of ships which he can see on the sea : and as many as he 
discovereth, so many banners he setteth upon the tower, 
that the people of the town (which standeth within the port 
about a mile from the tower) may understand thereof. [See 
Vol. II. p. 98,/^;;- a similar arrangetnott at Terccira.\ 

Under this tower, there lieth a sandy shore, where men 
may easily go aland : and by the tower, there runneth a hill 
along by the water's side ; which easily, with small store of 
ordnance, subdueth the town and port. The port within is 
so large, that there may easily ride a thousand sail of ships, 
without anchor or cable : for no wind is able to hurt them. 

There inhabit within the town of Havanna, about 300 
Spaniards, and about sixty soldiers ; which the King main- 
taineth there, for the keeping of a certain castle which he 
hath of late erected, which hath planted in it about twelve 
pieces of small ordnance. It is compassed round with a small 
ditch, wherethrough, at their pleasure, they may let in the sea. 

About two leagues from Havanna, there lieth another town 
called Guanabacoa, in which there are dwelling about 100 
Indians : and from this place sixty leagues, there lieth 
another town named Bahama, situated on the north side of 
the island. The chiefest city of this island of Cuba, which 
is above 200 miles in length, is also called Cuba [Santiago 
de Cuba] ; where dwelleth a Bishop and about 200 Spaniards : 
which town standeth on the south side of the island about 
a hundred leagues from Havanna. 

All the trade of this island is cattle ; which they kill only 
for the hides that are brought thence into Spain. For which 
end, the Spaniards maintain there many negroes to kill their 
cattle : and foster [breed] a great number of hogs, which 



272 Returning by Guatemala, to Mexico. p-?*^^iS: 

being killed and cut into small pieces, they dry in the sun; 
and so make provision for the ships which come for Spain. 

Having remained in this island two months, I took shipping 
[ ? in July, 1571] in a frigate [hrigantine], and went over to 
Nombre de Dios ; and from thence by land to Panama, which 
standeth upon the South Sea. From Nombre de Dios to 
Panama is seventeen leagues [see Vol. II. pp. 232, 270-3], 
From which town \Nombre\ there runneth a river, which is 
called the Ri\ er of Chagres, which runneth [up] within five 
leagues of Panama, to a place called [Venta de] Cruzes: by 
which river they carry their goods and disembark it at the said 
Cru;^es ; and from thence it is conveyed on mules' backs to 
Panama by land : where they again embark it, in certain 
small ships, in the South Sea for all the coast of Peru. In 
one of these ships, I went to [started for] Potosi, and from 
thence by land to Cuzco, and from thence to Paita. Here 
I remained the space of seven months. 

I then returned towards the Kingdom of Quatemala ; and 
arrived in the Provinces of Nicoya and Nicaragua. 

From Nicaragua, I travelled by land to a Province called 
Nicamula, which lieth towards the North Sea [Gulf of 
Mexico] in certain high mountains : for that I could not pass 
through the kingdom of Quatemala at that time, for the 
waters wherewith all the low countries of the Province of 
Soconusco, lying by the South Sea, are drowned with the 
rain that falleth above in the mountains, enduring always 
from April to September ; which season for that cause they 
call their winter. 

From this Province, I came into another called Vera 
Paz ; in which the chiefest city is also called after that name, 
where there dwelleth a Bishop, and about forty Spaniards. 
Among the mountains of this country towards the North 
Sea, there is a Province called La Candoiia, where are Indian 
men of war which the King cannot subdue : for they have 
towns and forts in a great lake of water above, in the said 
mountains. The most part of them go naked, and some 
wear mantles of cotton wool. 

Distant from this, about eighty leagues, I came into an- 
other Province, called the Province of Chiapa ; wherein the 
chiefest city is called Zacatlan [CiudadReal] : where dwelleth 
a Bishop and about a hundred Spaniards. In this country 



^■?^'"i5S6.] Third TRIP, i572-3,roTAMPico & ZACATECAS273 

there is great store of cotton wool ; whereof the Indians make 
fine linen cloth, which the Christians buy and carry into New 
Spain. The people of this Province pay their tribute to the 
King all in cotton wool and feathers. 

Fourteen leagues from this city, there is another city 
called Chiapa; where are the finest gennets in all the Indies, 
which are carried hence to Mexico, 300 leagues from it. 

From this city, I travelled still [going now soutJiward] 
through hills and mountains till I came to the end of this 
Province, to a hill called Ecatepec, which in English signi- 
fieth, the " Hill of Wind " : for that they say it is the highest 
hill that was ever discovered, for from the top of it may be 
discovered both the North and South Seas ; and it is in heij;ht 
supposed to be nine leagues. They which travel over it, lie 
always at the foot of it overnight, and begin their journey 
about midnight to travel to the top of it before the sunrise 
of the next day : because the wind bloweth with such force 
afterwards, that it is impossible for any man to go up. 

From the foot of this hill to Tehuantepec, the first town 
of New Spain, is about fifteen leagues. And so from thence, I 
journeyed to Mexico. 

By and by, after I came to Mexico, which was in the year 
1572 ; in the company of another Spaniard, who was my 
companion in this journey [to Peru and back] ; we went to- 
gether toward the Province of Panuco which lieth upon the 
coast of the North Sea. 

Within three days' journey, we entered a city called Mez- 
titlan, where there dwelt twelve Spaniards. The Indian 
inhabitants there were about 30,000. This city standeth in 
certain high mountains, which are very thick planted with 
trees; very wholesome and fruitful, having plentiful fountains 
of water running through them. The highways of these hills 
are all set with fruits and most pleasant trees of divers kinds. 
In every town, as we passed through, the Indians presented 
us with victuals. 

Within twenty leagues of this place, there is another city, 
called Tlanchinoltepec, belonging to a gentleman, where 
there inhabit about 40,000 Indians : and there are among 
them, eight or nine Friars of the order of Saint Augustine, 
who have there a monastery. 

I. S 4 



274C HILTON 41 DAYS SICK AT PaNUCO. Pj^i386; 

Within three days after, we departed from this place, and 
came to a city called Guaxutla; where there is another 
Monastery of Friars of the same order. There dwell in this 
town about twelve Spaniards. 

From this place forwards, beginneth a Province called 
Guastecan ; which is all plain grounds without any hills. 
The first town we came unto is called Tanguilabe, in which 
there dwell many Indians high of stature, having all their 
bodies painted with blue, and wear their hair long down to 
their knees, tied as women used to do with their hairlaces. 
When they go out of their doors, they carry with them their 
bows and arrows, being very great archers : going for the 
most part naked. 

In those countries, they take neither gold nor silver for 
exchange of anything; but only salt: which they greatly 
esteem, and use it as a principal medicine for certain v/orms 
which breed in their lips and in their gums. 

After nine days* travel from this place, we came to a town 
called Tampico, which is a port town upon the sea ; wherein 
there dwell, I think, forty Christians : of which number, 
whilst we abode there, the Indians [Chichimics] killed four- 
teen, as they were gathering salt ; which is all the trade that 
they have in this place. It standeth upon the entry of the 
river of Panuco, which is a mighty great river : and were it 
not for a sand that lieth at the mouth of it, ships of 500 
tons might go up into it above threescore leagues. 

From hence, we went to Panuco, fourteen leagues from 
Tampico ; which in times past had been a goodly city, where 
the King of Spain had his Governor : but by reason that the 
Indians [Chichimics] there destroyed the Christians, it lieth 
in a manner waste, containing in it not above ten Christians, 
with a priest. 

In this town, I fell sick : where I lay forty-one days, having 
no other sustenance than fruit and water : which water I sent 
for, about six leagues off within the country. Here I remained 
till my companion came to me, who had departed from 
me another way; I having kept in my company only a slave 
which I brought with me from Mexico : and the last day in 
Easter week [1572 or 1573], my companion came to me, 
finding me in a very weak state, by reason of the unwhole- 
someness of the place. 



^'t^^'iS.] Nearly eaten by the Chichimic Indians. 275 

Notwithstanding my weakness, I being set on a horse and 
an Indian behind me to hold me ; we went forward in our 
voyage all that day till night. 

The next day, in the morning, we passed over the river in 
a canoe : and being on the other side, I went myself before 
alone ; and by reason there met many ways trailed by the 
wild beasts, I lost my way : and so travelled through a great 
wood about two leagues ; and at length fell into the hands 
of certain wild Indians [ChicJiijiiics], which were in certain 
cottages made of straw. Who seeing me, came out, to the 
number of twenty of them, with their bows and arrows : 
and spake unto me in their language; which I understood 
not. 

So I made signs unto them to help me from my horse ; 
which they did, by commandment of their lord [chief] which 
was there with them: and [a] lighted down, they carried me 
under one of their cottages, and laid me upon a mat on the 
ground. 

Perceiving that I could not understand them, they brought 
unto me a little Indian wench, of Mexico, of fifteen or sixteen 
years of age ; whom they commanded to ask me in her 
language, from whence I came, and for what intent I am 
among them ? " For," said she, " dost thou not know. 
Christian ! how that these people will kill and eat thee ? " 

To whom I answered, " Let them do with me, what they 
will ! here now I am ! " 

She replied, saying, " Thou mayst thank GOD thou art 
lean ! for they do fear thou hast the [small] pox, otherwise 
they would eat thee ! " 

So I presented to the King [cacique or chiefs a little wine, 
which I had with me in a bottle ; which he esteemed above 
any treasure : for for wine they will sell their wives and 
children. 

Afterwards the wench asked me, " What I would have, 
and whether I would eat anything ? " 

I answered that " I desired a little water to drink, fc/r that 
the country is very hot! " 

She brought me a great gilded Venice glass full of 
water. Marvelling at the glass, I demanded, " How they 
came by it ? " 

She told me that " the Caique brought it from Shallapa 



276 On the march from Panuco to Zacatecas. p^^^S; 

[? Jalapa], a town on the hills distant from this place thirty 
leagues; whereas dwelt certain Christians and certain Friars 
jf the order of St. Augustine : which this Caique with his 
people, on a night, slew ; and burning the Friars' Monastery, 
among other things, reserved this glass ; and from hence also 
brought me." 

Having now been conversant with them, three or four 
hours, they bid her ask me, " if I would go my way ? " 

I answered her that " I desired nothing else." 

So the Caique caused two of the Indians to lead me for- 
ward in my way, going before me, with their naked bows and 
arrows, the space of three leagues, till they brought me to a 
highway : and then making a sign to me, they signified that 
in a short time, I should come to a town where Christians 
inhabited ; which was called Santiago de las Villas, standing 
in the plain fields, walled about with a mud wall. The num- 
ber of Christians that dwelt therein were not above four or 
five and twenty : unto which the King of Spain giveth Indians 
and towns, to keep the country subject unto him. 

Here the Christians have their mighty mules, with which 
they carry to all parts of the Indies, and into Peru : for all 
their merchandise is carried by land by this means. 

In this town aforesaid, I found my company [his Spanish 
friend, &c.'] which I had lost before ; who made no other 
account of me but that I had been slain. And the Christians 
there likewise marvelled to hear that I came from those kind 
of Indians alive : which was a thing never seen, nor heard of 
before. For they take great pride in killing a Christian, and 
to wear any part of him where he hath any hair growing 
[e.g., the scalp], hanging it about their necks, and so are 
accounted for valiant men. 

In this town, I remained eighteen days, till I recovered 
my health. In the mean space, there came one Don 
Francisco DE Pago, whom the Viceroy, Don Henrico Manri- 
QUES, had sent, for Captain General, to open and discover a 
certain way from the seaside to the mines of Zacatecas, 
which is from this place 160 leagues ; for to transport 
their merchandise that way : and to leave the way by Mexico, 
which is seven or eight months' travel. 

So this Captain took me and my company [his slave, 



•^■/^''isse.'] Fourth trip, to Campeche and Yucatan. 277 

Spanish friend, &c.] with the rest of his soldiers, to the num- 
ber of forty, which he had brought with him, and 500 Indians 
which we took out of two towns in this Province called 
Tanchipa and Tamadelipa, all good archers and naked men ; 
and went thence to the river de las Pal mas [ ? Rio Satandcr] 
of great bigness, parting the kingdom of New Spain and 
Florida. 

Going still along by this river the space of three days, seek- 
ing a passage to pass over and finding none : we were at length 
enforced to cut timber to make a haha [raft] which when we 
had made, we sat on it, and the Indians swimming in the 
water and thrusting it before them to the other side. 

Within thirty days after, after travelling through woods, 
hills, and mountains, we came to the mines of Zacatecas : 
which are the richest mines in all the Indies, and from 
thence they fetch most silver. In which mines, there dwelt 
above 300 Christians. 

There, our Captain gave us leave to depart. So we came 
to the Valley of Saint Michael, toward Mexico; and from 
thence to Puebla Neuva. 

And from that place, to the Province of Mechuacan (after 
which name, the chiefest city of that place is called, where 
dwell a Bishop and above a hundred Spaniards in it). It 
aboundeth w^ith all kinds of Spanish fruits, and hath woods 
full of nut trees and wild vines. Here are many mines of 
copper, and great store of cattle. It lieth sixty leagues from 
Mexico (whither we came within four days after). The 
Indians of this country are very mighty and big men. 



Afterwards, I returned another way, to the Province of Son- 
sonate, by Vera Cruz; and so to the Rio Alvarado ; and from 
thence to the Province of Campeche [now Yucatan], which 
lieth on the south side of the Bay of Mexico. The chief town 
of this Province is called Merida, in which is a Bishop and 
almost a hundred Spaniards. The Indians of this Province 
pay all their tribute in mantles of cotton wool and cocoa. 
There is no port in all this Province for a ship of a 100 tons 
to ride in, but only in the river of Tabasco, b}' which river 
the city of Merida standeth. The chiefest merchandise with 
which they lade there in small frigates, is a certain wood 



2/8 The King of Spain's W. Indian revenue. [J- 



Chilton. 
? 1586. 



called canipeche [logwood] wherewith they use to dye, as also 
hides and anil. 

By this, there lieth the Province of Yucatan near the 
Hondura[s] by the North Sea coast ; where there is also 
another Bishop, and a town likewise named Yucatans 
[ ? Vallndolid], where dwell a few Spaniards. They have no 
force at all, in all this coast, to defend themselves withal ; 
save onl}^ that the land is low, and there is no port to receive 
any shipping unless they be frigates, which carry from thence 
to the port of San Juan de Ulua, wax, cocoa, honey: also 
mantles of cotton wool, whereof they make their great store ; 
and of which kind of merchandise there is great trade thence 
to Mexico. Of the same also, they pay their tribute to the 
King. 



The King hath tribute brought him yearly out of the Indies 
into Spain of between nine and ten millions of gold and silver 
[i.e., crowns, equal to seventy to eighty millioTis of the present day]. 
For he receiveth of every Indian that is subject to him, ex- 
cepting those which do belong to the Inconimenderos (which 
are the children of those Spaniards who first conquered the 
land ; to whom the King gave and granted the government 
of the cities and towns subdued, for three lives) 12 Rials of 
Plate [=: 6s., or in present value 48s.] and a hannega (five of 
them make a Quarter of English measure) of maize which is 
a wheat of the country : and of every widow woman, he had 
6^ rials [3s. 3^., or 26s. now] and half a hannega of maize. 
So if an infidel [heathen] have twenty children in his house, 
he payeth for every one of them, being above fifteen years 
old, after that rate. This wheat, being duly brought to the 
Governor of every Province and city, is sold in Mexico, by 
the King's Governors there, every year. So that the money 
received for it is put into the King's Treasury there ; and so 
is yearly carried from thence into Spain. 

Of the Spaniards which are owners of the mines of gold 
and silver, he receiveth the Fifth Part, which he calleth his 
Quinias : which being taken out of the heap, there are his 
arms set on it ; for, otherwise, it may not be brought out of 
the land into Spain, under pain of death. 

The Mark of Silver, which is 8 ounces, when it cometh 



^'r^^'isse."] The Christians and Indians rebellious. 279 

out of the mines, not having the King's seal upon it, is 
worth 43 Rials of Plate [= 21s. 6d. or about £H 8s. now], and 
so it is current. And when they will bring it for Spain, they 
carry it to the King's Treasure House [at Mexico] where his 
seal is set upon it ; and so it is raised in value thereby, to 
64 Rials of Plate : and so the King hath for his custom [tax] 
of every Mark of Plate 21 Rials. 

From the year [iSJyo, which was the year that the Pope's 
Bulls came into the Indies, as is before mentioned : he [the 
King] hath received, both of the Indians which are tributaries 
to him, and also of all others belonging to the Incommenderos, 
of every one, being above twelve years of age, four Rials 
[=: 2s. = 165. now] of every Btdl. 

Also they carry other Pardons with them into the Indies, 
for such as be dead, although a hundred years before the 
Spaniards came into the country : which Pardons, the Friars 
in their preachings, persuade the poor Indians to take; tell- 
ing them, that with giving four Rials of Plate [25. = 16s. now] 
for a Mass, they would deliver their souls out of purgatory. 

Of the Christians likewise, dwelling there, he hath 14 
Rials [ys. = 56s. now] for every Bull : and there be certain 
Bulls brought thither for the Christians besides the former, 
which serve for pardoning all such faults wherein they have 
trespassed against either the King by keeping back his cus- 
toms, or one against another, by any other injury. For every 
100 crowns [:=£^o =;^240 now] whereof his conscience doth 
accuse him, that he hath deceived the King or any other, he 
must give 10 [^3=^^24 now] ; and so, after that rate, for 
every 100 which he hath, anyway, stolen; and so is par- 
doned the fault. 

The revenue of his Bulls, after this manner, yieldeth unto 
his Treasury yearly, above three millions [crowns = above 
;£*i,ooo,ooo, or £8,000,000 now] of gold as I have been credibly 
informed. Although of late, both the Spaniards and the 
Indians do refuse to take the Bulls : for that they perceive 
he doth make a yearly custom [tax] of it. Only the Indian 
takes one Pardon for all his household (whereas in former 
time every Indian used to take one for every person in the 
house), and teareth the same into small pieces, and giveth 
to every one of his household a little piece, saying thus, 
" They need now no more ; seeing, in that which they bought 



280 No WINE OR OIL MAY GROW IN MeXICO. P'?^''i586." 

the year before they had above 10,000 years' Pardon." 
These pieces they stick up in the wall of the houses where 
they lie. 

Both the Christians and Indians are weary with these 
infinite taxes and customs, which, of late, he hath imposed 
upon them more than in the years before. 

So the people of both sorts did rebel twice in the time 
that I was among them [1568-1585 ? ] ; and would have set 
up another King of themselves. For which cause, the King 
hath commanded, upon pain of death, that they should not 
plant either wine or oil there ; but should always stand in 
need of them to be brought out of Spain : although there 
would more grow there in four years, than there groweth in 
Spain in twenty, it is so fertile a country. 

And the King, to keep the country always in subjection 
and to his own use, hath straitly provided by law, upon pain 
of death and loss of goods, that none of these countries 
should traffic with any other nation, although the people 
themselves do much now desire to trade with any other 
that with them [than with them] ; which they would un- 
doubtedly do, if they feared not the peril. 



About Mexico and other places in New Spain, there groweth 
a certain plant called N^jo^^ [the Mexican Agave], which yieldeth 
wine, vinegar, honey, and black sugar ; and of the leaves of it 
dried, they make hemp, ropes, shoes which they use, and tiles 
for their houses : and at the end of every leaf there groweth a 
sharp point like an awl, wherewith they use to bore or pierce 
through anything. 

Thus I make an end. I have here set down the sum of 
all the chiefest things that I have observed and noted in my 
seventeen years' travels in those parts. 




28l 



N. H. 

The worthy and fa7nous Voyage of Master 

Thomas Cavendish-^ 7nade round about 

the Globe of the Earth; in the 

space of two years ^ and less 

tha?i two months. 

Begun in the year 1586. 




[Hakluyt's Voyages. 1589.] 

I He worshipful and worthy gentleman, Master 
Thomas Ca[vejndish of Suffolk, having in the 
year 1585 furnished out a ship, wherein he went, 
as Captain, with Sir Richard Grenville to 
Virginia : in which course he passed by the 
Canaries, and so to the isles of Dominica, Hispaniola, Saint 
John de Porto Rico, the Lucaios [Bahamas], and Florida, in 
the West Indies. Thus fleshed, and somewhat hardened unto 
the sea, immediately after his coming home, he began to take 
in hand a Voyage into the South Sea, and consequently 
round about the Globe of the Earth : which he also per- 
formed with invincible courage, great good government, and 
incredible celerity; to the great admiration of all men of 
judgement. 

Having therefore, at his own proper cost, new built from 
the keel, and furnished with all things necessary for two 
years' provision, a brave ship called the Desire of 140 tons, 
and a lesser of 60 tons, whose name was the Content; joining 
thereunto a bark of 40 tons named the Hugh Gallant, in 



282 By the Canaries to Sierra Leone. [_\fs[ 

which small fleet were 125 men : the loth day of June 1586, 
he departed from London, and came to Harwich ; and sailed 
from thence the 2gth of the same month. He arrived at 
Plymouth the Mh day of July, from whence he set sail the 
2ist thereof. Thus he proceeded on his voyage until the 25th 
day ; at which time, one Master Hope died, who had been 
wounded a little before he went to sea. 

The 26th day, we met with four great Biscayen ships, on 
which we bestowed eighteen great shot, and shrewdly tare 
that ship which we in the Admiral [flag ship] assailed; but we 
left her and the others, lest we should loose the rest of our 
consorts, it being nine o'clock at night. 

The 5th day of August, we fell in with the island of 
Fuerte Ventura [one of the Canaries], and sailed thence to 
Cape Blanco; and so to the coast of Guinea unto a harbour 
called Sierra Leone : where, having conference with the 
negroes, we fell at variance ; so that three score of our men 
went on shore, and drave them from their town, sacked their 
houses and burnt their dwellings. On the 2gth of the same 
month, we departed from them, where going five leagues from 
the place we came to an island called Insula Verde [? Sherboro 
Island], where we found plantains and other fruits, and fresh 
water; it being an island of the negroes' husbandry. 

The 6th of September, we burnt here some 150 houses, 
because of their bad dealing with us and all Christians. In 
this place, we redeemed a Portuguese; whom by treason they 
had caught, and held in very miserable captivity. The 13th 
day, we went from thence ; the 30th, we passed the equinoctial 
line. 

Thus we sailed forth, until the 25th of October, at which 
time we came to the continent of Brazil ; and coasting along 
until the end of that month, the ist of November we anchored 
under an island called Saint Sebastian [about 25° 5. Lat.] ; 
where we rode twenty-three days between the main [sea] and 
it. There we stored ourselves with fresh water and fuel ; and 
built a new pinnace of 10 tons. On the gth day, died one 
Robert Smith of the disease called scorbuto ; which is an 
infection of the blood and the liver. The 23rd of November, 
we left this island. 

On the 5th December, died one Robert Tates of the 
disease aforesaid. So coasting along till the i6th of this 



! 



^ss"] "Town of Famine" in Magellan Straits. 283 

month, we discovered an harbour which we named the Port 
of Desire, according to our ship's name ; being ahnost as big 
as the harbour of Plymouth. In this place we had gulls, 
puets [lapwings], penguins, and seals in abundance, to all our 
comforts and great refreshing. This Port is somewhat on 
this side of Port St. Julian. 

Sailing from this harbour towards the Straits [of Magellan], 
before we came to the entrance thereof, we espied certain 
poor starved Spaniards travelling overland towards the River 
of Plate, whereof we took one into our ship : of whom we 
understood that of both the two colonies planted in the 
Straits of Magellan by Pedro Sarmiento, there were but 
twenty-two men only left alive ; all the rest being utterly 
perished for hunger, to the number of some three hundred 
persons. 

On the 6th day of January [1587], we put into the Straits 
of Magellan; and on the 8th, we came to two islands named 
by Sir Francis Drake, the one Bartholomew Island, because 
he came thither on that Saint's day; and the other, Penguin 
Island, upon which we powdered [salted] three tons of pen- 
guins for the victualling of our ship. 

On the 9th day, we came unto a town of the Spaniards, 
erected in March 1584, called by them the " City of King 
Philip," but by us the " Town of Famine ; " because we 
evidently saw the inhabitants, saving the aforesaid twenty- 
two, had all been most miserably starved. We took away 
with us six pieces of their ordnance, whereof three were 
brass and three were iron ; and were glad to hasten from this 
place, for the most noisome stench and vile savour wherewith 
it was infected, through the contagion of the Spaniards' pined 
and dead carcasses. 

Thus sailing through the Straits, the 20th day of January, 
in the midway, we espied savages of a reasonable stature, 
and went unto them, and confened with them; but such was 
their brutishness and their treachery, that they would have 
betrayed us under the show of amity ; but we espying their 
treason, gave the first onset, and every shot of us chose his 
man ; and by that means slew some, and hurt more. The 
rest escaped. So having many flaws of southerly and south- 
westerly wind, we were kept within the Straits until the 23rd 
of February. 



284 Twelve Men lost at Quintera. [^fi 

That same day, we passed out of the Straits into the sea 
called by Magellan, mare pacificum, "the Peaceable or the 
Calm Sea." Thus we plied up along the coast of Chili by 
the island of La Mocha, which standeth in 38° S, Lat., until 
the 14th of March, when we rode under an island called 
Santa Maria, On which island, we landed eighty men armed, 
in the morning betimes ; and there came unto us the country 
people, which intreated our General [T. Cavendish] very 
well, and presented him with many sorts of meats. For there 
we had at our commandment, Spanish wheat, potatoes, hogs, 
hens, dried dog fish, and divers other good things ; to our 
contentment. 

The 20th day, we departed thence, running along until the 
28th; which day, being at sea, we felt an earthquake in 33° 
S. Lat. We put into a bay called the Bay of Quintera on 
the 30th of this month ; where, the ist of April, we had ten 
of our men slain, and two taken captive by the Spaniards : 
which great misfortune lighted on our men through their 
great recklessness, and want of circumspection ; being sud- 
denly surprised by the enemy, when they little thought of 
him. But on the 3rd day of the same month, the Hugh went 
forth to seaward, and found an island having a great store of 
pelicans and penguins upon it ; whereof they brought good 
store unto us. And so furnishing ourselves here with fresh 
water, which we took in despite of them all : we left them, 
and their cruel harbour, and put out of the bay the 5th of 
April. 

Thus ranging along, we hauled in with a port call Mormo- 
rano, where we found a canoe and an Indian in it ; which 
was fishing and had caught a very large tuny, wherewith he 
presented us. In our conference with him, he showed us the 
town, which was base and rude. But their government and 
behaviour are very strange: for when any of them dieth, they 
bury all his goods and stuff with him, as hooks, nets, canoe, 
and other trifles. 

So sailing along that shore, one of our ships called the 
Content, entered into a bay where a great deal of wine of 
Castile was buried in hotisios in the sand ; to the quantity of 
some 300 tuns, wherewith she laded herself; having lost our 
company. But they found us again at a town called Arica, 
where they gave us of their wine. In this harbour, we found 



N. H. 
1583. 



] Spoiling along the Coast northward. 285 



a great ship and four barks, which we took and kept until 
such time as we had taken out of them the best things for 
our own provision: then we burnt them all; saving one bark, 
which we kept, and named it the George, because we took 
her on St. George's Day [23 April]. 

The 25th day of April, we went from Arica, sailing to 
seaward all night ; and in the morning, we espied a small 
bark. Manning our pinnace, we took her : wherein were 
three Spaniards, one Greek, and one Dutchman. Being 
examined, they confessed that they came from the Bay of 
Quintera (where we lost our foresaid twelve men), and that 
their intent was to go for Lima, to give advice to the Viceroy 
for to provide force to cut us off: but their pretence [device], 
through GOD's merciful providence, was prevented. One of 
these Spaniards was a reasonable pilot for those seas. 

Thus we continued our course along the coast of Peru 
until the 4th day of May, upon which day our Spanish pilot 
led us into a bay called Pisco, where we would have gone on 
shore, but the sea was so grown [rotigh] that we could not. 
Yet on the southernmost side of the bay, there was a village 
called Paraca, where seven of our men went on land, and 
found figs, pomegranates, and pomegranate wine. 

On the 6th of May, we went from Paraca ; and in our 
course we descried to seaward two sails; and gave them 
chase, and took them. One was laden with meal and marma- 
lade, the other with merchants' goods as sayes [cloths] of 
divers sorts and colours, Castile or white soap, a kind of 
pease called garvansas, Cordovan skins, moniego deporco which 
is hog's grease clarified or refined, and molasses or syrup of 
sugar, beans, and one or two thousand hens alive. Hereupon 
we gat us into a bay called Cheripa, where we laded our 
ships with part of these commodities ; and burnt the rest, 
ships and all : having put the men that were in them on 
land ; and departed from thence the loth of May. 

Thus sailing forward, we hauled into a Bay called Payta, 
where we took a bark unrigged ; and landed three score 
men and took the town ; out of which we drave about three 
hundred persons which fled with bag and baggage ; whom 
we pursued so fast, that they were forced to leave their 
lodgings behind them. In the end, we set their town on 
fire ; because they sought not to redeem the same. And 



286 NineMenLostatPuna. \J,V,, 

because we found small store of treasure here, we came away 
the same night. 

On the 2nd of June, we went to the island of Puna, where 
we trimmed our ships, and refreshed our men ; though 
somewhat to our costs. For on the 2nd of June, our men 
thinking themselves to be sure and safe enough, four score or 
a hundred Spaniards with two hundred Indians (for there 
was a town of Indians in the island bigger than Gravesend) 
set upon fifteen or sixteen of our men, being half asleep and 
half awake ; slew five or six, and took two or three of them, 
before any supply [supports] could come unto them : at the 
coming whereof, they all ran away like greyhounds. 

Our men for revenge burnt their town, and spoiled their 
fields and gardens : but first we took the fruits of the island 
as goats, hogs, hens, figs, oranges, lemons, besides other 
wholesome herbs in great quantity. 

So after we had trimmed our fleet, we came away. But 
for a farewell, we first set four of their ships on fire, whereof 
one was of 200 tons, the rest of a 100 a piece : being all 
upon the stocks a building. We also fired another of 400 
tons, called the Great Saint Luce, riding before the town, to be 
mended : because they have never another so good a place to 
bring their ships aground as that is, on all the coast of Peru. 

After that we had taken in fresh water, we went from 
thence the nth day of June ; and the 12th day we passed the 
equinoctial line, continuing our course northward all that 
month. 

About the beginning of July, as we ranged along the back 
side of New Spain, near unto Guatemala, where there is an 
hill that burneth continually : we escried a new ship of 200 
tons; wherein were two Spaniards, two Marseilleans, two 
Venetians, and one Fleming. In which ship was little or 
nothing, but her ballast. We took her sails, ropes, and fire- 
wood to serve our turns, set her on fire, and kept the men ; 
of which number, we brought one, called Michael Sancius, 
a pilot into England. 

On the next day, we took another ship, the men being 
escaped with their boat on land ; which, after we had taken 
certain victuals out of her, we also set on fire. This was the 
ship of adviso, to give warning of us, sent from Lima to the 
coast of New Spain. 



JS'ss"] Spoiling along the Mexican Coast. 287 

The 28th of July, we came to the port of Aguatulco 
[Acapiilco], in which we found a ship laden with cocoa, 
a fruit like almonds much esteemed in those parts : and 
taking the spoil thereof, we set the ship and town on fire for 
company. The people ran away at the sight of our little 
pinnace, our ships lying three leaguesoff at that time. There 
were some four score houses in this town, being a haven that 
belongeth to Mexico. In this place we had great store 
of pitch, which stood us in great stead for our ships; and 
some quantity of Wine of Castile, as they call it. 

The 4th day of August, we departed from this place : and 
coming forth, we took a she tortoise which had about four 
hundred and odd eggs in her ; which eggs we eat, and found 
them to be good meat. 

The 13th of August, we fell in with a haven of New 
Spain called Puerto de Natividad, about ig° [N.] Lat. ; where 
we had conference with four Indians. There we took the 
post of adviso, that ran by land on horse ; whose horse we 
slew, and took him prisoner. 

We burnt two ships of 200 tons the piece, which were in 
building in the harbour. And six leagues from thence, there 
was a little island or rock replenished with abundance of 
birds ; whereof we got a good store, to our great refreshing : 
there were also innumerable sort of parrots as big as hens. 
In another haven hard by, called Puerto de Santo Jago, we 
dragged for pearls, and took some store. 

The 3rd of September, we came away ; having trimmed 
our pinnace, which was wonderful leaky with worms. 

The 8th day of the same, we came into a bay called 
the Bay of Compostella, where our men went two leagues up 
into the country early in the morning ; and took a Spaniard 
and his wife, a Ragusean and his wife, with an Indian and 
his wife ; and brought them away unto our General : who 
set the women at liberty, and they redeemed their husbands 
with fruits as plantains, mamejas, pineapples, oranges and 
lemons ; of all which there is great abundance ; as the 
Spaniard said tanto como terra, " as plenty as there is of 
earth." 

On the I2th of September, we came to an island, two 
leagues from thence, called Saint Andrew ; where we had 
fowls and seals and guanos, of which we made very good 



2 88 Capture the Galleon St. Anna the Great. \^i^i 

victuals : howbeit they would scarcely take the salt but for 
a night and a day only. 

The i6th of the same month, we came into a bay called 
Mazatlan, where we had fruit and fish : but were in great 
danger of our enemies. 

We traversed from thence unto the southernmost Cape of 
California [Cape Saint Lucas]; where beating up and down, we 
discovered a port called by the Spaniards Agiia Secura, and 
found good store of fresh water. 

We lay off and on this Cape until the 4th of November, on 
which day in the morning we espied the goodly ship coming 
from the Philippines called Saint Anna the Great, being of 700 
tons. We chased her until noon ; so fetching her up, we 
gave them fight to the loss of twelve or fourteen of their 
men, and the spoil and hurt of many more of them : where- 
upon at last they yielded unto us. In this conflict, we lost 
only two of our men. 

So on the 6th of the said November, we went into the 
Port of Agua Secura ; where we anchored, and put nine 
score prisoners on land : and ransacking the great ship, we 
laded our own two ships with forty tons of the chiefest 
merchandise, and burnt all the rest, as well ship as goods 
to the quantity of 600 tons of rich merchandise : because we 
were not able to bring it away. This was one of the richest 
vessels that ever sailed on the seas ; and was able to have 
made many hundreds wealthy, if we had had means to have 
brought it home. 

At length, having furnished ourselves with water and 
wood, and made us ready for the sea, we set sail the 20th of 
November ; and came away. From Cape California, we 
shaped our course to the islands of the Ladrones; and by 
the providence of GOD we came unto them in two and forty 
days, the distance being 2,300 leagues. 

The first island of the Ladrones, where we touched [ist or 
2nd of January 1588] was Guam. The inhabitants are 
thievish and treacherous. They met us at sea three leagues 
off, in small canoes admirable to behold for their swiftness 
in sailing; with which people we had some traffic until the 
evening. So we left them, directing our course unto the 
islands of the Philippines until the 14th January, on which 
day we fell in with an island called Tadaia; and from thence, 



^gg"] From California to Cape of Good Hope, 289 

we passed by the island of Luzon or Manilla, until we came 
to an island called Capul ; where we had hens, hogs, 
potatoes, cocoas, and other fruits, by traffic with the 
Indians ; making our abode there until the 24th of the 
aforesaid January. 

Then proceeding on our voyage through the infinite 
number of islands towards those rich islands of the 
Moluccas ; we passed by Mindanao, which is the last 
island that the Spaniards inhabit that way. So we ran 
between Celebes or Batachina, and Borneo until the 12th 
day of February. 

And on the 28th and last of the same, we put through 
between the Straits of Java major and Java minor \i.e. the 
Straits of Smida'] and anchored under the south-west 
part of Java major: where the inhabitants, being Gentiles 
[heathen], brought unto us hens, geese, hens' eggs, ducks' 
eggs, beeves [oxens], buffes [buffalos], melons, plantains, 
and a hundred sorts of fruit most strange and wonderful for 
greatness and goodness; even whole junks' full, being a kind 
of barks made like unto our barges. These people did 
intreat us wonderfully well, and came as duly to traffic with 
us in our ship as we do in our markets and shops ; and 
brought from their King divers presents to our General, and 
carried divers rich gifts from our General to their King. 

The King sent many of his kinsmen and chief courtiers a 
shipboard to entertain him [i.e., Master Cavendish], being 
men of very good behaviour. They sit cross legged. They 
would fain have had our General come to the King's chief 
town ; because he was not well able to come down to our 
ship, being a man of great age, and as they reported very 
near 150 years old : but our General excused himself, and 
that with reason. He would have sent his son in his own 
stead ; but that he was at war against another King in the 
island, their enemy. This old King's name was Rajah 

BOLAMBOAM. 

The i6th of March, we set sail from Java major toward 
the Cape of Good Hope ; and on the nth day of May, we 
fell [in] with the land of Ethiopia near unto a place called 
False Cape, being thirty and odd leagues from the Cape of 
Good Hope. 

On the 19th of May, we had sight of the Cape of Good 
I. T 4 



290 English Discovery of Saint Helena, [^f^] 

Hope, which is the promontory that all travellers desire to 
double. 

The 7th of June, we fell [in] with the island of Saint 
Helena, and on the 8th day, we anchored under it : where 
we continued twelve days, finding it a place to our great 
contentment ; for there we had goats, hogs, figs, oranges, 
lemons, pomegranates, and many wholesome herbs for the 
gathering. But he that will have of the cattle [i.e., the goats 
and hogs] must travel a mile and a half into the steepy 
mountain to kill them. We found a church, and thirty or forty 
houses built to lodge the Portuguese, in their coming from 
the East Indies. There was only one banished man there, 
which lived as a hermit : but he was dead before our arrival.^ 

'■Jan Huyghen van Linschoten who reached Saint Heletia, on his 
return home from Goa in a Portiigjiese C arrack, the Santa Cruz of 1,600 
tons, on the 12th May 1589 {eleiien months after Cavendish had, by 
adopting the return Portuguese track from the Cape, discovered it to the 
English Natiofi), gives the following account of the Circumnavigator's 
voyage. 

About three months before our arrival at Saint Helena, there had been a 
ship, which the year before set out of Ormuz, with the goods and men 
that remained in the San Salvador ; that had been saved by the Portuguese 
army, on the coast of Abex, and brought into Ormuz. That ship had 
wintered in the Mozambique, and had passed very soon by the Cape ; and 
so sailed without any company into Portugal : having left some of her 
sick men in the island, as the manner is, which the next ships that came 
thither must take into them. 

These gave us intelligence, that about four [or rather eleven] months 
before our arrival, there had been an English ship at the island of Saint 
Helena; which had sailed through the Straits of Magellan, and through 
the South Seas, and from thence to the isles of Philippines ; and had passed 
through the Straits of Sunda that liethbeyond Malacca, between the islands 
of Sumatra and Java. In the which way, she had taken a ship of China, 
such as they call Junks, laden with silver and gold and all kinds of silks : 
and that she sent a letter with a small present to the Bishop of Malacca, 
telling him, " That she sent him that of friendship, meaning to come 
herself and visit him." 

Out of that ship of China, they took a Portuguese pilot : and so passed 
the Cape of Good Hope, and came to the island of Saint Helena. Where 
they took in fresh water and other necessaries, and beat down the altar 
and the cross that stood in the church ; and left behind them a kettle and 
a sword, which the Portuguese at our arrival found there. Yet could they 
not conceive, or think, what that might mean 1 Some thought it was left 
there for a sign to some other ships of his company : but every man may 
think what he will thereof. 

[ TJie kettle and sword probably meant nothing at all ; being simply left 
behind."] 



N. H, 
15^8. 



] Just miss the Armada Fight. 291 



The 20th of June, we departed from the island of Saint 
Helena ; shaping; our course from thence for England. 

The 4th of July, we passed the equinoctial line : which 
was the fourth time that we had traversed the same in this 
our journey. 

The 24th of August, we had sight of two islands of the 
Azores, the one called Flores, the other Corvo ; and directed 
our way from them for the Lizard until the 3rd of September : 
[where] at which time we espied a Flemish Hulk that came 
from Portugal, which told us the joyful news of our Fleet's 
good success against the huge army of the Spaniards [the 
Spanish Armada]. 

And on the 5th day, we met with a ship of Southampton, 
which had taken a Brazilian prize : whose Captain informed 
us at large of the truth of that which had passed. We took 
some refreshing of them : which was recompensed with treble 
courtesy. 

And so entered into the Narrow Seas, where we had as 
terrible a night as ever men endured. For all our sails were 
blown quite away, but making as good shift as we could with 
certain old sails we had within board : on the next morning, 
being the loth of September 1588, like wearied men, through 
the favour of the Almighty, we got into Plymouth ; where 
the townsmen received us with all humanity. 

In this voyage, we burnt twenty sails of Spanish ships, 
besides divers of their towns and villages. 

A letter of Master Thomas CA[vE]NDisn, to the Right 
Honourable [Lord Hunsdon] the Lord Chamberlain, 
one of Her Majesty's most honourable Privy Council; 
touching the success of his Voyage about the World. 

[Hakluyt's Voya£^es. 1589.] 

Right Honourable. 

S YOUR favour heretofore hath been most greatly 
extended towards me ; so I humbly desire a con- 
tinuance thereof: and though there be no means 
in me to deserve the same ; yet the uttermost of 
my services shall not be wanting, whensoever it 
shall please your Honour to dispose thereof. 




292 Letter informing Queen Elizabeth. ["^^ iept "iIss: 

I am humbly to desire your Honour to make known unto 
Her Majesty the desire I have had to do Her Majesty service 
in the performance. And as it hath pleased GOD to give 
her the victory over part of her enemies : so I trust, ere long, 
to see her overthrow them all. 

For the places of their wealth, whereby they have main- 
tained and made their wars, are now perfectly discovered : 
and if it please Her Majesty, with a very small power, she 
may take the spoil of them all. 

It hath pleased the Almighty to suffer me to circumpass 
the whole Globe of the World ; entering in at the Straits of 
Magellan, and returning by the Cape of Good Hope. In 
which voyage, I have either discovered or brought certain 
intelligence of all the rich places of the world that ever were 
known or discovered by any Christian. 

I navigated along the coasts of Chili, Peru, and New Spain, 
where I made great spoils. I burnt and sunk nineteen ships, 
great and small. All the villages and towns that ever I landed 
at, I burnt and spoiled. And had I not been discovered 
upon the coast, I had taken great quantity of treasure. 

The matter of most profit unto me was a great ship of the 
King's, which I took at California ; which ship came from the 
Philippines, being one of the richest of merchandise that ever 
passed those seas, as the King's Register and the Merchants' 
Accounts did show : for it did amount in value to [sum 
omitted] in Mexico to be sold. Which goods, for that my 
ships were not able to contain the least part of them, I was 
enforced to set on fire. 

From the Cape of California, being the uttermost part of 
all New Spain, I navigated to the islands of the Philippines, 
hard upon the coast of China : of which country I have 
brought such intelligence as hath not been heard of in these 
parts. The stateliness and riches of which country I fear to 
make report of; least I should not be credited. For if I had 
not known sufficiently the incomparable wealth of that 
country, I should have been as incredulous thereof as others 
will be, that have not had the like experience. 

I sailed along the islands of the Moluccas; where among 
some of the heathen people, I was well intreated. Where 
our countrymen may have trade as freely as the Portuguese, 
if they will themselves. 



JoS'Si''''] Enormous Value of the Cargo. 293 

From thence, I passed by the Cape of Good Hope : and 
found out, by the way homeward, the island of Saint Helena, 
where the Portuguese use to relieve [refresh] themselves. 
And from that island, GOD hath suffered me to return into 
England. 

All which services, with myself, I humbly prostrate at Her 
Majesty's feet ; desiring the Almighty long to continue her 
reign amongst us. For at this day, she is the most famous 
and victorious Prince that liveth in the world. 

Thus humbly desiring pardon of your Honour, for my 
tediousness ; I leave your Lordship to the tuition of the 
Almighty. 

Plymouth, this gth of September 1588. 

Your Honour's most humble to command, 

Thomas Candish. 

To the Right Honourable Sir Francis Walsingham, 
Principal Secretary to Her Majesty. 

[Harl. MS. 286, /ol. i6x.] 

He special regard which it pleaseth your Honour 
to respect me with, can by no means of mine be 
desired ; neither can I express what comfort I 
receive by these your favours done unto me. My 
desire is to be thankful, but I have no means to mani- 
fest the same, but only in honouring and serving you above 
all others ; which opinion I most humbly desire your Honour 
to hold of me. 

Of late, I have not been very well ; but at this present I 
thank GOD I am much better than I was: yet not in such 
perfect health, but that I mean to use the help of the phy- 
sician ; for whose coming unto me, I am most heartily bound 
unto your Honour. 

I have had courtesy showed me by your officers for the 
custom [import duty] of my goods ; which amounteth to jf 900 
[ = almost £^,000 in present value]. There be some things which 
I have kept from their sight, for special causes ; which I 
mean to make known to your Honour at my coming to Lon- 
don. For I protest, before GOD, that I will not hide any 




294 Lost Ballads of the Voyage. [,533. 

one thing from you ; neither concerning the quantity of my 
goods, nor the secrets of the voyage : which, in many things, 
shall not he known but unto your Honour; for they be 
matters of great importance. 

And thus giving you most humble thanks for your great 
favours done unto me, I humbly take my leave. 
Plymouth, this 8th of October 1588. 

Your Honour's most humbly to command, 

Thomas Ca^indyssh. 

Three Ballads, now lost, relating to this Voyage were entered for 
publication at Stationers' Hall at the following dates. 

3 November 1588. 

A ballad of Master Cavendish's Voyage, who by travel 
compassed the Globe of the World, arriving in England with 
abimdance of treasure. 

14 November 1588. 

A new Ballad of the famous and honourable coming of Master 
Cavendish's ship, called the Desire, before the Queen's Majesty 
at her Court at Greenwich, the 12th of November 1588, &c. 

3 December 1588. 

Captain Roberts's Welcome of good ivill to Captain 
Ca vendish. 

It is not expressly stated that this Welcofiie was a Ballad : but it would 
seem so from the title. 

Transcript of the Reoisters of the Company of Stationers 
of London 1554-1640 A.D. II. 505-509, ^7/. 1875. 




'95 



The first E?iglishmen who reached 
India^ overland. 



Herea/ter follow the narratives of the first EngHshmen who are 
known to have reached India overland ; via Aleppo, Bagdad, Bussorah, 
and Ormus. 

These narratives all relate to quite an organized expedition of English 
traders, who were sent by two of the merchant princes of London at 
that time, with the clear mtention, that some of them at least should 
reach the far East, and open a direct trade between India and 
England. 



J 



OHN Eldred'j narrative. 



[Hakluyt's Voyages, ii. 1599.] 




Departed out of London in the ship called the 
Tig&r, in the company of Master John Newbery, 
Master Ralph Fitch and six or seven other honest 
merchants, on Shrove Monday [12 February] 1583 ; 
and arrived at Tripolis of Syria, the ist day of 
May next ensuing. At our landing, we went a Maying upon 
St. George's Island, a place where Christians dying on board 
the ships [at that place], are wont to be buried. 

In this city, our English merchants have a Consul, and our 
nation abide together in one house with him, called Fondeghi 
Ingles, built of stone, square in manner like a cloister ; and 
every man hath his several chamber: as is the use there of all 
other Christians, of several nations. 



296 Aleppo, the Great Turk's great mart, p- 



Eldred, 

? 1592. 



This town standeth under a part of the mountain of 
Lebanon, two English miles from the port : on the side of 
which port, trending in form of a half moon, stand five block- 
houses or small forts, wherein is some very good artillery ; 
and the forts are kept with about a hundred Janissaries. 
Right before this town from the seaward is a bank of moving 
sand, which gathereth and increaseth with the western 
winds, in such sort, that, according to an old prophecy among 
them, this bank is likely to swallow up and overwhelm the 
town : for every year it increaseth, and eateth up many 
gardens ; although they use all policy to diminish the same, 
and to make it firm ground. 

The city is about the bigness of Bristol, and walled about ; 
though the walls be of no great force. The chief strength of 
the place is in the Citadel, which standeth on the south side, 
within the walls, and overlooketh the whole town. It is 
strongly kept with two hundred Janissaries, and good artillery. 
A river passeth through the midst of the city, wherewith they 
water their gardens and mulberry trees, on which there grow 
abundance of silk worms ; wherewith they make a very great 
quantity of very white silk, which is the chief natural com- 
modity to be found in and about this place. 

This road [haven] is more frequented with Christian mer- 
chants, to wit, Venetians, Genoese, Florentines, Marseillians, 
Sicilians, Raguseans, and lately with Englishmen, than any 
other port of the Turk's dominions. 

From Tripolis, I departed, the 14th of May, with a caravan; 
passing, in three days, over the ridge of Mount Lebanon. At 
the end whereof, we arrived in a city called Hammah; which 
standeth on a goodly plain, replenished with corn and cotton 
wool [i.e., cotton in the pod]. On these mountains, grow a 
great quantity of gall trees, which are somewhat like our oaks, 
but lesser and more crooked. On the best tree, a man shall 
not find a pound's weight of galls. This town of Hammah is 
fallen, and falleth more and more to decay, and at this day [1583] 
there is scarce one half of the wall standing : which hath 
been very strong and fair. But because it cost many men's 
lives to win it, the Turk will not have it repaired ; and hath 
written, in Arabic, over the Castle gate, which standeth in the 
midst of the town, these words 



^■f^'isS-] Floating down the Euphrates. 297 

Cursed be the father and the son that shall lay 
their hands to the repairing hereof. 

Refreshing ourselves one day here, we passed forward with 
camels, three days more, until we came to Aleppo : where we 
arrived the 21st of May. This is the greatest place of traffic, 
for a dry town [i.e., an inland town, not on a great river] that 
there is in all these parts. For hither resort Jews, Tartars, 
Persians, Armenians, Egyptians, Indians, and many other sorts 
of Christians ; and enjoy freedom of their consciences, and 
bring thither many kinds of rich merchandise. In the midst of 
this town also, standeth a goodly Castle, raised on high, with 
a garrison of four or five hundred Janissaries. Within four 
miles round about, are goodly gardens and vineyards and 
trees, which bear goodly fruit near unto the side of the river, 
which is but small. The walls are about three English miles 
in compass; but the suburbs are almost as much more. The 
town is greatly peopled. 

We departed from thence, with our camels, on the 31st of 
May, with Master John Newbery and his company ; and 
came to Bir in three days, being a small town situated 
upon the river Euphrates ; where it beginneth first to take 
that name, being here gathered into one channel ; whereas, 
before, it cometh down in manifold branches, and therefore is 
called by the people of the country b}^ a name which signifieth 
"a thousand heads." Here are plenty of victuals, whereof 
we all furnished ourselves for a long journey down the afore- 
said river. And according to the manner of those that travel 
by water, we prepared a small bark for the conveyance of 
ourselves and our goods. These boats are flat bottomed 
because the river is shallow in many places : and when 
men travel in the months of July, August, and September, 
the water being then at the lowest, they are constrained to 
carry with them a spare boat or two to lighten their own 
boats, if they chance to fall on the shoals. 

We were eight and twenty days upon the water, between 
Bir, and Felugia [Felnja],\w\\evQ. we disembarked ourselves and 
our goods. Every night, after the sun had set ; we tied our bark 
to a stake, went on land to gather sticks, and set on our pot 
with rice or bruised wheat. Having supped, the merchants lay 



298 The Arabs on the Euphrates. [J>' 



Eldred. 
1592 



aboard the bark ; and the mariners upon the shore's side, as 
near as they can unto the same. In many places upon the 
river's side, we met with troops of Arabs, of whom we bought 
milk, butter, eggs, and lambs ; and gave them in barter (for 
they care not for money), glasses, combs, coral, amber, to 
hang about their arms and necks; and for churned milk, we 
gave them bread, and pomegranate peels wherewith they use 
[are accustomed] to tan their goats' skins, with which they 
churn. Their hair, apparel, and colour are altogether like to 
those vagabond Egyptians [Gipsies] which heretofore have 
gone about in England. All their women, without exception, 
wear a great round ring in one of their nostrils, of gold, 
silver, or iron, according to their ability; and about their arms, 
and the smalls of their legs they have hoops of gold, silver, or 
iron. All of them, as well women and children as men, are 
very great swimmers ; and oftentimes swimming, they 
brought us milk to our bark, in vessels upon their heads. 
Those people are very thievish, which I proved to my cost ; 
for they stole a casket of mine, with things of good value in 
the same, from under my man's head as he was asleep : and 
therefore travellers keep good watch as they pass down the 
river. The Euphrates at Bir is about the breath of the 
Thames at Lambeth ; and, in some places narrower, in some 
broader, it runneth very swiftly, almost as fast as the river 
Trent. It hath divers sorts of fish in it ; but all are scaled, 
and some are as big as salmon, like barbel. 

We landed at Felugia, the 28th of June, where we made 
our abode for seven days, for lack of camels to carry our goods 
to Babylon [Bagdad]. The heat, at that time of the year, is 
such in those parts, that men are loath to let their camels 
travel. This Felugia is a village of some hundred houses, 
and a place appointed for the discharging of such goods as 
come down the river. The inhabitants are Arabs. Not find- 
ing camels here : we were constrained to unlade our goods, 
and hired a hundred asses to carry our English merchandise 
only to New Babylon over a short desert; in crossing whereof 
we spent eighteen hours, travelling by night and part of the 
morning, to avoid the great heat. 

In this place which we crossed over, stood the old mighty 
city of Babylon, many old ruins whereof are easily to be seen 
by daylight : which I, John Eldred, have often beheld at 



'f isS'.] Description of Bagdad, in 1583 a.d. 2 



99 



my good leisure : having made three voyages between the 
new city of Babylon and Aleppo, over this desert. 

Here also are yet standing the ruins of the old Tower of 
Babel, which, being upon a plain ground, seemeth afar off 
very great ; but the nearer you come to it, the lesser and lesser 
it appeareth. Sundry times I have gone thither to see it, 
and found the remnants yet standing, above a quarter of a 
mile in compass, and almost as high as the stone work of 
[Saint] Paul's steeple in London ; but it showeth much 
bigger. The bricks remaining of this most ancient monu- 
ment be half a yard thick, and three quartex"s of a yard long ; 
being dried in the sun only : and between every course of 
bricks, there lieth a course of mats, made of canes, which re- 
main sound and not perished, as though they had been laid 
within one year. 

The city of New Babylon joineth upon the aforesaid small 
desert where the old city was ; and the river Tigris runneth 
close under the wall: so they may, if they will, open a sluice, 
and let the water of the same run round about the town. It 
is above two English miles in compass ; and the inhabitants 
generally speak three languages, to wit, the Persian, Arabian, 
and Turkish tongues. The people are of the Spaniards' com- 
plexion : and the women generally wear in one of the gristles 
of their noses, a ring like a wedding ring, but somewhat 
greater, with a pearl and a Turkish stone set therein ; and 
this they do, be they ever so poor. 

This is a place of very great traffic, and a very great 
thoroughfare from the East Indies to Aleppo. The town is 
very well furnished with victuals which come down the river 
Tigris from Mosul, which was called Nineveh in old time. 
They bring these victuals and divers sorts of merchandise 
upon rafts borne upon goats' skins blown up full of wind, in 
the manner of bladders : and when they have discharged 
their goods, they sell the rafts for fire [wood] ; let the wind out 
of their goat-skins, and carry them home again upon their 
asses by land, to make other voyages down the river. The 
building here is mostly of brick dried in the sun ; and very 
little or no stone is to be found. Their houses are all flat- 
roofed and low. They have no rain for eight months together, 
nay, hardly any clouds in the sky, night nor day. Their 
winter is in November, December, January, and February ; 



300 Down the Tigris to B u ssorah. [^-^ 



Eld red 
' I592- 



which is as warm as our summer in England, in a manner. 
This I know by good experience, because my abode at several 
times, in the city of Babylon [Bagdad], hath been, at the 
least, the space of two years. As we come to the city, we 
pass over the river Tigris, on a great bridge, made with boats 
chained together with two mighty chains of iron. 



From thence we departed in flat-bottomed barks, stronger 
and greater than those of Euphrates, and were twenty-eight 
days also in passing down this river to Balsora [Btcssorah] . 
but we might have done it in eighteen or less, if the water 
had been higher. 

Upon the water's side stand, by the way, divers towns 
much resembling the names of the old prophets. The first 
town they call Ozeah, and another Zecchiah. 

Before we come to Balsora, by one day's journey, the two 
rivers Tigris and Euphrates meet; and there standeth a 
castle called Curna [Kurnah] kept by the Turks ; where all 
merchants pay a small custom. Here the two rivers, joined 
together, began to be eight or nine miles broad. Here also 
it beginneth to ebb and flow ; and the water overflowing, 
maketh the country all about very fertile of corn, rice, pulse, 
and dates. 

The town of Balsora is a mile and a half in circuit. All 
the buildings, castles, and walls are made of brick, dried in 
the sun. The Turk hath here five hundred Janissaries, 
besides other soldiers, continually in garrison and pay : but 
his chief strength is of galleys ; which are about twenty-five 
or thirty, very fair, and furnished with goodly ordnance. 

To this port of Balsora, come, monthly, divers ships from 
Ormus, laden with all sorts of Indian merchandise, as spices, 
drugs, indico [indigo], and Calicut cloth. These ships are 
usually from forty to sixty tons, having their planks sown 
together with cord made of the bark of date trees, and in- 
stead of Occam [oahim], they use the shiverings [shreds] of 
the bark of the said trees ; and of the same also they make 
their tackling. They have no kind of iron work belonging 
to these vessels, save only their anchors. 

From this place, six days' sailing down the Gulf, they go 
to a place called Bahrem [Bahrein], in the midway to Ormus. 



^*?'^'isS'.] Tracking back up tiik Tigris, to Bagdad. 301 

There, they fish for pearls four months in the year, to wit, 
June, July, August, and September. 

My abode in Balsora was just six months [August 1583- 
Fcbruary 1584], during wdiich time, I received divers letters 
from Master John NEWBERvfrom Ormus: who, as he passed 
that way, with Her Majesty's letters to Zelabdim [the glorious] 
Akbar, King of Cambaia, and unto the mighty Emperor of 
China, was there treacherously arrested, with all his company, 
by the Portuguese ; and afterwards sent prisoner to Goa : 
where, after a long and cruel imprisonment, he and his com- 
panions were delivered, upon sureties not to depart the town 
without leave, at the suit of one Father Thomas Stevens 
an English religious man, whom they found there. 

But, shortly after, three of them escaped, whereof one, 
to wit, Master Ralph Fitch, is since come into England. 
The fourth, who was a painter, called JOHN Story, became 
religious in the College of Saint Paul in Goa ; as we under- 
stood by their letters. 



I and my companion William Shales, having despatched 
our business at Balsora, embarked ourselves in a company of 
seventy barks, all laden with merchandise ; every bark having 
fourteen men to draw them, like our Western bargemen on 
the Thames : and we were forty-four days coming up the 
stream to Babylon. Where arriving, and paying our custom, 
we, with all other sorts of merchants, bought us camels, 
hired us men to lade and drive them ; furnished ourselves 
with rice, butter, biscuit, honey made of dates, onions, and 
dates : and every merchant brought a proportion of live 
muttons [sheep], and hired certain shepherds to drive them 
with us. We also brought us tents to lie in, and to put our 
goods under. In this our caravan were four thousand 
camels laden with spices and other rich merchandise. These 
camels will live very well two or three days without water. 
Their feeding is on thistles, wormwood, magdalene, and 
other strong weeds which they find upon the way. The 
government and deciding of all quarrels and duties to be 
paid, the whole caravan committeth to one specially] rich 



302 4<^ TiAYS ACROSS THE DESERT TO AlEPPO. [^ 



Eldred. 
? 1592. 



merchant of the company ; of whose honesty they conceive 
best. 

In passing from Babylon to Aleppo, we spent forty days : 
travelling twenty or twenty-four miles a day, resting our- 
selves commonly from two o'clock in the afternoon until 
three in the morning, at which time we began to take our 
journey. 

Eight days' journey from Babylon towards Aleppo, near 
unto a town called Heit [Hit], as we cross the river 
Euphrates by boats, about three miles from the town, there 
is a valley where are many springs [i.e., of bitumen] throwing 
out abundantly, at great mouths, a kind of black substance 
like unto tar, which serveth all the country to make staunch 
their barks and boats. Every one of these springs maketh a 
noise like unto a smith's forge in the blowing and puffing out 
of this matter, which never ceaseth, day or night; and the 
noise may be heard a mile off continually. The vale 
swalloweth up all heavy things that come upon it. The 
people of the country call it, in their language, Babil 
Gehcnham, that is to say, " Hell Door." 

As we passed through these deserts, we saw certain wild 
beasts, as, wild asses all white, roebucks, wolves, leopards, 
foxes, and many hares ; whereof we chased and killed many. 
Aborise, the King of the wandering Arabs in these deserts, 
hath a duty of 40s. [=£12 now] sterling, upon every camel's 
load ; which he sendeth his officers to receive of the cara- 
vans : and, in consideration hereof, he taketh upon him to 
conduct the said caravans, if they need his help, and to 
defend them against certain prowling thieves. 

I and my companion William Shales came to Aleppo 
with the caravan, the nth of June, 1584; where we were 
joyfully received, twenty miles distant from the town, by 
Master William Barret, our Consul, accompanied with his 
people and Janissaries. Who fell sick immediately, and 
departed this life, within eight days after : and elected, before 
his death. Master Anthony Bate, Consul of our English 
nation, in his place ; who laudably supplied the same room 
three years. 

In which mean time, I made two more voyages to Babylon, 
and returned, by the way aforesaid, over the deserts of Arabia. 



Feb.isss] Queen Elizabeth's letter to Emp. Akbar. 303 

And afterwards, as one desirous to see other parts of the 
country, I went from Aleppo to Antioch, which is thence 
sixty English miles ; and from thence, went down to Tripolis : 
where, going aboard a small vessel, I arrived at Joppa, and 
travelled to Rama, Lycia, Gaza, Jerusalem, Bethlehem, to 
the river Jordan, and the sea or lake of Sodom, and returned 
back to Joppa ; and from thence, by sea, to Tripolis. Of 
which places, because many others have published large dis- 
courses, I surcease to write. 

Within a few days after, embarking myself at Tripolis, the 
22nd of December [1587],! arrived, GOD be thanked! in safety 
here, in the river Thames, with divers English merchants, 
the 26th of March 1588, in the Hercules of London ; which 
was the richest ship of English merchants' goods, that ever 
was known to come into this realm. 



Ralph Fitch'.? Voyage to the 
East Indies and back 1583-1591, a.d. 

WITH 

John NEWBERY'.r letters. 

At the expense of some little repetition, Fitch's Narrative is printed 
entire, until his departure from Goa : after which all descriptions of 
places, &c., are omitted, and simply an outline of his travels given. The 
several letters are inserted in this Narrative, under their respective dates. 

Queen Eli^abeth'^ letter to 

THE EjVIPEROR AkBAR. 

February, 1583. 

\LiZABETH, by the grace of GOD, &c., to the most in- 
vincible, and most mighty Prince, Lord Zelabdim 
[the glorious] Akbar, King of Camhaia, invincible 
Emperor, &c. 
The great affection which our subjects have to visit the 
most distant places of the world {not without good will and 




304 The Queen's letter to Emperor of China. [Feb.isss. 

intention to introduce the trade of merchandise of all nations, 
whatsoever tJicy can; by which means, the mutual and friendly 
traffic of merchandise, on both sides, may come) is the cause 
that the bearer of this letter, John Newbery, jointly with 
those that be in his company, with a courteous and honest 
boldness, doth repair to the borders and countries of your 
Empire. We doubt not that your Imperial Majesty, through 
your royal grace, will favourably and friendly accept him. 
And that you would do it rather for our sake, to make us 
greatly beholding to your Majesty, we shoidd more earnestly, 
and with more words require it, if we did think it need- 
ful : but, by tJie singular report that is of your Imperial 
Majesty's humanity in these uttermost parts of the world, vue 
are greatly eased of that burden; and therefore we use the 
fewer and less words. Only we request that because they 
are our subjects, they may be honestly intreated [treated] 
and received : and that, in respect of the hard journey, 
which they have undertaken to places so far distant; it 
ivould please your Majesty, ivith some liberty and security 
of voyage to gratify it with such privileges as to you shall seem 
good. Which courtesy if your Imperial Majesty shall, to our 
subjects, at our requests, perform ; We, according to our royal 
honour, will recompeiise the same with as many deserts as we can. 
And herewith, We bid your Imperial Majesty farewell. 

Queen El-2;abeth'p letter to 
THE Smperor Of China. 




jLiZABETH, by the grace of GOD, Queen of England, 
II &c. Most Imperial and invincible Prince ! Our 
honest subject, John Newbery, the bringer hereof, 
who, with our favour, hath taken in hand the voyage 
which now he pursueth to the parts and countries of your 
Empire ; not trusting upon any other ground than upon the 
favour of your Imperial clemency and humanity, is moved to 
undertake a thing of so much dijficulty, being persuaded that 
he having entered on so many perils, your Majesty will not 
dislike the same : especially if it may appear that it be not 
damageable unto your Royal Majesty ; and that to your 



^^isS'.] Newbery and Fitch start for the East. 305 

people it will bring some profit. Of both which things he, 
not doubting, with more willing mind, hath prepared himselj 
for his destinated voyage, unto us well liked of. 

For, by this means, we perceive that the profit, which, by 
the mutual trade, on belli sides, all the princes, our neighbours 
in the West, do receive, your Imperial Majesty and those that 
be subject tinder your dominion, to their great joy and benefit, 
shall have the same : which consisteth in the transporting out- 
ward of such things, whereof we have plenty; and in bringing 
in such things as we stand in need of. It cannot otherwise be, 
but that, seeing we are born and made to have need one of 
another, and that we are bound to aid one another ; but that 
your Imperial Majesty ivill well like of it, and by your 
subjects with like endeavour will be accepted. 

For the increase whereof, if your Imperial Majesty shall 
add the security of passage, with other privileges most 
necessary to use the trade with your men, your Majesty shall 
do that which bclongeth to a most honourable and liberal 
Prince ; and deserve so much of Us, as by no continuance or 
length of time shall be forgotten. 

Which request of ours. We do most instantly desire to be 
taken in good part of your Majesty ; and so great a benefit 
towards Us and our men, We shall endeavour, by diligence, to 
requite, when time shall serve thereunto. 

The God Almighty long preserve your Imperial Majesty ! 

N THE year of our Lord 1583, I, Ralph Fitch, of 
London, merchant (being desirous to see the 
countries of the East India), in the company of 
Master John Newbery, merchant, who had been 
at Ormus once before,* of William Leedes, 
jeweller, and James Story, painter — being chiefly set forth 
by the Right Worshipful Sir Edward Osborne, knight, and 
Master Richard Stapers, citizens and merchants of London 
— did ship myself in a ship of London, called the Tiger, 
wherein we went for Tripolis in Syria. 

And from thence, we took the way for Aleppo ; which we 
went in seven days with the caravan. 

'■^'- Evidently Newbery first went out in the Bark Rey7iolds in 1580 or 
1581. 

I U 4 





3o6 J. Newbery's letter to R. Hakluyt. [iMaTS 

jVlA^TER JOHjM NeWBERY, FROJVI 

Aleppo, 28th JVIay, i58 3, to JVIa^ter 

P(lCHARD HaKX^UYT OF OxFORD. 

Right WELL beloved, & my assured good friend, 

Heartily commend me unto you, hoping of your 

good health, &c. After we set sail from Gravesend, 

which was the 13th of February [1583] last, we 

remained on the coast till the nth day of March, 

and that day we set sail from Falmouth, and never 

anchored till we arrived in the road of Tripolis in Syria, 

which was the last day of April last past ; where we 

stayed fourteen days. And the 20th of this present, we 

came hither to Aleppo; and, with GOD's help, within 

five or six days, go from hence towards the Indies. 

Since my coming to Tripolis, I have made very earnest 
inquiry, both there and here, for the book of Cosmo- 
graphy of Abulfida Ismael ; but, by no means, can 
hear of it. Some say that possibly it may be had in 
Persia, but notwithstanding I will not fail to make in- 
quiry for it, both in Babylon and in Balsora ; and if I 
can find it in any of these places, I will send it you from 
thence. 

The letter which you delivered me for to copy outj 
that came from Master Tii(;MAS Si EVENS in Goa. 
[Stevens arrived at Goa on the 4th November ^ ^579]i as 
also the note you gave me of FRANCIS Fernandez 
the Portuguese ; I brought thence with me, among 
other writings, unawares. The which I have sent you 
here inclosed. 

Here is great preparation for the wars in Persia ; 
and from thence is gone the Pasha of a town named 
Rahemet, and, shortly after, goeth the Pasha of Tripolis 
and the Pasha of Damascus : but they have not with 
them all, above six thousand men from hence. They go 
to a town called Asmerome [ 1 Eyzroum], which is three 
days' journey from Trebizond ; where they shall meet 
with divers captains and soldiers that come from Con- 



iMayS'] H^S LETTER FROM AlEPPO, TO L. PoORE. 307 

stantinople and other places thereabout : and then go 
all together into Persia. 

This year, many men go to the wars ; and so hath 
there every year since the beginning thereof, which is 
eight years or thereabouts: but very few of them return 
again. Notwithstanding, they get of the Persians; and 
make castles and holds in their country. 

I pray you ! make my hearty commendations to Master 
Peter Guillame, Master Philip Jones, and to Master 
Walter Warner, and to all the rest of our friends. 
Master Fitch hath him heartily commended unto you. 
So I commit you to the tuition of the Almighty, who 
bless and keep you! and send us a joyful meeting! 

From Aleppo, the 28th of May, 15S3. 

Your loving friend to command, in all that I may, 

John Newbery. 

JVIa^ter John Kewbery, froj^ 
Aleppo, 29th JVIay, isss, to jVIyv^TER 

I^EONARD PoORE OF J_<ONDON. 

Right well beloved, 

Y HEARTY commendations unto you, and the rest of 
my friends remembered. 

My last, I sent you, was the 25th of February 
[1583] last, from Deal, out of the Downs. After which 
time, with contrary winds, we remained upon our own 
coast until the nth day of March : and then we set sail 
from Falmouth, and the 13th day, the wind came con- 
trary with a very great storm, which continued eight 
days ; and in this great storm we had some of our goods 
wet, but, GOD be thanked ! no great hurt done. 

After which time, we sailed with a fair wind within 
the Straits [of Gibralter], and so remained at sea, and 
anchored at no place until our coming into the road of 
Tripolis in Syria; which was the last day of April [1583]. 
This was a very good passage. GOD make us thankful 
for it ! 

The 14th day of this present, we came from Tripolis, 
and the 20th day, arrived here at Aleppo ; and, with the 




;o8 The Reynolds %l Emanuel, at Tripolis. [^'MayS- 

help of GOD, to-morrow or next day, we begin our 
voyage towards Bab3'lon and Balsora, and so into India. 
Our friend Master Barret hath him commended to 
you: who hath sent 5^ou, in the Rmamid, a ball of nut- 
megs for the small trifles you sent him; which 1 hope, 
long since, you have received. 

Also he hath, by his letter, certified you in what 
order he sold those things : whereof I can say nothing, 
because I have not seen the account thereof, neither 
have demanded it : for ever since our coming here, he 
hath been still busy about the despatch of the ship \i.e., 
the Tiger hack to England], and our voyage ; and I, like- 
wise, in buying of things here to carry to Balsora and 
the Indies. 

We have bought in currall [? co7'al] for twelve hundred 
and odd ducats [at 6 larines (p. 184), i.e., 6s. each= £^60 
then^about ^£'2,160 now] and ambergreese for four hun- 
dred ducats [=;£"i20 then==abottt £720 now], and some 
soap, and broken glass, with other small trifles : all 
which things I hope will serve very well for those places 
we shall go unto. 

All the rest of the account of the bark Reynolds was 
sent home in the Emanuel ; which was 3,600 ducats 
which is ;^200 more than it was rated [at]. For Master 
Staper rated it but [at] ;^i,ioo, and it is ^1,300 : so that 
our part is ^^200; besides such profit, as it shall please 
GOD to send thereof. Wherefore you shall do well, to 
speak to Master Staper for the account. 

And if you would content yourself to travel for three or 
four years, I would wish you to come hither ; or to go to 
Cairo, if any go thither. For we doubt not, if you remained 
there but three or four months, you will like so well of 
the place, that I think you would not desire to return 
again in three or four years. And, if it should be my 
chance to remain in any place out of England, I would 
choose this before all other that I know. My reason is, 
the place is healthful and pleasant, and the gains very 
good ; and, no doubt, the profit will be hereafter better, 
things being used in good order : for there should come 
in every ship the fourth part of her cargason [cargo] in 
money ; which would help to put away our commodities 



^/isgi] From Aleppo to Bussorah. 309 

at a very good price. Also, to have two very good ships 
to come together, would do very well : for, in so doing, 
the danger of the voyage might be accounted as little as 
from London to Antwerp. 

Master Giles Porter and Master Edmund Porter 
went from Tripolis in a small bark, to Jaffa, the same 
day that we came from thence ; which was the 14th day 
of this present : so that, no doubt, but, long since, they 
are in Jerusalem. GOD send them and us safe return ! 

At this instant, I have received the account of Master 
Barret, and the rest of the rings, with 22 ducats, 2 
medins [at 40 iiiediiis the ducat of 6s. =^£6 12s. ^d. thcn= 
about £^0 now], in ready money. So there is nothing 
remaining in his hands but a few books. With Thomas 
BosTOCK, I left certain small tril^es ; which, I pray you, 
demand ! 

And so, once again, with my hearty commendations, 
I commit you to the tuition of the Almighty, who always 
preserve us ! From Aleppo, the 29th of May, 1583. 
Yours assured, 

John Nev^bery. 

Being in Aleppo, and finding good company : we went from 
thence to Bir, which is two days and a half travel with 
camels. 

Bir is a little town, but very plentiful of victuals : and 
near to the wall of the town, runneth the river Euphrates. 
Here we bought a boat : and agreed with a master and barge- 
men to go to Babylon. These boats be but for one vo}age : 
for the stream doth run so fast downwards that they cannot 
return. They carry you to a town which they call Felugia, 
and there you sell the boat for a little money. That which 
cost you fifty at Bir, you sell there for seven or eight. 

From Bir to Felugia is sixteen days' journey. It is not 
good that one boat go alone : for if it should chance to break, 
you would have much ado to save your goods from the Arabs, 
which be always thereabouts robbing. In the night, when 
your boats be made fast, it is necessary that you keep good 
watch : for the Arabs that be thieves, will come swimming, 
and steal your goods, and flee away : against which a gun is 
very good, for they do fear it very much. 



3IO Letter FROM Bagdad, to L. Poore. [ ^o J^uiy ''iss^; 

In the river Euphrates, from Bir to Felugia, there be 
certain places where you custom (so many medins for a 
Some or camel's lading ; and certain raisins and soap) which 
are for the sons of Aborise, who is Lord of the Arabs and all 
that great desert, and hath some villages upon the river. 
Felugia, where you unlade your goods which come from 
Bir, is a little village, from whence you go to Babylon in 
a day. 

Babylon [Bagdad] is a town not very great, but very popu- 
lous, and of great traffic of strangers ; for it is the way to 
Persia, Turkia [Turkestan], and Arabia: and from thence, do 
go caravans for these and other places. Here is great store 
of victuals, which come from Armenia down the river of 
Tigris. 

Babylon, in times past, did belong to the Kingdom of 
Persia : but now is subject to the Turk. Over against 
Babylon, there is a fair village ; from whence you pass to 
Babylon, along a bridge made of boats, and tied to a great 
chain of iron : which is made fast on either side of the river. 
When any boats are to pass up or down the river, they take 
away certain of the boats until they be past. 

When there is great store of water in the Tigris, you may 
go from Babylon to Balsora, in eight or nine days. If there 
be small store, it will cost you the more days. 

JVIa^ter Kewbery, from Baqdad, 

20TH Jui.Y, 158 3, TO JVIa^TER 
J_(E0NARD PoORE, OF J_(0ND0N. 

Y LAST, I sent you, was the 2gth of May [1583] last 
past, from Aleppo, by George Gill, the Purser of 
the Tiger. 
The last day of the same month, we came from 
thence; and arrived at Felugia, the igth of June, which 
Felugia is one day's journey from hence. Notwith- 
standing some of our own company came not hither 
till the last day of the month; which was for want of 
camels to carry our goods. For, at this time of the year, 
by reason of the great heat that is here, camels are very 
scant to be gotten. 




^r'^IsS".] From Bussorah to Ormus. 311 

And since our coming hither, we have found very 
small sales; but divers say, that in winter, our com- 
modities will be very well sold. I pray GOD ! their 
words may prove true. I think cloth, kerseys, and tin 
have never been here at so low prices as they are now. 
Notwithstanding, if I had here so much ready money as 
the commodities are worth, I would not doubt to make 
a very good profit of this voyage hither, and to Balsora. 
By GOD's help, there will be reasonable profit made of 
the vo3'age ; but, with half money and half commodities, 
may be bought here the best sort of spices and other 
commodities that are brought from the Indies ; and 
without money there is here, at this instant, small good 
to be done. 

With GOD's help, two days' hence, I mind to go 
from hence to Balsora ; and from thence, of force, I 
must go to Ormus, for want of a man that speaketh the 
Indian tongue. 

At my being in Aleppo, I hired two Nazaranies 
[? Nestorians], and one of them hath been twice in the 
Indies, and hath the language very well : but he is a 
very lewd fellow, and therefore I will not take him with 
me. From Babylon [Bagdad] the 20th day of July, 1583. 

Yours, 

John Newbery. 

Balsora, in times past, was under the Arabs, but now is 
subject to the Turk. Some of them, the Turk cannot 
subdue : for they hold certain islands in the river Euphrates 
which the Turk cannot win of them. They be thieves, and 
have no settled dwelling : but remove from place to place, 
with their camels, goats, and horses ; wives and children and 
all. They have large blue gowns ; their wives' ears and 
noses are ringed very full of rings of copper and silver, and 
they wear rings of copper about their legs. 

Balsora standeth near the Gulf of Persia, and is a town of 
great trade for spices and drugs, which come from Ormus. 
Also there is great store of wheat, rice, and dates growing 
thereabouts ; wherewith they serve Babylon and all the 
country, Ormus, and all the parts of India. 

I went from Balsora to Ormus, down the Gulf of Persia, 



312 Letter from Ormus, to J. Eldred. [//s^p^^l?* 

in a certain sliip made of boards, and sown together with 
Cairo, which is thread made of the husk of cocoa [nuts] ; 
and certain canes or straw leaves sown upon the seams of 
the boards, which is the cause that they leak very much. 
And so having Persia always on the left hand, and the coast 
of Arabia on the right hand, we passed many islands: and 
among others, the famous island Baharem [Bahrein], whence 
come the best pearls ; which be round and orient. 

Ormus is an island about twenty-five or thirty miles in 
circuit, and is the driest island in the world : for there is 
nothing growing in it, but only salt. For their water, wood, or 
victuals, and all things necessary, come out of Persia; which 
is about twelve miles from thence. All the islands there- 
about be very fruitful ; from whence all kinds of victuals are 
sent into Ormus. The Portuguese have a Castle here which 
standeth near unto the sea : wherein there is a Captain for 
the King of Portugal, having, under him, a convenient 
number of soldiers; whereof some part remain in the Castle, 
and some in the town. 

In this town, are merchants of all nations, and many 
Moors and Gentiles. Here is very great trade of all sorts of 
spices, drugs, silk, cloth of silk, fine tapestry of Persia ; great 
store of pearls which come from the isle of Baharem and are 
the best pearls of all others ; and many horses of Persia, 
which serve all India. They have a Moor to their King, 
who is chosen and governed by the Portuguese. 

Here, very shortly after our arrival, we were put in prison, 
and had part of our goods taken from us by the Captain of the 
Castle, whose name was Don Matthias de Albuquerque. 



John Kewbery, frojvi Orjviu^, 2i^t 

September, 158 3, to J. Eldred aj^d 

W. $HALEg at Bu3^orah. 

Right well beloved, & my assured good friends, 

Heartily commend me unto you ! hoping of your 
good health, &c. To certify of my voyage, after I 
departed from you, time will not permit : but the 
4th of this present we arrived here, and the loth, 




2]s^pTS.] Newbery's letters from Ormus prison. 313 

I with the rest, were committed to prison ; and about 
the middle of the next month, the Captain will send us all 
in his ship for Goa. 

The cause why we are taken, as they say, is that I 
brought letters from Don Anton' 10 [who was living i}i 
Eu'^land when the ivriter left] : but the truth is, Michael 
Stkopene was the only cause ; upon letters that his 
brother wrote to him from Aleppo. 

GOD knoweth how we shall be dealt withal in Goa ! 
and therefore if you can procure our masters [Sir 
Edward Osborne and Master Stapers] to send the 
King of Spain's letters for our releasement, you should 
do us great good : for they cannot with justice, put us 
to death. It may be that they will cut our throats, or 
keep us long in prison. GOD's will be done ! 

All those commodities that I brought hither, had been 
very well sold ; if this trouble had not chance. 

You shall do well to send with all speed a messenger, 
by land, from Balsora to Aleppo, to certify this mis- 
chance ; although it cost thirty or forty crowns [=£g 
to £\2 then=about £^^ to £y2 now] that we may be the 
sooner released; and I shall be the better able to recover 
this again, which is now likely to be lost. 

I pray you make my hearty commendations, &c. 

From out of the Prison in Ormus, this 21st [day] of 
September, 1583. 

John INTewbery, rROjM Ormu^, 24th 

September, 158 3, to J. Eldred and 

W. Shale^ at Bu^^orah. 

He bark of the Jews is arrived here, two days past ; 
by whom I know you did write : but 3^our letters 
are not likely to come to my hands. 

This bringer hath showed me here very great 
courtesy ; wherefore, I pray you, show him what favour 
you may ! 

About the middle of next month, I think we shall 
depart from hence. GOD be our guide ! 

I think Andrew will go by land to Aleppo ; wherein. 




314 Sailing from Ormus to Goa.[ 



R. Fitch. 
1592. 



I pray you, further him what you may ! but if he should 
not go ; then, I pray you, despatch away a messenger 
with as much speed as possibly you may. 

I can say no more ; but do for me, as you would I 
should do for you, in the like cause ! And so with my 
very hearty commendations, S-c. 

From out of the prison in Ormus, this 24th day of 
September, 

Yours, 

John Newbery. 

From Ormus, the lith of October, the Captain shipped us 
for Goa, unto the Viceroy; who, at that time, was Don 
Francesco de Mascharenhas. The ship wherein we were 
embarked for Goa, belonged to the Captain ; and carried 124 
horses in it. All merchandise carried to Goa in a ship 
wherein there are horses, pay no customs at Goa. The horses 
pay customs, the goods pay nothing : but if you come in a 
ship which bringeth no horses, you are then to pay eight in 
the hundred for your goods. 

The first city of India that, after we had passed the coast 
of Sind, we arrived at, upon the 5th of November, is called 
Diu : which standeth on an island, in the kingdom of Cam- 
baia, and is the strongest town that the Portuguese have in 
those parts. It is very little, but well stored with mer- 
chandise ; for here, they lade many great ships with divers 
commodities for the Straits of Mecca [tJie Red Sea], for Ormus, 
and other places : and these be shipped of the Moors and 
Christians ; but the Moors cannot pass, except they have a 
passport from the Portuguese. 

Going from Diu, we came to Daman, the second town of 
the Portuguese in the country of Cambaia ; which is distant 
from Diu, forty leagues. Here is no trade but of corn and 
rice. They have many villages under them, which they 
quietly possess in time of peace ; but in time of war, the 
enemy is master of them. 

From thence, we passed by Basaim, and from Basaim to 
Tana. At both of which places, there is a small trade, but 
only of corn and rice. 

The loth of November, we arrived at Chaul; which standeth 
in the firm land. There be two towns ; the one belonging 



^■?^i592."] Imprisoned, and charged as spies. 315 

to the Portuguese, and the other to the Moors. That of the 
Portuguese is nearest to the sea, and commandelh the bay. 
It is walled round about. Here is great traffic for all sorts 
of spices and drugs, silk and cloth of silk, sandals, elephants' 
teeth [Uisks], much China work, and much sugar is made of 
the nut called Gagara. The tree is called the Palmer, 
which is the most profitable tree in the world. It doth 
always bear fruit, and doth yield wine, oil, sugar, vinegar, 
cords, coals. Of the leaves, are made thatch for the houses, 
sails for ships, mats to sit or lie upon. Of the branches, they 
make their houses, and brooms to sweep [with]. Of the 
tree, wood for ships. The wine doth issue out of the top of 
the tree. They cut a branch of a bough, and bind it hard ; 
and hang an earthen pot upon it, which they empty every 
morning and evening, and still [distill] it and put in certain 
dried raisins, and it becometh very strong wine in a short 
time. 

Hither, many ships come from all parts of India, Ormus, 
&c. ; and many from Mecca. 

Goa is the principal city which the Portuguese have in 
India ; wherein the Viceroy remaineth with his Court. It 
standeth on an island, which may be twenty-five or thirty 
miles about. It is a fine city ; and for an Indian town very 
fair. The island is very fair, full of orchards and gardens, 
and many palm trees; and hath some villages. Here be 
many merchants of all nations. And the Fleet which cometh 
every year from Portugal, which be four, five, or six great 
ships, cometh first hither. They come, for the most part, in 
September, and remain there forty or fifty days ; and then 
go to Cochin, where they lade their pepper for Portugal. 
Oftentimes, they lade one in Goa; and the rest go to Cochin, 
which is an hundred leagues southward from Goa. 

At our coming [30th of November], we were cast into the 
prison, and examined before the Justice, and demanded for 
letters. We were charged to be spies ; but they could prove 
nothing against us. We continued in prison, until the 22nd 
of December: and then we were set at liberty; putting in 
sureties for 2,000 ducats [or rather Pardaos Xeraphines, see 
p. 320, and Vol. II. pp. 58-64], not to depart the town, which 
sureties, Father Stevens, an English Jesuit (whom we found 
there) and another religious man, a friend of his, procured 
for us. 




3i6 Letter from Goa, to L. Poore. [f;^^^^' 
John Kewbery, from Qoa, 20th 

jAflUAI^Y, 1584, TO JVIa^TER 

J_,EO]VARD PoORE, OF J_(ONDOjM. 

This and the following letter were warily written ; so as not to compro- 
mise the writers with the Jesuit priests, if they had been detected and 
read. 

Y LAST I sent you, was from Ormus, whereby 
I certified you, what was happened unto me and the 
rest of my company : which was that, four days 
after our arrival there, we were all committed to 
prison ; except one Italian who came with me from 
Aleppo, whom the Captain never examined, but only de- 
manded "What countryman he was?" But I make 
account, Michael Stropene, who accused us, had 
informed the Captain of him. 

The first day we arrived there, this Stropene accused 
us that " we were spies sent from Don Antonio," 
besides divers other lies : notwithstanding, if we had 
been of any other country than of England, we might 
freely have traded with them. 

And although we be Englishmen, I know no reason 
to the contrary, but that we may trade hither and thither, 
as well as other nations. For all nations do and may 
come freely to Ormus ; as Frenchmen, Flemings, 
Almains [Germans], Hungarians, Italians, Greeks, Arme- 
nians, Nazaranies [Nestorians], Turks and Moors, Jews 
and Gentiles, Persians, and Moscovites ; and there is 
no nation they seek to trouble, but ours : wherefore it 
were contrary to all justice and reason that they should 
suffer all nations to trade with them, and forbid us. 

But now I have as great liberty as any other nation, 
except it be to go out of the country; which thing, as 
yet, I desire not : but I think, hereafter, and before it be 
long, if I shall be desirous to go from hence, that they 
will [shall] not deny me licence. 

Before we might be suffered to come out of prison, I 
was forced to put in sureties for 2,000 pardaos not to de- 
part from hence, without licence of the Viceroy. Other- 



/ojlrS-] Archbp. Fonseca helps the Englishmen. 317 

wise, except this, we have as much liberty as any other 
nation ; for I have our ^oods a,e;ain, and have taken a 
house in the ciiiefest street in the town, called the Rue 
Drette, where we sell our goods. 

There were two causes which moved the Captain of 
Ormus to imprison us, and afterwards to send us hither. 
The first was because Michael Stropene had accused 
us of many matters, which were most false. And the 
second was that Master Drake, at his being at the 
Moluccas [i}i 15S0J, caused two pieces of the ordnance 
to be shot at a galleon of the Kings of Portugal, as they 
say. But of these things, I did not know at Ormus. 

In the ship that we were sent in, came the Chief 
Justice in Ormus, who was called the Avcador General 
of that place. He had been there three years, so that 
his time was now expired. This Aveador is a great 
friend to the Captain of Ormus ; and, certain days after 
our coming from thence, sent for me into his chamber 
[on board the ship], and there began to demand of me 
many things, to which I answered. 

And, amongst the rest, he said that "Master Drake 
was sent out of England with many ships, and came to 
the Moluccas, and there laded cloves ; and finding there 
a galleon of the Kings of Portugal, he caused two pieces 
of his greatest ordnance to be shot at the same." 

So, perceiving that this did greatly grieve them, I 
asked, " If they would be revenged on me, for that 
which Master Drake had done ? " 

To which, he answered, " No 1 " although his meaning 
was to the contrary. 

He said, moreover, that " The cause why the Captain 
of Ormus did send me to Goa was, that the Viceroy 
should understand of me, what news there was of Don 
Antonio ; and whether he were in England, yea or no : 
and that it might be all for the best that I was sent 
thither." Which I trust in GOD will so fall out, although 
contrary to his expectation. 

For had it not pleased GOD to put it into the minds of 
the Archbishop, and two Pai^r^s, Jesuitsof SaintPaul's Col- 
lege, to stand our friends, we might have rotted in prison. 

The Archbishop is a very good man : who hath two 



3i8 J. Story enters the Jesuits' College. [i'jIrS 

young men his servants. One of them was born at 
Hamburg, and is called Bernard Borgers : and the 
other was born at Enkhuisen, whose name is JOHN 
LiNSCOT \i.e.,jAN HUYGHEN VAN LiNSCHOTEN]] who 

did us great pleasure. For by them, the Archbishop 
was, many times, put in mind of us. 

And the two good Fathers of Saint Paul's, who 
travailed very much for us, one of them is called Padre 
Mark, who was born in Bruges, in Flanders : and the 
• He was other was born in Wiltshire, in England, and 
N^wcoitege. IS Called Padre Thomas Stevens.* 
Oxford. Also, I chanced to find here a young man, 

who was born in Antwerp ; but the most part of his bring- 
ing up hath been in London. His name is Francis de 
Rea : and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in 
Aleppo ; who, also, hath done me great pleasure here. 

In the prison at Ormus, we remained many days. 
Also, we lay a long time at sea coming hither. Forth- 
with, at our arrival here [on 30 November], we were 
carried to prison : and, the next day after, were sent 
for before the Aveador, who is the Chief Justice, to be 
examined. When we were examined, he presently sent 
us back again to prison. 

And after our being there in prison thirteen days, 
James Story went [on 12 December] into the Monastery 
of Saint Paul ; where he remaineth, and is made one of 
the Company : which life he liketh very well. 

And upon St. Thomas's day [21 December], which 
was twenty-two days after our arrival here, I came out 
of prison; and the next day after, came out Ralph Fitch 
and William Leedes. 

If these troubles had not chanced, I had been in 
possibility to have made as good a voyage as ever any 
man made with so much [such an amount of] money. 

Many of our things I have sold very well, both here 
and in prison at Ormus : for, notwithstanding, the 
Captain willed me, if I would, to sell what I could, 
before we embarked. So, with officers, I went divers 
times out of the Castle in the morning, and sold things ; 
and, at night, returned again to prison. All things that 
I sold, they did write : and at our embarking from 



2-!,' jlrS'.] ^^^ GOOD BARGAINS OF M. AlBUQUERQUE. 3 I9 

thence, the Captain gave order that I should dehver all 
my money, with the goods, into the hands of the Scrivano, 
or Purser, of the ship ; which I did. The Scrivano made 
a remembrance, which he left there with the Captain, that 
myself with the rest, with money and goods, he should 
deliver into the hands of the Aveador General of India. 

But at our arrival here, the Aveador would neither 
meddle with goods nor money, for he could not prove 
anything against us ; wherefore the goods remained in 
the ship nine or ten days, after our arrival. And then, 
because the ship was to sail from thence, the Scrivano 
sent the goods on shore; and there they remained a day 
and a night, and nobody to receive them. 

In the end, they suffered this bringer [the carrier of this 
letter] to receive them, who came with me from Ormus ; 
and put them into an house which he had hired for me, 
where they remained four or five days. 

But, afterwards, when they should deliver the money, 
it was concluded by the Justice that both money and 
goods should be delivered into the positor's [security's] 
hands, where they remained fourteen days [i.e., to ^th 
January, 1584] after my coming out of prison. 

At my being in Aleppo, I bought a fountain of silver 
gilt, six knives, six spoons; and one fork trimmed with 
coral for 25 sequins [=£1 5s. then=:-£y 10s. now] : which 
the Captain of Ormus did take, and paid for the same 
20 pardaos [i.e., pardaos de larines] = 100 larins = ioo 
sequins [=^£5 then=:£;^o now] there or here. 

Also, he had five emeralds set in gold, which were 
worth 500 or 600 crowns [ = ;£'t5o to ;£"i8o then = about 
jfgoc to ;£'i,o8o now], and paid for the same 100 pardaos 
[=£25 then= £1^0 now]. 

Also he had ig|- pikes [an Eastern measure of length] 
which cost in London 20s. the pike, and was worth 9 or 
10 crowns [£2 14s. or £^ then = £16 4s. to ;^i8 now] the 
pike : and paid for the same 12 larins [ = 12s. then = £^ 12s. 
now] a pike. 

Also he had two pieces of green kerseys, which were 
worth 24 pardaos[=-£"6 thcn=:£^6 now] the piece ; and 
paid for them 16 pardaos [=£4. then=£24 now]. 



320 



[It may be useful to give here the following Table of the English values in Eliza- 
beth's reign, of the principal Coins referred to in these Eastern narratives, expressed 
in Portuguese i'?^/!, on the basis of the gold Milreis=lT,s. 4a'., see Vol. II. pp. 8-!0; 
•with their equivalents in Spanish Maravedies, at 374 to the Ducat ordinarily 
passed for 5^. 6d. English money, but here proportionately taken at 5s. 4d.] 



Description of Coins. P 




E 


nglish. 




Spanish 

Ducat" Mrtr,y. 


Reis. ' 


Pence 




"~" 




vedies. 


The Portuguese Milreis 


.= 1000 


= i6o-o = 


13s. 4d. 




= A 


or93S 


The Venetiander [? the gold '\ 














Ducat of Venice], of Goa j 


= 600 


= g6'o = 


8s. od. 




= Ij 


or 561 


[ = 10 Tangas\ 














The Pagoda, of Goa [ = 8 
Ta7igas\ 


= 480 


= 76-8 






= li 


or 448 '8 


The French Croivn, in Europe = 450 


= 72-0 = 


6s. Od. 




= I|- 


or 42075 


The current or ordinary 














Ducat, in the Euphrates 


= 45° 


= 720 = 


6s. Od. 




= li 


or 42075 


Valley 














The Piece of Eight ; which 














had three other names, 














the Royal of Eight, the 


"= 436 


= 6976 






= iyVw404-6 


Royal of Plate, and, in 














Goa, Pardao de Reale.. 














The Spanish and Portuguese 
Ducat 


= 400 

= 375 


= 64-0 = 


ordinarily, 
5s. 6d. 

53. Od. 


asl 

1 


==1 


^^-374 


The Pardao of Larines, of 
Ormus 


= 6o'o = 


Maravedies. 
= 31875 


The Cj-uzado, of Malacca 
[ = 6 Tangas\ 


= 360 


= 57-6 






= 


306 


The Pardao Xeraphine, of 
Goa [ = 5 Tangas\ 


= 300 


= 48-0 = 


43. Od. 




= 


255 


The Keyser's Guilder, of 
Holland 


= 160 


= 25-6 = 


(ordinarily. 


2s.) 


= 


136 


The Teston, of Holland 


. = 100 


= i6-o 






= 


85 


The Larine, of Ormus [4=1 














Pardao Xeraphine ; 5 = i 


■= 75 


= 12-0 = 


18. Od. 




= 


6375 


Pardao de larittes] 














The Sequin, at Ormus ; there 
taken as = the Zar/;»? ... 


■ = 75 


= I2*0 = 


Is. Od. 




= 


6375 


The good [?.(?., offul I weight] 


= 60 = 9-6 








51 


Tanga, of Goa 








[The Tanga was the it 


lonetary Unit at Goa : 


5 = I Pardao X 


erap] 


ine ', 


8= I 


Pagoda; 10= I Venetiander.'] 








The Spanish Rial of Silver 
[11 = I Ducat] 


= 40 


= 6-4 


(ordinarily, 6d.) 


= 


34 


The Stiver oi Holland [10 = 
I Testoti] 




= 1-6 






= 


8-5 


The good Vintin of Goa [15 
= I Tangd] 


• = 4 


= _ -64 






= 


3*4 


A single Spanish Maravedy . 


.= l•l^6 


= •188 






= 


I 


Two Pence of Holland = a 
single Portuguese Rei.. 


\ ' 


= 16 






= 


•85 


A single good BazarucJio [5 


' 


= 128 






_ 


•68] 


= I Vintin ; 75 = I I'a7iga] 















ij^n.^isSG Fitch's letter from Goa, to L. Poore. 321 

Besides divers other trifles that the officers and others 
had, in the Hke order ; and some, for nothing at all. 

But the cause of all this, was Michael Stropene, 
who came to Ormus not worth a penny, and now hath 
30,000 or 40,000 crowns [ = ^g,ooo to ;£"i2,ooo then 
= ;f54,ooo to ;£'72,ooo now], a.nd he grieveth that any- 
other stranger should trade thither but himself. But 
that shall not skill ! For, I trust in GOD ! to go both 
thither and hither, and to buy and sell as freely as he or 
any other. Here is very great good, to be done in divers 
of our commodities ; and in like manner, there is great 
profit to be made with commodities of this country, to 
be carried to Aleppo. 

It were long for me to write, and tedious for you to 
read of all the things that have passed since my parting 
from you : but of all the troubles, since mine arrival in 
Ormus, this bringer is able to certify you. 

I mind to stay here : wherefore if you will write unto 
me, you may send your letters to some friend at Lisbon; 
and from thence, by the ships [carracks], they may be 
conveyed hither. Let the direction of your letters be, 
either in Portuguese or Spanish, whereby they may 
come the better to my hands. 

From Goa, this 20th day of January, 1584. 

T(alph Fitch, ff^om CJoa, 25th 

JANUAI^Y, 1584, TO JVIa^ter 

J_<EONARD Poore of 

J_< jM D N . 

Loving friend, 

NCE my departure from Aleppo, I have not written 

any letters unto you, by reason that at Babylon 

[Bagdad] I was sick of the flux [ ? diarrhoea] : and, 

being sick, I went from thence to Balsora [Bussorah], 

which was twelve days' journey down the Tigris. 

Where we had extremely hot weather (which was good 

I. X 4 




322 The Venetians are mad at the English. [25 j^' 



Fitch 

1584 



for my disease) ; ill fare, and worse lodging by reason 
our boat was pestered [crowded] with people. 

That which I did eat in eight days, was very small, 
so that if we had stayed two days longer upon the water, 
I think I had died. But coming to Balsora ; presently 
I mended, I thank GOD ! 

There we stayed fourteen days, and then we embarked 
ourselves for Ormus, where we arrived the 5th of 
September, and were put in prison the gth of the same 
month, where we continued until the nth of October. 
And then, were shipped for this city of Goa, in the 
Captain's ship ; with 114 horses and about 200 men. 

Passing by Diu and Chaul where we went on land to 
water, the 20th of November; we arrived at Goa, the 
30th of the same month : where, for our better entertain- 
ment ! we were presently put into a fair strong prison ; 
where we continued until the 22nd of December. 

It was the will of GOD, that we found there two 
Padres, the one an Englishman, the other a Fleming. 
The Englishman's name, was Padre Thomas Stevens, 
the other's Padre Marco ; of the Order of St. Paul. 
These did sue for us unto the Viceroy and other Officers; 
and stood us in as much stead as our lives and goods 
were worth : for if they had not stuck to us, if we had es- 
caped with our lives, yet we had had along imprisonment. 

After fourteen days' imprisonment, they offered us if we 
could put in sureties for 2,000 ducats [i.e., Pardaos 
Xeraphines], we should go abroad in the town ; which, 
when we could not do, the said Padres found a surety 
for us, that we should not depart the country, without 
the licence of the Viceroy. 

It doth spite the Italians [i.e., the Venetians] to see us 
abroad : and many marvel at our delivery. The painter 
is in the Cloister of St. Paul, and is of their Order; and 
liketh it very well. 

While we were in prison, both at Ormus and here, 
there was a great deal of our goods pilfered and lost ; 
and we have been at great charges, in gifts and other- 
wise : so that a great deal of our goods is consumed. 
There is much of our things that will sell very well, and 
some we shall get nothing for. 



^/isi.] Andreas Taborer was their Surety. ^2^ 

I hope in GOD, that, at the return of the Viceroy, who 
is gone to Chaul and to Diu, they say to win a castle of 
the Moors ; whose return it is thought will be about 
Easter [March 1584] , then we shall get our liberty, and 
our surety be discharged. Then I think, it will be our 
best way, either one or both to return : because our 
troubles have been so great, and so much of our goods 
spoiled and lost. [Was this a blind ? They evidently wanted 
to go forward, as they actually did.] 

But if it please GOD, that I come into England ; by 
GOD's help I I will return hither again. It is a brave 
and pleasant country, and very fruitful. 

For all our great troubles, yet are we fat and well 
liking [looking well] : for victuals are here in plenty, and 
good cheap. 

And here I will pass over to certify you of strange 
things, until our meeting : for it would be too long to 
write thereof. 

And thus, I commit you to GOD ! who ever preserve 
you, and us all ! 

From Goain the East Indies, the 25th of January, 1584. 
Yours to command, 

Ralph Fitch. 

Our surety's name was Andreas Taborer, to whom we 
paid 2,150 ducats [i.e., Pardaos Xeraphines=£/:^^o then= 
-£2,^80 now. This is probably the exact amount paid to the Surely : 
beitig the Pledge-money, and something for his trouble] : and still 
he demanded more. Whereupon [in March 1584] we made 
suit to the Viceroy and Justice "to have our money [the 2,000 
ducats] again ; considering they had had it in their hands 
nearly five months [November 1583, to March 1584] and 
could prove nothing against us." 

The Viceroy made us a very sharp answer, and said " We 
should be better sifted, before it were long; and that they had 
further matter against us ! " 

Wherepon we presently [instantly] determined rather to 
seek" our liberties, than to be in danger to be slaves for ever in 
the country. For it was told us, we should have the strappado. 

Whereupon, presently [at once], the 5th day of April [Old 
Style], 1584, in the morning, we ran from the place: and, 




324 Linschoten's account of the Englishmen. L^^y"**?^"; 

being set over the river, we went two days' journey on foot, 
not without fear, not knowing the way, nor having any 
guide : for we durst trust none. 

Tan Huyghen van Linschoten. 
Account of the Four Englishnen at Goa, 

As Linschoten says zXp. 330, his information about Aleppo and 
Ormuswas derived from JAMiiS STORY, the English house painter. 

[Discourse of Voyages &=€., 1598.] 

N THE month of December [or rather on 4th September, 
see p. 312], anno 1583, there arrived in the town and 
island of Ormus, four Englishmen ; who came from 
Aleppo in the country of Syria, having sailed out of 
England, passed through the Straits of Gibraltar to Tripolis, 
a town and haven lying on the sea-coast of Syria, where all 
the ships discharge their wares and merchandise, which from 
thence are carried by land to Aleppo, which is a nine-days' 
journey. 

In Aleppo, there are resident divers merchants and factors 
of all nations, as Italians, Frenchmen, Englishmen, Armenians 
Turks, and Moors ; every man having his religion apart, and 
paying tribute unto the Great Turk. In that town there is 
great traiftc. For from thence, twice every year, there 
travelleth two caffylen [caravans], that is, companies of people 
and camels, which travel into India, Persia, Arabia, and all 
the countries bordering on the same, and deal in all sorts of 
merchandise both to and from those countries. 

Three of the Englishmen aforesaid were sent by the com- 
pany of Englishmen that are resident in Aleppo, to see if 
they might keep any factors in Ormus ; and so traffic in that 
place, like as also the Italians, that is to say, the Venetians, 
do: who have their factors in Ormus, Goa, and Malacca, and 
traffic there, as well for stones and pearls as for other wares 
and spices of those countries ; which from thence, are carried 
overland into Venice. 

One of these Englishmen had been once before in the said 
town of Ormus, and there had taken good information of 
the trade ; and upon his advice and advertisement, the other 



J. H. v^ Li-chote-] Imprisonment of the Englishat Goa. 325 

three were then come thither with him, bringing great store 
of merchandise with them, as cloths, saffron, all kinds of 
drinking-glasses and haberdashers' wares, as looking-glasses, 
knives, and such like stuff; and, to conclude, brought with 
them all kinds of small wares that may be devised. And 
although those wares amounted unto great sums of money ; 
notwithstanding it was but only a shadow or colour, thereby 
to give no occasion to be mistrusted or seen into. For their 
principal intent was to buy great quantities of precious 
stones, as diamonds, pearls, rubies, &c. : to the which end, 
they brought with them a great sum of money and gold ; and 
that very secretly, not to be deceived or robbed thereof, or to 
run into any danger for the same. 

They, being thus arrived in Ormus, hired a shop, and began 
to sell their wares ; which the Italians perceiving (whose 
factors continue there, as I said before, and fearing that 
those Englishmen, finding good vent for their commodities 
in that place, would be resident therein, and so daily increase), 
did presently invent all the subtle means they could, to hinder 
them. And to that end, they went unto the Captain of Ormus, 
then called Don Gonsalo de Meneses [or rather, Don M. DE 
Albuquerque, see p. 312, and Vol. II. p. 49], telling him 
that there were certain Englishmen come into Ormus that 
were sent only to spy the country : and said further that 
** they were heretics, and therefore," they said, " it was conve- 
nient they should not be suffered so to depart ; without being 
examined and punished as enemies, to the example of others." 

The Captain, being a friend unto the Englishmen, by 
reason that the one of them, who had been there before, had 
given him certain presents, would not be persuaded to trouble 
them : but shipped them, with all their wares, in a ship that 
was to sail for Goa ; and sent them to the Viceroy, that he 
might examine and try them, as he thought good. 

Where, when they were arrived, they were cast into prison : 
and first examined whether they were good Christians or not. 
And because they could speak but bad Portuguese ; and that 
two of them spoke good Dutch, having been certain years in 
the Low Countries, and trafficed there : a Dutch Jesuit (born 
in the town of Bruges in Flanders, that had resident in the 
Indies for the space of thirty years) was sent unto them to 
undermine and examine them. Wherein they behaved them- 
I. X 2 4 



326 Jesuits try to beguile the English. [J- «• v.^Lin^cho^en. 

selves so well, that they were holden and esteemed for good 
and catholic Romish Christians ; yet still suspected, because 
they were strangers, especially Englishmen. 

The Jesuits still told them they should be sent prisoners unto 
Portugal, wishing them to leave off their trade of merchandise, 
and to become Jesuits : promising them thereby to defend 
them from all trouble. The cause why they said so, and 
persuaded them in that earnest manner was that the Dutch 
Jesuit had secretly been advertised of the great sums of 
money which they had about them, and sought to get the 
same into their fingers ; for the first vow and promise they 
make, at their entrance into their Order, is, to procure the 
welfare of the said Order, by what means soever it be. 

Although the Englishmen denied them, and refused the 
Order, saying that "they were unfit for such places"; 
nevertheless they proceeded so far that one of them, being a 
painter (that came with the other three, to see the countries 
and to seek his fortune ; but was not sent thither by the 
English merchants), partly for fear, and partly for want of 
means to relieve himself, promised them to become a Jesuit : 
and although they knew and perceived well he was not any 
of those that had the treasure ; yet because he was a painter 
(whereof there are but few in India), and that they had great 
need of him to paint their church, which otherwise it would 
cost them great charges to bring one from Portugal, they 
were very glad thereof; hoping, in time, to get the rest of 
them, with all their money, into their fellowship. So that, 
to conclude, they made this painter, a Jesuit, where he con- 
tinued certain days ; giving him good store of work to do, 
and entertaining him with all the favour and friendship they 
could devise ; and all to win the rest. But the other three 
continued still in prison, being in great fear, because they 
understood no man that came to them, nor any man almost 
knew what they said ; till, in the end, it was told them that 
certain Dutchmen dwelt in the Archbishop's house, and 
counsel given them to send unto them. 

Whereat they much rejoiced, and sent to me and to another 
Dutchman, desiring us once to come, and speak with them ; 
which we presently [at once] did. They, with tears in their eyes, 
made complaint unto us of their hard usage, showing us from 
point to point, as is said before, why they were come into the 



J. H. V. Linschoten.-| -J^j^g JeSUITS FIND THEM THE SuRETY. 327 

country : withal desiring us, for GOD'ssake, if we might, by 
any means, help them, that they might be set at liberty upon 
sureties, being ready to endure what justice should ordain 
for them ; saying " that if it were found contrary, and that 
they were other than travelling merchants, and sought to find 
out further benefit by their wares, they would be content to be 
punished." 

With that, we departed from them, promising them to do 
our best : and, in the end, we obtained so much of the Arch- 
bishop, that he went unto the Viceroy to deliver our petition ; 
and persuaded him so well that he was content to set them at 
liberty, and that their goods should be delivered unto them 
again, upon condition that they should put in surety for 2,000 
pardaos [=^400 then=£2,400 now] not to depart the country 
before other order should be taken with them. 

Thereupon, they presently found a citizen of the town, that 
was their surety for 2,000 pardaos, and they paid him [i.e., at 
first] 1,300 pardaos [=^260 the7i= £1,^60 now] in hand; and 
because they said they had no more ready money, he gave 
them credit, seeing what store of merchandise they had, 
whereby at all times, if need were, he might be satisfied [but 
he was eventually paid 2,1^0 pardaos, see p. 320]: and by that 
means they were delivered out of prison, and hired them- 
selves a house, and began to set an open shop. 

So that the}' uttered much ware, and were presently well 
known among all the merchants, because they always respected 
gentlemen, specially such as bought their wares; showing 
great courtesy and honour unto them : whereby they won 
much credit, and were beloved of all men, so that every man 
favoured them, and was willing to do them pleasure. 

To us, they showed great friendship ; for whose sake, the 
Archbishop favoured them much, and showed them very good 
countenance, which they knew well how to increase, by offer- 
ing him many presents: although he would not receive them, 
neither would ever take gift or present at any man's hands. 
Likewise they behaved themselves very Catholic, and very 
devout, every day hearing mass with beads in their hands ; 
so that they fell into so great favour that no man carried an 
evil eye, no, nor an evil thought towards them. 

Which liked not the Jesuits, because it hindered them from 
that they hoped for, so that they ceased not still, by this 



328 Jesuits covet the Englishmen's money. [^^7 



rLinschotcn. 
1594- 



Dutch Jesuit, to put them in fear, that they should be sent 
into Portugal to the King, counselling them to yield them- 
selves Jesuits into their cloister, " which if they did," he said, 
" they would defend them from all, in troubles." Saying 
further, " that he counselled them therein as a friend, and one 
that knew for certain, that it was so determined by the 
Viceroy's Privy Council, which to effect," he said, "they 
stayed but for shipping [i.e., the Carracks] that should sail 
for Portugal": with divers other persuasions to put them in 
some fear, and so to effect their purpose. 

The Englishmen, on the contrary, durst not say anything 
to them, but answered that " they, as yet, would stay awhile, 
and consider thereof," thereby putting the Jesuits in good 
comfort, as one among them, being the principal of them, 
called John Newbery, complained to me oftentimes, saying, 
" he knew not what to say or think therein; or which way he 
might be rid of those troubles." 

But, in the end, they determined with themselves, to depart 
from thence, and secretly by means of contrary friends, they 
employed their money in precious stones ; which the better 
to effect, one of them [William Leedes] was a jeweller, and 
for the same purpose came with them. Which being con- 
cluded among them, they durst not make known to any man; 
neither did they credit [trust] us so much as to show us their 
minds therein, although they told us all whatsoever they knew. 
But on a Whitsunday [FiTCH says on ^th April, 1584, O.S. ; see 
p. 323], they went abroad to sport themselves about three 
miles from Goa, in the mouth of the river, in a country called 
Bardes, having with them a good store of meat and drink. 
And because they should not be suspected ; they left their 
house and shop, with some wares thereinunsold, in the custody 
of a Dutch boy by us provided for them, that looked unto it. 
This boy was in the house, not knowing their intent. 

Being at Bardes, they had with them a patamar, which is 
one of the Indian posts, which, in winter times, carry letters 
from one place to another ; whom they had hired to guide 
them. And because that between Bardes and the firm land 
there is but a little river, in a manner half dry, they passed 
over it on foot ; and so travelled by land: being never heard of 
again. It is thought they arrived in Aleppo, as some say ; 
but they knew not certainly. Their greatest hopes was that 



Lia»choten.-|5^Qj^Y LEAVES THE JeSUITS, & SETTLES AT GOA. 329 

John Newbery could speak Arabic, which is used in all those 
countries, or, at the least, understood : for it is very common 
in all places thereabouts, as French, with us. 

News being come to Goa, there was a great stir and 
murmuring among the people, and we much wondered at it : 
for many were of opinion that we had given them counsel so 
to do. And presently [instantly] their surety seized upon the 
goods remaining, which might amount unto above 200 
pardaos [=£^0 ihen=£2^o now] ; and with that, and the 
money he had received of the Englishmen, [apparently only 
the 1,300 Pardaos, keeping the 650 to himself], he went unto 
the Viceroy, and delivered it unto him : which the Viceroy 
having received, forgave him the rest. 

This flight of the Englishmen grieved the Jesuits most ; 
because they had lost puch a prey, which they made sure ac- 
count of. Whereupon, the Dutch Jesuit came to us, to ask 
us if we knew thereof; saying, " that if he had suspected so 
much, he would have dealt otherwise. For that," he said, 
'* he once had in his hand a bag of theirs wherein was 40,000 
Venesanders [or Venetianders]." Each Venesander being two 
Pardaos [i.e. = 8s, see p. 320. The amount was therefore 3^16,000 
then=£g6,ooo now]. Which was when they were in prison. 
" And that they had always put him in comfort to accomplish 
his desire. Upon the which promise, he gave them their 
money again : which othenvise they should not so lightly have 
come by, or paradventure never," as he openly said. And in 
the end, he called them heretics and spies ; with a thousand 
other railing speeches which he uttered against them. 

[James Story], the Englishman that was become a Jesuit, 
hearing that his companions were gone, and perceiving that 
the Jesuits showed him not so great favour, neither used him 
so well as they did at the first, repented himself. And see- 
ing he had not, as then, made any solemn promise ; and being 
counselled to leave the house, and told that he could not 
want a living in the town, as also that the Jesuits could not keep 
him there, without he were willing to stay, so that could not 
accuse him of anything, he told them flatly, that "He had no 
desire to stay within the Cloister" : and although they used all 
the means they could, to keep him there, yet he would not 
stay; but hired a house without the Cloister, and opened a 
shop where he had good store of work. And, in the end. 



330 I'he 3 Englishmen separate at Agra, [^f^i'^,^ 

man led a mestizo's daughter, of the town. So that he made 
his account to stay there, while he lived. 

By this Englishman, I was instructed in all the ways, 
trades, and voyages of the country between Aleppo and 
Ormus : and of all the ordinances and common customs 
which they usually hold during their voyage overland ; as also 
of the places and towns where they passed. 

Since those Englishmen's departure from Goa [April 
1584] there never arrived [until November 1588, when 
LiNSCHOTEN left India ] any strangers, either English or 
others, by land in the said countries ; but only Italians, which 
daily traffic overland, and use continual trade, going and 
coming, that way. 

From the point of the three EngHshmen's escape from Goa, we 
gi\ e a brief outline of Fitch's travels, from Hakluyt's Voyages. 
They met an Ambassador of the Emperor Akbar, and went with 
him to his Court at Agra. Where 

We stayed all three until the 28th of September, 1585. 

Then Master John Newbery went towards the city of 
Lahore : determining from thence, to go for Persia ; and 
then for Aleppo or Constantinople, which he could get soonest 
passage unto. [Apparently, he never reached England.] 

He directed me to go to Bengal and Pegu ; and did pro- 
mise me, if it pleased GOD, to meet in Bengal, within two 
years, with a ship out of England. 

I left William Leedes, the jeweller, in the service of the 
Emperor Akbar at Agra : who did entertain him very well ; 
and gave him a house, and five slaves, a horse, and every day 
six S.S. in money. 

I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengal, in the company 
of 180 boats laden with salt, opium, hinge, lead, carpets, 
and divers other commodities, down the river Jumna. 

From Agra, I came to Prage [now, Allahabad], where the 
Jumna entereth the mighty river Ganges, and loseth his name. 

From thence, we went to Benares ; which is a great town. 

From Benares, I went to Patna, down the river Ganges, 
where, in the way, we passed many fair towns and a very 
fruitful country. 



'^v^i'sSJ Fitch journeys to Pegu and Malacca. 331 

From Patna, I went to Tanda, which standeth a league 
from the river Ganges. 

I was five months coming to Bengal ; but it may be sailed 
in a much shorter time. 

I went into the country of Couche, which is twenty-five 
days' journey northwards from Tanda. 

From thence I returned to Hooghly, which is the place 
which the Portuguese keepeth in the country of Bengal. It 
standeth 23° N., and a league from Satagam. They call it 
Porto Piqiieno. 

Not far from Porto Piqiuno south-westward, standeth an 
haven, which is called Porto Angeli, in the country of Orissa. 

From Satagam, I travelled by the country of Tippara to 
Porto Grande or Chatigan. 

From Chatigan in Bengal, I came to Batticola. 

From Batticola, I went to Serrepore [? Serampore], which 
standeth on the river Ganges. 

I went from Serrepore, the 28th of November, 1586, for 
Pegu ; in a small ship or foist of one Albert Carvallos. 

From Bengal to Pegu is ninety leagues. We entered the 
bar of Negrais, which is a brave bar, and hath four fathoms 
of water where it hath least. Three days after, we came to 
Cosmin, which is a very pretty town. 

From the bar of Negrais to the city of Pegu is ten days' 
journey by the rivers. We went from Cosmin to Pegu in 
praus or boats. 

I went from Pegu to lamabey. It is twenty-five days 
journey north-east from Pegu. 

The lOth January [1588] I went from Pegu to Malacca : 
and so came to Malacca the 8th of February, where the 
Portuguese have a castle, which standeth near the sea. 
[T/ien just relieved by the Portuguese, see Vol. II. p. 46. 
Afhuisen, Vol. II. p. 1 10, must have been there at the same 
tune as Fitch. ^ 

The 29th of March, 1588, I returned from Malacca to 
Martavan, and so to Pegu ; where I remained a second time 
until the lyth of September; and then I went to Cosmin, 
and there took shipping. And passing many dangers, by 
reason of contrary winds, it pleased GOD that we arrived in 
Bengal in November following. Where I stayed, for want ol 
passage, until the 3rd of February, 1589 ; and then I shipped 
myself for Cochin. 



332 Fitch returns home, by Goa and Aleppo. [^-^ 



Fitrh 
1592. 



We arrived in Ceylon the 6th of March : where we stayed 
five days to water, and to furnish ourselves with other neces- 
sary provision. 

The nth of March, we sailed from Ceylon; and so doubled 
Cape Cormorin. From thence, we passed by Coulan [Quilon], 
which is a fort of the Portuguese : whence cometh great store 
of pepper, which cometh for Portugal. Oftentimes, one of the 
carracks of Portugal ladeth there. Thus passing the coast, 
we arrived in Cochin, the 22nd of March^ 

I remained in Cochin until the 2nd of November, which 
was eight months ; for there was no passage in all that time. 
If I had come two days sooner, I had found a passage pre- 
sently [at once]. 

From Cochin, I went to Goa ; where I remained three 
days. [A rather risky visit !] 

From Goa, I went to Chaul, where I remained twenty-three 
days. And there making my provision of things necessary 
for the ship, I departed from thence to Ormus: where I stayed 
for a passage to Balsora, fifty days. 

From Ormus, I went to Balsora or Basora ; and from 
Basora to Babylon [Bagdad] : and we passed the most part 
of the way up the Tigris by the strength of men by hauling 
the boat up the river with a long cord. 

From Babylon, I came by land to Mosul, which standeth 
near to Nineveh, which is all ruinated and destroyed. It 
standeth fast by the river Tigris. 

From Mosul, I went to Merdin [Mardin], which is in the 
country of the Armenians : but now a people, which they 
call Kurds, dwell in that place. 

From Merdin, I went to Orpha [Urfah], which is a very fair 
town; and it hath a goodly fountain full of fish; where the 
Moors hold many great ceremonies and opinions concerning 
Abraham. For they say, he did once dwell there. 

From thence, I went to Bir, and so passed the river 
Euphrates. 

From Bir I went to Aleppo, where I stayed certain months 
for company, and then, I went to Tripolis ; where finding 
English shipping, I came, with a prosperous voyage to 
London : where, by GOD's assistance, I safely arrived the 
2gth of April, 1591 : having been eight years out of my native 
country. 



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