Skip to main content

Full text of "An English garner; ingatherings from our history and literature"

LIBRARY 

THE UNIVERSITY 
OF CALIFORNIA 

SANTA BARBARA 



PRESENTED BY 

MRS. DONALD KELLOGG 



VOYAGES AND TRAVELS 



This is probably the only authentic portrait of the poet, 
Samuel Daniel, and it is known to have been engraved 
by Thomas Cockson or Coxon (Cocksonus) for Daniel's 
Civile Warres of 1609. Copies are often found skilfully 
inserted in the other works of Daniel, and this circum- 
stance has helped to confuse the already perplexing 
bibliography of the poet, here depicted at the age of 
forty-seven. 



THE PENSHURST EDITION 



OF 



an €ngltsf) (garner 

INGATHERINGS FROM OUR 
HISTORY AND LITERATURE 

EDITED BY 

PROFESSOR EDWARD ARBER 




5^ . W^ 'm\m' 










JPENSIIUJ^ST 



LONDON 

ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO. LTD. 
1909 



This Edition is limited to y^o copies 
for E7igla7id and A merica 



No...Lx:fh 



Edinburgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty 



CONTENTS TO VOLUME II. 



PARK 



1. Jan Huyghen van Linschoten ; Voyage to Goa and back, 

1583-92, with his account of the East Indies. [From 
Lmschoten's Discourse 0/ Voyao-es, I $g8], .... i 

2. The Voyage of the Do£- to the Gulf of Mexico, 1589. [From 

the Hakluyt of 1589], 127 

3. The Destruction of Portuguese Carracks by Enghsh seamen, 

1592-94. [From the Hakluyt of 1 599-1600], . . , 129 

4. Captain Nicholas Downton ; The sinking of the Carrack, 

T/ie Five Wounds, 145 

5. Strange and Wonderful things happened to Richard Hasle- 

ton, 1582-92. [From the only extant copy of the original 
edition of 1595], 151 

6. The antiquity of the trade with English ships into the 

Levant. [From the Hakluyt of 1599- 1600], . . .181 

7. Edward Wright, Mathematician ; The Voyage of the Earl 

of Cumberland to the Azores, etc., 1589. [From Wright's 
Certain Errors iti Navigation, 1599]. . . . . .186 

8. A Fight at Sea by the Dolphin of London, against Five 

of the Turks' Men-of-War, January 12, 1616 [-17]. [From 

the original edition of 1617], 213 



vi \^OYAGES AND TRAVELS 

PAGE 

9. Sir Francis Drake Revived ; a narrative of the Nombre 
de Dios' expedition of 1572-73. [From the original 
edition of 1626] 221 

10. Nineteen years' Captivity in the Highlands of Ceylon, sus- 

tained by Captain Robert Knox, March 1660— October 
1679. [From the original edition of An Historical 
Relation, etc., 1681], 295 

11. A Relation of the Retaking of the island of Sainta Helena. 

[From the original edition of 1678], 433 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME II 

The second volume of these travels opens with an abridg- 
ment of the first part of the celebrated Itinerario of Jan 
Huygen van Linschoten — 'John the son of Hugh,' from the 
village of Linschoten in Utrecht, the probable home of his 
forefathers, but not his own birthplace. The author was born 
at Haarlem in or about 1563 ; in 1573, either before or just 
after the great siege of Haarlem, by the Duke of Alva, the 
family removed to Enkhuizen in North Holland, a town 
which escaped the Spanish re-conquest. At the age of six- 
teen, on December 6, 1576, young Jan started on his travels, 
and his first objective was remarkable. It was the country 
with which his countrymen, and especially the city of 
Enkhuizen and the province of North Holland, were so 
desperately struggling. Political war co-existed with an 
active commerce, and Linschoten sailed from the Texel in a 
fleet of some eighty vessels, bound for San Lucar in 
Andalusia. After a stay of six years in Spain (as the 
narrative tells us), mainly in Seville and Lisbon, Jan sought 
employment in the East Indian fleet, like his half-brother 
Willem Tin, who went in the same ship as schrevijn or clerk 
(not purser^ as in the English translation, vol. ii. p. 7, etc.). 
Shortly after Linschoten's arrival at Goa, on September 21, 
1 583, John Newberie.Ralph Fitch, William Leedes,and James 
Storey were brought there under arrest from Ormuz, accused 
of being spies in the pay of Don Antonio, pretender to the 
crown of Portugal. ^ Drake's voyages in the Pacific and East 

^ For Linschoten's account of this, see vol. i. pp. 324-30. 

vii 



viii Voyages and Travels 

Indies were of recent occurrence, and Englishmen were now 
regarded as somewhat of a dubious blessing in the 
Portuguese East, It was therefore with difficulty that 
Linschoten, his friend and comrade Bernard Burcherts of 
Hamburg, and Thomas Stevens the Jesuit, procured the 
release of Newberie, Fitch, and the other Englishmen. In 
1584 Burcherts returned to Europe by the Persian Gulf, the 
Euphrates, and Aleppo ; but Linschoten remained, hoping 
vainly for an opportunity of extending his travels to Eastern 
Asia. China and Japan, he wrote to his parents, were 
about the same distance as Portugal from the Malabar 
coast, a three years' journey : a Dutch friend of Linschoten's, 
one Dirck Gerritsz, had just been to the Far East as a 
gunner, and had pressed him to go too. In those distant 
and favoured lands two hundred ducats might easily be 
turned into six or seven hundred ; but the necessary capital 
was wanting. Gerritsz, nicknamed ' the Chinaman ' from his 
China voyages, was born at Enkhuizen, and spent in all 
twenty-six years in the Indies. He returned in the same 
ship with Linschoten, which sailed from Cochin on January 
20, 1 589 ; and from him comes most of the information of the 
Itinerario about the navigation of the China seas. In 1 598 he 
piloted the Dutch fleet on its first voyage by the South-West 
Passage (of ^Magellan's Straits) to India. His notes on India 
are occasionally embedded in Linschoten ; but their only 
proper edition was in Lucas Jansz Waghenaer's Tliresoor der 
Zeevaert (Leyden, 1 592). The Itinerario of Linschoten, as we 
have suggested, contains the results, not only of Linschoten's 
own experience, but of that of many other travellers ; and the 
author, it is clear, was a collector of Hakluytian industry and 
judgment. He appears to have been hard at work upon it 
from the time of his return to Enkhuizen (September 3, 



Introduction ix 

1592) until the complete publication of this encyclopaedic 
survey of 'Cape Commerce' and 'Cape Routes' in the 
beginning of 1596, On October 8, 1594, the States-General 
of Holland granted him a formal licence to publish, but the 
book was not then ready, although parts of it seem to have 
been informally circulated, and all its chief suggestions were 
known to and discussed among the leaders of Dutch com- 
merce during 1595. 

In compiling his great book Linschoten was greatly 
helped by the eminent scholar, Bernard ten Broecke, the 
physician of Enkhuizen, who in the world of letters was 
known as Paludanus, the Latin equivalent of his surname, 
for scholars were still ashamed to be known as John 
Brewer and Jim Baker. Many of the notes and not a few 
passages interpolated into the text are from the hand of 
Paludanus, whose comments, though learned enough, are 
not always as much in touch with fact and nature as could 
be desired. 

The Itinerario is divided into three principal books or parts, 
the first containing the narrative of the journey proper, in 
ninety-nine chapters, running to six hundred and twenty- 
seven pages in the Hakluyt Society's (1885) reprint of the 
English translation of 1598. In the second part (the first 
to be published, in 1595) is a collection of the routes from 
Europe to East and West Indies alike, in many cases trans- 
lated from unpublished manuscripts of Portuguese and 
Spanish pilots ; here is also an abundant mass of notes on 
the routes of the China seas. This part of Linschoten's work 
had great political importance ; it served as the chief guide 
to the Dutch fleets in their early expeditions to the East, 
and in their first attempts to wrest the mastery of the 
Indies from Spain and Portugal. In the third part we have 



X Voyages and Travels 

a brief description of the East and West coasts of Africa 
and a fuller account of America, mostly taken from earlier 
writers, such as Lopez on the Congo ; Jean de Lery on 
Brazil ; Peter Martyr and Oviedo on America in general. 
The Itinerario was originally illustrated by thirty-six maps, 
plans, and copperplate illustrations ; in the Old English 
version of 1598 there are twenty-one topographical plates 
and thirty-two portraits and views. The world-map in the 
Dutch edition professes to be by J. Bapt. Vrient of Antwerp, 
famous as the publisher who bought the Atlas of Ortelius, 
and brought out an enlarged edition of the same. In the 
English edition the mappe-monde has the title Orbis terrarutii 
typus de integro inuliis in locis emendatus, Auctore Petro 
PlanciOy 1594; and in the left-hand corner, below the figure 
called Mextcana, is the inscription loannes a Duetecum [i.e. 
Doetechum] junior fecit. The other maps, in the English 
edition, include one of South-east Africa and part of the 
Indian Ocean, one of Western and Southern Asia from 
Egypt to Aracan {imprinted at Lo?idon by John Wolfe, 
graven by Robert Beckit), one of Indo-China and the East 
Indian Archipelago, one of South Africa (graven by William 
Rogers), one of all Africa except the western hump, one 
of South America, one of South-western Africa and the 
Atlantic, one of Madagascar or St. Lawrence Island, one 
of Sumatra, one of Java Major, one of the Congo region, 
four of St. Helena (an engraved map and three profiles), 
one of Goa by Linschoten himself, one of Angra in Ter- 
ceira (Azores), one of the two hemispheres (in small scale), 
and one of Spain. ^ From the resolutions of the States- 
General of Holland it appears that in 1592 Cornelius 

^ See De Jonge, De opkomst van het Nederl. gezag in O. India, vol. i. 
pp. 167-9; Tiele, intro. to Hak. Soc. ed. of Linschoten, pp. xvii-xix, xxx-xxxiii. 



Introduction xi 

Claesz of Amsterdam, the printer and publisher of the 
Itinerario, aided by Peter Plancius, obtained a collection 
of sea-charts and routiers from Bartolommeo de Lasso, 
cosmographer to the King of Spain. The States gave 
Claesz a patent for printing and publishing not only the 
aforesaid, but also a mappe-monde or layid and sea-chart of 
the world, drawn by Plancius and engraved by Joannes a 
Doetechum, as well as a chart of Asia made by an expert 
in the art of navigation at Goa in East India, The world- 
map of the Itinerario appears to be a reduced copy of 
the above-mentioned mappe-monde of Plancius ; and exten- 
sive loans from De Lasso's collection are apparent in 
several of the sea-charts in Linschoten's work. 

After his return from the East, Linschoten took part 
in the Dutch Arctic voyages of 1594 and 1595. In 1595 
the first Dutch fleet sailed for the ' Indies of the Orient,' 
and we know from the journals of the expedition that the 
Itinerario was of the utmost value as a guide and direc- 
tory. The second part of the same, comprising the Nautical 
Directory and Routes for the Indian and China seas, was 
already published (as we have pointed out) in 1595, and 
was greatly used on board the ships of this fleet ; much 
also of the most important matter in the first part had 
been orally communicated to the leaders of the venture; 
and it is clear that the course of the voyage beyond the 
Cape of Good Hope and its special direction upon Java 
was due to the suggestions of Linschoten, who promised 
his countrymen a practical monopoly of the Java trade, 
'for that the Portingales come not thither.' 

In 1598 Linschoten (now settled in Enkhuizen for good) 
published a Dutch version of the great treatise of the Jesuit 
Acosta on Spanish America {^Historia natural y moral de las 



xii Voyages and Travels 

Indias), a work which he praises as far superior to the 
American sections of the third part of his own Itinerario ; 
and in the same year Lucas Jansz Waghenaer in the pre- 
face to his new Enkhiiizen Zeekaertboek thanks Linschoten 
for his help in the same, based on material derived from his 
northern voyages. In i6io our traveller petitioned the 
States-General — unsuccessfully — for a pension ; he did not 
long survive this rebuff; on the 8th February 1611 he died, 
at the very early age of forty-eight. 

The Itinerario is one of the most valuable travel-records 
ever published, not only for its own subject-matter, but 
because it revealed to Holland and to other rivals of Spain 
and Portugal how weak the Eastern Empire of Philip II. 
really was. It thus played a most important part in exciting 
these rivals to active hostility in the East Indies, to the 
vigorous and persistent carrying out of what Drake had 
threatened in 1579, and Cavendish in 1587. As its political 
importance was speedily recognised, it soon met with readers 
out of the Netherlands. The famous old English translation 
(as well as a German) was published in 1598; two Latin 
versions appeared in 1599, and a French translation in 
1610. 

The English edition, here in part reprinted, is anonymous, 
but in the title to the second part {The true and perfect 
description of . . , Guinea . . . ) W, P. (William Phillip?) is 
styled the translator. The version here given is loose, peri- 
phrastic, and super-abundant, constantly introducing words 
which are not in the original, and are not always warranted 
by the original. It also misses not infrequently the exact 
meaning of technical terms. On the whole, nevertheless, 
it gives a good broad view of all that Linschoten has to say, 
though it requires checking in details. 



Introduction xiii 

The notes of Paladanus, both in and out of the text, are 
omitted in the present reprint, which also abridges the text 
in many places,^ and omits practically the whole of 
Linschoten's lengthy description of Indian lands, manners, 
markets, products, peoples, fauna and flora, extending from 
chapter v. to chapter xcii., from vol. i. p. 43 to vol. ii. p. 1 58 in 
the Hakluyt Society's edition of the complete Old English 
translation (i 596-1885 ; see pp. 1-126 of this volume).^ 

Passing by the next two tracts, both relating to the 
destruction of Spanish and Portuguese Carracks in 1592-4 
by English seamen (see vol. ii. pp. 129-150), we come to 
the Miserable Captivity of Richard Hasleton (pp. 151- 180), 
originally printed in 1595, under the title Strange and 
Wonderful Things happened to Rd. Hasleton, born at 
Braintree in Essex^ in his ten years' travels in many foreign 
countries. This is illustrated by various cuts, said to be 
taken from Poliphilo. The scene on p. 157, where Hasleton, 
urged to take the cross into his hand, spits in the inquisitor's 
face, is very typical ; not less so is the protest on p. 168, 
'Can any man which understandeth the absurd blindness 
and wilful ignorance of the Spanish tyrants, or Romish 
monsters, think them to be of the true Church ? which de- 
fend their faith with fire, sword, and hellish torments.' ... In 

^ E.g. pp. 3, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, vol. ii. of the present collection. 

^ Much has been written, and more conjectured, about early Portuguese 
knowledge of the interior of Africa, the great lakes, the Nile sources, etc. A 
valuable hint as to this is afforded by a passage in Linschoten, Hak, Soc. edn., 
i. 31 ; this is omitted in our present reprint, but properly occurs after the words 
mine named Montniotapa on p. 17 of vol. ii. : ' in the which land is a great lake 
out of which you may perceive the river Nilus to spring forth, as likewise the 
great and wide river of Cuama or Niger [Quilimane? i.e. Zambesi], which 
runneth between Sofala and Mozambique into the sea. This, taken in connec- 
tion with the Pigafetta map of 1591, may well be thought to prove a remarkable 
though unsifted and often vague knowledge of Upland Africa among the six- 
teenth century Portuguese. 



xiv Voyages and Travels 

Hasleton, even better than in Phillips or Hartop, we have 
the perfect prototype of Salvation Yeo. 

Hakluyt's note (pp. 182-5) on the antiquity of English 
trade in the Levant, which follows, traces this East 
Mediterranean commerce or ' Turkey Trade,' grown to such 
importance under Elizabeth, from the early years of Henry 
VIII. (15 1 1, 1 5 12, etc.); while the voyage of the Earl o^ 
Cumberland, in 1589, to the Azores (pp. 186-212) forms an 
interesting chapter in the English counter-stroke after the 
ruin of the Spanish Armada of 1588; just as the fight of 
the Dolphin against five Turkish men-of-war, off Cagliari 
in Sardinia, in 1616, is a typical episode in the constant 
struggle of Mediterranean trade against Moslem piracy (see 
vol. ii. pp. 213-220). The Battle of Lepanto had scotched 
but not killed the snake : Europe was not finally freed from 
Mohammedan pirates until the French conquest of Algiers 
in 1830, though during the seventeenth century the nuisance 
was reduced to small dimensions. 

Edward Wright, the annalist of Lord Cumberland's 1589 
voyage, was the greatest scientific geographer of Elizabethan 
England. He was born about 1558, at Garveston in Norfolk, 
and became a Fellow of Caius, Cambridge, in 1587, soon 
after which he devoted himself to the study of navigation 
as a branch of mathematics. His most famous work, 
Certain Errors in Navigation, was published in 1599, and 
in 1614 he was appointed Lecturer in Navigation to the 
East India Company. He died in 1615, having won the 
position of the ' English Mercator ' by his emended form of 
the famous projection of Gerard Kaufmann (' Mercator'), 
originally published in 1556. The present narrative is ex- 
tracted from Certain Errors ifi Navigatio)i (cf also Purchas's 
Pilgrivies, iv. 1142-4, ed. of 1625). 



Introduction xv 

Sir Francis Drake revived {see vol. ii. pp. 221-294)13 an 
account of the so-called 'third' West Indian voyage of the 
great leader, that of 1 572-3 to the Spanish Main. The region 
ofTierra Firme,or Golden Castille,then formed part, officially, 
of the Province of Hispaniola (Espafiola), whose capital was 
at San Domingo. Since the discovery of the Peruvian silver 
mines in 1545, its ports had acquired immense importance 
as the points from which most of the treasure was shipped 
to Europe. We have already met with Drake in connec- 
tion with the Hawkins voyages ; it may be well to add 
here that he was born at Crowndale, near Tavistock, in 
Devonshire, in or about 1545 ; and made his first voyage to 
the West Indies with Captain Lovell in 1565-6, his second 
American voyage with Hawkins in the disastrous venture 
of 1567-8, his third (so far as known) in 1570, his fourth in 
1571. The expedition of 1572-3 was in reality, therefore, 
his fifth to the New World. All the three latter claimed to 
be (as we are told in Drake revived \ see vol. ii. p. 228) 
voyages of revenge, attempts to pay back to Spain the 
personal injuries received at Rio de la Hacha in his first 
venture, and at San Juan de Ulua (' Ulloa ') in his second. 
They were also probably intended as diversions in the 
larger political struggle of England and Elizabeth against 
the Counter-Reformation, which assumed so acute a form 
in 1569-70. 

As pirates, filibusters, and leviers of private war in the 
West Indies, Drake and the other English raiders of this 
time were preceded by French Huguenots, who sacked 
Havana as far back as 1536, and since that time had made 
incessant attacks upon the Spanish-American settlements 
of the Atlantic seaboard, until their success emboldened 



xvi Voyages and Travels 

them to attempt a permanent colonisation within the 
Spanish sphere of interest in Florida (1565).^ 

The only account of Drake's raid of 1570 is in a paper of 
Spanish origin (A Summayj^ Relation of the Robberies done 
by Fr. Drake), which describes it as accomplished by a 
vessel of only forty tons, captained by Drake (' with whom 
there went a merchant of Exeter called Rich. Dennys'). 
The same authority declares ' upon the coast of Xombre 
de Dios they did rob divers barks in the river Chagres that 
were transporting merchandise of 40,000 ducats of velvets 
and taffetas, . . . besides gold and silver in other barks.' 

The voyage of 1571 was almost equally ' rich and gain- 
ful,' and it was now that Drake discovered his ' Port 
Pheasant,' probably the 'Puerto Escondido' or 'Hidden 
Haven ' of the Spaniards, about four leagues south-west of the 
modern 'Caledonian Bay,' in the Gulf of Darien (see vol. ii. 
p. 229, etc.). The capacities of this as a base for future 
attacks upon the Spanish Main he saw at once, and in 
Drake revived the extreme importance of the position is 
apparent throughout. According to Lope de Vega,^ the 
English captain (supposed to speak excellent Spanish) had 
visited Nombre de Dios disguised as a Spaniard ; and his 
accurate knowledge of the topography in 1572 may be 
taken as some proof of the story of the Dragontea. Now 
also Drake gained a thorough knowledge of the treasure 
route from Peru to Panama, and across the isthmus to 
Nombre de Dios, where ships bound for Spain waited for 
their cargo. 

To seize these treasures was clearly lawful for a true 

1 Just as in the same generation they attempted under Coligny's inspiration to 
plant themselves within the Portuguese sphere in Brazil (1558). 

* Dragontea, canto i. On the other hand, it is disputed whether Drake as yet 
spoke Spanish at all. 



Introduction xvii 

Protestant hater of Spain, whether his country were or 
were not in a state of formal war with Philip II. Drake 
had it from the chaplain of his own ship that he might 
justly recover his losses (of 1566 and 1568) from those who 
had injured him ; in fact, the ' case was clear in sea divinity, 
and few are such infidels as not to believe doctrines which 
make for their profit.' ^ 

The spring of 1572, in which began the voyage whose 
story we have in Drake revived^ saw the start of a number 
of French and English vessels, half-traders, half-privateers, 
for Spanish America, — some twenty from Havre, at least 
two (besides Drake himself) from England. One of these 
was under James Ranse or Raunce,^ probably the former 
master of the William and Johji in Hawkins' last voyage ; 
the other was captained by John Garrett, probably the 
master of the Minion which escaped with such difficulty 
from the San Juan de Ulua fight in the venture of 1567-8. 
Raunce joined Drake off the Spanish Main a little later 
in this same year (see vol. ii. pp. 232-3) ; Garrett left 



^ Fuller, Holy State, p. 124 (ed. of 1648). 

^ Froude (Eiiglish Seamen, pp. 108-9 J ed. of 1895) is the only person who has 
challenged the authenticity of Sir Francis Drake revived, without any adequate 
reasons given or apparently forthcoming. The value of this booklet is of the first 
order ; from it we derive almost all our knowledge of Drake's early feats in the 
West Indies and Spanish Main. From the dedication to Elizabeth, dated 
January i, 1592-3, and written by Sir Francis himself, it would look as if, 
according to Court custom, he had presented the manuscript to the queen as 
a New Year's gift (cf. Corbett, Drake, i. 422). 

Spanish versions of this expedition, strikingly confirmatory of Drake revived, 
may be found in the Record Office Manuscript ' Spanish State Papers,' xviii., of 
January 1580, called Memoria de los Cossarios Ingleses que han hecho robas en las 
Indias. In this paper the names of various owners of shipping captured or 
destroyed by Drake are given, along with a fairly minute account of the other 
English depredations. We may also cf. Hakluyt's extract from the Discourse of 
Lopez Vaz, a Portugal, and Duro, Armada espanola, ii. 506. 

^ Also spelt Rause or Rouse. 

II. b 5 



xviii Voyages and Travels 

a warning for him at Port Pheasant that his hiding-place 
had been discovered (see vol. ii. p. 230). 

All these ventures — Drake's, Raunce's, and Garrett's — 
appear to have had powerful backing: one authority^ 
makes Drake the partner of Wynter and Hawkins. It is 
clear that behind him was a powerful group of navy men, 
merchants, and even statesmen, and that his little squadron 
was admirably fitted out, not for the execution of an ir- 
regular and independent freebooting scheme, but rather for 
one that needed the best equipment that England could 
give. 

The * Cimaroons,' Drake's native allies, who play so large 
a part in the narrative, were descendants of escaped 
negroes and ' Indian ' women whom the Spaniards called 
' Cimarones ' or ' Hill-folk,' and the English sailors ' Maroons,' 
a name of pleasantly confused idea. 

It has well been pointed out^ that the nature and pro- 
portion of the arms served out to the landing party which 
attacked, took, but failed to hold Nombre de Dios, prove 
'the action not of a mere pirate arming his desperadoes to 
the teeth, but of a man acquainted with the arrangement of 
a regular infantry tertia' The absence of defensive armour 
was a concession to the incurable prejudice of English 
seamen in this matter, so much lamented by Sir Richard 
Hawkins,^ so stoutly defended by others. 

The great scene in the narrative (vol. ii. p. 269), where 
Drake gains his first view of the Pacific and prays for 'life 

^ The Ashmole Manuscripts referred to by Corbett, Drake, i. 159. On the 
other hand, Hawkins evidently felt bitterly about Drake's desertion of him after 
the disaster of 1568 (see note, p. 62). 

3 Cf. Corbett, Drake, i. 164-5. 

' Cf. Rich. Hawkins's Observations (Hak. Soc. Ed.), pp. 302-4 (esp. 303-4), 
* All men of good understanding, he declares, will condemn such desperate 
ignorance.' 



Introduction xix 

and leave to sail once in an English ship in that sea/ has 
been justly seized upon by all who have studied Elizabethan 
history with any intelligence. It is indeed a decisive moment 
in the history of the English people as well as in the story 
of Drake's life : ' from that time forward his mind was 
pricked on continually night and day to perform his vow.'^ 

The French captain, Tetu of ' Newhaven ' or Havre, who 
joined the English raiders on March 23, 1573 (see vol. ii. 
pp. 283-4, etc.), was perhaps the pilot Guillaume Le Testu of 
Frangoise de Grace, who published an atlas in 1555 which 
he dedicated to Coligny ; the scimitar he gave Drake was 
a present from the Admiral of France, and (as our narrative 
says on p. 284) formerly belonged to ' Monsieur Strozze,' 
otherwise the Condottiere Strozzi.'^ 

Lastly, we may notice that the incident of the re-discovery 
and recovery of the buried treasure by the Spaniards (as 
mentioned in the narrative, vol. ii. p. 290) is confirmed in 
the Dragontea of Lope de Vega ; just as the statement 
about the prizes taken (vol. ii. pp. 293-4) is borne out in 
general terms by the Spanish official complaint, which 
names several of Drake's captures, and adds that he took 
many other frigates engaged in the coasting trade of Tierra 
Firme and Veragua, with a great quantity of gold, silver, 
and merchandise. Among these prizes were a number of 
frigates newly built, at Havana and elsewhere, by the 
energy and skill of Pero Menendez de Aviles. For this 
terrible enemy of the Florida Huguenots was not merely 
a butcher of ' Lutherans ' (' I do this not as to French- 
men but as to heretics '), he was also the man who gradu- 
ally equipped the Spanish Indies with some kind of 
defensive system, and to whom Philip II. owed the wisest 

^ Camden. ^ See Corbett, Drake, i. 190; Margry, Navigations fran^aises, 138-9. 



XX Voyages and Travels 

advice he ever received from a subject in naval matters. 
It was with two of these new frigates that Drake and his 
company came home, and their merit is strikingly shown 
by the speed of the return voyage, which was accomplished 
in twenty-three days, from Cape San Antonio in Florida to 
the Scilly Isles (see vol. ii. pp. 293-4). Of the two vessels 
with which the ' Dragon' sailed from Plymouth, the Pasha 
was apparently abandoned at the close of the campaign : 
the scuttling of the original Sivan is described on pp. 244-6. 
Robert Knox's Captivity in tJie Highlands of Ceyloji 
(1660-79), the last item in the present collection, is also 
the longest and one of the most interesting (see vol. ii. 
pp. 295-429). In the original edition of 1681 it has the 
title of An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon in the 
East Indies, together with an Account of the detaining in 
captivity [of] the author, etc. ; there is a preface by Robert 
Hooke, M.D., who probably helped Knox to some extent 
in the polishing of his work. It is the earliest detailed 
account of Ceylon in English,^ and by far the most valuable 
study of the interior which had been made in any European 
language up to this time. A Dutch translation appeared 
in 1692, a French one in 1693, a German in 1747. Robert 
Knox was born in 1640 or 1641, and lived till 1720. His 
father, a Scotsman of strong Puritan principles, had the 
same name as himself, and was, as we see from the narra- 
tive, a commander in the East India Company's service. 
He was made prisoner with his son and died on Feb. 9, 
1660, leaving his unfortunate boy to grow to middle age 
in captivity. The latter, miserable as he usually was, 
employed his time admirably in observing and recording 
native customs, natural features, and recent Cinghalese 

^ Cf. vol. i. of Harris' Navigantium Bibliotheca, pp. 67S, 811, 844, 938. 



Introduction xxi 

tradition After his escape he seems to have developed 
a morose temper and decided roughness of manner : his 
hatred of women was vehemently expressed in his letters: 
in Ceylon he rejects all offers of alliance with native females 
simply from the fear of thus increasing the difficulty of his 
escape. 

Knox's captivity occurred during the long reign of 
Raja Singha II. (1635-85), the one hundred and seventy- 
second king since Vijaya, in B.C. 543, came from Palibothra 
on the Ganges to the sacred isle of Lanka. 

'Ceylon was well known to the ancients under the name 
of Taprobane,' so every manual will tell us ; but un- 
questionably under that name there is often a confusion 
between our Sumatra and Ceylon itself: both in Ptolemy 
(as ' Taprobane '), and in the Periphis of the Erythraean Sea 
(as * Palaesimundus'), it appears as an island of gigantic 
size. Onesicritus and Megasthenes, Strabo and Pliny, all 
have something to say of Taprobane ; under Claudius, Julian, 
Theodosius II., and Justinian, intercourse with the Roman 
Empire is recorded ; and the names of Annius Plocamus 
in the first century, of Scholasticus in the fifth, of Sopater 
and Cosmas Indicopleustes in the sixth, have been pre- 
served as those of visitors from the Mediterranean world to 
Sielediva. In the same way Fa Hien {c. A.D. 410) and Khi-nie 
{c. 970) made their way thither from the opposite end of 
the • Habitable World '—from that ' Land of Han,' * Celes- 
tial,' or * Middle ' Kingdom which had so close a bond with 
all centres of Buddhist faith, literature, and relic-treasure. 

^ In Ptolemy (if. A.D. 130) it is drawn as larger than Spain, and occupying 
most of the space that should have been given to the Indian Peninsula ; in the 
Periplus, c. A.D. 90, it is described as of immense length, roughly like the shape 
of our Sumatra, but far greater, and bearing no perceptible resemblance to 
Ceylon. 



xxii Voyages and Travels 

Hiouen-Thsang (a.d. 628-649), however, the greatest of 
Chinese travellers, though he evidently longed to see the 
matchless jewels of Ceylon, did not touch there himself. 

In the first half of the fifteenth century (1405-59), the 
island appears to have paid tribute to China, renewing then 
in more tangible form a shadowy allegiance of the earlier 
Middle Ages. 

Among the Christian travellers ^ of the Mediaeval Period 
who reached Southern and Eastern Asia, many refer to 
Ceylon, but few visited it, before the discovery of the ocean 
route round the Cape. Marco Polo and Bishop John de 
Marignolli are exceptions {c. A.D. 1293-4, and 1347-9). Even 
Nicolo Conti, though perhaps the first European to describe 
the cinnamon of Seyllan, does not seem to have landed 
{c. 1440). 

On the other hand, the Arabs were constant visitors. 
Fa Hien found them there, two centuries before Moham- 
med. Serendib is one of the best-known points in the 
ninth and tenth century geography of Suleyman the mer- 
chant, Abu Zeyd Hassan, and Sindbad the Sailor ; one of 
the clearest accounts of Ceylon before the advent of the 
Portuguese is that of the ' Doctor of Tangier,' Ibn Batuta 
{c. 1336 A.D.). 

After Diego Cao, Bartholomew Diaz, Covilhao, and Vasco 
da Gama had opened the African or S.E. route to the 
Indies, an Italian trader, Girolamo di S. Stefano of Genoa, 
stayed a very short time in the island in 1498 or 1499. In 
1506, the great traveller Ludovico di Varthema of Bologna, 
journeying by ' Arab ' routes, touched at a port on the 

1 Friar Odoric of Pordenone, Bishop Jordanus of Columbum (Quilon), and 
John of Hesse are among the 'Latins' who wrote most fully of Seyllan or 
Sillan, but did not make a personal inspection. 



Introduction xxiii 

west coast : as usual, he contrives to give more information 
in ten lines than most men in ten chapters. 

The Portuguese knew Ceylon, as a coveted possession, from 
1505, when under their boy-leader Lawrence or Lourengo, 
the hero son of the first Viceroy, Francisco de Almeyda, 
they attempted to gain a footing in the island, at Point de 
Galle. Afifonso de Albuquerque (1509-15), as second 
Governor-General, seems to have meant to establish a 
fortress on some point of the coast ; but the actual Portu- 
guese dominion only began in 15 17, when Lopo Soares de 
Albergaria appeared before Colombo and obtained permis- 
sion to build a ' castle ' there. The natives soon repented 
of their concession, and attacked the new settlement in 
force. Being vigorously repulsed, they acknowledged 
themselves, according to the conquerors' version, tribu- 
taries and vassals of the King of Portugal (see Camoens, 
Lusiads, x. 51). It is clear, however, that the people of the 
hilly upland struggled pretty successfully against the 
permanent extension of the Portuguese dominion. In 1542, 
and again in 1581, the dying rulers of ' Conde,' or Kandy, 
bequeathed their dominions to the Europeans, and in 
1547-50 the Portuguese almost established themselves in 
the central fastnesses. In 1593-5 they did actually gain 
momentary possession of Kandy ; and in 1560 they carried 
off and burnt the original tooth-relic of Buddha; but all 
these successes were transient. The Cinghalese refused to 
be willed away to foreign masters, and succeeded in repuls- 
ing each advance of their enemy, beyond the coastal low- 
lands. At the end of the sixteenth century, Linschoten 
(though perhaps with exaggeration) describes Colombo as 
the only real possession of the subjects of Philip 11. in the 
island, 'which by mere force and great charges is main- 



xxiv Voyages and Travels 

tained, for that they have no other place or piece of ground, 
no not one foot but that in all the land.' (See Linschoten, 
Itinerario, book i. chaps, xiii., xiv., xcii.). In 1587-8, Raja 
Singha I. fiercely but unsuccessfully attacked this ' small, 
strong, well-guarded' fort; and in 1595 the extreme bar- 
barities of the would-be conqueror, Jerome de Azavedo, failed 
to crush the resistance of a people whom he drove to 
despair. Though he occupied Kandy, he could not make 
his raid produce any lasting results. 

The Dutch paid their first visit to Ceylon in 1602 ; and 
between 1638 and 1658 they wholly expelled the Portu- 
guese, substituting themselves as masters at Trincomali in 
1639, at Point de Galle in 1640, at Colombo in 1656. Their 
timid and irresolute policy towards the native powers (as 
well as the studied cruelty of the Portuguese) is well brought 
out in Knox's narrative (see esp. ii. pp. 409-420). Here also 
is a very early notice of that vigorous onward movement 
of the French, which, in 1672, brought them from Madagas- 
car, Bourbon, and the Isle de France to Ceylon and the 
Coromandel Coast, and which in spite of all discourage- 
ments continued apparently to prosper and progress till 
Dupleix made France for a moment (1742-50) the dominant 
power in the Deccan (see vol. ii. pp. 421-25). 

The Cinghalese practice of detaining white visitors was 
not at all peculiar. Instances of it are common enough 
among semi-civilised nations : the most famous example, 
perhaps, is that of Abyssinia, where, to give only one 
instance among many, the first Portuguese envoy to the 
court of Prester John, Pero de Covilhao, was kept as a hostage 
to the day of his death (from 1490 to 1520). 

C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY. 

Oct. 24M, 1902. 



Jan Huyghen van Linschoten. 

Voyage^ in a Portuguese carrack^ to Goa^ 
in 1583 A.D. 

{Discourse 0/ Voyages &'c., 1598.] 

This celebrated Narrative of a journey to India and back (besides being an 
Eye Witness description of the economy of a Carrack) contains precise 
information respecting Portuguese affairs in India, ata time when the 
already enormous wealth of the Crown of Spain was being rendered 
almost omnipotent by the vast additional treasures brought to Lisbon 
in the yearly Fleet of Portuguese carracks : and also, at its close, 
gives us a large account of the splendid doings of the English fleets 
off the Azores, in 1 589 ; including the last fight of the Revenge, and 
the dying speech of its Commander, Vice Admiral Sir RiCHARD 
Grenville. 



2 LiNSCHOTEN STARTS ON HIS TRAVELS, [ 



J.H. 



Linschoten. 
1594 




EiNG young and living idly in my native 
country, sometimes applying myself to the 
reading of histories and strange adventures, 
wherein I took no small delight ; I found 
my mind so much addicted to see and 
travel into strange countries thereby to 
seek some adventure, that in the end to 
satisfy myself, I determined and was fully 
resolved, for a time, to leave my native country and my 
friends (although it grieved me) ; yet the hope I had to 
accomplish my desire together with the resolution taken, in 
the end, overcame my affection, and put me in good comfort 
to take the matter upon me ; trusting in GOD, that He 
would further my intent. 

Which done, being resolved, thereupon I took leave of my 
parents, who then dwelt at Enkhuisen; and being ready to 
embark myself, I went to a fleet of ships that as then lay 
before the Texel, staying for the wind to sail for Spain and 
Portugal : where I embarked myself in a ship that was 
bound for San Lucar de Barameda, being determined to 
travel unto Seville, where as then I had two brethren that 
had continued there certain years before ; so to help myself 
the better, and by their means to know the manner and 
custom of those countries, as also to learn the Spanish 
tongue. 

And the 6i:h of December in the year of our Lord 1576, we 
put out of the Texel, being in all about eighty ships ; and 
set our course for Spain : and the 9th of the same month we 
passed between Dover and Calais. 

Within three days after, we had sight of Cape Finisterre, 
and the 15th of the same month, we saw the land of Cintra 
o:herwise called Cape Roca ; from w'hence the river Tagus 
runneth into the main sea, upon the which river lieth the 
famous city of Lisbon : where some of our fleet put in, and 
left us. 

The 17th day, we saw Cape St. Vincent ; and upon 
Christmas day after, we entered into the river of San 
Lucar de Barameda ; where I stayed two or three days, 
and then travelled to Seville. On the first day of January 



J. H. V. Linschoten.] ^ND ARRIVES AT SeVILLE. 3 

[1577] following, I entered into the city, where I found one 
of my brethren ; but the other was newly ridden to Court, 
lying, as then, at Madrid. 

Although I had a special desire presently [at once] to 
travel farther ; yet for want of the Spanish tongue, without 
the which men can hardly pass through the country, I was 
constrained to stay there to learn some part of their language. 

In the meantime, it chanced that Don Henry, the last 
King of Portugal died : by which means a great contention 
and debate happened as then in Portugal ; by reason that 
the said King by his will and testament, made Philip [II.J 
King of Spain, his sister's son, lawful heir unto the Crown 
of Portugal. Notwithstanding the Portuguese — always 
deadly enemies to the Spaniards — were wholly against it, 
and elected for their King, Don Antonio, Prior of Ocrato, 
brother's son to the King that died before Don Henry : 
which the King of Spain hearing, presently prepared himself 
in person to go into Portugal to receive the crown ; sending 
before him the Duke of Alva with a troop of men to cease 
their strife, and pacify the matter. So that, in the end, 
partly by force and partly by money, he brought the country 
under his subjection. 

Whereupon divers men went out of Seville and other 
places into Portugal ; as it is commonly seen that men are 
often addicted to changes and new alterations : among the 
which my brother, by other men's counsels, was one. First 
travelling to the borders of Spain, to a city called Badajos, 
standing on the frontiers of Portugal ; where they hoped to 
find some better means : and they were no sooner arrived 
there, but that they heard news that all was quiet in Portugal, 
and the Don Antonio was driven out of the country; and 
Philip, by the consent of the land, received for King. 

Whereupon my brother presently changed his mind of 
travelling to Portugal, and entered into service with an 
Ambassador that on the King's behalf was to go into Italy ; 
with whom he rode : and arriving in Salamanca, he fell sick 
of a disease called tahardilla [the spotted fever], which at that 
time reigned [raged] throughout the whole country of Spain, 
whereof many thousands died; and amongst the rest, my 
brother was one. 



4 Journeys to Lisbon in 1577, and [J. h. v. iwhoten 



Not long before, the plague was so great in Portugal, that, 
in two years space, there died in Lisbon to the number of 
So, 000 people. After which plague ; the aforesaid disease 
ensued, which wrought great destruction throughout the 
whole country of Spain. 



The 5th day of August in the same year, having some 
understanding in the Spanish tongue, I placed myself with a 
Dutch gentleman who had determined to travel into Portugal 
to see the country, and stayed with him, to take a more 
convenient time for my pretended [ijitended] voyage. 

Upon the ist of September following, we departed from 
Seville : and passing through divers towns and villages, 
within eight days after, we arrived at Badajos, where I found 
my other brother following the Court. 

At the same time, died Anne of Austria, Queen of Spain — 
sister to the Emperor Rodolph [IL] and daughter to the 
Emperor Maximilian [IL] — the King's fourth and last wife ; 
for whom great sorrow was made through all Spain. Her 
body was conveyed from Badajos to the Cloister of Saint 
Laurence in the Escorial ; where, with great solemnity, it 
was buried. 

We having stayed certain days in Badajos, departed from 
thence; and passed through a town called Elvas, about two 
or three miles off, being the first town in the kingdom of 
Portugal; for that between it and Badajos the borders of 
Spain and Portugal are limited. 

From thence, we travelled into divers other places of 
Portugal, and at the last arrived at Lisbon, about the 20th 
of September following; where, at that time, we found the 
Duke of Alva, as Governor there for the King of Spain : the 
whole city making great preparation for the coronation of the 
King, according to the custom of their countr}'. 

We being in Lisbon, through the change of air and the cor- 
ruption of the country, I fell sick : and during my sickness 
was seven times let blood [bled^\; yet, by GOD's help, I 
escaped. 

Being recovered, not having much preferment under the 
gentleman, I left his service ; and placed myself with a 
merchant, \ntil I might attain to better means. 



J. H. V. Linschoten.1 g^^YS THERE FIVE YEARS, I577-82. 5 

About the same time, the plague, not long before newly 
begun, began again to cease ; for the which cause the King 
till then had deferred his entrance into Lisbon : which being 
wholly ceased; upon the first day of May, anno 15S1, he 
entered with great triumph and magnificence into the city. 
Where, above all others, the Dutchmen had the best and 
greatest commendation for the beautiful shows : which were 
a gate and a bridge that stood upon the river side where the 
King must first pass as he went out of his galley to enter into 
the city; being beautified and adorned with many costly and 
excellent things most pleasant to behold. Every street and 
place within the city was hung with rich cloths of tapestry 
and arras : where they made great triumphs, as the manner 
is at all Princes' coronations. 

The same year, the 12th of December, the Duke of Alva 
died in Lisbon, in the King's palace ; being High Steward of 
Spain : who, during his sickness, for fourteen days, received 
no sustenance but only women's milk. His body, being 
seared and spicen [embalmed], was conveyed into his country 
of Alva. 

The same month, the King being yet at Lisbon, died Don 
Diego, Prince of Spain and Portugal, the King's eldest 
son. His body being embalmed, was conveyed to Madrid. 
After whose death, the King had but one son named Don 
Philip, and two daughters living. 

About the same time, there arrived at Lisbon, the King's 
sister, widow to the deceased Emperor Maximilian ; and 
with her, one of her daughters, who being lame, was placed 
in a Monastery of Nuns. They with great triumph were 
likewise received into the city. 

After the death of Don Diego, the King's eldest son, all 
the Lords and Estates of Spain and Portugal, as well 
spiritual as temporal, assembled at Lisbon, and there, in 
the King's presence, according to the ancient custom and 
manner of the country, took their oaths of faith [fealty] and 
allegiance unto Don Philip, the young Prince of Spain, and 
next heir and lawful successor of the King his father, in his 
dominions of Spain, Portugal, and other lands and countries. 

The next year, anno 1582, a great navy of ships was 
prepared in Lisbon, whose General [Admiral] was the 
Marquis of Santa Cruz. He was accompanied with the 



6 Enters the service of Abp. Fonseca. [J- h. v. Linschoten. 

principal gentlemen and captains, both of Spain and Por- 
tugal ; who, at their own costs and charges therein, to show 
the great affection and desire they had to serve their Prince, 
sailed with the said Navy to the Flemish Isles [the Azores] 
to fight with Don Antonio ; who lay about those isles with 
a fleet of Frenchmen, whose General [Admiral] was one 
Phillipo Strozzi. 

These two fleets meeting together, fought most cruelly, to 
the great loss of both parts : yet in the end, Don Antonio 
with his Frenchmen were overthrown, and many of them 
taken prisoners. Among the which were divers gentlemen 
of great account in France : who, by the Marquis's com- 
mandment, were all beheaded on the island of St. Michael. 
The rest, being brought into Spain, were put into the galleys. 
Don Antonio escaped in a small ship; and the General 
Strozzi also, who being hurt in the battle, died of the same 
wound. 

By this victory, the Spaniards were so proud, that great 
triumph was holden in Lisbon for the same ; and the 
Marquis of Santa Cruz received therein with great joy. 

Which done, and all things being pacified in Portugal, the 
King left his sister's son, Don i\LBERTUS Cardinal of Austria, 
Governor of Lisbon and the whole country ; and, with the 
Cardinal's mother, returned and kept Court at Madrid in 
Spain. 

The begin?ting of my voyage into the 
East or Portuguese Indies. 

Taying at Lisbon, the trade of merchandise there 
not being great, by reason of the new and fresh 
disagreeing of the Spaniards and Portuguese; occa- 
sion was offered to accomplish my desire. 
There was, at that time, in Lisbon, a monk of Saint 
Dominic's order, named Don Frey Vincente de Fonseca, 
of a noble house : who, by reason of his great learning, had 
of long time been Chaplain unto Sebastian, King of 
Portugal, and being with him in the battle in Barbary 
where King Sebastian was slain, was taken prisoner, and 




J. H.».Linschoten.-| '^UE FlEET OF CaRRACKS sets SAIL. 7 

from thence ransomed. Whose learning and good behaviour 
being known to the King of Spain, he made great account of 
him; placing him in his own chapel: and desiring to prefer 
him, the Archbishopric of all the Indies being void, with the 
confirmation of the Pope, he invested him therewith ; al- 
though he refused to accept it, fearing the long and tedious 
travel he had to make thither. But in the end, through the 
King's persuasion, he took it upon him; with a promise, 
within four, or five years at the furthest, to recall him home 
again, and to give him a better place in Portugal : with the 
which promise he took the voyage upon him. 

I, thinking upon my affairs, used all the means I could to 
get into his service, and with him to travel the voyage which 
I so much desired : which fell out as I would wish. 

For my brother that followed the Court, had desired his 
master, who was one of His Majesty's Secretaries, to make 
him Purser in one of the ships that, the same year, should 
sail unto the East Indies : which pleased me well ; foras- 
much that his master was a great friend and acquaintance of 
the Archbishop's. By which means, with small intreaty, I 
was entertained in the Bishop's service ; and, amongst the 
rest, my name was written down : we being in all forty 
persons. 

And because my brother had his choice which ship he 
would be in, he chose the ship wherein the Archbishop sailed, 
the better for us to help each other: and, in this manner, we 
prepared ourselves to make our voyage. 

There were in all five ships, of the burden of 1,400 or 1,500 
tons each ship. Their names were, the admiral [i.e., the flag 
ship] San Felipe, the vice-admiral San Jago : these were two 
new ships, one bearing the name of the King, the other of 
his son. The other three were named the San Lorenzo, San 
Francisco, and our ship the San Salvador. 

Upon the 8th of April, being Good Friday, in the year of 
our Lord 1583 (which commonly is the time when their 
ships set sail, within four or five days under or over), we, all 
together, issued out of the river of Lisbon and put to sea, 
setting our course for the island of Madeira : and so putting 
our trust in GOD (without whose favour and help we can 
do nothing, and all our actions are but vain) we sailed 
forwards. 



i i 



8 The Pay of the Officers and Men [J- "• v. linscho.^ 

7/je ?nan?ier and order used in the ships 
in their Indian voyages. 

^He ships are commonly charged with 400 or 500 
men at the least ; sometimes more, sometimes less, 
as there are soldiers and sailors to be found. 
When they go out, they are but lightly laden with 
only certain pipes of wine and oil, and some small quantity 
of merchandise. Other things have they not, but ballast and 
victuals for the company. For the most and greatest ware that 
is commonly sent into India are Rials of Eight [=436 reis 
=5S. 9^. thcn = £i i^s.Gd. now. The present Mexican dollar]'. 
because the principal Factors for Pepper do every year send 
a great quantity of money therewith to buy pepper; as also 
divers particular merchants, it being the least ware [smallest 
in bulk] that men can carry into India. So that in these Rials 
of Eight, they gain at least forty per cent. 

When the ships are out of the river, and entered into the 
sea, all their men are mustered, as well sailors as soldiers ; 
and such as are found absent and left on land, being registered 
in the books, are marked by the Purser, that at their return 
they may talk with their sureties (for that every man putteth 
in sureties) : and the goods of such as are absent, being found 
in the ship, are presently brought forth and priced [appraised] 
and an inventory thereof being made, they are left to be 
disposed of at the Captain's pleasure. The like is done with 
the goods of those that die in the ship. But little cometh to 
the owner's hands, being embezzled and privily made away. 

The Master and Pilot have for their whole voyage forth 
and home again, each man 120 Milreis' [=£"80 then=£^8o 

' The present Portuguese Milreis is a silver coin about 4^. 4/4d. in 
value ; and is roughly calculated at 4)4 Milreis to the £1 sterling. But 
the Milreis referred to by LiNSCHOTEN was a gold coin, and as such is 
quoted by John Mellis (at /. 155 of his edition of Robert Record's 
Ground of Artes, in 1586) among " the most usual gold coins throughout 
Christendom," a? being worth \y. 4//. 

The Portuguese Ducat was Two-fifths of the Milreis, and would be, 
proportionately, ^s. 4^/. ; but LiNSCHOTEN, at p. 459 of the original 
English edition of 1598, quotes it at ^s. 6d. We shall, however, for uni- 
formity sake, herein take it (on Mellis's equivalent of 13^. ^d. for 
Milreis) at 5^^. ^d. : and in estimating for corresponding value in the pre- 
sent day, shall multiply by Six, 



J. H. V. Linschoten."! q^ BOARD THE CaR RACKS. 9 

now] every Milreis [=135. 4^.] being worth in Dutch money 
seven Guilders. And because the reckoning of Portuguese 
money is only in one sort of money called Rcis — whereof 
160 [^roughly 2S. then] are as much as a Keyser's Guilder or 
four [Spanish] Rials of Silver [each=zroughly 40 Reis=^6d. then] ; 
so that two Reis are four Pence, and One Rei, is two Pence 
of Holland. I have thought it good to set it down the better 
to show and make you understand the accounts they use by 
Reis in the country of Portugal. 

But returning to our matter, I say Master and the Pilot do 
receive beforehand each man 24,000 Reis [==24 Milreis= 
£16 then=£g6 now]. Besides that, they have both chambers 
under in the ship and cabins above the hatches ; as also 
*' primage," and certain tons of freight. The like have all 
the other officers in the ship, according to their degrees ; and 
although they receive money in hand, yet it costeth them 
more in gifts before they get their places ; which are given by 
favour and goodwill of the Proveador, who is the Chief 
Officer of the Admiralty. 

Yet there is no certain ordinance for their pay, for that it 
is daily altered : but let us reckon the pay which is commonly 
given, according to the ordinance and manner of our ship 
for that year. 

The Chief Boatswain hath for his whole pay 50,000 Reis 
[=50 Milreis=£^^ 13s. 4^. t}icn=:£200 now], and receiveth 
10,000 Reis [=10 Milrcis=^£6 13s. 4^. then=£j[0 now] in 
ready money. 

The Guardian, that is the Quarter Master, hath 1,400 Reis 
[=:i8s. 8^. the}i = £^ 12s. now] the month ; and for freight, 
2,800 [=£1 17s. 4^. then=^£ii 4s. 7iow] ; and receiveth 7,000 
Reis [=7 Milrcis=^£^ 13s. 4^/. thcn=£2S now] in ready 
money. 

The Seto Piloto, which is the Master's Mate, hath 1,200 
Reis [=i6s. thcn=£^ i6s. now], which are three ducats [5s. 
/^d. each], the month; and as much freight as the Quarter 
Master. 

Two Carpenters and two Callafaren [?] which help them, 
have, each man, four ducats [=^^1 4s. then=£j 45. now] a 
month and 3,900 Reis [=£2 12s. ihcn=£i^ 12s. now] freight. 

The Steward, that giveth out their meat and drink, and the 
Merinho [? Master at Anns] which is he that imprisoneth men 



lo The Provisioning of the Carracks. p-"- 



Linschoten. 

1594- 



aboard, and hath charge of all the ammunition and powder, 
with the delivering forth of the same, have each man a i,ioo 
Reis [=145. 8d. then^£^ 8s. now] a month and 2,340 Reis 
[=-^1 IIS. 2d. then^£g js. now] of freight; besides their 
chambers, and freedom from customs : as also all other 
officers, sailors, pikemen, shot [harquebusiers] etc. have, every 
man after the rate, and every one that serveth in the ship. 

The Cooper hath three ducats [^16^. od. then:=£^ 16s. 
now] a month, and 3,900 Reis [=£2 12s. then=£i^ 12s. now] 
of freight. 

Two Strinceros [ ? ], those are they which hoist up the 
mainyard by a wheel, and let it down again with a wheel, 
as need is, have each 1,000 Reis [=13^. ^d. then=£^ now] 
the month, and 2,800 Reis [=^^1 17s. /^d. t]ien = £ii 4s. tiow] 
of freight. 

Thirty-three Sailors have each man 1,000 Reis [=1135. 4^. 
ihen^£^ tww] the month, and 2,800 Reis [=£1 i/S. ^d. 
ihen=£ii 4s. now] freight. 

Thirty-seven Rowers have each man 660 Reis [=8s. gd. 
ihen=£2 12s. 6d. now] the month, and 1,860 Reis [=£1 4s. gd, 
then = £y 8s. 6d. now] freight. 

Four Pagiois [Cabin boys], which are boys, have with their 
freight, 443 Reis [=55. 11^. ihen = £i 15s. 6d. now] the month. 

One Master Gunner and eight under him, have each man 
a different pay : some more, some less. 

The Surgeon likewise hath no certain pay. 

The Factor and the Purser have no pay but only their 
chambers, that is below under the hatches a chamber of 
twenty pipes (for each man ten pipes) whereof they make 
great profit ; and above the hatches each man his cabin to 
sleep in. 

These are all the officers and other persons which sail in 
the ship, which have for their portion every day in victuals, 
each man alike, as well the greatest as the least, if lbs. of 
biscuit, half a can of wine, a can of water ; and an arroba, 
which is 32 [English] pounds of salt flesh the month, and 
some dried fish. Onions and garlic are eaten in the begin- 
ning of the voyage, as being of small value. Other provisions 
as sugar, honey, raisins, prunes, rice and such like, are kept 
for those which are sick: yet they have but little thereof; for 
the officers keep it for themselves and spend it at their 



J. H. V. Linschoten.j Jj^g FlEET SEPARATE AT MaDEIRA. II 

pleasure, not letting much go out of their fingers. As for the 
dressing of their meat, wood, pots, and pans ; every man must 
make his own provision. 

Besides all this, there is a Clerk and Steward for the King's 
soldiers that have their parts by themselves, as the sailors 
have. 

This is the order and manner of their voyage when they 
sail into the Indies : but when they return again, they have 
no more but each man a portion of biscuit and water until 
they come to the Cape of Good Hope; and from thence home, 
they must find their own provisions. 

The soldiers that are passengers, have nothing else but a 
free passage ; that is room for a chest under the hatches, and a 
place for their bed in the orlop deck : and may not come 
away without the Viceroy's passport, and yet they must have 
been five years soldiers in the Indies before they can have 
licence. But the slaves must pay freight for their bodies and 
customs to the King ; as in our voyage home again we will at 
large declare [see pp. 53-67]. 

Madeira to Mozambique. 

He 15th of April 1583, we espied the island of Ma- 
deira and Porto Santo ; where the ships use [are 
accustomed] to separate themselves, each ship keep- 
ing on his course ; that they may get before each 
other into India for their most advantage, and to dispatch 
the sooner : whereby, in the night and by tides, they leave 
each other's company ; each following his own way. 

The 24th of April, we fell upon the coast of Guinea, which 
beginneth at 9° N., and stretcheth until we come under the 
Equinoctial : where we have much thunder, lightning, and 
many showers of rain ; with storms of wind which pass swiftly 
over and yet fall with such force, that at every shower we are 
forced to strike sail, and let the mainyard fall to the middle 
of the mast, and many times clean down, sometimes ten or 
twelve times every day. There we find a most extreme heat, 
so that all the water in the ship stinketh, whereby men are 
forced to stop their noses when they drink ; but when we are 
past the Equinoctial it is good again. 




12 Skirmish with a French ship. [J-"-''-^^'=''°J^^ 

The nearer we are unto the land, the more it stormeth, 
raineth, thundereth, and calmeth : so that most commonly 
the ships are at the least two months before they can pass 
the line. Then they find a wind which they name the 
" General Wind," and it is a south-east wind : but it is a 
side wind, and we must always be sidewa5^s in the wind al- 
most until we come to the Cape of Good Hope. 

And because that upon the coast of Brazil, about 18° S., 
lieth great flakes or shallows which the Portuguese call 
abrashos, that reach seventy miles into the sea on the right 
side ; to pass them the ships hold up most unto the Coast of 
Guinea, and so pass the said flats. 

Otherwise, if they fall too low or keep inwards, they are 
constrained to turn again into Portugal, and are many times 
in danger of being lost. As it happened to our admiral [flag- 
sliip] San Felipe : which, in the 3'ear 15S2, fell by night upon 
the flats, and was in great danger of being lost ; yet recovered 
again, and sailed back to Portugal. And now, this year, to 
shun the flats, she kept so near the Coast of Guinea that by 
means of the great calms and rains, she was forced to drive 
up and down two months together, before she could pass the 
line ; and came two months after the other ships into India. 
Therefore men must take heed and keep themselves from 
coming too near the coast to shun the calms and storms ; 
and also not to hold too far off, thereby to pass the flats and 
shallows : wherein consisteth the whole Indian voyage. 

The 15th of May, being about fifty miles northward of the 
Equinoctial line, we espied a French ship ; which put us all 
in great fear, by reason that most of our men were sick, as it 
commonly happeneth in those countries through the exceed- 
ing heat ; and further they are for the most part such as never 
have been at sea before that time, so that they are not yet 
able to do much. Yet we discharged certain great shot at 
him, wherewith (afterhe had played with us for a smalltime) 
he left us: so that presently we lost sight of him, wherewith 
our men were in better comfort. 

The same day, about evening, we descried a great ship, 
which we judged to be of our fleet, as we afterwards per- 
ceived : for it made towards us to speak with us, and it was 
the San Francisco, wherewith we were glad. 



J.H. y.Linschot«^.-j fHEY PASS THE CaPE OF GoOD HoPE. l^ 

The 26th of May, we passed the Equinoctial Hne, which 
runneth through the middle of the island of St. Thomas, by 
the coast of Guinea : and then we began to see the South Star 
and to loose the North Star, and found the sun at twelve of 
the clock at noon to be in the north. After that we had a 
south-east wind called a " General Wind," which in those 
parts bloweth all the year through. 

The 29th of May, being Whitsunday, the ships of an ancient 
custom, do use to choose an Emperor among themselves, and 
to change all the Officers in the ship, and to hold a great feast 
which continueth three or four days together. Which we 
observing, chose an Emperor; and being at our banquet by 
means of certain words that passed out of some of their 
mouths, there fell great strife and contention among us : 
which proceeded so far that the tables were thrown down and 
lay on the ground [decks] and at the least a hundred rapiers 
were drawn — without respecting the Captain or any other ; 
for he lay under foot and they trod upon him : — and had killed 
each other, and thereby had cast the ship away ; if the Arch- 
bishop had not come out of his chamber among them, willing 
them to cease, wherewith they stayed their hands. Who 
presently commanded every man on pain of death, that all 
their rapiers, poniards, and other weapons should be brought 
into his chamber; which was done: whereby all things were 
pacified, the first and principal beginners being punished and 
laid in irons. By which means the}' were quiet. 

The I2th of June, we passed beyond the aforesaid flats and 
shallows of Brazil, whereof all our men were exceeding glad: 
for thereby we were assured that we should not, for that time, 
put back to Portugal again : as many do. Then the " General 
Wind " served us until we came to the Rio de la Plata : 
where we got before the wind to the Cape of Good Hope. 

The 20th of the same month, the Sa7i Francisco that so 
long had kept us company, was again out of sight. 

The nth of July after, our Master judged us to be about 
fifty miles from the Cape of Good Hope: wherefore he was 
desired by the Archbishop to keep in with the land that we 
might see the Cape. It was then misty weather, so that as 
we had made with the land one hour or more, we perceived 
land right before us and were within two miles thereof, which 
by reason of the dark and misty weather we could no sooner 



14 G R E A T C A T C H O F F I S H. [J- "•'• ^^'"^f^^ 

perceive: which put us in great fear, for our judgement was 
clean contrary; but the weather beginning to clear up, we 
knew the land. For it was a part or bank of the point called 
False Cape, which is about fifteen miles on the side of the 
Cape of Good Hope towards Mozambique. 

The Cape of Good Hope lieth under 34° S. There we had 
a calm and fair weather, which continuing about half a day, 
we got with our lines great store of fish off the same land, in 
ten or twelve fathoms of water. It is an excellent fish, much 
like to haddocks. The Portuguese call them pescados [i.e., 
Ji sites] . 

The 20th of the same month, we met again with the San 
Francisco, and spake with her ; and so kept company together 
till the 24th of Jul}', when we lost her again. The same day 
we struck all our sails because we had a contrary wind, and 
lay to for two days still driving up and down ; not to lose any 
way. We were then against the high land of Natal ; which 
beginneth in 32° and endeth in 30° S. 

In this place they commonly use to take counsel of all 
the Officers of the ship, whether it is best for them to sail 
within or without the Island of Saint Lawrence [Madagascar]. 
For that within that land, they sail to Mozambique, and from 
thence to Goa ; and sailing without it, they cannot come at 
Goa, by reason they fall down [drift] by means of the stream 
[current], and so must sail unto Cochin, which lieth 100 miles 
lower than [south of] Goa. It is as the ships leave the Cape, 
that it is or is not good to make towards Mozambique : be- 
cause they cannot come in time to Goa by reason of the great 
calms that are within the island [i.e., of Madagascar]. They 
that pass the Cape in the month of July may well go to 
Mozambique, because they have time enough to refresh them- 
selves there, and to take in fresh water and other victuals; 
and so lie at anchor ten or twelve days together : but such as 
pass the Cape in the month of August, do come too late and 
must sail about towards Cochin, thereby to lose no time ; 
yet it is dangerous and much more cumbersome, for that 
commonly they are sick of swollen legs, sore bellies, and 
other diseases. 

The 30th of July, we were against the point of the cape 
called Cape Corrientes, which lieth under 24° S. There they 
begin to pass between the islands. 



H. V. Linschoten. 
1594- 



1 Safe arrival at Mozambique. 15 



The 1st of August, we passed the flats called Ox baixos 
dos India that is " the flats of India" [now called Bassa da 
India], which are distant from Cape Corrientes, thirty miles ; 
and lie between the island of Saint Lawrence and the firm land. 
There is great care to be taken lest men fall upon them ; for 
they are very dangerous. Many ships have been lost there, 
and of late, anjio 1585, a ship coming from Portugal, called 
the San Jago (being admiral [flag-ship] of the fleet ; and was 
the same that, in its first voyage, went with us from Lisbon 
for vice admiral) : as in another place we shall declare [see 
P- 30]. 

The 4th of August, we descried the land of Mozambique. 
The next day, we entered into the road, and as we entered, 
we espied the aforesaid ship, called the San Jago, which 
entered with us, not above one hour after we had descried it; 
being the first time we had seen it since it left us at the 
island of Madeira, where we separated ourselves. 

There we likewise found two more of our ships, the San 
Lorenzo and the San Francisco, which, the day before, were 
come thither, with a small ship that was to sail to Malacca. 
Which ship commonly setteth out of Portugal a month before 
any of the ships do sail for India, only because they have a 
longer voyage to make : yet do they ordinarily sail to Mozam- 
bique to take in sweet water or fresh victuals, as their voyage 
falleth out or their victuals scanteth. If they go not thither, 
then they sail about the back [i.e., the east] side of the island 
of Saint Lawrence ; not setting their course for the Mozam- 
bique. 

There were now four of our fleet in company together, 
and only wanted the San Felipe which had held her course 
so near the coast of Guinea, the better to shun the flats of 
Brazil, that she was so much becalmed that she could not 
pass the Equinoctial line for a long time after us ; neither yet 
the Cape of Good Hope without great storms and foul 
weather, as it ordinarily happeneth to those that come late 
thither : whereby she was compelled to compass about [go 
outside Madagascar] and came to Cochin about two months 
after we were all arrived at Goa; having passed through much 
foul weather and endured much misery, with sickness and 
diseases as swellings of the legs, the scorbutic, and pain in 
their bellies, etc 




i6 The Castle at Mozambique. [J- h- v. Linschoten 
Mozambique, 

OzAMBiQUE is a little island distant about half a 
mile from the firm land : for the firm land on the 
north stretcheth further into the sea than it doth. 
The ships harbour so near to the island and the 
fortress of Mozambique, that they may throw a stone out of 
their ships upon the land. They lie between the island and 
the firm land, which are distant about half a mile from each 
other; so that they lie there as safely as in a river or haven. 
The island is about half a mile in compass, and is flat land 
bordered about with a white sand. Therein grow many 
Indian palms or [cocoa' nut trees, and some orange, apple, 
lemon, citron, and Indian fig trees : but other kinds of fruit 
which are common in India, are very scarce there. Corn with 
other grain, with rice and such necessary merchandise are 
brought thither out of India: but of beasts and fowls, as oxen, 
sheep, goats, swine, hens, etc., there is great abundance ; and 
they are very good and cheap. 

In the same island are found sheep of five quarters, for that 
their tails are so broad and thick, that there is as much flesh 
upon them as upon a quarter of their body; and they are 
so fat that men can hardly brook them. There are certain 
hens that are so black, both of feathers, flesh, and bones, that 
being sodden they seem as black as ink ; yet of a very sweet 
taste, and are accounted better than the others : whereof some 
are likewise found in India, but not so many as in Mozambique. 

Pork is there a very costly dish, and excellent fair and 
sweet flesh : and as by experience it is found that it far sur- 
passeth all other flesh, so the sick are forbidden to eat any 
kind of flesh but only pork, because of the excellency thereof. 

They have no sweet water in the island to drink, but they 
fetch it from the firm land : and they use in their houses 
great pots which come out of India to keep water in. 

The Portuguese have theicm a very fair and strong castle, 
which now about ten or twelve years past [i.e., about 1570] 
was fully finished: and it standeth right against the first 
of two uninhabited little islands, where the ships must 
come in, and is one of the best and strongest built of all the 



J. H. V. Linschoten.j NiNE TONS WEIGHT OF Gold. 17 

castles throughout the whole Indies : yet have they but small 
store of ordnance and ammunition. There are also no more 
soldiers than the Captain and his men that dwell therein : but 
when occasion serveth, the married Portuguese that dwell in 
the island, which are about forty or fifty at the most, are all 
bound to help to keep the Castle, for that the island hath no 
other defence than only that castle. The rest lieth open, and 
is a flat sand. Round about within the castle are certain 
cisterns made, which are always full of water : so that they 
have water continually in the same for the space of one whole 
year or more, as necessity requireth. 

The government of the Portuguese in the island is in this 
manner. 

They have every three years, a new Captain and a Factor 
for the King, with other Officers : which are all offices given 
and bestowed by the King of Portugal upon such as have 
served him in the Indian wars, in recompence of their services, 
every man according to his calling and degree : where they 
receive their pay and ordinary fees out of that which they get 
by force, for during their abode in those places, they do what 
pleaseth them. 

The Captain hath great profit, for there is another fortress, 
named Sofala, towards the Cape of Good Hope. By that 
fort is a certain mine named Monomotapa where is great 
store of gold : and withal a certain kind of gold called by the 
Portuguese botongoen onroempo or " sandy gold ; " for that it is 
very small, like sand, but the finest gold that can be found. 

In this fortress of Sofala, the Captain of Mozambique hath 
a Factor ; and twice or thrice every year, he sendeth certain 
boats, called pangaios, which sail along the shore to fetch gold 
and bring it to Mozambique. These pangaios are made of 
light planks and sewed together with cords, without any 
nails. 

The Captain maketh the commodity of his place within 
the three years' space that he remaineth there : which 
amounteth to the value of 300,000 ducats [ = 3^80,000 then, or, 
about -£"480,000 now], that is, nine tons of gold; as, while we 
were there, the Captain, named Nuno Velio Pereira, him- 
self showed us ; and it is mostly in gold that cometh from 
Sofala and Monomotapa. 

II. B 5 



1 8 The Fleet sails, & separates again. [J- h. v. Linschoten. 

From Mozambique, they carry into India, gold, ambergris, 
ebony wood, ivory, and many slaves, both men and women, 
who are carried thither because they are the strongest Moors 
in all the East countries, to do their filthiest and hardest 
labour, wherein they only use them. They sail from thence 
into India but once every year, in the month of August till the 
half of September ; because throughout the whole countries 
of India, they must sail with the monsoons. 

Once every year, there goeth and cometh one ship for the 
Captain to India, that carrieth and bringeth his merchandise. 
No man may traffic from thence into India, but only those 
that dwell and are married in Mozambique. Such as are un- 
married may not stay there, by special privilege from the King 
of Portugal granted to those that inhabit there, to the end 
the island should be peopled, and thereby kept and main- 
tamed. 



Mozambique to Goa, 




E STAYED at Mozambique for the space of fifteen 
„ _^^ days, to provide fresh water and victuals for the 
lAO supplying our wants. In the which time, divers of 
' our men fell sick, and died by reason of the un- 
accustomed air of the place, which of itself is an unwholesome 
land ; and has an evil air, by means of the great and un- 
measurable heat. 

The 2oth of August, we set sail with all our company, that 
is our four ships of one fleet that came for Portugal ; and a 
ship for the Captain of Mozambique whose three years were 
then finished. His name was Don Pedro de Castro ; in 
whose place the aforesaid Nuno Velio Pereira was then 
come. 

The said Captain Don Pedro returned with his wife and 
family again into India. For the King's commandment and 
and ordinance is, that after the expiration of their three years' 
office, they must yet stay three years more in India at the 
commandment of the Viceroy of India, in the King's service, 
at their own charges, before they may return into Portugal ; 
unless they bring a special patent from the King, that after 



J.H.v. LmschotenJ^j^j^j^g AT GoA IN 1 66 DAYS. I9 

they have continued three years in their office they may re- 
turn into Portugal again : which is very seldom seen, unless 
it be by special favour. Likewise no man may travel out of 
India, unless he has the Viceroy's passport ; and without it, 
they are not suffered to pass, for it is very narrowly looked 
into. 

The 24th August, in the morning, we descried the two 
Comoro Islands ; which lie from Mozambique northwards. 
On the south side of the principal island is a very high land, 
so high that in a whole day's sail with a good wind we could 
not lose the sight thereof. 

The same day, the ships separated themselves again, ac- 
cording to the ancient manner, for the occasions aforesaid. 

The 3rd of September, we once again passed the Equi- 
noctial line, and had sight of the North Star. 

The 4th of September, we espied a ship of our own fleet, 
and spake with him. It was the San Francisco, which sailed 
with us till the 7th day, and then left us. 

The 13th of September, we saw another ship, which was 
the San jfago; which sailed out of sight again and spake, 
not with us. 

The 20th of September, we perceived many snakes swim- 
ming in the sea, being as great as eels : and other things 
like the scales of fish, which the Portuguese call vintins 
(which are Half Rials of silver, Portuguese money, because 
they are like unto it), which swim and drive upon the sea in 
great quantities ; which is a certain sign and token of the 
Indian coast. 

Not long after, with great joy we descried land, and found 
ground in forty- seven fathoms deep. It was the land of 
Bardes, which is the uttermost end and entry of the river of 
Goa ; being about three miles from the city. It is a high land 
where the ships of India do anchor and unlade ; and from 
thence their wares are carried by boats to the town. That 
day we anchored out in the sea, about three miles from the 
land ; because it was calm and the flood tide was past : yet 
it is not without danger, and hath round about a fair and fast 
land to anchor in. 

The 2ist, being the next day, there came to us divers boats 
called ahnadias [canoes] w^hich boarded us, bringing with them 
all manner of fresh victuals from the land, as fresh bread and 



20 Triumphant Entry into the City, p- "• 



Linschoten. 
1594. 



fruit : Some of the boatmen were Indians that had been 
christened. 

There came likewise a galley to fetch the Archbishop, and 
brought him to a place called Pangiin, which is in the middle 
way between Goa and the road of Bardes, and lieth upon 
the same river. Here he was welcomed and visited by the 
Viceroy of India, Don Francisco Mascarenhas, and by all 
the lords and gentry of the country, as well spiritual as 
temporal. The magistrates of the town desired him to stay 
there ten or twelve days, while preparation might be made 
to receive him with triumph into the city, as their manner 
is : which he granted them. 

The same day, we entered the river into the road[steadj 
under the land of Bardes, being the 21st of September 1583, 
and five months and thirteen days after our putting forth of 
the river of Lisbon (including our stay of fifteen days at 
Mozambique) : which was one of the speediest and shortest 
voyages that, in many years before and since that time, was 
ever performed. There we found the ship named San Lorenzo 
which arrived there a day before us. 

The 22nd day, the San Jago came thither ; and the next 
day after, arrived the San Francisco. 

There died in our ship, thirty persons : among which some 
were slaves, and one a High Dutchman, that had been one of 
the King of Spain's Guard. Every man had been sick once 
or twice, and had let blood. This is ordinarily the number 
of men that die in the ships ; sometimes more, sometimes 
less. 

About ten or twelve years before, it chanced that a Viceroy 
for the King, named Ruy Lorenzo Detavora sailed for 
India, and had in his ship 1,100 men. There happened a 
sickness among them ; so that there died thereof to the 
number of goo, who were all thrown overboard into the sea, 
before they came to Mozambique ; the Viceroy himself being 
one. Which was an extraordinary sickness, and it is to be 
thought that the great number of the men in the ship was 
the cause of breeding the same. Therefore in these days 
the ships no longer take so many men with them : for with 
the number they do carry, they have stinking air and filth 
enough to cleanse within the ship. 

The 30th of September, the Archbishop- my master, with 



J. H. V. Linschoten.-| i^000,000 LBS. OF PePPER IN EACH ShIP. 2 I 

great triumph was brought into the town of Goa ; and by 
the gentlemen and rulers of the country led into the Cathedral 
Church, singing Te DEUM laudamus ; and after many cere- 
monies and ancient customs, they conveyed him to his palace, 
which is close by the Church. 

The 20th of November, our admiral [flag ship] the San 
Felipe arrived at Cochin, without staying to land at any 
place ; having endured much misery by the means before 
rehearsed, and having been seven months and twelve days 
under sail. 

The last of the same month of November, the ships sailed 
from Goa to the coast of Malabar and Cochin, there to 
receive their lading of pepper and other spices. Some take 
in their lading on the coast of Malabar; and some at Cochin, 
which can always lade two ships with pepper. The ships 
unlade all their Portuguese commodities in Goa, where the 
merchants and factors are resident ; and from thence sail 
along the coast to take in their lading. Each ship doth 
commonly lade 8,000 quintals of pepper, Portuguese weight. 
Every quintal is 128 [English] pounds. Then they come to 
Cochin, whither the Factors also do travel ; and lade in 
cloves, cinnamon, and other Indian wares, as in my voyage 
homeward [see pp. 57-61, etc.], I will particularly declare. 

In the months of January and February, anno 1584, the 
ships with their lading returned from Cochin, towards 
Portugal ; with whom my brother went, because of his office 
in the ship : and I stayed with my master in India certain 
years to see and learn the manners and customs of the said 
lands, people, fruits, wares, and merchandise ; with other 
things, which, when time serveth, I will in truth set down, 
as I for the most part have seen it with mine eyes. 




2 2 Japanese Princes brought to Goa. \J-^"j 



V. Linschoten 
1594 



Jan Huyghen van Linschoten. 

Diary of occurrences i?t the Portuguese 
settleineiits i7i India^ 1583—1588 a.d. 

[Discourse of Voyages Ss'c. 1598.] 

Notice the marvellous security of the Portuguese in India at this time, 
under their triple protection : the Papal bull of 1494 ; the power of 
Spain ; and England and Holland, as yet, quiescent and at home. 

The exhaustive information which LINSCHOTEN gave of the East, 
led the way to the formation of the Dutch, and English East India 
Companies. 

1583. 

|BouT the same time \ix., December 1583], there 
came certain Jesuits to Goa, from the island of 
Japan; and with them, three Princes (being the 
children of Kings of that country) wholly apparelled 
like Jesuits : not one of them was above sixteen 
years of age. They were minded, by the persuasions of the 
Jesuits, to travel to Portugal ; and from thence to Rome, to 
see the Pope: thereby to procure great profit, privileges, and 
liberties from him for the Jesuits; which was their only intent. 
They continued in Goa till the year 1584, and then set sail 
for Portugal. From thence, they travelled into Spain : 
where, by the King and all the Spanish nobility, they were re- 
ceived with great honour : and presented with many gifts, 
which the Jesuits kept for themselves. Out of Spain, they 
went to see the Pope : from whom they obtained great privi- 
leges and liberties. That done, they travelled throughout 
Italy, as to Venice, Mantua, Florence ; and all places and 
dominions in Italy : where they were presented with many 
rich presents, and much honoured ; by means of the great 
report, the Jesuits made of them 

Toconclude. Theyreturned again unto Madrid: where, with 
great honour, they took their leave of the King; with letters of 
commendation, in their behalf, unto the Viceroy and all the 




J. H. V. Linschoten.^ -j'j^j. Princes MAKE A TOUR OF Europe. 23 

Captains and Governors of India. So they went to Lisbon, 
and there took shipping, anno 15S6, and came in the ship 
called San Felipe (which, on her return, was taken by 
Captain Drake) ; and after a long and troublesome voyage, 
arrived at Mozambique. 

Where, the ship received her lading [homeward] out of 
another ship, called the San Lorenzo (ladened in India, and 
bound for Portugal), that, having lost her masts, had to put in 
there. 

And, because the time was far spent to get into India, the 
said San Felipe took in the lading of the San Lorenzo ; and 
was taken, in her way returning home, by the Englishmen: 
and was the first ship that was taken coming out of the East 
Indies; which the Portuguese took for an evil sign, because 
the ship bore the King's own name. 

But returning to our matter. The Princes and the Jesuits of 
Japan, the next year after [i.e., 1587], arrived at Goa, amidst 
great rejoicings and gladness; for that it was verily thought 
they had all been dead. When they came thither, they were 
all three apparelled in Cloth of Gold, and of Silver, after the 
Italian manner ; which was the apparel that the Italian 
Princes and Noblemen had given them. They came thither 
very lively ; and the Jesuits very proudly, for, by them, their 
voyage had been performed. 

In Goa, they stayed till the monsoon or time of the winds 
came to sail for China ; at which time, they went from 
thence, and so to China, and from thence to Japan; where, 
with great triumph and wondering of all the people, they 
were received and welcomed home, to the furtherance and 
credit of the Jesuits : as the book declareth, which they have 
written and set forth in the Spanish tongue, concerning their 
voyage, as well by water as by land, as also of the entertain- 
ment that they had in every place. 

1584. 

In the year 1584, in the month of June, there arrived in 
Goa many ambassadors, as from Persia, Carnbaia, and from 
the Samorin, which is called, the Emperor of the Malabars, 
and also from the King of Cochin. 

Among other things, there was a peace concluded by the 
Samorin and the Malabars with the Portuguese, upon con- 



24 Portuguese & Malabars at peace, p " "-j 



Lulschoten 
1594. 



dition that the Portuguese should have a fort upon a certain 
haven lying on the coast of Malabar, called Panane, ten miles 
from Calicut ; which v^as presently begun to be built. 

There, with great cost and charges, they raised and erected 
a fort ; but because the ground is all sandy, they could make 
no sure foundation. For it sank continually, whereby they 
found it best to leave it ; after they had spent in making 
and keeping thereof, at the least, four tons of gold, and reaped 
no profit thereof : intending thereby, if the Samorin should 
break his word, and come forth (as oftentimes he had done), 
that, by means of that haven, they would keep him in; where 
he should have no place to come abroad, to do them any 
more mischief. But seeing that the Malabars had many 
other havens and places, from whence they might put forth 
to work them mischief ; and as much as ever they did (al- 
though the Samorin protested not to know of them ; as also 
that he could not let [hinder] it, saying, " They were sea 
rovers, and were neither subject unto him, nor any man else "): 
they left their fort, and put no great trust in the Malabars, as 
being one of the most rebellious and traitorous nations in all 
the Indies ; who make many a travelling merchant poor, by 
reason the sea coast is made by them, so dangerous and 
perilous to sail by. 

For the which cause, the Portuguese army by sea [i.e., their 
navy] is yearly sent forth out of Goa, only to clear the coast 
of them : yet are there many Malabars, in divers places, 
who, by roving and stealing, do much mischief in the country, 
both by water and by land. They keep themselves on the 
seaside, where they have their creeks to come forth ; and 
to carry their prizes in, to hide them in the country. 

They dwell in straw houses upon stony hills, and rocks not 
inhabited, so that they cannot be overcome ; neither do they 
care for the Samorin, nor any other man else. 

There is a haven belonging to these rovers, about twelve 
miles distant from Goa, called Sanguisceu; where many of 
them dwell, and do so much mischief: that no man can pass 
by, but that they receive some wrong by them. So that there 
came, daily, complaints unto the Viceroy, who then was named 
Don Francisco de Mascharenhas, Earl of Villa Dorta ; 
who, to remedy the same, sent unto the Samorin, to will 
him to punish them : who returned the messenger again, 



J. H. V Linschoten.-| Pqrtuguese Attack ON Sanguisceu. 25 

with answer that " He had no power over them, neither yet 
could command them, as being subject to no man ;" and gave 
the Viceroy free liberty to punish them at his pleasure, pro- 
mising that he should have his aid therein. 

Which the Viceroy understanding, prepared an army [i.e., 
squadron] of fifteen foists, over which he made chief Captain, 
hisnephew,agentleman called DonJuLiANEsMASCHARENHAS; 
giving him express commandment first to go unto the haven of 
Sanguisceu, and utterly to raze the same down to the 
ground. 

This fleet being at sea, and coming to the said haven, the 
Admiral of the fleet asked counsel what was best to be done : 
because Sanguisceu is an island, lying with the coast, a river 
running about it, and many cliffs [rocks] and shallows in the 
entrance ; so that, at low water, men can hardly enter in. 

At the last, they appointed that the Admiral with half the 
fleet, should put in on the one side ; and the Vice-Admiral, 
called Joan Barriga, with the other half, should enter on 
the other side. Which being concluded, the Admiral, com- 
manding the rest to follow, entered first, and rowed even to 
the firm land; thinking they were coming after : but the other 
Captains, who were all young and inexperienced gentlemen, 
began to quarrel among themselves, who should be first or 
last ? whereby the fleet was separated. Some lay in one 
place, some in another, upon the banks and shallows, and 
could not stir; so that they could not come to help the 
Admiral, nor yet stir backwards or forwards. And when the 
Vice-Admiral should have put in on the other side; the Cap- 
tains that were with him would not obey him, saying " He 
was no gentleman, and that they were his betters." Upon 
these, and such like points, most of the Portuguese enter- 
prises do stand, and are taken in hand ; whereby, most com- 
monly, they receive the overthrow. By the same means, 
this fleet was likewise spoiled, and could not help them- 
selves. 

Which those of Sanguisceu, having forsaken their houses 
and being on the tops of the hills, seeing that the foists lay 
about, one separated from the other, upon the rocks and 
shallows, not able to put off; and that the Admiral lay alone 
upon the strand, and could not stir : they took courage, and, 
in great number, set upon the Admiral's foist ; and put all to 



26 It Miserably Fails, p- "■ ^-^^ 



V. Linschoten. 
1594- 



the sword, except such as saved themselves by swimmmg. 
And although the Admiral might well have saved himself, for 
a slave offered to bear him on his back ; yet he would not, 
saying that " He had rather die honourably fighting against 
the enemy, than to save his life with dishonour," So that he 
defended himself most valiantly, but when so many came 
upon him that he could no longer resist them, they slew him; 
and cut off his head in presence of all the other foists. Which 
done, they stuck the head upon a pike, crying, in mocking, 
unto the other Portuguese, " Come and fetch your Captain 
again ! " to their no little shame and dishonour, that in the 
meantime, looked one upon another, like owls. 

In the end, they departed from thence with the fleet, every 
man severally by himself, like sheep without a shepherd ; and 
so returned again to Goa with that great victory. The Cap- 
tains were presently [at once] committed to prison, but, each 
man excusing himself, were all discharged again : great 
sorrow being made for the Admiral, especially by the Viceroy, 
because he was his brother's son ; who was also much lamented 
by every man, as a man very well beloved for his courteous 
and gentle behaviour. The other Captains, on the contrary, 
were much blamed ; as they well deserved. 

Presently thereupon, they made ready another army, with 
other Captains, whereof Don Jeronimo Mascharenhas, who 
was cousin to the aforesaid one deceased, was Admiral, to 
revenge his death. This fleet set foot on land, and, with all 
their power, entered among the houses ; but the Sangueseans 
that purposely watched for them, perceiving them to come, 
fled into the mountains, leaving their straw houses empty, 
whither they could not be followed by reason of the wildness 
of the place : whereupon the Portuguese burnt down their 
houses and cut down their trees, razing all things to the 
ground. With which destruction, they departed thence ; no 
man resisting them. 



At the same time, the [Portuguese] Rulers of Cochin began, 
by the commandment of the Viceroy, to set up a Custom 
House in the town ; which till that time, had never been 
there. For which, the inhabitants rose up, and would have 
slain them that went about it. Whereupon they left off till 



J. H. V. Linschoten.j ^ CuSTOM HoUSE ERECTED IN CoCHIN. 27 

such time as the new Viceroy, called Don Duarte de 
Meneses came out of Portugal ; who, with the old Viceroy, 
assembled a Council at Cochin, where the Government was 
delivered unto him : where he used such means, that by fair 
words and entreaty, they erected their Custom House; and 
got the townsmen's goodwill, but more by compulsion than 
otherwise. Which custom is a great profit to the King, by 
means of the traffic therein used : for there the Portuguese 
ships do make themselves ready with their full lading, to sail 
from thence to Portugal. 

The same year [1584], in the month of September, there 
arrived in Goa, a Portuguese ship, called the Doiii Jesus de 
Carania, that brought news of four ships more that were on 
the way, with a new Viceroy called Don Duarte de Meneses : 
which caused great joy throughout the city, all the bells 
being rung, as the manner is, when the first ship of every 
Fleet arriveth in Goa, out of Portugal. In that ship came 
certain canoniers [gunners], Netherlanders ; that brought me 
letters out of Holland, which was no small comfort to me. 

Not long after, in the same month, there arrived another 
ship, called Boa Viagen [/>. 38], w herein were many gentle- 
men, and Knights of the Cross that came to serve the King in 
India : among whom, was one of my Lord Archbishop's 
brethren, called RoQUE DA FONSECA [p. 37]. The other lords 
were Don Jorgie Tubal de Meneses, Chief Standard Bearer 
to the King of Portugal, newly chosen Captain of Soffala and 
Mozambique, in regard of certain service that he had, in times 
past, done for the King in India; Joan Gomes da Silva, the 
new Captain of Ormus: and Don Francisco Mascharenhas, 
brother of Don Julianes Mascharenhas that was slain in 
Sanguisceu, as I said before, who was to have had the Cap- 
tain's place of Ormus ; but, by means of his death, it was 
given unto his brother Don Francisco, for the term of three 
years, after he that is in it, had served his full time. 

In November after, the other three ships arrived in Cochin. 
They had sailed outside of Saint Lawrence's Island [Mada- 
gascar], not putting into Mozambique. The ships' names 
were Santa Maria, Arreliquias; and the admiral [flag ship] 
Las cinque chagas or " The Five Wounds " [i.e., of our Saviour, 
usually called, the Stigmata]. In her, came the Viceroy 
Don Duarte de Meneses, that had been Captain of 



28 The arrival of a new Viceroy, p- "•^•/''°^=^°J'g;| 

Tangier in Barbary : and there were in this ship, nine 
hundred soldiers and gentlemen that came to safe conduct 
the Viceroy, besides above a hundred sailors. They had been 
above seven months upon the way, without taking [touching] 
land, before they arrived at Cochin : where the Viceroy was 
received with great solemnity. 

Being landed, he presently sent to the old Viceroy, to certify 
him of his arrival ; and that he should commit the Govern- 
ment of the country unto the Archbishop, to govern it in his 
absence (especially because the Archbishop and he were very 
good friends and old acquaintance ; having been prisoners to- 
gether in Barbary, when Don Sebastian King of Portugal 
was slain) : which the old Viceroy presentl}^ did, and went by 
sea to Cochin; that he might return to Portugal with the same 
ship, as the Viceroys use to do. For after their time of 
Government is out, they may not stay any longer in India. 

The loth of November, anno 1584, the ship called Carania 
went from Goa to Cochin ; there to take in pepper and other 
wares. Then do all the Factors go to Cochin to lade their 
wares ; and when the ships are laden and ready to depart, 
they return again to Goa: where they still remain. In that 
ship, the old Viceroy, with many gentlemen, sailed to Cochin. 



1585. 

The 5th of February 15S5, the Viceroy, Don Duarte de 
Meneses, arrived in Goa ; where he was received with great 
triumph and feasting. 

In the month of April, the same year, my fellow, and 
servant to the Archbishop (called Barnard Burcherts, and 
born in Hamburg [vol. I./. 318]), travelled from Goa unto 
Ormus, and from thence, to Balsora ; and from thence, by land, 
through Babylon, Jerusalem, Damascus, to Aleppo, from 
whence he sent me two letters, by an Armenian: wherein he 
certified me of all his voyage; which he performed with small 
charges and less danger, in good fellowship, and very merry in 
the company of the Caffilas. From Aleppo he went to Tripolis; 
and there he found certain ships for England, wherein he 
sailed to London; and from thence to Hamburg: which I 
understood by letters from him, written from thence. 

In the month of August, there came letters from Venice 



J. H.T.Linschoten.-] ]3ea.TH OF LiNSCHOTEN's FATHER. 29 

by land, that brought news of the murder of the Prince of 
Orange, a man of honourable memory; as also the death of 
the Duke of ALENgoN or Anjou ; with the marriage of the 
Duke of Savoy to the King of Spain's daughter. 

The 20th of October, there arrived in Goa, the ship called 
the San Francisco, that came out of Portugal. In it, came 
some Dutch cannoneers, that brought me letters out of my 
country; with the news of the death of my father, Huyghen 
JoosTEN of Harlem. 

The ist of November after [1585], arrived at Cochin, the Sant 
Alberto that came from Portugal. And the ist of December, 
that year, there arrived at Cananor, upon the Malabar coast, 
the ship called the San Lorenzo ; and from thence, came to 
Goa : most of her men being sick, and about ninety of them 
dead : they having endured great misery, and not having 
once put to land. At that time, there wanted [but] two of the 
Fleet that came from Lisbon in company with her : and they 
were the San Salvador, and the admiral [flag ship], Sanjago ; 
whereof they could hear no news. 

At the same time, there arrived certain Italians, overland, 
in Goa, and brought news of the death of Pope Gregory 
XIII., and of the election of the new Pope, called Sixtus VI. 

At that time, also, the ships that came from Portugal, 
sailed to Cochin, to take in their lading; which done, in the 
month of January 1586, they sailed for Portugal. 

In the month of May 1586, letters were brought to the 
Viceroy and Archbishop at Goa, from the Captain of Soffala 
and Mozambique, to certify them of the casting away [in the 
previous August] of the admiral San jfago, that set out of 
Portugal, the year before, anno 1585. 

She was cast away in this manner. The ship having come, 
with a good speedy wind and weather, from the Cape of Good 
Hope to Mozambique: they had passed, as they thought, all 
dangers ; so that they needed not to fear anything. Yet it 
is good for the Master and others to be careful and keep good 
watch, and not to stand too much upon their own cunning 
and conceits, as these did ; which was the principal cause of 
their casting away. 

Between the Island of St. Lawrence and the firm land, 
in 22|-° S., there are certain shallows [shoals] called the 
" India," ninety miles from the Mozambique. Those shallows 



30 The casting away of the Sajv J ago. [•^- ^*- ^'l 



. V. Linscholcn. 
1594- 



are mostly of clear coral of black, white, and green colours, 
which is very dangerous. Therefore it is good reason they 
should shun them ; and surely the Pilots ought to have great 
care, especially such as are in the Indian ships, because the 
whole ship and safety thereof lieth in their hands and is only 
ruled by them ; and that, by express commandment from the 
King, so that no man may contrary them. 

They being thus between the lands, and by all the sailors' 
judgements hard by the "Shoalsof India" [p. 15], the Pilottook 
the height of the sun, and made his account that they were 
past the Shallows; commanding the Master to make all the 
sail he could, and freely to sail to Mozambique, without any 
let or stay. And although there were divers sailors in the 
ship, that likewise had their " cards," some to learn, others 
for their pleasure ; as divers officers, the Master, and the 
Chief Boatswain, that said it was better to keep aloof, 
specially by night, and that it would be good to hold good 
watch because they found that they had not, as then, passed 
the Shallows : yet the Pilot said the contrary, and would 
needs show that he only had skill and power to command ; 
as commonly the Portuguese, by pride, do cast themselves 
away; because they will follow no man's counsel, and be 
under no man's subjection, specially when they have autho- 
rity. As it happened to this Pilot, that would hear no man 
speak, nor take any counsel but his own ; and therefore com- 
manded that they should do, as he appointed them. 

Whereupon, they hoisted all their sails, and sailed in that 
sort till it was midnight, both with a good wind and fair 
weather ; but the moon not shining, they fell full upon the 
Shallows, being of clear white coral, and so sharp that, with 
the force of wind and water that drave the ship upon them, 
it cut the ship in two pieces as if it had been sawn in sunder : 
so that the keel and two orlops [i.e., decks] lay still upon the 
ground, and the upper part, being driven somewhat further, 
at the last, stuck fast ; the mast being also broken. 

Wherewith, you might have heard so great a cry that all 
the air did sound therewith : for that in the ship, being 
admiral [fl^g ship], there were at the least five hundred 
persons : among the which were thirty women, with many 
Jesuits and friars. So that, as then, there was nothing else 
to be done, but every man to shrift, bidding each other fare- 



J. H.y. Linschoten.1 CoURAGE OF CyPRIAN GrIMOALDO. 31 

well, and asking of all men forgiveness ; with weeping and 
crying, as it may well be thought. 

The Admiral, called Fernando de Mendoza, the Master, 
the Pilot, and ten or twelve more, presently entered into the 
small boat, keeping it with naked rapiers, that no more should 
enter, saying they "would go and see if there were any dry 
place in the Shallows ; whereon they might work to make a 
boat of the pieces of the broken ship, therein to sail unto the 
shore, and so to save their lives." Wherewith, they put them 
that were behind in some small comfort; but not much. 
But when they had rowed about, and finding no dry place, 
they durst not return again unto the ship : lest the boat should 
have been overladen and so drowned ; and in the ship, they 
looked for no help. Wherefore, in fine, they concluded to row 
to land ; having about twelve boxes of marmalade, with a 
pipe of wine and some biscuit, which, in haste, they had 
thrown into the boat ; which they dealt among them, as need 
required. So commending themselves to GOD, they rowed 
forwards towards the coast ; and after they had been seven- 
teen days upon the sea, with great hunger, thirst, and labour, 
they fell on the land : where they saved themselves. 

The rest that stayed in the ship, seeing the boat came not 
again ; it may well be thought what case they were in. At 
the last, one side of the upper part of the ship, between both 
the upper orlops, where the great boat lay, burst out; and the 
boat being half burst, began to come forth : but, because there 
was small hope to be had, and few of them had little will to 
prove masteries, no man laid hand thereon, but every man 
sate looking one upon another. At the last, an Italian, called 
Cyprian Grimoaldo, rose up, and taking courage unto him, 
said, " Why are we thus abashed ? Let us seek to help our- 
selves, and see if there be any remedy to save our lives !" 
Wherewith presently, he leaped into the boat, with an instru- 
ment in his hand, and began to make it clean ; whereat some 
others began to take courage, and to help him as well as they 
could, with such things as first came to their hands. So that 
in the end, there leaped, at the least, fourscore and ten per- 
sons into it, and many hung by the hands upon the boat 
swimming after it, among the which were some women : but 
because they would not sink the boat, they were forced to cut 
off the fingers, hands, and arms of such as held thereon, and 



32 Marvellous Brotherly Love. [J-^'-^j' 



H. Linschoten 
1594 



let them fall into the sea; and they threw many overboard, 
being such as had not wherewith to defend themselves. 

Which done, they set forward, committing themselves to 
GOD ; with the greatest cry and pitifullest noise that ever was 
heard, as though heaven and earth had gone together : when 
they took their leave of such as stayed in the ship. In which 
manner, having rowed certain days, and having but small 
store of victuals ; for that they were so many in the boat that it 
was ready to sink, it being likewise very leaky and not able to 
hold out. In the end, they agreed among themselves to chose 
a captain, to whom they would obey and do as he commanded : 
and among the rest, they chose a gentleman, a Mestizo [half- 
caste] of India; and swore to obey him. He presently com- 
manded to throw some of them overboard, such as, at that 
time, had least means or strength to help themselves. Among 
the which, there was a carpenter that had, not long before, 
helped to dress the boat : who seeing that the bt fell upon 
him, desired them to give him a piece of marmalade and a 
cup of wine ; which when they had done, he willingly suffered 
himself to be thrown overboard in the sea, and so was 
drowned. 

There was another of those, that in Portugal are called New 
Christians. He being allotted to be cast overboard in the 
sea, had a younger brother in the same boat, that suddenly 
rose up and desired the Captain that he would pardon and 
make free his brother, and let him supply his place, saying, 
" My brother is older, and of better knowledge in the world 
than I, and therefore more fit to live in the world, and to help 
my sisters and friends in their need : so that I had rather die 
for him, then to live without him." At which request, they 
let the elder brother loose, and threw the younger at his own 
request into the sea ; who swam at the least six hours after 
the boat. And although they held up their hands with naked 
rapiers willing him that he should not once come to touch the 
boat : yet laying hold thereon, and having his hand half cut 
in two, he would not let go ; so that in the end, they were 
constrained to take him in again. Both the which brethren, I 
knew, and have been in company with them. 

In this misery and pain, they were twenty days at sea ; and 
in the end got to land : where they found the Admiral and 
those that were in the other boat. 



J.H.v.Linschoten.^ QnLY 6o SAVED, OUT OF 500. ^^ 

Such as stayed in the ship, some took boards, deals, and 
other pieces of wood ; and bound them together, which the 
Portuguese call Jangadas [rafts] ; every man what they could 
catch, all hoping to save their lives: but of all those, there 
came but two men safe to shore. 

They that had before landed out of the boats, having escaped 
that danger, fell into another ; for they had no sooner set foot 
on shore, but they were spoiled by the inhabitants of that 
country, called Kaffirs, of all their clothes : whereby they 
endured great hunger and misery, with many other mischiefs, 
which it would be over tedious to rehearse; In the end, they 
came unto a place where they found a Factor of the Captains 
of Soffala and Mozambique, and he helped them as he might ; 
and made means to send them unto Mozambique : and from 
thence, they went into India; where I knew many of them, 
and have often spoken with them. 

Of those that were come safe to shore, some of them died 
before they got to Mozambique. So that in all, there were 
about sixty persons that saved themselves. All the rest were 
drowned or smothered in the ship ; and there was never other 
news of the ship than as you have heard. 

Hereby, you may consider the pride of this Pilot ; who, 
because he would be counselled by no man, cast away that 
ship with so many men : wherefore a Pilot ought not to have 
so great authority, that, in time of need, he should reject and 
not hear the counsel of such as are most skilful. 

This Pilot, when he came into Portugal, was committed 
to prison ; but, by gifts and presents, he was let loose : and 
another ship [San Thomas], being the best of the Fleet that 
went for India, anno 1588, was committed unto him ; not 
without great curses and evil words of the mothers, sisters, 
wives, and children of those that perished in the ship, which 
all cried " Vengeance on him ! " 

And coming with the ship, called the San Thomas, wherein 
he then was placed, he had almost laid her on the same place, 
where the other was cast away; but day coming on, they 
room themselves off [gave it a wide berth], and so escaped. 

Yet in their voyage homeward to Portugal, the same 
ship was cast away by the Cape of Good Hope [//. 70, 78], 
II. C 5 



;4 Two Turkish Galleys come out of the [^'"^ 



fLinschoten. 
1594- 



with the Pilot and all her men : whereby much speech arose, 
saying " It was a just judgement of GOD against him, for 
making so many widows and fatherless children." 

This I thought good to set down at large, because men 
might see that many a ship is cast away by the headiness of 
the Governors, and the unskilfulness of the Pilots : wherefore 
it were good to examine the persons before a ship be com- 
mitted unto them ; especially a ship of such a charge, and 
wherein consisteth the welfare or undoing of so many men, 
together with their lives ; and impoverishing of so many a 
poor wife and child. 

This loss happened in the month of August, anno 1585. 

1586. 

In May, anno 1586, two ships, laden with ware, set sail 
out of the haven of Chaul in India, that belonged unto certain 
Portuguese inhabitants of Chaul ; the owners being in them. 
Those ships should have sailed to the Straits of Mecca or 
the Red Sea, where the said merchants used to traffic ; but 
they were taken by two Turkish galleys that had been made 
in the innermost parts of the Red Sea, in a town called Suez. 
The said galleys began to do great mischief; and put all the 
Indian merchants in great fear. 

The same month, there was a great army prepared in Goa, 
both of foists and galleys, such as had not been seen in 
many years ; and was appointed to sail to the Red Sea, to 
drive the Turkish galleys away, or else fight with them if 
they could. They were also commanded by the Viceroy to 
winter their ships in Ormus : and then to enter into the 
Straits of Persia [Persian Gtilf], lying behind Ormus ; and to 
offer their services toXATAMAS [A BBAsL] , King [Shah] of Persia, 
against the Turk, their common enemy. Thereby to trouble 
him on all sides, if they had brought their purpose to effect ; 
but it fell out otherwise, as you shall hear. 

For Chief of this army, there was appointed a gentleman 
named Ruy Gonsalves da Camara, who had once been Cap- 
tain of Ormus ; being a very fat and gross man, which was one 
of the chief occasions of their evil fortune. With him, went 
the principal soldiers and gentlemen of all India ; thinking 
to win great honour thereby. 

This army being ready, and minding to sail to the Red 



^/**is94G ^^^ ^^^> ^ BEAT THE PORTUGUESE FLEET. S5 

Sea; they found many calms upon the way, so that they 
endured much misery, and began to die hke dogs, as well for 
want of drink as other necessaries. For they had not made 
their account to stay so long upon the way ; which is always 
their excuse, if anything falleth out contrary to their minds. 
This was their good beginning, and as it is thought a pre- 
parative to further mischief. For coming to the Red Sea, at 
the mouth thereof, they met the Turkish galleys ; where they 
had a long fight : but, in the end, the Portuguese had the 
overthrow ; and escaped, as well as they might, with great 
dishonour and no little loss. 

The Turks being victorious, sailed to the coast of Melinde, 
where they took certain towns, as Pate and Brava, that, 
then, were in league with the Portuguese: there to strengthen 
themselves, and thereby to reap a greater benefit, by damaging 
the Portuguese, and lying under their noses. 

The Portuguese army having sped in this manner, went to 
Ormus, to winter themselves there ; and, in the meantime, to 
repair their army, and to heal their sick soldiers, whereof 
they had many. 

When the time served to fulfil the Viceroy's command- 
ment, in helping Xatamas, having repaired their foists ; the 
General, by reason of his fatness and corpulent body, stayed 
in Ormus : and appointed as Lieutenant in his place, one 
called Pedro Homen Pereira (who, although he was but a 
mean gentleman, yet was he a very good soldier, and of great 
experience) : commanding them to obey him in all things, as 
if he were there in person himself. 

He gave them also in charge to land, as they sailed along 
the coast of Arabia, to punish certain pirates that held a 
place called Nicolu [? Nackiloo] ; and spoiled such as passed to 
and fro upon the seas ; doing great hurt to the ships and 
merchants of Bussorah that trafficed to Ormus : whereby 
the traffic to the said town of Ormus was much hindered, to 
the great loss and undoing of many a merchant. 

With this commission, they set forward with their Lieu- 
tenant ; and being come to Nicolu; they ran their foists 
on shore, so that they lay half dry upon the sand. Every 
man in general leaped on land, without any order of battle ; 
as in all their actions they use to do : which the Lieu- 
tenant perceiving, would have used his authority, and have 



36 8oo Portuguese soldiers slain, p"' 



Linschoten 
? 1594- 



placed them in order as is requisite to be done in warlike 
affairs. But they, on the contrary, would not obey him, 
saying, " He was but a boor ! and that they were better 
gentleman and soldiers than he !" With these, and such like 
presumptuous speeches, they went on their course; scattering 
here and there in all disorder, like sheep without a shepherd: 
thinking all the world not sufficient to contain them, and 
every Portuguese to be a Hercules, and so strong that they 
could bear the whole world upon their shoulders. 

Which the Arabs, being within the land and mostly on 
horseback, perceiving (and seeing their great disorder ; and 
knowing most of the foists to lie dry on the strand, and that, 
without great pain and much labour, they could not hastily 
set them afloat), presently compassed them about, and being 
ringed in manner of a half moon, they fell upon them ; and, 
in that sort, drave them away, killing them as they listed, 
till they came unto their foists: and because they could not 
presently [at once] get their foists into the water, they were 
compelled, through fear and shame, to fight; where likewise 
man\' of them were slain, and not above fifty of them escaped 
that had set foot on land. So having got into their foists, 
they rowed away. 

In this overthrow, there were slain about eight hundred 
Portuguese, of the oldest and best soldiers in all India. Among 
them was a trumpeter, being a Netherlander; who, being in 
the thickest of the fight, not far from the Portuguese Ensign, 
and seeing the Ensign-bearer throw down his Ensign (the 
easier to escape and save his life), and that one of the Arabs 
had taken it up : casting his trumpet at his back, he ran with 
great fury, and with his rapier killed the Arab that held it, 
and brought it again among the Portuguese, saying, " It was 
a great shame for them to suffer it to be carried away." In 
that manner, he held it, at the least, a whole hour, and spoiled 
many of the Arabs that sought to take it from him, in such 
manner, that he stood compassed about with dead men : and 
although he might have saved himself if he would have left 
the Ensign, yet he would not do it ; till, in the end, there 
came so many upon him that they killed him, where he 
yielded up the ghost with the Ensign in his arms. And so 
ended his days with honour ; which the Portuguese them- 
selves did confess, and often acknowledged it ; commending 



Linschoten.-| 'pjjj, QuEEN OF OrMUS WEDS A CHRISTIAN. ^^ 

his valour : which I thought good to set down in this place, 
for a perpetual memory of his valiant mind. 

The Lieutenant, perceiving their disorder and how it would 
fall out, wisely saved himself, and got into the foists, where 
he beheld the overthrow; and in the end, with empty vessels, 
he turned again to Ormus, without doing anything else : to 
the great grief and shame of all the Indian soldiers; being 
the greatest overthrow that ever the Portuguese had in those 
countries, or wherein they lost so many Portuguese together. 
Among the which, was the Archbishop's brother [/. 27], and 
many other young and lusty gentlemen, of the principal 
[families] in all Portugal. 

At the same time \i.e., in the spring 0/1587], the Queen of 
Ormus came to Goa, being of Mahomet's religion, as all her 
ancestors had been before her ; and as then, contributory 
[subject] to the Portuguese. She caused herself to be christened, 
and was brought, with great solemnity, unto the town ; where 
the Viceroy was her godfather, and named her Donna Phil- 
LiPPA, after the King of Spain's name : being a fair white 
woman, very tall and comely. With her, likewise, a brother of 
hers, being very young: and, then, with one IvIatthias d'Al- 
BUQUERQUE, that had been Captain of Ormus, she sailed to 
Portugal \^iti the Nostra Seiiora da Sancao ; see pp. 40-51 ; 
which arrived 1)1 Portugal on 12th of August 1587, see p. 51] 
to present herself to the King. 

She had [or rather, afterwards] married with a Portuguese 
gentleman, called Antonio Dazevedo Coutinho ; to whom, 
the King, in regard of his marriage, gave the Captainship 
of Ormus, which is worth [in the three years] about 200,000 
ducats [= about ;£'50,ooo then = ^f 300,000 now]. 

[The following occurrence must have been after Linschoten's depar- 
ture from India, in November 1588.] 

This gentleman, after he had been married to the Queen 
about half a year, living very friendly and lovingly with her, 
he caused a ship to be made, therewith to sail to Ormus ; to 
take order there for the rents and revenues belonging to the 
Queen, his wife. But his departure was so grievous unto 
her, that she desired him to take her with him ; saying that 
"she could not live without him !" but, because he thought 
it not then convenient, he desired her to be content ; promis- 



;8 For the love of whom, she dies, p-"- 



V. Linschotea 
? 1594. 



ing to return again with all the speed he might. Whereupon, 
he went to Bardes, which is the uttermost part of the river 
entering into Goa, about three miles off. While he continued 
there, staying for wind and weather; the Queen, as it is said, 
took so great grief for his departure, that she died the same 
day that her husband set sail and put to sea : to the great 
admiration [wonder] of all the country ; and no less sorrow, 
because she was the first Queen, in those countries, that had 
been christened, forsaking her kingdom and high Estate, 
rather to die a Christian, and be married to a mean [private] 
gentleman than to live like a Queen under law of Mahomet. 
And so was buried with great honour, according to her 
estate. 

In the month of August 15S6, there arrived a man of 
Mozambique in Goa, that came from Portugal in the ship 
that should sail to Malacca [usually leaving Lisbon about 
February : in this instance, about February 1585] that brought 
news unto the Viceroy, how the ship, called the Boa Viagen, 
that, in the year before [i.e., January 1585 see p. 27], sailed 
from India towards Portugal, was cast away by the Cape 
of Good Hope : w^here it burst in pieces, being overladen 
(for they do commonly overlade most of their ships), and 
affirmed that the ship had, at the least, nine handsful 
height of water within it, before it departed from Cochin ; 
although, before their ships set sail, they put the Master 
and other Officers to their oaths, thereby to make them 
confess " If the ship be strong and sufficient to perform 
the voyage, or to let them know the faults ! " Which, upon 
their said oaths, is certified by a Protestation, whereunto the 
Officers set their hands. Yet, though the ship have so 
many faults, they will never confess them, because they will 
not lose their places and the profit of the voyage; yea, 
although they do assuredly know the ship is not able to 
continue the voyage: for covetousness, overthrowing wisdom 
and policy, maketh them reject all fear; but when they fall 
into danger, then they can speak fair, and promise many 
things. 

In that sort, most of the ships depart from Cochin, so that 
if any of them come safely to Portugal, it is only by the will 
of GOD ; for, other^vise, it were impossible to escape, because 
the}' overlade them, and the ships are, otherwise, so badly 



J. H. v.Lmschoten.-j ^ C ARRACK BU RS T S AT T H E C A P E. 39 

provided, and with little order among their men: so that not 
one ship cometh home but can show of their great dangers by 
overlading, want of necessaries, and reparations of the ship, 
together with unskilful sailors; yet for all these daily and 
continual dangers, there is no amendment, but they daily 
grow worse and worse. 

In this ship, called the Boa Viagen, were many gentlemen 
of the best and principal, that had served a long time in 
India; travelling then into Portugal, with their certificates, 
to get some reward for their service, as the manner is. Be- 
cause it was one of the best and greatest ships of that fleet, 
the Ambassador of Xatamas [A BBAS I.] , King [Shah] of Persia, 
went therein, to procure a league with the King of Spain, to 
join with him against the Turk, their common enemy : but 
he being drowned, the Persian would send no more Ambas- 
sadors ; and yet he is still in league and good friendship 
with the Portuguese. 

The worst ship that saileth from Cochin to Portugal, is 
worth, at the least, a million of gold [i.e., of ducats = about 
£300,000 then=about 5^1,800,000 now], and this was one of the 
best ships ; whereby it may be considered what great loss 
cometh by the casting away of one of their ships, besides 
the men. For there never passeth a year ; but one or two of 
they are cast away, either in going or coming. 

In the month of September, the same year, 1586; there 
arrived four ships out of Portugal, in Goa, called the San 
Thomas, San Salvador [p. /^],\hQ Arreliquias, the Dom Jesus 
de Carania : but of their admiral, the San Felipe, they had no 
news since their departure from Lisbon. 

On the last of November, the same ships departed from 
Goa : some along the coast of Malabar, to take in their lad- 
ing of pepper, and from thence to Cochin ; others direct to 
Cochin, where commonly one or two of them are laden with 
pepper, and where, alone, all other kind of wares are laden. 

At the same time, there was a ship called the Ascention, 
that lay in Goa, and had made certain voyages to China and 
Japan : which ship was bought by the Factors for Pepper, 
because the ship Carania, by reason of her oldness, was 
broken in Cochin, and set upon the stocks there, to be new 
made ; but was not finished, by reason of a certain controversy 
that fell among: the Factors. 



40 Archbp. Fonseca sails to Portugal. [J-^^-'*'-y 



Linschoten. 
i';Q4- 



In this ship, [newl}^ called Nostra Smora da Sancao, my Lord 
the Archbishop sailed to Portui^al, by reason of certain quarrels 
newly begun between the Viceroy with other Councillors, 
and the Archbishop. And although he was entreated by the 
Viceroy, all the Council, gentlemen and communalty of Goa, 
not to leave them ; yet he would not be dissuaded from his 
purpose, but went to ride unto the King, of whom he was w'ell 
beloved : which the Viceroy and others liked not very well, 
fearing he should give some information to the King, which 
would be smally to their profit. 

In that mind, he undertook his voyage, discharging all 
his servants ; saving some that he kept about him for his 
service : and leavingno man in his house, but only his Steward 
and myself, to receive his rents, and keep his house. And 
because, as then, the Golden Jubilee or Pardon of Rome, 
called La Santa Crusada, was newly brought into the Indies 
(being granted to the end that, with the money that should be 
gathered by virtue thereof, the Captains and prisoners in 
Africa or Barbary, that had been taken prisoners in the battle 
wherein Don Sebastl^^n, King of Portugal, was slain, should 
be redeemed) ; the Golden Jubilee was sent unto the Arch- 
bishop : who, being appointed the Roman Apostolic Com- 
missary, &c., for the same, made me the General Clerk 
throughout all India, to keep account of the said receipts ; 
and gave me one of the keys of the chest wherein the money 
lay, with a good stipend, and other profits belonging to the 
same, during the time of his absence. Thereby the rather 
to bind me, that I should remain in his house, and keep the 
same till his return again ; as I had promised unto him. 

1587. 

So he set sail from Cochin, in the month of January, anno 
1587 ; his Pilot being the same man that cast the San Jago 
away upon the " Flats of India," as it is said before [pp. 

30-33]- 

The ships, at that time, being ready to set sail, one some 
four or five days after the other, as they were laden (for 
they observe a certain order therein, the better to register all 
their wares and merchandise), it so fell out that all the other 
ships being despatched ; the Arreliqnias only was the last that 
laded. Which ship having taken in her whole lading, the 



J.H. v.LLnschoten.j ^ ^lE SINKING OF THE ArRELIQUIAS. 4 I 

Officers, and some of the Factors, being bribed, suffered some 
of the ballast to be taken out, and in place thereof laded 
cinnamon : for, at that time, cinnamon was risen, and at a 
very high price in Portugal ; and therefore the Officers and 
Factors, by gifts aforesaid, suffered it to be laden in that 
manner, having no other place to lade it in. 

You must understand that when the time cometh to set 
sail, the ships lying at anchor about a mile within the sea, 
where they received their lading (the reason why they lie so 
far is because it is summer time ; and there the sea is as 
calm and still, as if it were within the land), a trumpet is 
sounded throughout all the town of Cochin to call them all 
on board ; wherewith, all that will sail, do presently come 
down, accompanied with their friends, which, in small boats 
called Tones and Pallcnges, bring them aboard ; with great store 
of bread, and such like victuals. So that you shall, many 
times, see the ships hung round about with boats, at the least 
three or four hundred ; with such a noise and rejoicing, as it 
is wonderful to hear. 

Sometimes the ships are so ladened that the cables touch 
the water, and besides that, the hatches are covered with 
divers chests, seven or eight one above another ; they having 
no other place to set them in : for that under the hatches 
they are so stuffed, that there is not any empty room. So 
that when they set sail, they know not where to begin, nor 
how to rule the ship ; neither can they well, for a month 
after, tell how to place all things in order. 

So it was with this ship, which being thus prepared, the 
Viadur da Fazcnda, or the King's Oi^cers, came aboard, asking 
" If the ship were ready to set sail, and depart? " They say, 
" It was ready." And he having made a Protestation or Certi- 
ficate thereof, the Officers set to their hands, as some say ; 
but others deny it. Presently he commanded them to wind 
up their cables and hoisted anchor, as the manner is. So they 
let their sails fall, with a great cry of Boa Viagen ! " GOD 
send them good fortune, and a merry voyage 1 " all the boats 
being still aboard [attached] ; which commonly do hang at her 
at least a mile or half a mile within the sea ; because it is 
calm. 

This ship, called the ArreliqiUas, beginning in this manner 
to sail, among other romage [lumber] that stood on the 



42 All saved in her, but the slaves. [J-^- v-^i 



H. V. Linschoten. 
1594- 



hatches, there were certain hens' cages ; from whence, certain 
hens flew out : whereupon every man claimed them for his 
own, and, upon a Sunday, as in such cases it is commonly 
seen, they ran all on a heap upon one side ; whereby the ship 
(being light of ballast, and laden with many chests above the 
hatches, as I said before) swayed so much on the one side 
that, by little and little, it sank clean under the water, so 
that not above a handful of the mast could be seen above the 
water. 

The people leaped into the boats that, as yet, were hanging 
above the ship, which was good fortune for them ; otherwise, 
there had not one escaped alive : but, by that means, they 
were all saved ; excepting only the slaves, that were 
bound with iron chains and could not stir, and so were 
drowned. 

GOD knoweth what riches were lost in her 1 For nothing 
was saved, but some few chests that stood above the 
hatches ; which the duckers [divers] got up, and yet the 
goods in them were, in a manner, spoiled : the rest was 
utterly lost. 

By this, it may be considered what manner the Portuguese 
use in lading of their ships ; and that it is to be thought that 
the many ships that are cast away, whereof there hath been 
heard no news or tidings, are only lost by means of evil order 
and government. 

This being so unluckily fallen out, the Merchants used all 
the speed and means they could, by witnesses, to make Pro- 
testation against the Officers and Factors of the pepper, that 
they might be punished for taking out the ballast : but they 
kept themselves out of the way ; and, by prolonging of time, 
it was forgotten, and nothing done therein. So the Mer- 
chants, that had received all the loss, were glad to put it up. 

In the same month [January 1587], came news out of 
Malacca, that it was in great danger, and that many died there 
for hunger; as also that the ship that went from Portugal 
thither, was forced to stay there, because they had no victuals 
to despatch it away [pp. 43, 46]: and likewise, that the 
Strait of Sumatra was kept by the enemy, so that there no 
ships could pass that way to China or Japan. This was done 
by the kings [c/nefs^ of Sumatra, that is to say, the kings of 
Achen [Achin] and Jor, lying by Malacca upon the firm 



^'"'^'''iS] Malacca besieged, and in great danger. 43 

land ; who rebelled against the Portuguese in Malacca, upon 
a certain injury done unto them by the Captain there. 

This news put Goa in a great alteration, for their principal 
traffic is to Malacca, China, and Japan, and the islands 
bordering on the same : which, by reason of these wars, was 
wholly hindered. Whereupon a great number of foists, 
galleys, and ships were prepared in Goa to relieve Malacca, 
and all the townsmen tasked [taxed], every one at a certain 
sum of money, besides the money that was brought from 
other places ; and men taken up to serve in ships, for by 
means of their late overthrows, [the Portuguese] India was, 
at that time, very weak of men. 

In the month of May, anno 1587, there came a ship or 
galley of Mozambique unto Goa, brings news that the ship, 
the San Felipe, had been there, and taken in the lading of 
pepper that was in the ship called the San Lorenzo [p. 29] that 
had arrived there in her voyage towards Portugal, and was all 
open above the hatches and without masts, most of her goods 
being thrown into the sea : whereby, miraculously, they saved 
their lives, and, by fortune, put into Mozambique. In this 
ship, called the San Felipe, were theyoung princes, the Kings' 
children of Japan, as is before declared [^^'^.22-3]. 

The same galley which brought this news from Mozam- 
bique to Goa, likewise brought news of the army that sailed 
out of Goa, in December 1586, being the year before, unto the 
coast of Melinde,to revenge the injury which they had received 
in the fleet whereof RuY Gonsalves da Camara was Captain, 
as I said before ; as also to punish the towns that, at the 
same time, had united themselves with the Turk, and broken 
league with the Portuguese [p. 34-7]. Of this army was 
General, a gentleman called Martin Alonzo de Mello. 

Wherewith, coming upon the coast of Abex or Melinde, 
which lyeth between Mozambique and the Red Sea, they went 
on land ; and, because the Turks whom they sought for, 
were gone home through the Red Sea, they determined to 
punish and plague the towns that favoured the Turks, and 
broken their alliance with them. To this end, they entered 
into the country as far as the towns of Pate and Brava, that 
little thought of them, and easily overran them ; for the most 
part of the people fled to save themselves, and left their towns. 
Whereby the Portuguese did what pleased them, burning the 



44 S A jV Sal VABOJ? FOUl^D AT ZaI^ZIBAR. [J-H.v.Linschotea 



towns with others that lay about them, and razing them to 
the ground : and among those that fled, they took the King 
[chief] of Pate, whose head, in great fury, they caused to be 
stricken off, and brought it to Goa ; where, for certain days, 
it stood on a mast in the middle of the town, for an example 
to all others, as also in sign of victory. 

Wherewith, the Portuguese began to be somewhat en- 
couraged. So they went from thence to Ormus ; and from 
Ormus they were to go to help the King of Persia, as the 
Viceroy had commanded them. But being at Ormus, many 
of their men fell sick and died : among the which the General, 
Martin Alfonso de Mello was one. Whereupon they 
returned unto Goa ; without doing any other thing. 

The same army sailing to the coast of Abex, and falling on 
the island of Zanzibar (which lieth 6° S. about seventy miles 
from Pate towards Mozambique, about eighteen miles from the 
firm land), they found there the San Salvador [p. 39] that came 
from Cochin, sailing towards Portugal : which was all open, 
having thrown all her goods overboard, saving only some 
pepper which they could not come at ; and was in great 
danger, holding themselves, by force of pumping, above the 
water. They were upon the point to leave, being all weaiy 
and ready to sink : which they certainly had done, if, by 
great good fortune, they had not met with the army ; which 
they little thought to find in those parts. 

The army took the ship with them to Ormus, where the rest 
of the pepper and goods remaining in her were unladen, and the 
ship broken in pieces : and of the boards, they made a lesser 
ship, wherein the men that were in the great ship, with the rest 
of the goods that were saved in her, sailed to Portugal : and, 
after a longand wearisome voyage [/'.82], arrived there in safety. 

The 17th of September, 15S7, a galliot of Mozambique 
arrived at Goa, bringing news of the arrival of four ships in 
Mozambique, that came out of Portugal. Their names were 
the Sant Antonio, Sant Francisco, Nostra Solora da Nazareth, 
and the Sant Alberto : but of the Santa Maria that came in 
company with them from Portugal, they had no news. 
Afterwards they heard, that she put back again to Portugal, 
by reason of some defaults in her, and of the foul weather. 

Eight days after [2^th of September], the said four ships 
arrived in Goa, where they were received with great joy. 



j.H. v.Linschoten.j COLOMBO BESIEGED, AND DELIVERED. 45 

At the same time, the fort called Colombo, which the 
Portuguese hold in the island of Ceylon, was besieged by 
the King of Ceylon, called Raju [? Rajah] and in great 
danger of being lost : to deliver which, there was an army 
of foists and galleys sent from Goa ; whereof Bernardine 
DE Carvalho was General. 

And at the same time, departed another army of many 
ships, foists, and galleys, with a great number of soldiers, 
munition, victuals, and other warlike provisions ; wherewith 
to deliver Malacca : which as then was besieged and in 
great misery, as I said before. The General thereof was 
Don Paulo de Lima Pereira, a valiant gentleman, who, 
not long before, had been Captain of Chaul ; and being very 
fortunate in all his enterprises, was therefore chosen to be 
General of that fleet. 

The last of November, the four ships aforesaid, departed 
from Goa ; to lade at Cochin, and from thence to sail to 
Portugal. 

The December after, while the fort of Colombo, in the 
island of Ceylon, was still besieged ; the town of Goa made 
out another great fleet of ships and galleys : for the which 
they took up many men within the city, and compelled them 
to go in the ships, because they wanted men ; with a great 
contribution of money raised upon the merchants and other 
inhabitants, to furnish the same. Of which army was 
appointed General, Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, a brave 
gentleman and soldier, who, in times past, had been Captain 
of the said fort of Colombo, and had withstood a former 
besieging : whereupon the King put him in great credit, and 
advanced him much ; and, after the Viceroy's death, he was 
Viceroy of [Portuguese] India, as in time and place we shall 
declare [/. 50]. 

He arrived, with his army, in the isle of Ceylon, where he 
joined with the other army that went before ; and placed 
themselves in order to give battle to Ragiu : who, perceiving 
the great number of his enemies, brake up his siege, and 
forsook the fort, to the great rejoicing of the Portuguese. 
Having strengthened the fort with men and victuals, they 
returned again to Goa ; where, in the month of March, anno 
1588, they were received with great joy. 

In the month of April, the same year [1588], the army of 



46 Malacca delivered, Jor destroyed, p- "''•y 



Linschoten. 

1594- 



Don Paulo de Lima Pereira that went to Malacca, arrived 
in Goa with victory : having freed Malacca, and opened the 
passage again to China and other places. 

The manner whereof was thus. In their way, as they 
passed the Straits of Malacca, they met with a ship belong- 
ing to the King of Achen [Achin] in Sumatra; who was a 
deadly enemy to the Portuguese, and the principal cause of 
the besieging of Malacca. 

In the same ship was the daughter of the said King of 
Achen ; which he sent to be married to the King of Jor, 
thereby to make a new alliance with him against the 
Portuguese : and, for a present, he also sent him a goodly piece 
of ordnance, whereof the like was not to be found in all India. 
Therefore it was, afterwards, sent to Portugal as a present 
to the King of Spain, in a ship of Malacca; which, after, was 
cast away in the island of Terceira, one of the Flemish 
Isles [Azores, see pp. 97-101]: where the same piece, with 
much labour, was weighed up, and laid within the fortress 
of the same isle ; because it is so heavy that it can hardly be 
carried into Portugal. 

But to the matter. They took the ship with the King's 
daughter, and made it all good prize. By it, they were 
advertised what had passed between the Kings of Achen 
and Jor : so that presently \at once] they sent certain soldiers 
on land, and marching in order of battle, they set upon the 
town of Jor, that was sconced [pallisadoed] and compassed 
about with wooden stakes, most of the houses being of straw. 
Which, when the people of the town perceived, and saw the 
great number of men, and also their resolution, they were in 
great fear; and, as many as could, fled, and saved themselves 
in the country. 

To conclude. The Portuguese entered the town and set 
it on fire, utterly spoiling and destroying it, razing it even 
with the ground, slaying all they found ; but taking some 
prisoners, whom they led away captives. They found within 
the town, at the least, 2,500 brass pieces, great and small, 
which were all brought into India [i.e.^ Goa]. You must 
understand that some of them were no greater than muskets; 
some greater; and some very great, being very cunningly 
wrought with figures and flowers, which the Italians and 
Portuguese that have denied [renounced] their faith, and 



Linschoten.-Jj^gj^p-^^jjp. CHRISTIANS IN HeATHENDOM. 47 

become Mahometists have taught them : whereof there are 
many in India, and are those indeed that do most hurt. 
When they have done any murder or other villany ; fearing 
to be punished for the same, to save their hves, they run 
over by the firm land among the heathens and Moors : and 
there they have great stipends and wages of the Indian 
kings and captains of the land. 

Seven or eight years before my coming into India [i.e., 
1575 or 1576], there were in Goa, certain Trumpeters and 
Cannoneers, being Dutchmen and Netherlanders ; and 
because they were rejected and scorned by the Portuguese 
in India (as they scorn all other nations in the world) ; 
as also because they could get no pay ; and when they asked 
for it, they were presently abused and cast into the galleys, 
and there compelled to serve : in the end, they took counsel 
together, and seeing they could not get out of the country, 
they secretly got unto the firm [iJiaiii] land of Balagate and 
went unto Hildalcan [? the Dcccan] ; where they were gladly 
received, and very well entertained with great pay, living 
like Lords. And there, being in despair, denied [renounced] 
their faith ; although it is thought by some, that they remain 
still in their own religion : but it is most sure that they are 
married there, in those countries, with heathen women ; and 
were living when I came from thence. 

By this means are the Portuguese the cause of their own 
mischief, only through their pride and hardiness ; and make 
rods to scourge themselves withal : which I have only showed 
in respect to those cast pieces and other martial weapons, 
which the Indians have learnt of the Portuguese and Chris- 
tians ; whereof in times past, they had no understanding. 
And although they [of Jor] had placed all those pieces in 
very good order; yet it should seem they knew not how to 
shoot them off or to use them as they should : as it appeared 
hereby, for that they presently forsook them, and left them 
for the Portuguese. 

With this victory, the Portuguese were very proud ; and, 
with great glory, entered into Malacca : wherein they were 
received with great triumph : as it may well be thought, 
being delivered by them from great misery wherein they had 
long continued. Which the King of Achen hearing, and that 
his daughter was taken prisoner, he sent his Ambassador to 



48 Death of the Portuguese Viceroy, p"-''-^^ 



Linschoten. 
1594. 



Don Paulo de Lima Pereira, with great presents, desir- 
ing to make peace with him : which was presently granted, 
and all the ways to Malacca were opened, and all kinds of 
merchandise and victuals brought thither, which before had 
been kept from them ; whereat was much rejoicing. 

This done, and order being taken for all things in Malacca ; 
they returned again to Goa : where they arrived in safety (as 
I said before) in the month of April [1588] ; and there, were 
received with great triumph; the people singing Te DBUM 
latidauius; and many of the soldiers bringing good prizes with 
them. 

In the month of May [1588] following, upon the 15th of 
the same month, the Viceroy Don Duarte de Meneses 
died in Goa ; having been sick but four days, of a burning 
fever, which is the common sickness of India, and is very 
dangerous : but it is thought it was for grief, because he had 
received letters from the Captain of Ormus, wherein he was 
advertised that they had received news, over land, from 
Venice, that the Archbishop was safely arrived at Lisbon, 
and well received by the King; and because they were not 
friends at his departure (as I said before), they said, " He was 
so much grieved thereat, that fearing to fall into the dis- 
pleasure of the King, by information from the Bishop, he 
died of grief." 

But that was contrary [to the facts] as, hereafter, by the 
ships, we understood ; for the Bishop died in the ship [on 
the 4th August 1587], eight days before it arrived in Portugal. 
So they kept company together; for they lived not long one 
after the other, whereby their quarrel was ended with their 
lives. 

The Viceroy's funerals were observed, with great solemnity, 
in this manner. 

The place appointed for the Viceroys' burial is a Cloister 
called ^m Ma^os or " The Three Kings of Cologne," being 
of the Order of Saint Francis, which standeth in the land of 
Bardes, at the mouth of the river of Goa. 

Thither was his body convej'ed, being sent in the Royal 
Galley, all hanged over with black pennons, and covered with 
black cloth ; and accompanied with all the nobility and 
gentlemen of the country. 

Approaching near the Cloister of Rcis Magos, being three 



J. H. V. L;nschoten.-| £ LECTION OF AN AD- INTERIM ViCEROY. 49 

miles from Goa down the river towards the sea ; the friars 
came out to receive him, and brought his body into the 
church, where they placed it upon a hearse ; and so, with 
great solemnity, sang Mass. 

Which done, there were certain letters, called Vias, brought 
forth ; which are always sealed, and, by the King's appoint- 
ment, kept by the Jesuits : and are never opened, but in the 
absence or at the death of the Viceroy. 

These Vim are sent yearly by the King, and are marked 
with the figures i, 2, 3, 4, 5, and so forth. When there 
wanteth a Viceroy, then the first number or Via is opened ; 
wherein is written, that in the absence or after the death of 
the Viceroy, such a man shall be Viceroy. If the man that 
is named in the first Via be not there ; then they open the 
second Via, and look whose name is therein ; being in place, 
he is presently {immediately] received and obeyed as Governor. 
If he be likewise absent ; they open the rest, orderly, as they 
are numbered, until the Governor be found : which, being 
known, they need open no more. The rest of the Vias that 
are remaining are presently shut up, and kept in the cloister 
of the Jesuits : but before the Vias are opened, there is no 
man that knoweth who it shall be, or whose name is written 
therein. 

These Vias are opened, with great solemnity, by the 
Jesuits, and read in open audience, before all the nobles, 
Captains, Governors, and others that are present. If the 
man that is named in the Vias, be in any place of India or 
the East countries, as Soffala, Mozambique, Ormus, Malacca, 
or any other place of those countries, as sometimes it hap- 
peneth ; he is presently sent for : and must leave all other 
offices, to receive that place, until the King sendeth another 
out of Portugal. But if the man named in the Vias be in 
Portugal, China, or Japan, or the Cape of Good Hope; then, 
they open other Vias, as I said before. 

The Mass being finished, the Jesuits came with the King's 
packets of Vias, which are sealed with the King's own signet, 
and are always opened before the other Viceroy's body is laid 
in the earth. And there, they opened the first Via, and, 
with great devotion, staying to know who it should be; at the 
last, was named for Viceroy, one Matthias d'Albuquerque, 
that had been Captain of Ormus, and, the year before \i.e.y 
II, D 5 



50 A Viceroy dead! Long live the next! p^-''-, 



Linschoten. 
'594- 



January 1587, see vol. \. pp. 312, 325 ; vol. ii./. 37], had gone, 
in company with the Archbishop, to Portugal, because he 
had broken one of his legs, thinking to heal it : but if he had 
known as much, he would have stayed in India. \_He was 
appointed Viceroy in 1590, see pp. 11 4- 5]. 

He, being absent, the second Via was opened, with the like 
solemnity, and herein they found named for Viceroy, MANUEL 
DE SOUSA COUTINHO (of whom I made mention before, 
\p. 45] and who was the man that raised the siege in the 
island of Ceylon), to the great admiration [wonderment] of 
every man : because he was but a mean [poor] gentleman; 
yet very well esteemed, as he had well deserved by his long 
service. 

Although there were many rich gentlemen in that place, 
whom they thought rather should have been preferred there- 
to : yet they must content themselves, and show no dislike. 
Thereupon they presently saluted him kissing his hand, and 
honoured him as Viceroy. 

Presently, they left the dead body of the old Viceroy, and 
departed in the galle}', with the new Viceroy ; taking away 
all the mourning cloths and standards, and covering it with 
others of divers colours and silks. 

And so entered into Goa, sounding both shalms and 
trumpets; wherein he was received with great triumph, and 
led to the great Church, where they sang Te DEUM laudavius, 
&c., and there gave him his oath to hold and observe all privi- 
leges and customs, accordingto theorder in that case provided. 

From thence, they led him to the Viceroy's Palace, which 
was presently all unfurnished by the dead Viceroy's servants; 
and furnished again by the new Viceroy, as the manner is, 
in all such changes and alterations. 

The body of the dead Viceroy being left in the Church, was 
buried by his servants, without any more memory of him ; 
saving only touching his own particular affairs. 

In the months of June, July, and August of the same year, 
anno 1588, there happened the greatest winter that had, of 
long time, been seen in those countries. Although it raineth 
every winter, never holding up, all the winter long ; but not 
in such quantity and abundance as it did in those three 
months, for it rained continually and in so great abundance, 



J.H.v.Linschoten.-J ArCHBISHOP FoNSECA DIES AT SEA. 51 

from the loth of June till the ist of September, that it could 
not be judged that it ever held up from raining, one half hour 
together, either night or day ; whereby many houses, by 
reason of the great moisture, fell down to the ground ; as also 
because the stone wherewith they are built is very soft, and 
the greater part of their mortar is more than half earth. 

The i6th of September 1588, there arrived in Goa, a ship 
of Portugal, called the San Thomas, bringing news of four 
ships that were in Mozambique, all come from Portugal : 
which, not long after, came likewise to Goa. Their names 
were San Christopher, being admiral ; Santa Maria, Sant 
Antonio, and Nostra Senora de Consepcao. 

By these ships, we received news of the death of my Lord 
the Archbishop, Don Frey Vincente da Fonseca, who died 
in his voyage to Portugal, upon the 4th day of August, anno 
1587, between the Flemish Isles [Azores] and Portugal; eight 
days before the ship came to land. 

It was thought that he died of some poison that he brought 
[in himself] out of India, or else of some impostume that 
suddenly brake within him. For an hour before his death, 
he seemed to be as well as ever he was in all his life : and 
suddenly he was taken so sick that he had not the leisure to 
make his will, but died presently : and voided at the least a 
quart of poison out of his body. 

To be short. He was clothed in his Bishop's apparel, with 
his mitre on his head, and rings upon his fingers, and put 
into a coffin : and so thrown into the sea. 




53 



Jan Huyghen van Ltnschoten. 

Return Voyage from Goa to Enkhuisen, 

1588-1592 A.D. 




His news [i.e., of the death of his master , the Arch- 
bishop of the Indies, on the ^th of August 1587, which 
reached Goa in September 1588, see p. 51] made 
many sorrowful hearts in India of such as were 
his well-willers and friends: and, to the contrary, 
such as hated him were glad and rejoiced; because he had 
been earnest to reprehend and correct them for their faults. 
But none lost more by it than we, that were his servants, 
who looked for great preferment by him ; as without doubt he 
meant to have obtained it of the King, as being one of the 
principal occasions of his going into Portugal : but death 
altered all. 

And although, at that time, my meaning and intent was to 
stay the coming [back] of my Lord Archbishop ; and to con- 
tinue longer there, yea, possibly, while I lived : yet, upon 
this news, I was wholly altered in my purpose ; and a horrible 
fear came upon me, when I called to mind what I had passed, 
touching the things I was desirous to bring to pass. And 
although I had means enough there, to get my living in good 
sort; being, as it were, one of those countrymen, and so, in 
all places well esteemed and accounted of: yet those persua- 
sions were not of force enough, once to dissuade me from the 
pretence and desire I had to see my native country. So that 
it seemed, my GOD had opened mine eyes ; and, by my Lord's 



54 LiNSCHOTEN SETTLES TO RETURN HOME. [J- "" ''■j 



Linschoten. 
1594- 



death, made me more clear of sight, and to call my native 
soil unto remembrance : which, before, was so darkened that 
I had almost forgotten it ; and stood in hazard never to see 
it any more, if my Lord had lived, and returned home again 
[to Goa]. 

But to avoid all occasions and inconveniences that might 
happen, and daily offered themselves to me, I resolutely 
determined to depart : whereunto I sought all the means and 
necessary occasions I could find, to bring it to pass. And that 
which persuaded me most thereunto, was the loss of my 
brother, William Tin, that had been with me in India [pp. 2, 
7] : who, sailing from Setubal, in Portugal, towards Hamburg, 
taking his course on the back side of England [i.e., round 
Ireland and Scotland], was cast away; and neither ship nor 
men could ever be heard of. 

Being in this resolution, it chanced that a ship, by 
authority of the Viceroy, and at the request of the Farmers 
of Pepper, was appointed to sail for Portugal ; because there 
was so great a quantity of pepper to be laden, that the Portu- 
guese ships [i.e., the Fleet of Carracks], at that time, could 
not take it in. Although the ships are purposely sent to lade 
pepper, with licence from the King, that there may no more 
but five ships lade every year; whereunto, the Factors do 
bind themselves : yet if there be any goods in India, as 
pepper and other wares, which these ships cannot take in ; 
then the Farmers of Pepper and the King's Officers may buy 
one or two ships, and make them ready for the purpose to 
take it in, so that the ships be found that be sufficient. 
Which if the Factors refuse, then the Viceroy and the 
King's Officers may freight as many ships as they think good, 
and as they find fit to take it in ; and lade them with the 
Farmers' pepper or any other goods that are there to be 
laden : so it be after the five ships are laden by the Farmers. 
And all this, for the profit of the King, without let or hindrance 
of the said Farmers. 

In this sort, as I said before, there was a ship, called the 
Santa Cruz, that was built in Cochin by the King of the 
Malabars (and called after the name of the town of Cochin, 
that was likewise, by the Portuguese, called Santa Cruz), 
which the King of the Malabars made in honour of the 
Portuguese, because he hath brotherly alliance with them, 



Linschoten.-j BeCOMES FaCTOR OFTHeS"^ NT a Cr UZ. 5 5 

and is called " Our Brother in arms" by the King of Portu- 
gal. 

The same ship, being of i,6oo tons, he had sold to a 
Portuguese, that therewith had made a voyage into China 
and Japan ; and because it was strong and good, and so, fit 
to make a voyage to Portugal ; and because (as I said 
before) there was more pepper than the Portuguese ships 
could take in : the Farmers of Pepper were desirous to buy it, 
and besought the Viceroy to let them have it ; according to 
the contents of their composition [contract] and the King's 
Ordinance. 

Whereupon, the Viceroy caused the Farmers of the Ships to 
be called together, and signified unto them what the request 
of the Farmers of Pepper was, that is to say, that the ship 
should be bought, according to the King's Ordinance, foras- 
much as necessity did so require it, and they had refused to 
use it, saying that " it was not fit for them" : and so desired, 
in respect of the King's interest in the pepper, the ship might 
be bought accordingly ; always provided, that the King's 
Ordinance, who granted them their Privilege, might be kept 
and observed, viz., that their ships might first have their 
lading, and be first despatched. 

And although they that had bought it of the owners, for 
10,000 ducats [=^^2,660 13s, 4^. the7i = about ^^16,000 now] 
ready money, were in doubt that they should find wares 
enough to lade it withal: yet, in the end, it was, in a manner, 
laden as well as the other ships were. 

Now it was agreed by the owners that sold it, that the 
Master Gunner and Chief Boatswain should keep their 
places still within the ship ; as they had, when it sailed to 
China and Japan. The Gunner's name was Derick Garrit- 
SON, of Enkhuisen; who, after he had been twenty years in 
India, was minded, as then, to sail in that ship for Portugal : 
with whom, because of old acquaintance and for his company, 
I minded to see if I could get any place within the ship. 

And because the Farmers of Pepper had their Factors 
in India, that were Dutchmen; which lay there in the behalf 
of the Foukers and Velsares of Augsburg ; who, at that time, 
had a part of the pepper laden in that ship, and use to send 
in each ship a Factor, to whom the King alloweth a cabin and 
victuals for the voyage : this place of Factor in the said ship 



56 Obtains his certificates of discharge, [^'"^''^''isg^. 

called the Santa Cruz, I did obtain of the Farmers; because 
they were of my acquaintance. 

Whereupon I prepared myself to depart, and got a pass- 
port of the Viceroy (without which no man may pass out of 
India) ; and also a certiiicate out of the King's Chamber of 
Accounts, and out of the Mafricola General; wherein all such 
as come into India are registered, with a note of my pay, 
which, by the King's commandment, is appointed to be paid 
upon certificate from thence; and withal the time of my resi- 
dence in India and what place I was employed in there : that 
when I came to Portugal, I might have recompense if I 
would ask it, or [could go back, if I] minded to return again 
into India. 

But, although I had no such intent; yet must I, of force, 
observe this order, to make them think that I would return 
again, and the easier to obtain my passport : which was easily 
granted me by the Governor, as also the other certificates. 

Having obtained them, I took my leave of all my friends 
and acquaintance, not without great grief: as he that was to 
depart out of his second natural dwelling-place, by reason 
of the great and long continuance I had made in those 
countries ; so that I was, in a manner, half dissuaded from 
my pretended voyage. But, in the end, the remembrance 
and affection of my true natural country got the upper hand, 
and overruled me ; making me wholly to forget my conceit 
unto the contrary : and so, committing myself and my 
affairs unto GOD (who only can direct and help us, and give 
good success to all endeavours), I entered into my new pre- 
tended course. 

In the month of November, 1588, the ships sailed again 
from Goa, to the coast of Malabar and Cochin to take in 
their lading. 

And the 23rd of the same month, the Santa Cruz set sail ; 
to begin our voyage. 

The 28th day, we arrived at Honor [Honawur], a fort be- 
longing to the Portuguese, and the first they have upon the 
coast of Malabar. It lieth southward from Goa, eighteen 
miles. In which place, we were assigned to take in our 
lading of pepper. 

They used not, before, to lade an} pepper in that place ; so 
that we were the first that ever laded there ; but from hence- 



Linschoten.-| (^Qjj^ S H I P P ED YE A R L Y F RO M PORTUGAL. 57 

forward they minded, yearly, to lade one ship there. For 
the Queen of Batticola, that lays not far from thence, and 
Honor, which is within her jurisdiction or kingdom, had 
bound herself to deliver, yearly, 7,000 or 8,000 Quintals [ = 
about 1,000,000 English lbs.] of pepper ; so that the Farmers 
paid her half the money for the same, six months before she 
delivered it ; and then she would deliver it at times [by in- 
stalments]. For the which cause, the owners have their Factor 
at Honor, to receive it of her, by weight ; and to lay it up 
till the time of lading cometh. 

The like have they in all the other forts upon the coast 
of Malabar, as at Mangalore, Barselor, Cananor, Cochin, 
Coulan [Qiiilon], &c. 



Tie Farmmg of the Pepper; and^ also^ of 
the Car racks that bring it to Portugal, 




Ow to know the right manner of Farming of the 

Pepper, you must understand. 

That the Farmers take the same to farm for five 

years, and bind themselves to send every year their 
stock of ready money \i.e., about 260,000 Pieces of Eight, 
at 436 Reis ( = 6g'y6d.) each = about ;f 75,000 then = about 
;r45o,ooo now], for 30,000 Quintals of pepper; so that the 
King will send ships to lade it in. The King, on the 
other side, bindeth himself to perform, and to send, every 
year, five ships, the Farmers bearing the adventure [risk] of 
the sea, both of their money sending thither, and of the 
pepper brought from thence ; and must lade it, in India, into 
the ships, at their own costs and charges. Which being 
brought to Portugal, they deliver up the pepper to the King, 
at the price of 12 ducats the Quintal [i.e., £^ 4s. the Quintal 
of 128 lbs. ; or Sixpence the lb. thcn=^Three Shillings now] : and 
if any be cast away or taken upon the sea, it is at the Farmers' 
charge ; for the King dealeth only but with that which is 
delivered to him in Portugal, being dry and fair, lade up in the 
King's Storehouse in Lisbon. For the which, he payeth 



58 Wholesale price of pepper in India., p "• ^-^ 



H. V. Linschoten. 
1594- 



not any money unto the Farmers until the said pepper be 
sold ; with the money whereof he payeth them. 

So that the King, without any hazard or disbursing any- 
thing of his own, hath always his money for his pepper ; 
without the loss of any one penny. 

And in respect of that, the Farmers have great and strong 
privile,?,es. First, that no man, of what estate or condition 
soever he be, either Portuguese or of any place in India, may 
deal or trade in pepper but they, upon pain of death : which 
is very sharply looked unto. Likewise, they may not, for any 
occasion or necessity whatsoever, diminish or lessen the ordi- 
nary stock of money [i.e., the 260,000 Reals of Eight], neither 
hinder nor letthem, in any sort, concerning the lading thereof: 
which is also very strictly observed. For, although the pepper 
were for the King's own person, yet must the Farmers' 
pepper be first laden : to whom, the Viceroy and other Officers 
and Captains of India must give all assistance, help, and 
favour, with watching the same, and all other things ; what- 
soever shall be required by the said Farmers, for the safety 
and benefit of the said pepper. 

For the lading and providing whereof, the said Farmers 
are to send their Factors, servants, and assistants, of what 
nation soever they be (except Englishmen, Frenchmen, and 
Spaniards), unto every place, to see it ladened and de- 
spatched away. For other strangers may not go to India ; 
without the special licence of the King or of his Council for 
India. 



The pepper commonly costeth in India 28 Pagodas the 
Bhar. Every Bhar is 33- Portuguese Quintals. So that every 
Quintal standeth them in 12 Pardaos Xeraphines and 4 
Tangas [see vol. i.p. 320]: 

(Every Quintal is 128 [English] pounds ; and every Pardao 
is 3 Testons or 30 Stivers, heavy money : and every Tanga 
is 60 Reis or 6 Stivers), 

Which is T2 Dollars (of 60 Pence Flemish the piece) after 
the rate of the Portuguese money, and 24 Stivers of the like 
money : besides all charges, and adventure of the sea. But 
the great quantity making them gain the more, especially if 
it come safe home. 



J. H. v.^Linschoten.-j ]\|exhOD OF FARMING THE CaRRACKS. 59 

[By equivalent values of the coins, at /. 320 of vol. i., the Pagoda was then 
equal to 76 '8^. We may therefore represent the statement in the text thus. 
English Quhital. Bfiar. £ 



tbs. I'g Pagodas, the ^2/2«/a/=2 II 

128 = 1 I rS) 1 ^^ ^^^ equivalent, viz.. 



4|</. the English 
lb. then = about 
2s. 4^0'. now. 



448 = 3^ = I /'^ (28 Pagodas, the i^/zar =8 19 I 

As the Pepper was sold to the King at Sixpence the English lb. for which the 
Farmers paid 4f </. , their outside profit would be about 30 per cent, on an invested 
capital in pepper alone of about ^75,000 then [=^^450,000 now]. From which, 
vast deductions should be made, for peculations, losses, &c. : which were, no 
doubt, partially compensated for, by the Farmers robbing the King as well as they 
could. So that it was thievery from beginning to end. 

The Farmers also brought home many other things than pepper, such as 
cinnamon, spices, fancy ware ; on which, no doubt, there was a vast profit. 

It is clear from this arrangement, that when the English took Portuguese Carracks, 
it was not King Philip II. who was the first sufferer ; but the Speculators, both of the 
Ships, and their Cargoes ; who might be of many countries, as of Augsburg, p 55. 

It is interesting to trace the rise in the price of these Eastern commodities, in 
their progress to the consumer. The wholesale English price of the pepper captured 
by the Earl of Cumberland's fleet on the 13th July 1589, was estimated at Two 
Shillings [=I2J-. nowl the English lb. : see/. 187 of vol. ii. The King's profits 
thereon must therefore liave been enormous.] 

The ships and their freighting, with conditions to build 
them and the provision of all necessaries for them, are also 
farmed by themselves : and all, at the adventure of the 
Farmers [of the Carracks], If the ship come safe home, 
they give the King a certain sum of money for every ship ; 
and every year furnish five ships, likewise at their own 
charges : but such soldiers as are appointed to go in them, 
are bound to sail for the King ; and have only meat and 
drink at the Farmers' charges. The officers and sailors are 
placed therein, by the King's Admiralty : which the Farmers 
may not once deny or refuse. 

So that the King adventureth nothing, neither in pepper 
nor in ships : but only if the ships be cast away he loseth the 
money that he should have had for the Farm of every ship, 
if it had returned safe; and the Gain of the pepper, that should 
have been delivered him at a certain price. 

Whereupon the Admiralty of Portugal are now waxen very 
careless to see them well conveyed, as they used to be during 
the times of the Kings of Portugal ; when all the pepper 
came for the King's own account. 

And although the King hath promised continually to send 
his Navy by sea as far as the Flemish Islands [Azores] ; there 
to stay for the coming of the Indian ships, and from thence 



^dm 



60 The Santa Cruz lades, & goes to Cochin. [^'"{""^"J^ 

to convey them to Lisbon: yet since they were farmed out, 
there are few fleets sent forth ; so that they are but h"ttle 
thought upon. But howsoever it is ; in the payment of the 
Fee Farm for pepper, the King will not lose a penny of his 
due, nor once abate them anything. 

Shipping the pepper ifi the Car racks. 

He 6th of December, we had taken in our lading of 
pepper, which was 6,700 Quintals \j:^about 380 
English tons] of the best that is in all Malabar ; and 
were very full. 

The same day, we set sail from thence, keeping close under 
the coast : because that ordinarily in that country, every day, 
from twelve o'clock of the night till twelve at noon, there 
blovveth an Easterly wind, which cometh out of the land ; 
and then cometh a West wind out of the sea, to the landward. 
With these two winds, we [here] perform our voyage. But 
the East wind is always mightier and stronger than the 
West, and therefore the ships keep themselves close under 
the shore : for when they put further in the sea, they can 
hardly get at the coast again ; because the West wind is not 
of so great force. As it chanced unto us, for having put 
somewhat from the coast ; we had much to do before we 
could get to the coast again : by which me^ns, oftentimes, 
they lose their voyage to Portugal, as by experience it hath 
been found. 

All the coast of Malabar is very pleasant to behold, for they 
sail so close to it, that a man may tell every hill, valley, and 
tree that is therein ; being a very green and fair land. 

The nth of December, we came to Cananor, another 
fortress of the Portuguese. There we lay a day and a half, 
to take in certain masts, with other provisions that we were 
to use ; which are there in great abundance. 

So we set sail again, keeping along the coast, and passed 
by Calicut, Panane, and certain other places, until the 24th of 
December, when we arrived at Cochin : where we lay till the 
20th of January, anno 1589. 

In the meantime, our ship was provided of all things 
necessary ; and then we stayed, till our turn came to set sail : 



J. H. y. Linschoten.-| ^ETHOD OF STOWING THE CaRRACKS. 6 I 

because the other ships, according to the contract, were to set 
sail before us, one after another. Which custom, I will here 
partly set down in brief. 

You shall understand that as soon as the ship hath taken 
in her lading of pepper ; which is done with great care and 
diligent watch, as well in the King's behalf as of the Far- 
mers' ; and is laden on the two nether orlops, that is, upon 
the ballast, and in the orlop next over it : laying deal boards 
upon the ballast, and making certain places and divisions for 
the purpose, with a hole over each place to shut in the pep- 
per; and leaving room by the mainmast to pass by it. So 
that there are, at the least, thirty several places, which they 
call payoos; and all in the two lower orlops, as I said be- 
fore : which, being all filled with pepper, they shut the holes 
of those places very close with oakum and pitch ; and so 
they are marked with numbers, how many they are, and upon 
each place its weight of pepper. 

These two orlops, being thus laden, there is left a place 
about the mainmast to bestow water, wine, wood; and other 
necessaries for the ship, which are daily used. 

In the third orlop, and, on both sides thereof, there are 
divers places severally made, that belong to the Officers of the 
ship, as the Captain, Master, Pilot, Factor, Purser, &c. ; and 
of all the rest of the sailors that are allowed places : which 
they sell or let out unto the Merchants to lade goods therein ; 
whereof they make good profit. Upon the same orlop, from 
the mast to the stern, are the places where they put their 
powder, biscuit, sails, cloths, and other provisions for the ship. 

The other orlops above these, are laden by the merchants 
with all sorts of wares ; which are in chests, fats, balls, and 
packs ; and are placed in this sort, that is to say. 

As soon as the pepper is laden, there are presently sent 
into the ship two Waiters, and one that stoweth the goods, 
as a Porter ; on the King's behalf. He hath ten or twelve 
porters under him that only must lade and stow the goods in 
the ship : the Master, nor any other, not once, having anything 
to do with it; saving only the Chief Boatswain, who is to look 
unto it, and yet commandeth nothing. 

No goods may be laden whatsoever or how small soever 
they be, but they must be registered in the King's books ; 
and they must bring a billet [invoice] from the Veador da 



62 Bribery of Waiters and Porters. P ""/ 



Linschotea 
1594- 



Fasenda, that is to say, the ** Surveyor of the business," being 
Chief Officer for the King: wherein must be certified every kind 
of ware, by piecemeal, which they lade ; together with the 
name of the ship wherein it is to be laden. For without that 
certificate, the Stowers and Porters will not take it in ; and, 
although you have your billet, yet must you bribe the Waiters, 
before you can get it aboard the ship : and something must 
be given likewise to the Porters, besides their duties, if you 
desire to stow your goods well, otherwise they will let it stand. 
And he that giveth most hath the best place in the ship. 
Yea, and they stow the ship so miserably full, that there is 
not a hole or an empty place to be found, but it is full stuffed : 
and all for their profit. It is oftentimes seen, that the Chief 
Porter, that doth only command and look over the rest, 
getteth for his part, in bribes, for stowage of a ship, sometimes 
700 or 800 ducats [=-^190 to £21$ then=aboiit ^1,100 to 
£1,300 now] , and the Waiters as much ; and this only by gifts. 

These offices are given by favour of the Viceroy, and the 
Veador de Fasenda : which is the cause that the ships are 
oftentimes laden so full that they are in a manner ready to 
sink ; so that a man would think it were impossible for them, 
either to row or stir. Because the Officers and sailors of the 
ships have nothing to do therewith, until the last hour that 
it setteth sail, and then it is delivered into their hands; 
and the Waiters and Porters go their ways, leaving the ships 
full in every place, even to the uppermost orlop : where there 
standeth commonly seven or eight chests, one above the other, 
both in the stern and foreship, upon the cables, in the fore- 
castle, in the stirrige [steerage] and in every place, which are 
all full of great pots, fats, chests, hens' cages, and such like ; 
so that it seemeth rather a Labyrinth or a Maze than a ship. 

So they commit themselves to the grace of GOD, and set 
sail : and oftentimes it falleth out, as it did in our ship, that 
of fifty sailors which are above the ship, not above ten of 
them could tell how to steer, or to handle the rudder : and 
besides that, most of them were never at sea before, but get 
their places by favour as all the rest do ; so that, being at 
sea, when occasion serveth, they stand looking one upon 
another, doing nothing, but cry, Misericordia I and, "Our 
Lady ! help us ! " 

In Cochin, there are a great number of boats called Tones 




J. H. V. Unschoten.jYHE CaRRACKS SET SAIL FROM CoCHIN. 6^ 

that are cut out of one piece of wood ; and yet, some of them 
are so great that a man may lade twenty pipes of water in 
them. These they carry aboard the ships, that lie at least a 
mile within the sea, and there they make price with them 
for a small sum of money ; and then they go and fill the 
pipes themselves, with pots which they have for the purpose : 
and it is a great commodity to them. This water is brought 
out of the river of Cochin, called Mangate, and it is very good. 



Cochin to Saint Helena, 

["Nd now I will show unto you the manner that is used 
in the ships, when they sail home again : which, in 
part, I have already touched ; as also of our 
departure and voyage from India to Lisbon. 

1589. 

The 1st January 1589 [AT. 5.], the Santa Maria set sail ; and 
because it was one of the oldest ships, it was first despatched 
away ; by reason that the sooner they depart from Cochin, 
they come in better time to the Cape of Good Hope : and the 
later they come thither, the more storms and foul weather 
they have, because as then the sun goeth further into the 
north and leaveth the south parts. Therefore commonly they 
let the best and strongest ships go last ; because they are 
best able to hold out : and they stay the one for the other in 
the island of Saint Helena, until the 25th day of May, and no 
longer, which is the time appointed by the King ; and so go, 
in company together, to Portugal. For from India unto the 
island of Saint Helena they need not keep company ; because 
all that way they fear no rovers : and to that island, they 
have all their cannon shot pulled in [ ? guns run in], the 
better to pass the foul weather at the Cape of Good Hope. 

The 6th of January, the ship, called Nostra Sefiora de 
Consepcao set sail. 

The loth of the same, the admiral [flag ship], called San 
Christopher. 

The I2th, the Sant Antonio. 

The 15th, the San Thomas, which was the greatest and 
best ship in all the fleet ; and the richest of lading. 



64 Privileges of soldiers on board, p^-^'j' 



V. Linschoten. 

1594- 



And the 20th of the same month, we set sail in our ship, 
called the Santa Cruz, being the last : wherein were about 
200 men of all sorts ; as sailors, soldiers, and slaves. 

Forfrom Indiatherego but few soldiers, without the Viceroy's 
passport ; by virtue thereof they go to present their services, 
and to fetch their pays and duties for the same. And this 
they do, after they have served in India some years ; and also 
when they have ability to pass over : for when they are poor, 
and have no help, they must stay in India; even for necessity's 
sake, because they have no meansto procure their passage. So 
that many of them are constrained to tarry there, and to marry 
Moors and Indian women, the better to' maintain themselves ; 
although it be with misery enough. For the charges of a 
man's vo3-age out of India is, at the least, 200 or 300 Pardaos 
( = ;£'40 to £60 then = £2^o to £"360 now), and that only for 
meat and drink ; which a poor soldier can hardly compass, 
unless he can procure some gentleman, Captain, or wealthy 
man in office to be favourable unto him, in helping him to 
perform his journey. 

For in the voyages homeward, the King giveth nothing to 
each of the soldiers and passengers, but a free passage for 
himself and a chest of four spans high and broad, and seven 
spans in length ; and that, after they have been three years in 
India. For that chest, they pay neither freight nor custom. 
They have likewise a chest in the roomage [hold] free of 
freight, for which they pay custom ; and this they may sell 
to any merchant, as they commonly do, and is worth unto 
them, at the least, 40 or 50 Pardaos [=£io to ^12 los. then 
=;^6o or £75 now]. These places they call '* Liberties," and 
he that buyeth them registereth them in the name of him 
that he buyeth them of; to the end, that in Portugal, they may 
enjoy the same liberty and privilege. 

All the sailors and Officers of the ships, that sail in them 
from Portugal, have likewise, besides their places in the 
ships, the forage of such a chest allowed them, free of custom 
and freight. 

All these things are very sharply looked into. For although 
the ships and goods are farmed ; j'et when they arrive at 
Lisbon, all the chests are brought into the Indian House, 
and there visited [searched], to see if any goods be in them that 



J.H.v.Linschoten.-jPg^ SOLDIERS COME BACK FROM InDIA. 65 

are forbidden to be brought out of India, as pepper, anill 
[cochineal], or indigo, and other such wares as are farmed of 
the King, and, if any be found, it is presently forfeited: and all 
the wares that are in such chests are likewise valued ; so 
that if they amount to more than the value of 1,000 Milreis 
[ = ;^666 13s. 4d. tIicn=£4,ooo now], they must pay custom 
for the over plus : which, in the time of the Kings of Portugal, 
was not used. For then, they were accustomed to carry their 
chests home, and to show them only to the Waiters : and 
although the poor sailors and Officers do much complain for 
the loss and breaking of their "liberties" ; yet can they not 
be heard. 

Thus there come but few soldiers out of India, for the 
causes aforesaid. For I certainly believe that of the 1,500 
soldiers and more, that, yearly, are sent thither out of Portugal ; 
there returneth not a 100 again. Some dying there in the 
country, others being cast away, and slain by divers occa- 
sions : and the rest, by poverty, not able to return again, and 
so, against their wills, are forced to stay in the country. If 
any of them do chance to come [back], it is with some Viceroy, 
Captain, or other gentleman, or person that hath borne office 
or authority. And when such men come over [to Portugal], 
they always bring some soldiers with them, to whom they 
give meat and drink ; and yet, are such as are of their ac- 
quaintance, and that had been long before at their command- 
ment : which they do, for the most part, upon a certain pride 
and vain glory. 

And, in this sort, there may, yearly, come 20 or 30 soldiers 
over, in each ship, which have their slaves and Blacke Mores 
with them; so that they come clean and sweet home, both for 
linen and other things. Because linen is very good cheap in 
India : and the ships, when they return home, are cleaner than 
when they set out of Portugal ; as they have fewer men in 
them, and such as come out of India bring all their necessaries 
with them. Besides, the ship is very sweet, by reason of the 
spice with that is laden in it. 



The partition of the ship is in this manner. 
The Pilot hath his cabin above in the hinder part of the 
ship, on the right side, where he hath two or three rooms ; 

II. E 5 



66 Internal Compartments of a Carrack. [^7''''°Jg^ 

and never cometh under [the] hatches, nor down into the 
foreship: but standeth only, and commandeth the Master of 
the ship to hoist or let fall the sails ; and to look unto his 
course, how they shall steer; to take the height of the sun ; 
and every day, to write and mark what passeth, how they 
sail, and with what tokens, wind, and weather. 

The Master hath his cabins in the same place, behind the 
Pilot's cabins, on the left hand ; with as many places and 
rooms as the Pilot hath ; where he standeth, and com- 
mandeth with a silver whistle, and looketh only to the main 
mast and her sails ; and so backwards [i.e., all masts and rig- 
ging astern of it] : yet he hath the care of all the ship and 
whatsoever belongeth to it ; and commandeth all things, as 
to make and mend the sails, which he cutteth out and the 
sailors sew them. He looketh also if there be any fault in 
the ship, and causeth it to be mended : and, as need requireth, 
to draw their cannon in, and again to put it out. 

If he wanteth anything, as cloth for sails, nails, ropes, or any 
such like things, as are needful ; he must have them of the 
Factor and Purser of the ship ; which presently are delivered 
unto him, with a note, of his hand[writing] in the book, to 
be accountable for it. 

The Chief Boatswain hath his cabin in the Forecastle [i.e.y 
»Jie Castle in the front part of the Carrack, rising in three short 
decks above the main deck in the centre of the ship] ; and hath 
commandment and government over the Fouke mast [Fore- 
mast] and the fore sails. He hath also a silver whistle, like 
the Master; and taketh care for all things belonging to the 
Fouke mast, and for the fast binding of the anchors. 

The Guardian or Quartermaster hath his cabin close by 
the great mast outward on the left hand; for on the right 
hand, standeth the scullery and kitchen, where they dress 
their meat. He weareth a silver whistle, and hath charge to 
see the swabers pump, to make the ship clean ; to look to the 
ropes, and cause them to be mended ; and to the boat, which 
he commonly ruleth. 

The Gunner hath his cabin inward from the mast, hard by 
the rudder, under the first orlop : and must always sit by the 
main mast, looking upon the Master, both night and day; 
that, as the Master whistleth to will the gunners to draw in 
their pieces or to thrust them out, he may be ready so to do. 



Linschoten. 
? 1594 



] The Chief Officers live sumptuously. 67 



He likewise taketh care for the pieces, and the things belong- 
ing to them ; when they have cause to use them. 

The Under Pilot doth nothing, but help the Chief Pilot, and 
watch his quarter. They have likewise two or three of the 
best sailors, that do nothing else but command in the Pilot's 
room, when he sleepeth. 

The sailors have most of their cabins in the forecastle and 
thereabouts : and the gunners behind, by the Master Gunner, 
under the upper deck ; and do nothing else but, with their in- 
struments [implements], put the great pieces forth or draw them 
in, as they are commanded. 

The Swabers must do all whatsoever they are bidden to do 
by the Officers, but never touch the rudder. For the sailors 
do only steer and rule the ship when need requireth, but not 
the pump. Neither do they hoist up the main sail: for the 
soldiers and slaves use to do that. The swabers pump. 

The Carpenter doth such work as is to be done. The 
Cooper, in like sort : and also the Caulker. So that if 
the ship were sinking, not any of them will do more than 
belongeth to his charge : and what is further to be done, they 
will stand still, and look upon it. 

The Captain hath the Gallery, and the cabin behind. He 
commandeth only over the soldiers, and such as watch by night. 

The Pilot, Master, and the Chief Boatswain, are served in 
very good sort, with their silver lamps, beakers [^06/^^s], cups, 
and bowls; every [each] man by himself: and are waited on 
by their slaves and servants, and have enough of every thing. 
But the other sailors and swabers have not such store, but 
endure more hardness : for every man must provide for him- 
self, as we told you before. 

Now you must understand that in their ships, there is no 
Average. For when there happeneth any loss, or that any 
goods are thrown overboard ; he standeth to the loss that 
oweth [owneth] the goods, without any more accounts : and 
that commonly falleth out upon the poor swabers, for they 
usually have their chests standing upon the hatches ; because 
they have nothing to give unto the Porters that they might 
have a good place for them, as others, of greater ability use 
to do. And when any storm or hurt chanceth ; then they 
throw the things overboard that first come to hand : without 
respect of persons, or any average to be made. 



68 The New Track, direct to the Cape. [J- "• "■} 



Linschoten. 

1594- 



In this sort, setting sail ; we held our course south-south- 
east for the space of 150 miles till we came to 7^ S. of the 
Equinoctial line [Equator] ; and from thence south-west-by- 
west unto the Cape of Good Hope : which way was never 
used before that time. 

For they used to sail from Cochin south-west ; and south- 
west-by-south between the Maldive islands, and a thousand 
other islands and sands [shoals] unto the island of St. Law- 
rence [Madagascar] ; and so to the Cape. But after that the 
Pilot had lost the San jfago [in 15S6] upon the " Shallows of 
India" [p/>. 30-3], and escaped alive (he was now Pilot of the 
San Thomas, the best ship in all our fleet) ; he l^ad, the fore 
voyage [the preceding one to this, in 1587] kept aloof 200 or 
300 miles out into the sea, clean from all islands, sands, or 
cliffs : saying that " the casting away of so many ships, 
w^hereof no news or tidings could ever be heard, was that they 
were cast away upon the sands [shoals] ; even as it chanced 
unto him," and to avoid the dangers thereof, as also to win 
the favour of the King and the Officers of the Admiralty, he 
was the first that took upon him to discover that way, with 
the ship wherein my Lord the Archbishop sailed [p. 40 1 . It is 
almost the same w-ay, that the ships that came from Malacca 
do hold, when they sail to Portugal ; wherein they see neither 
islands nor sands, nor any other thing, but only the plain sea. 

So he came unto Portugal, certifying the Admiralty of 
that new way; and although he was cast into prison for the 
same cause, yet, by favour, he was presently released : and 
the Admiralty (perceiving it to be so great a danger for the 
ships to §ail among the islands and sands, which they thought 
to be the chief cause of the loss of so many ships) have ex- 
pressly commanded that the Pilots should use that new dis- 
covered way, according to the said Pilot's information, thereby 
to avoid all danger. 

But that is not the cause of their casting away ; although 
many times, they are the means of much mischief: but the 
chief reasons are, the unreasonable lading and charging of the 
ships, the unskilful seamen, and the slack visiting or searching 
of the ships, to see if they be fit to sail and have all things that 
they want. By these, and such like means, the ships are daily 
lost, as in other places [p/>. 32, 34, 62,] by examples, and 
true witnesses, I have already declared ; and as the same 



^7**°5,";]SlGHT THE SaAT TffOMAS, & RACE WITH HER. 69 

Pilot, that first found the New Way, did well approve and 
verify to be true in the San Thomas, that the sands or islands 
did him no hurt, but only the overlading of her: wherewith, 
the ship was burst in pieces, by the Cape; as hereafter I will 
show [pj?. y8, 82]. Notwithstanding-, this way is not 
therefore to be disliked, although it be somewhat further 
about ; but it is a very good way, and wholly out of all danger 
of sands and islands. 

The 30th of January, in the night, we passed the Equinoc- 
tial line ; and the next day, after, we descried a ship, which 
we thought to be the San Tliomas. 

The same day, one of our boys fell overboard ; to save 
whom, we made all the haste we could to get out our small 
boat : but because it stood full of things, we could not so soon 
get it forth, but that in the meantime, the boy was cast at 
the least two miles behind us; and so was drowned. 

The 3rd of February, the ship we saw, came close by us, 
and then we knew it to be the San Tliomas. We made to- 
wards it to speak with them ; but when they began to know our 
ship by the ropes, which were all white, being made of Indian 
Cairo (fibre), and knowing that we were left behind them at 
Cochin (for they had thought when they had descried us, we 
had been one of the ships that first set sail) as also that their 
ship was accounted one of the best for sailing in all the 
fleet : for very pride and high stomach, they would not stay 
to speak with us ; but made from us again. Which our 
Officers perceiving, did likewise wind from them ; every [each] 
one doing his best to get before the other. 

By this, and such like signs of pride, the Portuguese do 
often cast themselves away; and, as it may be conjectured, 
it was one of the chief causes of the loss of the San Thomas : 
for that they used all the means they could, to sail well, and 
that they might pass the Cape before us ; whereof they use 
[are accustomed] to brag, when they meet at the island of Saint 
Helena; as if it were done by their wisdom. 

So it fell out with the San Thomas, that coming to the 
Cape of Good Hope, it had a contrary wind, whereby they 
struck all their sails, and so lay driving against the waves of 
the sea, which do fall against a ship as if it struck against a 
hill : so that if the ship were of hard stones, yet, in the end, 
they would break in pieces ; much more such ships as are 



yo Foundering of the San Thomas. [J- "• ^'1^'^''^°^.^^^ 

made of wood. And this is commonly their manner, thereby 
the sooner to pass the Cape : which our ship could not 
bear; so that we put back again with the wind, yet as little 
as we might, thereby to avoid the force of the sea, as much 
as we could. 

But because the Pilot of the San Thomas trusted overmuch 
in her strength, and did purposely mean to be before us all, 
thereby, as he thought, to win the praise ; the ship did, as it 
well appeared, lie still, and drive without any sails, which 
they call payrar [drifting] : and so, by the great force and 
strength of the seas, together with the overlading, was 
stricken in pieces and swallowed in the sea ; both men, and 
all that was within her. As we might well perceive, coming 
to the Cape, by the swimming of whole chests, fats, balls, 
pieces of masts, dead men tied unto boards ; and such like 
fearful tokens. 

The other ships also that arrived in the island of Saint 
Helena, told us likewise that they had seen the like most 
pitiful sights ; which was no small loss of so great treasure, 
and only many men. So that we, which beheld it, thought 
ourselves not free from the like danger. It was one of the 
richest ships that, in many years, had sailed out of India ; 
and only by reason of the good report it had to be so good 
of sailing, being but new (for then it was but her second 
voyage), every man desired to go and lade their wares in her. 

In the same ship, went Don Paulo de Lima Pereira, 
that raised the siege of Malacca, and had served the King 
thirty years in India, and had obtained many brave victories; 
thinking then to be in the top of his honour, and to be much 
advanced by the King. He also carried with him great 
treasure in jewels and other riches ; also his wife, children, 
and one of his brethren : with many other gentlemen and 
soldiers that bare him company, thinking to have good 
fortune in their voyage. 

There were likewise ten or twelve gentlewomen, some of 
them having their husbands in the ship ; others, whose 
husbands were in Portugal. So that, to conclude, it was 
full of people, and most of the gentility of India : and in 
all our ships there were many, that seeing us in danger, 
would say that "they might have gone safely in the San 
Thomas,'" thinking it impossible that it should be cast away. 



J. H. V. Linschoten.j ^^^^ Electrical Light ON THE Yards. 7 1 

Therefore, it is manifestly seen that all the works and 
imaginations of men are but mere vanities ; and that we 
must only put our trust in GOD : for that if GOD be not 
with us in our actions, all our labour is in vain. 

But to return to our matter. Each ship did her best to be 
first, until the 17th of February ; when we got before the San 
Thomas, being in 7° S. : and from that time forwards, we saw 
her no more ; but only the tokens of her casting away about 
the Cape of Good Hope, which, after, when at the island of 
St. Helena, was told us more at large. 

The same day, we had a great storm of wind and rain, so 
that the ruther of our great mast was broken by the force of 
the sea. From the line, we had a north and north-west wind, 
with continual rain, storms, and foul weather, never ceasing 
till we came to 20° S., which was upon the 25th of February. 
Then we had a south-east wind, called by the Portuguese the 
"General Wind" [the Trade Wind] with fairer weather: 
which they commonly find in 12° S., but we had it not before 
we were under 20° S. The cause whereof, we thought to be, 
that we had put so far into the sea, out of the common way. 
This wind commonly holdeth to 27° or 28° S., a little more or 
less : and then they must look for all kinds of winds and 
weathers, till they come to the Cape of Good Hope. 

The 5th of March, being in 25^^ S., we had an East wind, 
with an exceeding great storm and rain ; so that our rudder- 
staff [? handle] brake, and two more that we had in the ship, 
brake likewise, one after the other, on being put unto it ; with 
the pin and joint wherein the end of the rudder hung : so we 
were forced to lie and drive, without steering, having struck 
all our sails ; and the ship was so tossed by the waves on ali 
sides, that we had not one dry place in all the ship. In this 
sort, we lay driving, for the space of two days and two nights 
together, with a continual storm and foul weather with 
rain. 

The same night, we saw upon the mainyard and in many 
other places, a certain sign [electrical sparks] which the 
Portuguese call Corpo Santo or " the holy body of Brother 
Peter Gonsalves " ; but the Spaniards call it San Elmo, 
and the Greeks (as ancient writers rehearse, and Ovid among 
the rest) Hclle and Thryxns. Whensoever that sign showeth 
upon the mast or mainyard or in any other place ; it is 



72 Rudder handle broke, & mended again, [^^''''"^g^ 

commonly thought, that it is a sign of better weather. 
When they first perceive it, the Master or Chief Boatswain 
whistleth, and commandeth every man to salute it with 
Salve, corpo santo ! and a, Misericordia ! with a very great cry 
and exclamation. 

This constellation, as astronomers do write, is engendered 
of great moisture and vapours ; and showeth like a candle 
that burneth dimly, and skippeth from one place to another, 
never lying still. We saw five of them together, all like the 
light of a candle, which made me wonder; and I should have 
hardly believed it but that I saw it, and looked very earnestly 
upon it. And although it was foul weather, whereby I had 
no great leisure to think upon such curious things, yet I 
purposely came from under the hatches, to note it. Those 
five lights the Portuguese call Coroa de nossa Senhora, that is, 
" Our Lady's crown ; " and have great hope therein, when 
they see it. And therewithal our men, being all in great 
fear and heaviness, began to revive again and to be glad ; as 
if, thereby, they had been fully assured of better comfort. 

The 7th of March, we had better weather ; and then we 
took counsel how to mend our rudder. Some were of 
opinion, we should sail to Mozambique, and rule the rudder 
with a rope : others were of contrary opinion, and said we 
might mend it aboard, and so perform our vo3'age. So that, 
at the last, we pulled certain pieces out of the ship's side ; 
for we had not brought one with us, as need required : but 
being pulled forth, they were all too little, and would not 
serve. 

In the end, we found it convenient to take one of the 
bosses in our ship, and thereof, to make an anvil ; and 
of two oxhides, a pair of bellows ; wherewith we went to 
work : and of a piece of an old hook or drag, we took two 
or three ends whereof but one would serve, and that half 
broken; and the splinters, we bound with an iron hoop. So, 
it being fitted to the rudder ; we set forwards, in the name of 
GOD. 

This asked us two days' work, before we could despatch 
it ; and we hoisted sail again, with great joy : and gave 
divers alms to Our Lady and the saints, with many promises 
of better life ; as men, being in misery, commonly do. 

The day after, we took the height of the sun, and found 



J. H. V. LinschotenJ PoUL WEATHER OFF NaTAL. 'J T, 

ourselves to be in 28" 45°, and four hundred miles from the 
land of Natal. There, we had good weather, with a south-east 
wind. 

Here is the hardest passage that is in all the voyage, and 
oftentimes they fear the land of Natal more than the Cape : 
for there, is commonly stormy and foul weather; and many 
ships have been spoiled and cast away there, as the Portu- 
guese records can very well show. In the same part also, 
we found the signs of the casting away of the San Thomas. 
So that, to conclude, commonly the ships do there pay tribute, 
by casting some lading overboard, or else leave body and all 
behind. 

For this cause, they never pass Natal without great fear; 
having a good watch and great foresight. All their ropes 
being stiff, and well looked unto. The pieces drawn in ; all 
chests, pots, fats, and other roomage, that are not stowed 
under hatches, being thrown overboard into the sea : and 
everything settled, and made ready in his place. For in this 
coast they have one hour, fair weather : and another hour, 
stormy weather; in such manner, as if heaven and earth 
should waste and be consumed. 

In that place likewise, with a clear and fair weather, 
there cometh a certain cloud, which, in show, seemeth no 
bigger than a man's fist, and therefore, by the Portuguese, is 
called olho de boy or "ox eye"; and although then it is clear 
and calm weather, and that the sails, for want of wind, do 
beat against the masts : yet as soon as they perceive that 
cloud, they must presently strike all their sails. For that, 
commonly, it is upon the ships, before they perceive it : and 
with such a storm and noise, that, without all doubt, it would 
strike a ship into the water, if there be not great care had to 
look unto it. 

And it chanced to the Second Fleet, after the Portuguese 
had discovered the [East] Indies : there being ten or twelve 
ships in company, which, in such a calm and fair weather, 
let all their sails hang, and regarded them not. And this 
custom [fact], they observed in this their navigation. For 
suddenly the cloud came, with a most horrible storm, and 
fell upon them, before they could prevent [prepare for] it : 
whereby seven or eight were sunk in the seas, and never heard 
of again ; and the rest, with great hurt and much danger, 



74 Dreadful weather near the Cape. [Jh-v.^i 



Linschotea 
'594- 



escaped. But, from that time forwards, they looked better 
to themselves ; and have learned to know it : so that, at this 
present, they watch for it ; and yet, it giveth them work 
enough to do. 

The I2th of March, being in 31° S., we were right in the 
wind [i.e., the wind was dead ahead], and had a calm ; where- 
upon we struck all our sails ; and so lay driving four days 
together, which the Portuguese call Payraes : having a very 
high sea which tossed our ships in such sort, that the sailors 
esteem it to be worse than a storm. For there, the waves 
of the sea met in such sort on all sides, and clasped the ship 
in such a manner betwixt them ; that the}' made all her ribs 
to crack and in a manner to open : so that it is very dangerous 
for the ship. 

We were in very great care [fear] for our Fouke mast ; and 
therefore we bound our masts and all the ship about cables, 
as hard as we possibly might. 

This continued to the 17th of March, and then we had a 
fittle wind ; so that we hoisted sail again : but it continued 
no longer than to the next day. 

Then we fell again into the wind, and had a storm; where- 
with our mainyard broke : and then again we struck all our 
sails ; and so lay driving or payraer-mg, as the Portuguese 
call it. 

In the meantime, we mended our mainyard ; and so we 
continued driving without our sails till the 20th of March : 
with great risings of the waves of the sea, which tormented 
us ; as in that place they commonly do. All which time we 
were in 31° S., and could not pass forward. 

In that time, we saw many birds, which the Portuguese 
call Antenalcn, and are as big as ducks. 

The 20th of March, we had a little wind, but very sharp ; 
yet we hoisted our sails, and sailed by the wind. 

The next night after, we had a calm ; which continued till 
the 22nd : and then we fell again into the wind, with so great 
a storm that we were compelled to strike all our sails, which 
we could hardly pull in ; and could not stay the ship in any 
sort, it drave so fast. Whereby we were in great danger, 
so that we were compelled to bind the bonnet about the 
Forecastle, which was our sail (for other sail we might 
not bear) ; and so sailed backwards whither the wind would 



J. H. V. Linschoten.-J js^^^ FORCED TO PUMP, NIGHT AND DAY. 75 

drive us, thereby to have some ease. Yet we had enough to 
do, for we were compelled to throw our great boat overboard; 
with all chests, pots, and vessels that stood upon the hatches, 
with other wares, such as came first to hand. 

This storm continued for the space of two days and three 
nights, without ceasing. 

The 25th of March, being the day before Palm Sunday 
[N.S.], we had better wind and weather, after we had given 
great alms to our blessed Lady of the Annunciation, whose 
feast was upon that day ; and again hoisted up our sails, 
keeping our course towards the Cape. 

At the same time, we had a disease [ ? scurvy] in our ship, 
that took us in the mouth, lips, throat, and tongue ; which 
took off the skin and made them swell : whereby they could 
not eat but with great pain ; and not one in the ship but 
had it. 

The 8th of April, in the morning, after we had sailed 
fifteen days before the wind, towards the Cape, we perceived 
a sign of the land, which was green water : but we found no 
ground; yet was it not above forty miles from the land, 
according to the Pilot's judgement. 

We saw there also divers of the birds, called Matigas de 
velludo, that is, " Velvet sleeves " ; for they have upon the 
ends of their wings, black points like velvet ; all the rest 
being white and somewhat grey : which they hold for a cer- 
tain sign of land, that lieth within the Cape of Good Hope, 
called Baya de la Goa, or " the Bay of the Lake " in 
33f S. 

The gth of April, at night, we were again right in the wind, 
i^ 35° 30' S., with a great storm and foul weather, that con- 
tinued till the 14th of the same month : so that we were 
compelled (not being able to endure the force of the sea, with 
the continual storm and foul weather) to sail back again 
before the wind, with the half of our Fouke sail up. For we 
found ourselves not strong enough to drive without sails, as 
the ship commonly used to do, which oftentimes is the cause 
of their casting away : as it may well be judged by reason of 
the great force and strength of the waves that run there, so 
that it seemeth almost impossible for a ship to bear out so 
great a force, though it were of iron. 

And though we sailed [backwardl before the wind, yet we 



76 Settle to go back to Mozambique. [J-^-^j' 



H. V. Linschoten. 

1594- 



had danger enough ; for the sea came behind and over our 
ship, and filled all the hatches : whereby we were compelled 
to bind our masts, cables, and all the ship round about with 
ropes; that, with the great force of the sea, it might not stir, 
and fly to pieces. And we were forced to pump, night and day. 

We had at each end of the Fouke-yard, a rope that reached 
to the Pilot : and at each rope, there stood fifteen or sixteen 
men : the Pilot sitting in his seat ; and the under Pilot be- 
hind, upon the stern of the ship [which was now going back- 
wards, stern first] to mark the course of the sea, and so to 
advertise the other Pilot. At the rudder, there stood ten or 
twelve men ; and the other sailors upon the hatches, to rule 
the sails. 

As the waves came and covered the ship, the Under Pilot 
called, andthenthe Chief Pilot spake tothem at the rudder "to 
hold stiff! "and commanded the ropes that were at the Fouke- 
yard to be pulled stiff. The sailors and the Chief Boatswain 
likewise standing on the hatches, to keep the ship right in the 
waves : for if the waves had once gotten us about that they 
had entered on the sides of the ship, it had been certainly said 
of us, requiescantin pace. And it was there, almost as cold as 
it is here with us [in Holland] in winter, when it freezeth 
not. Whereby we were all sore toiled, and in a manner out 
of heart : so that we esteemed ourselves clean cast away. 

For we were forced, by turns, not one excepted, to go to 
the rudder, and from thence to the pump ; so that we had no 
time to sleep, eat, rest, nor clothe ourselves. And to help us 
the better, the staff [ ? handle] of our rudder brake in pieces, 
and had almost slain two or three of our men : but GOD had 
pity on us ; so that there happened no other hurt, but that 
some of them were a little amazed [stunned]. 

This continued till the 14th of April, without any change ; 
whereupon all the Officers of the ship assembled, together 
with others of the company, taking counsel what was best to 
be done : and perceiving the ship not to be strong enough to 
pass the Cape, they concluded, by Protestation whereunto 
they subscribed their hands, to sail with the ship to Mozam- 
bique, and there to winter and to repair the ship, and provide 
all necessaries for it. 

Which greatly grieved the common sort, because they did find 
as great danger in turning back again to Mozambique, as to 



f. H. Y. Linschoten.-j QQD FAVOURS EnGLISH heretics. •]"] 

pass the Cape; for they were to sail again by the land of Natal, 
which they feared as much as the Cape. And also, though they 
did arrive at Mozambique, yet they accounted it as much as 
a lost voyage. For they must stay there till next year, and 
spend there all they have ; for all things that come thither, 
are brought out of India, so that everything there is as dear 
as gold : which would be hard for the poor sailors and 
swabers, having but little means to relieve themselves ; and 
thereby they should be constrained to sell that little they had 
brought with them for half the value. Besides that, they 
were then about 500 miles from Mozambique. 

Wherefore, there grew a great noise and murmuring in 
the ship, that cursed the Captain and Officers, because the 
ship was badly provided : for it had not one rope more than 
hung about the ship ; nor anything whereof to make them, 
if those that we had, should have chanced to break. 

The Captain laid the fault on the Master, because he asked 
not for them, when he was at land. The Master said that 
he had spoken for them, and that the cairo or hemp, whereof 
ropes are made in India, was delivered to the Captain ; and 
that he had sold the best part thereof, to put the money in 
his purse : and that was the cause why we wanted. 

With this disorder, they bring their matters to pass, not 
once remembering what may fall out : but when they are 
in danger; then, there is nothing else but crying Miseri- 
cordia! and calling to " Our Lady" for help. 

The Captain could not tell what to answer, seeing us in 
that trouble; but said that "He marvelled at nothing so 
much, as why our LORD GOD suffered them (being so good 
Christians and Catholics as they were) to pass the Cape 
with so great torments and dangerous weather, having so 
great and strong ships : and that the Englishmen (being 
heretics, and blasphemers of GOD) passed the Cape so easily, 
with such small and weak vessels." For they had received 
news in India, that an English ship [ ? Drake's Pelican, 
on 18th June 1580; or Cavendish's ship, the Desire, eleven 
months before, viz., on the igth of May 1588, see Vol. I. p. 293] 
had passed the Cape, with very great ease. 

So we made back again towards Mozambique, being in 
great despair ; for no man cared to lay his hand to work, and 
hardly any man would obey the Officers of the ship. Sailing 



yS Amazed to find themselves in 3 7° S. p- "■ ''•^' 



Linschoten 
IS94 



in this manner, we perceived divers vessels [casks, S'c], and 
boards with dead men bound upon them, driving in the sea : 
which comforted us a httle, we thinking that some of the 
other ships were in the same taking; and had thrown some 
of their goods overboard, and so made towards Mozambique 
before us : whereby we thought to have company, and that 
we were not alone unfortunate ; for it is commonly said that 
** companions in misery are a comfort to one another," and 
so it was to us. But, I would to GOD ! it had been so, as we 
imagined ; but it was far worse than turning back again : for 
those were the signs of the casting away of the San Thomas ; 
as we were afterwards advertised in the island of Saint Helena. 

The 15th of April we had another great calm ; which con- 
tinued till the 17th : and taking the height of the sun, we 
found ourselves to be 37° S., to the great admiration [astonish- 
ment] of all the company. For being, as I said, in 35° S., 
and having sailed for the space of five days, with so great a 
wind and stormy weather, we should rather, by all men's 
reason, have lessened our degrees ; and by estimation, we 
made account to have been in 30° S., or 32° S. at the highest. 
The cause why our ship went backward, in that sort, against 
wind and weather, towards the Cape, thinking we made 
towards Mozambique, was by the water, which in those 
countries carrieth with a very strong stream [current] towards 
the Cape : as the Pilot told us he had proved at other times ; 
yet he thought not that the water had run with so great a 
stream as now, by experience, he found it did. 

So as it seemed that GOD, miraculously (against man's 
reason and judgement, and all the force of wind and storms), 
would have us pass the Cape, when we were least in hope 
thereof: whereby we may plainly perceive that all men's 
actions, without the hand of GOD, are of no moment. 

The same day, we again saw green water, and the birds 
called Mangas de velludo or " Velvet sleeves ; " which are 
certain signs of the Cape of Good Hope : and, about evening, 
a swallow flew into our ship, whereat they much rejoiced, 
saying that "It was a sign and foreshowing that Our Lady 
had sent the swallow on board to comfort us ; and that we 
should pass the Cape." Wherewith they once again agreed 
to prove if we could pass it ; seeing we had had such signs 
and tokens to put us in good comfort that GOD would help 



J. H.y.L!nschoten.-| TrY ONCE MORE FOR THE CaPE. 79 

US. This being concluded [settled], we sang the Litany with 
Ora pro nobis! and gave many alms; with promises of pil- 
grimages and visitations and such like things, which was 
our daily work. 

With that, the sailors and others began to take courage 
and to be lusty, every one willingly doing his office : offering 
rather to lose life and welfare in adventuring to pass the 
Cape ; than, with full assurance of their safety, to return to 
Mozambique. We had then great waves, and very big water 
in the sea : which left us not, till we came to the other side 
of the Cape. 

The i8th of April, we fell again into the wind, with as 
great storms and foul weather as ever we had before ; so that 
we verily thought we should have been cast away : for at 
every minute, the sea covered our ship with water. To 
lighten her, we cast overboard divers chests, and much cinna- 
mon, with other things that first came to hand. Wherewith 
every man made account to die ; and began to confess them- 
selves, and to ask each other's forgiveness: thinking, without 
more hope, that our last day was come. This storm con- 
tinued in this sort, at the least, for the space of twenty-four 
hours. In the meantime great alms were given in our ship 
to many Virgin Maries and other saints ; with great devotion 
and promises of other wonderful things, when they came to 
land. At the last, GOD comforted us, and sent us better 
weather. For, on the 19th of April, the weather began to 
clear up ; and therewith, we were in better comfort. 

The 20th of April, we took the height of the sun, and 
found it to be 36° S. : and again we saw green water, some 
birds which they call Alcatraces [i.e., albatrosses], and many 
sea-wolves ; which they hold for certain signs of the Cape of 
Good Hope. We were, as we thought, hard by the land; 
but yet saw none. The same day, we had the wind some- 
what fuller, and were in great hope to pass the Cape : so that 
the men began to be in better comfort, by reason of the signs 
we had seen. 

All that day, we saw green water, till the 22nd of April, 
upon which day, twice, and in the night following, we cast 
out the lead, and found no ground : which is a good sign 
that we had passed the Cape das Aquilhas, or " the Cape of 
Needles," which lieth in 35° S., about twenty miles from the 



8o At length, they pass the Cape, [J- h. v. Linschoten. 

Cape of Good Hope in 34° 30' S. As about this Cape das 
Aquilhas, ground is found, at the least, thirty or forty miles 
from the land, we knew we were past it : and also by the 
colour of the water, and the birds which are always found 
there. And the better to assure us, the great and high sea 
that had so long tormented us, left us ; and then we found a 
smoother water, much differing from the former : so that we 
then seemed to have come out of hell into paradise, with as 
great joy as if we thought we were within the sight of some 
haven. And had withal, a good wind ; though somewhat 
cold. 

The 23rd of April, we passed the Cape of Good Hope, wdth 
a great and general gladness ; it being then three months 
and three days after we had set sail from Cochin : not once 
seeing any land or sands [shoals] at all, but only the assured 
tokens of the said Cape ; which happeneth very seldom, for 
the Pilots do always use what means they can to see tht 
Cape and to know the land, to certainly know thereby that 
they are past it. For then, their degrees must lessen ; and 
then they may as soon [hap to] make towards Mozambique 
as to the island of St. Helena. For although they can well 
perceive it by the water, yet is it necessary for them to see 
the land, the better to set their course unto St. Helena: 
wherein they must always keep on the left hand ; otherwise 
it were impossible for them to come at it, if they leave that 
course. For if they once pass it, they cannot come to it 
again : because there bloweth continually but one kind of 
wind, which is south-east [Trade Wind]. Thus having passed 
the Cape, we got before the wind. 

The 24th of April, the Pilot willed us to give bona viagen 
unto the Cape of Good Hope, according to the custom : 
which was done with great joy and gladness, by all that were 
in the ship. For then, they assure themselves that they sail 
to Portugal, and shall not turn again into India : for so long 
as they are not past the Cape, they are always in doubt. We 
were then about 50 miles beyond the Cape. 

The signs and tokens whereby they know themselves to 
have certainly passed the Cape, are great heaps and pieces 
of thick reeds that always thereabouts drive upon the 
water, at least 15 or 20 miles from the land ; also certain 
birds called by the Portuguese, Feisoins, somewhat greater 



J. H. V. Linschoten."! AND ARRIVE AT St. HeLENA. 8i 

than seamews, being white and full of black spots all over 
their bodies ; and are very easy to be known from all other 
birds. 

Having passed the Cape, the Pilots set their course for St. 
Helena, north-west, and north-west-by-west. 

The 27th of April, we were right in the wind, and so con- 
tinued till the next day ; and then we had a calm, being 
in 30° S. on the Portugal side. 

The 29th of April, we got before the General Wind [the 
Trade Wind] that always bloweth in those countries, all the 
whole year, until you come to the Equinoctial line: so that 
they may well let their sails stand, and lay them down to 
sleep ; for, in the greatest wind that bloweth there, they need 
not strike their mainyard, above half the mast. 

The 1 2th of May, in the morning, betimes, we discovered the 
island of St. Helena : whereat there was as great joy in the 
ship, as if we had been in heaven. We were then about two 
miles from the land, the island lying from us west-south-west; 
whereunto we sailed so close that, with a caliver shot, we 
might reach unto the shore. Being hard by it, we sailed 
about a corner of land that lay north-west from us, which 
having compassed, we sailed close by the land, west-north- 
west: the land on that side being so high and steep that it 
seemed to be a wall that reached to the skies. 

In that sort, we sailed [on the north side of the island] 
about a mile and a half, and compassed about the other 
corner that lay westward from us : which corner being com- 
passed, we presently perceived the ships that lay in the road; 
which were those ships that set sail before us out of India. 
They were lying about a small half mile from the foresaid 
corner, close under the land ; so that as the land there lieth 
south-east from them, by reason of the high land, the ships 
lie there as safe as if they were in a haven. For they may 
well hear the wind whistle on the tops of their mainyards ; 
but lower it cannot come : and they lie so close under the 
land, that they may almost cast a stone upon the shore. 

There is good ground there at 25 and 30 fathoms deep; but 
if they chance to put further out or to pass beyond it ; they 
must go forward, for they can get no more unto the land. 
For this cause we kept so close to the shore, that the height 
of the land took the wind from us ; and as the ship would 
II F 5 



82 Find all the ships, but the San Thomas. [ 



Linschoten. 
1594' 



not steer without wind, so it drave upon the land : whereby 
our boresprit [hoivsprit] touched the shore ; and therewith, 
we thought that ship and goods had all been cast away. But, 
by reason of the great depth, being ten fathoms, of water ; 
and, with the help of the boats and men of the other ships 
that came unto us, we put off from the land, without any 
hurt : and by those boats, we were brought to a place where 
the other ships lay at anchor ; which is right against a 
valley, that lieth between two high hills, wherein there 
standeth a little church, called Saint Helena. 

There we found five ships, which were, the ship that came 
from Malacca ; and the Santa Maria, which had been there 
about fifteen days [i.e., had arrived 2'jth of April] : both of 
which came together to the Cape of Good Hope. The Sant 
Antonio, and the San Christopher, the admiral, that had 
arrived there ten days before [i.e., on 2nd of May] : and the 
Nostra Senora de Concepcao, which came thither but the day 
before us [i.e., iith of May]. So that there wanted none of 
the fleet, but the Saji Thomas; and, by the signs and tokens 
that we and the other ships had seen at sea (as masts, deals, 
fats, chests, and many dead men that had bound themselves 
upon boards ; with a thousand other such like signs), we pre- 
sumed to be lost : as we after understood, for it was never 
seen after[wards]. 

Our admiral [fag ship] likewise, had been in great danger 
of casting awa}'. For, although it was a new ship, and this 
the first voyage it had made ; yet it was so eaten with worms, 
that it had, at the least, 20 handsful deep of water within it. 
At the Cape, they were forced to throw half of the goods over- 
board into the sea ; and were constrained continually to pump 
with two pumps, both night and day, and never hold still. 
And being at the island of St. Helena, she had there also 
sunk to the ground, if the other ships had not helped her. 

The rest of the ships could likewise tell what dangers and 
miseries they had endured. 

About three months before our arrival at St. Helena [i.e., 
in February 1589] there had been a ship, which, the year 
before, set out of Ormus, with the goods and men that 
remained of the San Salvador at Zanzibar, that had been 
saved by the Portuguese army, and brought to Ormus, as in 



[.H.v.Linschoten.-j LiNSCHOTEN MEETS AfHUISEN THERE. S^ 

another place I have declared [see p. 44]. That ship had 
wintered in Mozambique, and had passed by the Cape very 
soon; and so sailed, without any company, to Portugal. She 
left some of her sick men on the island, as the manner is ; 
which the next ships that come thither, must take into 
them. 

These gave us intelligence that four [or rather eleven] 
months before our arrival, there had been an English ship 
[Cavendish's ship the Desire, see Vol. I. p. 293] at the island 
of St. Helena, which had sailed through the Straits of 
Magellan, and through the South Seas, and from thence, to 
the Philippine Islands ; and had passed through the Straits ot 
Sunda, that lie beyond Malacca, between the islands ol 
Sumatra and Java : in the which way, she had taken a ship 
of China, such as they call Junks, ladened with silver and 
gold, and all kinds of silks. And that, she sent a letter, with 
a small present, to the Bishop of Malacca, telling him, 
" That she sent him that of friendship, meaning to come her- 
self and visit him." 

Out of that ship of China, they took a Portuguese Pilot ; 
and so passed the Cape of Good Hope, and came to the 
island of St. Helena : where they took in fresh water and 
other necessaries, and beat down the altar and cross that 
stood in the church. 

They left behind them a kettle and a sword, which the 
Portuguese, at our arrival, found there : yet could they not 
conceive or think what that might mean ? Some thought it 
was left therefor a sign to some other ships of his company; 
but every man may think, what he will thereof. 

In the ship of Malacca came for Factor of the Pepper one 
Gerrard van Afhuisen, born in Antwerp, and dwelling in 
Lisbon : who had sailed from Lisbon, in the same ship, 
about two years before. For they had stayed in Malacca, at 
the least, fourteen months ; by reason of the wars and 
troubles that were in that country, until Malacca was re- 
lieved as I said before [//>. 42-46]: whereby they had passed 
great misery, and been at great charges. And because it is 
a very unwholesome country, together with the constant 
lying there so long ; of 200 men that at first sailed from 
Lisbon in the ship, there were but 18 or 20 left alive : so that 



84 Description of St. Helena, in 1589.^ "• 



Linschoten 
? 1594- 




they were enforced to take in other unskilful men, in Malacca, 

to bring the ship home. 

This Gerr.\rd van Afhuisen, being of mine acquaint- 
ance, and my good friend before my departure out of Portugal 
for India, marvelled and joyed much to find me there, little 
thinking that we should meet in so strange a place : and 
there, we discoursed of our past travels. 

And of him, among divers other things, I learned many 
true instructions, as well of Malacca as of the countries and 
islands lying about it ; both as to their manner of dealing in 
trade or merchandise, as in other memorable things. 



St. Helena to Lisbon, 

He Island of St. Helena is six miles in compass, and 
heth in 16° 15' S. 

It is a very high and hilly country, so that it 
commonly reacheth unto the clouds. The country 
itself is very ashy and dry. Also all the trees (whereof there 
is a great store, and grow of themselves in the woods) that 
are therein, are little worth, but only to burn. 

When the Portuguese first discovered it \pn 21st May 1502], 
there were not any beasts or fruits at all within the island ; 
but only a great store of freshwater. This is excellently good, 
and falleth down from the mountains, and so runneth, in 
great abundance, into the valley where the Church standeth; 
and from thence, by small channels in the sea, where the 
Portuguese fill their vessels full of water, and wash their 
clothes. So that it is a great benefit for them ; and a pleasant 
sight it is to behold, how clear, and in how many streams, the 
water runneth down the valley : which may be thought a 
miracle considering the dryness of the country, together with 
the stony rocks and hills therein. 

The Portuguese have, by little and little, brought many 
beasts into it ; and planted all sorts of fruits in the valleys : 
which have grown there in so great abundance, that it is 
almost incredible. For it is so full of goats, bucks, wild hogs, 
hens, partridges, and doves, by thousands, that any man that 
that will, may hunt and take them. There would be always 



J H. V. Linschoten.J J^ jg ^^ EARTHLV PaRADISE. 85 

plenty and sufficient, although there came as many ships 
more to the island as there do : and they may kill them with 
stones and staves, by reason of the great numbers of them. 

Now for fruits, as Portuguese figs, pomegranates, oranges, 
lemons, citrons, and such like fruits ; there are so many that 
grow without planting or setting, that all the valleys are full 
of them : which is a great pleasure to behold, so that it 
seemeth to be an earthly Paradise. It hath fruit all the year 
long, because it raineth there, by showers, at the least five or 
six times every day ; and then again, the sun so shineth that 
whatsoever is planted there, it groweth very well. But, 
because the Portuguese are not over curious of new things, 
there groweth not of all sorts of fruits of Portugal and India in 
that island. For assuredly, without any doubt, they would 
grow well in that land, because of the good temperature of 
the air. 

Besides this, they have so great abundance of fish round 
about the island, that it seemeth a wonder wrought of GOD ; 
for, with crooked nails, they may take as much fish as they 
will : so that all the ships do provide themselves with fish of 
all sorts in that place, which is hung up and dried ; and is of 
as good a taste and savour as any fish that I ever ate, 
and this every man, that hath been there, affirmeth to be true. 

And the better to serve their turns ; upon the rocks, they 
find salt, which serveth them for their necessary provisions. 

So that, to conclude, it is an earthly Paradise for the 
Portuguese ships ; and seemeth to have been miraculously 
discovered for the refreshing and service of the same : con- 
sidering the smallncss and highness of the land, lying in the 
middle of the Ocean seas, and so far from the firm land or 
any other islands, that it seemeth to be a Buoy placed in the 
middle of the Spanish seas. For if this island were not, it 
were impossible for the ships to make any good or prosperous 
voyage. For it hath often fallen out, that some ships which 
have missed thereof, have endured the greatest misery in the 
world; and were forced to put into the coast of Guinea, 
there to stay the falling of the rain, and so to get fresh 
water; and afterwards came, half dead and spoiled, to 
Portugal. 

It is the fashion, that all the sick persons that are in the 
s-hips, and cannot well sail in them, are left there in the 



86 St. Helena, a Portuguese sanatorium. [^'"/^'""Jgl; 

island ; with some provision of rice, biscuit, oil, and spices : 
for fish and flesh, they may have enough. For when the ships 
are gone, then all the beasts (which, by reason of the great 
number of people, fly into the mountains) come down again 
into the valleys ; where they may take them with their hands, 
and kill them as they list. 

These sick men stay there till the next year, till other 
ships come hither, which take them with them. They are 
commonly soon healed in that island, it being a very sound 
and pleasant country : and it is very seldom seen that any of 
them die there, because they have always a temperate air and 
cool wind, and always fruit throughout the whole year. 

The King will not suffer any man to dwell in it, because 
they should not destroy and spoil the country, and hold it as 
their own : but will have it common for every man to take 
what he hath need of. 

In time past, there dwelt an hermit in the isle, under pre- 
tence of doing penance, and to uphold the Church. He 
killed many of the goats and bucks : so that, every year, he 
sold at the least 500 or 600 skins, and made great profit 
thereon ; which the King hearing, caused him presently to be 
brought from thence to Portugal. 

Likewise, upon a time, two Kaffirs or black people of 
Mozambique, and a Javanese, with two women slaves, stole 
out of the ships ; and hid themselves in the rocks of this 
island, which are very high and wild, whereby men can 
hardly pass them. They lived there together, and begat 
children, so that, in the end, there were, at the least, twenty 
persons : who, when the ships were gone, ran throughout the 
island, and did much hurt ; making their houses and dwell- 
ing-places between some of the hills where not any of the 
Portuguese had been, nor yet could easily come at them, and 
therein they hid themselves till the ships were gone. But, in 
the end, they were perceived, and the Portuguese used all 
the means they could to take them : but they knew so well 
how to hide and defend themselves that, in many years, they 
could not be taken. In the end, fearing that in time they 
might be hurtful unto them and hinder them much ; by 
express commandment of the King, after long and great 
labour, they took them all, and brought them prisoners to 
Portugal. 



J.H.v.Lin,chote„.-] ^^^ CaRRACKS LEAVE St. H ELENA. 87 

So that, at this present, no man dwelleth therein ; but 
only the sick men, as I told you before. 

When the ships come thither, every man maketh his 
lodging under a tree, setting a tent about it ; and the trees 
are there so thick, that it presently seemeth a little town or 
an army in the field. Every man provideth for himself, flesh, 
fish, fruit, and wood ; for there is enough for them all : and 
every one washeth linen. 

There, they hold a General Fasting and Prayer, with Mass 
every day : which is done with great devotion, with proces- 
sion, and thanksgiving, and other hymns; thanking GOD, 
that He hath preserved them from the danger of the Cape of 
Good Hope, and brought them to that island in safety. 

They use oftentimes to carve their names and marks in 
trees and plants, for a perpetual memory : whereof many 
hundreds are there to be found; which letters, with the 
growing of the trees, do also grow bigger and bigger. 

We found names that had been there since the years 1510 
and 1515, and every year following, orderly; which names 
stood upon fig trees, every letter being of the bigness of a 
span, by reason of the age and growing of the trees. 

This shall suffice for the description of the island of St. 
Helena. 

The 2ist of May [iV. 5.], being Saint Helena's Dayand Whit- 
sunday, after we had taken in all our fresh water and other 
necessaries, we set sail altogether in company, and directed 
our course towards Portugal : leaving about fifteen sick men 
in the island, and some slaves that ran out of the ships. 

The 26th of May, in the evening, we spoke with the Santa 
Maria, and the next day [2yth of May] with the Galleon of 
Malacca. The same morning, and in the afternoon, with 
the Admiral ; who willed us to follow him unto the Island of 
Ascension. 

The same day, [27/A] one of our slaves fell overboard, and 
although we used all the means we could to save him; yet 
v/e could not do it, by reason we sailed before the wind. 

The same day, at night, we saw the island of Ascension ; 
and lavered [tacked] all that night, because we would not pass 
the island. 



88 The ships pass close by Ascension, [J- ^^- 



Linschoten. 

? IS94- 



In the morning of the 28th of May, we sailed about the 
island, to see if there were any ground to anchor on : because 
the Admiral was so leaky, that she could no longer hold out. 
Her men had desired the Officers of the ship that they would 
lay the goods on land in the island of Ascension, and there 
leave it with good watch and necessaries for them that kept 
it ; and so sail with the empty ship to Portugal and there 
procure some other ship to fetch the goods : thinking it was 
sufficient to have it well watched and kept there ; for that 
there cometh not a ship in twenty years into that island, be- 
cause there is nothing to be had in it. 

We went close unto it, by a very white and fair sand, 
where the Admiral and all the ships cast out the lead, and 
found from 80 to 50 and 40 fathoms of water. And although 
they might have gone closer to the land, yet the Officers 
excused themselves, saying, *' That they could not go nearer, 
and that it was too deep, and very dangerous for them to 
anchor there," which they said to pacify the men ; desiring 
that they might borrow two pumps more of the other ships, 
and so, without doubt, they could bring the ship safe to 
Portugal. And although it would be great pain and labour 
for them to do it, yet they must, of force, content themselves : 
for the Admiral and all the gentlemen that were in the ship, 
pumped both day and night, as their turns came about, as 
well as the meanest ; only to encourage the people. 

They borrowed one pump of the Santa Maria ; and sent to 
desire us to lend them another. Although our ship was none 
of the best among the fleet, and we were of opinion not to lend 
them any (not knowing what need we should have ourselves, 
having so long a way to sail) : yet, in the end, seeing the 
great necessity they were in ; we lent them one : the rather 
because they said that "The admiral's meaning was, if it 
were calm weather, to discharge some of their wares into 
other ships ; thereby to lighten themselves " : but it fell not 
out as they thought ; so that, with great misery and labour, 
they overcame their voyage. 

This island lieth in 8° 30' S. There is not any fresh water 
in it, nor one green leaf or branch. It hath certain fair and 
white sands about it ; and a great store of fish, wherein it 
surpasseth St. Helena. 

From that island, the ships hold their course north-west- 



J. H. V. Linschoten.-| j^^^ g^j^ THROUGH THE SaRGASSO Sea. 89 

by- west, to 1° N., where there h'eth a cliff [rock] called 
Penedo de Sam Pedro ; which many times they see. It is 
300 miles from the island of Ascension. 

The 5th of June, we again passed the Equinoctial line, and 
then again began to see the North Star. 

The 8th of June, being 4° N., we lost our General South- 
east Wind, that had served us from the Cape of Good Hope 
hither. 

Then began the rains and calms, for then we began to come 
near the coast of Guinea ; which continueth to 9° N. These 
calms and rains held us till 11° N., being the 20th of June. 

The shipsseparated themselves, by reason of the calms, which 
made them not able to stir : and in 11° N., they met again. 

There we had a north-east wind, which is called a General 
Wind, because it fioweth continually in those countries; and 
holdeth to 30° N., and 32° N.; beginning many times at 6° 
N., and 7° N., be it we had it not, till we were in 11° N. This 
wind is somewhat scant ; for we must, of force, sail in the 
wind, because our chief course is north-west-by-north. 
The 23rd of June, we passed Cape de Verde, in 15° N. 
The 26th of the same month, we passed the Islands of Cape 
de Verde, which are ten in number. 

Then we entered into the Sargasso Sea, which is all covered 
with herbs, so that it seemeth to be like a green field ; and 
so thick that a man cannot see the water, neither can the 
ships passed through it, but with great lalDour, unless they 
have a strong wind. The herb is like samphire, of a yellow 
colour; and hath berries like gooseberries, but nothing in 
them. The Portuguese call it Sargasso, because it is like the 
herb Sargasso, that groweth in their wells in Portugal. It is 
not known whence it cometh : for there is no land nor island 
known to be near that sea, but the coast of Africa, which is 
400 miles from thence. It is thought that it cometh from 
the ground ; and yet there is no ground in that place to be 
found. 

In sailing to India, the ships come not into that sea ; for 
then they keep closer to the shore, so that it is not once seen : 
and it is not found in any place but there, from 20° N. to 
34° N., so thick and so full, as if they were whole island;?, 
most strange to behold. In that country, it is as cold in 
winter as it is here with us [in Holland], when it freezes not; 



90 Sight the Azores, & meet English ships. [^'"^ 



PLinschoten. 
1594- 



which the Portuguese esteem a great cold ; and clothe them- 
selves against it, as we do in a mighty great frost. 

The 2nd of July, we were in the height [latitude] of the 
Canary Islands, in 28° N. and 29° N. ; which lay on our 
right hand. 

The 6th of July, we were under 32° N., where we lost the 
General North-east Wind, and had a calm, and saw much of 
the Sargasso, which covered all the sea. 

The loth of the same month, we got again before the wind, 
being in 34° N. ; and then, we saw no more of the Sargasso 
herb, but a fair clear sea. 

The i8th of July, we were in 39° N., under which height 
lieth the islands of Corvo and Terceira ; and the river of 
Lisbon : all these days we had many calms. 

The next day, we had a west wind, being a right fore 
wind ; and saw many flying fishes, almost as great as had- 
docks ; that flew four or five fathoms high above the water. 

The 22nd of July [N.S.], the wind continuing, about noon, 
we saw the islands of Flores and Corvo, which lie close to one 
another. From thence, it is 70 miles Eastward, to the island 
of Terceira. 

At that time, we began to have many sick men, that is to 
say, some sick in their eyes, and some in their breasts and 
bellies, by reason of the long voyage, and because their 
victuals began to loose their taste and savour. Many wanted 
meat [i.e., had no animal food] : whereby divers of them, 
through want, were compelled to seethe rice with salt water. 
So that some of them died ; which, many times, were found 
under the fore deck, that had lain dead two or three days, 
no man knowing it : which was a pitiful sight to behold, 
considering the misery they endured aboard those ships. 

There died in our ship, from India unto that place, of 
slaves and others, to the number of twenty-four persons. 

The same day, about evening, being by the islands of 
Flores and Corvo, we perceived three ships that made 
towards us, which came from under the land : which put 
us in great fear, for they came close by our admiral, and 
shot divers times at him, and at another ship of our company; 
whereby we perceived them to be Englishmen (for they bare 
an English flag upon their maintop), but none of them 



J. H. v.Linschoten.-j -p^jg Ej^^qlish FIGHT THE Santa Cruz. 91 

showed to be about 60 tons in greatness [while the size of each 
Carrack was from 600 to 1,600 tons\ About evening, they 
followed after us: and all night, bore lanterns with candles 
burning in them at their sterns, although the moon shined. 

The same niglit, we passed hard by the island of Fayal. 
The next day [23;-^], being betwixt the island of St. George 
that lay on our right hand, and the small island of Qracioso 
on our left hand ; we espied the three English ships, still 
following us, take counsel together : whereof one sailed 
backwards (thinking that some other ship had come after us 
without company), and, for a small time, was out of sight ; 
but it was not long before it came again to the other two. 

Wherewith they took counsel, and all three came together 
against our ship, because we lay in the lee of all the ships, 
and had the island of St. George on the one side instead of a 
sconce [bulwark], thinking so to deal with us that, in the 
end, we should be constrained to run upon the shore ; 
whereof we wanted not much. 

In that manner, with their flags openly displayed, they 
came lustily towards us, sounding their trumpets ; and 
sailed at least three times about us, beating [firing at] us 
with musket and caliver, and some great pieces ; which did 
not hurt us in the body of our ship, but spoiled all our sails 
and ropes. And to conclude, we were so plagued by them 
that no man durst put forth his head ; and when we shot off 
a piece, we had at the least an hour's work to lade it again ; 
whereby we had as great a noise and cry in the ship as if we had 
been cast away : whereat the Englishmen themselves began 
to mock us ; and with a thousand jesting words called unto us. 

In the meantime, the other ships hoisted all their sails, and 
did the best they could to sail to the island of Terceira; not 
looking once behind them to help us, and doubting [fearing] 
they should come too late thither : not caring for us, but 
thinking themselves to have done sufficiently, so they saved 
their own stakes ; whereby it maj' easily be seen, what 
company they keep one with the other, and what order is 
among them. 

In the end, the Englishmen, perceiving small advantage 
against us (little knowing in what case and fear we were), 
and also because we were not far from Terceira, left us ; 
which made us not a little to rejoice, as thinking ourselves 



92 All amazed at the news, at Angra, [^"f'^S 

to be risen from death to life : although we were not well 
assured, neither yet void of fear, till we lay in the road befoie 
Terceira, and under the safety of the Portuguese fort; and we 
made all the sails we could, that we might get thither in good 
time. 

On the other side, we were in great doubt, because we 
knew not what they did in the island, nor whether they were 
our friends or enemies ; and we doubted so much the more, 
because we found no Men of war, nor any Caravels of Advices 
from Portugal, as we made our accounts to do, than they 
might convoy us from thence, or give us advice as they, 
ordinarily, in that country, use to do : and because the 
Englishmen had been so victorious in those parts, it made 
us suspect that it went not well with Spain. 

They of the island of Terceira were in no less fear than we 
were : for seeing our fleet, they thought us to be English, 
and that we came to overrun the island ; because the three 
Englishmen had bound up their flags, and came in company 
with us. For which cause, the island sent out two Caravels 
that lay there with Advices from the King, for the Indian ships 
that should come thither. Those caravels came to view us, 
and perceiving what we were, made after us ; whereupon 
the English ships left us, and made towards them, as the 
caravels thought them to be friends and shunned them not, 
as supposing them to be of our company : but we shot four 
or five times, and made signs unto them, that they should 
make towards the island; which they presently did. 

The Englishmen perceiving that, did put forwards into the 
sea. So the caravels boarded us, telling us, "That the men 
of the island were all in arms, having received advice from 
Portugal, that Sir Francis Drake was in readiness, and 
ivould come unto those islands." 

They likewise brought us news of the overthrow of the 
Spanish fleet [the Armada in 1588] before England; and that 
the Englishmen had been before the gates of Lisbon [with 
Don Antonio, and under Sir F. Drake and Sir John 
NORRIS, in May 15S9] : whereupon the King gave us com- 
mandment that we should put into the island of Terceira ; 
and there lie under the safety of the Castle until we received 
further advices what we should do, or whither we should sail. 
For they thought it too dangerous for us to go to Lisbon. 



J. H. y. Linschmen.-| ^j^p-^g jHE CaRRACK FLEET ANCHORS. 93 

This news put our fleet in great fear, and made us look 
upon each other, not knowing what to say. It being 
dangerous for the ships to put into the road, because it 
lieth open to the sea : so that the Indian ships, although 
they had express commandment from the King, yet durst 
not anchor there : but used only to lavere [tack] to and fro ; 
sending their boats on land to fetch such necessaries as they 
wanted, without anchoring. 

But being by necessity compelled thereunto, as also by the 
King's commandment ; and because we understood the Earl 
of Cumberland not to be far from those islands with certain 
ships of war [the Earl did not arrive at the Azores, till the 
nth August, N .S. see p. 188] : we made necessity a virtue, and 
entering the road, anchored close under the Castle, staying 
for advices and order from the King to perform our voyage ; 
it being then the 24th [N.S., i.e., O.S. i/{th] of July and St. 
James's Day. 

We were in all six ships, that is, five from the East Indies 
and one from Malacca ; and la}^ in the road, before the town 
of Angra: from whence we presently sent three or four 
caravels to Portugal, with advices unto the King of our 
arrival. 

There we lay in great danger and much fear ; for when the 
month of August cometh, it is very dangerous lying before 
that island : for then it beginneth to storm. The ships are 
there safe from all winds, saving the south and south-east 
winds ; but when they blow, they lie in a thousand dangers : 
especially the East India ships, which are very heavily ladened 
and so full that they are almost ready to sink ; so that they 
can hardly be steered. 

The 4th of August, in the night, we had a south wind out 
of the sea, wherewith it began so to storm, that all the ships 
were in great danger to be cast away, and to run upon the 
shore : so that they were in great fear ; and shot off their 
pieces to call for help. The officers and most of the sailors 
were on land ; and none but pugs [ ? boys] and slaves in the 
ships : for it is a common custom with the Portuguese, that 
wheresoever they anchor, presently they go all on land, and 
let the ship lie with a boy or two in it. 

All the bells of the town were hereupon rung, and there 



94 Galleon of Malacca sunk at Angra. p- "■ "• ,^'"''='^f^^ 

was such a noise and cry in every place, that one could not 
hear the other speak. Those that were on land, by reason 
of the foul weather, could not get aboard ; and they in the 
ship could not come to land. Our ship, the Santa Cruz, was 
in great danger, thinking verily it should have run on the 
sands : but GOD helped them. 

The ship that came from Malacca brake her cables ; and 
had not men enough aboard the ship, nor any that could tell 
how to cast forth another anchor; so that, in the end, they 
cut their masts, and drave upon the cliffs, where it stayed 
and brake in pieces, and presently sank under the water to 
the upper orlop. With that, the wind came north-west, 
wherewith the storm ceased ; and the water became calm. 
If that had not been, ail the ships had followed the same 
course ; for some of them were at the point to cut their 
masts and cables to save their lives: but GOD would not 
have it so. 

In that ship of Malacca, was lost much rich and costly 
merchandise ; for these ships are ordinarily as rich as any 
ships that come from India, being full of all the rich wares 
of China, Moluccas, Japan, and all those countries : so that 
it was a great pity to see what costly things (as silks, 
damasks, cloths of gold and silver, and such like wares) 
fleeted upon the sea, and were torn in pieces. 

There were much goods saved, that lay in the upper part 
of the ship, and also by duckers [divers], as pepper, nutmegs, 
and cloves ; but most of it was lost : and that which was 
saved, was, in a manner, spoiled, and little worth ; which 
was presently, by the King's Officers in the island, was seized 
upon and to the Farmers' uses, shut up in the Alsandega or 
Custom House, for the King's custom. Not once regarding 
the poor men, nor their long and dangerous voyage that had 
continued the space of three years, with so great misery and 
trouble endured by them at Malacca, as in another place [/>p. 
42-46] I have already showed ; so that they could not obtain 
so much favour of the King nor of his Officers, that they 
might have some part of the goods that were saved and 
brought to land, although they offered to put in sureties for 
so much as the custom might amount to, or else to leave as 
much goods in the Officer's hands as would satisfy them. 

And although they made daily and pitiful complaints that 



Linschoten.~| 



T^Ts^^ The Carrack Fleet leave the Azores. 95 

they had not wherewith to live ; and that they desired, upon 
their own adventure, to freight certain ships or caravels at 
their own charge, and to put in good sureties to deliver the 
goods in the Custom House of Lisbon ; yet could they not 
obtain their requests, but were answered, that " The King, 
for the assurance of his custom and of all the goods; would 
send an armado by sea to fetch the goods " : which "fetch- 
ing" continued for the space of two years and a half; and 
yet nothing was done, for there came no armado. 

In the meantime, the poor sailors consumed all they had; 
and desperately cursed themselves, the King, and all his 
Officers. Yet, in the end, by the great and unfortunate suit 
of the Farmers of the Pepper, every man had license to lade 
his goods in what ship he would, after it had lain there for 
the space of two years and a half; putting in sureties to 
deliver the goods into the Custom House of Lisbon, where 
they must pay the half or more of the same goods for custom 
to the King : without any respect of their hard fortune and 
great misery, during their long and dangerous voyage. 

And he that will be despatched in the Custom House there, 
must fee the Officers ; otherwise it is most commonly three 
or four months before the goods are delivered unto the owners: 
and the best things, or any fine device that the Merchants, 
for their own uses, bring out of India, if the Officers like 
them, they must have them ; yet they will promise to pay for 
them, but they set no day when. So the poor Merchants are 
forced to give them the rest ; and are well contented that the 
Officers are so pleased, and use no more delays. 

The 8th of August [N.S.], the Officers of the ships took 
counsel together, with the Governor of the island, what they 
were best to do ; thinking it not good to follow the King's 
advice ; considering their long staying, and fearing some other 
hard fortune, if they should stay. 

And because a great Galleon, being a Man of war and veiy 
strong, lay then before the island, wherein was the Governor 
of Brazil ; which through foul weather, had put in there ; 
they concluded that this Galleon, being well appointed, should 
sail with them to Lisbon. And although they did it, without 
the advice and commandment of the King ; yet they had 
rather so adventure their lives upon the seas, than again to 



96 LiNSCHOTEN STAYS 2j YEARS AT AnGRA, [J' "• ''•,^ 



Linschotwv. 
IS94- 



stay the danger of the haven. For that the winter did daily 
more and more increase ; so that they were not to look for 
any better weather. 

And, in that sort, appointing themselves as well as they 
could, and taking in all necessary provisions, the same day 
[30/A July, O.S.], they all set sail, with no small fear of falling 
into some misfortune by the way. 

But, because many that were of the ship of Malacca, 
stayed at Terceira to save such goods as, by any means, 
might be saved ; and by that means to help themselves : 
among the which was the Factor of the Pepper, being one of my 
acquaintance. At whose request, as also because the pepper 
of that ship, and of all the other ships belonged all to one 
Farmer, by whom I was appointed Factor; seeing the neces- 
sity he had, and that he alone could hardly despatch so great 
a matter: I took order for mine own affairs [charge], and, 
having despatched it by other ships ; I stayed there to help 
him, till we had further advice and orders from the Farmers 
of the pepper and other spices and wares. Of the which 
goods, we saved a great quantity by means of duckers [divers] 
and instruments that we used : having advices from the 
Farmers and the King, that it should not be long before they 
sent for us, willing us to stay there and to look unto the 
goods. 

This staying and fetching us away, continued, as I said 
before, for the space of two years and a half ; whereby you 
may consider the good order and policy of the Admiralty of 
Portugal, and with what diligence and care they seek for the 
common profit of the land, and the poor Merchants of the 
country : whom they ought to favour and help as much as 
they possibly may ; but they do clean contrary, as those 
which deal in Portugal do well find. 

The [yd O. S.] 13th [AT. S.] of August, the ships came 
back again to the island of Terceira, because they had a 
contrary wind, as also for want of fresh water ; but they 
anchored not. 

The day before [i.e., 2nd of August, O. S., see pp. 93, 188], the 
Earl of Cumberland, with six or seven ships of war, sailed 
by the island of Terceira ; and to their good fortune, passed 
out of sight : so that they despatched themselves in all haste; 



^'r'^isg""] ^^^ ^- Drake just misses these Carracks. 97 

and, for the more security, took with them 400 Spaniards of 
those that lay in the garrison in the island. 

With them, they sailed towards Lisbon, having a good 
wind ; so that within an eleven days after, they arrived in 
the river of Lisbon, with great gladness and triumph. For 
if they had stayed but one day longer before they had entered 
the river, they had all been taken by Sir Francis Drake ; 
who, with forty ships came before Cascaes, at the same time 
that the Indian ships cast anchor in the river of Lisbon ; 
being guarded thither by divers galleys. 

Now, by the discourse of this long and perilous voyage 
\whicli as regards the Santa Cruz, the quickest of the five Carracks, 
lasted from 20th January to the z^th August 1589 N.S., 217 days; 
against tlie smoother voyage outward, in 1583, of the San Sal- 
vador, i7i 166 days, see pp. 19, 20], you may sufificiently perceive 
how that only, by the grace and special favour of GOD, the 
Indian ships do perform their voyages ; yet with great misery, 
pain, labour, loss, and hindrance ; whereby man may likewise 
consider the manner of their navigation, ordinances, customs, 
and governments of their ships. So that in comparison of 
many other voyages, this present voyage may be esteemed a 
happ)^ and prosperous one. For oftentimes it chanceth that 
but one or two, of the five that yearly sail to India come safe 
home ; as of late it hath been seen : some being taken, and 
some lost altogether by their own follies and bad order. 



The Azores^ 




I'Hey are called Azores, that is to say, " Spar-hawks," 
or " Hawks," because that, in their first discovery, 
they found many Sparhawks in them, whereof they 
hold the name : although at this day, there are not 
any to be found. They are also called the Flemish Islands, i.e., 
of the Netherlanders : because the first that inhabited the 
same were Netherlanders; whereof, till this time, there is a 
great number of their offspring remaining, that, in manner 
and behaviour, are altogether like Netherlanders. 

The principal island of them all, is that of Terceira, called 
Insula de Jesus Christ de Terceira. It is between fifteen or 
II. G 5 



98 The WATCH PILLARS IN Terceira. p-"- 



V. Linschoten. 
? 1594- 



sixteen miles in compass ; and is altogether a great cliff of 
land, whereby there is little room in it. For it is, as it were, 
walled round about with cliffs ; but where any strand or sand 
is, there standeth a fort. It hath no havens, nor entrance of 
waters, for the security and safety of the ships ; except that 
before thechief town, called Angra: where it hath anopenhaven 
which, in form, is like a Half Moon, by the Portuguese called 
Angra; whereof the town hath its name. It hath on the 
one side, in the manner of an elbow sticking forth, two high 
hills, called Bresil, which stretch into the sea ; so that, afar 
off, they seem to be divided from the island. These hills are 
very high; so that a man, being upon them, in clear weather, 
may see at the least ten, twelve, and sometimes fifteen miles 
into the sea. 

Upon these hills, there stand two small stone pillars, 
where there is a sentinel placed, that continually watcheth 
to see what ships are at sea ; and so to advertise those of the 
island. 

For as many ships as he seeth coming out of the West, 
that is, from the Spanish Indies [Central America and the 
West Indies] or Brazil, Cape de Verde, Guinea, and the Portu- 
guese Indies, and all other ways lying south or west ; for 
every ship, he setteth a liag upon the pillar in the west. 
And when the ships, which he descrieth, are more than five, 
then he setteth up a great Ancient [ensign] ; betokening a 
great f^eet of ships. 

The like he doth upon the other pillar, which standeth in 
the East, for such ships as come from Portugal or other 
places out of the east or north parts. 

These pillars may be easily seen in all places of the town, 
by reason of the highness of the hills; so that there is not 
one ship or sail that is at sea that maketh towards the island, 
but it is presently [atoice] known throughout all the town, and 
over all the island. For the watch is not holden only upon 
those two hills jutting into the sea, but also upon all corners, 
hills, and cliffs throughout the island ; and as soon as they 
perceive any ships, the Governer and rulers are presently 
advertised thereof, that they may take such order therein, as 
need requireth. 

Upon the furthest corner in the sea stands a fort, right 
against another fort that answereth it ; so that those two 



J. H.v.Linschoten.-J LiNSCHOTEN RIDES ABOUT TeRCEIRA. 99 

forts do shut and defend the mouth or open haven of the 
town ; and no ship can neither s^o in or come forth without 
the Hcence of two forts [see Vol. I. p. 271]. 

This town of Angra is not only the chief town of Terceira, 
but also of all towns within the islands thereabouts. Therein 
are resident, the Bishop, the Governor for the King, and 
the chief place of judgement or tribunal seat of all the islands 
of the Azores. 

All the islands of the Azores are inhabited by the Portu- 
guese ; but since the troubles in Portugal [i.e., since 1580, 
when Philip II. acceded to the Portuguese throne], there have 
been divers Spanish soldiers sent thither, and a Spanish 
Governor, that keep all the forts and castles in their pos- 
session : although the Portuguese are put to no charges, nor 
yet hardly used by them. For the soldiers are rather kept 
short, so that no one dareth to go out of the town without a 
licence : and therefore men may quietly travel throughout 
the island, both day and night, without any trouble. 

Likewise, the islanders will not suffer any stranger to 
travel to see the country : and this order was not brought up 
by the Spaniards, but by the Portuguese themselves before 
their troubles. For they would not permit it. And what is 
more, all strangers that came thither, were usually appointed 
a certain street, wherein they should sell their wares ; and 
they might not go out of that street. Now, it is not so straitly 
looked unto, but they may go in all places of the town, and 
within the island : but not about it, to view the coast. 
Which, notwithstanding, was granted to us by the Governor 
himself, who lent us his horses to ride about ; and gave us 
leave to see all the forts : which, at this time, is not per- 
mitted to the natural born islanders ; neither are they so 
much credited. 

We rode about the island twice, which he granted us leave 
to do, by means of a certain particular friendship we had with 
him : neither could the Portuguese hinder us therein, be- 
cause we were in the King's service, as " Factors for the 
King's Pepper," and because they held and accounted us as 
natural born Portuguese. For the Governor would willingly 
have had me to have drawn a plot [map] of the whole island, 
that he might have sent it to the King : wherein I excused 
myself; yet I made him one of the town, with the haven. 



loo Lord Cumberland's visit to the Azores. [^"J^^'^iJ,^ 

coming in, and forts of Angra, which he sent to the King: 
for which the Governor was greatly affected unto me, and 
showed me much friendship. We had, in our lodging, a 
French merchant, and a Scot, who willingly would have 
gone with us, to see the island ; but could not be suffered : 
for the Portuguese think they would take the proportion 
thereof, and so seek to defeat [wrest] them of their right. 

Such as are not merchants or workmen in the wood of 
the islands, wait for the fleets that come and go, to and from 
the Spanish and Portuguese Indies, Brazil, Cape de Verde, 
and Guinea, which do commonly come to Terceira to refresh 
themselves, as situated very fitly for that purpose. So that 
all the inhabitants do thereby richly maintain themselves, and 
sell all their wares, as well handiworks as victuals, to those 
ships : and all the islands roundabout do come to Terceira 
with their wares to sell them there. For the which cause, 
the Englishmen and other strangers keep continually about 
those islands ; being assured that all ships, for want of re- 
freshing, must of force, put into those islands : although, at 
this time [i.e., 1594], many ships do avoid those islands, to the 
great discommodity both of the islands and the ships. 

While I remained in Terceira, the Earl of Cumberland 
came to Santa Maria (where there are no Spaniards, because 
it is a stout country like Terceira, and hard to board [land on] ; 
whereby the inhabitants themselves are sufficient and able to 
defend it), to take in fresh water and some other victuals 
[see p. 199] ; but the inhabitants would not suffer him to have 
it, and wounded divers of his men : wdiereby they were forced 
to depart, without having anything there. 

About seven or eight miles north-north-west from Terceira, 
lieth the little island called Graciosa, which is but five and 
six miles in compass. A very pleasant, fine island, full of 
fruits and all other victuals ; so that it not only feedeth itself, 
but also Terceira and the other islands about it ; and hath no 
other kind of merchandise. It is well built, and inhabited by 
Portuguese ; and hath no soldiers in it because it is not able 
to bear the charge. 

The Earl of Cumberland, while I lay in Terceira, came 
unto that island [see pp. 188-9]; vvhere he in person, with seven 
or eight in his company, went on land ; asking for certain 
beasts, hens, and other victuals, with wine and fresh water; 



J. H.v.Linschoten.-j pAYAL GARRISONED WITH SPANIARDS. lOI 

which they willingly gave him : and therewith he departed 
from thence, without doing them any hurt. For the which 
the inhabitants thanked him ; and commended him for his 
courtesy, and keeping of his promise. 

Fayal aboundeth in all sorts of victuals and fish ; so that 
from this island, the most part of the victuals and neces- 
saries come, by whole caravels, toTerceira. It hath likewise 
much woad, so that many English ships do traffic thither. 
The principal road and place, is the town of Villa Dorta. 
There the ships do likewise lie on the open sea under the 
land, as they do before all the other islands. By this town, 
there lieth a fortress, but it is of small importance. 

And because the inhabitants, of themselves, did offer to 
defend the island against all enemies ; the soldiers, which 
before that time lay in the fort, were discharged from thence: 
the islanders complaining that they were not able to main- 
tain, nor lodge them. 

The same time that the Earl of Cumberland was in the 
island of Graciosa, he came likewise to Fayal \see pp. 190-4], 
where, at the first time, that he came, they began to resist him; 
but, by reason of some controversy between them, they let him 
land : where he razed the castle to the ground, and sank all 
their ordnance in the sea; taking with him, certain caravels 
and ships that lay in the road, with provisions of all things 
that he wanted, and therewith departed again to sea. 

Whereupon, the King caused the principal actors therein 
to be punished ; and sent out a company of [Spanish] 
soldiers ; which went out of Terceira, with all kind of warlike 
munition and great shot : who made up the fortress again, 
the better to defend the island, trusting no more to the 
Portuguese. 

In that island, are the most part of the Netherlanders' 
offspring; yet they use the Portuguese language, by reason 
they have been so long conversant among them ; and those 
that used the Dutch tongue are all dead. They are great 
affected [very kind] to the Netherlanders and strangers. 

Between Corvo and Flores [70 miles west of Terceira], and 
round about them, the Englishmen do commonly stay, to 
watch the ships that come out of the West : for those are 
the first islands that the ships look out for and descry, when 
they sail into Terceira. 



I02 The Spanish W. I. Fleet at Angra. [J-^-^j 



H. V. Linschoten. 

IS94- 




0/ certain notable and fnemorable incidents 
that happened during Linschoten's con- 
tinuance in Terceira^ from October 
1589, to July 1592. 

1589. 

He 2nd of October, anno 1589 [N.S.'], at the town of 
Villa da Praya in the island of Terceira, two men 
being in a field hard without the town, were killed 
with lightning. 

The Qth of the same month, there arrived in Terceira [0.5., 
see p. 197] fourteen ships that came from the Spanish Indies, 
laden with cochineal, hides, gold, silver, pearls, and other 
rich wares. There were fifty in company when they de- 
parted out of Havanna : whereof, in their coming out of the 
Channel, eleven sank in the Channel by foul weather ; and 
the rest, by a storm, were scattered and separated one from 
the other. 

The next day [10th], there came another ship of the same 
company, that sailed close under the island so to get into the 
road : where she met with an English ship that had not 
above three cast pieces ; and the Spaniard had twelve. They 
fought a long time together; which we, being in the island, 
might stand and behold. Whereupon the Governor of 
Terceira sent two boats of musketeers to help the ship : but 
before they could come to her, the English ship had shot her 
under water ; and we saw her sink into the sea, with all her 
sails up, so that not anything was seen of her above the 
water. 

The Englishmen, with their boat, saved the Captain and 
about thirty others with him ; but not one pennyworth of 
the goods : and yet in the ship, there was, at the least, to 
the value of 200,000 ducats [■=about ;^55,ooo then = about 
^330,000 now] in gold, silver, and pearls. The rest of the 
men were drowned, which might be about fifty persons ; 



J.H.v.Linschoten.-j -^^^ MILLIONS OF GoLD AND SiLVER. IO3 

among the which were some friars and women, which the 
EngHsh would not save. Those that they did save, they set 
on land ; and then they sailed away. 

The [lyth O.S.] 27th [N.S.] of the same month, the said 
fourteen ships, having refreshed themselves in the island, 
departed from Terceira towards Seville ; and coming upon 
the coast of Spain, they were taken by the English ships 
that lay there to watch for them, two only excepted, which 
escaped away. The rest were wholly carried into England. 

About the same time, the Earl of Cumberland, with one 
of the Queen's ships, and five or six more, kept about those 
islands : and oftentimes came so close under the island and 
to the road of Angra, that the people on land might easily tell 
all his men that he had aboard, and knew such as walked on 
the hatches ; they of the island not once shooting at them, 
although they might easily have done it, for they were within 
musket shot both of the town and fort. 

In these places, he continued for the space of two months 
[or rather, jrom nth August to loih November N.S.], sailed 
round about the islands, and landed in Graciosa and Fayal, 
as in the descriptions of those islands [/>p. 100- 1] I have 
already declared. Here he took divers ships and caravels, 
which he sent into England : so that those of the island 
durst not once put forth their heads. 

At the same time, about three or four days after the Earl 
of Cumberland had been in the island of Fayal, and was 
departed thence [w/itck was on the i6th OS., or 26th, N.S., 
September, 1589 //. 193-4], there arrived there six [West] 
Indian ships, whose General wasone JUAN DORlVES,and there 
they discharged on that island 40,000,000 [ducats = about 
;^ 1 0,000,000 {ten millions sterling) then =^ about ;^6o,ooo,ooo 
{sixty millions sterling) now\ of gold and silver. 

Having, with all speed, refreshed their ships; fearing the 
coming of the Englishmen, they set sail, and arrived safely 
in San Lucar de Barramcda, not meeting with the enemy ; to 
the great good luck of the Spaniards, and hard fortune of 
the Englishmen. For that, within less than two days after 
the gold and silver were laden again into the Spanish ships, 
the Earl of CUMBERLAND sailed again by that island \viz.,on 
2yd September, O.S., or ^rd October, N.S., 1589,//. 194-7]. 
So that it appeared that GOD would not let them have it: for 



I04 A Million and a half sterling, more.[J- "• 



V. Linschoten. 
? 1594. 



if they had once had sight thereof, without doubt it had been 
theirs ; as the Spaniards themselves confessed. 

In the month of November, there arrived in Terceira, two 
ships, which were the admiral and vice-admiral of the fleet, 
ladened with silver ; who, with stormy weather, were sepa- 
rated from the fleet, and had been in great torment and 
distress, and ready to sink. For they were forced to use all 
their pumps, so that they wished, a thousand times, to have 
met with the Englishmen : to whom they would willingly 
have given their silver and all that ever they brought with 
them ; only to save their lives. Although the Earl of Cum- 
berland lay still about those islands : yet they met not with 
him : so that, after much pain and labour, they got into the 
road before Angra : where, with all speed, they unladed and 
discharged above 5,000,000 of silver [i.e., to the value of 
5,000,000 (five millions) of ducats = about ■£'1,500,000 {a 
million and a half sterling) then = about ^^9, 000, 000 (nine 
millions sterling) now] ; all in pieces of 8 lbs. to 10 lbs. weight. 
So that the whole quay lay covered with plates, and chests of 
silver full of Rials of Eight, most wonderful to behold. Each 
million being ten hundred thousand ducats ; besides gold, 
pearls, and other precious stones, which were not registered. 

The Admiral and Chief Commander of those ships and 
that fleet, called Alvaro Flores de Quiniones, was sick of a 
disease (whereof, not long, after he died in Seville) was brought 
to land. 

He brought with him the King's broad seal, and full 
authority to be General and Chief Commander upon the 
seas, and of all fleets and ships, and of all places, islands, or 
land wheresoever he came to. Whereupon, the Governor of 
Terceira did him great honour. 

Between them, it was concluded that, perceiving the weak- 
ness of their ships, and the danger through the Englishmen, 
they would send the ships empty, with soldiers to convey 
them, either to Seville or Lisbon, whichever they could first 
arrive at, with advice to His Majesty of all that had passed; 
and that he would give order to fetch the silver with a good 
and safe convoy. Whereupon, the said Alvaro Flores 
stayed there, under colour of keeping the silver; but specially 
because of his disease, and that they were afraid of the 
Englishmen. This Alvaro Flores had alone, for his own 



J.H.v.Linschcten.-| DURING ESCAPE OF ENGLISH SAILORS. IO5 

part, above 50,000 ducats [= about ^13,000 then = about 
jTioOjOOO now] in pearls : which he shewed unto us, and 
sought to sell them ; or barter them with us, for spices or 
bills of exchange. 

The said two ships set sail, with 300 or 400 men, as well 
soldiers as others, that came with them out of [the WestJ 
India: and being at sea, had a storm, wherewith the admiral 
burst asunder, and sank in the sea ; not one man saved. 
The vice-admiral cut down her mast, and ran the ship on 
ground hard by Setubal, where it burst in pieces : and some 
of the men, saving themselves by swimming, brought the 
news ; the rest were drowned. 

In the same month [November 1589], there came two 
great ships out of the Spanish Indies, that, within half a mile 
of the road of Terceira, met with an English ship ; which, 
after they had fought long together, took them both. 

[The following history of the English ship and her crew is very extraordinary. ] 

About seven or eight months before [i.e., about April 1589I, 
there had been an English ship in Terceira, that, under the 
name of a Frenchman, came to traffic in the island, there to 
lade wood : and being discovered, both ship [p. 190] and goods 
were confiscated to the King's use ; and all the men kept 
prisoners. Yet went they up and down the streets to get their 
living, by labouring like slaves ; being indeed as safe in that 
island, as if they had been in prison. 

But, in the end, upon a Sunday [315^ of August, 0.5. , see 
p. 190; \Q)th September, N.S.], all the sailors went down 
behind the hills, called Bresil, where they found a fisher- 
boat ; whereinto they got, and rowed into [out to] the 
sea, to the Earl of Cumberland's ship, which, to their 
great fortune, chanced, at that time, to come by the 
island [see p. 190] ; and who had anchored, with his ships, 
about half a mile from the road of Angra, hard by two small 
islands, which lie about a base's shot from the island, and 
are full of goats, bucks, and sheep, belonging to the inhabi- 
tants of Terceira. Those sailors knew it well, and thereupon 
they rowed unto them with their boats ; and lying at anchor, 
that day, they fetched as many goats and sheep as they had 
need of: which those of the town and island saw well, yet 
durst not once go forth. 

So there remained no more on land, but the Master, and 



io6 The two English brothers-in-law. [J-"''-^' 



Linschotea 
1594- 



the Merchant [Supercargo] of the said English ship. This 
Master had a brother-in-law dwelling in England ; who, hav- 
ing news of his brother's imprisonment in Terceira, got licence 
of the Queen of England to set forth a ship : therewith to see 
if he could recover his losses of the Spaniards, by taking some 
of them; and so to redeem his brother, that lay prisoner in 
Terceira. And he it was, that took the [above] two Spanish 
ships before the town [in November 1589] ; the Master of the 
aforesaid ship, standing on the shore by me, and looking upon 
"■hem ; for he was my great acquaintance. 

The ships being taken, that were worth 300,000 ducats 
[=-£"80,000 ^/j^«:=;^48o,ooo now] ; he sent all the men on land, 
saving only two of the principal gentlemen whom he kept 
aboard, thereby to ransom his brother : and sent the [Spanish] 
Pilot of one of the [two West] Indian ships that were taken, 
with a letter to the Governor of Terceira, wherein he wrote 
that " He should deliver him his brother, and he would send 
the two gentlemen on land. If not, he would sail with them 
into England." As indeed he did : because the Governor 
would not do it ; saying that " The gentlemen might make 
that suit to the King of Spain himself." 

This Spanish Pilot, and the English Master likewise, we 
bade to supper with us : where the Pilot shewed us all the 
manner of their fight ; much commending the order and 
manner of the Englishmen's fighting, as also for their 
courteous using of him. 

But, in the end, the English Master likewise stole away in 
a French ship, without paying any ransom as yet [i.e., up to 
July 1592]. 

1590. 

In the month of January 1590, there arrived one ship 
alone [by itself] in Terceira, that came from the Spanish 
Indies ; and brought the news that there was a fleet of a hun- 
dred ships, which put out from the Firm Land [the Spanish 
Main, or Central America] oi iht Spanish Indies: and by a 
storm, were driven upon the coast, called Florida ; where they 
were all cast away, she having only escaped. Wherein there 
were great riches, and many men lost ; as may well be thought. 

So that they made their account, that of 220 ships that, 
for certain, were known to have put out of New Spain [Mexico] 



Linschoten.-j Pqul ATROCITY OF A Spanish Officer. 107 

Santo Domingo, Havana, Cape de Verde, Brazil, Guinea, &c., 
in the year 1589, to sail for Spain and Portugal : there were 
not above 14 or 15 of them, that arrived there in safety. All 
the rest, were either drowned, burst [foundered], or taken. 

In the same month of January, there arrived in Terceira, 
15 or 16 ships that came from Seville ; which were mostly 
Fly-boats of the Low Countries, and some Breton ships, 
that were arrested in Spain. These came full of soldiers and 
well appointed with munition, by the King's commandment, 
to lade the silver that lay in Terceira ; and to fetch Alvaro 
DE Flores to Spain. 

And because, at that time of the year, there are always 
storms about those islands, therefore they durst not enter into 
the road of Terceira. For as then it blew so great a storm, 
that some of their ships that had anchored, were forced 
to cut down their masts, and were in danger of being lost : 
and among the rest, a ship of Biscay ran against the land, and 
was stricken in pieces ; but all the men saved themselves. 

The other ships were forced to keep the sea, and separated 
themselves the one from the other, where wind and weather 
would drive them, until the 15th of March [1590]. For that, 
in all that time, they could not have one day of fair weather 
to anchor in : whereby they endured much misery ; cursing 
both the silver and the island. 

This storm being passed ; they chanced to meet with a 
small English ship, of about 40 tons in bigness, which, by 
reason of the great wind, could not bear all her sails; so they 
set upon her and took her: and with the English flag in their 
admiral's [flag ship's] stern, they came as proudly into the 
haven, as if they had conquered all the realm of England. 
But as the admiral, that bare the English flag upon her stern, 
was entering into the road ; there came, by chance, two English 
ships by the island that paid her so well for her pains, that 
they were forced to cry Misericordia ! and without all doubt, 
had taken her, if she had been a mile further in the [put at] 
sea. But because she got under the fortress, which also 
began to shoot at the Englishmen, they were forced to leave 
her, and to put further into the sea ; having slain five or six 
of the Spaniards. 

The Englishmen that were taken in the small ship, were 
put under hatches, and coupled in bolts. After they had 



io8 Spanish Court's dishonourable conduct.[ 



Linschoten. 
1594. 



been prisoners three or four days [i.e., about 18th of March 
1590 N.S.], there was a Spanish Ensign-bearer in the ship, 
that had a brother slain in the fleet that came for England [the 
Armada of 1588], who (then minding to revenge his death, 
and withal to shew his manhood to the English captives that 
were in the English ship, which they had taken as is afore- 
said) took a poinard in his hand, and went down under the 
hatches ; where, finding the poor Englishmen sitting in bolts ; 
with the same poinard he stabbed six of them to the heart : 
which two others of them perceiving, clasped each other 
about the middle because they would not be murdered by him, 
and threw themselves into the sea, and there were drowned. 

This act was much disliked and very ill taken of all the 
Spaniards; so they carried the Spaniard a prisoner unto 
Lisbon : where, being arrived, the King of Spain willed that 
he should be sent to England, that the Queen of England 
might use him as she thought good ; which sentence, his 
friends got reversed. Notwithstanding he commanded that 
he should, without all favour, be beheaded : but upon a 
Good Friday [? in 1590 oy 159 1], the Cardinal going to Mass; 
all the Captains and Commanders made so great entreaty 
for him, that, in the end, they got his pardon. 

This I thought good to note, that men may understand the 
bloody and dishonest minds of the Spaniards, when they have 
men under their subjection. 

The same two English ships which followed the Spanish 
Admiral till he had got under the fort of Terceira, as I said 
before, put into the [out to] sea ; where they met with 
another Spanish ship, being of the same fleet, that had like- 
wise been scattered by the storm, and was [the] only [one] 
missing, for the rest lay in the road. 

This small ship the Englishmen took, and sent all the men 
on shore, not hurting any of them; but if they had known 
what had been done unto the aforesaid English captives, I 
believe they would soon have revenged themselves: as, after- 
wards, many innocent soul paid for it. 

This ship, thus taken by the Englishmen, was the same 
that was kept and confiscated in the island of Terceira ; the 
Englishmen of which got out of the island in a fisher-boat, 
as I said before [/. 105] ; and was sold to the Spaniards that 
then came from the [West] Indies [p. 103]; wherewith they 



J. H. v.Linschoten.-| ENGLISH BECOME LoRDS OF THE SeA. [O9 

sailed to San Lucar de Barrameda : where it was also 
arrested by the Duke, and appointed to go in the company 
to fetch the silver in Terceira, because it was the ship 
that sailed well; but among the Spaniards' fleet, it was 
the meanest of the company. By this means, it was taken 
from the Spaniards and carried into England ; and the owners 
had it again, when they least thought of it. 

The 19th of March, the aforesaid ships, being nineteen in 
number, having laden the King's silver, and received Alvaro 
Flores de Quiniones with his company, and a good pro- 
vision of necessaries and munition ; and of soldiers that were 
fully resolved, as they made shew, to fight valiantly to the 
last man, before they would yield or lose their riches. 

Although they set their course for San Lucar, the wind 
drave them to Lisbon. Which, as it seemed, was willing by 
his force to help them, and to bring them thither in safety : 
although Alvaro de Flores, both against the wind and 
weather, would, perforce, have sailed to San Lucar ; but being 
constrained by the wind, and the importunity of the sailors 
(who protested they would require their losses and damages of 
him), he was content to sail to Lisbon. From whence, the 
silver was carried by land to Seville. 

At Cape St. Vincent, there lay a fleet of twenty English 
ships, to watch for this armada ; so that if they had put into 
San Lucar, they had fallen right into their hands : which if 
the wind had served, they had done. And, therefore, they 
may say that the wind had lent them a happy voyage. 

For if the Englishmen had met with them, they had surely 
been in great danger; and possibly but few of them had 
escaped, by reason of the fear wherewith they were 
possessed that "Fortune, or rather, GOD was wholly against 
them." Which is a sufficient cause, to make the Spaniards 
out of heart ; and, on the contrary, to give the Englishmen 
more courage, and to make them bolder. For they are 
victorious, stout, and valiant ; and all their enterprises do 
take so good effect, that they are, thereby, become Lords and 
Masters of the Sea, and need care for no man : as it well 
appeareth, by this brief Discourse. 

In the month of March 1590, there was a blazing star [a 
Comet] with a tail, seen in Terceira, that continued four 
nights together, stretching the tail towards the south. 



no A PRODIGIOUS, BUT BASELESS RUMOUR. [J- ^- ^^^ 



ti. V. L,mscnoien. 
1594- 



In the month of May, a caravel of Fayal arrived in the 
haven or road of Angra, at Terceira, ladened with oxen, 
sheep, hens, and other kinds of victuals ; and full of people. 
She had, by a storm, broken her rudder ; whereby the sea 
cast her about, and there she sank. In her, were drowned 
three children and a Franciscan friar. The rest of the men 
saved themselves by swimming, and by help from the shore ; 
but the cattle and hens came drowned to land. 

The friar was buried with a great procession and solemnity; 
being esteemed a saint, because he was taken up dead with 
his book between his arms : for the which cause, every man 
came to look on him as a miracle, giving great offerings, to 
say masses for his soul. 

[What now follows is an enormous falsehood, being apparently only an 
exaggerated rumour of Cavendish's Expedition to the South Seas, 
2 1 St July, 1586 — 10 September 1588, 

The ist of August [1590] the Governor of Terceira received 
advices out of Portugal and Spain, that two years before the 
date of his letters [i.e., in 1588], there sailed out of England 
twelve great well-appointed ships ; with full resolution to 
take their journey, seven of them to the Portuguese Indies, 
and the other five to Malacca. Of which, five were cast away 
in the Straits of Magellan, and three sailed to Malacca : but 
what they had done there, was as then not known. 

[Linschoten's friend Afhuisen, who loft Malacca, at a much later 
date, vis., about December 1588,^. 118, was then at Angra ; and would, of 
course, be able to contradict this part of this immense offspring of fear.] 

The other seven passed the Cape of Good Hope, and 
arrived in India, whither they put in at the coast of Malabar, 
and there took six foists of the Malabars, but let them go 
again ; and [? where], two Turkish galleys that came out of 
the Straits of Mecca or Red Sea, to whom likewise they did 
no hurt. And there [? where], they laded their ships with 
spices, and returned back again on their way : but where, or 
in what place they had ladened, it was not certainly known[!]. 
Saving only, that this much was written by the Governor of 
India ; and sent over land to Venice, and from thence to 
Madrid. 



J. H. V. Linschoten.J gjj^ y^ FrOBISHEr's FLEET OFF CoRVO. I 1 1 

The 7th of August, a navy of English ships was seen 
before Terceira, being twenty in number, and five of them 
Queen's ships. Their General was one Sir Martin Fro- 
BiSHER ; as we, after, had intelligence. They came purposely 
to watch for the Fleet of the Spanish Indies, for the [Portu- 
guese] Indian ships, and for the ships of the countries in the 
West. 

Which put the islanders in great fear, specially those of 
Fayal, For the Englishmen had sent a Trumpeter to the 
Governer there, to ask for certain wine, flesh, and other 
victuals, for their money and good friendship. They of Fayal, 
did not only refuse to give ear to them ; but with a shot, 
killed their messenger or trumpeter: which the English took 
in evil part, sending them word that "They were best to look 
to themselves, and stand upon their guard ; for they meant 
to come and visit them, whether they would or not." The 
Governor there made them answer, that " He was there on 
the behalf of His Majesty of Spain ; and that he would do 
his best to keep them out." But nothing was done: although 
they of Fayal were in no little fear; sending to Terceira for 
aid : from whence, they had certain barks with powder and 
munition for war, together with some biscuit and other 
necessary provision. 

The 30th of August, we received very certain news out of 
Portugal, that there were eighty ships put out of the Corunna 
[called by the English,ihe Groine], laden with victuals, munition, 
money, and soldiers, to go for Brittany; to aid the Catholics 
and Leaguers of France against the King of Navarre. 

At the same time, two Netherland Hulks coming out of 
Portugal to Terceira, being half over the seas, met with four 
of the Queen's ships, their General being Sir John Hawkins, 
that stayed them ; but let them go again, without doing 
them any harm. 

The Netherlanders reported that "Each of the Queen's ships 
had eighty pieces of ordnance ; that Sir FRANCIS Drake 
lay with forty ships in the English Chaimel watching for the 
armada from the Corunna ; and that likewise, there lay at 
Cape St. Vincent ten other English ship, that if any of the 
ships escaped from the Islands [i.e., the Azores] they might 
take them." 

This tidings put the islanders in great fear; lest if they 



1 12 The Carrack homeward Fleet of 1590. [^'"?'**x;g"; 

failed of the Spanish fleet, and got nothing by them, they 
would then fall upon the Islands, as they would not return 
empty : whereupon they held straight watch, sending advices 
to the King, of the news they had heard. 

The ist of September,there came to the island of St. Michael, 
a Portuguese ship out of the haven of Pernambuco in Brazil, 
which brought news that the Admiral of the Portuguese fleet 
that came from India, having missed the island of St. Helena, 
was, of necessity, constrained to put into Pernambuco : 
although the King had expressly, under a great penalty, for- 
bidden him so to do ; because of the worms, that do there 
spoil the ships. 

The same ship, wherein Bernadine Ribero was Admiral, 
the year before [1589], sailed out of Lisbon to the Indies, 
with five ships in her company ; whereof but four got to 
India ; the fifth was never heard of, so that it was thought 
to be cast away. The other four returned safe again to 
Portugal [thisyear 1590]: though theadmiral was much spoiled, 
because he met with two English ships that fought long with 
him, and slew many of his men ; but yet he escaped from 
them. 

The 5th of the same month, there arrived at Terceira, a 
caravel of the island of Corvo, and brought with her 50 men 
that had been spoiled by the Englishmen, who had set them 
on shore in the island of Corvo ; having taken them out of a 
ship that came from the Spanish Indies. 

They brought tidings that " The Englishmen had taken four 
more of the [West] Indian ships, and a Caravel of Advices 
with the King of Spain's Letters of Advices for the ships 
[Carracks] coming out of the Portugal Indies. And that, with 
those which they had taken, there were at the least forty 
English ships together ; so that not one bark escaped them, 
but fell into their hands." 

Therefore the Portuguese ships coming out of India durst 
not put into the Islands ; but took their course under 40° N., 
and 42° N., and from thence sailed to Lisbon ; shunning like- 
wise the Cape St. Vincent : otherwise they could not have 
had a prosperous journey of it; for that then, the sea was 
full of English ships. 

Whereupon, the King advised the fleet lying at Havanna 
in the Spanish Indies, ready to come for Spain, that they 



^''°5g":] The Carrack outward Fleet of 1590. 113 

should stay there all that year, till the next year; because of 
the great danger they might fall into by the Englishmen. 

Which was no small charge and hindrance to the fleet, for 
the ships that lie there, do consume themselves, and in a 
manner eat up one another ; by reason of the great number 
of people, together with the scarcity of all things. So that 
many ships chose rather, one by one, to adventure themselves 
alone, to get home than to stay there. All which fell into 
the Englishmen's hands; the men of divers of which, were 
brought to Terceira. For, for a whole day, we could see 
nothing else but spoiled men set on shore, some out of one 
ship, some out of another, that it was a pity to see all of 
them cursing the English and their own fortunes ; with those 
that had been the causes to provoke the Englishmen to fight: 
and complaining of the small remedy and order taken therein 
by the King of Spain's Officers. 

The 19th of the same month, there came a caravel of Lisbon 
to Terceira, with one of the King's Officers, to cause the goods 
that were saved out of the ship that came from Malacca (for 
the which, we stayed there) to be ladened and sent to Lisbon. 

At the same time, there put out of the Corunna, one Don 
Alonso de Bassan, with 40 great Ships of war, to come to 
the islands [of the Azores], there to watch for the fleets of the 
Spanish and Portuguese Indies : and the goods of the 
Malacca ship being ladened, they were to convoy them all 
together to the river of Lisbon. But being certain days at 
sea, always with a contrary wind, they could not get unto the 
Islands. Only two of them, scattered from the fleet, arrived 
at Terceira ; and, not finding the fleet, they presently returned 
back to seek them. 

In the meantime, the King changed his mind, and caused 
the fleet to stay in [West] India, as I said before ; and there- 
fore he sent word unto Don Alonso de Bassan that he should 
return again to Corunna, which he presently did : without 
doing anything, or once approaching near the islands, saving 
only the two foresaid ships. For he well knew that the 
Englishmen lay by the island of Corvo ; but he would not 
visit them. So he returned to the haven of Corunna ; 
whereby our goods that come from Malacca were yet to ship ; 
and being trussed up again, we were forced to stay a more 
fortunate time, with patience. 

n- H 5 



1 14 Pride & vanity of M. Albuquerque. [J- "■ ''j 



V. Linschoten. 
IS94- 



The 23rd of October, there arrived at Terceira, a caravel 
with advices out of Portugal, that of the five ships which 
[about April] in the year 1590, were laden in Lisbon, for the 
the [East] Indies, four of them were turned back again to 
Portugal, after they had been four months abroad: and that 
the admiral, wherein the Viceroy, called Matthias d' Albu- 
querque, sailed, had only got to India : as afterward news 
thereof was brought overland; having been, at the least, eleven 
months at sea and never saw land, and came in great misery 
to Malacca. 

In this ship there died by the way, 280 men, according to 
a note, made by himself and sent to the Cardinal of Lisbon, 
with the name and surname of every man ; together with a 
description of his voyage and the misery they had endured : 
which was only done because he would not lose the Govern- 
ment of India ; and for that cause, he had sworn either to 
lose his life, or to arrive in India. As, indeed, he did after- 
wards : but to the great danger, loss, and hinderance of his 
company, that were forced to buy it with their lives ; and 
only for want of provisions, as it may well be thought. For he 
knew full well, that if he had returned back again to Portugal, 
as the other ships did, he should have been cashiered from 
his Indian Regiment ; because the people began already to 
murmur at him for his proud and lofty mind. 

And among other things, that which shewed his pride 
the more, he caused to be painted above the gallery of his 
ship, Fortune, and his own picture with a staff standing by 
her, as it were, threatening her, with this posy, Queroque vencas! 
that is, " I will have thee to overcome ! " which being read 
by the Cardinal and other gentlemen, that, to honour him, 
brought him aboard his ship ; it was thought to be a point of 
exceeding folly. 

But it is no strange matter among the Portuguese: forthey, 
above all others, must, of force, let the fool peep out of their 
sleeves ; specially when they are in authority. For I knew 
the said Matthias d'Albuquerque in India, being a soldier 
and a Captain; where he was esteemed and accounted for one of 
the best of them: and much honoured and beloved of all men, 
as behaving himself courteously to every man ; whereby they 
all desired that he might be Viceroy. But when he had once 
received his Patent, with full power and authority from the 



/. H. V. Linschoten. J Qre^T EARTHQUAKE AT THE AzORES. 115 

King to be Viceroy ; he changed so much from his former 
behaviour, that by reason of his pride, they all began to fear 
and curse him ; and that, before he departed out of Lisbon : 
as is often seen in many men, that are advanced into State and 
dignity. 

1591. 

The 20th of January, anno 1591, there was news brought 
out of Portugal to Terceira, that the Englishmen had taken a 
ship that the King had sent to the Portuguese Indies, with 
advices to the Viceroy, of the returning again of the four ships 
that should have gone to India. And because those ships 
were come back again, that ship was stuffed and ladened, as 
full of goods as it possibly might be ; having likewise, in ready 
money, 500,000 ducats [=nbout ^^137, 500 then=£82^,ooo now] 
in Rials of Eight ; besides other wares. 

It departed from Lisbon in the month of November 1590, 
and met with the Englishmen ; with whom, for a time, it 
fought : but, in the end, it was taken and carried into England, 
with men and all. Yet when they came there, the men were 
set at liberty ; and returned to Lisbon, where the Captain was 
committed a prisoner; but he excused himself, and was 
released. With whom, I spake myself; and he made this 
report to me. 

At the same time also, they took a ship that came from 
the Mine [possibly So/a/a, see p. 17]: and two ships, ladened 
with pepper and spices, that were to sail into Italy ; the 
pepper alone that was in them being worth 170,000 ducats 
[= about £46,750 then = ^^280, 000 now]. All these ships were 
carried into England, and made good prize. 

In the month of July, anno 1591, there happened an earth- 
quake in the island of St. Michael ; which continued [i.e., 
at intervals] from the 26th of July to the 12th of August. In 
which time, no man durst stay within his house : but fled 
into the fields, fasting and praying ; with great sorrow, be- 
cause many of their houses fell down. A town, called Villa 
Franca, was almost clean razed to the ground ; all the 
cloisters and houses shaken to the earth, and some people 
therein slain. In some places, the land rose up, and the 
cliffs removed from one place to another ; and some hills 
were defaced, and made even with the ground. The earth- 



1 16 The Last Fight of H. AI.S. Revenge, p- "• ^•/''"'*^;'';: 

quake was so strong, that the ships which lay in the road 
and on the sea, shaked as if the world would have turned 
round. There also sprang a fountain out of the earth ; from 
whence, for the space of four days, there flowed a most clear 
water ; and, after that, it ceased. At the same time, they 
heard such thunder and noise under the earth, as if all the 
devils in hell had been assembled in that place ; wherewith 
many died for fear. 

The island of Terceira shook four times together, so that 
it seemed to turn about : but there happened no misfortune 
unto it. 

Earthquakes are common in these islands. For, about 
twenty years past, there happened another earthquake : 
wherein the half of a high hill, that lieth by the same town 
of Villa Franca, fell down, and covered all the town with 
earth ; and killed many men. 

The 25th of August, the King's Armada, coming out of 
Ferrol, arrived at Terceira, being in all thirty ships, Biscayens, 
Portuguese, and Spaniards; and ten Dutch Fly-boats that 
were arrested in Lisbon to serve the King : besides other 
small vessels, pataxos that came to serve as messengers from 
place to place, and to discover [scout on] the seas. 

The Navy came to stay for, and convoy the ships that 
should come from the Spanish Indies ; and the Fly-boats 
were appointed, in their turn, to take in the goods that were 
saved in the lost ship that came from Malacca, and to 
convey it to Lisbon. 

The 13th of September, the said Aruiada arrived at the 
island of Corvo, where the Englishmen, with about sixteen 
ships, then lay, staying for the Spanish [West Indian] fleet ; 
whereof some, or the most part were come, and there the 
English were in good hopes to have taken them. 

But when they perceived the King's Army to be strong : 
the Admiral, being the Lord Thomas Howard, commanded 
his fleet not to fall upon them ; nor any of them once to sepa- 
rate their ships from him, unless he gave commission so to 
do. 

Notwithstanding, the Vice-Admiral, Sir Richard Gren- 
viLLE, being in the ship called the Revenge [of j 00 tons], went 
into the Spanish fleet and shot among them, doing them great 
hurt ; and thinking the rest of the company would have 



J. H. V. Linschoten.j DyiNG SPEECH OF SiR R. GrENVILLE. II7 

followed : which they did not, but left him there and sailed 
away. The cause why, could not be known. Which the 
Spaniards perceiving, with seven or eight ships they boarded 
her : but she withstood them all, fighting with them, at the 
least, twelve hours together : and sank two of them, one 
being a new Double Fly-boat, of 1,200 tons; the other, a 
Biscayen. But, in the end, by reason of the number that 
came upon her, she was taken ; but their great loss : for 
they had lost in fighting and by drowning, above four 
hundred men. Of the Englishmen, there were slain about a 
hundred ; Sir Richard Grenville himself being wounded 
in the brain, whereof he died. 

He was borne into the ship called the San Paulo, wherein 
was the Admiral of the fleet, Don Alonso de Bassan. 
There, his wounds were dressed by the Spanish surgeons; but 
Don Alonso himself would neither see him, nor speak with 
him. All the rest of the Captains and gentlemen went to 
visit him, and to comfort him in his hard fortune ; wondering 
at his courage and stout heart, for he showed not any sign of 
faintness, nor changing of colour : but feeling the hour of 
death to approach, he spake these words in Spanish, and 
said, Here die /, Richard Grenville, with a joyful and quiet 
mind, for I have ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, that 
hath fought for his country, Queen, religion, and honour : where- 
by my soul most joyfully departeth out of this body ; and shall 
leave behind it, an everlasting fame 0/ a valiant and true soldier, 
that hath done his duty, as he was bound to do. \see p. 126]. 

When he had finished these, or such like words, he gave up 
the ghost, with great and stout courage ; and no man could 
perceive any true sign of heaviness in him. 

This Sir Richard Grenville was a great and rich gentle- 
man in England, and had great yearly revenues, of his own 
inheritance : but he was a man very unquiet in his mind, and 
greatly affected to war, inasmuch, as of his own private 
motion, he offered his services to the Queen. He had per- 
formed many valiant acts, and was greatly feared in these 
islands {seep. 122], and known of every man: but of nature 
very severe, so that his own people hated him for his fierce- 
ness, and spake very hardly of him. 

For when they first entered into the Fleet or Armada^ they 



ii8 Officers OF H.M.S. Revejvge wisn l^'^^j 



rLinschoten. 
1594- 



had their great sail in a readiness, and might, possibly 
enough, have sailed away ; for it was one of the best ships for 
sailing in England. The Master perceiving that the other 
ships had left them, and followed not after ; commanded the 
great sail to be cut, that they might make away : but Sir 
Richard Grenville threatened both him and all the rest 
that were in the ship, that if any man laid hand upon it, he 
would cause him to be hanged. So by that occasion, they 
were compelled to fight ; and, in the end, were taken. 

He was of so hard a complexion that, as he continued 
among the Spanish Captains, while they were at dinner or 
supper with him, he was carouse three or four glasses of 
wine; and, in a bravery, take [successively] the glasses between 
his teeth, and crush them in pieces, and swallow them down, 
so that oftentimes the blood ran out of his mouth, without 
any harm at all to him : and this was told me, by divers 
credible persons that, many times, stood and beheld him. 

The Englishmen that were left in the ship, as the Captain 
of the Soldiers, the Master, and others, were dispersed into 
divers of the Spanish ships that had taken them : where 
there had almost arisen a new fight between the Biscayens 
and the Portuguese : which each of them would have the 
honour to have first boarded her. So there grew a great 
noise and quarrel among them, one taking the chief ancient 
[msio-«], and the other the flag : and the Captain and every 
one held his own. 

The ships that had boarded her, were altogether out of 
order and broken ; and many of their men hurt : whereby 
they were compelled to come to the island of Terceira, there 
to repair themselves. Where, being arrived, I and my 
chamber-fellow [i.e., Afhuisen], to hear some news, went on 
board one of the ships, being a great Biscayen, and one of 
the twelve Apostles, whose Captain was called Bartandono, 
that had been General of the Biscayens in the Fleet that 
went for England [i.e., the Spanish Armada of 1588]. He, 
seeing us, called us up into the gallery ; where with great 
courtesy, he received us : being then set at dinner with the 
English Captain [i.e., of the Soldiers of the Revenge], that sate 
by him, and had on a suit of black velvet ; but he could not tell 
us anything, for he could speak no other language but English, 
and Latin, which Bartandono could also speak a little. 



Linschoten.-| LlNSCHOTEN IN HIS LODGINGS AT AnGRA. II9 

The English Captain got licence of the Governor, that he 
might come on land, with his weapon by his side ; and was in 
our lodging, with the Englishman [i.e., the Merchajit or Super- 
cargo^ mentioned on p. 106] that was kept prisoner in the island 
(bemg of that ship whereof the sailors got away, as I said 
before). The Governor of Terceira bade him to dinner ; and 
shewed him great courtesy. 

The Master likewise, with licence of Bartandono, came 
on shore, and was in our lodging. He had, at the least, ten 
or twelve wounds, as well in his head as on his body : where- 
of, after, being at sea between the Islands and Lisbon, he 
died. 

The Captain wrote a letter, wherein he declared all the 
manner of the fight ; and left it with the English Merchant 
{or Supercargo] that lay in our lodging, to send it to the Lord 
Admiral of England. 

This English Captain coming to Lisbon, was there well 
received, and not any hurt done unto him: but, with good con- 
voy, sent to Setubal : and, from thence, with all the rest of the 
Englishmen that were taken prisoners, sailed into England. 
The Spanish Armada stayed at the island of Corvo till the 
last of September, to assemble the rest of the fleet together; 
which, in the end, were to the number of 140 sail of ships, 
partly coming from [the West] India, and partly of the 
Armada, And being all together, ready to sail to Terceira, 
in good company ; there suddenly rose so hard and cruel a 
storm that those of the island do affirm that, in man's 
memory, there was not any such seen or heard of before : for 
it seemed [as if] the sea would have swallowed up the Islands. 
The water mounted higher than the cliffs, which are so high 
that it amazeth a man to behold them ; but the sea reached 
above them, and living fishes were thrown upon the land. 

This storm continued not a day or two only, with one 
wind ; but seven or eight days continually, the wind turning 
round about in all places of the compass, at the least, twice 
or thrice during that time : and all alike with a continual 
storm and tempest; most terrible to behold, even to us that 
were on shore, much more then to such as were at sea. So 
that on the coasts and cliffs of the island of Terceira alone, 
there were about twelve ships cast away; and that, not upon 
one side only, but round about it in every corner; whereby, 



I20 Wreck of the White Dove, in 1592. [ 



T- H. V. Linschoten. 
? 1594- 



nothing else was heard but complaining, crying, lamenting, 
and telling, " Here is a ship broken in pieces against the 
cliffs!" and "There, another! and the men drowned." So 
that, for the space of twenty days after the storm, they did 
nothing else but fish for dead men, that continually came 
driving on the shore. 

Among the rest, was the English ship called the Revenge, 
that was cast away upon a cliff, near to the island of Terceira; 
where it break into a hundred pieces, and sank to the ground : 
having in her, seventy men, Gallicians, Biscayens, and others, 
with some of the captive Englishmen ; whereof but one was 
saved, that got up upon the cliffs alive, and had his body and 
head all wounded. He, being on shore, brought us the news, 
desiring to be shriven ; and thereupon presently died. The 
Revenge had in her, divers fair brass pieces, that were all sunk 
in the sea ; which they of the island were in good hope to 
weigh up again. 

The next summer after [i.e., 1592], among these ships, that 
were cast away about Terceira, was likewise a Fly-boat 
called the White Dove (being one of those that had been ar- 
rested in Portugal to serve the King), lost there. The Master 
of her, was one Cornelius Martenson, of Schiedam in Hol- 
land ; and there were in her, as in every one of the rest, one 
hundred soldiers. He, being overruled by their Captain, that 
he could not be master of his own, sailing here and there at 
the mercy of GOD, as the storm drove him; in the end, came 
within sight of the island of Terceira. Which the Spaniards 
perceiving, thought all their safety only to consist in putting 
into the road; compelling the Master and Pilot tomaketowards 
the island. The Master refused to do it, saying, that " They 
were most sure there to be cast away, and utterly spoiled " : 
but the Captain called him, " Drunkard ! and Heretic ! " and 
striking him with a staff, commanded him to do as he would 
have him. 

The Master seeing this, and being compelled to do it, said, 
" Well, my masters ! seeing it is the desire of you all to be 
cast away ! I can but lose one life ! " and therewith desper- 
ately, he sailed towards the shore ; and was on that side of the 
island where there was nothing else but hard stones, and rocks 
as high as mountains, most terrible to behold : where some 



J. H. V. Linschotenj PrigjjxFUL CyCLONE AT THE AzORES. 12 1 

of the inhabitants stood, with long ropes and corks bound at 
the end thereof, to throw them down to the men that they 
might lay hold upon them and save their lives ; but few of 
them got so near, most of them been cast away, and smitten 
in pieces, before they could get to the wall. 

The ship sailing in this manner towards the island, and 
approaching to the shore ; the Master (being an old man 
and full of years) called his son, that was in the ship with 
him, and having embraced one another, and taken their last 
farewell, the good old father willed his son not to take care 
for him, but to seek to save himself: " For" said he, " son! 
thou art young : and may have some hope to save thy life ; 
but as for me, I am old, it is no great matter what becomes of 
me." Therewith, each of these, shedding many tears (as 
every loving father and kind child may well consider) the ship 
fell upon the cliffs, and brake in pieces : the father falling into 
the sea, on the one side, and the son on the other ; each laying 
hold on that which came next to hand, but to no purpose. 
For the sea was so high and furious, that they were all 
drowned, but fourteen or fifteen who saved themselves by 
swimming, but yet with their legs and arms half broken and 
out of joint ; among the which, were the Master's son, and 
four other Dutch boys. The rest of the Spaniards and sailors, 
with the Captain and Master, were drowned. 

Whose heart would not melt with, to behold so grievous a 
sight ? especially considering with himself, that the greatest 
cause thereof was the beastliness and insolency of the 
Spaniards ; as in this only [single] example may well be seen. 

Whereby may be considered how the other ships sped [in the 
previous storm of October 1591] : as we ourselves did in part be- 
hold, and by the men that were saved, did hear more at 
large; as also some others of our countrymen [i.e., Dutchmen] 
that, then, were in the like danger can well witness. 

At the other islands, the loss [in October 1591] was no less 
than in Terceira. For on the island of St. George, there 
were two ships cast away; on the island of Pico, two ships; 
on the island of Graciosa, three ships : and besides those, 
there came everywhere round about, divers pieces of broken 
ships and other things, fleeting towards the islands; wherewith 
the sea was all covered, most pitiful to behold. 



122 Blasphemous talk of the Azoreans. [J- "•''•,' 



Linschoten. 
1594- 



On the island of St. Michael, there were four ships cast 
away; and between Terceira and St. Michael, three more 
were sunk, which were seen, and heard to cry out : whereof 
not one man was saved. The rest put into the [out to] sea, 
without masts, all torn and rent. 

So that of the whole fleet and armada, being 140 ships in 
all, there were but 32 or 33 arrived in Spain and Portugal: 
yea, and those few with so great misery, pain, and labour that 
no two of them arrived together; but this day one, and to- 
morrow another, the next day a third, and so on, one after the 
other, to the number aforesaid. 

All the rest were cast away upon the Islands [Azores] and 
overwhelmed in the sea : whereby may be considered what 
great loss and hindrance they received at that time. For, 
by many men's judgements, it was esteemed to be much more 
than was left by the Army that came for England [in 1588] ; 
and it may be well thought and presumed that it was no other 
but a just plague, purposely sent by GOD upon the Spaniards: 
and that it might truly be said, the taking of the Revenge was 
justly revenged upon them ; and that, not by the might or 
force of man, but by the power of GOD. 

As some of them openly said, in the isle of Terceira, that 
** They believed, verily, GOD would consume them ; and that 
He took part with Lutherans and heretics." Saying further 
that " So soon as they had thrown the dead body of the Vice- 
admiral Sir Richard Grenville overboard; they verily 
thought that, as he had a devilish faith and religion, and 
therefore that the devils loved him : so he presently sank 
down into the bottom of the sea, and down into hell, where 
he raised up all the devils to revenge his death ; and that 
they brought so great storms and torments upon the Spaniards, 
only [simply] because they maintained the Catholic and Romish 
religion." Such, and such like blasphemies against GOD, 
they ceased not openly to utter ; without any man reproving 
them nor their false opinions thereon : but the most part of 
them the rather said, and affirmed that " of truth, it must 
needs be so." 

As one of these Indian fleets put out of New Spain, there were 
35 of them, by storm and tempest, cast away and drowned 
in the sea : so that, out of 50 in all, but 15 escaped. 

Of the fleet that came from Santo Domingo, there were 14 



J.H.v.Linschoten.-jQQjQ WILL PLAGUE THE SPANIARDS. I 23 

cast away, coming out of the Channel of Havanna; whereof 
the Admiral and Vice-admiral were two. From Terra firnia 
in India [i.e., Central America], there came two ships ladened 
with gold and silver; that were taken by the Englishmen. 
And before the Spanish Armada came to Corvo, the English- 
men, at different times, had taken, at the least, 20 ships, that 
came from Santo Domingo, [West] India, Brazil, &c.; and 
sent them all to England. 

Whereby it plainly appeareth, that, in the end, GOD will 
assuredly plague the Spaniards : having already blinded 
them, so that they have not the sense to perceive it, but still 
to remain in their obstinate opinions. But it is lost labour to 
strive against GOD, and to trust in man ; as being foundations 
erected upon the sands, which, with the wind, are blown 
down and overthrown : as we daily see before our eyes, and, 
not long since, have evidently observed in many places. 

Therefore, let every man but look to his own actions ! and 
take our Low Countries for an example : wherein, we can but 
blame our own sins and wickedness ; which doth so blind us, 
that we wholly forget and reject the benefits of GOD, con- 
tinuing the servants and yoke slaves of Satan. GOD, of His 
mercy ! open our eyes and hearts ! that we may know our 
only Health and Saviour, Jesus Christ ; who only can help, 
govern, and preserve us; and give us a happy end in all our 
affairs. 

LiNSCHOTEN's vetum home to E7jkhuise?t. 



Y THE destruction of the Spaniards, and their evil 
success, the lading and shipping of the goods that 
were saved out of the ship that came from Malacca 
to Terceira, was again put off: and therefore we 
must have patience till it please GOD to send a fitter time ; 
and that we received further advices and order from His 
Majesty of Spain. 

All this being thus past, the Farmers and other merchants 
(seeing that the hope of any armada or ships in the King's 
behalf to be sent to fetch the goods, was all in vain) made 
request unto His Majesty that he would grant them licence, 
for every man particularly [individually] to ship his goods in 




124 LiNSCriOTEN SAILS FROM TeRCEIRA TO 



r Luischoten. 
I ? 1594- 



what ship he would, at his own adventure ; which, after long 
suit, was granted in the end : upon condition that every man 
should put in sureties to deliver the goods into the Custom 
House at Lisbon, to the end that the King might be paid his 
custom ; as also that the goods, delivered to them in Terceira, 
should all be registered. 

Whereupon, the Farmers of Pepper, with other merchants, 
agreed with a Flushinger, to fetch all the cloves, nutmegs, 
mace, and other spices, and goods that belonged to them ; 
excepting only the pepper, which the King as then would not 
grant to lade. 

The same ship arrived at Terceira, about the last of 
November; and, because it was somewhat dangerous, being 
the latter end of the year, we laded her with all the speed we 
could : for then the coast was clear of Englishmen. 

To be short. This Flushinger, being ladened with the most 
part of the goods, saving the pepper ; set sail for Lisbon, 
passing some small storms, not once meeting with any ship ; 
but only on the [Portuguese] coast, where we saw ten 
Hollanders that sailed with corn towards Leghorn and other 
places in Italy : and so, by GOD's help ! upon the 2nd of 
January 1592, we arrived in the river of Lisbon ; being nine 
years after my departure from thence. 

1592. 

There I stayed till the month of July to despatch such 
things as I had to do : and upon the 17th of the same month, 
I went to Setubal ; where certain Hollanders lay, with whom 
I went to Holland. 

The 22nd of July, we set sail, being in all 12 ships ; and 
because we had a contrary wind, we put out higher into the 
\ further out to] sea. 

The 27th of the same month, we had a lasting storm, 
whereby we ran against another ship ; both being in a hundred 
dangers to be sunk, for we were within a span of touching one 
another : but GOD helped us, and we parted from each other ; 
which almost seemed impossible. For the bore-sprite [bow- 
sprit] of the ship that came against us, strake upon our Fouke- 
yard ; and therewith brake in pieces : and thereupon his 
Fouke-mast fell overboard; whereby he was forced to leave 
the fleet. Another also of our company had a leak, so that 



^"'r'^S-]^^^^^^' &FROM THENCE, TO THeTexEL. I25 

he made towards the [Portuguese] coast : where, to save the 
men, he ran the ship on shore ; as, afterwards, we under- 
stood. So we remained but ten in company. 

The ist of August, being ninety miles in the [out at] sea, 
because the wind held contrary, so that we could not keep 
our right course ; we espied three strange ships : but it was 
not long, before we lost the sight of them again. 

The 4th of August, there came three other ships among 
our fleet, which we perceived to be Biscayens : whereupon 
we made towards them, and shot certain pieces at them ; 
and so they left us. 

The i6th of August, the wind being yet contrary, and 
because there were about fifteen passengers aboard our ship, 
our victuals, specially our drink, began to fail : so that we 
were constrained to keep an order, and to stint every man to 
his portion ; being then 120 miles from Heissant [Ushant] 
inwards in the [out at] sea, which is called, the Half Sea. 

The i8th, we had a storm, whereby three of our fleet were 
left behind ; because they could not follow us. 

The 24th of August we cast out the lead, and found ground ; 
wherewith we were all glad, for it was the entrance into the 
Channel between England and France. 

The 27th of August, being in the Channel, there came two 
small English ships to view our fleet, but presently put in 
again to the coast of England. 

The 28th, we descried land, being loofward from us ; which 
was Goutster and Dartmouth. 

The next day, we passed by the Isle of Wight, sailing along 
the coast. 

The 30th of August, we put into the head [Straits] of Dover 
and Calais ; where there lay one of the Queen's ships ; but 
she hoisted anchor, and sailed to the coast of England, with- 
out looking after us. So we set four men on shore [i.e., in 
England], 

Then we had a scant wind, wherewith we entered into the 
North Sea; not seeing anybody. 

The ist of September, being cloudy, we had a storm out of 
the north-west, whereby we could not discern the land : but in 
the evening, we met with two ships that came out of the East 
Countries [Baltic Provinces], who ioldi us they had seen land 
saying, " It was the Texel" ; willing us to follow them. And 



126 LiNSCHOTEN ARRIVES AT EnKHUISEN. p "• ''•y^'"'"=^°5^^'; 

SO we discovered land, it being the Vlie : but we, thinking it 
to be the Texel, would not longer follow the other ships; but 
put so near unto it, that we were in great danger. Then we 
perceived that we had deceived ourselves, and saw the other 
ships take another course towards the Texel : but we had the 
wind so scant, and were fallen so low, that we could hardly 
get from the shore. And withal, we had a sudden storm, 
wherewith our Fouke-mast brake ; our mainmast being 
already cracked : whereupon, we were fully determined to 
anchor there, and stand upon good comfort and hope in GOD. 
Suddenly the wind came better, so that with great pain and 
labour, about sun setting, we entered the mouth of the Texel, 
without any pilot : for, by reason of the great wind, they 
durst not come out. So, to conclude, we got in; and there, 
with thanksgiving to GOD, we anchored. 

In the morning, being the 2nd of September, our Gunner 
thinking to charge the pieces, and, for joy, to shoot them off 
before the town : by fortune, a ladle full of powder took fire 
and, and with the fire thereof, strake off all his right hand, 
and burnt him in many places of his body ; wherewith our 
joy was wholly quailed and abated. 

The 3rd of September [N.S.], we arrived at Enkhuisen ; 
where I found my mother, brother, and sister, all living and 
in good health : it being twelve years, nine months and a 
half, after my departure thence. 

For which GOD Almighty, with His Son Jesus Christ 

our Saviour, be praised and blessed ! To Whom belongeth 

all power, honour and glory, now and for evermore. 

Amen. 

[Sir Richard Grenville's last words concluded: *■ But the 
others of 7uy company have done as traitors and dogs, for which 
they shall be reproached all their lives and leave a shameful 
name for ever.'] 



127 



Rev. Richard Hakluyt. 

The Voyage of the Dog to the 
Gulf of Mexico^ 1589. 

[ Voyages:\ 

brief remembrance for want of further advertisements 
as yet, of a voyage made this present year 1589, by 
William Michelson Captain, and William Mace 
(of RatcHff) Master of a ship called the Dog, to the 
Bay of Mexico, in the West Indies. 

He foresaid ship called the Do^-, of 70 tons burden, 
was armed forth with the number of forty men. I 
departed from the coast of England in the month of 
May [1589], directly for the West Indies. It fell in 
with the Bay of Mexico, and there met with 
divers Spanish ships at sundry times ; whereof three fell into 
her lap, and were forced to yield to the mercy of the English. 
The last that they met with in the Bay was a Spanish Man 
of War, whom the English chased ; and after three several 
fights upon three several days, pressed him so far that he 
entreated a parley, by putting out a flag of trace. 

The parley was granted, and certain of the Spaniards came 
aboard the English ship ; where after conference about those 
matters that had passed in fight betwixt them, they received 
reasonable entertainment and a quiet farewell. 

The Spaniards, as if they had meant to requite the English 
courtesy, invited our men to their ship; who persuading them- 
selves of good meaning in them, went aboard. But honest 
and friendly dealing was not their purpose. For suddenly 
they assaulted our men, and with a dagger stabbing the 
English pilot to the heart, slew him. Others were served 
with the like sauce ; only William Mace the Master (and 
two others) notwithstanding all the prepared traps of the 




128 The Voyage of tke Bog. l^^" '^- '^^^1%: 

enemy, leaped overboard into the sea, and so came safe to his 
own ship : and directing his course to England, arrived at 
Plymouth the loth of September [1589] last ; laden with 
wines, iron, roans which are a kind of linen cloth, and 
other rich commodities. Looking also for the arrival of the 
rest of his consorts; whereof one, and the principal one, hath 
not long since obtained [reached] its port. 

Thus much, in general terms only, I have as yet learned 
and received touching this voyage, as extracted out of letters 
sent from the foresaid William Mace to Master Edward 
Wilkinson of Tower Hill in London. 

My principal intention by this example is to admonish our 
nation of circumspection in dealing with that subtle enemy ; 
and never to trust the Spanish further than that their own 
strength shall be able to master them. For otherwise who- 
soever shall through simplicity trust their courtesy shall by 
trial taste of their assured cruelty. 




129 



The destruction^ capture^ &^c. of Portuguese 

C arracks^ by English seamen. 

1592-1594 ^'D, 



R. Hakluvt. Voyages, III., 
194, Ed. 1600. 

The fullest and most exact description in this volume of the annual 
Fleets, usually consisting of five Carracks, that went from Lisbon to 
Goa and back, is that written by Linschoten, who made the voyage in 
the years 1582- 1592. The following events occurred after Linschoten 
reached Lisbon, on 2nd January 1592. 

Some additional particulars from a very rare tract, The Seaman^s 
Triumph^ London 1592 4to, are given in the footnotes. 

A true Report of the honourable Service at sea performed by 
Sir foHN BuRROUGH Knight, Lieutenant General of the Fleet 
prepared by the Honourable Sir Walter Ralegh Knight, Lord 
Warden of the S tanneries of Cornwall and Devon. Wherein, 
chiefly, the Santa Clara of Biscay, a ship of 600 tons, was 
taken : and the two East Indian Carracks, the Santa Cruz 
and the Madre de Dios, were forced ; the one bzirnt, the other 
taken and brought into Dartmouth the yth of September 1592. 

Ir Walter Ralegh, upon Commission 
received from Her Majesty for an Expe- 
dition to be made to the West Indies, 
slacked not his uttermost diligence to 
make full provision of all things neces- 
sary : as, both in his choice of good ships, 
and [of] sufficient men to perform the 
action, evidently appeared. For [of] his 
ships, which were in number fourteen or fifteen, those two of 
n. I 5 




130 Ralegh's Expedition for Panama. [,,55^ 

Her Majesty's, the Garland and the Foresight, were the 
chiefest. The rest [were] either his own, or his good friends', 
or [belonged to] Adventurers of London. For the Gentle- 
men his consorts and Officers, to give them their right, they 
were so well qualited in courage, experience, and discretion 
as the greatest Prince might repute himself happy to be 
served with their like. 

The honour of Lieutenant General was imposed upon Sir 
John Burrough, a Gentleman, for his manifold good and 
heroical parts, thought every way worthy of that command- 
ment. With whom, after Sir WALTER Ralegh returned, 
was joined in Commission, Sir Martin Frobisher : who, 
for his special skill and knowledge in marine causes, had 
formerly carried employments of like, or greater, place. The 
rest of the Captains, soldiers, and sailors were men of not- 
able resolution ; and, for the most part, such as heretofore 
had given to the World sufficient proof of their valour in 
divers Services of the like nature. 

With these ships, thus manned. Sir WALTER RalEGH de- 
parted towards the West country, there to store himself with 
such further necessaries as the state of his Voyage \Expedition\ 
did needfully require. Where the westerly winds, blowing 
for a long time contrary to his course, bound and constrained 
him to keep harbour so many weeks that the fittest sea- 
son for his purpose was gone ; the minds of his people, much 
altered ; his victuals, consumed : and withal Her Majesty, 
understanding how crossly all this sorted, began to call the 
procedings of this preparation into question. 

Insomuch that, whereas the 6th of May [1592] was first 
come before Sir Walter could put to sea ; the very next 
day, Sir Martin Frobisher, in a Pinnance of my [Lord 
Hov^ARD of Effingham, the] Lord Admiral's, called the 
Disdain, met him : and brought to him, from Her Majesty, 
Letters of Revocation, with commandment to relinquish for 
his own part, the intended attempt ; and to leave the charge 
and conduct of all things in the hands of Sir John Bur- 
ROUGH and Sir Martin Frobisher. 

But Sir Walter (finding his honour so far engaged in 
the undertaking of this Voyage \Expeditio7i'\ as, without pro- 
ceeding, he saw no remedy either to salve his reputation ; 
or to content those his friends, which had put in adventures 



?1592 



] The English Fleet is divided in two. 131 



of great sums with him : and making construction of the 
Queen's Letters, in such sort, as if her commandment had 
been propounded in indifferent terms, either to advance 
forward, or to retire, at his own discretion) would in no 
case yield to leave his Fleet now under sail. 

Wherefore continuing his course into the sea, he met, 
within a day or two, with certain Sails lately come from 
Spain. Among which was a ship appertaining to Monsieur 
GOURDON, Governor of Calais : and [he] found aboard her, 
one Master Nevel Davies, an Englishman, who (having 
endured a long and miserable captivity for the space of 
twelve years [1580- 1592]; partly in the Inquisition in Spain) 
was now, by good fortune, escaped ; and upon [his] return to 
his [own] country. 

This man, among other things, reported for certain. That 
there was little hope of any good this year to be done in the 
West India : considering that the King of Spain had sent 
express order to all the ports, both of the Islands and of 
Terra Jirnia, that no ship should stir that year, nor any 
treasure be laid aboard for Spain. 

But neither this unpleasant relation, nor aught else, could 
stay his proceedings, until a tempest of strange and uncouth 
violence, arising upon Thursday the nth of May, when he 
was athwart Cape Finisterre, had so scattered the greater 
part of the Fleet, and sunk his boats and Pinnaces : that as 
the rest were driven and severed, some this way, and some 
that ; Sir WALTER himself, being in the Garland of Her 
Majesty's [Ships], was in danger to be swallowed up of the sea. 

Whereupon Sir WALTER Ralegh finding that the season 
of the year was too far gone to proceed with the enterprise 
which he had upon Panama, having been held on the English 
coast from February till May [1592], and thereby spent 
three months' victuals ; and considering withal that to lie 
upon the Spanish coast, or at the Islands [of the Azores], to 
attend the return of the East [Indian], or West Indian Fleets, 
was rather a work of patience than aught else : he gave 
directions to Sir JOHN BURROUGH and Sir MARTIN Fro- 
bisher to divide the Fleet in two parts. Sir Martin with 
the Garland, Captain George Giffard, Captain Henry 
Thin, Captain Grenville, and others, to lie off the South 
Cape \_Cape St Vincent] ; thereby to amaze the Spanish 



132 Capture of the Santa Clara of Biscay. [^J,,. 

Fleet, and to hold them on their own coast, while Sir John 
BURROUGH [in the Roebuck\ Captain [Sir] ROBERT CrOSSE 
[in the Foresight^ Captain THOMSON [in the Dainty], and 
others, should attend the Islands for the Carracks [from Goa] 
or any other Spanish ships coming from Mexico or other 
parts of the West Indies. 

Which direction took effect \was ejfectual] accordingly. 
For the King of Spain's Admiral, receiving intelligence that 
the English Fleet was come on the coast, attended to defend 
the south parts of Spain, and to keep himself as near Sir 
Martin Frobisher as he could, to impeach \}iinder\ him 
in all things which he might undertake : and thereby 
neglected the safe conduct of the Carracks ; with whom it 
fared as hereafter shall appear. 



Before the Fleet severed themselves, they met with a great 
The^a«te Biscayen on the Spanish coast, called [the] Santa 
cayen'ship of Clara, a ship of 600 tons. The noise of the artil- 
600 tons, taken, jgj-y q^ botli sides bciug heard ; immediately they 
drew to their Fleet. Where, after a reasonably hot fight, the 
ship was entered and mastered : which they found fraighted 
with all sorts of small ironwork, as horse-shoes, nails, plough- 
shares, iron bars, spikes, bolts, locks, gimbols, and such like, 
valued by us at £6,000 or ;^7,ooo [ = ^24,000 to ;i^30,ooo 
now], but worth to them treble the value. This Biscayen 
was sailing towards San Lucar [de Barrameda, the Port of 
Seville], there to take in some further provision for the West 
India. 

This ship being first rummaged, and after sent for Eng- 
land : our Fleet coasted along towards the South Cape of St 
Vincent. 

And, by the way, about the Rock \^Cape da Roca] near 
Lisbon, Sir John Burrough in the Roebuck spying a Sail 
afar off, gave her present chase : which, being a Fly-boat 
and of good sail \a good sailer], drew him far southwards 
before he could fetch her ; but at last she came under his lee, 
and struck sail. 

The Master of which Fly-boat coming aboard him, con- 
fessed, that the King [Philip II.] indeed had prepared a 
great Fleet in San Lucar [de Barrameda] and Cadiz ; and, as 
the report in Spain was current, for the West Indies. 



^jJJ BURROUGH EVADES THE SPANISH FlEET. 1 33 

But indeed the Spanish King had provided this Fleet 
upon this counsel : 

He received intelligence that Sir WALTER RALEGH was 
to put out strong for the West India. To impeach him, and 
to ranconter [encounter] his force ; he appointed this Fleet : 
although, looking for the arrival of his East Indian Carracks, 
he first ordained those ships to waft [convoy] them from the 
Azores. But persuading himself that if the Fleet of Sir 
Walter Ralegh did go for the West India, then the 
Islands should have none to infest them but small Men of 
War ; which the Carracks of themselves would be well able 
to match : his order was to Don Alonso DE Bagan, 
brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and General of his 
Armada, to pursue Sir Walter's Fleet, and to confront 
him ; what course soever he held. 

And that this was true, our men in short time by proof 
understood. For Sir JOHN BURROUGH (not long after the 
taking of his last prize, the Fly-boat), as he sailed back again 
towards the rest of his company, discovered the Spanish 
Fleet to seaward of him : which, having likewise spied him 
betwixt them and the shore, made full account to bring him 
safe into [a] Spanish harbour ; and therefore spread them- 
selves in such sort before him, that indeed his danger was 
very great. For both the liberty of the sea was brought into 
a narrow straight [dt'slance] ; and the shore, being enemy 
[Aosti'/e] could give him no comfort of relief So sir John bur- 
that, trusting to GOD's help only and his good dange" o7th?* 
sail [sai/ing], he thrust out from among them, in Spanish Fleet. 
spite of all their force ; and, to the notable illusion of all 
their cunning, which they shewed to the uttermost in laying 
the way for his apprehension. 

But now Sir John Burrough, having happily escaped 
their clutches ; finding the coast guarded by this Fleet ; and 
knowing it was but folly to expect a meeting there with Sir 
Martin Frobisher (who understanding of this Armada, as 
well as himself, would be sure not to come that way), began 
to shape his course to the Azores, according to Sir WALTER 
Ralegh's direction : and came in sight of St. xhe isie of st. 
Michael ; running so near by Villa Franca, that he Michael. 
might easily discern the ships lying there at anchor. 



134 BURROUGH SIGHTS THE SaNTA CrUZ. [7 J,,. 

Divers small Caravels both here and between St George's 
Divers small [Island] and the Pike [Pico], in his course towards 
ships taken. Flores, hc intercepted : of which no great intelli- 
gence for his affairs could be understood. 

Arriving before Flores, upon Thursday the 21st of June, 
towards evening, [in the Roebuck], accompanied only by 
Captain Caufield and the Master of his ship ; the rest not 
being yet arrived : he made towards the shore with his boat : 
Santa Cruz, a finding all the people of Santa Cruz, a village of 
isie^'lf Flores. that island, in arms ; fearing their landing, and 
ready marshalled to defend their town from spoil. 

Sir John, contrariwise, made signs of amity unto them by 
advancing a white flag, a common token of peace : which 
was answered again of them with the like. Whereupon 
ensued intercourses of good friendship ; and pledges were 
taken on both sides, the Captain of the town for them and 
Captain Caulfield for ours. So that whatsoever our men 
wanted, which that place could supply, either in fresh water, 
victuals, or the like, was very willingly granted \i.e. for pay- 
ment) by the inhabitants ; and good leave had they to refresh 
themselves on shore, as much and as oft as they would, 
without restraint. 

At this Santa Cruz, Sir JOHN BuRROUGH was informed 
that indeed there was among them no expectation of any 
News of the Flcct to come from the West : but from the East, 
Carracks!'" that no lougcr since than three days before his 
arrival [i.e. i8th June 1592] a Carrack was passed by for 
Lisbon, and that there were four Carracks more behind, of 
one consort [company or Fleet]. 

Sir John, being very glad of this news, stayed no longer 
on shore, but presently embarked himself: having only in 
company a small Bark, of 60 tons [? the Phcenix, see page 
139], belonging to one Master HOPKINS of Bristol. 

In the meanwhile that these things thus passed at Flores; 
part of the rest of the English Fleet, which Sir John Bur- 
ROUGH had left upon the coast of Spain, drew also towards 
the Azores. And whereas he quickly, at sea, had discovered 
one of the Carracks [the Sa?ita Cruc] : the same evening, he 
might descry two or three of [GEORGE CLIFFORD] the Earl 
of Cumberland's ships [two of them were the Tiger and the 
Sampson], whereof one Master NORTON was Captain [or as 



,J592.] The Santa Cruz, half-burnt, is taken. 135 

we should now say, Commodore] ; which having, in Hke sort, 
kenned the Carrack, pursued her by that course which they 
saw her to run towards the Islands. 

But on no side was there any way made, by reason of a 
great calm which yielded no breath to spread a sail. Inso- 
much that (fitly to discover her what she was ; of what 
burden, force, and countenance) Sir JOHN BURROUGH took 
his boat, and rowed the space of three miles, to make her 
[out] exactly ; and, being returned, he consulted with the 
better sort of the Company then present, upon the boarding 
[of] her in the morning. 

But a very mighty storm arising in the night, the ex- 
tremity thereof forced them all to weigh anchors ; yet 
their care was such in wrestling with the weather, not to lose 
the Carrack : [so] that, in the morning (the tempest being 
qualified, and our men bearing again with the shore), they 
might perceive the Carrack very near the land ; and the 
Portugals confusedly carrying on shore such things as they 
could, [in] any manner of way, convey out of her. And 
seeing the haste our men made to come upon them ; [they] 
forsook her. 

But first, that nothing might be left commodious to our 
men ; [they] set fire to that which they could not a Carrack, 
carry with them : intending by that means, wholly ^iantacluz 
to consume her ; that neither glory of victory, nor set on fire, 
benefit of ship, might remain to ours. 

And lest the approach and industry of the English should 
bring means to extinguish the flame, thereby to preserve the 
residue of that which the fire had not destroyed : being 400 
of them in number and well armed, they intrenched them- 
selves on land so near the Carrack, that she, being by their 
forces protected and our men kept aloof off; the fire might 
continue to the consumption of the whole. 

This being noted by Sir JOHN BURROUGH ; he soon pro- 
vided a present remedy for this mischief. For a hundred of 
landing 100 of his men (whereof many did swim, kndTd." 
and wade more than breast high, to shore) and easily scatter- 
ing those that presented themselves to guard the coast : he 
no sooner drew towards their new trenches, but they fled 
immediately ; leaving as much as the fire had spared [of the 
Santa CrHz\ to be the reward of our men's pains. 



136 News of three more Carracks. [i.lg^. 

Here were taken, among others, one VINCENT FONSECA, 
a Portugal, Purser of the Carrack ; with two others, one an 
Almain [Gervian], and the second a Low Dutchman [Ho/- 
lander^ Cannon iers : who, refusing to make any voluntary 
report of those things which were demanded of them, had 
the torture threatened ; the fear whereof, at the last, wrested 
from them this intelligence : 

That, within fifteen days, three other greater Carracks than 
that [the Santa Cruz\ lately fired, would arrive at the same 
Island [of Flores]. And that being five Carracks in the 
Fleet at their departure from Goa, to wit, the Biien Jesus, 
Admiral \Flag Ship]; the Madre de Dios\ the San Bernardo; 
the San Christophoro ; and the Santa Cruz, whose fortune 
you have already heard : they had received special command- 
ment from the King [Philip II.] not to touch, in any case, 
at the Island of St. Helena, where the Portugal Carracks, 
in their return from the East India, were always, till now, 
wont to arrive, to refresh themselves with water and victuals. 
And the King's reason was, because of the English Men of 
War : who, as he was informed, lay there in wait to intercept 
them. If therefore their necessity of water should drive 
them to seek [a] supply anywhere, he appointed them 
Angola, anew Angola, in the main[land] of Africa; with order 
fof^hi"^^'^" there to stay only the taking in of water, to 
Carracks. avoid the inconvenience of infections, whereunto 
that hot latitude is dangerously subject. The last rendez- 
vous for them all was the Island of Flores : where the 
King assured them not to miss of his Armada, thither 
sent of purpose for their wafting \convoy\ to Lisbon. 

Upon this information. Sir JOHN drew to Council [of War], 
meeting there Captain NORTON, Captain DOWNTON, Captain 
Abraham Cocke, Captains of three ships of [GEORGE Clif- 
ford,] the Earl of CUMBERLAND ; Master THOMSON of 
Harwich, Captain of the Dainty of Sir JOHN Hawkins's, one 
of Sir Walter Ralegh's Fleet ; and Master Christopher 
Newport, Captain of the Golden Dragon, newly returned 
from the West Indies ; and others. 

These being assembled, he communicated with them what 
he had understood of the foresaid Examinates ; and what 
great presumptions of truth their relation did carry : wishing 
that forasmuch as GOD and good fortune had brought them 



J JJ The English sight the Madre de Dios. 137 

together in so good a season, they would shew the uttermost 
of their endeavours to bring these EasterHngs \here weaning, 
the Carracks from the East : an nnusual application of a word 
ordinarily applied to Baltic ships] under the lee of English 
obedience. 

Hereupon a present accord, on all sides, followed ; not to 
part company, or leave off those seas, till time should present 
cause to put their consultations in execution. 

The next day [? 29th June 1592], Her Majesty's good Ship 
the Foresight, commanded by Sir ROBERT Crosse, came in 
to the rest : and he, likewise informed of the matter, was 
soon drawn into this Service. 

Thus Sir John, with all these ships, departing thence [to 
some] six or seven leagues to the West of Flores ; they 
spread themselves abroad from the North to the South ; 
each ship two leagues, at the least, distant from another. 
By which order of extension, they were able to discover 
the space of two whole degrees [=140 miles'] at sea. 

In this sort, they lay from the 29th of June to the 3rd of 
August [1592]. 

[At] what time. Captain THOMSON, in the Dainty, had 
first sight of the huge Carrack, called the Madre de Dios 
[the Mother of God] ; one of the greatest receipt \burden] 
belonging to the Crown of Portugal. 

The Dainty, being of excellent sail, got the start of the 
rest of our Fleet : and began the conflict, somewhat to her 
cost, with the slaughter and hurt of divers of her men.* 

Within a while after, Sir John Burrough, in the Roebuck 
of Sir Walter Ralegh's [Fleet], was at hand to second 

* By noon, or one of the clock, of that day, being the 3rd of August 
[1592], the Dainty came near her so that the Gunner, whose name was 
Thomas Bedome (being a proper tall man ; and had very good aim at 
anything, and good luck withal), desired the Captain [THOMSON] he 
might give them a shoot : to let them understand that they were 
Englishmen ; and, under Her Highness, Commanders of the Seas. 

The Captain (having great care ; and not willing to have any 
shoot shot in vain) commanded him to forbear till they should come 
nearer her ; which was not long : when the Captain commanded him 
to do his best ; and carousing a can of wine to his Company, encouraged 
them to begin the fight. 

And coming up, [he] hailed them, after the manner of the sea ; and 
commanded them to strike for the Queen of England : which they no 



138 The Carrack fights six English Ships, [^j'g^. 

her : who saluted her with shot of great ordnance, and con- 
tinued the fight, within musket shot, (assisted by Captain 
Thomson [in the Damtyl and Captain NEWPORT [in the 
Golden Drago}P^ till Sir ROBERT CrOSSE, Vice Admiral 
of the Fleet [there present], came up ; [having] been to 
leeward. 

At whose arrival, Sir JOHN BURROUGH demanded of him. 
What was best to be done? 

Who answered. That if the Carrack were not boarded ; 
she would recover the shore, and fire herself, as the other 
had done. 

Whereupon Sir JOHN BURROUGH concluded to entangle 
her: and Sir Robert Cross promised also to fasten himself 
[in the Foresight] to her together at the instant. Which was 
performed. 

But, after a while. Sir John Burrough['s ship, the 
Roebuck^ receiving a shot, with a cannon perier, under 
water, and [being] ready to sink ; [he] desired Sir ROBERT 
Crosse to fall off that he might also clear himself, and 
save his ship from sinking : which with difficulty he did. 
For both the Roebuck and the Foresight were so entangled 
as, with much ado, could they clear themselves. 

The same evening, Sir ROBERT Crosse (finding the 
Carrack then sure, and drawing near the Island) persuaded 
his company to board her again ; or else there was no 
hope to recover her : who, after many excuses and fears, 
were by him encouraged. And so [his ship] fell athwart 
her foreships all alone ; and so hindered her sailing, that 
the rest had time to come up to his succour, and to recover 
the Carrack ere she recovered the land. 

sooner refused, but the Gunner, being ready, gave fire to two whole 
culverins in her chase ; and racked and tore her pitifully. 

Bearing up with them, [we] gave them the whole [broad] side ; and 
boarded them presently : who resisted most courageously, and put us 
off again. 

Thus continued the Dainty in fight a pretty while before any others 
could come to help her. 

In which time, she laid her aboard three several times, tore her 
Ancient \Flao;'\ from her Poop, and slev her Captain [?]. And more 
harm had done them : but that, by chance, a shot bare their Foremast 
by the board ; which they were compelled to splice again, to their great 
trouble. 

The Seaman's Triumph. [30th September] 1592. 



,,592.] The Carrack is, at length, taken. 139 

And so, towards the evening, after he had fought with 
her alone three hours singly, my Lord of Cumberland's 
two ships [the Tiger and the Sampson] came up : rhe Madrede 
and, with very little loss, [they] entered with ^'^'^'^ken. 
Sir Robert Crosse ; who had, in that time, broken 
their courage, and made the assault easy for the rest.* 

The General [Sir John Burrough] having disarmed the 
Portugals ; and stowed them, for better security, on all 
sides [i.e. in tJie various English ships'] ; first had presented to 
his eyes, the true proportion of the vast body of this 
Carrack ; which did then, and may still, justly provoke the 
admiration [tvonderment] of all men not formerly acquainted 
with such a sight. 

But albeit this first appearance of the hugeness thereof 

* The next was Her Majesty's good Ship, the Foresight ; whose 
Commander for that Service was Captain [Sir Robert] Crosse (a man 
well approved in marine causes, and far hath adventured) : who with 
his ship laid her aboard, and very valiantly assailed them ; and was 
most stoutly by the Spaniards also repulsed. 

Insomuch that the brave Captain, of whose men, many were weak ; 
and yet being loath Her Majesty's Ship should be shaken off without 
victory, fired the Carrack : rather wishing her to be burnt, than the 
enemies to enjoy her. But the proud and lofty-minded Spaniards, 
standing on their resolute points, returned the fire again, or some other : 
which three times was kindled [on board the Foresight] ; to the great 
cumber of Captain Crosse and his Company, that would not so leave 
them. 

This dangerous conflict between these ships endured [a] long 
time. Which the Plicenix of Portsmouth perceiving . . . being of 60 
tons or thereabouts . . . left her for a time ; standing with their 
Admiral and Vice-Admiral, which were the Tiger and the Sampson : 
and coming up with them, declared unto them the hardy fight of the 
Foresight ; who presently bare up with them all the night. The 
Sampson, being the first, coming up with the Carrack, gave her the 
whole broadside : and shutting up into the Foresight's quarter, entered 
his men into her. 

Captain Norton, that brave and worthy Gentleman, laid her also 
aboard, having the Tiger with him. 

And so [all three crews] entered together, being 100 men at the 
least, all resolutely minded. At whose entrance they yielded so great a 
cry as the dismayed Portugals and Spaniards could not bethink them- 
selves what course to take to help themselves : in such a maze were 
they stricken, although they were [originally] Soo strong, all well- 
appointed and able men ; and of ours but 100. But standing thus, as 
men amazed, at length [they] yielded themselves vanquished. 

The Seaman's Triumph. [30th September] 1 592 



140 Hard fortune of Captain de Mendoza. \j,l^^, 

yielded sights enough to entertain our men's eyes ; yet the 
pitiful object of so many bodies slain and dismembered could 
not but draw each man's eye to see, and heart to lament, and 
hands to help, those miserable people ; whose limbs were so 
torn with the violence of shot, and pain made grievous with 
the multitude of wounds. No man could almost step but upon 
a dead carcase, or a bloody floor. But especially about the 
helm ; where very many of them fell suddenly from stirring 
[sfeerm£-] to dying. For the greatness of the stirrage 
[steerz//£-] requiring the labour of twelve or fourteen men at 
once ; and some of our ships, beating her in at the stern 
with their ordnance, oftentimes with one shot slew four 
or five labouring on either side of the helm : whose rooms 
being still furnished with fresh supplies, and our artillery 
still playing upon them with continual vollies ; it could 
not be but that much blood should be shed in that 
place. 

Whereupon our General, moved with singular com- 

Exceeding miseratiou of their misery, sent them his own 

shoTeTtothe chirurgions, denying them no possible help or 

Enemy. relief he, or any of his Company, could afford 

them. 

Among the rest of those, whose state this chance had 
made very deplorable, was Don Fernando de Mendoza, 
Grand Captain and Commander of this Carrack : who 
indeed was descended of the House of Mendoza in Spain ; 
but, being married into Portugal, lived there as one of 
that nation. A Gentleman well stricken in years, well 
spoken, of comely personage, of good stature : but of hard 
fortune. 

In his several Services against the Moors, he was twice 
taken prisoner ; and both times ransomed by the King [of 
Spain]. 

In a former voyage of return from [or rather, going 
to] the East India, he was driven [in August 1585] upon the 
baxos or " sands of India " \iiow called Bassas da India, and 
sitjiated midway between Africa and Madagascar], near the 
coast of Cephala [Sofala'] ; being then also Captain of a 
Carrack [the San Jago\ which was there lost : and him- 
self, though escapinci the sea danger, yet fell into the hands 



,JJ The prisoners are sent to Lisbon. 141 

of infidels on land, who kept him under long and grievous 
servitude. Once more the King [PHILIP II.], carrying a 
loving respect to the man and desirous to better his 
condition, was content to let him try his fortune in this 
Easterly Navigation ; and committed unto him the conduct 
of this Carrack [the Mddre de Bios], wherein he went [in 
1591] from Lisbon, General of the whole Fleet: and in that 
degree had returned, if the Viceroy of Goa, embarked for 
Portugal on the Buen Jesus, had not, by reason of his late 
Office, being preferred. 



Sir John, intending not to add too much affliction 
to the afflicted, moved with pity and compassion of human 
misery, in the end, resolved freely to dismiss this Cap- 
tain and the most part of his followers to their own 
country ; and for the same purpose, bestowed them in 
certain vessels, furnished with all kinds of necessary pro- 
vision.* 

This business thus dispatched, good leisure had he to 
take such [a] view of the goods as conveniency might 
afford. And having very prudently, to cut off the un- 
profitable spoil and pillage whereunto he saw the minds 
of many inclined, seized upon the whole to Her Majesty's 
use ; after a short and slender rummaging and searching 
of such things as first came to hand : he perceived that 
the wealth would arise nothing disanswerable to ex- 
pectation ; but that the variety and grandeur of all 
rich commodities would be more than sufficient to 

* They gan to consult. What were best to do with the prisoners, 
which were many ? And finding their great scarcity of victuals ; and 
not knowing what weather they might have ; nor how it might please 
GOD with good wind to prosper them : it was concluded to ship as 
many of them as they might ; and to send them for Lisbon. This they 
fully determined ; and provision was made of a Bark of Dover, which 
they met : the Fleet taking in her men, and such provision as they had 
in her ; and embarked the Spaniards and Portingals, with their Negroes, 
whereof were many. And gave them, with them, store of victuals ; and 
so gave them leave to depart ; detaining none but the principalest of 
them. 

The Seaman's Triuinph. [30th September] 1592. 



142 Revelation of Eastern secrets to us. \_ul92. 

content both the Adventurers' desire and the soldiers' 
travail.* 

And here 1 cannot but enter into the consideration and 
acknowledgment of GOD's great favour towards our nation ; 
who, by putting this purchase \booty'\ into our hands, hath 
manifestly discovered those secret trades and Indian riches 
which hitherto lay strangely hidden and cunningly concealed 
from us : whereof there was, among some few of us, some 
small and unperfect glimpse only ; which now is turned into 
the broad light of full and perfect knowledge. Whereby it 
should seem that the will of GOD for our good is, if our 
weakness could apprehend it, to have us communicate with 
them in those East Indian treasures : and, by the erection of 
a lawful Traffic, to better our means to advance true religion 
and his holy service. \Just at the ttjne Richard Hakluyt 
printed this, 1600 a.d.; he and others were chartered by Queen 
Elizabeth, as the English East India Company^ 

The Carrack, being in burden, by the estimation of the wise 
and experienced, [of] no less than 1,600 tons ; had fully 900 
of those, stowed with the gross bulk of merchandise : the 
rest of the tonnage being allowed, partly to the ordnance, 
svhich were 32 pieces of brass of all sorts ; partly to the 
passengers and the victuals ; which could not be any small 

* The conflict ended, it were a world of wonder to recount unto you 
the true reports, how our men bestirred themselves in searching and 
pr\-ing into every corner of her as far as they might : as they might well 
do, having with so great danger overcome her. The sight of the 
riches, within the same contained, did so amaze the Companies (that 
were within board of her : and that still came from every ship ; being 
desirous to see what GOD had sent them, after so long and hot a fight) 
that many of them could not tell what to take ; such was the store and 
goodness thereof. 

Yea, he that had known what [the] things had been worth, in a little 
room might have contrived great wealth. For it is credibly reported 
that some younkers happened to find many Jars of Civet, which is o 
great worth ; and [it having been] of some long time closely kept was 
cause, when they opened the same, it yielded no savour : and they, 
ignorant and not knowing what it should be, thinking it but trash, as it 
came to their hands, heaved it overboard. Many other things were so 
spoiled {destroyed^ for want of knowledge ; when every man had 
sufficient, and that not one had cause to complain. 

The Seafnaji's Trmniph [30th September] 1592. 



j,]g,.] The cargo of the Madke de D ios. 143 

quantity, considering the number of the persons, betwixt 
600 and 700, and the length of the navigation. 

To give you a taste, as it were, of the commodities, it shall 
suffice to deliver you a general particularity of AbHefCata- 
them, according to the Catalogue taken at Leaden sundry rich 
Hall, the 15th of September 1592. Where, upon ^fThTirS-^ 
good view, it was found that the principal wares, deOios. 
after the jewels (which were no doubt of great value, though 
they never came to light), consisted of Spices, Drugs, Silks, 
Calicoes, Quilts, Carpets, and Colours, &c. 

The Spices were Pepper, Cloves, Maces, Nutmegs, 
Cinnamon, Green Ginger, 

The Drugs were Benjamin \_the gum Benzoin\ Frank- 
incense, Galingale \or Galangal\ Mirabolams, Aloes, 
Zocotrina, Camphor. 

The Silks [were] Damasks, Tafifatas, Sarcenets, Alto- 
bassos that is counterfeit Cloth of Gold, unwrought China 
Silk, Sleaved Silk, White twisted Silk, Curled Cypress 
\~ Cypress lawn, a cobweb lawn or crape\ 

The Calicoes were Book Calicoes, Calico Lawns, Broad 
white Calicoes, Fine starched Calicoes, Coarse white 
Calicoes, Brown broad Calicoes, Brown coarse Calicoes. 
There were also Canopies, and coarse Diaper Towels ; 
Quilts of coarse Sarcenet, and of Calico ; Carpets like 
those of Turkey. 

Whereunto are to be added the Pearls, Musk, Civet, 
and Ambergris, 
The rest of the wares were many in number ; but less in 
value : as Elephants' teeth ; Porcelain vessels of China ; 
Cocoanuts ; Hides ; Ebony wood, as black as jet ; Bed- 
steads of the same ; Cloth of the rinds of trees, very strange 
for the matter, and artificial in workmanship. 

All which piles of commodities being, by men of approved 
judgment, rated but in reasonable sort, amounted to no less 
than £ 1 50,000 sterling [ = ;^6oo,ooo to ^^700,000 noiv\ : which 
being divided among the Adventurers whereof Her Majesty 
was the chief, was sufficient to yield contentment to all 
parties. 

The [above] cargazon \caigo'\ being taken out [at Dart- 
mouth], and the goods freighted in ten of our ships, [and] 



144 "^"^ DIMENSIONS OF THE MaDRE DE DiOS. [? J^^ 

sent for London ; to the end that the bigness, height, length, 
breadth, and other dimensions, of so huge a vessel might, by 
the exact rules of geometrical observations, be truly taken, 
both for present knowledge and derivation \transinissioii\ 
also of the same unto posterity : one Master ROBERT 
Adams, a man in his faculty of excellent skill, omitted 
nothing in the description which either his art could demon- 
strate ; or any man's judgment think worthy the memory. 

After an exquisite survey of the whole frame, he found : 
~, ., The length, from the beak-head to the stern, 

The capacity & ' ' 

anddimen- whereupon was erected a lantern, to contam 165 

sions of the ^ 

Dtos. 'pj^g breadth, in the second Close deck, whereof 

she had three ; this being the place where was most 
extension of breadth, was 46 feet 10 inches. 

She drew in water 31 feet at her departure from 
Cochin in India : but not above 26 [feet] at her arrival 
in Dartmouth ; being lightened in her voyage, by divers 
means, some 5 feet. 

She carried in height, seven several stories [or decks] : 
one main Orlop, three Close decks, one Fore-castle, and 
a Spar deck of two floors apiece. 

The length of the keel was 100 feet : of the Mainmast 
121 feet ; and the circuit about, at the partners, 10 feet, 
7 inches. 

The main-yard was 106 feet long. 
By which perfect commensuration of the parts appeareth 
the hugeness of the whole : far beyond the mould of the 
biggest shipping used among us, either for war or receit 
[^bnrden'l. 

Don Alonso DE Baqan (having a great Fleet: and 
sufiering these two Carracks, the Santa Cm:: to be burnt ; 
and the Madre de Dios to be taken) was disgraced by his 
Prince for his negligence. 



M5 




Captain Nicholas Downton. 

The firbig and sinkmg of the stout and warlike Carrack^ 
called Las Cinque Llagas or The Five Wounds [of the Cross 
at Calvary, usually called the Stigmata] by three tall ships set 
forth at the charges of the Right Honourable [George Clifford' 
the Earl of Cumberland and his friends, [cf. II. 27]. 

N the latter end of the year 1593, the Right 
Honourable [GEORGE Clifford,] Earl of Cum- 
berland, at his own charges and his Besides these 
friends', prepared three tall ships, all at [here was a' 
[an] equal rate and either \eac}L\ of them \^^yf^}gf^^^ 
had [the] like quantity of victuals and [the] like x^n^miynotii 
number of men : there being embarked in all three ships, 
420 men of all sorts. 

The Royal Exchange went as Admiral [Flag Ship] ; 
wherein Master GEORGE Cave was Captain. The May 
Flower, Vice Admiral, [was] under the conduct of [Captain] 
William Anthonie. And the Sampson, the charge whereof, 
it please his Honour to commit unto me, Nicholas 
Downton. 

The directions were sent to us to Plymouth ; and we were 
to open them at sea. 

The 6th of April 1594, we set sail in the Sound of Ply- 
mouth, directing our course toward the Coast of Spain. 

The 24th of the said month, at the Admiral's direction ; 
we divided ourselves East and West from each other, being 
then in the height of 43° [North] : with commandment at 
night to come together again. 

The 27th, in the morning, we descried the May Flower 
and the little Pinnace [the Violet'] with a prize that they had 
taken ; being of Vianna [do Castello] in Portugal, and bound 
for Angola in Africa. This Bark was of 28 tons ; having 
some 17 persons in the same. There were in her, some 12 
II. K 5 



146 The Carrack fights 3 English ships, [^^p'-n- °°y;'J°^; 

butts of Galicia wine ; whereof we took into every ship a Hke 
Commodities P^^^ : with soHie Rusk in chests and barrels, with 
fit for Angola. 5 butts of blue coarsc cloth, and certain coarse 
linen cloth for Negroes' shirts ; which goods were divided 
among our Fleet. 

The 4th of May, we had sight of our Pinnace and the 
Admiral's shallop : which had taken three Portugal Caravels ; 
whereof they had sent two away, and kept the third. 

The 2nd of June, we had sight of St. Michael [,one of the 
Azores]. 

The 3rd day, in the morning, we sent our small Pinnace, 
which was of some 24 tons, with the small Caravel which we 
had taken at the Burlings, to range the road[s] [^/larbours] of 
all the Islands ; to see if they could get anything in the 
same: appointing them to meet us W.S.W. 12 leagues from 
Fayal. Their going from us was to no purpose. They 
missed coming to us, when we appointed : also we missed 
them, when we had great cause to have used them. 

The 13th of June, we met with a mighty Carrack of the 
East Indies, called Las Cinque Llagas, or The Five Wounds. 
The May Flozuer was in fight with her before night. I, in 
the Sampson^ fetched her up in the evening ; and (as I com- 
manded to give her the broad side, as we term it) while I 
stood very heedfully prying to discover her strength ; and 
where I might give counsel to board her in the night, when 
the Admiral came {sJiould come'\ up to us ; and, as I remember, 
at the very first shot she discharged at us, I was shot in a 
little above the belly ; whereby I was made unserviceable for 
a good while after, without [the Portuguese] touching \Jmrting\ 
any other for that night. 

Yet, by means of an honest true-hearted man which I had 
with me, one Captain GRANT, nothing was neglected. 

Until midnight, when the Admiral came up ; the May 
Flozver and the Sampson never left, by turns, to ply her with 
their great ordnance : but then Captain Cave wished us to 
stay till morning ; at what time each one of us should give 
her three bouts with our great ordnance, and so should clap 
her aboard. 

But indeed it was long lingered in the morning, until ten 
of the clock, before we attempted to board her. The Admiral 



Capt.N.Downton.-| -p^jj, EnGLISH BOARDERS BEATEN OFF. 147 

laid her aboard in the mid ship : the May Floiver coming up 
in the quarter, as it should seem, to lie at the stern of the 
Admiral on the larboard side. 

[William Anthonie,] the Captain of the said May 
Flower was slain at the first coming up : whereby the ship 
fell to the stern of the out-licar of the Carrack ; which, being 
a piece of timber, so wounded her Foresail, that they said 
they could come no more to [the] fight. I am sure they did 
not ; but kept aloof from us. 

The Sampson were aboard on the bow [of the Carrack] ; 
but having not room enough, our quarter lay on the \Royal\ 
Exchange's, and our bow on the Carrack's bow. 

The Exchange also, at the first coming, had her Captain, 
Master [George] Cave, shot in both the legs ; the one 
whereof he never recovered : so he, for that present, was not 
able to do his office ; and, in his absence, he had not any 
that would undertake to lead out his Company to enter upon 
the Enemy. 

My friend, Captain GRANT, did lead my men on the Car- 
rack's side ; which, being not manfully backed by the Ex- 
cha7ige's men, his forces being small, made the Enemy bolder 
than he would have been : whereby I had six men presently 
slain, and many more hurt ; which made them that remained 
unhurt to return aboard, and [they] would never more give 
the assault. I say not but some of the Exchange's men did 
very well : and many more, no doubt, would have done the 
like, if there had been any principal man to have put them 
forward, and to have brought all the Company to the fight ; 
and not to have run into corners themselves. But I must 
needs say that their ship [the Carrack] was as well provided 
for defence as any that I have seen. 

And the Portugals, peradventure encouraged by our slack 
working, played the men ; and had Barricadoes made where 
they might stand without any danger of our shot. They 
plied us also very much with fire, so that most of our men 
were burnt in some place or other : and while our men were 
putting out the fire, they would ever be plying them with 
small shot or darts. This unusual casting of fire did much 
dismay many of our men, and made them draw back as 
they did. 



148 Las Cinque Llagas is set on fire. [capt. n. Dowmon. 

When we had not men to enter ; we ph'ed our great 
ordnance much at them, as high up as they might be 
mounted : for otherwise we did them little harm. And by 
shooting a piece out of our forecastle, being close by her, we 
fired a mat on her beak-head : which [fire] more and more 
kindled, and ran from thence to the mat on the bowsprit ; 
and from the mat, up to the wood of the bowsprit ; and 
thence to the topsail-yard ; which fire made the Portugals 
abaft in the ship to stagger, and to make show oi parU. But 
they that had the charge before, encouraged them ; making 
show that it might easily be put out, and that it was nothing. 
Whereupon again they stood stiffly to their defence. 

Anon the fire grew so strong that I saw it [to be] beyond 
all help ; although she had been already yielded to us. 
Then we desired to be off from her, but had little hope to 
[have] obtained our desire. Nevertheless we plied water 
very much to keep our ship well. Indeed I made little other 
reckoning for the ship, myself, and divers hurt men ; [but] 
then to have ended there with the Carrack : but most of our 
people might have saved themselves in boats. And when 
my care was most, by GOD's Providence only, by the burn- 
ing asunder of our spritsail-yard with [its] ropes and sail, 
and the ropes about the spritsail-yard of the Carrack, 
whereby we were fast entangled, we fell apart ; with [the] 
burning of some of our sails which we had then on board. 

The Exchange also, being further from the fire, afterward 
was more easily cleared ; and fell off from abaft. 

As soon as GOD had put us out of danger, the fire got 
into the Fore-castle [of the Carrack] ; where, I think, was 
store of Benjamin \the gum Benzoin\ and such other like 
combustible matter : for it flamed and ran all over the Car- 
rack in an instant, in a manner. The Portugals leapt over- 
board in great numbers. 

Then sent I, Captain GRANT with the boat ; with leave to 
use his own discretion in saving of them. So he brought 
me aboard two Gentlemen : 

The one, an old man, called NUNO VELIO Pereira which, 
as appeareth by the P'ourth Chapter in the First Book of the 
worthy History of [J AN] HUYGHEN VAN LiNSCHOTEN, was 
Governor of Mozambique and Cefala \Sofald\ in the year 



Capt. N. Downwn.j \Yhy THE PORTUGUESE DID NOT YIELD. 1 49 

1582: and since that time, had been likewise a Governor in 
a place of importance in the East Indies. And the ship 
[a Carrack\ wherein he was coming home, was cast away a 
little to the east of the Cape of Buona Speranza [Cape of 
Good Hope] : and from thence, he travelled overland 
to Mozambique ; and came, as a passenger, in this 
Carrack. 

The other was called BRAS Carrero, and [he] was Captain 
of a Carrack which was cast away near Mozambique ; and 
[he] came likewise in this ship for a passenger. 

Also three men of the inferior sort we saved in our boat. 
Only these two we clothed, and brought into England. The 
rest, which were taken up by the other ships' boats, we set 
all on shore in the Isle of Flores : except some two or three 
Negroes ; whereof one was born in the Mozambique, and 
another in the East Indies. 

This fight was open off the Sound between Fayal and 
Pico ; six leagues to the southward. 

The people which we saved told us, That the cause why 
they would not yield was because this Carrack was for the 
King ; and that she had all the goods belonging to the King 
in the country \Indid\ for that year in her ; and that the 
Captain of her was in favour with the King ; and at his [next] 
return into the Indies, should have been Viceroy there. 

And withal this ship was nothing at all pestered ; neither 
within board, nor without : and was more like a Ship of War 
than otherwise. Moreover, she had the ordnance of a 
Carrack that was cast away at Mozambique, and the [Ship's] 
Company of her : together with the [Ship's] Company of 
another Carrack that was cast away a little to the eastward 
of the Cape of Buojia Speratiza. Yet through sickness, 
which they caught at Angola, where they watered ; they 
said. They had not now above 150 white men : but negroes, 
a great many. 

They likewise affirmed that they had three Noblemen aad 
three Ladies in her : but we found them to differ in most of 
their talk. 

All this day [14th June 1594] and all the night she 
burned : but, next morning, her powder, which was lowest, 



1 50 Las Cinque Llagas^\.o^^ to pieces. [capt.N.Dowmon. 

being 60 barrels, blew her abroad ; so that most of the ship 
did swim in parts above the water. 

Some of them say, That she was bigger than the Madre 
de Dios ; and some, That she was less. But she was much 
undermasted, and undersailed {carrying too little sail\ : yet 
she went well for a ship that was so foul. 

The shot which we [in the Samson] made at her in great 
ordnance, before we lay her aboard, might be at seven bouts 
[droadsides] which we had, and 6 or 7 shot at a bout, one 
with another, some 49 shots. The time we lay aboard [the 
Carrack] might be two hours. The shot which we dis- 
charged [while] aboard the Carrack, might be [that of] some 
24 sakers. 

And thus much may suffice concerning our dangerous 
conflict with that unfortunate Carrack. 

The last of June [1594], after long traversing of the seas, 
we had sight of another mighty Carrack ; which divers of 
our Company, at the first, took to be the great Sa?i Philip, 
the Admiral \or Flag Ship] of Spain ; but the next day, 
being the ist of July [1594], fetching her up, we perceived 
her indeed to be a Carrack : which, after some few shot 
bestowed upon her, we summoned to yield ; but they, stand- 
ing stoutly to their defence, utterly refused the same. 

Wherefore, seeing no good could be done without board- 
ing her, I consulted what course we should take in the 
boarding. But by reason that we, which were the chief 
Captains, were partly slain, and partly wounded, in the 
former conflict ; and because of the murmuring of some 
disordered and cowardly companions : our valiant and 
resolute determinations were crossed. And, to conclude 
a long discourse in few words, the Carrack escaped our 
hands. 

After this, attending about Corvo and Flores for some 
West Indian purchase [booty], and being disappointed of 
our expectation ; and victuals growing short, we returned 
to England : where I arrived at Portsmouth, the 28th of 
August [1594]. 



STRANGE AND 

WONDERFUL THINGS 



happened to Richard Hasleton, 
born at Braintree in Essex, 
in his Ten years Travels in many- 
foreign countries. 

PENNED AS HE DELIVERED 

it from his own mouth. 



* 



^ 



LONDON, 

Printed by A. I. [Abel Jeffes] for William Barley, 

and are to be sold at his shop in Gratious 

\Graccchurc]i\ street, near Leaden Hall. 

1595. 



[The following Text has been printed from the only extant copy 
of the original edition, by the kind permission of WAKEFIELD 
Christie-Miller, Esq. of Britwell Court, Bucks.] 



151 




To the Worshipful Master Richard Stapar^ one of 

the Worshipful Company of Merchants Adventurers 

of this honourahle city of London, trading to Turkey 

and the Eastern Kingdoms. 

Your Worship's faithful well-wilier W[illiam] Barley 

wisheth all fortunate and happy success in all your 

enterprises, with increase of worldly worship ; 

and, after death, the joys unspeakable. 

[OrSHIPFUL Sir. The many reports of your rare 
virtues generally spoken of all honest travellers 
who hath tasted the benefit of your bounty : not 

I only in our home born country where you 
have your residence ; but in those far countries where 
your honest Factors trade. By whose worshipful and 
express command given [to] them, and the good they daily 
do for all men which seek them ; your Worship is accounted 
and called the Pattern of Bounty : especially of such as are, 
in their travail distressed with want ; which with money 
are relieved, as well as [with] other great cost [that] their 
\the Factors'^ favour or friendship can procure. So that 
not only the poor and needy are pleasured thereby ; but 
those that swim in most abundance. All proceeding of 
your most kind and courteous disposition. 




152 Epistle to Master Richard Stapers. [^^" ^Tjg^: 

The remembrance of which [having] moved a longing 
desire in me, in some sort, to explain your worthiness and 
fame, by your bounty gained : it had never such opportunity 
until this time when, perusing my store of Papers and 
Writings of sundry men's labours, I chanced on this 
pamphlet ; which importeth the troublesome travails of our 
near neighbour, bom at Braintree in Essex, named RICHARD 
Hasleton. Whose miseries as they were many (being in 
the hands both of Christian and heathen enemies, for GOD 
and our country's cause ; and his escapes from death so 
often, and so wonderful) ; with the constant enduring of the 
same : his preservation ; and safe return to England, where 
his longing desire so often wished him. 

All which considered, with your Worship's love to all 
travellers, emboldened me the rather under your Worship's 
patronage to publish the same ; especial zeal procuring me 
thereunto. And partly in regard of your many favours to the 
said Hasleton in his miseries extended ; [and partly] that 
your Worship's good ensample may lighten others to such 
good actions. 

Hoping your Worship will accept of it no less friendly 
than I offer it willingly : which if you do, then is my desire 
satisfied, and myself rest bounden to your Worship's worthi- 
ness. Ever beseeching the Giver of all good to increase the 
number of such worthy-minded subjects ; by whom our 
Prince and countr}^ are, in foreign parts, so much honoured. 

Your Worship's 
To command in what I may, 

William Barley. 




153 

The miserable Captivity of Richard 

Hasleton-, born at Braintree 

in Essex, 



N the year 1582, departing the English 
coast toward[s] the end of May, in a ship 
of London called the Mary Mar-ten (one 
of the owners [of which] was a citizen of 
London named Master Eastwoode ; the 
other of them, named Master ESTRIDGE, 
dwelling at Limehouse), being laden and 
bound for Petrach [^Patras], a town of 
mart, being within the dominion of the Turk : where we 
safely arrived and made our mart. 

And within eight and twenty days were laden homeward ; 
and presently we weighed anchor, and set sail. And coming 
out of the Gulf of Lepanto, [we] grounded upon a rock, lying 
on the larboard side ; being in very great danger, [and] in 
doubt to lose both ship and goods : yet it pleased GOD that 
we recovered. 

Then, about the midst of the month of July [1582], 
we came right before Cape de Gatte [^Cabo de Gat a, riear 
Almeria, m Spaifi] when, having a very small wind, we 
descried two galleys : whereupon the Master commanded 
the Gunner to put forth the ordnance, and to heave the skiff 
overboard. 

Then did the Gunner demand of the Master to make a 
a shot : which he granted. Then did he bestow eight and 
twenty shot, but to no purpose : for the enemy lay very far 
out. 

Now when we saw our shot and powder spent so much in 
waste, some of our company cried to our Master to shew the 
Turks' Letters : but he would not ; but commanded the 
Gunner still to shoot. 

For now the gallies were within shot, and did shoot at us, 



154 Hasleton five years a galley slave. [^""^'^J"": 

both with great shot and muskets. And presently both our 
Gunners were slain, both with one shot ; and some others 
maimed, whereby we were in great doubt : for the gallies 
lying on both sides of us, one of them had shot us under 
water, whereby our ship was foundered before we perceived. 

Then we perceiving the ship to sink from us ; such as 
were wariest leapt into the skiff, as many as it was able to 
bear : the rest leaping overboard, such as could swim saved 
themselves, going aboard the gallies ; the others were 
drowned. 

Now I being the last man upon the hatches, because I was 
at the stern, and being sore hurt with a musket shot ; the 
Turks [having] made haste to board our ship, hoping to save 
some of our goods : two of them came aboard. The first 
came to me, and took me by the bosom. I drew out my 
knife very speedily, and thrust him into the body ; and so 
slew him. The other was gone down into the ship, where I 
left him ; for even then was the ship sinking from me. 

Wherefore I betook myself to swimming ; and turning me 
about to see the ship, I could see nothing thereof but only 
the flag. Then did I swim to the gallies ; and laying hold 
upon an oar, got into the galley. 

When I was aboard, I was stripped of my clothes. Then 
presently was I commanded to the poop, to talk with the 
Captain : who inquired of me. Whether I was a Merchant 
[i.e., tJie Supercargo of tJie ship'] ? Which because I would 
not confess, he gave me 1 5 strokes with a cudgel, and then 
put me in the galley's hold : where I was six days, takin,^ 
very little sustenance ; lying in extreme pains, by reason of 
my hurts which I had received in the fight ; and with 
anguish, for my hard hap. 

About three months after [? October 1582], the gallies 
returned to Argire [Algiers'] ; where immediately after my 
landing I was sold for 66 doubles [the Double Pistoles or 
Doubloons ; equal according to page 174 to £\, 1 4 J. then ; or 
say ;i{^20 now]. 

Then did I fall into extreme sickness for ten days' space ; 
notwithstanding [which] I was sent to sea by my Master to 
whom I was sold, to labour in the gallies at an oar's end : 
where I remained three months [ ? November 1582 to January 



K. Hasleton.-| HaSLETON WRECKED ON FORMENTERA. I 55 

1583], being very feeble and weak, by reason my sickness 
continued the most part of that time ; yet was I constrained 
either to labour, or else to lose my head. I had no other 
choice. 

Then the galHes returning home to Argire [Al^^iers], after 
my coming on shore I was in a marvellous weakness ; what 
with continual labour, with beating, and with sickness : 
which endured three months [? Fedruary to April 1583], 
being in a most miserable estate without all succour seeing 
no man to pity my misery ; having no nourishment but only 
bread and water and [of] that but small quantity, no apparel 
on me but a thin shirt and a pair of linen breeches, and 
lodged in a stable on the cold ground. Thus I, being almost 
in despair ever to recover, yielded myself to the will of 
Almighty GOD ; whom it pleased, in the end, to give me a 
little strength. 

And after, for the space of two \or ratJier four years] or 
more {^ April 1583 to April 1587], I was divers times at my 
labour at the oar's end, after my accustomed manner ; till 
(such time our fleet of gallies meeting with the gallies of 
Genoa near the Christian shore ; and they following us in 
chase) it chanced, [about April 1587] by reason of tempest, 
that our galley was cast away near the west side of the island 
[of] Formentera. 

There were in it, of Christians and Turks, to the number 
of 250 ; which were all drowned except 15 : of which myself, 
with two others, with great difficulty brake our chains ; and 
taking hold of an oar, we escaped to the shore, not without 
great danger of drowning. 

We being now gotten to land, and accompanied both with 
Turks and Christians ; we took our rest under bushes and 
thickets. The Turks were very unwilling to depart with 
{separate from'\ us ; thinking to find some other galley of the 
company to take us aboard, and carry us back to Argire 
lAlgiers\. 

But we, hoping now to get our liberties, conveyed ourselves 
as secretly as we could into the woods ; and went unto a 
rock, and with sharp stones we did beat off our irons : and 
fled immediately to the Christians, and yielded ourselves. 



156 Hasleton is brought to Palma. [^'-"I'S: 

But one of them which escaped with me, who was born in 
Sclavony [? Slavonia], told them, That I was an English 
Lutheran. 



Then was I presently carried aboard a galley of Genoa, 
and put in chains. 

And, upon the morrow, was I sent over into the Isle of 
Iviza, being within the jurisdiction of Majorca : which are all 
in the dominion of Spain. 

There was I imprisoned in the High Tower of the Town 
Castle [of the town of Iviza], with a pair of bolts upon my 
heels, and a clasp of iron about my neck, there hanging a 
chain at the clasp : where I remained nine days, fed with a 
little bread and water. 

Now because I had in no respect offended them ; I 
demanded. Wherefore they molested me ? saying, It was 
contrary to [the] law and the profession of Christians. 

Then did they ask me, If I had spoken anything against 
the King, and against the Church of Rome ? 

I answered, " Nothing ! " 

Then they told me, I should be sent to Majorca, to answer 
before the Inquisition. 

Then the Justice, or Chief Officer, of Iviza brought me 
back to Genoa ; requesting to have me chained in a galley : 
which the Captain did, asking the Justice, Who should be my 
surety for running away ? 

He demanded, If there were not a spare chain ? 

He said, " Yes." Then he commanded a chain to be brought 
forth ; and chained me at the -sixth oar before : where I 
rowed until we came to the Port of Spine [later called 
Portpin ; noiv the Bay of Palma] in Majorca, guarding me 
with 14 gal lies. 

Then were the Officers of the Inquisition sent for by the 
Captain, which came the second day after our coming there 
[?>., to Palma'] : and at their coming, they offered me the 
Pax, which I refused to touch. 

Whereupon they reviled me, and called me " Lutheran ! " 
[And] taking me presently out of the galley, carried me 



R. HasIeton.-| HaSLETON TRIED IN THE InQUISITON. I57 

on shore in Majorca : and finding the Inquisitor walking in 
the market place, [they] presented me to him, saying, " Here 
is the prisoner ! " 

He immediately commanded me to prison ; whither they 
carried me, and put a pair of shackles on my heels. Where I 
remained two days. 

Then was I brought forth into a church, where the 
Inquisitor sat usually in judgement. Who being ready set, 
commanded me to kneel down and to do homage to certain 
images which were before me. 

I told him, " I would not do that which I knew to be 
contrary to the commandments of Almighty God ; neither 
had I been brought up in the Roman law, neither would I 
submit myself to it." 

He asked me, Why I would not ? 

I answered, " That whereas in England, where I was born 
and brought up, the Gospel was truly preached ; and main- 
tained by a most gracious Princess : therefore I would not 
now commit idolatry, which is utterly condemned by the 
Word of God." 

Then he charged me to utter the truth, otherwise I should 
abide the smart. 

Then was a stool set, and he commanded me to sit down 
before him ; and offered me the cross, bidding me reverently 
to lay my hand upon it, and urged me instantly to do it : 
which moved me so much, that I did spit in the Inquisitor's 
face ; for which the Scribe gave me a good buffet on the face. 

So, for that time, we had no more reasoning. For the 
Inquisitor did ring a little bell to call the Keeper ; and [he] 
carried me to ward again. 

And the third day, I was brought forth again to the place 
aforesaid. 

Then the Inquisitor asked me, What I had seen in the 
churches of England ? 

I answered. That I had seen nothing in the Church of 
England but the Word of God truly preached. 

Then he demanded. How I had received the Sacraments ? 

I replied, That I had received them according to the 
institution of CHRIST : that is, I received the bread in 



158 Hasleton threatened with death. P 



Hasleton. 



remembrance that CHRIST in the flesh died upon the cross 
for the redemption of man. 

" How," said he, " hast thou received the wine? " 

Whereto I repHed and said, That I received the wine in 
remembrance that Christ shed his blood to wash away our 
sins. 

He said, It was in their manner? 

I said, " No." 

Then he charged me to speak the truth, or I should die 
for it. 

I told him, " 1 did speak the truth ; and would speak the 
truth: for," said I, "it is better for me to die guiltless than 
guilty." 

Then did he, with great vehemency, charge me again to 
speak the truth ; and sware by the Catholic Church of Rome, 
that if I did not, I should die in fire. 

Then I said, " If I died in the faith which I had confessed, 
I should die guiltless : " and told him he had made a vain 
oath. And so I willed him to use no circumstance to 
dissuade me from the truth : " for you cannot prevail. 
Though I be now in your hands, where you have power over 
my body ; yet have you no power over my soul." I told him, 
he made a long matter far from the truth. 

For which, he said I should die. 

Then he bade me say what I could to save myself. 

Where I replied, as followeth : Touching the manner of 
the receiving of Sacraments, where he said " it was like to 
theirs": "you," said I, "when you receive the bread, say it 
is the very body of CHRIST ; and likewise you affirm the 
wine to be his very blood." Which I denied ; saying it was 
impossible for a mortal man to eat the material body of 
Christ, or to drink his blood. 

Then he said, I had blasphemed the Catholic Church. 

I answered, That I had said nothing against the true 
Catholic Church ; but altogether against the false Church. 

He asked, How I could prove it ? saying if I could not 
prove it, I should die a most cruel death. 

Note, by the way, that when any man is in durance for 
religion ; he is called to answer before no open assembly : 
but only in the presence of the Inquisitor, the Secretary, and 



^■"^?i593'] Hasleton shall tell another tale ! 159 

the Solicitor whom they term the Broker. The cause is, as 
I take it, because they doubt [fear] that very many of their 
own people would confess the Gospel, if they did but see and 
understand their absurd dealing. 

Again, to the matter. Because it was so secret, they 
urged me to speak the more. 

Then he inquired, Whether I had ever been confessed ? 

I said, " Yes." 

He demanded, " To whom ? " 

I said, "To GOD." 

He asked me, If I had ever confessed to any Friar? 

I said, " No, for I do utterly defy them. For how can he 
forgive me my sins, which is himself a sinner ; as all other 
men are." 

" Yes," said he, " he which confesseth himself to a Friar, 
who is a Father, may have remission of his sins by his 
mediation." 

" Which," I said, " I would never believe." 

Wherefore seeing they could seduce me, by no means, 
to yield to their abominable idolatry ; the Secretary cried, 
" Away with him ! " The Inquisitor and he frowned very 
angerly on me for the answers which I had given : and said. 
They would make me tell another tale. 

So, at the ringing of a little bell, the Keeper came and 
carried me to ward again. 

At my first Examination, when the Keeper should lead 
me away ; the Inquisitor did bless me with the cross : but 
never after. 

Two days after was I brought again, and set upon a stool 
before the Inquisitor. 

He bade me ask viisericordium. 

I told him, " I would crave mercy of Jesus Christ who 
died for my sins. Other misericordium would I crave 
none ! " 

Then he commanded me to kneel before the altar. 

I said, " I would : but not to pray to any image. For 

your altar is adorned with many painted images which were 

fashioned by the hands of sinful men : which have mouths, 

and speak not ; ears, and hear not ; noses, and smell not ; 

II. l 5 



i6o Christians more cruel than Turks, [^-"^nsg"; 

hands, and handle not ; feet have they, and walk not — 
which GOD doth not allow at his altar, for he hath utterly- 
condemned them by his Word." 

Then he said, I had been wrong[ly] taught. " For," said 
he, " whosoever shall see these figures in earth may the 
better remember him in heaven whose likeness it doth 
represent, who would be a Mediator to GOD for us." 

But I replied. That all images were an abomination to 
the Lord : for he hath condemned them in express words 
by his own mouth, saying, " Thou shalt not make thyself any 
graven image, &c." 

" Yes," said he, " but we have need of a Mediator to make 
intercession for us : for we are unworthy to pray to GOD 
ourselves, because we are vile sinners." 

I said, "There was no Mediator but jESUS CllRIST." 

Where, after many absurd reasons and vain persuasions, 
he took a pause. 

Then I asked him. Why he kept me so long in prison, 
which never committed offence to them : knowing very well 
that I had been captive in Argire [A/Tiers'] near[ly] five 
years space [/u/y 1582 /o April 1587] : saying, "That when 
GOD, by his merciful providence, had, through many great 
dangers, set me in a Christian country, and delivered me 
from the cruelty of the Turks : when I thought to find such 
favour as one Christian oweth to another, I found them now 
more cruel than the Turks, not knowing any cause Why." 

" The cause," said he, " is because the King hath wars 
with the Queen of England." 

For at that instant \_April 1587], there was their Army 
[^Armado] prepared ready to go for England. Whereupon 
they would, divers times, give me reproachful words ; saying. 
That I should hear shortly of their arrival in England. With 
innumerable vain brags, which I omit for brevity. 

Then did I demand, "If there were not peace between the 
King and the Queen's Majesty ; whether they would keep 
me still ? " 

" Yea," said he, " unless thou wilt submit thyself to the 
faith of the Romish Church." So he commanded me away. 

I asked. Wherefore he sent for me ; and to send me away, 
not alleging any matter against me ? 



K. Hasleton.-| ^ YEAR AT THE BOTTOM OF A DRY WELL. l6l 

He said, I should have no other matter alleged but that 
which I had spoken with mine own mouth. 

Then I demanded, " Why they would have the Romish 
Church to have the supremacy ? " 

Whereto he would make no answer. 

Then I asked, "If they took me to be a Christian ? " 

" Yes," said he, " in some respect[s] ; but you are out of 
the faith of the true Church." 

Then the Keeper took me to prison again. 

And after, for the space of three weeks, I was brought 
forth to answer three several times every week. At which 
times they did sometimes threaten me with death, some 
while with punishment ; and many times they attempted to 
seduce me with fair words and promises of great preferment : 
but when they saw nothing would draw me from the Truth, 
they called me " shameless Lutheran ! " saying many times, 
" See, he is of the very blood of Luther ! He hath his 
very countenance ! " with many other frivolous speeches. 

After all this, he commanded to put me in the dungeon 
within the Castle [z.e. of Palma\ five fathoms \^ofeei\ under 
ground ; giving me, once a day, a little bread and water. 

There remained I one whole year \April 1587 to April 
1588], lying on the bare ground, seeing neither sun nor 
moon ; no, not hearing man woman nor child speak, but 
only the Keeper which brought my small victual. 



It happened about the year's end, upon the Feast of 
Phillip and Jacob \^James\ being the first day of May 
[1588], that a pretty boy, being the Keeper's son, came to 
give me my ordinary food ; which he used sometimes to do. 

Now, when he opened the [trap] door, and had let down 
the basket ; I asked, " Who was there ? " 

He answered by his name, saying, " Here is MATTHEW ! " 

I asked him, " Where his father was ? " 

" He is gone to Mass," said he. So he let down the trap 
door, and went his way ; leaving the rope with the basket 
hanging still. , 



1 62 Hasleton cannot get out of Palma. [ 



R. Hasleton. 
? 1593- 



And forasmuch as I lay without all comfort, reposing 
myself only unto GOD'S Providence ; yet unwilling to lose 
any opportunity that lay in me, if GOD were pleased, 
whereby I might be delivered. So soon as I heard the boy 
was gone : I jumped up and took hold of the rope, and 
wound myself up to the [trap] door. Setting my foot 
against the wall, with my shoulders did I lift the trap door. 

Now when I was aloft, and saw no man ; for they were 
gone to see some ceremonies of their idolatrous exercises in 
the city, I knew [of] no way to escape away ; being now in 
the midst of the way : wherefore it was impossible to convey 
myself [away] so secretly, but I should be espied. 

Wherefore, for a present shift, I went secretly into a void 
[afz ernpty'\ room of the Castle \i.e. of Pabnd\ where lay great 
store of lime and earth : where I tied an old cloth, which I 
had, about my head and face to keep the dust out of vcy 
eyes and ears ; and so did I creep into the lime, and covered 
myself so well as I could, lying there till towards midnight. 

And then hearing no man stirring, I got up, and sought 
some way to get forth : but could find none. Then, being 
greatly perplexed, I bent myself to the good pleasure of 
Almighty GOD ; making my humble prayers that he would, 
of his mercy, vouchsafe to deliver me out of this miserable 
thraldom. 

And, searching to and fro, in the end I came where three 
great horses stood, tied by the head and feet. Then did I 
unloose the halters from their heads, and the ropes from 
their legs ; and went to the Castle wall. When I had tied 
them end to end, I made it \tJie rope] fast to the body of a 
vine which grew upon the wall : and by it did I strike 
myself over the wall into the town ditch : where I was 
constrained to swim about forty paces, before I could get 
forth of the ditch. 

Then walked I to and fro in the city [Palind] two hourSj 
seeing no man : neither could I devise any way forth. 

Wherefore I returned back again to the town ditch, to see 
if I could find any way to bring me without the town walls : 
and following the ditch, at the last I perceived, by the noise 
of the water, that there was a Water Gate through the wall ; 
where I searched and found that the issue of the water was 
under the wall. 



'fjgg'] ^E DIVES UNDER THE WaTER GaTE. 1 63 

Then did I very venturously enter the water, and diving 
under water got into the Water Gate : and suddenly the 
force of the water did drive me through with such violence, 
that it cast me headlong against another wall on the outside ; 
which with the blow did much amaze me. 

Yet, by the help of GOD, I recovered, swimming down 
the ditch till I came where was a trough or pipe ; which I 
took to be laid over the ditch, to convey some fresh water 
spring into the city. 

There did I climb up a post which bare the same, and got 
upon the top of the pipe : where some of the Watch, being 
near the wall, perceived me ; but could not any way come 
near to me. 

Then cried they, in their tongue, " Who is there ? " three 
or four times ; but I made no answer, but crept as fast as I 
could to get off the pipe to land : where, before I could get 
down, they shot some of their muskets after me ; but, 
thanked be GOD, none of the shot did hit me. 

Thus, with great difficulty, I escaped out of the city ; and 
went about six miles from thence before the day brake. 

Then I went into a thick wood. For I perceived there 
were very many sent forth, with hue and cry, both footmen 
and horsemen, to apprehend me. Therefore I lay still the 
day and night following. 

And after, for seven days' space [yd-gth May 1588], I 
wandered through desert ways, among woods and bushes. 
Many times, as 1 came near the Port ways [i.e. the roads to 
the seaport Palma\ I heard the pursuers inquiring after me ; 
demanding of divers. Whether they had seen me pass ? 
Some were very earnest to take me ; others wishing that I 
might escape : for very many times I was so near them that 
I heard every word they spake. 

Thus I imagined, by all possible means, to avoid [escape 
front] the hands of these unmerciful tyrants ; being in great 
extremity with hunger and cold. For since the time I came 
out of the prison, which was at the least eight days, I had 
none other sustenance but berries, which I gathered from 
the bushes ; and the roots of palm [trees] and other like 
roots, which I digged out of the earth : and no other apparel 
but an old linen cloth about my body, and a red cap on my 



164 Hasleton's ten days in the woods, [^""fijg": 

head ; without either hose, shoes, or other furniture. So 
that, by reason the way was very hard, I was forced to cut 
my cap in two ; and [to] lap it about my feet, to defend 
them from the sharp stones and gravel. 

Thus travelling for the most part by night, I chanced to 
come where there was a house standing alone ; and near the 
house there stood a cart wherein lay certain horse collars. 
Where searching among them, I found the collars lined 
with sheepskins : which skins I rent from the collars, and 
apparelled myself with them in this manner : 

I put one piece before me like a breastplate, and another 
on my shoulders and back ; with the woolly side towards 
my body : tying them together over my shoulders and under 
my arms with Palmite, which is a weed like to that whereof 
our hand baskets are made ; which is well known to such as 
have travelled [in] those parts. And with another piece I 
made me a cap. 

And in these seemly ornaments I passed forth, till about 
three days after [? I2t/i May 1588], very early in a morning, 
most unhappily 1 crossed an highway, where a countryman, 
travelling with a mule laden with rundlets of wine, espied 
me, and demanded of me, Whither I was bound ? 

I said, I was going to Coothea \_Alcudia, 31 miles from 
Palma\ which is a town lying on the shore side. 

But he, suspecting me to be the man which was pursued, 
bade me stay. 

But I went onward. 

He ran after me, and threw stones at me : but I (not 
being able to overrun him, being very feeble) turned back ; 
and, with a pole which I carried, began to defend m}'self, 
striking at him three or four times. At the last I thrust 
at him, and hit him on the breast, and overthrew him: 
whereupon he made a horrible cry. 

And immediately there came to the number of fifteen 
more : some having swords ; some, harquebuses ; and others, 
crossbows. When I was thus beset, knowing no way to 
escape, I yielded myself. 

Then they bound me hands and feet, laid me on a 
mule, and carried me back again to \Palvid\ the city of 
Majorca ; delivering me to the Inquisitor : who, when he had 



R. Hasieton.-| Hasleton IN THE Place of Torment. 165 

sent me to prison, commanded a pair of bolts to be put 
on my legs, and an iron clasp about my neck, with a 
chain of five fathoms [30 feet\ long hanging thereat ; which 
was done accordingly. 

And on the morrow [? i^^th May 1588], I was brought 
forth to the accustomed place, and in the same manner: 
where the Inquisitor sitting, asked first, Why I had broken 
prison, and run away ? 

I said, " To save my life." 

" Yea," said he, " but now thou hast offended the law 
more than before ; and therefore shall the law be now 
executed upon thee." 

Then I was carried away again. And immediately there 
was called an assembly of citizens, and such as were seen 
in the Law, to counsel, and to take advice. What punish- 
ment they might inflict upon me ? 

Which being deliberated, 1 was brought forth again ; 
and carried to the Place of Torment : which was in a 
cell or vault underground. 

There were present but four persons, that is to say. 
The Inquisitor, 

The Solicitor, or Broker, who is to see the law executed. 
A Dutch woman that dwelt in the city ; who was 
commanded thither to tell them what I spake ; because 
I spake many times in the Dutch tongue. 
And lastly, the Tormentor. 

The rack now standing ready before them ; with seven 
flaxen ropes lying thereon, newfly] bought from the market. 

Then the Inquisitor charged me, as at all other times 
he used to do, That I should speak what I had to say, 
and to speak the truth ; otherwise I should be even now 
tormented to death. 

I, seeing myself in the hands of such cruel tyrants as 
always thirst after the blood of the innocent ; even as Cain 
(who being wroth with his brother Abel, and carrying 
a heavy countenance) could be no way eased but with his 
brother's blood: so I, past hope of life, turned my back towards 
them, and seeing my torments present before me, I fell 
down on my knees, and besought the Lord to forgive my 
sins, and to strengthen my faith, and to grant me patience 
to endure to the end. 



1 66 Savage CRUELTY OF THE Inquisition, [^-"^ffsg": 

Then they took me into a void room, and stripped me 
out of my ornaments of sheepskins which I repeated \spoke 
of] before ; and put a pair of strong canvas breeches upon me. 

Then bringing me to the rack again, he commanded 
me to He down. The bars of the rack under me were as 
sharp as the back of a knife. 

Now I, wilHngly yielding myself, lay down. Then the 
Tormentor bound my hands over my breast crosswise ; 
and my legs clasped up together, were fast tied the one 
foot to the other knee. Then he fastened to either arm 
a cord, about the brawn of the arm ; and likewise to either 
thigh another ; which were all made fast again under the 
rack to the bars : and with another cord he bound down 
my head ; and [he] put a hollow cane into my mouth. 
Then he put four cudgels into the ropes which were fastened 
to my arms and thighs. 

Now the woman which was present, being interpreter, 
began to persuade me to yield, and confess the faith of 
the Church of Rome. 

I answered, " If it were the will of GOD that I should 
end my life under their cruel hands, I must be content : 
but, if it please him, he is able to deliver me, if there were 
ten thousands against me." 

Then the Tormentor, as he was commanded, began to 
wrest the ropes ; which he did by little and little, to augment 
my pains, and to have them endure the longer : but, in 
the end, he drew them with such violence as though he 
would have plucked my four quarters in sunder ; and there 
stayed a good space. 

Yet to declare their tyrannical malice, thinking my 
torment not sufficient, he added more : pouring water 
through a cane which was in my mouth, by little and little, 
which I was constrained either to let down, or to have 
my breath stopped until they had tunned in such [a] 
quantity as was not tolerable to endure ; which pained 
me extremely. 

Yet not satisfied, they took and wet a linen cloth, and 
laid it over my mouth till I was almost strangled ; when 
my body, being thus overcharged with such abundance 
of water, after they had thus stopped my breath with the 
wet cloth, suddenly with the force of my breath and that 



"Farewell wife, children, and England!" 167 

my stomach was so much overcharged, the water gushed 
out, and bare away the cloth as if had been the force of 
a conduit spout. 

When the Inquisitor saw that all this would not make 
me yield, he commanded the Tormentor for to wind the 
cord on my left arm more strait[ly] ; which put me 
to horrible pains. And immediately the rope burst in 
sunder. 

Then said the Inquisitor, " Yea, is he so strong ? I will 
make him yield!": and commanded the Tormentor to 
put a new rope. 

Then the woman again bade me yield ; saying, It were 
better to yield than to die so miserable a death. 

But I, beseeching Almighty GOD to ease me of my pains, 
and to forgive my sins, answered her, That though they 
had power over my body : yet there was no torment should 
compel me to yield to their idolatry, whereby I might 
bring my soul in danger of hell fire. 

Then the Inquisitor asked her. What I said ? 
She answered. That I had said I would never submit 
myself to the Church of Rome. 

Then did he most vehemently charge me to yield and 
submit myself to the Romish Church : otherwise he would 
pluck off one of my arms. 

Whereupon I denying still, the Tormentor, in most 
cruel manner, wrested the ropes as if he would have rent 
my body in sunder. I (being now in intollerable pains ; 
and looking for nothing but present [msiant] death) cried 
out, in the extremity of my anguish, " Now, farewell wife 
and children ! and farewell England !": and so, not able to 
utter one word more, lay even senseless. 

The Inquisitor asked the woman again. What I said ? 
She laid her hand upon my head, and perceiving that 
I was speechless, told him, I was dead. 

Wherefore the Tormentor loosed the ropes, unbound 
my hands and feet, and carried me into a chamber which 
they termed St. Walter's Chamber. Where I came to 
myself, and received some sense and reason ; but could have 
no feeling of any limb or joint. Thus I lay n a most 
lamentable and pitiful manner for five days[? 14/7^-18^/^ May 
1588], having a continual issue of blood and water forth of 



1 68 Hasleton whipped all through Palma. [^- "•''j'' 



Hasleton. 
593- 



my mouth all that space, and being so feeble and weak, by 
reason of my torments, that I could take no sustenance. 

Till the sixth day [? igth May 1588] a little recovering 
my strength, they gave me a little quantity of bread and 
wine sod[den] together : and presently, the very same day, 
they carried me forth into the city, and set me upon an ass's 
back, and whipped me throughout every street of [Palnid] 
the city of Majorca ; giving me to the number of five 
hundred lashes, which made the blood to run down my 
miserable carcase in such abundance that it dropped at the 
belly of the ass to the ground. Now there were carried with 
me about the city very many harlots and whores and other 
malefactors which had offended the law ; but none punished 
like me. 

After this, they carried me to the chamber \_St. Walters 
Chamber] from whence I came : where I lay without all 
worldly comfort. 



Can any man, which understandeth the absurd blindness 
and wilful ignorance of these Spanish tyrants or Romish 
monsters, think them to be of the true Church ? which 
defend their faith with fire, sword, and hellish torments, 
without remorse or pity ; as you may perceive by a manifest 
trial here set down to the open view of the World. For 
when these hell-hounds had tormented this miserable 
creature, as you have heard, with a monstrous and most 
unchristian kind of torment : which he endured for the space 
of three hours, till [he] was at the very point of death and 
ready to yield up the ghost : they (not yet satisfied with 
these torments, which he had suffered already) reserved his 
life, minding to increase his pains ; which they were nothing 
slack to perform so long as he remained in their power. 



Now the second night after they had whipped me about 
the city as aforesaid [? the night of the 20th May 1588], 
about midnight, I recounting to myself in what misery I 
both did and had remained ; I thought to put in practice 
once again to get my liberty, craving of the Lord, with 
hearty prayer, to assist me with his mighty hand. 



'^^ ""'fisw'] Hasleton again gets out of Palm a. 169 

And immediately searching about, I found an old iron 
stub ; with the which I brake a hole through the chamber 
wall : and crept through into another chamber ; where I 
felt in the dark many pieces of plate, which I little regarded. 
After, I found many towels and table napkins. 

Then, seeking further, I found a long cane whereon there 
hung many puddings and sausages. I plucked down the 
cane, but had little mind on the victual. Then I found 
certain knives. 

Then I espied some light at a great window in a garret 
or loft over me. Wherefore I tied a crooked knife to the 
cane, and thrust up a long towel : and with the knife at 
the end of the cane, I drew the towel about a bar of 
the window, and drew it to me : and with that towel I did 
climb up into the window. But then I could not get forth 
between the bars, wherefore I digged forth one of the bars ; 
and tied my towels and napkins together end to end, and 
fastened one end to a bar of the window : and then did 
slide down by them till I came within three or four fathoms 
[18 or 24 feet\ of the ground : when the towels brake in 
sunder, and I fell down into a well which was direct[ly] 
under me, where I was almost drowned. Yet it pleased 
GOD to deliver me. 

And being then in the city, without the Castle walls ; 
I, knowing no other way to get out, went again to the 
town ditch : where I got through the Water Gate with less 
peril than before, by reason there was less water than [there] 
was the other time. 

Then went I, with all speed into the woods ; lying all 
days in [the] woods as close as 1 could, and travelled by 
nights through woods and mountains. 

And upon the third night \i.e. after his escape, say tJie 
night of the 2'^rd May 1588], about midnight, 1 happened 
into an olive garden, not above half a bow shot from the 
sea-side ; in which garden I found a little skiff or boat 
lying under a pomgranate tree : and there lay in the boat a 
hatchet. All which served happily for my delivery. 

Now I, being unable to carry the boat to the water-side, 
did cut small truncheons of wood ; and upon them did 
slide it down to the water-side. Then I cut an arm \a 



lyo Escapes in a boat to Bougiah Bay. [^" "''ff593. 

dranc/i] of an olive tree, to make my boat a mast ; and, 
having no other shift, made a sail-cloth with my breeches 
and a piece of [a] mantle which I had about me. And 
for [decm/se] my oars were very mean, yet durst 1 stay to 
look for no better, but presently set sail ; and, yielding 
myself to the good pleasure of Almighty GOD, betook 
myself to the sea : willing rather to abide what the Lord 
would lay on me, than to die among these most cruel tyrants. 

And by the providence of GOD, upon the second day 
[? 2$i(/i May 1588], in the forenoon, I descried the Coast 
of Barbary : for the wind stood north-east [or rather north- 
west], which served me most happily. 

Understand that this cut is, from shore to shore \tJiat is, 
from some point in Majorca to the east side of the Bay of 
Bougiah'] 1 50 [or rather 70] leagues, which is 450 [or, at most, 
say 210] English miles ; and at that time [there was] a 
very rough sea ; insomuch if it had not been by the great 
and wonderful power of GOD, my vessel and I had both 
been overwhelmed. 



But I fell in with the country of Cabyles [i.e., the Little 
Kabylia, in the present Province of Co7istantine\, commonly 
called the King of Cookooe's land, near a town called Gigeley 
[the present fijelli\\ where I went on shore, leaving my boat 
to swim which way the wind and weather would conduct it ; 
thinking it had done me sufficient service. 

But see now, when I had escaped through the surges of 
the sea from the cruelty of the Spaniard, I was no sooner 
landed and entered the mountains but I was espied by the 
Moors which inhabit the country ; who pursued very 
earnestly to take me ; supposing me to be come from the 
Christian shore to rob in their coast. 

For, many times, the Spaniards will pass over in some 
small vessel, and go on shore ; and if they can catch 
any men of the country, they will carry them away 
to make galley slaves : wherefore the Moors are very 
diligent to pursue them at their landing ; and if it 
chance they take any Christian, they use him in like sort. 

Wherefore I, being very unwilling to fall into their hands, 
was constrained to go into a river, which ran between two 



R. Hasle^on.-J ^^^ CHARITY OF A GOOD OLD MoOR. I7I 

mountains ; and there to stand in water up to the chin, 
where the bushes and trees did grow most thick over me: where 
I stood certain hours, until they had left searching for me. 

Now when I perceived they were departed, I went out 
of the water, being very feeble ; for I ate nothing all that 
time but the bark of the trees, which I cut with my hatchet. 
I went forth as secretly as I could, minding to pass to 
Argire [Algiers]. 

I had not gone above three miles, when I espied a Moor, 
a very well favoured old man, who was weeding a field of 
wheat. 

I spake to him in the tongue of Franke [The Lingua 
Franca of the Mediterraneati shore]^ and called him to me. 
I, having my hatchet in my hand, cast it from me. 

He came unto me ; and, taking me by the hand, 
demanded very gently, What I would have ? 

I, perceiving that he did, even at the first sight, pity 
my poor and miserable estate, told him all things that 
had happened unto me : how I was an Englishman ; how 
I had been captive in Argire ; how I chanced to come to 
Genoa ; their sending me to Majorca ; and all the torment 
which I had suffered there ; and finally my escape from 
thence, with all the rest that followed. 

This good aged father, when he had heard of my lament- 
able discourse, shewing himself rather a Christian The charitable 
than a man brought up among the Turkish ^i"pie°lid 
Mahometists, greatly pitied my misery ; and n^^"- 
forthwith led me home to his house, and caused such 
victuals as the country yieldeth to be set before me, which 
was dried wheat and honey : and baked a cake upon the 
fire hearth, and fried it with butter ; which I thought very 
good meat, for I had not been at the like banquet in six 
years before [i 582-1 588] ; the good father shewing me what 
comfort he could. 

There I remained four and twenty hours. In the mean- 
time the Moors which dwelt in the villages by, „, ,, 

, , . - , . , ° -" ' 1 he old man 

understandmg 01 my bemg there, came; and, stoi pitied him 
calling me forth, inquired of me, What I was ? fa"/ in'him^to' 
From whence I came ? and Whither I would .-' : ^^^^'^^'^ i^™- 
and, with great vehemency, charged their weapons against 



172 Hasleton is again made a prisoner. [^'""^^5°^ 

my breast ; insomuch that I thought they would verily have 
slain me. But mine host, that good old man, came 
forth and answered for me ; and so dissuaded them 
from doing me any harm : and took me back again into 
his house. 

This being past, I requested him to help me to a guide 
to conduct me to Argire : and he presently provided two, 
whereof the one was his son ; to whom I promised to give 
four crowns for their pains. 

So taking my leave of my good host, we took our way 
towards Argire. 

When we had not passed above 24 miles on the way, we 
chanced to meet a Gentleman of that country who was, as 
it were, Purveyor to the King ; and went about the country 
to take up corn and grain for the King's provision. 
He, meeting us upon the way, asked Whither we were 
travelling ? 

My guides answered. That we were going to Argire. 

He asked, What had we to do there ? 

They said to deliver me there. 

Then he demanded. What I was ? 

They told him, I was an Englishman that came from the 
Christian shore, and was bound towards Argire. 

Then did this Gentleman take me from them, sending 
them back from whence they came ; but compelled me to 
go with him to village by, and very earnestly persuaded me 
to turn Moor : promising, if I would, he would be a mean[s] 
to prefer me greatly ; which I still denied. 

Then, upon the next day, he carried me further, to a 
town called Tamgote [ ? Taingout], and delivered me to a 
Nobleman of great authority with the King : which was 
Lieutenant-General for the wars. For this King of Cookooe 
holdeth continual war with the King of Argire ; although 
they be both subject to the Great Turk. 

I was no sooner brought before this Nobleman, but he 
demanded. Whether I would turn ]\Ioor ? 

I answered, That I would not. 

Wherefore immediately he commanded a pair of shackles 
to be put on my heels ; and a clasp of iron about my neck, 
with a chain thereat 



R. HasletonJ KiNG OF THE KaBYLES examines HIM. I 73 

Then was I set on a mule, and conveyed to Cookooe, [also 
spelt, in maps later than this 7iarrative, Couco or Cocou. // 
was not far from the left bank of the river Sahel, that falls into 
the Bay of Bougiah, ? the present Akbou], where the King lay. 

When I was come thither, I was presently brought before 
the King : who inquired, What I was ? and, From whence I 
came ? and What my pretence was ? 

I answered, That I was an Englishman ; and that I came 
from the Christian shore, intending to pass to Argire. 

Then he asked me, What I could do .-* 

I told him I could do nothing. 

Then he demanded, Whether I were a Gunner .'' Gunners are in 

T c:3irl "Nn" great estima- 

1 Saia, i>0. tionwith 

Then he persuaded me very instantly to yield to 'hem. 
their religion, offering to prefer me. 

Wherefore I desired him to give me liberty to depart : " for 
my desire is to be in England, with my wife and children." 

" Yea," said he, " but how wilt thou come there ?" 

For they minded to keep me still : and evermore the King 
assayed to seduce me with promises of great preferment, 
saying, If I would serve him and turn Moor : I should want 
nothing. 

But on the contrary, I besought him to give me liberty to 
go to Argire ; where I was in hope to be delivered, and sent 
home to mine own country. 

Now he, seeing he could win me by no gentle means, 
commanded me to prison ; saying. That he would either 
make me yield and turn Moor : or else I should die in 
captivity. 

In this while that I remained in prison ; divers of the 
King's House came to me, persuading me to yield to the 
King's demand : alleging how hardly the King might use 
me, being now in his power, unable to escape ; and again 
how bountifully the King would deal with me, if I would 
submit myself. 

Within a little time after, it happened there was great 
preparation to receive the King of Abbesse [? the present 
tribe of the Beni- Abbas, or Beni- Abbes'], whose country 
adjoineth to the King of Cookooe's land : and [they] are in 



174 The Queen tries to persuade him. [^- ""^/isg"; 

league together, and join their armies in one against the 
King of Argire. 

Now, at his coming, I was fetched forth of prison, 
These men are ^"^ Commanded to charge certain pieces of ord- 
p°'^ing expert nancc, which were three Sacres and two Minions 
of Brass [a Minion weighed iioo lbs.]; which I 
refused not to do, trusting thereby to get some Hberty. 
Wherefore, at the coming of the King of Abbesse into the 
town, I discharged the ordnance as Hked them very well : 
for they are not very expert in that exercise. For which I 
had some more liberty than before. 

This King of Abbesse tarrying some certain time there, in 
consulting with the King of Cookooe for matters touching 
the Wars with Argire ; and understanding of me, sent for 
me, being very desirous to talk with me : where, after certain 
questions he desired of the other King, that he might buy 
me ; which he would not grant. 

Then the King of the Cabyles [^Kabyles] or Cookooe per- 
ve man suadcd mc very seriously to serve him wil[ling]ly, 
offers of prefer- aud to tum Moor : and offered to give me 700 
mrfrom l\^ Doublcs [? the Double Pistoles, or Doubloons'] by 
Word of GOD. ^YiQ year, which amounteth to the sum of ;^50 
[— ;^200 now] of English money; and moreover to give me 
by the day, 30 Aspers, which are worth twelve pence 
English, to find me meat ; and likewise to give me a house, 
and land sufficient to sow a hundred bushels of grain yearly, 
and two Plow of oxen furnished, to till the same ; also to 
furnish me with horse, musket, sword, and other necessaries, 
such as they of that country use. And lastly he offered to 
give me a wife, which they esteemed the greatest matter ; 
for all buy their wives at a great price. Yea, if there were 
any in his Court could content me, I should make my 
choice : but if there were not ; he would provide one to my 
contentment, whatsoever it should cost him. 

But when he perceived all he said was in vain, he sent the 
Queen and her gentlewomen to talk with me. When she 
came, she very courteously entreated me to turn and serve 
the King, and to consider well what a large offer the king 
had made ; saying. That I was much unlike to come to any 
like preferment in my country. And many times she would 



^■"^?i593-] Hasleton builds the King a house. 175 

shew me her gentlewomen, and ask me, If none of them 
could please me ? 

But I told her, I had a wife in mine own country, to whom 
I had vowed my faith before GOD and the World : " which 
vow," I said, " I would never break while we both lived." 

Then she said. She could but marvel what she should be 
whom I esteemed so much as to refuse such offers of prefer- 
ment, for her sake ; being now where 1 must remain in 
captivity and slavery all the days of my life. But when she 
could prevail no way with me ; when she had uttered these 
foresaid speeches, and many others which were frivolous to 
rehearse, she left me. Yet, by her means, I had more 
liberty than before. 

After this, I was set to saw boards and planks ; and was 
commanded to make a carriage for a piece of ordnance. 
Thus they compelled me to labour daily : which I did the 
more willingly, because I hoped still to get my liberty 
thereby in the end. 

Then they willed me to shew the fashion of our edge tools, 
after the English [manner] : which when they saw the 
fashion ; their smiths wrought them very artificially, and 
gave them very good temper. For these things I was had 
in more estimation ; insomuch that they took off my irons, 
and let me walk abroad with a Keeper. 

Then was I commanded by the King to teach the 
Carpenters to frame a house after the manner of j ^^^ ^^^^ 
English building : and for that purpose there were Master of 
sent forth Carpenters and workmen with me to iThldsmdr' 
the woods, to fall timber ; all which were to do ^'^"' 
what I appointed, upon the King's commandment. Now I, 
being Chief Master of the work, appointed out the trees 
which were very special good timber. In small time, we 
had finished our frame ; which liked the King very well. 
By this means I had more liberty than before ; and was very 
well intreated. 

Yet I was greatly grieved in mind that I could not procure 
any means for my liberty ; although at that time, I wanted 
few necessaries. Yet was I daily devising how I might 
escape away, for three special causes : 

li. M 5 



176 HaSLETON ESCAPES ; BUT IS CAUGHT. P' "^''IJ93: 

One was for the special care I had of my salvation : 
because, as you have heard, there were many tempta- 
tions laid before me to draw me from a Christian to be 
an abominable idolator. 

The second cause was for the love and dutiful alle- 
giance which I owe to my Prince [Soveretg-n] and 
natural country. 

The third was the regard of the vow which I vowed 

in matrimony ; and the care of my poore wife and 

children. 

Which causes moved me so much that whereas, by reason 

of my diligence in these foresaid matters, I [was] walking 

abroad with my Keeper who, not suspecting me, was not so 

attentive as before he had been : so soon as our frame was 

finished, I took opportunity ; and, shewing them a clean 

pair of heels, took my way over the mountains intending to 

go for Argire \tvhich was in a north-westerly direction^ 

But presently there was a great store of men, both on 
horseback and on foot : who, being more perfect in the way 
than I was, quickly overtook me ; and carried me back 
again to Cookooe. 

I was presently brought before the King ; who asked me 
Why I ran away ? 

I told him. To have liberty. 

Then he called certain of his servants to him ; and 
commanded them to lay me down at his feet, which four of 
them did : and laying me flat upon the belly, one of them 
gave me 75 stripes with a great cudgel, till I was not able to 
remove out of the place. 

Then the King commanded to carry me to prison again : 
whither two of them carried me and put me in irons, and 
there left me. Where I remained for the space of two 
months. 

Then was I brought forth of prison, and sent daily to a 
fountain or well, about half a league from the 

I was now r ■x • i i r /• i 

made a Water- towu, to fetch Water With a couple of asses, for the 
^^^"' use of the King's House. 

Now, in this time, many artificers (as Smiths, Joiners, and 



R. Hasleton 
? 



^5°":] He FINALLY ESCAPES, DRESSED AS A MoOR. I 77 



Carpenters, and many others) came to me to understand the 
fashion of many English tools (as plane irons, gouges, 
chisels and such like) ; for which they shewed me some 
favour, and gave me some money. 

And when I had gotten a little money, I bestowed it upon 
apparel, and caused it to be made like to theirs : which I 
carried secretly, when I went to fetch water, and did hide it 
in a dry cave under the side of a rock. I bought me likewise 
a sword and a lance, such as they use to travel with. I also 
provided a file. All which I laid up with my apparel. 

It happened that the King of Abbesse came again to 
visit the King, and to take counsel about warlike affairs ; as 
usually they did. 

Wherefore when they heard of his coming, making great 
preparation for him ; it fell out so that there wanted water 
in the Offices \Kitchens &c\ where, in an evening, there was 
exceeding thunder and rain and lightning ; so that there 
was no man would go for water, but everyone [was] calling 
for the Englishman. 

Then I, which durst say no " Nay ! ", took the vessels and 
hung them upon the asses ; and so went, through rain and 
wind and thunder and all, till I came to the well : where I 
left my asses to wander whither they would, and went to 
my apparel and with my file cut off my irons, and made me 
ready in my suit of Moors' clothing, and, with my sword 
by my side and my lance on my shoulder, took my way 
once again towards Argire. 

And that night I went about 20 miles over rocks and 
mountains, keeping myself out of beaten ways, casting 
{directing] my way by the moon and stars. When the day 
began to be light, I lay me down in a brake of thick bushes ; 
and there I slept the most part of the day : and in the 
evening I began to travel forth on my way. 

Now, on the third night, I was to pass a bridge where 
was continual watch and ward, both day and night ; where 
I must of necessity pass, by reason the river [? the river Isser] 
ran betwixt two mountains : which were so steep that no 
man can neither go down to enter [the] water, nor yet being 
in can by any possible means get up on the other side ; 
which river is a great defence to the country. 



178 He reaches the Kingdom of Algiers. [^" ^^j'i5°3: 

Where I used no delay, but entered the bridge in the 
beginning of the night, about nine of the clock, being in 
great doubt [fear] of the Watch. But at the first end of 
the bridge, I saw no man, until I was happily passed over. 
Then there came one after me, and asked, Who goes 
there ? 

It being somewhat dark, and I in apparel and with my 
weapons like a Moor ; [I] answered boldly. That I was a 
friend, and told him, I was coming to the Governor to 
deliver letters from the King. For near the river's side 
there is a village where dwelleth he who hath charge of the 
keeping of this passage. Whereby I went onward through 
the village. 

But before I was far passed, I heard horsemen upon the 
bridge ; which asked. Whether any man had passed that 
night ? 

The watermen told them, There was one gone, even now, 
which said, He went to deliver the King's letters to the 
Officer. 

But I thought [it] no time now to hear any more of their 
talk ; but betook me to my heels : and so soon as I was 
without the town, I went out of the Port way [i/ie road to 
Algiers\ into [the] woods ; and kept desert ways that night 
and day following. 

And the next night, I came within the liberties of the 
King of Argire ; where I knew the Cabyles \Kabyles\ could 
not fetch me back again. 

In this order I escaped their hands, by the mighty power 
Many danger- of GOD. For Understand, in these desert moun- 
fn th'at'^ ''^^^'^ tains there are all manner of wild beasts, in great 
country. number ; as lions, bears, wolves of marvellous big- 

ness, apes, wild swine ; and also wild horses and asses, with 
many other hurtful beasts : yet was I never in danger of any 
of them. 

In this country of Cabyles, there are divers kinds of very 
pure metals, as gold, silver, and lead ; and good iron and 
steel : but they, for want of knowledge and skill, make no 
use of any metal except iron and steel. Although at such 
times I have been present, while the Smiths have tried their 
iron, I have seen, among the dross of the iron, very perfect 



R. Hasleton. 

?i593 



;] Unfortunate CHANCE OUTSIDE Algiers. 179 



gold. Which they, perceiving me to behold, were very in- 
quisitive to understand, Whether it were gold, or any other 
metal of substance ? 

But I told them, It was but a kind of dross whereof we 
made colours for painting in England. 

They carried me out to the mountains, and shewed me 
the rocks where they gathered their iron ; which rocks had 
veins of very pure gold. Which I would not reveal to them, 
but answered as before : because I doubted \^feared\ if the 
King once knew me to have experience in such mysteries, 
he would keep me the more straight[ly] ; whereby I might 
have remained in bondage during my life. 



Now when I was within the country of Argire, I was out of 
dangers from the pursuers ; and then did I walk by day and 
kept the common ways. 

Where, coming within the view of Argire, upon the way I 
met a Turk who knew me at the first sight ; and demanded. 
If I had not been captive with such a man ? 

I said, " Yes." 

He then inquired, Whether I went to the city ? 

I said, " Yes." 

Then turned he back, and did accompany me to the city. 

When I came there, I would have gone to the English 
House ; but he led me violently to my old Master [p. 372], 
where I rested me a day and night : my Master not being 
very earnest, for because, in this time that I was absent 
[i 587-1 588], all the English captives were redeemed and 
sent home. 

Wherefore I went to the English Consul, hoping to be 
presently [instantly] delivered : who gave me very good 
words, but did not shew me that favour which he professed. 

I could make some discourse of his unkind dealing with 
me and others of our countrymen ; which I will leave till [a] 
more fit occasion. 

For, understand, that while I was with him, there came a 
messenger from my old Master, with whom I was before I 
went to Genoa [in the previous year, 1587] ; who would have 
carried me away by force : but I would not go, requesting 
the Consul to take order for my delivery. 



I So Over three more years a galley slave. [^- "^I'^J"": 

But he persuaded me to go with him, saying, that he 
would, in time, provide for my liberty. 

But by means I would not yield to go to my Master, nor 
yet the Consul would not take order for me : I was taken by 
the King's Officers, and put in chains in the King's prison, 
among other captives. 

And at the next setting out of the gallies, I was put to my 
old occupation ; where I remained a galley slave for three 
years and above after [1588-1592.] In which time, I was 
eight voyages at sea : and at such times as the gallies lay in 
harbour, I was imprisoned with the rest of the captives, where 
our ordinary food was bread and water ; and, at some times, 
as once or twice in a week, a small quantity of sodden 
wheat. 

To conclude, I passed my time in sickness and extreme 
slavery until, by the help of an honest Merchant [ ? Master 
Richard Stapar or S tapers, of this city of London, and having 
a very fit opportunity by means of certain [of] our English ships 
which were ready to set sail, bound homeward, upon Christmas 
Even, being the 24th of December 1 592, I came aboard {at 
Algiers'] the Cherubim of London ; which, weighing anchor, 
and having a happy gale, arrived in England towards the 
end of February [1593] following. 

Thus have you heard how it hath pleased the Almighty 
GOD, after many and great miseries, to bring me to the 
port which I longed greatly to see : beseeching GOD, of 
his mercy, to prolong the days of our most gracious and 
renowned Queen ; whose fame reacheth far, and whose most 
happy government is in admiration with foreign Princes. 

So wishing all to the glory of GOD, and 

[the] furtherance of the Gospel, 

I end. 

FINIS. 



Rev. Richard Hakluyt. 

T'he antiquity of the trade with 
English ships into the Levant. 



1 82 Ancient English Trade in the Levant. [^- ""'^l^^'g: 



Rev. Richard Hakluyt. 



b 






The antiquity of the trade with English 
ships into the Leva?2t, 

[Voyages. 1599.] 

N THE years of our Lord 1511, 1512 &c. till the year 
1534; divers tall ships of London, namely the 
Christopher Campion, Vvhtvtm was factor one Roger 
Whitcome ; the Mary George, wherein was factor 
William Gresham; the great Mary Grace, the 
owner whereof was William Gunson, and the Master one 
John Hely; the Trinity Fitz Williams, whtrtoi was Master, 
Lawrence Arkey; the Matthew of London, whereof was 
Master, William Capling ; with certain other ships of 
Southampton and Bristol : had an ordinary and usual trade 
to Sicily, Candia, Scio ; and somewhiles to Cyprus, as also to 
Tripolis and Barrutti [Beyroiit] in Syria. The commodities 
which they carried thither were fine kerseys of divers colours, 
coarse kerseys, white " Western dozens," cottons, certain cloths 
called " statutes " and others called "cardinal whites," and 
calfskins which were well sold in Sicily &c. The commodities 
which they returned [brought] back were silks, camlets, 
rhubarb, malmseys muscadels and other wines, sweet oils, 
cotton wool, Turkey carpets, galls, pepper, cinnamon and 
some other spices, &c. Besides the natural inhabitants of 
the aforesaid places, they had, even in those days, traffic with 
Jews, Turks, and other foreigners. Neither did our merchants 
only employ their own English shipping before mentioned ; 
but that of sundry strangers also : as, namely, Candiots, 
Raguseans, Sicilians, Genoese, Venetian galleasses, Spanish 
and Portuguese ships. All which particulars do most evidently 
appear out of certain ancient ligier books [ledgers] of the 
Right Worshipful Sir William Lock, Mercer of London, of 
Sir William Bowyer, Alderman of London, of Master John 
Gresham, and of others; which I Richard Hakluyt have 
diligently perused and copied out. 



J. wtiHamson.j Ancient English Trade in the Levant. 183 

A voyage made with the ships called the Holy Cross and 
the Matthew Gonson to the isles of Candia and Scio 
about the year 1534 : according to a relation made to 
Master Richard Hakluyt, by John Williamson, 
Cooper and Citizen of London, who lived in the year 
1592. He went as Cooper in the Matthew Gonson the 
next voyage after. 




He ships called the Holy Cross and the Matthew 
Gonson, made a voyage to the islands of Candia and 
Scio in Turkey about the year 1534. And in the 
Matthew went as Captain, Master Richard Gonson, 
son of old Master William Gonson, Paymaster of the King's 
Navy. In this first voyage went William Holstocke — who 
afterwards was Controller of Her Majesty's Navy, and lately 
deceased— as page to Master Richard Gonson aforesaid : 
which Master Gonson died at Scio in this his first voyage. 

The ship called the Holy Cross was a short ship, and of 160 
tons burden. And having been a full yearat sea in performance 
of this voyage, with great danger she returned home : where 
upon her arrival at Blackwall in the river Thames, her wine 
and oil casks were found to be so weak, that they were not 
able to hoist them out of the ship : but were constrained to 
draw them as they lay, and put their wine and oil into new 
vessels, and so to unload the ship. Their chief freight was 
very excellent Muscatels and red Malmsey: the like whereof 
were seldom seen before in England. They brought home 
also a good quantity of sweet oils, cotton wools, Turkey 
carpets, galls, cinnamon and some other spices. The said 
ship called the Holy Cross was so shaken in this voyage, 
and so weakened ; that she was laid up in the dock, and 
never made a voyage after. 



Another voyage to the isles of Candia and Scio made by 
the Matthew Gonson about the year 1535 : according to 
the relation of John Williamson, then Cooper in the 
same ship; made to Master Richard Hakluyt in 
the year 1592. 




184 E N G L I S H V O Y A G E S T O S C I O . [J' ^^"'"'^"Jj""; 

jHe good ship called the Matthew Gonson, of 300 tons 
burden — whereof was owner old Master William 
GoxsoN, Paymaster of the King's Navy — made her 
voyage in the year 1535. In this ship went as 
Captain, Richard Gray, who long after died in Russia. 
Master William Holstocke — afterwards Controller of the 
Queen's Na\T — went then as Purser in the same voyage. 
The Master was one John Picket, ser\^ant to old Master 
William Gonson. James Rumnie was Master's Mate. 
The Master Cooper was John Williamson citizen of London, 
living in the year 1592, and dwelling in Saint Dunstan's 
parish in the East. The Master Gunner was John Godfrey 
of Bristol. 

In this ship were six gunners and four trumpeters. All 
which four trumpeters at our return homewards, went on 
land at Messina in the island of Sicily, as our ship rode there 
at anchor ; and got themselves into the galleys that lay near 
unto us, and in them went to Rome. The whole number of 
our company in this ship was about a hundred men. We 
were also furnished with a great boat, which was able to carry 
ten tons of water : which at our return homewards we towed 
all the way from Scio until we came through the Straits of 
Gibraltar into the main ocean. We had also a great long 
boat, and a skiff. 

We were out upon this voyage eleven months ; yet in all 
this time there died of sickness but one man ; whose name 
was George Forrest, being ser\-ant to our Carpenter called 
Thomas Plummer. 




X a great ligierbook [ledger] of one William Eyrus, 
servant unto Sir William Bowyer, Alderman of 
London — bearing date the 15th of November 1533 
and continued until the 4th of July, 1544 — I find 
that he the said William Eyrus was factor in Scio, not only 
for his master, and for his grace the Duke of Norfolk, but 
also for man}^ others, worshipful merchants of London: among 
whom I find the accounts of these especially, to wit, of his 
said master Sir William Bowyer; of William and Nicholas 
Wilford, Merchant Tailors of London; of Thomas Curtis, 
Pewterer ; of John Starky Mercer ; of William Ostrige 
Merchant; and of Richard Field Draper. 



^■"''''!s£] English Voyages to Scio. 185 

And further I find in the said ligier book a note of the said 
Eyrus, of all such goods as he left in the hands of Robert 
Bye in Scio ; who became his master's factor in his room : 
and another like note of particulars of goods that he left in 
the hands of Oliver Lesson, servant to William and 
Nicholas Wilford. 

And for proof of the continuance of this trade until the 
end of the year 1552 : I found annexed unto the former note 
of the goods left with Robert Bye in Scio, a letter being 
dated the 27th of November 1552 in London. 



i86 



Edward Wright, Mathematician. 

The Voyage of the Karl of Cumberland 
to the Azores ^c.^in 1589. 

Although this cruize seems, from PuRCHAS's /'//^t/wj' iv. ^. ii^l, Ed. 
1625, to have gained loo per cent, profit ; yet it was a singularly 
unlucky one. They missed the Fleet of Portuguese Carracks, in 
which LiNSCHOTEN came back from Goa, sec pp. 93, 96, 188 ; they 
missed enormous treasure at Fayal, see p. 103 ; and though they 
actually saw the Spanish West Indian Squadron going into Angra, 
•sec pp. 104, 197-8, the wind being contrary, robbed them of their 
prey ; and, finally, their best prize was wrecked off Cornwall. 

[Certain Errors in Navigatio7t, (s'c. 1599.] 

He Right Honourable the Earl of Cumberland, 
having, at his own charges, prepared his small 
fleet, of four vessels only {viz., the Victory, one of 
the Queen's royal ships ; the Meg, and Margaret, 
small ships, one of which also he was forced soon 
after to send home again, finding her not able to endure the 
sea; and a small Caravel), and having assembled together 
about four hundred men, or fewer (of gentlemen, soldiers, and 
sailors), embarked himself and them, and set sail from the 
Sound of Plymouth, in Devonshire, the iSth of June 1589 : 
being accompanied with these Captains and gentlemen, 
which hereafter follow : 

Captain Christopher Lister, a man of great diligence, 
courage, and resolution ; Captain Edward Careless, alias 
Wright, who, in Sir Francis Drake's West Indian Voyage 
[1586] , was Captain of the Hope ; Captain Boswell, Captain 
Mervin, Master Henry Longe, Master Partridge, Master 
Norton, Master, now [i.e., in 1599] Sir William Monson, 
Captain of the Meg; Master Pigeon, Captain of the Caravel. 
About three days after our departure from Plymouth, we 
met with three French ships; whereof, one was of Newhaven 
[Havre] and another of Saint Malo ; so, finding them to be 
Leaguers and lawful prize, we to )k them : and sent two of 
them for England with all their lading (which, for the most 




^■^'ifS] Seizure of the Easterlings' ships. 187 

part, was fish from Newfoundland) ; saving that there was a 
part thereof distributed among our small fleet, as we could 
find stowage for the same. In the third, all their men were 
sent home into France. 

The same day, and the following day, we met with some 
other ships ; which (when, after some conference had with 
them, we perceived plainly to be of Rotterdam and Embden, 
bound for Rochelle) we dismissed. 

The 28th and 29th, we met divers of our English ships 
returning from the Portugal Voyage [i.e., the Expedition with 
Don Antonio to Lisbon\ 

The 13th of July, being Sunday, in the morning, we espied 
eleven ships, out of sight of the coast of Spain, in 39° N. : 
which we presently prepared for, and provided to meet ; 
having first set forth the Meg before us, to descry whence 
they were. The Meg approaching near, there passed some 
shot between them ; whereby, as also by their admiral \i.e.y 
flag ship] and vice-admiral putting forth their flags, we per- 
ceived some fight was likely to follow. 

Having therefore fitted ourselves for them, we made what 
haste we could towards them ; with regard always, to get the 
wind of them : and about ten or eleven o'clock, we came up 
to them, with the Victory. But after some few shot, and 
some little fight had passed betwixt us; they yielded them- 
selves : and the Masters of them all came aboard us, showing 
their several passportsfrom the cities of Hamburg and Lubeck, 
from Bremen, Pomerania, and Calice. 

They had in them certain bags of pepper and cinamon, 
which they confessed to be the goods of a Jew in Lisbon ; 
which should have been carried by them into their own 
country, to his Factor there : so finding it, by their own con- 
fession, to be lawful prize, the same was, soon after, taken, and 
divided among our whole company. The value whereof, was 
esteemed to be, about 4,500 lbs., at 2s. [=i2s. now] the pound. 

The 17th day, the foresaid ships were dismissed ; but seven of 
their sailors, that were willing to go along with us as sailors, 
we took to help us: and so held on our course for the Azores. 

Two days after, some of their sailors remaining with us, 
reported that the said Easterlings' ships had also in them 
;^20,ooo [mahout £120,000 now] worth of Spaniard's goods ; 
but then, it was too late to search them. 



i88 Arrive at Azores, ist of August 1589. [^■'^"^J,- 

The 1st of August [0. S.], being Friday, in the morning, we 
had sight o fthe island of St. Michael's, being one of the easter- 
most of the Azores ; towards which, we sailed all that day. 
And at night, having put forth a Spanish flag in our maintop, 
that so they might the less suspect us ; we approached 
near to the chief town and road of that island : where 
we espied three ships riding at anchor, and some smaller 
vessels. All which, we determined to take in the dark of the 
night, and accordingly attempted, about ten or eleven o'clock ; 
sending our boats well manned, to cut their cables and 
hawsers, and let them drive into the sea. Our men coming 
to them, found that one of those greatest ships, was the 
Falcon, of London ; being there under a Scottish pilot, who 
bare the name of her as his own. But three other smaller 
ships, that lay near under the Castle there, our men let loose, 
and towed them away unto us : most of the Spaniards, that 
were in them, leapt overboard, swimming to the shore, with 
loud and lamentable outcries ; which they of the town hearing, 
were in an uproar, and answered with like crying. The 
Castle discharged some great shot at our boats ; but shooting 
without mark, by reason of the darkness, they did us no hurt. 

The Scots likewise discharged three great geeces [guns] 
into the air, to make the Spaniards think they were their 
friends and our enemies : and shortly after, the Scottish 
Master, and some others with him, came aboard to my Lord, 
doing their duty, and offering their service, &c. These three 
ships were freighted with wine and salad oil, from Seville. 

The same day, our Caravel chased a Spanish caravel to 
shore at St. Michael's, which carried letters thither; by which 
we learned, that the Carracks were departed from Terceira 
eight days before [Linschoten states that they first left on %th 
August, N.S., which would be 30//1 July, O.S., or the Wednesday 
before this Friday ; and returned on 13/A, N.S., i.e., ^rd August 
O.S. : and that Lord Cumberland passed Angra on the previous 
day, the 2nd, O.S. What a piece of bad luck for the English I] 

The 7th of August, we had sight of a little ship, which we 
chased towards Terceira, with our pinnace ; the weather 
being calm : and, towards evening, we overtook her. There 
was in her 30 tuns of good Madeira wine, certain woollen cloth, 
silk,taftata, &c. 

The 14th of August, we came to the island of Flores : where 



^■^"ifJi] Obtain fresh provisions at F lores. 189 

we determined to take in some fresh water and fresh 
victuals ; such as the island did afford. So we manned our 
boats with some 120 men, and rowed towards the shore. 
Whereto, when we approached, the inhabitants that were 
assembled at the landing place, put forth a flag of truce : 
whereupon we also did the like. 

When we came to them, my Lord gave them to understand 
by his Portuguese interpreter, that " He was a friend to their 
King Don Antonio, and came not in any way to injure them ; 
but that he meant only to have some fresh water and fresh 
victuals of them, by way of exchange for some provisions that 
he had as oil, wine, or pepper." To which they presently 
agreed willingly ; and sent some of their company for beefs 
[oxen] and sheep. 

We, in the mean season, marched southward about a mile, 
to Santa Cruz ; from whence all the inhabitants, young and 
old, were departed, and not anything of value left. We de- 
manding of them, "What was the cause thereof?" they 
answered, " Fear ! as their usual manner was, when any ships 
came near their coast." 

We found that part of the island to be full of great rocky 
barren hills and mountains, little inhabited by reason that it 
is molested with Ships of war ; which might partly appear by 
this town of Santa Cruz, being one of their chief towns ; 
which was all ruinous, and as it were, but the relics of the 
ancient town: which had been burnt, about two years before 
[August 1587], by certain English Ships of war [under Sir 
Richard Grenville], as the inhabitants there reported. 

At evening, as we were rowing towards the Victory, a huge 
fish [ ? shark] pursued us, for the space of well nigh two miles 
together: distmt for the most part, from the boat's stern not 
a spear's length; and sometimes so near, that the boat struck 
upon him. The tips of whose fins about the gills, appearing 
oftimes above the water, were, by estimation, four or five 
yards asunder ; and his jaws gaping a yard and a half wide. 
Which put us in fear of the overturning of the pinnace: but, 
GOD be thanked ! rowing as hard as we could, we escaped. 

When we were about Flores, a little ship called the Drake, 
brought us word that the Carracks were at Terceira. [They 
had returned for water, seep. 96.] Of which news, we were very 
glad ; and sped us thitherward, with all the speed we could. 



I90 Daring escape of English Sailors. P'^^lfgg. 

By the way, we came to Fayal road [harbour], the 27th of 
August, after sunset ; where we espied certain ships riding 
at anchor : to whom we sent the Saucy Jack (a small 
ship lately consorted with us) and our skiff, well manned. 
With which ships, our men had a fight about an hour in the 
night : the town also discharging their great ordnance from 
the platform [battery] there, in defence of those ships ; where- 
with the Master of our Caravel was hurt. But, in the end, 
our men brought them all out of the harbour, being six in 
number ; whereof one was of 250 tons, laden with sugar, 
ginger, hides, &c., lately come from the West Indies. Two 
of the worst, we let float on the sea ; having first taken out 
of them such things as we liked. The other four were sent 
for England, the 30th day of August. 

At the taking of these prizes, were consorted with us some 
other small Men of war, as [the celebrated] Master John Davis 
with his ship, pinnace and boat ; Captain Marksbury with 
his ship, whose owner was Sir Walter Raleigh ; the Bark 
of Lyme, which was also consorted with us before. 

The 31st of August, in the morning, we came in sight of 
Terceira, being about nine or ten leagues from the shore : 
where we espied coming towards us, a small boat under 
sail; which seemed somewhat strange to us, being so far 
from land, and no ship in sight to which they might belong. 
But coming near, they put us out of doubt ; showing they 
were Englishmen, eight in number, that had lately been 
prisoners in Terceira, and finding opportunity to escape at 
that time, with that small boat, committed themselves to the 
sea, under GOD's providence : having no other yard for 
their mainsail but two pipe staves tied together by the ends ; 
and no more provision 01" victuals than they could bring in 
their pockets and bosoms. [See LiNSCHOTEN's account of this 
escape^ 

Having taken them all into the Victory ; they gave us cer- 
tain intelligence that the Carracks were departed from thence, 
about a week before [or rather, as Linschoten says, on ^rd 
August, O.S. 

Thus being without any further hope of those Carracks; we 
resolved to return to Fayal, with intent to surprise the town. 
But, until the 9th of September, we had either the wind so 
contrary or the weather so calm, that, in all that time, we 



^- '^^"'i^jy Capture of the Town of Fayal. 191 

made scarce nine or ten leagues' way, lingering up and down, 
not far from Pico. 

The loth September, being Wednesday, in the afternoon, we 
came again to Fayal road : whereupon, immediately, my Lord 
sent Captain Lister, with one of the island of Graciosa, whom 
Captain Monson had taken before, and some others towards 
Fayal. Whom, certain of the inhabitants met in a boat, and 
came with Captain Lister, to my Lord. To whom, he gave 
this choice, " Either to suffer him quietly to enter into the 
platform [battery] there, without resistance ; where he and his 
company would remain a space, without offering any injury 
to them, that they," the inhabitants, *' might come unto him, 
and compound for the ransom of the town : or else, to stand 
to the hazard of war." 

With these w^ords, they returned to the town ; but the 
keepers of the platform answered that " it was against their 
oath, and allegiance to King Philip, to give over without 
fight." [These were the Portuguese inhabitants, not Spanish 
soldiers. 

Whereupon, my Lord commanded the boats of every ship 
to be presently [at once] manned ; and, soon after, landed his 
men on the sandy shore, under the side of a hill, about half a 
league to the northwards, from the platform. Upon the top 
of which hill, certain horsemen and footmen showed them- 
selves. Two other companies also appeared, with ancients 
[flags or ensigns] displayed ; the one before the town, upon the 
shore by the seaside, which marched towards our landing- 
place, as though they would encounter us ; the other in a 
valley to the southwards of the platform, as if they would 
have come to help the townsmen. During which time, 
they in the platform, also played upon us with great 
ordnance. 

Notwithstanding, my Lord, having set his men in order, 
marched along upon the sands, betwixt the sea and the town, 
towards the platform, for the space of a mile or more : and 
then (the shore growing rocky, and permitting no further pro- 
gress without much difficulty) he entered into the town, and 
passed through the street without resistance, unto the plat- 
form. For those companies before mentioned, at my Lord's 
approach, were soon dispersed ; and suddenly vanished. 
Likewise they of the platform, being all fled, at my I/ord's 
II. N 5 



192 Description of the Town of Fayal. P'^'ifg^ 

coming thither, left him and his company to scale the walls, 
to enter and take possession without resistance. 

In the meantime, our ships ceased not to batter the fore- 
said town and platform with great shot, till such time as we 
saw the Red Cross of England flourishing upon the forefront 
thereof. 

This Fayal is the principal town in all that land, and is 
situated directly over against the high and mighty mountain 
Pico, lying towards the west-north-west, from that mountain : 
being divided therefrom by a narrow sea, which, at that place, 
is, by estimation, about some two or three leagues in breadth. 

The town contained some three hundred households. 
Their houses were fair, strongly built of lime and stone, and 
double covered with hollow tiles, much like our roof tiles ; but 
that they are less at one end than the other, in the manner of 
a concave semi-conical figure. The first course lieth with the 
hollow sides and great ends upward ; the lesser end of one tile 
lying always within the greater end of t!ie other, in such sort, 
as, all along the house from the roof to the eves, they make 
so many gutters as there are courses of tiles laid. 

The second courses are laid with round sides, and lesser 
ends upwards, covering under their hollowness the edges of 
the former courses, in such sort that all the rain that falleth, 
slideth off from the backs of the tiles that are laid in the 
second courses, and runneth down the foresaid gutters, with- 
out taint or infection of mortar or mire; and so, being received 
into cisterns, supplieth very well their necessary uses of fresh 
water : whereof, otherwise, there is great want in that place. 

Every house almost had, for this purpose, a cistern or well 
in a garden on the back side ; in which gardens grew vines, 
with ripe clusters of grapes, making pleasant shadows ; 
tobacco (now [i.e., 1599] commonly known and used in Eng- 
land) wherewith their women there d3'e their faces reddish to 
make them seem fresh and 3'oung ; Indian and common 
pepper, fig trees bearing both white and red figs, peach trees 
not growing very tall, oranges, lemons, quinces, potato roots 
[i.e., our potatoes], &c. Sweet wood (cedar, I think) is very 
common there, even for building and firing. 

My Lord having possessed himself of the town and plat- 
form, and being careful of the preserv^ation of the town, gave 
commandment that " no mariner or soldier should enter into 



^■^'iSi] ^ RANSOM IS PAID FOR THE ToWN. I93 

any house to make spoil thereof." Especially, was he careful 
that the Churches, and Houses of Religion there, should be 
kept inviolate : which was accordingly performed through his 
appointment of guarders and keepers for those places. But the 
rest of the town (either for want of knowledge of the former 
inhibition, or for desire of spoil and prey) was rifled and ran- 
sacked by the soldiers and mariners ; who scarcely left any 
house unsearched : out of which they took such things as 
liked them, as chests of sweet wood, chairs, cloth, coverlets, 
hangings, bedding and apparel. And further, they ranged 
into the country ; where some of them also were hurt by the 
inhabitants. 

The Friary there, containing and maintaining thirty 
Franciscan friars (amongst whom, we could not find any one 
able to speak true Latin), was built by a friar of Angra, in 
Terceira, of the same order, about the year of our Lord, 1506. 
The tables in the hall had seats for one side only, and were 
always covered, as ready at all times, for dinner or supper. 

From Wednesday [10//1] in the afternoon, at which time we 
entered the town, until Saturday night, we continued there; 
until the inhabitants had agreed and paid for the ransom of 
the town 2,000 ducats [= ^^533 6s. then = about ^^3,000 now] ; 
most part of which was church plate. 

We found in the platform, fifty-eight iron pieces of ordnance; 
whereof three-and-twenty, as I remember, or more were 
mounted upon their carriages, between barricades, upon a 
platform [battery] towards the seaside. All which ordnance 
we took, and set the platform on fire ; and so departed. 

My Lord having invited to dinner in the Victory, on the 
Sunday [i^th] following, so many of the inhabitants as would 
willingly come, save only Diego Gomez the Governor (who 
came but once only to parlee about the ransom) : only four came, 
and were well entertained ; and solemnly dismissed with 
sound of drum and trumpets, and a peal of ordnance. To 
whom, my Lord delivered his letter, subscribed with his own 
hand, importing a request to all other Englishmen, to abstain 
from any further molesting of them; save only for fresh water, 
and victuals necessary for their intended voyage. 

During our abode here, viz., nth of September, two men 
came out of Pico, who had been prisoners there. Also, at 
Fayal, we set at liberty a prisoner translated from St. Jago; 



1 94 Cruizing about the Azores. [^- ^^'".il^. 

who was cousin to a servant of Don Antonio, King of 
Portugal in England. These prisoners we detained with us. 

On Monday \15th], we sent our boats ashore for fresh water, 
which, by reason of the rain that fell in the former night, came 
plentifully running down the hills ; and would otherwise have 
been hard to get there. 

On Tuesday [16///] likewise, not having yet sufficiently served 
our turns, we sent again for fresh water : which was then not 
so easy to be got as the day before, by reason of a great wind ; 
which, in the afternoon, increased also in such sort that we 
thought it not safe to ride so near the land. Whereupon we 
weighed anchor, and so departed north-west-by-west, along 
the coast of Fa3'al island. 

Some of the inhabitants coming aboard to us, this day, told 
us that, always, about that time of the year, such west-south- 
west winds blew on that coast. 

This day, as we sailed near Saint George's Island, a huge 
fish, lying still, a little under water or rather even therewith, 
appeared hard by, ahead of us ; the sea break upon his back, 
which was black coloured, in such sort, as deeming, at the 
first, it had been a rock, and the ship stemning directly with 
him, we were put in a sudden fear for the time ; till, soon 
after, we saw him move out of the way. 

In the night of September i6th, it lightned much ; where- 
upon, there followed great winds and rain, which continued 
September i7th-2ist. 

The 23rd of September, we came again into Fayal road, to 
weigh an anchor, which, for haste and fear of foul weather, we 
had left there before. Where we went ashore to see the 
town ; the people, as we thought, having now settled them- 
selves there again. But, notwithstanding, many of them, 
through too much distrustfulness, departed, or prepared to 
depart with their packets, at the first sight of us : until such 
time as they were assured by my Lord that our coming was 
not in any way to injure them ; but especially [principally] to 
have fresh water and some other things needful for us, con- 
tenting them for the same. 

So then we viewed the town quietly, and bought such 
things as we desired for our money, as if we had been in 
England : and they helped to fill us with fresh water; 
receiving for their pains, such satisfaction as contented them. 



^■^'ifSl Fight with islanders of Graciosa. 195 

The 25th day, we were forced again to depart from thence, 
before we had sufficiently watered, by reason of a great 
tempest that suddenly arose in the night ; insomuch that my 
Lord himself, soon after midnight, raised our men out of their 
cabins to weigh anchor : himself also together with them 
hauling at the capstan ; and, after, cheering them up with 
wine. 

The next day, we sent our caravel and Saticy Jack to the 
road of Saint Michael, to see what they could espy. We 
following after them, upon the 27th day, plying to and fro, 
came within sight of Saint Michael's; but, by contrary winds, 
the 2Sth-30th days, we were driven to leeward, and could not 
get near the island. 

The 31st day, we sailed along Terceira ; and even against 
Bresil (a promontory near to Angra, the strongest town in 
that island), we espied some boats coming to the town, and 
made towards them : but they being near to land, they ran to 
shore and escaped us. 

In the afternoon, we came near to Graciosa, whereupon my 
Lord forthwith sent Captain Lister to the islanders, to let 
them understand that his desire was only to have water and 
wine of them and some fresh victuals ; and not any further to 
trouble them. They answered " They could give no resolute 
answer to this demand until the Governor of the island had 
consulted thereupon; and therefore desired him to send again 
the next day." 

Upon the ist of October, early in the morning, we sent 
forth our long boat and pinnace with empty caske, and about 
some fifty or sixty men ; together with the Margaret and 
Captain Davis his ship : for we now wanted [were without] all 
the rest of our consorts. 

But when our men would have landed, the islanders shot at 
them, and would not suffer them : and troops of men appeared 
upon land, with ancients [flags] displayed to resist us. So our 
boats rowed along the shore to find some place where they 
might land without too much disadvantage ; our ships and 
they still shooting at the islanders : but no place could be 
found where they might land without great peril of losing 
many of their lives. So they were constrained to retire, 
without receiving any answer, as was promised the day before. 

We had three men hurt in this conflict. Whilst our boats 



196 Who, after, supply them with wine. [_ ^•^'JfgJ 

were together in consulting what was best to be done, two of 
them were struck with a great shot [0/ a gun] which the 
islanders drew from place to place with oxen ; wherewith the 
one lost his hand, and the other his life within two or three 
days after. The third was shot in his neck with a small shot, 
without any great hurt. 

With this news, our company returned back again at night; 
whereupon preparation was made to go to them again the next 
day. But the day was far spent before we could come near 
them with our ship ; neither could we find any good ground to 
anchor in, where we might lie to to batter the town : and 
further, we could find no landing-place, without great danger 
to lose many men ; which might turn not only to the over- 
throw of our voyage, but also put the Queen's ship in great 
peril, for want of men to bring her home. 

Therefore my Lord thought it best to write to them to this 
effect, that " He could not a little marvel at their inhumanity 
and cruelty, which they had showed towards his men ; seeing 
they were sent by him unto them in peaceable manner, to 
receive their answer which they had promised to give, the day 
before : and that were it not for Don Antonio, their lawful 
King his sake, he could not put up so great injury at their 
hands, without just revengement upon them. Notwithstand- 
ing, for Don Antonio his sake, whose friend he was, he was 
yet content to send to them, once again, for their answer." 

At night, Captain Lister returned with this answer from 
them, that " The gunner shot off one of their pieces which was 
charged with powder only, and was stopped ; which our men 
thinking it had been shot at them, shot again, and so began 
the fight : and that the next morning, they would send my 
Lord a resolute answer to his demand ; for, as yet, they could 
not know their Governor's mind herein." 

The next morning, there came unto us a boat from the 
shore, with a flag of truce ; wherein were three of the chief 
men of the island : who agreed with my Lord that he should 
have of them, sixty butts of wine and fresh victuals, to 
refresh himself and his company withal : but, as for fresh 
water, they could not satisfy our need therein, having them- 
selves little or none, saving such as they saved in vessels or 
cisterns, when it rained ; and they had rather give us two 
tuns of wine than one of water. But they requested that our 



^■^S-] ^^^ ^^^ Spanish W. I. Fleet, at Angra; 197 

soldiers might not come on shore, for they themselves would 
bring all they had promised to the water side. Which 
request was granted, we keeping one of them aboard with us 
until this promise was performed, and the others we sent to 
shore, with our empty caske, and some of our men to help to 
fill and bring them away, with such other provision as was 
promised. So the Margaret, Captain Davis his ship, and 
another of Weymouth stayed, riding at anchor before the 
town, to take in our provision : but we, with the Victory, put 
off to sea. [Sire p. 200, etc.] This ship of Weymouth came 
to us the day before, and had taken a rich prize worth, as it was 
reported, ;^i6,000, [ = ;i^ 96,000 noiv\ : which brought us news 
that the West Indian Fleet was not yet come, but would come 
very shortly. But we, with the Victory, put off to sea. 

And upon Saturday, the4th of October, we took a French ship 
of St. Malo (a city of the unholy League) laden with fish from 
Newfoundland; which had been in so great a tempest that 
she was constrained to cut her mainmast overboard for her 
safety, and was now coming to Graciosa to repair herself. 
But so hardly it befell her, that she did not only not repair 
her former losses ; but lost all that remained, to us. The chief 
of her men we took into our ship ; and sent some of our men, 
mariners and soldiers into her, to bring her to England. 

Upon the Sunday following, at night, all our promised 
provisions were brought unto us from Graciosa; and we 
friendly dismissed the islanders with a peal of ordnance. 

Upon Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday we plied to and 
fro, about those islands ; being very rough weather. 

Upon Thursday [g/A of October], at night, being driven 
some three or four leagues from Terceira ; we saw fifteen 
sail of the West Indian Fleet coming into the haven of 
Angra in Terceira. But the wind was such, that, for the 
space of four days after, though we lay as close by the wind 
as was possible, yet we could not come near them. In this 
time, we lost our French prize, not being able to lie so near 
the wind as we : and heard no more of her till we came to 
England, where she safely arrived. 

Upon Monday [13/A of October], we came very near the 
haven's mouth ; being minded to have run in amongst them, 
and to have fetched out some of them, if it had been possible. 
But in the end, the enterprise was deemed too dangerous, 



198 BUT ARE NOT ABLE TO GET AT THEM. [ 



E. Wright. 
1599- 



considering tlie strengtli of the place where they rode ; being 
hauled and towed in nearer the town, at the first sight of our 
approaching, and lying under the protection of the Castle of 
Bresil on the one side, having in it twenty-five pieces of 
ordnance ; and a Fort on the other side, wherein were thirteen 
or fourteen great brass pieces. 

Besides, when we came near land, the wind proved too 
scant for us to attempt any such enterprise. 

Upon Tuesday, the 14th of October, we sent our boat to the 
road, to sound the depth, to see if there were any anchoring- 
place for us, where we might be without the shot of the Castle 
and the Fort, and within shot of some of those ships, that we 
might either make them come out to us, or sink them where 
they lay. Our boat returned, having found out such a place as 
we desired ; but the wind would not suffer us to come near it : 
and again, if we could have anchored there, it was thought 
likely that they would rather run themselves aground to save 
their lives and liberty and some of their goods, than come 
forth to lose their liberties and goods to us, their enemies. 
So we shot at them, to see if we could reach them ; but it 
fell far short. 

And thus we departed ; thinking it not probable that they 
would come forth so long as we watched for them, before the 
haven mouth or within sight of them. For the space of five 
days after, we put off to sea, and lay out of sight of them; 
and sent a pinnace to lie out of sight, close by the shore, to 
bring us word if they should come forth. After a while, the 
pinnace returned, and told us that those ships in the haven 
had taken down their sails and let down their topmasts : so 
that we supposed they would never come forth, till they 
perceived us to be quite gone. [They left on 2yth of October, 
and were nearly all taken by the English^ 

Wherefore, on the 20th of October, hearing that there were 
certain Scottish ships at St. Michael's, we sailed thither, 
and found there one Scottish roader \ix., ship in the road]; and 
two or three more at Villa Franca, the next road, a league or 
two from the town of St. Michael's to the eastward : of 
whom, we had, for our relief, some small quantity of wine, 
viz., some five or six butts of them all ; and some fresh 
water: but nothing sufficient to serve our turn. 

Upon Tuesday, the 21st of October, we sent our long boat 



E, 



^'Sg':] To GET WATER, ATTACK St. MaRy's IsLE. 1 99 



to shore for fresh water, at a brook a little to the westward 
of Villa Franca: but the inhabitants espying us, came down 
with two ancients [ensigns] displayed, and about some 1^0 
armed men, to withstand our landing. So our men having 
spent all their powder upon them, in attempting to land, and 
not being able to prevail at so great odds ; returned frustrate. 

From thence, we departed towards St. Mary's Island, 
minding to water there, and then to go for the coast of Spain. 
For we had intelligence that it was a place of no great force, 
and that we might water there very well. 

Therefore, upon Friday following [25th of October], my Lord 
sent Captain Lister, and Captain, now SirAMiAS, Preston 
(who, not long before, came to us out of his own ship ; and she 
losing us in the night, he was forced to tarry still with us) with 
our long boat and pinnace, and some sixty or seventy shot in 
them ; both, with a friendly letter to the islanders that they 
would grant us leave to water, and we would no further 
trouble them. So we departed from the Victory, for the island, 
about nine o'clock in the forenoon, and rowed freshly until 
about three o'clock in the afternoon. At which time, our men 
being something weary with rowing, and being within a league 
or two of the shore and four or five leagues from the Victory, 
they espied, to their refreshing, two ships riding at anchor 
hard under the town : whereupon, having shifted some six 
or seven of our men into Captain Davis's boat, being too 
much pestered [crowded] in our own ; and retaining with us 
some twenty shot in the pinnace, we made way towards them, 
with all the speed we could. 

By the way, as we rowed, we saw boats passing betwixt 
the roaders and the shore, and men, in their shirts, swimming 
and wading to the shore ; who, as we perceived afterwards 
were labouring to set those ships fast on ground : and the 
inhabitants also, as busily preparing themselves for the 
defence of these roaders, their island, and themselves. 

"When we came near them, Captain Lister commanded 
the trumpets to be sounded ; but prohibited any shot to be 
discharged at them until they had direction from him : but 
some of the company, either not well perceiving or regarding 
.what he said, immediately, upon the sound of the trumpets, 
discharged their pieces at the islanders, who, for the most 
part, lay in trenches and fenced places unseen, to their own 



200 Failure of the attack on St. Mary's, [^"^"igg: 

best advantage : who immediately shot likewise at us, both 
with small and great shot, without danger to themselves. 

Notwithstanding, Captain Lister earnestly hastened for- 
ward the sailors that rowed, who began to shrink at the shot 
flying so fast about their ears ; and he first entering one of 
the ships, that lay a little further from the shore, we speedily 
followed after him into her; still plying them with our shot. 
And having cut in sunder her cables and hawsers, we towed 
her away with our pinnace. 

In the meantime. Captain Davis his boat overtook us, and 
entered into the other ship ; which also, as the former, was 
forsaken by all her men. But they were constrained to leave 
her, and to come again into their boat, whilst shot and stones 
from the shore flew fast amongst them, finding her to stick 
so fast aground that they could not stir her : which the 
townsmen also perceiving, and seeing that they were but few 
in number, and that we, busied about the other ship, not 
coming to aid them, were preparing to have come and taken 
them. But they returned to us : and so together we came 
away towards the Victory, towing after us the pri^e we had 
now taken ; which was lately come from Brazil, laden with 
sugar. 

In this fight, we had two men slain, and sixteen wounded. 
And as for them, it is likely they had little hurt, lying, for the 
most part, behind stone walls, which were built, one above 
another, hard by the seaside, upon the end of the hill where- 
upon the town stood, betwixt two valleys. Upon the top of 
the hill lay their great ordnance, such as they had : where- 
with they shot leaden bullets, whereof one pierced through 
the prize's side, and lay still in the ship, without doing any 
more harm. 

The next day, we went again for water to the same island ; 
but, not knowing before the inconvenience and disadvantage 
of the place, where we attempted to land ; we returned 
frustrate. 

The samenight, 25th of October, we departed for St. George's 
Island for fresh water ; whither we came on Monday following 
27th of October: and having espied where a spout of water 
came running down, the pinnace and long boat were presently 
manned and sent under the conduct of Captain Preston and 
Captain Monson; by whom, my Lord sent a letter to the 



^■^IfS'] Leave Azores, 31ST of October 1589. 201 

islanders as before, to grant us leave only to water, and we 
would no further trouble them. Notwithstanding, our men 
coming on shore, found some of the poor islanders ; who, for 
fear of us, hid themselves amongst the rocks. 

And on the Wednesday following [2gth], our boats returned 
with fresh water; whereof they brought only six tuns for the 
Victory, alleging they could get no more, thinking, as it was 
supposed, that my Lord having no more provision of water 
and wine, but only twelve tuns, would not go for the coast of 
Spain, but straight for the coast of England; as many of our 
men greatly desired. Notwithstanding, my Lord was un- 
willing so to do, and was minded, the next day, to have 
taken in more water ; but, through the roughness of the seas 
and wind, and the unwillingness of his men, it was not done. 

Yet my Lord purposed not to return with so much pro- 
vision unspent ; and his voyage, as he thought, not yet 
performed, in such sort as might give some reaisonable con- 
tentment or satisfaction to himself and others. 

Therefore, because no more water could now conveniently 
be gotten, and being uncertain when it could be gotten, and 
the time of our staying abroad also uncertain, the matter 
being referred to the choice of the whole company, " Whether 
they would tarry longer till we might be more sufficiently 
provided of fresh water ; or go, by the coast of Spain, for 
England, with half so much allowance of drink as before ? " 
They willingly agreed that every mease [mess] should be 
allowed at one meal but half so much drink as they were 
accustomed, except those that were sick or wounded ; and so 
to go for England, taking the coast of Spain in our way, to 
see if we could, that way, make up our voyage. 



Upon Saturday, 31st of October [0.5.], we sentthe Margaret, 
because she leaked much, direct for England ; together with 
the prize of Brazil, which we took at St. Mary's : and in 
them, some of our hurt and wounded men, or men otherwise 
sick, were sent home, as they desired, for England. 

But we held on our course for the coast of Spain, with a 
fair and a large wind; which before we seldom had. And, 
upon Tuesday following, 4th of November, we espied a sail 
right before us, which we chased till about three o'clock in 



202 Capture three prizes off Portugal. [^' "^'^'Jf JJ 

the afternoon : at which time, we on overtaking her, she 
struck sail ; and being demanded, " Who was her owner, and 
from whence was she?" They answered, "A Portuguese, 
and from Pernambuco in Brazil." 

She was a ship of some no tons burden, freighted with 410 
chests of sugar, and 50 quintals [about three tons] of Brazil 
wood. We took her in 29° N., about 200 leagues from 
Lisbon westward. Captain Preston was presently sent unto 
her ; who brought the principal of her men aboard the Victory : 
and certain of our men (mariners and soldiers) were sent 
aboard her. The Portuguese of this prize told us that " They 
saw another ship before them, that day about noon." 

Having therefore despatched all things about the prize 
aforesaid, and left our long boat with Captain Davis, taking 
his lesser boat with us ; we made way after this other ship, 
with all the sails we could bear; holding our course due 
east : and giving order to Captain Davis his ship and the 
prize that they should follow us, due east ; and that if they 
had sight of us, the following morning, they should follow us 
still, if not, they should go for England. 

The next morning, we espied not the sail which we chased ; 
and Captain Davis his ship and the prize were behind us, 
out of sight. 

But the next, Thursday, 6th of November, being in 38° 30' 
N. Lat. and about some sixty leagues from Lisbon westward, 
earl}' in the morning. Captain Preston descried a sail some 
two or three leagues ahead of us. After which, we presently 
hastened our chase ; and overtook her about eight or nine 
o'clock before noon. She came lately from St. Michael's 
road ; having been before at Brazil, and was ladened with 
sugar and Brazil [wood]. 

Having sent our boat to them, to bring some of the chief of 
their men aboard the F/c/o;'_y; in the meantime, whilst they were 
in coming to us, one out of the maintop espied another sail 
ahead, some three or four leagues from us. 

So immediately, upon the return of our boat, having sent 
her back with some of our men aboard the prize ; we pursued 
speedily this new chase, with all the sails w-e could pack on, 
and about two o'clock in the afternoon overtook her. She 
had made provision to fight with us, having hung the sides of 
the ship so thick with hides, wherewith especially she was 



^■^'iSG And set sail for England. 203 

ladened, that musket shot could not have pierced them : but, 
ere we had discharged two great pieces of our ordnance at 
her, she struck sail ; and approaching nearer, we asking 
"Whence they were?" They answered, "From the West 
Indies, and from Mexico. From St. John de Lowe [5^. Juan 
d'Ulloa, near Vera Cniz].^' 

This ship was of some 300 or 400 tons, and had in her 700 
hides, worth 105. [= ^^3 now] a piece ; six chests of cochineal, 
every chest holding 100 lbs. weight, and every pound worth 
26s. 8d. [the 600 lbs. = 3^800 then = £"4,800 now], and certain 
chests of sugar and china dishes ; with some plate and silver. 
The captain of her was an Italian; and, by his behaviour, 
seemed to be a grave, wise, and civil man. He had put in 
adventure in this ship, 25,000 ducats [= £^,700 then = about 
£40,000 now]. 

We took him, with certain other of her chiefest men, which 
were Spaniards, into the Victory : and Captain Lister, with 
so many other of the chiefest of our mariners, to the number 
of twenty or thereabouts, were sent into her. In the mean- 
time, we staying; our other prizes which followed after, came 
up to us. 

And now we had our hands full, and with joy shaped our 
course for England : for so it was thought meetest (having now 
so many Portuguese, Spaniards, and Frenchmen amongst 
us) that if we should have taken any more prizes afterwards, 
we had not been well able to have manned them ; without 
endangering ourselves. 

So, about six o'clock in the afternoon, when our other prize 
had overtaken us, we set sail for England. But our prizes 
not being able to bear us company without [our] sparing them 
many of our sails : which would cause our ship to roll and 
wallow, in such sort as it was not only very troublesome to us ; 
but, as it was thought, would have put the mainmast in danger 
of falling overboard. Having acquainted them with these in- 
conveniences ; we gave them direction to keep their course 
together, following us, and so to come to Portsmouth. 

We took this last prize in 39° N. Lat. ; and about 46 
leagues westwards from the Rock [of Lisbon], She was 
one of those sixteen ships, which we saw going into the 
haven at Angra in Terceira, on the 8th of October. Some of 



204 The Victory runs short of water. [^-^^'^I' 



599. 



the men that we took out of her, told us that " Whilst we 
were plying up and down before that haven," as before was 
showed, "expecting the coming forth of those ships ; three of 
the greatest and best of them, at the appointment of the 
Governor of Terceira, were unladened of their treasure and 
merchandise ; and in every [each] of them, were put three 
hundred soldiers, which were appointed to have come and lay 
the Victory aboard in the night, and take her; but when this 
should have been done ; the Victory had gone out of their 
sight." 

Now we went merrily before the wind, with all the sails 
we could bear; insomuch that in the space of twenty-four 
hours, we sailed nearly forty-seven leagues, that is, seven 
score English miles, betwixt Friday at noon and Saturday at 
noon ; notwithstanding the ship was very foul, and much 
grown, with long being at sea : which caused some of our 
company to make account they should see what running of 
the tilt there should be at Whitehall, upon the Queen's Day 
[ijth November]. Others were imagining what a Christmas 
they would keep in England, with their shares of the prizes 
we had taken. But it so befell, that we kept a cold Christmas 
with the " Bishop and his Clerks ; " rocks that lie to the 
westwards from Scilly [Islands], and the western parts of 
England. 

For, soon after, the wind scanting, came about to the 
Eastward ; the worst part of the heavens for us, from which the 
wind could blow ; in such sort, that we could not fetch any 
part of England. And hereupon, also, our allowance of drink, 
which was scant enough before, was yet more scantened, 
because of the scarcity thereof: so that, now, a man was 
allowed but half a pint at a meal ; and that, many times, cold 
water, and scarcely sweet. Notwithstanding this was a 
happy estate, in comparison to that which followed. 

For from half a pint, we came to a quarter, and that lasted 
not long either : so that (by reason of this great scarcity of 
drink, and the contrariety of the wind) we thought to put 
into Ireland, there to relieve our wants. But when we came 
near thither, lying " at hull " at night (tarrying for the day- 
light of the next morning, whereby we might the safelier bring 
our ship into some convenient harbour there), we were driven 
so far to leeward, that we could fetch no part of Ireland. 



^' ^^fJg^] Endure a great extremity of thirst. 205 

So as, with heavy hearts and sad cheer, we were constrained 
to return back again; and expect, till it should please GOD to 
send us a fair wind either for England or Ireland. In the 
meantime, we were allowed every man three or four spoons' 
ful of vinegar, to drink at a meal : for other drink we had 
none ; saving only at two or three meals, when we had, instead 
thereof, as much wine, which was wringed out of the wine 
lees that remained. 

With this hard fare (for by reason of our great want of 
drink, we durst eat but very little), we continued /or the space 
of a fortnight, or thereabouts : saving, that, now and then, we 
feasted for it, in the meantime. And that was, when there 
fell any hail or rain. The hailstones we gathered up, and 
did eat them more pleasantly than if they had been the 
sweetest comfits in the world. The rain drops were so care- 
fully saved, that, so near as we could, not one was lost in all 
our ship. Some hanged up sheets tied with cords by the four 
corners, and a weight in the midst that the water might run 
down thither; and so be received into some vessel set or hung 
underneath. Some that wanted sheets, hung up napkins and 
clouts, and watch them till they were thoroughly wet ; then 
wringing and sucking out the water. And that water which 
fell down, and washed away, the filth and soiling of the ship, 
trod under foot, as bad as runneth down the kennel many 
times when it raineth, was not lost, I warrant you 1 but 
watched and attended carefully (yea, sometimes with strife 
and contention) at every scupper hole, or other place where 
it ran down, with dishes, pots, cans, jars. Some, like dogs, 
with their tongues, licked the boards underfoot; the sides, rails, 
and masts of the ship. 

Others, that were more ingenious, fastened girdles or ropes 
about the masts, daubing tallow betwixt them and the mast, 
that the rain might not run down between ; in such sort, that 
those ropes or girdles hanging lower on the one side than on 
the other, a spout of leather was fastened to the lowest part of 
them, that all the raindrops that came running down the mast, 
might meet together at that place, and there be received. 

He that got a can of water by these means, was spoken 
of, sued to, and envied as a rich man. 

Quam pulchrum digito monstrari et dicerc hie est. 



2o6 Are relieved by a storm of rain. [^"^^'i'I 



ht. 
599. 



Some of the poor Spaniards that we had taken (who, not- 
withstanding, had the same allowance that our own men had) 
would come and crave of us, for the love of GOD ! but so much 
water as they could hold in the hollow of their hand : and they 
had it, notwithstanding our great extremity ; to teach them 
some humanity, instead of their accustomed barbarity, both 
to us and other nations heretofore. They also put bullets of 
lead in their mouths, to slack their thirst. 

Now, in every corner of the ship, were heard the lamentable 
cries of sick and wounded men, sounding woefully in our ears ; 
crying out and pitifully complaining for want of drink ; being 
ready to die. Yea, many dying for lack thereof; so that, by 
reason of this great extremity we lost many more men than 
we had done in all the voyage before : having, before this 
time, been so well and sufficiently provided for, that we lived, 
in a manner, as well and as healthfully, and as few died, as if 
we had been in England ; w'hereas now, lightly, every day, 
some were cast overboard. 

But on the 2nd of December 1589 was a festival day with us. 
For then it rained a good pace, and we save some pretty store 
of rain water (though we were all wet for it, and that at mid- 
night), and fill our own skins full besides, notwithstanding it 
were muddy and bitter with the washing of the ship ; yet 
with some sugar, which we had, to sweeten it withal, it went 
merrily down. Yet remembered we, and wished for with all 
our hearts, many a conduit, pump, spring, and stream of clear 
sweet running water in England. For how ever miserable 
we had accounted some poor souls, whom we had seen driven 
for thirst to drink thereof : how happy would we now have 
thought ourselves, if we might have had our fills of the same! 

Yet should we have fared the better with this our poor 
feasting, if we might have had our meat and drink (such, and 
so much as it was) stand quietly before us : but, besides all 
former extremities, we were so tossed and turmoiled with such 
horrible stormy and tempestuous weather, that every man had 
best hold fast his can, cup, or dish in his hands ; yea, and 
himself too, many times, by the ropes, rails, or sides of the 
ship, or else he should soon find all under foot. 



E. wrigh^j Pluck of William Antony, the Master. 207 

Herewith, our mainsail was torn from the yard, and blown 
overboard quite away into the sea without recovery : and our 
other sails so rent and torn, from side to side some of them, that 
hardly any of them escaped whole. The raging waves and 
foaming surges of the sea came rolling, like mountains, one 
after another; and over-raked the waist of the ship, like a 
mighty river running over it ; whereas, in fair weather, it 
was nearly twenty feet above the water; and now, we might 
well cry out with the poet : 

Heu misero quanti monies voluntur aquarum, 
Jam, jam tacturos sidera summa pntes. 

Heu misero quanto subsidunt cequove valles, 
Jam, jam tactura tartara nigra putes. 

Yea, rather with the princely Prophet, Psalm cvii. 26 : 
" They mount up to heaven, and descend to the deep; so 
that their souls melteth away for trouble : they reel to and fro, 
and stagger like a drunken man, and all their cunning is gone." 

With this extremity of foul weather, the ship was so tossed 
and shaken, that (by the cracking noise it made, and by the 
leaking, which was much more than ordinary) we were in 
great fear, it would have shaken in sunder. So that now 
also, we had just cause to pray a little otherwise than the 
poet ; though marring his verse, yet mending by the meaning. 

DE US maris et cceli, quid enim nisi vota supersunt, 
Solvere quassatce parcite membra ratis. 

Notwithstanding, it please GOD, of His great goodness, to 
deliver us out of this danger. 

Then forthwith, a new mainsail was made and fastened to 
the yard ; and the rest repaired, as time and place would 
suffer: which we had no sooner done, but yet, again, we were 
troubled with as great extremity as before. So that again, 
we were like to have lost our new mainsail ; had not Master 
William Antony, the Master of the ship, himself (when 
none else would, or durst) ventured upon the mainyard, which 
was let down close to the rails, to gather the sail up out of 
the sea, and to fasten it thereto ; being in the meanwhile, 
ofttimes ducked, over head and ears, in the sea. 

II. 5 



2o8 At length, reach Ventrey Harbour, ['^'^^"ifjg. 

These storms were so terrible, that there were some in our 
compan}', who confessed they had gone to sea for the space 
of twenty years, and had never seen the like : and vowed that 
if ever they returned safe home, they would never come to 
sea again. 

The 30th ot November, at night, we met with an English 
ship, out of which (because it was too late that night) it was 
agreed that we should have had the next morning, two or 
three tuns of wine, which, they said, " wa? all the provision 
of drink they had, save only a butt or two, which they must 
needs reserve for their own use." But, after that, we heard 
no more of them, till they were set on ground [landed] 
upon the coast of Ireland : when it appeared that they might 
have spared us much more than they pretended they could; 
so that they might well have relieved our great necessities, 
and have had sufficient for themselves besides, to bring them 
to England. 

The 1st of December, at night, we spoke with another 
English ship, and had some beer out of her ; but not sufficient 
to carry us to England, so, that we were constrained to put 
into Ireland; the wind so serving. 

The next day, we came to an anchor, not far from the 
Skelitee under the land and wind ; where we had somewhat 
more quiet. 

But that being no safe harbour to ride in, the next morning, 
we went about to weigh anchor; but, having some of our men 
hurt at the capstan, we were fain to give over, and leave it 
behind; holding on our course to Ventre [F(?;2/>'r_y] haven, where 
we safely arrived the same day : that place being a ver}' safe 
and convenient harbour for us ; that now might sing, as we 
had just cause, " They that go down to the sea, &c." 

So soon as we had anchored here, my Lord went forthwith 
to the shore ; and brought in presently fresh water and fresh 
victuals, as muttons [sJieep], pigs, hens, &c., to refresh his 
company withal. 

Notwithstanding, he himself had lately been very weak, 
and tasted of the same extremity that his company did: for, 
in the time of our former want, having a little fresh water 
left him, remaining in a pot ; in the night, it was broken ; 
and the water drunk, and dried up. 

Soon after, the sick and wounded men were carried to the 



^■^"iSi] Condition of Dingle, in Kerry; in 1589. 209 

next principal town, called Dingleacush, being about three 
miles to the Eastward of the foresaid haven, where our ship 
rode ; that there, they might be the better refreshed : and 
had the surgeons, daily to attend upon them. 

Here, we well refreshed ourselves, whilst the Irish harp 
sounded sweetly in our ear : and here, we, who (for the former 
extremities) were, in a manner, half dead, had our lives, as 
it were, restored to us again. 

This Dingleacush is the chief town in all that part of 
Ireland. It consisteth but of one main street, from whence 
some smaller do proceed. On either side, it hath had 
gates, as it seemeth, in times past ; at either end, to open 
and shut as a town of war : and a Castle too. The houses 
are very strongly built with thick stone walls, and narrow 
windows like unto castles : for, as they confessed, in time of 
trouble, by reason of the wild Irish or otherwise, they use 
their houses for their defence as castles. 

The Castle and all the houses in the town, save four, were 
won, burnt, and ruinated by the Earl of Desmond. These 
four houses fortified themselves against him ; and withstood 
him and all his power, so that he could not win then. There 
yet remaineth a thick stone wall, that passeth overthwart the 
midst of the street; which was a part of their fortification. 
Notwithstanding whilst they thus defended themselves, they 
were driven, as some of them, yet alive, confessed, to as great 
extremities as the Jews were, when besieged by Titus, the 
Roman Emperor : insomuch that they were constrained to 
eat dead men's carcases for hunger. The town is again 
somewhat repaired ; but, in effect, there remain but the ruins 
of the former town. 

Commonly, they have no chimneys in their houses, ex- 
cepting those of the better sort ; so that the smoke was very 
troublesome to us, while we continued there. Their fuel is 
turf, which they have very good ; and whinnes or furs. There 
groweth little wood thereabouts ; which maketh building 
chargeable there : as also the want of lime, as they reported ; 
which they are fain to fetch from far, when they have need 
thereof. But of stones, there is store enough : so that, they 
commonly make their hedges, to part each man's ground from 
another's, with them : and the ground seemeth to be nothing 



2IO The "Sovereign" of the town of Dingle, [^•^''ifgg. 

else within, but rocks and stones. Yet it is very fruitful and 
plentiful of grass and grain, as may appear by the abundance 
of kine and cattle there ; insomuch that we had good muttons 
[sheep], though somewhat less than ours in England, for 2s. 
[=i2s. now] or five groats [is. 8^. then:=ios. now] a piece; 
good pigs, and hens, for 3(i. [=is. 6d. now] a piece. 

Their great want is industrious, powerful, and husbandly 
inhabitants to till and trim the ground ; for the common sort, 
if they can provide sufficient to serve from hand to mouth, 
take no further care. 

Of money, as it seemeth, there is very small store amongst 
them : which, perhaps, was the cause that made them 
double and triple [treble] the prices of many things we 
bought of them ; more than they were before our coming 
thither. 

Good land was here to be had for four pence [=2s. now] 
the acre, yearly rent. There are mines of alum, tin, brass, 
and iron. We saw stones there as clear as crystal, naturally 
squared like diamonds. 

That part of the country is all full of great mountains and 
hills ; from whence, came running down the pleasant streams 
of sweet fresh running water. 

[This luscious description of Spring Water was, doubtless, excited by 
the Writer's recollections of his former thirst.] 

The natural hardness of that nation appeareth in this, that 
their small children run usually, in the midst of winter, up 
and down the streets, barefooted and bare-legged ; with no 
other apparel, many times, save only a mantle to cover their 
nakedness. 

The chief officer of their town, they call their " Sovereign " ; 
who hath the same office and authority among them, that 
our Mayors have with us in England : and hath his Ser- 
geants to attend upon him and bear the mace before him, as 
our Mayors. 

We were first entertained at the "Sovereign's" house; 
which was one of the four that withstood the Earl of Desmond, 
in his rebellion. 

They have the same form of Common Prayer, word for word 
in Latin, as we have here in England. Upon the Sunday, 
the " Sovereign " cometh into the Church, with his Sergeant 



^' ^^"SJ Christmas with " Bishop and his Clerks.'" 2 1 1 

before him; and the Sheriffs and others of the town accompany 
him : and there, they kneel down, every man by himself, 
privately to make his own prayers. After this, they rise and 
go out of the Church again to drink : which being done, they 
returned again into the Church ; and then the Minister 
beginneth Prayers. 

Their manner of baptizing differeth something from ours. 
Part of the service belonging thereto, is repeated in Latin ; 
and part in Irish [Erse]. The Minister taketh the child in 
his hands ; and first dippeth it backwards, and then forwards, 
over head and ears into the cold water, in the midst of winter : 
whereby also may appear their natural hardness, as before was 
specified. 

They had neither bell, drum, nor trumpet, to call the 
parishioners together: but they expect [wait] till their 
" Sovereign " comes ; and then, they that have any devotion, 
follow him. 

They make their bread all in cakes ; and, for the tenth part, 
the bakers bake for all the town. 

We had of them some ten or eleven tuns of beer, for the 
Victory ; but it proved like a present [inslant] purgation to 
them that took it ; so that we chose rather to drink water 
than it. 

The 20th of December, we loosed from hence, having 
provided ourselves with fresh water, and other necessary 
things ; being accompanied by Sir Edward Denny, his lady, 
and two young sons. 

This day, in the morning, my Lord going ashore, to des- 
patch away speedily some fresh water that remained for the 
Victory, the wind being very fair for us ; brought us news 
that there were Sixty Spanish prizes taken, and brought to 
England. 

For two or three days, we had a fair wind ; but, after, it 
scanted so, that, as I said before, we were fain to keep a cold 
Christmas, with the " Bishop and his Clerks." 

After this, we met with an English ship that brought us 
the joyful news of Ninety-one Spanish prizes that were come 
to England : and also sorrowful news withal, that the last 
and best prize we took [that came from the West Indies, see p. 
186], had suffered shipwreck at a place upon the coast of 



212 Finally reach England, at Falmouth. [^•^'Ifjj: 

Cornwall, which the Cornish men call Als Efferne, that is, 
" Hell Gate; " and that Captain Lister and all the men in 
the ship were drowned, save five or six (the one half English ; 
the other, Spanish) that saved themselves with swimming. 
Notwithstanding, much of the goods were saved and reserved 
for us, by Sir Francis Godolphin and the worshipful gentle- 
men of the countiy there. 

My Lord was very sorry for Captain Lister's death ; wish- 
ing that he had "lost" his voyage [i.e., come home empty 
handed] to have saved his life. 

The 29th of December, we met with another ship that told 
us the same news ; and that Sir Martin Frobisher, and 
Captain Reymond had taken the admiral and vice-admiral of 
the fleet that we espied going into Terceira haven. But the 
admiral was sunk, with much leaking, near the Iddy Stone 
[Eddysto7ie], a rock that lieth over against Plymouth Sound; 
but the men were saved. This ship also certified us, that 
Captain [afterward Sir Amias] Preston's ship had taken a 
prize ladened with silver. 

My Lord entered presently into this ship, and went to 
Falmouth ; and we held on our course for Plymouth. 

At night, we came near the Ram Head, the next Cape 
westward from Plymouth Sound ; but we were afraid to double 
it in the night : misdoubting the scantness of the wind. So 
we stood off to sea, half the night ; and towards morning, had 
the wind more large, and made too little spare thereof; that 
partly for this cause, and partly through mistaking the 
land, we were driven so much to leeward that we could not 
double that Cape. 

Therefore we returned back again, and came into Falmouth 
haven ; where we struck on ground, in seventeen feet of 
water : but it was a low ebb, and ready again to flow, and the 
ground soft ; so that no hurt was done. 

Here, with gladness, we set foot again upon the long de- 
sired English ground ; and refreshed ourselves, with keeping 
part of Christmas upon our native soil. 



A Fight at Sea, 

Famously fought by the Dolphin of Lon- 
don against Five of the Turks' Men 
of War and a Sattee, the i 2 of 
January last i6i6[-i7]; being 
all vessels of great burden, 
and strongly manned. 



IVhereifi is showed the noble worth 

and brave resolution of our 

English Nation, 



Written and set forth by one of the same. Voyage 

that was then present, and an Eye 

Witness to all the proceedings. 




Printed at London for Henry Gosson^ dwelling 
upon London Bridge. 1617. 



215 



1^^ 


m 


1 


1 




9 


^^^^^^ 




^H 


■i 




^@ 


^ inrdTni—u^^ii 1 1 la ■ 






""Is 



A FIGHT AT SEA, 

famously fought by the Dolphin of 

London, against Five of the 

Turks' Men of War 



lgS| 


^^ 


^mk 




^m 


^ 



He magnanimity and worthy resolution 
of this our English Nation, from time to 
time, endureth the true touch and trials 
of the sea, in deep extremity ; whereby 
other countries not only admire thereat, 
but tie to the same a deserved commen- 
dation. Amongst many other such like 
adventures, I am emboldened to commit 
to your censure the accidents of this our late voyage and 
return from Zante into England : which happened as here 
followeth. 

Having at Zante, at the end of this last year, finished our 
business, and ladened our ship for England, being named 
the Dolphin of London, of the burden of 280 tons or there- 
abouts; having in the same, some nineteen pieces of ordnance 
and nine murderers [carronades firing bullets or miirdering-shot, 
to sweep the decks when men enter] ; manned with thirty-six men 
and two boys ; the Master thereof, one Master Nichols, a 
man of much skill and proved experience : who, making for 
England ; we came from Zante the ist of January, 1617, the 
wind being north and by east. 



2i6 Meet with the Pirates and Turks. [J,^^ 

When with a prosperous gale, by the 8th day we had 
sight of the island of Sardinia; the wind being then come 
westerly. The 9th, in the morning, we stood in for Gallery 
[ICagliari]: andatnoon,the wind being southerly, we came close 
by the Towers; where, some two leagues off, we made the fight. 

Which day, at night, the wind growing calm, we sailed 
towards the Cape. The loth day, we had a very little wind 
or none at all, till it was two o'clock in the afternoon ; which 
drave us some three leagues eastward from Cape Pola [? Pula], 

Where we espied a fleet of ships upon the main of 
Sardinia, near unto a road called Callery, belonging to the 
King of Spain ; being the 12th of January [1617]. On which 
day, in the morning's watch, we had sight of a sail making 
from the shore towards us ; which drave into our minds 
some doubt and fear: and coming near unto us, we espied it 
to be a Sattee, which is a ship much like unto an Argosy, of 
a very great burden and bigness. 

Which perceiving, we imagined some more ships not to be 
far off. Whereupon our Master sent one of our company up 
into the maintop : where he discovered five sail of ships, one 
after another, coming up before the wind, being then at 
west-south-west. Who, in a prospect glass [telescope], per- 
ceived them to be the Turks' Men of War. The first of 
them booming [in full sail] by himself before the wind ; with 
his flag in the maintop, and all his sails gallantly spread 
abroad. After him, came the Admiral and Vice-Admiral ; 
and after them, two more, the Rear-Admiral and his fellow. 
Being five in number, all well prepared for any desperate 
assault. 

Whereupon, we immediately made ready our ordnance and 
small shot [musketry] ; and with no little resolution prepared 
ourselves to withstand them. Which being done, we went 
to prayer ; and so to dinner : where our Master gave us such 
noble encouragement, that our hearts ever thirsted to prove 
the success. 

And being in readiness for the fight, our Master went upon 
the poop, and waved his sword three times ; shaking it with 
such dauntless courage, as if he had already won the victory. 
This being done, we seconded him with like forwardness. 
Whereupon he caused his trumpets to sound ; which gave us 
more encouragement than before. 



2j] First Action, with two Ships. 217 

Being within shot of them, our Master commanded his 
Gunner to make his level and to shoot : which he did, but 
missed them all. At which, the foremost of them bore up 
apace, for he had the wind of us ; and returned as good as 
we sent. So betwixt us, for a great time, was a most fierce 
encounter ; and having the advantage of us by reason of the 
wind, about eleven or twelve o'clock they laid us aboard with 
one of their ships, which was of 300 tons or thereabouts. 
She had in her thirty-five pieces of ordnance, and about 250 
men : the Captain whereof was one Walsingham, who 
seemed, by his name, to be an Englishman ; and was Admiral 
of the fleet, for so it signified by the flag in his maintop. 

Having, as I said, boarded our ship, he entered on the 
larboard quarter : where his men, some with sabels, which we 
call falchions, some with hatchets, and some with half-pikes, 
stayed some half hour or thereabouts, tearing up our nail 
boards [deck planks] upon the poop, and the trap hatch : but 
we having a murtherer in the round house [Captain's cabin] 
kept the larboard side clear : whilst our other men with the 
ordnance and muskets played upon their ships. Yet for all 
this, they paid our gallery with small shot, in such sort that 
we stood in danger to yield. 

But, at last, we shot them quite through and through, and 
they us likewise : but they being afraid they should have been 
sunk by us, bore ahead of our ship ; and as he passed along 
we gave them a broadside, that they were forced to lay by 
the lee, and to mend their leaks. 

This fight continued two hours by our [hour] glass, and 
better; and so near the shore, that the dwellers thereupon 
saw all the beginning and ending, and what danger we stood 
in. For upon the shore, stood a little house, wherein was 
likewise turned a glass all the time during the fight ; which 
measured the hours as they passed. 

And this was Walsingham's part. 

Now for Captain Kelley's ship, which came likewise up 
with his flag in the maintop, and another ship with his flag 
in the foretop : which ships were at least 300 tons a piece ; 
and had in each of them twenty-five pieces of ordnance, and 
about 250 men. 

So they laid us aboard, one on the starboard quarter, and 
the other on the larboard : where entering our ship thick 



2i8 Two MORE Attacks are Beaten off. [J^^^ 

and threefold, with their scimitars, hatchets, half-pikes, and 
other weapons, put us in great danger both of the loss of our 
ship and our lives : for they performed much manhood, and 
many dangerous hazards. 

Amongst which, there was one of their company that 
desperately went up into our maintop to fetch down our 
flag; which being spied by the Steward of our ship, he 
presently shot him with his musket that he fell headlong 
into the sea, leaving the flag behind him. 

So these two ships fought us with great resolution, playing 
upon us with their ordnance and small shot for the space of 
an hour and a half; of whom we received some hurt, and 
likewise they of us. But when they saw they could not 
prevail, nor any way make us to yield ; they bore up and 
passed from us, to lay their ships by the lee to stop their 
leaks : for we had grievously torn and battered them with 
our great ordnance. 

This was the second attempt they made upon us. Now 
for the third. 

There came two more of Captain Kelley's ships, of 250 
tons a piece, that in each of them had twent5'-two pieces of 
ordnance ; and at the least 200 men, as well provided as 
might be. Which was, as we thought, too great a number 
for us, being so few in our ship ; but GOD, that was our 
friend, gave us such strength and success that they little 
prevailed against us. 

For at their first coming up, notwithstanding all their 
multitude of men, we shot one of them quite through and 
through ; and laid him likewise by the lee, as we had done 
the others before. But the other ship remaining, laid us 
aboard on the starboard side, and in that quarter they 
entered our ship with scimitars, falchions, half-pikes, and 
other weapons, running to and fro upon the deck, crying 
still, in the Turkish tongue, "Yield yourselves!" "Yield 
yourselves ! " promising that we should be well .used, and 
have part of our goods delivered back ; with such like fair 
promises. 

But we, giving no ear unto them, stood stiffly in our 
defence, choosing rather to die than to yield, as it is still 
the nature and condition of all Englishmen; and being thus 
resolved, some of our men plied our ordnance against them, 



,6* J The Dolphin catches Fire. 219 

some played with the small shot, some with other weapons, 
as swords and half pikes and the like. In the midst of 
which skirmish, it so happened, by ill chance, that our ship 
was fired, and in great danger to be lost and cast away : had 
not the LORD, in His mercy, preserved us ; and sent us 
means happily to quench it. 

But now mark the accident ! The fire being perceived by 
our enemies to burn outrageously, and thinking that our 
ship would have therewith been suddenly burned to the 
water : they left us to our fortunes, falling astern from us. 

So we put to the shore under the little house, for some 
succour; where we let an anchor fall, thinking to ride there 
all night : but we saw another ship bear upon us ; whereupon 
we were sore frighted, and so forced to let our anchor slip, 
and so set sail to get better succour, putting into the road 
between the two little houses ; where we lay five days, 
mending the bruises and leaks of our ship. 

The losses we received in the aforesaid fight were six men 
and one boy ; and there were hurt eight men and one boy 
more : but the LORD doth know what damage we put them 
to ; and what number we slew in their ships. 

The Master of our ship being at the helm was shot twice 
betwixt the legs. The Surgeon dressing the wounds of one 
of our men, a ball of wild-fire fell into his basin ; which he 
suddenly cast into the sea, otherwise it had greatly 
endangered us. 

The Turks were aboard, and sound their trumpets ; yet, 
notwithstanding, our men assaulted them so fiercely that 
they forced them off: and the Boatswain, seeing them fly, 
most undauntedly with a whistle blowed them to the skirmish, 
if so they durst. 

The Captains of three of their ships were Englishmen ; 
who took part with the Turks thus to rob and spoil upon the 
ocean. Their names were Walsingham, Kelley, and 
Sampson. 

Upon the 13th of January, there came aboard certain 
Spaniards, in the morning betimes ; who, seeing our dead 
men, went ashore with us, and showed us where we might 
bury them. But as we were busy in making their graves, 
and covering the bodies with earth ; there came sailing by 
a Flemish ship of 240 tons, which had in it some j^5,ooo or 



220 Out of 39 English 11 die of the Fight. [2y. 

^^6,000 [ = ;^25,ooo in present value], which had been chased by 
those Men of War that had fought with us before. All 
which money they brought in a long boat to the shore, and 
left in the ship only the men, which were sixteen sailors and 
two boys ; that afterwards, within two days, brought the said 
ship into the road, not anything at all endangered, GOD be 
praised ! 

Upon the 15th of the same month, when we came from 
the burying of our men, and had rested ourselves in our 
ship some two or three hours ; as GOD would have it, the 
wind began to blow a strong gale, and by little and little 
grew to a terrible tempest : through which, from Sunday 
night [? igth] till Friday [? 24th] in the evening, we lay in such 
extremity of weather, as rain, wind, lightning and thunder, 
as we thought we should never have got clear from the road 
where we lay. During which storm, there died one of our 
men that had been hurt in the fight : whose body we cast 
overboard into the sea, without any other burial. 

So when the wind and sea a little calmed, we set up sail 
and came forward : but with three days, after we buried 
three men more in the sea. 

And the same afternoon [? 27th] we arrived in the road of 
Gallery [Cagliari], and lay at anchor : where again searching 
our ship, we found it rent and torn in four several places ; 
one in the gun room, another between the decks, the third 
in the skereridge [? steerage'], and the fourth in the Master's 
roundhouse. 

So in Gallery, we mended our ship ; and hired certain men 
there to help us to stop her leaks : and having all things 
most fitting for our voyage homewards ; upon the 30th of 
January, we committed our fortunes again unto the sea. 
And so leaving Gallery, we came forward, with a Frenchman 
who was bound to a place called Oristano, some thirty 
leagues from Caller}' ; where, after two days, we left his 
company; being the ist of February. 

And after that, putting forward still towards England, we 
are now, by the will of GOD, most safely arrived ; and our 
ship, after so many overpassed dangers, received into the 
Thames, near London : to the great joy and comfort of 
the owners thereof. 

GOD be praised ! 



Sir Francis Drake 

revived ; 

Calli?7g upon this dull or effeminate Age^ 
to follow his noble steps for gold and silver : 

By this memorable Relation of the rare occurrences 

(never yet declared to the world) in a Third Voyage 

made by him into the West Indies, in the years 

[i5]72 and [I5J73 ; when Nombre de Dios was 

by him, and fifty-two others only in his 

company, surprised. 

Faithfully taken out of the report of Master 

Christopher Ceely, Ellis Hixom, and others, 

who were in the same Voyage with him ; 

By Philip Nichols, Preacher. 

Reviewed also by Sir Francis Drake himself, 

before his death ; and much holpen and enlarged 

by divers notes, with his own hand, 

here and there inserted. 

Set forth by Sir Francis Drake, Baronet, 

(his nephew) now living. 

LONDON: 

Printed by E. A. for N i c h o l a s Bourne, 

dwelHng at the South Entrance of the 

Royal Exchange. 1626. 






)i5Ae5(5/* 



223 

SA3i<5A55C 



»4-44"»4"»^-4^4-4^4"4^4"»4-'4^4"»4- 



1^ ta 







To THE HIGH AND MIGHTY 

CHARLES THE FIRST, of 

Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, 

all the blessings of this, and a better life. 

Most gracious Sovereign, 

Hat this brief Treatise is yours, both by right and 
by succession, will appear by the Author's and 
Actor's ensuing Dedication. To praise either 

the Mistress or the Servant, might justly incur 

the censure of Quis eos unqiiam sanus vituperavit ; cither's 
worth having sufficiently blazed their fame. 

This Present loseth nothing, by glancing on former 
actions ; and the observation of passed adventures may 
probably advantage future employments. C^sar wrote his 
own Commentaries \ and this Doer was partly the Inditor. 
Neither is there wanting living testimony to confirm its 
truth. 

For his sake, then, cherish what is good ! and I shall 
willingly entertain check for what is amiss. Your favour- 
able acceptance may encourage my collecting of more 
neglected notes ! However, though Virtue, as Lands, be 
not inheritable ; yet hath he left of his Name, one that 
resolves, and therein joys to approve himself 

Your most humble and loyal subject, 

Francis Drake [Bart.]. 



4^^-»4-4^4"»4^4"»4-4> ^• »4"»4"4^4 - 



II. 



124 




The Dedicatory Epistle^ intended to ^ueen 

E LI ZA B E Til, 

Written by Sir Francis Drake, deceased. 




To the Queen's most excellent Majesty, 
my most dread Sovereign. 

M ADA M, 

Eeing divers have diversely reported and written of 
these Voyages and Actions which I have attempted 
and made, every one endeavouring to bring to light 
whatsoever inklings or conjectures they have had; 
whereby many untruths have been published, and the certain 
truth concealed : as [so] I have thought it necessary myself, as 
in a Card [chart] to prick the principal points of the counsels 
taken, attempts made, and success had, during the whole course of 
my employment in these services against the Spaniard. Not as 
setting sail for maintaining my reputation in men^s judgement, 
but only as sitting at helm, if occasion shall be, for conducting 
the like actions hereafter. So I have accounted it my duty, to 
present this Discourse to Your Majesty, as of right; either for 
itself being the firstfruits of your Servant' s pen, or for the matter, 
being service done to Your Majesty by your poor vassal, against 



^''' ^' ^ j^: S-] Dedicatory Epistle to Elizabeth. 225 

your great Enemy : at times, in such places, and after such sort 
as may seem strange to those that are not acquainted with the 
whole carriage thereof ; hut will he a pleasing remembrance to 
Your Highness, who take the apparent height of the Almighty's 
favour towards you, by these events, as truest instruments. 

Htmibly submitting myself to Your gracious censure, both in 
writing and presenting ; that Posterity be not deprived of such 
help as many happily be gained hereby, and our present Age, 
at least, may be satisfied, in the rightfulness of these actions, 
which hitherto have been silenced : and Your Servant's labour not 
seem altogether lost, not only in travels by sea and land, but also 
in writing the Report thereof (a work to him no less troublesome) 
yet made pleasant and sweet, in that it hath been, is, and shall be 
for Your Majesty's content; to whom I have devoted myself [and] 
live or die. 

Francis Drake [Knight]. 

January 1, 1592 [i.e., 1593]. 



^^ 





226 To THE COURTEOUS ReADER. [^""^ ^'^^^626! 



To THE COURTEOUS ReADER* 

Honest Reader, 

IIthout apology, I desire thee, in this ensuing Dis- 
course, to observe, with me, the power and justice of tht 
LORD of Hosts, Who could enable so mea7v a person 
to right himself upon so mighty a Prince; together 
with the goodness and providence of GOD very observ- 
able in that it pleased Him to raise this man, not only from a low 
condition, but even from the state of persecution. His father 
suffered in it, being forced to fly front his house, near South 
Tavistock in Devon, into Kent : and there to inhabit in the hidl 
of a ship, wherein many of his younger sons were born. He had 
twelve in all: and as it pleased GOD to give most of them a being 
upon the water, so the greatest part of them died at sea. The 
youngest, who though he was [went] as far as any, yet died at home ; 
whose posterity inherits that, which by himself and this twble 
Gentleman the eldest brother, was hardly, yet wo)ihily gotten. 

I could more largely acquaint thee, that this Voyage was his 
Third he made into the West Indies ; after that [of] his excellent 
service, both by sea and land, in Ireland, under Walter, Earl 
of Essex; his next, about the World ; another, wherein he took 
St. Jago, Cartagena, St. Domingo, St. Angustino ; his doings 
at Cadiz ; besides the first Carrack taught by him to sail into 
England; his stirrings in Eighty-seven ; his remarkable actions 
in Eighty-eight; his endeavours in the Portugal employment; 
his last enterprise, determined by death ; and his filling Plymouth 
with a plentifid stream of fresh water : but I pass by all these. 
I had rather thou shouldest inquire of others ! then to seem myself 
a vainglorious man. 

I intend not his praise I I strive only to set out the praise 
of his and our good GOD ! that guided him in his truth ! and 
protected him in his courses ! My ejids are to stir thee up to 
the worship of GOD, and service of our King and Country, by 
his example I If anything be worth thy consideration ; conclude 
with me, that the LORD only, can do great things !. 

Francis Drake [Barf.] 



227 





Sir Francis D r a ke revived i 

Calling upon this dull or effeminate Age, to follow his 
noble steps for gold and silver. 

S THERE is a general Vengeance which 
secretly pursueth the doers of wrong, and 
suffereth them not to prosper, albeit no 
man of purpose empeach them: so is there 
a particular Indignation, engraffed in the 
bosom of all that are wronged, which 
ceaseth not seeking, by all means possible, 
to redress or remedy the wrong received. 
Insomuch as those great and mighty men, in whom their 
prosperous estate hath bred such an overweening of them- 
selves, that they do not only wrong their inferiors, but despise 
them being injured, seem to take a very unfit course for 
their own safety, and far unfitter for their rest. For as 
Esop teacheth, even the fly hath her spleen, and the emmet 
{ani\ is not without her choler; and both together many 
times find means whereby, though the eagle lays her eggs in 
Jupiter's lap, yet by one way or other, she escapeth not 
requital of her wrong done [to] the emmet. 

Among the manifold examples hereof, which former Ages 
have committed to memory, or our Time yielded to sight : 
I suppose, there hath not been any more notable then this 
in hand ; either in respect of the greatness of the person by 
whom the first injury was offered, or the meanness of him 
who righted himself. The one being, in his own conceit, 
the mightiest Monarch of all the world ! The other, an 
English Captain, a mean subject of her Majesty's! Who 
(beside the wrongs received at Rio de [la] Hacha with Captain 



2 28 F. Drake's particular Indignation. [s^f.^dSJ 



Rev. P. Nichols. ? 
1593- 



John Lovell in the years [15165 and [15] 66) having been 
grievously endamaged at San Juan de Ulua in the Bay of 
Mexico, with Captain John Hawkins, in the years [15167 
and [15168, not only in the loss of his goods of some value, 
but also of his kinsmen and friends, and that by the false- 
hood of Don Martin Henriquez then the Viceroy of 
Mexico ; and finding that no recompense could be recovered 
out of Spain, by any of his own means, or by Her Majesty's 
letters ; he used such helps as he might, by two several 
voyages into the West Indies (the first with two ships, the 
one called the Dragon, the other the Swan, in the year 
[15I70: the other in the Swan alone in the year [15I71), to 
gain such intelligences as might further him, to get some 
amends for his loss. 

And having, in those two Voyages, gotten such certain 
notice of the persons and places aimed at, as he thought 
requisite, and thereupon with good deliberation resolved on 
a Third Voyage (the description whereof we have now in 
hand) ; he accordingly prepared his ships and company, and 
then taking the first opportunity of a good wind, had such suc- 
cess in his proceedings, as now follows further to be declared. 



On Whitsunday Eve, being the 24th of May, in the year 
1572, Captain Drake in the Pascha of Plymouth of 70 tons, 
his admiral [flag-ship] ; with the Swan of the same port, of 
25 tons, his vice-admiral, in which his brother John Drake 
was Captain (having in both of them, of men and boys 
seventy-three, all voluntarily assembled ; of which the eldest 
was fifty, all the rest under thirty : so divided that there were 
forty-seven in the one ship, and twenty-six in the other. Both 
richly furnished with victuals and apparel for a whole year ; 
and no less heedfully provided of all manner of munition, artil- 
lery, artificers, stuff and tools, that were requisite for such a 
Man-of-war in such an attempt : but especially having three 
dainty pinnaces made in Plymouth, taken asunder all in 
pieces, and stowed aboard, to be set up as occasion served), 
set sail, from out of the Sound of Plymouth, with intent to 
land at Nombre de Dios. 

The wind continued prosperous and favourable at north- 
east, and gave us a very good passage, without any alteration 



Rev. p. Nichols. ? 
Sir F. Drake. 1593 



JArrivalat Port Pheasant. 229 



or change: so that albeit we had sight (3rd June) of Porto 
Santo, one of the Madeiras, and of the Canaries also within 
twelve days of our setting forth : yet we never struck sail, 
nor came to anchor, nor made any stay for any cause, neither 
there nor elsewhere, until twenty-five days after ; when (28th 
June) we had sight of the island of Guadaloupe, one of the 
islands of the West Indies, goodly high land. 

The next morning(29th June),we entered between Dominica 
and Guadaloupe, where we descried two canoes coming from 
a rocky island, three leagues off Dominica; which usually 
repair thither to fish, by reason of the great plenty thereof, 
which is there continually to be found. 

We landed on the south side of it, remaining there three 
days to refresh our men ; and to water our ships out of one 
of those goodly rivers, which fall down off the mountain. 
There we saw certain poor cottages ; built with Palmito 
boughs and branches ; but no inhabitants, at that time, civil 
or savage : the cottages it may be (for we could know no 
certain cause of the solitariness we found there) serving, not 
for continual inhabitation, but only for their uses, that came 
to that place at certain seasons to fish. 

The third day after (ist July), about three in the afternoon, 
we set sail from thence, toward the continent of Terra firma. 

And the fifth day after (6th July), we had sight of the high 
land of Santa Marta ; but came not near the shore by ten 
leagues. 

But thence directed our course, for a place called by us, 
Port Pheasant; for that our Captain had so named it in his 
former voyage, by reason of the great store of those goodly 
fowls, which he and his company did then daily kill and feed 
on, in that place. In this course notwithstanding we had 
two days calm, yet within six days after we arrived (12th 
July) at Port Pheasant, which is a fine round bay, of very safe 
harbour for all winds, lying between two high points, not 
past half a cable's length over at the mouth, but within, eight 
or ten cables' length every way, having ten or twelve fathoms 
of water more or less, full of good fish ; the soil also very 
fruitful, which may appear by this, that our Captain having 
been in this place, within a year and few days before [i.e., in 
July, 1571] and having rid the place with many alleys and 
paths made ; yet now all was so overgrown again, as that 



230 Captain Garret's WARNING TO THEM. [sirF.'^DSke^°''i"5j. 



i59> 



we doubted, at first, whether this was the same place or 
not. 

At our entrance into this bay, our Captain having given 
order to his brother what to do, if any occasion should happen 
in his absence, was on his way, with intent to have gone 
aland with some few only in his company, because he knew 
there dwelt no Spaniards within thirty-hve leagues of that 
place. [Santiago de] Tolou being the nearest to the east- 
wards, and Nombre de Dios to the westwards, where any 
of that nation dwelt. 

But as we were rowing ashore, we saw a smoke in the 
woods, even near the place which our Captain had aforetime 
frequented; therefore thinking it fit to take more strength 
with us, he caused his other boat also to be manned, with 
certain muskets and other weapons, suspecting some enemy 
had been ashore. 

When we landed, we found by evident marks, that there 
had been lately there, a certain Englishman of Plymouth, 
called John Garret, who had been conducted thither by cer- 
tain English mariners which had been there with our Cap- 
tain, in some of his former voyages. He had now left a plate 
of lead, nailed fast to a mighty great tree (greater than any 
four men joining hands could fathom about) on which were 
engraven these words, directed to our Captain. 

Captain DRAKE! 

F YOU fortune to come to this Port, make haste away I 
For the Spaniards which you had with you here, the 
last year, have bewrayed this place, and taken away 
all that you left here. 
I depart from hence, this present yth of July, 1572. 
Your very loving friend, 

John Garret. 

The smoke which we saw, was occasioned by a fire, which 
the said Garret and his company had made, before their 
departure, in a very great tree, not far from this which had 
the lead nailed on it ; which had continued burning at least 
five days before our arrival. 

This advertisement notwithstanding, our Captain meant 




IrF-^bSl^y Pentagon FORT AT Port Pheasant. 231 

not to depart before he had built his pinnaces ; which were 
yet aboard in pieces : for which purpose he knew this port 
to be a most convenient place. 

And therefore as soon as we had moored our ships, our 
Captain commanded his pinnaces to be brought ashore for 
the carpenters to set up ; himself employing all his other 
company in fortifying a place (which he had chosen out, as a 
most fit plot) of three-quarters of an acre of ground, to make 
some strength or safety for the present, as sufficiently as the 
means he had would afford. Which was performed by fell- 
ing of great trees ; bowsing and hauling them together, with 
great pulleys and hawsers, until they were enclosed to the 
water ; and then letting others fall upon them, until they had 
raised with trees and boughs thirty feet in height round 
about, leaving only one gate to issue at, near the water side ; 
which every night, that we might sleep in more safety and 
security, was shut up, with a great tree drawn athwart it. 

The whole plot was built in pentagonal form, to wit, of five 
equal sides and angles, of which angles two were toward the 
sea, and that side between them was left open, for the easy 
launching of our pinnaces : the other four equal sides were 
wholly, excepting the gate before mentioned, firmly closed up. 

Without, instead of a trench, the ground was rid [laid bare] 
for fifty feet space, round about. The rest was very thick 
with trees, of which many were of those kinds which are never 
without green leaves, till they are dead at the root : excepting 
only one kind of tree amongst them, much like to our Ash, which 
when the sun cometh right over them, causing great rains, 
suddenly casteth all its leaves, viz., within three days, and 
yet within six days after becomes all green again. The 
leaves of the other trees do also in part fall away, but so as 
the trees continue still green notwithstanding: being of a mar- 
vellous height, and supported as it were with five or six 
natural buttresses growing out of their bodies so far, that three 
men may so be hidden in each of them, that they which shall 
stand in the very next buttress shall not be able to see them. 
One of them specially was marked to have had seven of those 
stays or buttresses, for the supporting of his greatness and 
height, which being measured with a line close by the bark 
and near to the ground, as it was indented or extant, was 
found to be above thirty-nine yards about. The wood of 



232 Captain Ranse's ship joins them. [IrF.^cS 



fRev. P. Nichols. T 
1593- 



those trees is as heavy or heavier than Brazil or Lignum 
vitcB ; and is in colour white. 

The next day after we had arrived (13th July), there came 
also into that bay, an English bark of the Isle of Wight, of 
Sir Edward Horsey's ; wherein James Ranse was Captain 
and John Overy, Master, with thirty men : of which, some 
had been with our Captain in the same place, the year before. 
They brought in with them a Spanish caravel of Seville, 
which he had taken the day before, athwart of that place ; 
being a Caravel of Adviso [Despatch boat] bound for Nombre 
de Dios ; and also one shallop with oars, which he had taken 
at Cape Blanc. This Captain Ranse understanding our 
Captain's purpose, was desirous to join in consort with him; 
and was received upon conditions agreed on between them. 

Within seven days after his coming, having set up our 
pinnaces, and despatched all our business, in providing all 
things necessary, out of our ships into our pinnaces : we de- 
parted (20th July) from that harbour, setting sail in the 
morning towards Nombre de Dios, continuing our course 
till we came to the Isles of Pinos : where, being within three 
days arrived, we found (22nd July) two frigates of Nombre 
de Dios lading plank and timber from thence. 

The Negroes which were in those frigates, gave us some 
particular understanding of the present state of the town ; 
and besides, told us that they had heard a report, that certain 
soldiers should come thither shortly, and were daily looked for, 
from the Governor of Panama, and the country thereabout, 
to defend the town against the Cimaroons (a black people, 
which about eighty years past [i.e., 15 12] fled from the 
Spaniards their masters, by reason of their cruelty, and are 
since grown to a Nation, under two Kings of their own : the 
one inhabiteth to the West, and the other to the East of the 
Way from Nombre de Dios to Panama) which had nearly 
surprised it [i.e., Nombre de Dios], about six weeks before 
[i.e., about loth June, 1572J. 

Our Captain willing to use those Negroes well (not hurting 
himself) set them ashore upon the Main, that they might 
perhaps join themselves to their countrymen the Cimaroons, 
and gain their liberty if they would ; or if they would not, 
yet by reason of the length and troublesomeness of the way 
by land to Nombre de Dios, he might prevent any notice of 



S^F.^dSS"'' 593.] 'T ^ E BOAT EXPEDITION SETS OUT. 233 

his coming, which they should be able to give. For he was 
loath to put the town to too much charge (which he knew 
they would willingly bestow) in providing beforehand for his 
entertainment ; and therefore he hastened his going thither, 
with as much speed and secrecy as possibly he could. 

To this end, disposing of all his companies, according as 
they inclined most ; he left the three ships and the caravel 
with Captain Ranse ; and chose into his four pinnaces (Cap- 
tain Ranse's shallop made the fourth) beside fifty-three of 
our men, twenty more of Captain Ranse's company; with 
which he seemed competently furnished, to achieve what he 
intended ; especially having proportioned, according to his 
own purpose, and our men's disposition, their several arms, 
viz., six targets, six firepikes, twelve pikes, twenty-four 
muskets and calivers, sixteen bows, and six partisans, two 
drums, and two trumpets. 

Thus having parted (23rd July) from our company: we 
arrived at the island of Cativaas, being twenty-five leagues 
distant, about five days afterward (28th July). There we 
landed all in the morning betimes : and our Captain trained 
his men, delivering them their several weapons and arms 
which hitherto he had kept very fair and safe in good caske 
[casks]: and exhorting them after his manner, he declared 
" the greatness of the hope of good things that was there ! the 
weakness of the town, being unwalled ! and the hope he had 
of prevailing to recompense his wrongs 1 especially now that 
he should come with such a crew, who were like-minded with 
himself; and at such a time, as he should be utterly undis- 
covered." 

Therefore, even that afternoon, he causeth us to set sail 
for Nombre de Dios, so that before sunset we were as far as 
Rio Francisco. Thence, he led us hard aboard the shore, 
that we might not be descried of the Watch House, until 
that being come within two leagues of the point of the bay, 
he caused us to strike a hull, and cast our grappers \_grappluig 
irons], riding so until it was dark night. 

Then we weighed again, and set sail, rowing hard aboard 
the shore, with as much silence as we could, ^ill we recovered 
the point of the harbour underthe high land. There, we stayed, 
all silent ; purposing to attempt the town in the dawning of 
the day : after that we had reposed ourselves, for a while. 



234 They assault Nombre de Dios, \Ji 



p. Nichols. T 
r F. Drake. 1593. 



But our Captain with some other of his best men, finding 
that our people were talking of the greatness of the town, 
and what their strength might be ; especially by the report 
of the Negroes that we took at the Isle of Pinos : thought it 
best to put these conceits out of their heads, and therefore to 
take the opportunity of the rising of the moon that night, 
persuading them that " it was the day dawning." By this 
occasion we were at the town a large hour sooner then first 
was purposed. For we arrived there by three of the clock 
after midnight. At what time it fortuned that a ship of 
Spain, of 60 tons, laden with Canary wines and other com- 
modities, which had but lately come into the bay ; and had 
not yet furled her sprit-sail (espying our four pinnaces, being 
an extraordinary number, and those rowing with many oars) 
sent away her gundeloe [? gondola] towards the town, to give 
warning. But our Captain perceiving it, cut betwixt her and 
the town, forcing her to go to the other side of the bay : 
whereby we landed without impeachment, although we found 
one gunner upon the Platform [battery] in the very place 
where we landed ; being a sandy place and no key [quay] at 
all, not past twenty yards from the houses. 

There we found six great pieces of brass ordnance, mounted 
upon their carriages, some Demy, some Whole-Culvering. 

We presently dismounted them. The gunner fled. The 
town took alarm (being very ready thereto, by reason of their 
often disquieting by their near neighbours the Cimaroons) ; 
as we perceived, not only by the noise and cries of the people, 
but by the bell ringing out, and drums running up and down 
the town. 

Our Captain, according to the directions which he had 
given over night, to such as he had made choice of for the 
purpose, left twelve to keep the pinnaces ; that we might be 
sure of a safe retreat, if the worst befell. And having made 
sure work of the Platform before he would enter the town, he 
thought best, first to view the Mount on the east side of the 
town : where he was informed, by sundry intelligences the year 
before, they had an intent to plant ordnance, which might 
scour round about the town. 

Therefore, leaving one half of his company to make a stand 
at the foot of the Mount, he marched up presently unto the top 
of it, with all speed to try the truth of the report, for the more 



srF.^bS!°^i593-] AND HOLD THE TOWN FOR A NIGHT. 235 

safety. There we found no piece of ordnance, but only a 
very fit place prepared for such use, and therefore we left it 
without any of our men, and with all celerity returned now 
down the Mount. 

Then our Captain appointed his brother, with John Oxnam 
[or OxENHAM] and sixteen other of his men, to go about, behind 
the King's Treasure House, and enter near the easter[n] end 
of the Market Place : himself with the rest, would pass up the 
broad street into the Market Place, with sound of drum and 
trumpet. The Firepikes, divided half to the one, and half to 
the other company, served no less for fright to the enemy than 
light of our men, who by his means might discern every place 
very well, as if it were near day : whereas the inhabitants stood 
amazed at so strange a sight, marvelling what the matter 
might be, and imagining, by reason of our drums and trum- 
pets sounding in so sundry places, that we had been a far 
greater number then we were. 

Yet, by means of the soldiers of which were in the town, 
and by reason of the time which we spent in marching up and 
down the Mount, the soldiers and inhabitants had put them- 
selves in arms, and brought their companies in some order, at 
the south-east end of the Market Place, near the Governor's 
House, and not far from the gate of the town, which is the 
only one, leading towards Panama : having (as it seems) 
gathered themselves thither, either that in the Governor's 
sight they might shew their valour, if it might prevail ; or 
else, that by the gate, they might best take their Vale, and 
escape readiest. 

And to make a shew of far greater numbers of shot, or else 
of a custom they had, by the like device to terrify the 
Cimaroons ; they had hung lines with matches lighted, over- 
thwart the wester[n] end of the Market Place, between the 
Church and the Cross; as though there had been in a readi- 
ness some company of shot, whereas indeed there were not 
past two or three that taught these lines to dance, till they 
themselves ran away, as soon as they perceived they were 
discovered. 

But the soldiers and such as were joined with them, pre- 
sented us with a jolly hot volley of shot, beating full upon 
the full egress of that street, in which we marched ; and level- 
ling very low, so as their bullets ofttimes grazed on the sand. 



236 The town has 360 tons of silver; [sirF-^DmS^'isgl 

We stood not to answer them in like terms : but having 
discharged our first volley of shot, and feathered them with 
our arrows (which our Captain had caused to be made of 
purpose in England ; not great sheaf arrows, but fine roving 
shafts, very carefully reserved for the service) we came to 
the push of pike, so that our firepikes being well armed and 
made of purpose, did us verj^ great service. 

For our men with their pikes and short weapons, in short 
time took such order among these gallants (some using the 
butt-end of their pieces instead of other weapons), that partly 
by reason of our arrows which did us there notable service, 
partly by occasion of this strange and sudden closing with 
them in this manner unlooked for, and the rather for that at 
the very instant, our Captain's brother, with the other com- 
pany, with their firepikes, entered the Market Place by the 
easter[n] street : they casting down their weapons, fled all out 
of the town by the gate aforesaid, which had been built for a 
bar to keep out of the town the Cimaroons, who had often 
assailed it ; but now served for a gap for the Spaniards to fly 
at. 

In following, and returning; divers of our men were hurt 
with the weapons which the enemy had let fall as he fled ; 
somewhat, for that we marched with such speed, but more for 
that the}' lay so thick and cross one on the other. 

Being returned, we made our stand near the midst of the 
Market Place, where a tree groweth hard by the Cross ; 
whence our Captain sent some of our men to stay the ringing 
of the alarm bell, which had continued all this while : but 
the church being very strongly built and fast shut, they 
could not without firing (which our Captain forbade) get into 
the steeple where the bell rung. 

In the meantime, our Captain having taken two or three 
Spaniards in their flight, commanded them to shew him the 
Governor's House, where he understood was the ordinary 
place of unlading the moiles [mules] of all the treasure which 
came from Panama by the King's appointment. Although 
the silver only was kept there ; the gold, pearl, and jewels 
(being there once entered by the King's officer) was carried 
from thence to the King's Treasure House not far off, being 
a house verj^ strongly built of lime and stone, for the safe 
keeping thereof. 



Diak?*i593.] ^^^ ^'^^ Treasury as much in gold 237 

At our coming to the Governor's House, we found the 
great door where the mules do usually unlade, even then 
opened, a candle lighted upon the top of the stairs ; and a 
fair gennet ready saddled, either for the Governor himself, or 
some other of his household to carry it after him. By means 
of this light we saw a huge heap of silver in that nether 
[lower] room ; being a pile of bars of silver of, as near as we 
could guess, seventy feet in length, of ten feet in breath, and 
twelve feet in height, piled up against the wall, each bar 
was between thirty-five and forty pounds in weight. 

At sight hereof, our Captain commanded straightly that 
none of us should touch a bar of silver ; but stand upon our 
weapons, because the town was full of people, and there was 
in the King's Treasure House near the water side, more gold 
and jewels than all our four pinnaces could carry : which we 
would presently set some in hand to break open, notwith- 
standing the Spaniards report the strength of it. 

We were no sooner returned to our strength, but there was 
a report brought by some of our men that our pinnaces were 
in danger to be taken; and that if we ourselves got not 
aboard before day, we should be oppressed with multitude 
both of soldiers and towns-people. This report had his 
ground from one Diego a Negro, who, in the time of the first 
conflict, came and called to our pinnaces, to know ** whether 
they were Captain Drake's ? " And upon answer received, 
continued entreating to be taken aboard, though he had first 
three or four shot made at him, until at length they fetched 
him ; and learned by him, that, not past eight days before 
our arrival, the King had sent thither some 150 soldiers to 
guard the town against the Cimaroons, and the town at this 
time was full of people beside : which all the rather believed, 
because it agreed with the report of the Negroes, which we 
took before at the Isle of Pinos. And therefore our Captain 
sent his brother and John Oxnam to understand the 
truth thereof. 

They found our men which we left in our pinnaces much 
frightened, by reason that they saw great troops and com- 
panies running up and down, with matches lighted, some 
with other weapons, crying Que gente ? que gente ? which not 
having been at the first conflict, but coming from the utter 
ends of the town (being at least as big as Plymouth), came 



238 Drake wounded. Thev leave the [sirF.^DSS°^is93. 

many times near us ; and understanding that we were 
English, discharged their pieces and ran away. 

Presently after this, a mighty shower of rain, with a terrible 
storm of thunder and lightning, fell, which poured down so 
vehemently (as it usually doth in those countries) that before 
we could recover the shelter of a certain shade or pent- 
house at the western end of the King's Treasure House, 
(which seemeth to have been built there of purpose to avoid 
sun and rain) some of our bow-strings were wet, and some of 
our match and powder hurt I which while we were careful of, 
to refurnish and supply ; divers of our men harping on the 
reports lately brought us, were muttering of the forces of 
the town, which our Captain perceiving, told them, that " He 
had brought them to the mouth of the Treasure of the World, 
if they would want it, they might henceforth blame nobody 
but themselves! " 

And therefore as soon as the storm began to assuage of his 
fury (which was a long half hour) willing to give his men no 
longer leisure to demur of those doubts, nor yet allow the 
enemy farther respite to gather themselves together, he stept 
forward commanding his brother, with John Oxxam and the 
company appointed them, to break the King's Treasure 
House : the rest to follow him to keep the strength of the 
Market Place, till they had despatched the business for which 
they came. 

But as he stepped forward, his strength and sight and 
speech failed him, and he began to faint for want of blood, 
which, as then we perceived, had, in great quantity, issued 
upon the sand, out of a wound received in his leg in the first 
encounter, whereby though he felt some pain, yet (for that he 
perceived divers of the company, having already gotten many 
good things, to be very ready to take all occasions, of winding 
themselves out of that conceited danger) would he not have 
it known to any, till this his fainting, against his will, be- 
wrayed it : the blood having first filled the very prints which 
our footsteps made, to the greater dismay of all our company, 
who thought it not credible that one man should be able to 
spare so much blood and live. 

And therefore even they, which were willing to have 
adventured the most for so fair a booty, would in no case 
hazard their Captain's life ; but (having given him somewhat 



SrF.^DSki!°''is93] Treasure of the World, to save him. 239 

to drink wherewith he recovered himself, and having bound 
his scarf about his leg, for the stopping of the blood) entreated 
him to be content to go with them aboard, there to have his 
wound searched and dressed, and then to return on shore 
again if he thought good. 

This when they could not persuade him unto (as who knew 
it to be utterly impossible, at least very unlikely, that ever they 
should, for that time, return again, to recover the state in 
which they now were: and was of opinion, that it were more 
honourable for himself, to jeopard his life for so great a benefit, 
than to leave off so high an enterprise unperformed), they 
joined altogether and with force mingled with fair entreaty, 
they bare him aboard his pinnace, and so abandoned a most 
rich spoil for the present, only to preserve their Captain's life: 
and being resolved of him, that while they enjoyed his pres- 
ence, and had him to command them, they might recover 
wealth sufficient ; but if once they lost him, they should 
hardly be able to recover home. No, not with that which 
they had gotten already. 

Thus we embarked by break of the day (29th July), having 
besides our Captain, many of our men wounded, though none 
slain but one Trumpeter: whereupon though our surgeons 
were busily employed, in providing remedies and salves for 
their wounds : yet the main care of our Captain was respected 
by all the rest ; so that before we departed out of the har- 
bour for the more comfort of our company, we took the afore- 
said ship of wines without great resistance. 

But before we had her free of the haven, they of the town 
had made means to bring one of their culverins, which we 
had dismounted, so as they made a shot at us, but hindered 
us not from carrying forth the prize to the Isle of Bastimentos, 
or the Isle of Victuals : which is an island that lieth without 
the bay to the westward, about a league off the town, where 
we stayed the two next days, to cure our wounded men, and 
refresh ourselves, in the goodly gardens which we there found 
abounding with great store of all dainty roots and fruits ; be- 
sides great plenty of poultry and other fowls, no less strange 
then delicate. 

Shortly upon our first arrival in this island, the Governor 
and the rest of his Assistants in the town, as we afterwards 
understood, sent unto our Captain, a proper gentleman, of 
II. Q 5 



240 The Spaniards' "gold harvest where- [I^^'f.^^S 



Nichols. ? 
1593- 



mean stature, good complexion, and a fair spoken, a princi- 
pal soldier of the late sent garrison, to view in what state we 
were. At his coming he protested " He came to us, of mere 
good will, for that we had attempted so great and incredible 
a matter with so few men : and that, at the first, they feared 
that we had been French, at whose hands they knew they 
should find no mercy : but after the}' perceived by our arrows, 
that we were Englishmen, their fears were the less, for that 
they knew, that though we took the treasure of the place, 
yet we would not use cruelty toward their persons. But 
albeit this his affection gave him cause enough, to come 
aboard such, whose virtue he so honoured : yet the Governor 
also had not only consented to his coming, but directly 
sent him, upon occasion that divers of the town affirmed, 
said he, 'that they knew our Captain, who the last two 
years had been often on our coast, and had always used 
their persons very well.' And therefore desired to know, first, 
Whether our Captain was the same Captain Drake or not ? 
and next. Because many of their men were wounded with 
our arrows, whether they were poisoned or not ? and how 
their wounds might best be cured? lastly, What victuals we 
wanted, or other necessaries ? of which the Governor pro- 
mised by him to supply and furnish us, as largely as he 
durst." 

Our Captain, although he thought this soldier but a spy : 
yet used him very courteously, and answered him to his 
Go\ernor's demands : that " He was the same Drake whom 
they meant ! It was never his manner to poison his arrows! 
They might cure their wounded by ordinary surgery ! As for 
wants, he knew the Island of Bastimentos had sufficient, and 
could furnish him if he listed ! but he wanted nothing but 
some of that special commodity which that country yielded, 
to content himself and his company." And therefore he ad- 
vised the Governor " to hold open his eyes ! for before he de- 
parted, if GOD lent him life and leave, he meant to reap 
some of their harvset, which they get out of the earth, and 
send into Spain to trouble all the earth ! " 

To this answer unlocked for, this gentleman replied, " If 
he might, without offence, move such a question, what should 
then be the cause of our departing from that town at this 
time, where was above 360 tons of silver ready for the Fleet, 



Rev. P. Nichols. ? 
Sir F. Drake 



'°''- !,1 WITH THEY TROUBLE ALL THE WORLD." 24 I 



and much more gold in value, resting in iron chests in the 
King's Treasure House ? " 

But when our Captain had shewed him the true cause of 
his unwilling retreat aboard, he acknowledged that " we had 
no less reason in departing, than courage in attempting": 
and no doubt did easily see, that it was not for the town to 
seek revenge of us, by manning forth such frigates or other 
vessels as they had ; but better to content themselves and 
provide for their own defence. 

Thus, with great favour and courteous entertainment, 
besides such gifts from our Captain as most contented him, 
after dinner, he was in such sort dismissed, to make report of 
that he had seen, that he protested, " he was never so much 
honoured of any in his life." 

After his departure, the Negro forementioned, being ex- 
amined more fully, confirmed this report of the gold and the 
silver ; with many other intelligences of importance : espe- 
cially how we might have gold and silver enough, if we 
would, by means of the Cimaroons, whom though he had 
betrayed divers times (being used thereto by his Masters) so 
that he knew they would kill him, if they got him : yet if our 
Captain would undertake his protection, he durst adventure 
his life, because he knew our Captain's name was most pre- 
cious and highly honoured by them. 

This report ministered occasion to further consultation : 
for which, because this place seemed not the safest ; as being 
neither the healthiest nor quietest ; the next day, in the 
morning, we all set our course for the Isle of Pinos or Port 
Plenty, where w^e had left our ships, continuing all that day, 
and the next till towards night, before we recovered it. 

We were the longer in this course, for that our Captain 
sent away his brother and Ellis Hixom to the westward, to 
search the River of Chagres, where himself had been the year 
before, and yet was careful to gain more notice of; it being a 
liver which trendeth to the southward, within six leagues of 
Panama, where is a little town called Venta Cruz [Venta de 
Cruzes], whence all the treasure, that was usually brought 
thither from Panama by mules, was embarked in frigates 
[sailing] down that river into the North sea, and so to 
Nombre de Dios, 

It ebbeth and floweth not far into the land, and therefore 



242 CaPT. RaNSE leaves the expedition. [|rF.DSke!''^is93. 

It asketh three days' rowing with a fine pinnace to pass [up] 
from the mouth to Venta Cruz ; but one day and a night 
serveth to return down the river. 

At our return to our ships (ist August), in our consultation, 
Captain Raxse (forecasting divers doubts of our safe con- 
tinuance upon that coast, being now discovered) was willing 
to depart ; and our Captain no less willing to dismiss him : 
and therefore as soon as our pinnaces returned from Chagres 
(7th August) with such advertisement as they were sent for, 
about eight days before ; Captain Ranse took his leave, leaving 
us at the isle aforesaid, where we had remained five or six days. 

In which meantime, having put all things in a readiness, 
our Captain resolved, with his two ships and three pinnaces 
to go to Cartagena ; whither in sailing, we spent some six 
daj's by reason of the calms which came often upon us : but 
all this time we attempted nothing that we might have done 
by the way, neither at [Santiago de] Tolou nor otherwhere, 
because we would not be discovered. 

We came to anchor with our two ships in the evening 
[13th August], in seven fathom water, between the island of 
Charesha [the island of Cartagena, p. 254] and St. Barnards 
[San Bernardo]. 

Our Captain led the three pinnaces about the island, into 
the harbour of Cartagena ; where at the very entry, he 
found a frigate at anchor, aboard which was only one old 
man ; who being demanded, ** Where the rest of his company 
was ? " answered, " That they were gone ashore in their 
gundeloe [? gondola or ship's boat], tha.t evening, to fight about 
a mistress": and voluntarily related to our Captain that, " two 
hours before night, there past by them a pinnace, with sail 
and oars, as fast as ever they could row, calling to him 
' Whether there had not been any English or Frenchmen 
there lately ? ' and upon answer that, ' There had been 
none ! ' they bid them * look to themselves ! ' That, within an 
hour that this pinnace was come to the utterside [outside] of 
Cartagena, there were many great pieces shot off, where- 
upon one going to top, to descry what might be the cause ? 
espied, over the land, divers frigates and small shipping 
bringing themselves within the Castle." 

This report our Captain credited, the rather for that 
himself had heard the report of the ordnance at sea ; and 



srF.^DSi!°''i593] Raid on the harbour of Cartagena. 243 

perceived sufficiently, that he was now descried. Notwith- 
standing in farther examination of this old mariner, having 
understood, that there was, within the next point, a great 
ship of Seville, which had here discharged her loading, and 
rid now with her yards across, being bound the next morning 
for Santo Domingo : our Captain took this old man into his 
pinnace to verify that which he had informed, and rowed 
towards this ship, which as we came near it, hailed us, 
asking, " Whence our shallops were ? " 

We answered, " From N ombre de Dios 1 " 

Straightway they railed ! and reviled ! We gave no heed 
to their words, but every pinnace, according to our Captain's 
order, one on the starboard bow, the other on the starboard 
quarter, and the Captain in the midship on the larboard side, 
forthwith boarded her; though we had some difficulty to 
enter by reason of her height, being of 240 tons. But as 
soon as we entered upon the decks, we threw down the grates 
and spardecks, to prevent the Spaniards from annoying us 
with their close fights : who then perceiving that we were 
possessed of their ship, stowed themselves all in hold with 
their weapons, except two or three yonkers, which were 
found afore the beetes : when having light out of our pinnaces, 
we found no danger of the enemy remaining, we cut their 
cables at halse, and with our three pinnaces, towed her with- 
out the island into the sound right afore the town, without 
[beyond the] danger of their great shot. 

Meanwhile, the town having intelligence hereof, or by their 
watch, took the alarm, rang out their bells, shot off about 
thirty pieces of great ordnance, put all their men in a readi- 
ness, horse and foot, came down to the very point of the 
wood, and discharged their calivers, to impeach us if they 
might, in going forth. 

The next morning (14th August) our ships took two frigates, 
in which there were two, who called themselves King's 
Scrivanos, the one of Cartagena, the other of Veragua, with 
seven mariners and two Negroes : who had been at Nombre 
de Dios and were now bound for Cartagena with double 
[ ? duplicate] letters of advice, to certify them that Captain 
Drake had been at Nombre de Dios, had taken it ; and 
had it not been that he was hurt with some blessed shot, by 
all likelihood he had sacked it. He was yet still upon the 
coast ; they should therefore carefully prepare for him ! 



244 Drake's device to sink the Swa.v, \j,^\%^i!'\lj, 

After that our Captain had brought all his fleet together, at 
the Scrivanos' entreaties, he was content to do them all favour, 
in setting them and all their companies on shore; and so 
bare thence with the islands of St. Bernards, about three 
leagues of the town : where we found great store of fish for 
our refreshing. 

Here, our Captain considering that he was now discovered 
upon the chieftest places of all the coast, and yet not mean- 
ing to leave it till he had found the Cimaroons, and " made" 
his voyage, as he had conceived ; which would require some 
length of time, and sure manning of his pinnaces : he deter- 
mined with himself, to burn one of the ships, and make the 
other a Storehouse ; that his pinnaces (which could not 
otherwise) might be thoroughly manned, and so he might 
be able to abide any time. 

But knowing the affection of his company, how loath they 
were to leave either of their ships, being both so good sailers 
and so well furnished ; he purposed in himself by some policy, 
to make them most willing to effect that he intended. And 
therefore sent for one Thomas Moone, who was Carpenter in 
the S-ii-an, and taking him into his cabin, chargeth him to 
conceal for a time, a piece of service, which he must in any 
case consent to do aboard his own ship : that was, in the 
middle of the second watch, to go down secretly into the well 
of the ship, and with a spike-gimlet, to bore three holes, as 
near the keel as he could, and lay something against it, that 
the force of the water entering, might make no great noise, nor 
be discovered by a boiling up. 

Thomas Moone at the hearing hereof, being utterly dis- 
mayed, desired to know " What cause there might be, to move 
him to sink so good a bark of his own, new and strong ; and 
that, by his means, who had been in two so rich and gainful 
voyages in her with himself heretofore : If his brother, the 
Master, and the rest of the company [nmnhering 26, see p. 228] 
should know of such his fact, he thought verilv they would 
kill him." 

But when our Captain had imparted to him his cause, and 
had persuaded him with promise that it should not be known, 
till all of them should be glad of it : he understood it, and did 
it accordingly. 

The next morning [15th August] our Captain took his pinnace 



lrF.^DSki°^'iS93] I^ ORDER TO MAN HIS PINNACES. 245 

very early, purposing to go a fishing, for tliat there is very 
great store on the coast ; and falHng aboard the Swan, calleth 
for his brother to go with him, who rising suddenly, answereth 
that ** He would follow presently, or if it would please him to 
stay a very little, he would attend him." 

Our Captain perceiving the feat wrought, would not hasten 
him ; but in rowing away, demanded of them, " Why their 
bark was so deep ? " as making no great account of it. But, 
by occasion of this demand, his brother sent one down to the 
Steward, to know " Whether there were any water in the 
ship ? or what other cause might be ? " 

The Steward, hastily stepping down at his usual scuttle, was 
wet up to his waist, and shifting with more haste to come up 
again as if the water had followed him, cried out that " The 
ship was full of water ! " There was no need to hasten the com- 
pany, some to the pump, others to search for the leak, which 
the Captain of the bark seeing they did, on all hands, very 
willingly; he followed his brother, and certified him of "the 
strange chancebefallen them that night; that whereasthey had 
not pumped twice in six weeks before, now they had six feet of 
water in hold: and therefore hedesireth leave from attending 
him in fishing, to intend the search and remedy of the leak." 
And when our Captain with his company preferred [offered] to 
go to help them; he answered, "They had men enough aboard, 
and prayed him to continue his fishing, that they might 
have some part of it for their dinner." Thus returning, he 
found his company had taken great pain, but had freed the 
water very little : yet such was their love to the bark, as our 
Captain well knew, that they ceased not, but to the utmost 
of their strength, laboured all that they might till three in 
the afternoon ; by which time, the company perceiving, that 
(though they had been relieved by our Captain himself and 
many of his company) yet they were not able to free above a 
foot and a half of water, and could have no likelihood of find- 
ing the leak, had now a less liking of her than before, and 
greater content to hear of some means for remedy. 

Whereupon our Captain (consulting them what they 
thought best to be done) found that they had more desire to 
have all as he thought fit, than judgement to conceive any 
means of remedy. And therefore he propounded, that him- 
self would go in the pinnace, till he could provide him some 



246 Pascha hid in the Gulf of DARiEN.[|^''F.^f)SJ°'^i5j3. 

handsome frigate ; and that his brother should be Captain in 
the admiral [flag-ship] and the Master should also be there 
placed with him, instead of this : which seeing they could 
not save, he would have fired that the enemy might never 
recover her : but first all the pinnaces should be brought 
aboard her, that every one might take out of her whatever 
they lacked or liked. 

This, though the company at the first marvelled at ; yet 
presently it was put in execution and performed that night. 

Our Captain had his desire,andmenenoughfor his pinnaces. 

The next morning (i6th August) we resolved to seek out 
some fit place, in the Sound of Darien, where we might safely 
leave our ship at anchor, not discoverable by the enemy, who 
thereby might imagine us quite departed from the coast, and 
we the meantim.e better follow our purposes with our pin- 
naces; of which our Captain would himself take two to Rio 
Grande [Magdalena], and the third leave with his brother 
to seek the Cimaroons. 

Upon this resolution, we set sail presently for the said 
Sound ; which within five days (21st August) we recovered: 
abstaining of purpose from all such occasion, as might hinder 
our determination, or bewray [betray] our being upon the coast. 

As soon as we arrived where our Captain intended, and 
had chosen a fit and convenient road out of all trade [to or 
from any Mart] for our purpose ; we reposed ourselves there, 
for some fifteen days, keeping ourselves close, that the bruit 
of our being upon the coast might cease. 

But in the meantime, we were not idle : for beside such 
ordinary works, as our Captain, even,' month did usually 
inure us to, about the trimmmg and setting of his pinnaces, 
for their better sailing and rowing : he caused us to rid a 
large plot of ground, both of trees and brakes, and to build us 
houses sufficient for all our lodging, and one especially for 
all our public meetings ; wherein the Negro which fled to us 
before, did us great service, as being well acquainted with the 
country, and their means of building. Our archers made 
themselves butts to shoot at, because we had many that 
delighted in that exercise, and wanted not a fletcher to keep 
our bows and arrows in order. The rest of the compan}', 
every one as he liked best, made his disport at bowls, quoits, 
keiles, &c. For our Captain allowed one half of the company 



Rev. P. Nichols 
Sir F. Drake 



J5J3.] Expedition up the Magdalena. 247 



to pass their time thus, every other day interchangeable ; the 
other half being enjoined to the necessary works, about our 
ship and pinnaces, and the providing of fresh victuals, fish, 
fowl, hogs, deer, conies, &c., whereof there is great plenty. 
Here our smiths set up their forge, as they used, being 
furnished out of England, with anvil, iron, coals, and all 
manner of necessaries, which stood us in great stead. 

At the end of these fifteen days (5th September), our Captain 
leaving his ship in his brother's charge, to keep all things in 
order ; himself took with him, according to his former deter- 
mination, two pinnaces for Rio Grande, and passing by 
Cartagena but out of sight, when we were within two leagues 
of the river, we landed (8th September) to the westward ort the 
Main, where we saw great store of cattle. There we found 
some Indians, who asking us in friendly sort, in broken 
Spanish, "What we would have? " and understanding that 
we desired fresh victuals in traffic ; they took such cattle 
for us as we needed, with ease and so readily, as if they had 
a special commandment over them, whereas they would not 
abide us to come near them. And this also they did willingly, 
because our Captain, according to his custom, contented them 
for their pains, with such things as they account greatly of; 
in such sort that they promised, we should have there of them 
at any time, what we would. 

The same day, we departed thence to Rio Grande [Mag- 
dalena], where we entered about three of the clock in the 
afternoon. There are two entries into this river, of which 
we entered the wester [n] most called Boca Chica. The freshet 
[current] is so great, that we being half a league from the 
mouth of it, filled fresh water for our beverage. 

From three o'clock till dark at night, we rowed up the 
stream ; but the current was so strong downwards, that we 
got but two leagues, all that time. We moored our pinnaces 
to a tree that night : for that presently, with the closing of the 
evening, there fell a monstrous shower of rain, with such 
strange and terrible claps of thunder, and flashes of lightning, 
as made us not a little to marvel at, although our Captain had 
been acquainted with such like in that country, and told us 
thattheycontinueseldomlongerthanthree-quarters of anhour. 

This storm was no sooner ceast, but it became very calm, 



248 Capture of store of provisions. [IrF.^cSl^'isgV 

and therewith there came such an innumerable multitude 
of a kind of flies of that country, called mosquitoes, like our 
gnats, which bite so spitefully, that we could not rest all that 
night, nor find means to defend ourselves from them, by 
reason of the heat of the country. The best remedy we then 
found against them, was the juice of lemons. 

At the break of day (9th Sept.), we departed, rowing in the 
eddy, and hauling up by the trees where the eddy failed, with 
great labour, by spells, without ceasing, each company their 
half-hourglass : without meetingany, till about three o'clock in 
the afternoon,by which time we couldgetbutfiveleaguesahead. 

Then we espied a canoe, with two Indians fishing in 
the river ; but we spake not to them, least so we might be 
descried : nor they to us, as taking us to be Spaniards. But 
within an hour after, we espied certain houses, on the other 
side of the river, whose channel is twenty-five fathom deep, 
and its breadth so great, that a man can scantly be discerned 
from side to side. Yet a Spaniard which kept those houses, 
had espied our pinnaces ; and thinking we had been his 
countrymen, made a smoke, for a signal to turn that way, as 
being desirous to speak with us. Afier chat, we espying this 
smoke, had made with it, and were ha'f the river over, he 
wheaved [waved] to us, with his hat and his long hanging 
sleeves, to come ashore. 

But as we drew nearer to him, and he discerned that we 
were not those he looked for; he took his heels, and fled from 
his houses, which we found to be, five in number, all full of 
white rusk, dried bacon, that country cheese (like Holland 
cheese in fashion, but far more delicate in taste, of which 
they send into Spain as special presents) many sorts of 
sweetmeats, and conserves ; with great store of sugar : being 
provided to serve the Fleet returning to Spain. 

With this store of victuals, we loaded our pinnaces ; by the 
shutting in of the day, w'e were ready to depart ; for that we 
hastened the rather, by reason of an intelligence given us by 
certain Indian women which we found in those houses : that 
the frigates (these are ordinarily thirty, or upwards, which 
usually transport the merchandise, sent out of Spain to Car- 
tagena from thence to these houses, and so in great canoes 
up hence into Nuevo Reyno, for which, the river running 
many hundred of leagues within the land serveth very fitly : 



s1rF.^i)Ski°^'is93-] Drake's second port, Port Plenty. 249 

and return in exchange, the gold and treasure, silver, victuals, 
and commodities, which that kingdom yields abundantly) 
were not yet returned from Cartagena, since the first alarm 
they took of our being there. 

As we were going aboard our pinnaces from these Store- 
houses (loth Sept.), the Indians of a great town called 
Villa del Key, some two miles distant from the water's side 
where we landed, were brought down by the Spaniards into 
the bushes, and shot arrows ; but we rowed down the stream 
with the current (for that the wind was against us) only one 
league ; and because it was night, anchored till the morning, 
when we rowed down to the mouth of the river, where we 
unloaded all our provisions, and cleansed our pinnaces, ac- 
cording to our Captain's custom, and took it in again, and 
the same day went to the Westward. 

In this return, we descried a ship, a barque, and a frigate, 
of which the ship and frigate went for Cartagena, but the 
Barque was bound to the Northwards, with the wind easterly, 
so that we imagined she had some gold or treasure going for 
Spain : therefore we gave her chase, but taking her, and find- 
ing nothing of importance in her, understanding that she was 
bound for sugar and hides, we let her go ; and having a good 
gale of wind, continued our former course to our ship and 
company. 

In the way between Cartagena and Tolou, we took [nth 
September] five or six frigates, which were laden from 
Tolou, with live hogs, hens, and maize which we call Guinea 
wheat. Of these, having gotten what intelligence they could 
give, of their preparations for us, and divers opinions of us, 
we dismissed all the men ; only staying two frigates with us, 
because they were so well stored with good victuals. 

Within three days after, we arrived at the place which our 
Captain chose, at first, to leave his ship in, which was called 
by our Captain, Port Plenty ; by reason we brought in thither 
continually all manner store of good victuals, which we took, 
going that way by sea, for the victualling of Cartagena and 
Nombre de Dios as also the Fleets going and coming out of 
Spain. So that if we had been two thousand, yea three 
thousand persons, we might with our pinnaces easily have 
provided them sufficient victuals of wine, meal, rusk, cassavi 



250 Make ACQUAINTANCE WITH CiMAROONS. [I'V^cS'^'^ii 

(a kind of bread made of a root called Yucca, whose juice is 
poison, but the substance good and wholesome), dried beef, 
dried fish, live sheep, live hogs, abundance of hens, besides 
the infinite store of dainty flesh fish, very easily to be taken 
every day; insomuch that we were forced to build four 
several magazines or storehouses, some ten, some twenty 
leagues asunder; some in islands, some in the Main, provid- 
ing ourselves in divers places, that though the enemy should, 
with force, surprise any one, yet we might be sufficiently 
furnished, till we had " made" our voyage as we did hope. 
In building of these, our Negro's help was very much, as 
having a special skill, in the speedy erection of such houses. 

This our store was much, as thereby we relieved not only 
ourselves and the Cimaroons while they were with us ; but 
also two French ships in extreme want. 

For in our absence. Captain John Drake, having one of 
our pinnaces, as was appointed, went in with the Main, and 
as he rowed aloof the shore, where he was directed by Diego 
the Negro aforesaid, which willingly came unto us at Nombre 
de Dios, he espied certain of the Cimaroons ; with whom he 
dealt so effectually, that in conclusion he left two of our men 
with their leader, and brought aboard two of theirs: agreeing 
that they should meet him again the next day, at a river 
midway between the Cabezas [Cabeza is Spanish for Head- 
land] and our ships ; which they named Rio Diego. 

These two being very sensible men, chosen out by their 
commander [chief], did, with all reverence and respect, de- 
clare unto our Captain, that their nation sonceited great joy 
of his arrival, because they knew him to be an enemy to the 
Spaniards, not only by his late being in Nombre de Dios, but 
also by his former voyages; and therefore were ready to assist 
and favour his enterprises against his and their enemies to 
the uttermost : and to that end their captain and company 
did stay at this present near the mouth of Rio Diego, to at- 
tend what answer and order should be given them ; that they 
would have marched by land, even to this place, but that the 
way is very long, and more troublesome, by reason of many 
steep mountains, deep rivers, and thick brakes : desiring 
therefore, that it might please our Captain to take some order, 
as he thought best, with all convenient speed in this behalf. 

Our Captain considering the speech of these persons, and 



I?f.^dS°'x593.] Find Cimaroons on Rio Diego. 251 

weighing it with his former intelligences had not only by 
Negroes, but Spaniards also, whereof he was always very 
careful : as also conferring it with his brother's informations 
of the great kindness that they shewed him, being lately with 
them : after he had heard the opinions of those of best service 
with him, " what were fittest to be done presently ? " resolved 
himself with his brother, and the two Cimaroons, in his two 
pinnaces, to go toward this river. As he did the same evening, 
giving order, that the ship and the rest of his fleet should 
the next morning follow him, because there was a place of as 
great safety and sufficiency, which his brother had found out 
near the river. The safety of it consisted, not only in that 
which is common all along that coast from Tolou to Nombre 
de Dios, being above sixty leagues, that it is a most goodly 
and plentiful country, and yet inhabited not with one Spaniard, 
or any for the Spaniards: but especially in that it lieth among 
a great many of goodly islands full of trees. Where, though 
there be channels, yet there are such rocks and shoals, that 
no man can enter by night without great danger; nor by day 
without discovery, whereas our ships might lie hidden within 
the trees. 

The next day (14th September) we arrived at this river 
appointed, where we found the Cimaroons according to pro- 
mise : the rest of their number were a mile up, in a wood by 
the river's side. There after we had given them entertainment, 
and received good testimonies of their joy and good will 
towards us, we took two more of them into our pinnace, 
leaving our two men with the rest of theirs, to march by land, 
to another river called Rio Guana, with intent there to meet 
with another company of Cimaroons which were now in the 
mountains. 

So we departed that day from Rio Diego, with our pinnaces, 
towards our ship, as marvelling that she followed us not as 
was appointed. 

But two days after (i6th September), we found her in the 
place where we left her ; but in far other state, being much 
spoiled and in great danger, by reason of a tempest she had 
in our absence. 

As soon as we could trim our ship, being some two days, 
our Captain sent away (i8th September) one of his pinnaces, 
towards the bottom of the bay, amongst the shoals and sandy 



CiMAROONS HAD SUNK MUCH GOLD. [| 



Rev. P. Nichols. ♦ 
ir F. Drake. 1593. 



islands, to sound out the channel, for the bringing in of our 
ship nearer the Main. 

The next day (igth September) we followed, and were with 
wary pilotage, directed safely into the best channel, with 
much ado to recover the road, among so many flats and 
shoals. It was near about five leagues from the Cativaas, 
betwixt an island and the Main, where we moored our ship. 
The island was not above four cables in length from the 
Main, being in quantity some three acres of ground, flat and 
very full of trees and bushes. 

We were forced to spend the best part of three days, after 
our departure from our Port Plenty, before we were quiet in 
this new found road [on Rio Diego, see, pp. 250 ««^ 251] (22nd 
September), which we had but newly entered, when our two 
men and the former troop of Cimaroons, with twelve others 
whom they had met in the mountains, came (23rd September) 
in sight over against our ship, on the Main. Whence we 
fet[ched] them all aboard, to their great comfort and our 
content : they rejoicing that they should have some fit oppor- 
tunity to wreak their wrongs on the Spaniards ; we hoping 
that now our voyage should be bettered. 

At our first meeting, when our Captain had moved them, 
to shew him the means which they had to furnish him with 
gold and silver ; they answered plainly, that " had they known 
gold had been his desire ; they would have satisfied him with 
store, which, for the present, they could not do : because the 
rivers, in which the}' sunk great store (which they had taken 
from the Spaniards, rather to despite them than for love of 
gold) were now so high, that they could not get it out of 
such depths for him ; and because the Spaniards, in these 
rainy months, do not use [are not accustomed] to carry their 
treasure by land." 

This answer although it were somewhat unlocked for; yet 
nothing discontented us, but rather persuaded us farther of 
their honest and faithful meaning toward us. Therefore our 
Captain to entertain these five months, commanded all our 
ordnance and artillery ashore, with all our other provisions: 
sending his pinnaces to the Main, to bring over great trees, 
to make a fort upon the same island, for the planting of all 
our ordnance therein, and for our safeguard, if the enemy, in 
all this time, should chance to come. 



Sir F. Drake. 



'V5J3.] Parting of Francis & John Drake. 253 



Our Cimaroons (24th September) cut down Palmito boughs 
and branches, and with wonderful speed raised up two large 
houses for all our company. Our fort was then made, by 
reason of the place, triangle-wise, with main timber, and earth 
of which the trench yielded us good store, so that we made it 
thirteen feet in height. [Fort Diego.] 

But after we had continued upon this island fourteen days, 
our Captain having determined, with three pinnaces, to go 
for Cartagena left (7th October), his brother John Drake, 
to govern these who remained behind with the Cimaroons to 
finish the fort which he had begun : for which he appointed 
him to fetch boards and planks, as many as his pinnaces 
would carry, from the prize we took at Rio Grande, and left 
at the Cativaas, where she drove ashore and wrecked in our 
absence: but now she might serve commodiously, to supply 
our use, in making platforms for our ordnance. Thus our 
Captain and his brother took their leave ; the one to the 
Eastward, and the other to the Cativaas. 

That night, we came to an isle, which he called Spur-kite 
land, because we found there great store of such a 
kind of bird in shape, but very delicate, of which we killed 
and roasted many ; staying there till the next day midnoon 
(8th October), when we departed thence. And about four 
o'clock recovered a big island in our way, where we stayed 
all night, by reason that there was great store of fish, and 
especially of a great kind of shell-fish of a foot long. We 
called them Whelks. 

The next morning (gth October), we were clear of these 
islands and shoah, and hauled off into the sea. About four 
days after (13th October), near the island of St. Bernards, 
we chased two frigates ashore ; and recovering one of these 
islands, made our abode there some two days (i4th-i5th 
October) to wash our pinnaces and to take of the fish. 

Thence we went towards Tolou, and that day (i6th October) 
landed near the town in a garden, where we found certain 
Indians, who delivered us their bows and arrows, and gathered 
for us such fruit as the garden did yield, being many sorts of 
dainty fruits and roots, [we] still contenting them for what we 
received. Our Captain's principal intent in taking this and 
other places by the way, not being for any other cause, but 



2 54 1 8 DAYS OFF CaRTAGENA HARBOUR. [frF.^cSt^^'^isgV 

onl}' to learn true intelligence of the state of the country and 
of the Fleets. 

Hence we departed presenth-, and rowed towards Charesha, 
the island of Cartagena; and entered in at Bocha Chica, 
and having the wind large, we sailed in towards the city, and 
let fall our grappers \grappling irons\ betwixt the island and 
the Main, right over against the goodly Garden Island. In 
which, our Captain would not suffer us to land, notwithstand- 
ing our importunate desire, because he knew, it might be 
dangerous : for that they are wont to send soldiers thither, 
when they know of any Men-of-war on the coast ; which 
we found accordingly. For within three hours after, passing 
by the point of the island, we had a volley of a hundred shot 
from them, and yet there was but one of our men hurt. 

This evening (i6th October) we departed to sea; and the 
day following (17th October), being some two leagues off the 
harbour, we took a bark, and found that the captain and 
his wife with the better sort of the passengers, had forsaken 
her, and were gone ashore in the Gundeloe \ship''s boat] : by 
occasion whereof we boarded without resistance, though they 
were well provided with swords and targets and some small 
shot, besides four iron bases. She was 50 tons, having ten 
mariners, five or six Negroes, great store of soap and sweet 
meat, bound from St. Domingo to Cartagena. This Captain 
left behind him a silk ancient [flag] with his arms ; as might 
be thought, in hasty departing. 

The next day (iSth October), we sent all the company 
ashore to seek their masters, saving a young Negro two or 
three years old, which we brought away; but kept the bark, 
and in her, bore into the mouth of Cartagena harbour, where 
we anchored. 

That afternoon, certain horsemen came down to the point 
by the wood side, and with the ScW^^awo fore-mentioned, came 
towards our bark with a flag of truce, desiring of our 
Captain's safe conduct for his coming and going; the which 
being granted, he came aboard us, giving our Captain " great 
thanks for his manifold favours, &c., promising that night 
before daybreak, to bring as much victuals as they would 
desire, what shift so ever he made, or what danger soever 
incurred of law and punishment." But this fell out to 
be nothing but a device of the Governor forced upon the 



SirR^DS^'isgl] SkIRMISHING WITH THE SPANIARDS, 255 

Scrivano, to delay time, till they might provide themselves of 
sufficient strength to entrap us : for which this fellow, by his 
smooth speech, was thought a fit means. So by sun rising, 
(19th October), when we perceived his words but words, we 
put to sea to the westward of the island, some three leagues 
off, where we lay at hull the rest of all that day and night. 

The next day (20th October), in the afternoon, there came 
out of Cartagena, two frigates bound for St. Domingo, the 
one of 58, the other of 12 tons, having nothing in them but 
ballast. We took them within a league of the town, and 
came to anchor with them within sacre shot of the east Bul- 
wark. There were in those frigates some twelve or thirteen 
common mariners, which entreated to be set ashore. To 
them our Captain gave the great [er] frigate's gundeloe, and 
dismissed them. 

The next morning (21st October; when they came down to 
the wester[n] point with a flag of truce, our Captain manned 
one of his pinnaces and rowed ashore. When we were 
within a cable's length of the shore, the Spaniards fled, hiding 
themselves in the woods, as being afraid of our ordnance; 
but indeed to draw us on to land confidently, and to presume 
of our strength. Our Captain commanding the grapnell to be 
cast out of the stern, veered the pinnace ashore, and as soon 
as she touched the sand, he alone leapt ashore in their sight, 
to declare that he durst set his foot a land : but stayed not 
among them, to let them know, that though he had not 
sufficient forces to conquer them, yet he had sufficient judge- 
ment to take heed of them. 

And therefore perceiving their intent, as soon as our Cap- 
tain was aboard, we hauled off upon our grapner and rid awhile. 

They presently came forth upon the sand[s], and sent a 
youth, as with a message from the Governor, to know, " What 
our intent was, to stay upon the coast ? " 

Our Captain answered, " He meant to traffic with them ; for 
he had tin, pewter, cloth, and other merchandise that they 
needed." 

The youth swam back again with this answer, and was 
presently returned, with another message: that, "The King 
had forbidden to traffic with any foreign nation for any com- 
modities, except powder and shot ; of which, if he had any 
store, they would be his merchants." 



256 M ANCEUVRES & COUNTER M ANCEU VRES. [sirF.^bSct.°''i'5J: 



1593- 



He answered, that " He was come from his country, to 
exchange his commodities for gold and silver, and is not 
purposed to return without his errand. They are like, in his 
opinion, to have little rest, if that, by fair means, they would 
not traffic with him." 

He gave this messenger a fair shirt for a reward, and so 
returned him : who rolled his shirt about his head and swam 
very speedily. 

We heard no answer all that day ; and therefore toward 
night we went aboard our frigates and reposed ourselves, 
setting and keeping very orderly all that night our watch, 
with great and small shot. 

The next morning (22nd October) the wind, which had been 
westerly in the evening, altered to the Eastward. 

About the dawning of the day, we espied two sails turning 
towards us, whereupon our Captain weighed with his pinnaces, 
leaving the two frigates unmanned. But when we were 
come somewhat nigh them, the wind calmed, and we were 
fain to row towards them, till that approaching very nigh, 
we saw many heads peering over board. For, as we per- 
ceived, these two frigates were manned and set forth out of 
Cartagena, to fight with us, and, at least, to impeach or 
busy us ; whilst by some means or other they might recover 
the frigates from us. 

But our Captain prevented both their drifts. For com- 
manding John Oxnam to stay with the one pinnace, to enter- 
tain these two Men-of-war; himself in the other made such 
speed, that he got to his frigates which he had left at anchor; 
and caused the Spaniards (who in the meantime had gotten 
aboard in a small canoe, thinking to have towed them within 
the danger of their shot) to make greater haste thence, than 
Lhey did thither. 

For he found that in shifting thence, some of them were 
fain to swim aland (the canoe not being able to receive them) 
and had left their apparel, some their rapiers and targets, 
some their flasks and calivers behind them ; although they 
were towing away of one of them. 

Therefore considering that we could not man them, we 
sunk the one, and burnt the other, giving them to understand 
by this, that we perceived their secret practices. 

This being done, he returned to John Oxnam ; who all this 



Rev 

Sir 



f.^dSS°^i593.1 Driven from Cartagena by storms. 257 



while lay by the Men-of-war without proffering to fight. And 
as soon as our Captain was come up to these frigates, the 
wind blew much from the sea, so that, we being betwixt the 
shore and them, were in a manner forced to bear room into 
the harbour before them, to the great joy of the Spaniards; 
who beheld it ; in supposing, that we would still have fled 
before them. But as soon as we were in the harbour, and 
felt smooth water, our pinnaces, as we were assured of, getting 
the wind, we sought with them upon the advantage, so that 
after a few shot exchanged, and a storm rising, they were 
contented to press no nearer. Therefore as they let fall their 
anchors, we presently let drop our grapner in the wind of 
them : which the Spanish soldiers seeing, considering the 
disadvantage of the wind, the likelihood of the storm to con- 
tinue, and small hope of doing any good, they were glad to 
retire themselves to the town. 

But by reason of the foul and tempestuous weather, we 
rode therein four days, feeling great cold, by reason we had 
such sore rains with westerly wind, and so little succour in 
our pinnaces. 

The fifth day (27th October) there came in a frigate from 
the sea, which seeing us make towards her, ran herself 
ashore, unhanging her rudder and taking away her sails, 
that she might not easily be carried away. But when we 
were come up to her, we perceived about a hundred horse 
and foot, with their furniture, come down to the point of the 
Main, where we interchanged some shot with them. One of 
our great shot passed so near a brave cavalier of theirs, that 
thereby they were occasioned to advise themselves, and re- 
treat into the woods : where they might sufficiently defend 
and rescue the frigate from us, and annoy us also, if we 
stayed long about her. 

Therefore we concluded to go to sea again, putting forth 
through Boca Chica, with intent to take down our masts, upon 
hope of fair weather, and to ride under the rocks called Las 
Serenas, which are two leagues off at sea, as we had usually 
done aforetime, so that they could not discern us from the 
rocks. But, there, the sea was mightily grown, that we were 
forced to take the harbour again ; where we remained six 
days, notwithstanding the Spaniards grieved greatly at our 
abode there so long. 



258 Exposure and starvation at sea. [s^j.^bSS"''' 



1593- 



They put (2nd November) another device in practice to 
endanger us. 

For they sent forth a great shallop, a fine gundeloe, and a 
great canoe, with certain Spaniards with shot, and many 
Indians with poisoned arrows, as it seemed, with intent to 
begin some fight, and then to fly. For as soon as we rowed 
toward them and interchanged shot, they presently retired and 
went ashore into the woods, where an ambush of some sixty 
shot were laid for us : besides two pinnaces and a frigate 
warping towards us, which were manned as the rest. They 
attempted us very boldly, being assisted by those others, 
which from out of the wood, had gotten aboard the gundeloe 
and canoe, and seeing us bearing from them (which we did in 
respect of the anibuscado), they encouraged themselves and 
assured their fellow^ s of the day. 

But our Captain weighing this their attempt, and being 
out of danger of their shot from the land, commanding his 
other pinnace to be brought ahead of him, and to let fall their 
grapners each ahead the other, environed both the pinnaces 
with bonnets, as for a close fight, and then wheaved [waved] 
them aboard him. 

They kept themselves upon their oars at caliver-shot dis- 
tance, spending powder apace ; as we did some two or three 
hours. We had only one of our men w-ounded in that fight. 
^^'hat they had is unknown to us, but we saw their pinnaces 
shot through in divers places, and the powder of one of them 
took fire ; whereupon we weighed, intending to bear room to 
overrun them : which they perceiving, and thinking that we 
would have boarded them, rowed away amain to the defence 
they had in the wood, the rather because they were disap- 
pointed of their help that they expected from the frigate ; 
which was warping towards us, but by reason of the much 
wind that blew, could not come to offend us or succour them. 

Thus seeing that we were still molested, and no hope re- 
mained of any purchase to be had in this place an}' longer; 
because we were now so notably made known in those parts, 
and because our victuals grew scant : as soon as the weather 
waxed somewhat better (the wind continuing always westerly, 
so that we could not return to our ships) our Captain thought 
best to go (3rd November) to the Eastward, towards Rio 
Grande [Magdalena] long the coast, where we had been before, 
and found great store of victuals. 



lrF.^i>Ske.°''i593-] Repulse at Santa Marta. 250 

But when after two days' sailing, we were arrived (5th 
November) at the villages of store, where before we had 
furnished ourselves with abundance of hens, sheep, cahes, 
hogs, &c. ; now we found bare nothing, not so much as any 
people left : for that they, by the Spaniards' commandments, 
had fled to the mountains, and had driven away all their 
cattle, that we might not be relieved by them. Herewith 
being very sorry, because much of our victuals in our pinnaces 
was spoilt by the foul weather at sea md rains in harbour. 
A frigate being descried at sea revived us, and put us in some 
hope for the time, that in her we sliouid find sufficient ; and 
thereupon it may easily be guessed, how much we laboured 
to recover her : but when we had boarded her, and understood 
that she had neither meat nor money, but that she was 
bound for Rio Grande to take in provision upon bills, our great 
hope converted into grief. 

We endured with our allowance seven or eight days more, 
proceeding to the Eastward, and bearing room for Santa 
Marta, upon hope to find some shipping in the road, or 
limpets on the rocks, or succour against the storm in that 
good harbour. Being arrived ; and seeing no shipping; we 
anchored under the wester[nj point, where is high land, and, 
as we thought, free in safety from the town, which is in the 
bottom of the bay: not intending to land there, because we 
knew that it was fortified, and that they had intelligence 
of us. 

But the Spaniards (knowing us to be Men-of-war, and 
misliking that we should shroud under their rocks without 
their leave) had conveyed some thirty or forty shot among the 
cliffs, which annoyed us so spitefully and so unrevengedly, 
for that they lay hidden behind the rocks, but we lay open to 
them, that we were soon weary of our harbour, and enforced 
(for all the storm without and want within) to put to sea. 
Which though these enemies of ours were well contented 
withal, yet for a farewell, as we came open of the town, they 
sent us a culverin shot ; which made a near escape, for it fell 
between our pinnaces, as we were upon conference of what 
was best to be done. 

The company advised that if it pleased him, they might put 
themselves a land, some place to the Eastward to get victuals, 
and rather hope for courtesy from the country-people, than 



26o They take a Spanish bark, [I^^F.^cSfe 



fRev. P. Nichols, t 
1593- 



continue at sea, in so long cold, and great a storm in so leaky 
a pinnace. But our Captain would in no wise like of that 
advice ; he thought it better to bear up towards Rio de [laj 
Hacha, or Corigao [Curacao], with hope to have plenty without 
great resistance : because he knew, either of the islands were 
not very populous, or else it would be very likely that there 
would be found ships of victual in a readiness. 

The company of the other pinnace answered, that '' They 
would willingly follow him through the world ; but in 
this they could not see how either their pinnaces should live 
in that sea, without being eaten up in that storm, or they 
themselves able to endure so long time, with so slender 
provision as they had, viz., only one gammon of bacon and 
thirty pounds of biscuit for eighteen men." 

Our Captain replied, that '' They were better provided than 
himself was, who had but one gammon of bacon, and forty 
pounds of biscuit for his twenty-four men ; and therefore he 
doubted not but they would take such part as he did, and 
willingly depend upon GOD's Almighty providence, which 
never faileth them that trust in Him." 

With that he hoisted his foresail, and set his course for 
Cori9ao ; which the rest perceiving with sorrowful hearts in 
respect of the weak pinnace, yet desirous to follow their 
Captain, consented to take the same course. 

We had not sailed past three leagues, but we had espied a 
sail plying to the Westward, with her two courses, to our 
great joy: who vowed together, that we would have her, or 
else it should cost us dear. 

Bearing with her, we found her to be a Spanish ship of 
above go tons, which being wheaved [waved] amain by us, 
despised our summons, and shot off her ordnance at us. 

The sea \vent very high, so that it was not for us to at- 
tempt to board her, and therefore we made fit small sail to 
attend upon her, and keep her company to her small content, 
till fairer weather might lay the sea. We spent not past two 
hours in our attendance, till it pleased GOD, after a great 
shower, to send us a reasonable calm, so that we might use 
our pieces [i.e., bases] and approach her at pleasure, in such sort 
that in short time we had taken her; finding her laden with 
victuals well powdered [salted] and dried : which at that 
present we received as sent us of GOD's great mercy. 



srF.^l)rak?°'i'593] ^^ WHICH THEY OBTAIN PROVISIONS. 26 1 

After all things were set in order, and that the wind in- 
creased towards night, we plied off and on, till day (13th 
November), at what time our Captain sent in Ellis 
HixoM, who had then charge of his pinnace, to search out 
some harbour along the coast ; who having found out a 
little one, some ten or twelve leagues to the east of Santa 
Marta, where in sounding he had good ground and sufficient 
water, presently returned, and our Captain brought in his 
new prize. Then by promising liberty, and all the apparel 
to the Spaniards which we had taken, if they would bring us 
to water and fresh victuals ; the rather by their means, we 
obtained of the inhabitants (Indians) what they had, which 
was plentiful. These Indians were clothed and governed by 
a Spaniard, which dwelt in the next town, not past a league 
off. We stayed there all day, watering and wooding, and 
providing things necessary, by giving content and satisfac- 
tion of the Indians. But towards night our captain called 
all of us aboard (only leaving the Spaniards lately taken in 
the prize ashore, according to our promise made them, to 
their great content ; who acknowledged that our Captain did 
them a far greater favour in setting them freely at liberty, 
than he had done them displeasure in taking their ship), and 
so set sail. 

The sickness which had begun to kindle among us, two or 
three days before, did this day shew itself, in Charles Glub, 
one of our Quarter-Masters, a very tall man, and a right good 
mariner; taken away, to the great grief both of Captain and 
company. What the cause of this malady was, we knew 
not of certainty, we imputed it to the cold which our men 
had taken, lying without succour in the pinnaces. But how- 
soever it was, thus it pleased GOD to visit us, and yet in 
favour to restore unto health all the rest of our company, 
that were touched with this disease ; which were not a few. 

The next morning (15th November) being fair weather, 
though the wind continued contrary, our Captain commanded 
the Minion, his lesser pinnace, to hasten away before him 
towards his ships at Fort Diego within the Cabegas [Head- 
lands] to carry news of his coming, and to put all things in a 
readiness for our land journey, if they heard anything of the 
Fleet's arrival by the Cimaroons ; giving the Minion charge 
if they wanted wine, to take St. Bernards in their way, and 



262 How John Drake was killed. [sirF.^D^^Js. 

there take in some such portion as the}^ thought good, of |j 
the wines which we had there hidden in the sand, m 

We pHed to windwards, as near as we could, so that within ■ 
seven-night after the Minion departed from us, we came * 
(22nd November) to St. Bernards, finding but twelve botijos 
of wine of all the store we left, which had escaped the 
curious search of the enemy, who had been there ; for they 
were deep in the ground. 

Within four or five days after, we came (27th November) 
to our ship, where we found all other things in good order; 
but received very heavy news of the death of John Drake, 
our Captain's brother, and another young man called Richard 
Allen, which w^ere both slain at one time (9th October), as 
they attempted the boarding of a frigate, within two days 
after our departing from them. 

The manner of it, as we learned by examination of the 
company, was this. When they saw this frigate at sea, 
as they were going towards their fort with planks to make 
the platforms, the company were very importunate on 
him, to give chase and set upon this frigate, which they 
deemed had been a fit booty for them. But he told them, 
that they *' wanted weapons to assail ; the}' knew not how 
the frigate was provided, they had their boats loaded with 
planks, to finish that his brother had commanded." But 
wdien this would not satisfy them, but that still they urged 
him with words and supposals : " If you will needs," said he, 
"adventure! it shall never be said that I will be hindmost, 
neither shall you report to my brother, that you lost your 
voyage by any cowardice you found in me ! " 

Thereupon every man shifted as they might for the time : 
and heaving their planks overboard, took them such poor 
weapons as they had : viz., a broken pointed rapier, one old 
visgee, and a rusty caliver : John Drake took the rapier, and 
made a gauntlet of his pillow, Richard Allen the visgee, both 
standing at the head of the pinnace, called Eton. Robert 
took the caliver and so boarded. But they found the frigate 
armed round about with a close fight of hides, full of pikes 
and calivers, which were discharged in their faces, and 
deadly wounded those that were in the fore-ship, John 
Drake in the belly, and Richard Allen in the head. But 



I^F.^'D^'si] H O W J O S E P H D R A K E D I E D . 263 

notwithstanding their wounds, they with oars shifted off the 
pinnace, got clear of the frigate, and with all haste recovered 
their ship : where within an hour after, this young man of great 
hope, ended his days, greatly lamented of all the company. 

Thus having moored our ships fast, our Captain resolved 
to keep himself close without being descried, until he might 
hear of the coming of the Spanish Fleet ; and therefore set 
no more to sea; but supplied his wants, both for his own 
company and the Cimaroons, out of his foresaid magazine, 
beside daily out of the woods, with wild hogs, pheasants, and 
guanas: continuing in health (GOD be praised) all the mean- 
time, which was a month at least ; till at length about the 
beginning of January, half a score of our company fell down 
sick together (3rd Jan. 1573), and the most of them died within 
two or three days. So long that we had thirty at a time sick 
of this calenture, which attacked our men, either by reason of 
the sudden change from cold to heat, or by reason of brackish 
water which had been taken in by our pinnace, through the 
sloth of their men in the mouth of the river, not rowing 
further in where the water was good. 

Among the rest, Joseph Drake, another of his brethren, 
died in our Captain's arms, of the same disease: of which, 
that the cause might be the better discerned, and consequently 
remedied, to the relief of others, by our Captain's appoint- 
ment he was ripped open by the surgeon, who found his 
liver swollen, his heart as it were sodden, and his guts all 
fair. This was the first and last experiment that our Cap- 
tain made of anatomy in this voyage. 

The Surgeon that cut him open, over-lived him not past 
four days, although he was not touched with that sickness, 
of which he had been recovered about a month before : but 
only of an over-bold practice which he would needs make 
upon himself, by receiving an over-strong purgation of his 
own device, after which taken, he never spake ; nor his Boy 
recovered the health which he lost by tasting it, till he saw 
England. 

The Cimaroons, who, as is before said, had been enter- 
tained by our Captain in September last, and usually repaired 
to our ship, during all the time of our absence, ranged 
the country up and down, between Nombre de Dios and us, 
to learn what they might for us ; whereof they gave our 



264 The famous march to Panama, of [srF.^DSke^'''*i593. 

Captain advertisement, from time to time ; as now parti- 
cularly, certain of them let him understand, that the Fleet 
had certainly arrived in N ombre de Dios. 

Therefore he sent (30th January) the Lion, to the seamost 
islands of the Cativaas, to descry the truth of the report : 
by reason it must needs be, that if the Fleet were in Nombre 
de Dios, all frigates of the country would repair thitherward 
with victuals. 

The Lion, within few days descried that she was sent for, 
espying a frigate, which she presently boarded and took, 
laden with maize, hens, and pompions from Tolou ; who 
assured us of the whole truth of the arrival of the Fleet : 
in this frigate were taken one woman and twelve men, of 
whom one was the Scrivano of Tolou. These we used very 
courteously, keeping them diligently guarded from the deadly 
hatred of the Cimaroons ; who sought daily by all means they 
could, to get them of our Captain, that the}' might cut their 
throats, to revenge their wrongs and injuries which the 
Spanish nation had done them : but our Captain persuaded 
them not to touch them, or give them ill countenance, while 
they were in his charge ; and took order for their safety, not 
only in his presence, but also in his absence. For when he 
had prepared to take his journey for Panama, by land; he gave 
Ellis Hixom charge of his own ship and company, and 
especially of those Spaniards whom he had put into the great 
prize, which was hauled ashore to the island, which we 
termed Slaughter Island (because so many of our men died 
there), and used as a storehouse for ourselves, and a prison 
for our enemies. 

All things thus ordered, our Captain conferring with his 
company, and the chiefest of the Cimaroons, what provisions 
were to be prepared for this great and long journey, what 
kind of weapons, what store of victuals, and what manner of 
apparel : was especially advised, to carry as great store of 
shoes as possible he might, by reason of so many rivers with 
stone and gravel as they were to pass. Which, accordingly 
providing, prepared his company for that journey, entering 
it upon Shrove-Tuesday (3rd February). At what time, 
there had died twenty-eight of our men, and a few whole 
men were left aboard with Ellis Hixom to keep the ship, 
and attend the sick, and guard the prisoners. 



srF.^DSi!°''i59V] ^^ Englishmen and 30 Cimaroons. 265 

At his departure our Captain gave this Master straight 
charge, in any case not to trust any messenger, that should 
come in his name with any tokens, unless he brought his 
handwriting : which he knew could not be counterfeited by 
the Cimaroons or Spaniards. 



We were in all forty-eight, of which eighteen only were 
English ; the rest were Cimaroons, which, beside their arms, 
bare every one of them, a great quantity of victuals and 
provision, supplying our want of carriage in so long a march, 
so that we were not troubled with anything but our furni- 
ture. And because they could not carry enough to suffice 
us altogether ; therefore (as they promised before) so by the 
way with their arrows, they provided for us competent store 
from time to time. 

They have every one of them two sorts of arrows : the one 
to defend himself and offend the enemy, the other to kill his 
victuals. These for fight are somewhat like the Scottish 
arrow ; only somewhat longer, and headed with iron, wood, 
or fish bones. But the arrows for provision are of three sorts, 
the first serveth to kill any great beast near [at] hand, as ox, 
stag, or wild boar: this hath a head of iron of a pound and 
a half weight, shaped in form like the head of a javelin or 
boar-spear, as sharp as any knife, making so large and deep 
a wound as can hardly be believed of him that hath not seen 
it. The second serveth for lesser beasts, and hath a head 
of three-quarters of a pound : this he most usually shooteth. 
The third serveth for all manner of birds : it hath a head of 
an ounce weight. And these heads though they be of iron 
only, yet are they so cunningly tempered, that they will con- 
tinue a very good edge a long time : and though they be 
turned sometimes, yet they will never or seldom break. The 
necessity in which they stand hereof continually causeth 
them to have iron in far greater account than gold : and no 
man among them is of greater estimation, than he that can 
most perfectly give this temper unto it. 

Every day we were marching by sun-rising. We con- 
tinued till ten in the forenoon : then resting (ever near some 
river) till past twelve, we marched till four, and then by 
some river's side, we reposed ourselves in such houses, as 



266 Marching through the woods. [srF.^DS°'i5j. 



sgy 



either we found prepared heretofore by them, when they 
travelled through these woods, or they daily built very 
readily for us in this manner. 

As soon as we came to the place where we intended to 
lodge, the Cimaroons, presently laying down their burdens, 
fell to cutting of forks or posts, and poles or rafters, and pal- 
mito boughs, or plaintain leaves ; and with great speed set 
up to the number of six houses. For every of which, they 
first fastened deep into the ground, three or four great posts 
with forks : upon them, they laid one transom, which was 
commonly about twenty feet, and made the sides, in the 
manner of the roofs of our country houses, thatching it close 
with those aforesaid leaves, which keep out water a long 
time : observing always that in the lower ground, where 
greater heat was, they left some three or four feet open 
unthatched below, and made the houses, or rather roofs, 
so many feet the higher. But in the hills, where the air 
was more piercing and the nights cold, they made our rooms 
always lower, and thatched them close to the ground, leaving 
only one door to enter in, and a lover [louvre] hole for a 
vent, in the midst of the roof. In every [onej of these, they 
made four several lodgings, and three fires, one in the midst, 
and one at each end of every house : so that the room was 
most temperately warm, and nothing anno3'ed with smoke, 
partly by reason of the nature of the wood which they use 
to burn, yielding very little smoke, partly by reason of their 
artificial making of it : as firing the wood cut in length like 
our billets at the ends, and joining them together so close, 
that though no flame or fire did appear, yet the heat 
continued without intermission. 

Near many of the rivers where we stayed or lodged, we 
found sundry sorts of fruits, which we might use with great 
pleasure and safety temperatel}^: Mammeas, Guayvas, Pal- 
mitos, Pinos, Oranges, Lemons, and divers other; from eating 
of which, they dissuaded us in any case, unless we eat very 
fewof them, andthose first dry roasted, as Plantains, Potato[e]s, 
and such like. 

In journeying, as oft as by chance they found any wild 
swine, of which those hills and valleys have store, they would 
ordinarily, six at a time, deliver their burdens to the rest of 
their fellows, pursue, kill and bring away after us, as much 



srF.^bSS°^'i5i] ^^^ CiMAROONS, AND THEIR TOWNS. 267 

as they could carry, and time permitted. One day as we 
travelled, the Cimaroons found an otter, and prepared it to be 
drest: our Captain marvelling at it, Pedro, our chief Cima- 
roon, asked him, " Are you a man of war, and in want ; and 
yet doubt whether this be meat, that hath blood ? " 

Herewithal our Captain rebuked himself secretly, that he 
had so slightly considered of it before. 

The third day of our journey (6th February), they brought 
us to a town of their own, seated near a fair river, on the side 
of a hill, environed with a dyke of eight feet broad, and a thick 
mud wall of ten feet high, sufficient to stop a sudden surpriser. 
It had one long and broad street, lying east and west, 
and two other cross streets of less breadth and length : there 
were in it some five or six and fifty households ; which were 
kept so clean and sweet, that not only the houses, but the 
very streets were very pleasant to behold. In this town we 
saw they lived very civilly and cleanly. For as soon as we 
came thither, they washed themselves in the river; and 
changed their apparel, as also their women do wear, which was 
very fine and fitly made somewhat after the Spanish fashion, 
though nothing so costly. This town is distant thirty-five 
leagues from Nombre de Dios and forty-five from Panama. 
It is plentifully stored with many sorts of beasts and fowl, 
with plenty of maize and sundry fruits. 

Touching their affection in religion, they have no kind 
of priests, only they held the Cross in great reputation. But 
at our Captain's persuasion, they were contented to leave 
their crosses, and to learn the Lord's Prayer, and to be 
instructed in some measure concerning GOD's true worship. 
They keep a continual watch in four parts, three miles off 
their town, to prevent the mischiefs, which the Spaniards 
intend against them, by the conducting of some of their own 
coats [i.e., Cimaroons], which having been taken by the 
Spaniards have been enforced thereunto : wherein, as we 
learned, sometimes the Spaniards have prevailed over them, 
especially when they lived less careful ; but since, they 
[watch] against the Spaniards, whom they killed like beasts, 
as often as they take them in the woods ; having aforehand 
understood of their coming. 

We stayed with them that night, and the next day (7th 
February) till noon ; during which time, they related unto 



268 The order of the daily march. [srF.^i)Ski°'^i59; 



us divers very strange accidents, that had fallen out between 
them and the Spaniards, namely [especially] one. A gallant 
gentleman entertained by the Governors of the country, under- 
took, the year last past [1572], with 150 soldiers, to putthis town 
to the sword, men, women, and children. Being conducted 
to it by one of them, that had been taken prisoner, and won by 
great gifts ; he surprised it half an hour before day, by which 
occasion most of the men escaped, but many of their women 
and children were slaughtered, or taken : but the same 
morning by sun rising (after that their guide was slain, in 
following another man's wife, and that the Cimaroons had 
assembled themselves in their strength) they behaved them- 
selves in such sort, and drove the Spaniards to such extremity, 
that what with the disadvantage of the woods (having lost 
their guide and thereby their way), what with famine and 
want, there escaped not past thirty of them, to return answer 
to those which sent them. 

Their king [chief] dwelt in a city within sixteen leagues 
south-east of Panama; which is able to make 1,700 fighting 
men. 

They all intreated our Captain very earnestly, to make his 
abode with them some two or three days ; promising that by 
that time, they would double his strength if he thought good. 
But he thanking them for their offer, told them, that " He 
could stay no longer ! It was more than time to prosecute 
his purposed voyage. As for strength, he would wish no 
more than he had, although he might have presently twenty 
times as much ! " Which they took as proceeding not only 
from kindness, but also from magnanimity ; and therefore, 
they marched forth, that afternoon, with great good will. 

This was the order of our march. Four of those Cimaroons 
that best knew the ways, went about a mile distance before 
us, breaking boughs as they went, to be a direction to those 
that followed ; but with great silence, which they also 
required us to keep. 

Then twelve of them were as it were our Vanguard, other 
twelve, our Rearward. We with their two Captains in the 
midst. 

All the way was through woods very cool and pleasant, by 
reason of those goodly and high trees, that grow there so 
thick, that it is cooler travelling there under them in that 



irF.^bfakS°'*isJ3] Drake's first sight of the Pacific. 269 

hot region, than it is in the most parts of England in the 
summer time. This [also] gave a special encouragement 
unto us all, that we understood there was a great Tree about 
the midway, from which, we might at once discern the 
North Sea from whence we came, and the South Sea whither 
we were going. 

The fourth day following (nth February) we came to the 
height of the desired hill, a very high hill, lying East and 
West, like a ridge between the two seas, about ten of the 
clock : where [Pedro] the chiefest of these Cimaroons took 
our Captain by the hand, and prayed him to follow him, if he 
was desirous to see at once the two seas, which he had so 
long longed for. 

Here was that goodly and great high Tree, in which they 
had cut and made divers steps, to ascend up near unto the 
top, where they had also made a convenient bower, wherein 
ten or twelve men might easily sit : and from thence we 
might, without any difficulty, plainly see the Atlantic Ocean 
whence now we came, and the South Atlantic [i.e., Pacific 
Ocean] so much desired. South and north of this Tree, they 
had felled certain trees, that the prospect might be the clearer; 
and near about the Tree there were divers strong houses, 
that had been built long before, as well by other Cimaroons as 
by these, which usually pass that way, as being inhabited 
in divers places in those waste countries. 

After our Captain had ascended to this bower, with the 
chief Cimaroon, and having, as it pleased GOD, at that time, 
by reason of the brize [breeze], a very fair day, had seen that 
sea, of which he had heard such golden reports: he "besought 
Almighty GOD of His goodness, to give him life and leave 
to sail once in an English ship, in that sea ! " And then 
calling up all the rest of our [17 English] men, he acquainted 
John Oxnam especially with this his petition and purpose, 
if it would please GOD to grant him that happiness. Who 
understanding it, presently protested, that " unless our 
Captain did beat him from his company, he would follow 
him, by GOD's grace ! '' 

Thus all, thoroughly satisfied with the sight of the seas, 
descended; and after our repast, continued our ordinary 
march through woods, yet two days more as before : without 
any great variety. But then (13th February) we came to 



270 Arrival close to Panama. [IrF-^oS 



Nichols. T 
1593- 



march in a champion countiy, where the grass groweth, not 
only in great lengths as the knot grass groweth in many 
places, but to such height, that the inhabitants are fain to 
burn it thrice in the year, that it may be able to feed the 
cattle, of which they have thousands. 

For it is a kind of grass with a stalk, as big as a great 
wheaten reed, which hath a blade issuing from the top of 
it, on which though the cattle feed, yet it groweth every 
day higher, until the top be too high for an ox to reach. 
Then the inhabitants are wont to put fire to it, for the space 
of five or six miles together ; which notwithstanding after 
it is thus burnt, within three days, springeth up fresh like 
green corn. Such is the great fruitfulness of the soil : by 
reason of the evenness of the da\' and night, and the rich 
dews which fall every morning. 

In these three last days' march in the champion, as we 
past over the hills, we might see Panama five or six times a 
day ; and the last day (14th February) we saw the ships 
riding in the road. 

But after that we were come within a day's journey of 
Panama, our Captain (understanding by the Cimaroons that 
the Dames of Panama are wont to send forth hunters and 
fowlers for taking of sundry dainty fowl, which the land 
yieldeth ; by whom if we marched not very heedfuUy, we 
might be descried) caused all his company to march out of 
all ordinary way, and that with as great heed, silence, and 
secrecy, as possibly they might, to the grove (which was 
agreed on four days before) lying within a league of 
Panama, where we might lie safely undiscovered near the 
highway, that leadeth from thence to Nombre de Dios. 

Thence we sent a chosen Cimaroon, one that had served a 
master in Panama before time, in such apparel as the 
Negroes of Panama do use to wear, to be our espial, to go 
into the town, to learn the certain night, and time of the 
night, when the carriers laded the Treasure from the King's 
Treasure House to Nombre de Dios. For they are wont to 
take their journey from Panama to Venta Cruz, which is six 
leagues, ever by night ; because the country is all champion, 
and consequently by day very hot. But from Venta Cruz to 
Nombre de Dios as oft as they travel by land with their 
treasure, they travel always by day and not by night, 



iirF.^bSe°''i59V] March thence to Venta de Cruzes. 271 

because all that way is full of woods, and therefore very 
fresh and cool ; unless the Cimaroons happily encounter 
them, and made them sweat with fear, as sometimes they 
have done : whereupon they are glad to guard their Recoes 
[i.e., Recuas, the Spanish word for a drove of beasts of burden ; 
meaning here, a mule train,] with soldiers as they pass that 
way. 

This last day, our Captain did behold and view the most 
of all that fair city, discerning the large street which lieth 
directly from the sea into the land. South and North. 

By three of the clock, we came to this grove ; passing for 
the more secrecy alongst a certain river, which at that time 
was almost dried up. 

Having disposed of ourselves in the grove, we despatched 
our spy an hour before night, so that by the closing in of 
the evening, he might be in the city ; as he was. Whence 
presently he returned unto us, that which very happily he 
understood by companions of his. That the Treasurer of 
Lima intending to pass into Spain in the first Advise (which 
was a ship of 350 tons, a very good sailer), was ready that 
night to take his journey towards Nombre de Dios, with his 
daughter and family : having fourteen mules in company : 
of which eight were laden with gold, and one with jewels. 
And farther, that there were two other Recnas, of fifty mules 
in each, laden with victuals for the most part, with some 
little quantity of silver, to come forth that night after the 
other. 

There are twenty-eight of these Recuas ; the greatest of 
them is of seventy mules, the less of fifty ; unless some 
particular man hire for himself, ten, twenty, or thirty, as he 
hath need. 

Upon this notice, we forthwith marched four leagues, till 
we came within two leagues of Venta Cruz, in which march 
two of our Cimaroons which were sent before, by scent of 
his match, found and brought a Spaniard, whom they had 
found asleep by the way, by scent of the said match, and 
drawing near thereby, heard him taking his breath as he 
slept ; and being but one, they fell upon him, stopped his 
mouth from crying, put out his match, and bound him so, 
that they well near strangled him by that time he was 
brought unto us. 

S 5 



272 Prepare to capture the mule trains. [srF.'DSct°'i593- 

By examining him, we found all that to be true, which our 
spy had reported to us, and that he was a soldier entertained 
with others by the Treasurer, for guard and conduct of this 
treasure, from Venta Cruz to Nombre de Dios. 

This soldier having learned who our Captain was, took 
courage, and was bold to make two requests unto him. The 
one that " He would command his Cimaroons which hated 
the Spaniards, especially the soldiers extremely, to spare his 
life; which he doubted not but they would do at his charge." 
The other was, that " seeing he was a soldier, and assured 
him, that they should have that night more gold, besides 
jewels, and pearls of great price, then all they could carry 
(if not, then he was to be dealt with how they would) ; but if 
they all found it so, then it might please our Captain to give 
unto him, as much as might suffice for him and his mistress 
to live upon, as he had heard our Captain had done to divers 
others : for which he would make his name as famous as 
any of them which had received like favour." 

Being at the place appointed, our Captain with half his men 
[8 English and 15 Cimaroons], lay on one side of the way, about 
fifty paces off in the long grass ; John Oxnam with the Captain 
of the Cimaroons, and the other half, lay on the other side 
of the way, at the like distance : but so far behind, that as 
occasion served, the former company might take the foremost 
mules by the heads, and the hindmost because the mules tied 
together, are always driven one after another ; and especially 
that if we should have need to use our weapons that night, we 
might be sure not to endamage our fellows. We had not 
lain thus in ambush much above an hour, but we heard the 
Recuas coming both from the city to Venta Cruz, and from 
Venta Cruz to the city, which hath a very common and great 
trade, when the fleets are there. We heard them by reason 
they delight much to have deep-sounding bells, which, in a 
still night, are heard very far off. 

Now though there were as great charge given as might be, 
that none of our men should shew or stir themselves, but 
let all that came from Venta Cruz to pass quietly ; yea, their 
Recuas also, because we knew that they brought nothing but 
merchandise from thence : yet one of our men, called 
Robert Pike, having drunken too much aqtia vitce without 
water,forgot himself, and enticing a Cimaroon forth with him 



sirF.DSL'e'°'U.] Robert Pike spoils all. 273 

was gone hard to the way, with intent to have shown his 
forwardness on the foremost mules. And when a cavaHer 
from Venta Cruz, well mounted, with his page running at 
his stirrup, passed by, unadvisedly he rose up to see what he 
was : but the Cimaroon of better discretion pulled him down, 
and lay upon him, that he might not discover them any more. 
Yet by this, the gentleman had taken notice by seeing one 
half all in white : for that we had all put our shirts over our 
other apparel, that we might be sure to know our own men 
in the pell mell in the night. By means of this sight, the 
cavalier putting spurs to his horse, rode a false gallop ; as 
desirous not only himself to be free of this doubt which he 
imagined, but also to give advertisement to others that they 
might avoid it. 

Our Captain who had heard and observed by reason of the 
hardness of the ground and stillness of the night, the change 
of this gentleman's trot to a gallop, suspected that he was 
discovered, but could not imagine by whose fault, neither 
did the time give him leisure to search. And therefore con- 
sidering that it might be, by reason of the danger of the 
place, well known to ordinary travellers : we lay L>till in ex- 
pectation of the Treasurer's coming; and he had come forward 
to us, but that this horseman meeting him, and (as we after- 
wards learnt by the other Recuas) making report to him, what 
he had seen presently that night, what he heard of Captain 
Drake this long time, and what he conjectured to be most 
likely : viz., that the said Captain Drake, or some for him, 
disappointed of his expectation, of getting any great treasure, 
both at Nombre de Dios and other places, was by some 
means or other come by land, in covert through the woods, 
unto this place, to speed of his purpose : and thereupon per- 
suaded him to turn his Recua out of the way, and let the 
other Recttas which were coming after to pass on. They 
were whole Recuas, and loaded but with victuals for the most 
part, so that the loss of them were far less if the worst befell, 
and yet they should serve to discover them as well as the best. 

Thus by the rechlessness of one of our company, and by 
the carefulness of this traveller ; we were disappointed of a 
most rich booty : which is to be thought GOD would not 
should be taken, for that, by all likelihood, it was well gotten 
by that Treasurer. 



2/4 They march to Venta de Cruzes, [|rF.DSke'!°'i593. 

The other two Rcciias were no sooner come up to us, but 
being stayed and seized on. One of the Chief Carriers, a very 
sensible fellow, told our Captain by what means we were 
discovered, and counselled us to shift for ourselves betimes, 
unless we were able to encounter the whole force of the city 
and country before day would be about us. 

It pleased us but little, that we were defeated of our golden 
Recua, and that in these we could find not past some two' 
horse-loads of silver : but it grieved our Captain much more, 
that he was discovered, and that by one of his own men. 
But knowing it bootless to grieve at things past, and having 
learned by experience, that all safety in extremity, consisteth 
in taking of time [i.e., by the forc/ock, making an instant^ 
decision] : after no long consultation with Pedro the chief 
of our Cimaroons, who declared that ''there were but two 
ways for him : the one to travel back again the same 
secret way they came, for four leagues space into the woods, 
or else to march forward, by the highway to Venta Cruz, 
being two leagues, and make a way with his sword through 
the enemies." He resolved, considering the long and weary 
marches that we had taken, and chiefly that last evening and 
day before : to take now the shortest and readiest way : as 
choosing rather to encounter his enemies while he had 
strength remaining, than to be encountered or chased when 
we should be worn out with weariness : principally now 
having the mules to ease them that would, some part of the 
way. 

Therefore commanding all to refresh themselves moderately 
with such store of victuals as we had here in abundance : he 
signified his resolution and reason to them all : asking Pedro 
by name, " Whether he would give his hand not to forsake 
him ? " because he knew that the rest of the Cimaroons would 
also then stand fast and firm, so faithful are they to their 
captain. He being very glad of his resolution, gave our 
Captain his hand, and vowed that " He would rather die at 
his foot, than leave him to the enemies, if he held this course." 

So having strengthened ourselves for the time, we took our 
journey towards Venta Cruz, with help of the mules till we 
came within a mile of the town, where we turned away the 
Recuas, charging the conductors of them, not to follow us 
upon pain of their lives. 



lrl^bS°''-593.1 AND TAKE IT BY ASSAULT. 275 

There, the way is cut through the woods, ahove ten or 
twelve feet broad, so as two Recuas may pass one by another. 
The fruitfuhiess of the soil, causeth that with often shredding 
and ridding the way, those woods grow as thick as our thickest 
hedges in England that are oftenest cut. 

To the midst of this wood, a company of soldiers, which 
continually lay in that town, to defend it against the Cima- 
roons, were come forth, to stop us if they might on the way ; 
if not, to retreat to their strength, and there to expect us. 
A Convent [Monastery] of Friars, of whom one was become 
a Leader, joined with these soldiers, to take such part as they 
did. 

Our Captain understanding by our two Cimaroons, which 
with great heedfulness and silence, marched now, but about 
half a flight-shot before us, that it was time for us to arm 
and take us to our weapons, for they knew the enemy 
was at hand, by smelling of their match and hearing of a 
noise : had given us charge, that no one of us should make 
any shot, until the Spaniards had first spent their volley : 
which he thought they would not do before they had spoken, 
as indeed fell out. 

For as soon as we were within hearing, a Spanish Captain 
cried out, " Hoo ! " Our Captain answered him likewise, 
and being demanded " Que gente ? " replied " Englishmen ! " 
But when the said Commander charged him, " In the name 
of the King of Spain, his Master, that we should yield our- 
selves ; promising in the word and faith of a Gentleman 
Soldier, that if we would so do, he would use us with all 
courtesy." Our Captain drawing somewhat near him said : 
" That for the honour of the Queen of England, his Mistress, 
he must have passage that way," and therewithal discharged 
his pistol towards him. 

Upon this, they presently shot off their whole volley ; 
which, though it lightly wounded our Captain, and divers of 
our men, yet it caused death to one only of our company 
called John Harris, who was so powdered with hail-shot, 
(which they all used for the most part as it seemed, or else 
"quartered," for that our men were hurt with that kind) that 
we could not recover his life, though he continued all that 
day afterwards with us. 

Presently as our Captain perceived their shot to come 



276 Drake's usual respect for women. [irF.'D^l!°^i59- 



1593- 



slacking, as the latter drops of a great shower of rain, with 
his whistle he gave us his usual signal, to answer them with 
our shot and arrows, and so march onwards upon the 
enemy, with intent to come to handy-strokes, and to have 
joined with them; whom when we found retired as to a place of 
some better strength, he increased his pace to prevent them 
if he might. Which the Cimaroons perceiving, although by 
terror of the shot continuing, they were for the time stept 
aside ; yet as soon as they discerned by hearing that we 
marched onward, they all rushed forward one after another, 
traversing the way, with their arrows ready in their bows, 
and their manner of country dance or leap, very singing, Y6 
peho ! Y6 peho! and so got before us, where they continued 
their leap and song, after the manner of their own countr}' 
wars, till they and we overtook some of the enemy, who 
near the town's end, had conveyed themselves within the 
woods, to have taken their stand at us, as before. 

But our Cimaroons now thoroughl_y encouraged, when they 
saw^ our resolution, brake in through the thickets, on both 
sides of them, forcing them to fly. Friars and all ! : although 
divers of our men were wounded, and one Cimaroon especially 
was run through with one of their pikes, whose courage and 
mind served him so well notwithstanding, that he revenged 
his own death ere he died, by killing him that had given him 
that deadly wound. 

We, with all speed, following this chase, entered the town 
of Venta Cruz, being of about forty or fifty houses, which had 
both a Governor and other officers and some fair houses, 
with many storehouses large and strong for the wares, which 
brought thither from Nombre de Dios, by the river of Chagres, 
so to be transported by mules to Panama : beside the Monas- 
tery, where we found above a thousand bulls and pardons, 
newly sent from Rome. 

In those houses we found three gentlewomen, which had 
lately been delivered of children there, though their dwellings 
were in Nombre de Dios; because it hath been observed of 
long time, as they reported to us, that no Spaniard or white 
woman could ever be delivered in Nombre de Dios with 
safety of their children but that within two or three days 
they died ; notwithstanding that being born and brought up 
in this Venta Cruz or Panama five or six years, and then 



srF.^DS°'i59V] Forced marches back to the ships. 277 

brought to Nombre de Dios, if they escaped sickness the 
first or second month, they commonly lived in it as healthily 
as in any other place : although no stranger (as they say) 
can endure there any long time, without great danger of 
death or extreme sickness. 

Though at our first coming into the town with arms so 
suddenly, these ladies were in great fear, yet because our 
Captain had given straight charge to all the Cimaroons (that 
while they were in his company, they should never hurt any 
woman nor man that had not a weapon in his hand to do 
them hurt ; which they earnestly promised, and no less faith- 
fully performed) they had no wrong offered them, nor any 
thing taken from them, to the worth of a garter; wherein, 
albeit they had indeed sufficient safety and security, by those 
of his company, which our Captain sent unto them, of pur- 
pose to comfort them : yet they never ceased most earnestly 
entreating, that our Captain would vouchsafe to come to 
them himself for their more safety ; which when he did, in 
their presence reporting the charge he had first given, and 
the assurance of his men, they were comforted. 

While the guards which we had, not without great need, 
set, as well on the bridge which we had to pass over, as at the 
town's end where we entered (they have no other entrance 
into the town by land : but from the water's side there is 
one other to carry up and down their merchandise from their 
frigates) gained us liberty and quiet to stay in this town 
some hour and half : we had not only refreshed ourselves, 
but our company and Cimaroons had gotten some good 
pillage, which our Captain allowed and gave them (being not 
the thing he looked for) so that it were not too cumbersome 
or heavy in respect of our travel, or defence of ourselves. 

A little before we departed, some ten or twelve horsemen 
came from Panama ; by all likelihood, supposing that we were 
gone out of this town, for that all was so still and quiet, 
came to enter the town confidently : but finding their enter- 
tainment such as it was ; they that could, rode faster back 
again for fear than they had ridden forward for hope. 

Thus we having ended our business in this town, and the 
day beginning to spring, we marched over the bridge, 
observing the same order that we did before. There we 
were all safe in our opinion, as if we had been environed 



278 How Drake encourages his men. [I^F-DrS 



Rev. P. Nichols. ♦ 
1.S93. 



with wall and trench, for that no Spaniard without his 
extreme danger could follow us. The rather now, for that 
our Cimaroons were grown very valiant. But our Captain 
considering that he had a long way to pass, and that he had 
been now well near a fortnight from his ship, where he had 
left his company but weak by reason of their sickness, 
hastened his journeys as much as he might, refusing to visit 
the other Cimaroon towns (which they earnestly desired 
him) and encouraging his own company with such example 
and speech, that the way seemed much shorter. For he 
marched most cheerfully, and assured us that he doubted 
not but ere he left that coast, we should all be bountifully 
paid and recompensed for all those pains taken : but by 
reason of this our Captain's haste, and leaving of their towns, 
we marched many days with hungry stomachs, much against 
the will of our Cimaroons : who if we would have stayed any 
da}' from this continual journeying, would have killed for us 
victuals sufficient. 

In our absence, the rest of the Cimaroons had built a little 
town within three leagues off the port where our ship lay. 
There our Captain was contented, upon their great and earnest 
entreaties to make some stay ; for that they alleged, it was 
only built for his sake. And indeed he consented the rather, 
that the want of shoes might be supplied by means of the 
Cimaroons, who were a great help unto us : all our men com- 
plaining of the tenderness of their feet, whom our Captain 
would himself accompany in their complaint, some times 
without cause, but some times with cause indeed ; which made 
the rest to bear the burden the more easily. 

These Cimaroons, during all the time that we were with 
burden, did us continually very good service, and in particular 
in this journey, being unto us instead of intelligencers, to 
advertise us ; of guides in our way to direct us ; of purveyors, 
to provide victuals for us ; of house-wrights to build our 
lodgings ; and had indeed able and strong bodies carrying 
all our necessaries : yea, many times when some of our com- 
pany fainted with sickness of weariness, two Cimaroons 
would carry him with ease between them, two miles together, 
and at other times, when need was, they would shew them- 
selves no less valiant than industrious, and of good judgement. 



lrF.^braki°''i59V] Drake's GOLDEN toothpick, a token. 279 

From this town, at our first entrance in the evening, on 
Saturday (22nd February), our Captain despatched a Cimaroon 
with a token and certain order to the Master : who had, these 
three weeks, kept good watch against the enemy, and shifted 
in the woods for fresh victual, for the relief and recovery of 
our men left aboard. 

As soon as this messenger M'as come to the shore, calling 
to our ship, as bringing some news, he was quickly fet[ched] 
aboard by those which longed to hear of our Captain's speed- 
ing: but when he showed the toothpike of gold, which he said 
our Captain had sent for a token to Ellis Hixom, with charge 
to meet him at such a river: though the Master knew well 
the Captain's toothpike ; yet by reason of his admonition 
and caveat [warning] given him at parting, he (though he 
bewrayed no sign of distrusting the Cimaroon) yet stood as 
amazed, least something had befallen our Captain otherwise 
than well. The Cimaroon perceiving this, told him, that it 
was night when he was sent away, so that our Captain could 
not send any letter, but yet with the point of his knife, he 
wrote something upon the toothpick, "which," he said, 
" should be sufficient to gain credit to the messenger." 

Thereupon, the Master looked upon it, and saw written, 
By me, Francis Drake : wherefore he believed, and accord- 
ing to the message, prepared what provision he could, and 
repaired to the mouth of the river of Tortugos, as the 
Cimaroons that went with him then named it. 

That afternoon towards three a clock, we were come down 
to that river, not past half-an-hour before we saw our pin- 
nace ready come to receive us : which was unto us all a 
double rejoicing : first that we saw them, and next, so soon. 
Our Captain with all our company praised GOD most heartily, 
for that we saw our pinnace and fellows again. 

We all seemed to these, who had lived at rest and plenty 
all this while aboard, as men strangely changed (our Captain 
yet not much changed) in countenance and plight : and in- 
deed our long fasting and sore travail might somewhat fore- 
pine and waste us ; but the grief we drew inwardly, for that 
we returned without that gold and treasure we hoped for, did 
no doubt show her print and footsteps in our faces. 

The rest of our men which were then missed, could not 
travel so well as our Captain, and therefore were left at the 



28c Final return from Panama. [f^F.^bS "''isJa. 

Indian new town : and the next day (23rd February') we 
rowed to another river in the bottom of the bay and took 
them all aboard. Thus being returned from Panama, to the 
great rejoicing of ourcompan}', who were thoroughly revived 
with the report we brought from thence : especially under- 
standing our Captain's purpose, that he meant not to leave 
off thus, but would once again attempt the same journey, 
whereof they also might be partakers. 



Our Captain would not, in the meantime, suffer this edge 
and forwardness of his men to be dulled or rebated, by lying 
still idly unemployed, as knowing right well by continual 
experience, that no sickness was more noisome to impeach 
any enterprise than delay and idleness. 

Therefore considering deeply the intelligences of other 
places of importance thereabouts, which he had gotten the 
former years ; and particularly of Veragua, a rich town 
lying to the Westward, between Nombre de Dios and 
Nicaragua, where is the richest mine of fine gold that is on 
this North side : he consulted with his company touching 
their opinions, what was to be done in this meantime, and 
how they stood affected ? 

Some thought, that *' It was most necessary to seek supply 
of victuals, that we might the better able to keep our rnen 
close and in health till our time came : and this was easy to 
be compassed, because the frigates with victuals went without 
great defence, whereas the frigate and barks with treasure, 
for the most part were wafted with great ships and store of 
soldiers." 

Others yet judged, "We might better bestow our time in 
intercepting the frigates of treasure ; first, for that our 
magazines and storehouses of victuals were reasonably fur- 
nished, and the country itself was so plentiful, that every 
man might provide for himself if the worst befell : and 
victuals might hereafter be provided abundantly as well as 
now : whereas the treasure never floateth upon the sea, so 
ordinarily as at this time of the Fleets being there, which 
time in no wise may be neglected." 

The Cimaroons being demanded also their opinion (for that 
they were experienced in the particularities of all the towns 



srF.^DSkJ°^is9V] Pezoro, the monster and miser. 281 

thereabouts, as in which some or other of them had served), 
declared that " by Veragua, Signior Pezoro (some time their 
master from whom they fled) dwelt ; not in the town for fear 
of some surprise, but yet not far off from the town, for his 
better relief ; in a very strong house of stone, where he had 
dwelt nineteen years at least, never travelling from home ; 
unless happily once a year to Cartagena, or Nombre de 
Dios when the Fleets were there. He keepeth a hundred 
slaves at least in the mines, each slave being bound to bring 
in daily, clear gain (all charges deducted) three Pesos of Gold 
for himself and two for his women (Ss. 3d. the Peso), amount- 
ing in the whole, to above ;£"200 sterling |":=-^i,6oo now] each 
day : so that he hath heaped a mighty mass of treasure to- 
gether, which he keepeth in certain great chests, of two feet 
deep, three broad, and four long: being (notwithstanding all 
his wealth) bad and cruel not only to his slaves, but unto 
all men, and therefore never going abroad but with a guard 
of five or six men to defend his person from danger, which 
he feareth extraordinarily from all creatures." 

" And as touching means of compassing this purpose, they 
would conduct him safely through the woods, by the same 
ways by which they fled, that he should not need to enter their 
havens with danger, but might come upon their backs alto- 
gether unlooked for. And though his house were of stone, 
so that it could not be burnt ; yet if our Captain would under- 
take the attempt, they would undermine and overthrow, or 
otherwise break it open, in such sort, as we might have easy 
access to his greatest treasure." 

Our Captain having heard all their opinions, concluded so 
that by dividing his company, the two first different sentences 
were both reconciled, both to be practised and put in use. 

John Oxnam appointed in the Bear, to be sent Eastward 
towards Tolou, to see what store of victuals would come 
athwart his half; and himself would to the Westward in the 
Minion, lie off and on the Cabezas, where was the greatest 
trade and most ordinary passage of those which transported 
treasure from Veragua and Nicaragua to the Fleet; so that no 
time might be lost, nor opportunity let slip either for victuals 
or treasure. As for the attempt of Veragua, or Signior 
Pezoro's house by land, by marching through the woods ; he 
liked not of, lest it might overweary his men by continual 



282 They attempt Veragua, but are seen. [firF.^DSS! 



Rev. P. Nichols ♦ 
1593 



labour ; whom he studied to refresh and strengthen for his 
next service forenamed. 

Therefore using our Cimaroons most courteously, dis- 
missing those that were desirous to their wives, with such 
gifts and favours as were most pleasing, and entertaining 
those still aboard his ship, which were contented to abide 
with the company remaining ; the pinnaces departed as we 
determined: the Minion to the West, the Bear to the East. 

The Minion about the Cabecas, met with a frigate of 
Nicaragua, in which was some gold, and a Genoese Pilot (of 
which nation there are many in those coasts), which had 
been at Veragua not past eight days before. He being very 
well entreated, certified our Captain of the state of the town, 
and of the harbour, and of a frigate that was there ready 
to come forth within few days, aboard which there was 
above a million of gold, offering to conduct him to it, if 
we would do him his right : for that he knew the channel 
very perfectly, so that he could enter by night safely without 
danger of the sands and shallows, though there be but little 
water, and utterly undescried ; for that the town is five leagues 
within the harbour, and the way by land is so far about and 
difficult through the woods, that though we should by any 
casualty be discovered, about the point of the harbour, yet 
we might despatch our business and depart, before the town 
could have notice of our coming. 

At his being there, he perceived the}' had heard of Drake's 
being on the coast, which had put them in great fear, as in 
all other places (Pezoro purposing to remove himself to the 
South Sea ! ) : but there was nothing done to prevent him, 
their fear being so great, that, as it is accustomed in such 
cases, it excluded counsel and bred despair. 

Our Captain, conferring with his own knowledge and former 
intelligences, was purposed to have returned to his ship, to 
have taken some of those Cimaroons which had dwelt with 
Signior Pezoro, to be the more confirmed in this point. 

But when the Genoese Pilot was very earnest, to have the 
time gained, and warranted our Captain of good speed, if we 
delayed not ; he dismissed the frigate, somewhat lighter to 
hasten her journey ! and with this Pilot's advice, laboured 
with sail and oars to get this harbour and to enter it by 
night accordingly: considering that this frigate might now 



srF.^bSe.°''i593] ^ French ship heaves in sight. 283 

be gained, and Pezoro's house attempted hereafter notwith- 
standing. 

But when we were come to the mouth of the harbour, we 
heard the report of two Chambers, and farther off about a 
league within the bay, two other as it were answering them : 
whereby the Genoese Pilot conjectured that we were dis- 
covered : for he assured us, that this order had been taken 
since his last being there, by reason of the advertisement 
and charge, which the Governor of Panama had sent to all 
the Coasts ; which even in their beds lay in great and con- 
tinual fear of our Captain, and therefore by all likelihood, 
maintained this kind of watch, at the charge of the rich 
Gnuffe Pezoro for their security. 

Thus being defeated of this expectation, we found it was 
not GOD's will that Ave should enter at that time: the rather 
for that the wind, which had all this time been Easterly, 
came up to the Westward, and invited us to return again to 
our ship ; where, on Sheere Thursday (19th March), we met, 
according to appointment, with our Bear, and found that 
she had bestowed her time to more profit than we had done. 

For she had taken a frigate in which there were ten men 
(whom they set ashore) great store of maize, twenty-eight 
fat hogs, and two hundred hens. Our Captain discharged 
(20th March) this frigate of her lading ; and because she was 
new, strong, and of a good mould, the next day (21st March) 
he tallowed her to make her a i\Ian-of-war : disposing all our 
ordnance and provisions that were fit for such use, in her. 
For we had heard by the Spaniards last taken, that there 
were two little galleys built in Nombre de Dios, to waft the 
Chagres Fleet to and fro, but were not yet both launched : 
wherefore he purposed now to adventure for that Fleet. 

And to hearten his company he feasted them that Easter- 
Day (22nd March) with great cheer and cheerfulness, setting 
up his rest upon that attempt. 

The next day (23rd March) with the new tallowed frigate 
of Tolou [not of 20 ions, p. 294 ; one of ths two frigates in 
which the Expedition returned to England], and his Bear, we 
set sail towards the Cativaas, where about two days after 
we landed, and stayed till noon ; at what time seeing a sail 
to the westward, as we deemed making to the island : we 
set sail and plied towards him, who descrying us, bare with 



284 Captain Tet^, of Havre, joins them. [sirF.^bSke'!°'i59; 



us, till he perceived by our confidence, that we were no 
Spaniards, and conjectured we were those Englishmen, of 
whom he had heard long before. And being in great want, 
and desirous to be relieved by us : he bare up under our 
lee, and in token of amity, shot off his lee ordnance, which 
was not unanswered. 

We understood that he was Tetu, a French Captain of New- 
haven [Havre] a Man-of-war as we were, desirous to be relieved 
by us. For at our first meeting, the French Captain cast 
abroad his hands, and prayed our Captain to help him to some 
water, for that he had nothing but wine and cider aboard him, 
which had brought his men into great sickness. He had 
sought us ever since he first heard of our being upon the coast, 
about this five weeks. Our Captain sent one aboard him 
with some relief for the present, willing him to follow us to 
the next port, where he should have both water and victuals. 

At our coming to anchor, he sent our Captain a case of 
pistols, and a fair gilt scimitar (which had been the late 
King's of France [Henry II.], whom Monsieur Mont- 
gomery hurt in the eye, and was given him by Monsieur 
Strozze). Our Captain requited him with a chain of gold, 
and a tablet which he wore. 

This Captain reported unto us the first news of the 
Massacre of Paris, at the King of Navarre's marriage on 
Saint Bartholomew's Day last, [24 August, 1572] ; of the 
Admiral of France slain in his chamber, and divers other 
murders : so that he " thought those Frenchmen the happiest 
which were farthest from France, now no longer France but 
Frensy, even as if all Gaul were turned into wormwood and 
gall : Italian practices having over-mastered the French 
simplicity." He showed what famous and often reports he 
had heard of our great riches. He desired to know of our 
Captain which way he might " compass " his voyage also. 

Though we had seen him in some jealousy and distrust, 
for all his pretence ; because we considered more the strength 
he had than the good-will he might bear us : yet upon con- 
sultation among ourselves, " Whether it were fit to receive 
him or not?" we resolved to take him and twenty of his 
men, to serve with our Captain for halves. In such sort as 
we needed not doubt of their forces, being but twenty; nor be 
hurt by their portions, being no greater than ours : and yet 



sirF.^bS°'%9V] ^^^ THIRD Attempt of the Voyage. 285 

gratify them in their earnest suit, and serve our own purpose, 
which without more help we could very hardly have achieved. 
Indeed, he had 70 men, and we now but 31 ; his ship was above 
80 tons, and our frigate not 20, or pinnace nothing near 
10 tons. Yet our Captain thought this proportionable, in 
consideration that not numbers of men, but quality of their 
judgements and knowledge, were to be the principal actors 
herein : and the French ship could do no service, nor stand 
in any stead to this enterprise which we intended, and had 
agreed upon before, both touching the time when it should 
take beginning, and the place where we should meet, namely, 
at Rio Francisco. 

Having thus agreed with Captain Tet^, we sent for the 
Cimaroons as before was decreed. Two of them were 
brought aboard our ships, to give the French assurance of 
this agreement. 

And as soon as we could furnish ourselves and refresh 
the French company, which was within five or six days 
(by bringing them to the magazines which were the nearest, 
where they were supplied by us in such sort, as they pro- 
tested they were beholding to us for all their lives) taking 
twenty of the French and fifteen of ours with our Cimaroons, 
leaving both our ships in safe road, we manned our frigate 
and two pinnaces (we had formerly sunk our Lion, shortly 
after our return from Panama, because we had not men 
sufficient to man her), and went towards Rio Francisco : 
which because it had not water enough for our frigate, caused 
us to leave her at the Cabe9as, manned with English and 
French, in the charge of Robert Doble, to stay there with- 
out attempting any chase, until the return of our pinnaces. 

And then bore to Rio Francisco, where both Captains landed 
(31st March) with such force as aforesaid [i.e., 20 French, 15 
English, and the Cimaroons], and charged them that had the 
charge of the pinnaces to be there the fourth day next fol- 
lowing without any fail. And thus knowing that the carriages 
[mule loads] went now daily from Panama to N ombre de Dios ; 
we proceeded in covert through the woods, towards the 
highway that leadeth between them. 

It is five leagues accounted by sea, between Rio Francisco 
and Nombre de Dies; but that way which we march by land, 



286 SlEZE 3 MULE TRAINS NEAR N OMBRE. [|rF.^DSS°'is93. 

we found it above seven leagues. We marched as in our 
former journey to Panama, both for order and silence ; to the 
great wonder of the French Captain and company, who pro- 
tested they knew not by any means how to recover the 
pinnaces, if the Cimaroons (to whom what our Captain com- 
manded was a law; though they little regarded the French, 
as having no trust in them) should leave us : our Captain 
assured him, " Therewas no cause of doubt of them, of whom 
he had had such former trial." 

When we were come within an English mile of the way, 
we stayed all night, refreshing ourselves, in great stillness, 
in a most convenient place : where we heard the carpenters, 
being many in number, working upon their ships, as they 
usually do by reason of the great heat of the day in N ombre 
de Dios ; and might hear the mules coming from Panama, 
by reason of the advantage of the ground. 

The next morning (ist April), upon hearing of that number 
of bells, the Cimaroons, rejoiced exceedingly, as though there 
could not have befallen them a more joyful accident, chiefly 
having been disappointed before. Now they all assured us, 
"We should have more gold and silver than all of us could 
bear away" : as in truth it fell out. 

For there came three Reams, one of 50 mules, the other 
two, of 70 each, every [one] of which carried 300 lbs. weight of 
silver; which in all amounted to near thirty tons [i.e., 190 
mules, with 300 lbs. each=^about 57,000 lbs. of silver]. 

We putting ourselves in readiness, went down near the 
way to hear the bells ; where we stayed not long, but we saw 
of what metal they were made ; * and took such hold on the 
heads of the foremost and hindmost mules, that all the rest 
stayed and lay down, as their manner is. 

These three Recuas were guarded with forty-five soldiers or 
thereabouts, fifteen to each Recua, which caused some ex- 
change of bullets and arrows for a time ; in which conflict the 
French Captain was sore wounded with hail-shot in the belly, 
and one Cimaroon was slain : but in the end, these soldiers 
thought it the best way to leave their mules with us, and to 
seek for more help abroad. 

In which meantime we took some pain to ease some of the 



SirF.^bSe°''isi] ^^ ^^^^ MOUTH OF THE FrANCISCO. 287 

mules which were heaviest loaden of their carriage. And 
because we ourselves were somewhat weary, we were con- 
tented with a few bars and quoits of gold, as we could well 
carry: burying about fifteen tons of silver, partly in the 
burrows which the great land crabs had made in the earth, 
and partly under old trees which were fallen thereabout, and 
partly in the sand and gravel of a river, not very deep of water. 

Thus when about this business, we had spent some two 
hours, and had disposed of all our matters, and were ready 
to march back the very self-same way that we came, we 
heard both horse and foot coming as it seemed to the mules : 
for they never followed us, after we were once entered the 
woods , where the French Captain by reason of his wound, 
not able tc travel farther, stayed, in hope that some rest 
would recover him better strength. 

But after we had marched some two leagues, upon the 
French soldiers'complaint, that they missed one of their men 
also, examination being made whether he were slain or not : 
it was found that he had drunk much wine, and overlading 
himself with pillage, and hasting to go before us, had lost 
himself in the woods. And as we afterwards knew, he was 
taken by the Spaniards that evening; and upon torture, 
discovered unto them where we had hidden our treasure. 

We contmued our march all that and the next day (2nd and 
3rd April) towards Rio Francisco, in hope to meet with our 
pinnaces ; but when we came thither, looking out to sea, we 
saw seven Spanish pinnaces, which had been searching all 
the coast thereabouts : whereupon we mightily suspected 
that they had taken or spoiled our pinnaces, for that our 
Captain had given so straight charge, that they should re- 
pair to this place this afternoon ; from the Cabegas where they 
rode; whence to our sight, these Spaniards' pinnaces did come. 

But the night before, there had fallen very much rain, 
with much westerly wind, which as it enforced the Spaniards 
to return home the sooner, by reason of the storm : so it 
kept our pinnaces, that they could not keep the appointment ; 
because the wind was contrary, and blew so strong, that with 
their oars they could all that day get but half the way Not- 
withstanding, if they had followed our Captain's direction in 
setting forth over night, while the wind served, they had 
arrived at the place appointed with far less labour, but with 
II. T 5 



288 Extraordinary daring of Drake. [IrF.^DSki 



Rev. P. Nichols. ? 
1593- 



far more danger : because that very day at noon, the shallops 
manned out, of purpose, from Nombre de Dios, were come to 
this place to take our pinnaces : imagining where we were, 
after they had heard of our intercepting of the treasure. 

Our Captain seeing the shallops, feared least having taken 
our pinnaces, they had compelled our men by torture to 
confess where his frigate and ships were. Therefore in this 
distress and perplexity, the company misdoubting that all 
means of return to their country were cut off, and that their 
treasure then served them to small purpose ; our Captain 
comforted and encouraged us all, saying, " We should venture 
no farther than he did. It was no time now to fear : but 
rather to haste[n] to prevent that which was feared ! If the 
enemy have prevailed against our pinnaces, which GOD for- 
bid! yet they must have time to search them, time to examine 
the mariners, time to execute their resolution after it is 
determined. Before all these times be taken, we may get to 
our ships, if ye will ! though not possibly by land, because of 
the hills, thickets, and rivers, yet by water. Let us, there- 
fore, make a raft with the trees that are here in readiness, as 
offering themselves, being brought down the river, happily 
this last storm, and put ourselves to sea ! I will be one, who 
will be the other ? " 

John Smith offered himself, and two Frenchmen that 
could swim very well, desired they might accompany our 
Captain, as did the Cimaroons likewise (who had been very 
earnest with our Captain to have marched by land, though 
it were sixteen days' journey, and in case the ship had been 
surprised, to have abode always with them), especially Pedro, 
who yet was fain to be left behind, because he could not row. 

The raft was fitted and fast bound ; a sail of a biscuit sack 
prepared ; an oar was shaped out of a young tree to serve 
instead of a rudder, to direct their course before the wind. 

At his departure he comforted the company, by promising, 
that " If it pleased GOD, he should put his foot in safety 
aboard his frigate, he would, GOD willing, by one means or 
other get them all aboard, in despite of all the Spaniards in 
the Indies!" 

In this manner pulling off to the sea, he sailed some three 
leagues, sitting up to the waist continually in water, and at 
every surge of the wave to the arm-pits, for the space of six 



^rF.^bSe°''i'59V] French and English share alike. 289 

hours, upon this raft : what with the parching of the sun and 
what with the beating of the salt water, they had all of them 
their skins much fretted away. 

At length GOD gave them the sight of two pinnaces 
turning towards them with much wind ; but with far greater 
joy to him than could easily conjecture, and did cheerfully 
declaretothose three with him, that "they were our pinnaces! 
and that all was safe, so that there was no cause of fear! " 

But see, the pinnaces not seeing this raft, nor suspecting 
any such matter, by reason of the wind and night growing 
on, were forced to run into a cove behind the point, to take 
succour, for that night : which our Captain seeing, and 
gathering (because they came not forth again), that they 
would anchor there, put his raft ashore, and ran by land 
about the point, where he found them ; who, upon sight of 
him, made as much haste as they could to take him and his 
company aboard. For our Captain (of purpose to try what 
haste they could and would make in extremity), himself ran 
in great haste, and so willed the other three with him; as if 
they had been chased by the enemy : which they the rather 
suspected, because they saw so few with him. 

And after his coming aboard, when the}^ demanding 
" How all his company did ? " he answered coldly, " Well ! " 
They all doubted [feared] that all went scarce well. But he 
willing to rid all doubts, and fill them with joy, took out of 
his bosom a quoit of gold, thanking GOD that " our voyage 
was made 1 " 

And to the Frenchmen he declared, how their Captain 
indeed was left behind, sore wounded and two of his company 
with him : but it should be no hindrance to them. 

That night (4th April) our Captain with great pain of his 
company, rowed to Rio Francisco : where he took the rest 
in, and the treasure which we had brought with us : making 
such expedition, that by dawning of the day, we set sail back 
again to our frigate, and from thence directly to our ships : 
where, as soon as we arrived, our Captain divided by weight, 
the gold and silver into two even portions, between the 
French and the English. 



About a fortnight after, when we had set all things in 



290 Captain TetiJ is taken by the Spaniards.[SS?' 159 



593- 



order, and taking out of our ship [the Pascha] all such neces- 
saries as we needed for our frigate, had left and given her to 
the Spaniards, whom we had all this time detained, we put 
out of that harbour [at Fort Diego, p. 253], together with 
the French ship, riding some few days among the Cabecas, 

In the meantime, our Captain made a secret composition 
with the Cimaroons, that twelve of our men and sixteen of 
theirs, should make another voyage, to get intelligence in 
what case the country stood ; and if it might be, recover 
Monsieur Tetu, the French Captain; at leastwise to bring 
away that which was hidden in our former surprise, and 
could not then be conveniently carried. 

John Oxnam and Thomas Sherwell were put in trust 
for his service, to the great content of the whole company, 
who conceived greatest hope of them next our Captain ; 
whom by no means they would condescend to suffer to 
adventure again, this time : yet hehimself rowed to set them 
ashore at Rio Francisco ; finding his labour well employed 
both otherwise, and also in saving one of those two French- 
men that had remained willingly to accompany their wounded 
captain. 

For this gentleman, having escaped therage of the Spaniards, 
was now coming towards our pinnace, where he fell down on 
his knees, blessing GOD for the time, " that ever our Captain 
was born ; who now, beyond all his hopes, was become his 
deliverer." 

He being demanded, " What was become of his Captain 
and other fellow ? " shewed that within half an hour after our 
departure, the Spaniards had overgotten them, and took his 
Captain and other fellow : he only escaped by flight, having 
cast away all his carriage, and amiong the rest one box of 
jewels, that he might fly the swifter from the pursuers : but 
his fellow took it up and burdened himself so sore, that he 
could make no speed ; as easily as he might otherwise, if he 
would have cast down his pillage, and laid aside his covetous 
mind. As for the silver, which we had hidden thereabout in 
the earth and the sands, he thought that it was all gone : 
for that he thought there had been near two thousand 
Spaniards and Negroes there to dig and search for it. 

This report notwithstanding, our purpose held, and our 
men were sent to the said place, where they found that the 



si^'F.^i)Se.°''i59VJ ^^^ English start homewards. 291 

earth, every way a mile distant had been digged and turned up 
in every place of any likelihood, to have anything hidden in it. 

And yet nevertheless, for all that narrow search, all our 
men's labour was not quite lost, but so considered, that the 
third day after their departure, they all returned safe and 
cheerful, with as much silver as they and all the Cimaroons 
could find {viz., thirteen bars of silver, and some few quoits of 
gold), with which they were presently embarked, without em- 
peachment, repairing with no less speed than joy to our frigate. 

Now was it high time to think of homewards, having sped 
ourselves as we desired: and therefore our Captain concluded 
to visit Rio Grande [Magdelena] once again, to see if he 
could meet with any sufficient ship or bark, to carry victuals 
enough to serve our turn homewards, in which we might in 
safety and security embark ourselves. 

The Frenchmen having formerly gone from us, as soon as 
they had their shares, at our first return with the treasure; as 
being very desirous to return home into their country, and our 
Captain as desirous to dismiss them, as they were to be dis- 
missed : for that he foresaw they could not in their ship 
avoid the danger of being taken by the Spaniards, if they 
should make out any Men-of-war for them, while they 
lingered on the coast ; and having also been then again re- 
lieved with victuals by us. — Now at our meeting of them 
again, were very loath to leave us, and therefore accom- 
panied us very kindly as far up as St. Bernards ; and 
farther would, but that they durst not adventure so great 
danger; for that we had intelligence, that the Fleet was ready 
to set sail for Spain, riding at the entry of Cartagena. 

Thus we departed from them, passing hard by Cartagena, 
in the sight of all the Fleet, with a flag of St. George in 
the main top of our frigate, with silk streamers and ancients 
down to the water, sailing forward with a large wind, till we 
came within two leagues of the river [Magdelena], being all 
low land, and dark night: where to prevent the over shooting 
of the river in the night, we lay off and on bearing small sail, 
till that about midnight the wind veering to the eastward, 
by two of the clock in the morning, a frigate from Rio 
Grande [Magdelena] passed hard by us, bearing also but 
small sail. We saluted them with our shot and arrows, 



292 Pedro's delight at the scimitar. [sirF.DS°'is93. 

they answered us with bases ; but we got aboard them, and 
took such order, that they were content against their wills 
to depart ashore and to leave us this frigate : which was of 
25 tons, loaded with maize, hens, and hogs, and some honey, 
in very good time fit for our use ; for the honey especially was 
notable reliever and preserver of our crazed [sick] people. 

The next morning as soon as we set those Spaniards 
ashore on the Main, we set our course for the Cabegas with- 
out any stop, whither we came about five days after. And 
being at anchor, presently we hove out all the maize a land, 
saving three butts which we kept for our store : and carry- 
ing all our provisions ashore, we brought both our frigates 
on the careen, and new tallowed them. 

Here we stayed about seven nights, trimming and rigging 
our frigates, boarding and stowing our provisions, tearing 
abroad and burning our pinnaces, that the Cimaroons might 
have the iron-work. 

About a day or two before our departure, our Captain 
willed Pedro and three of the chiefest of the Cimaroons to 
go through both his frigates, to see what they liked; promis- 
ing to give it them, whatsoever it were, so it were not so 
necessar}^ as that he could not return into England without 
it. And for their wives he would himself seek out some 
silks or linen that might gratify them ; which while he was 
choosing out of his trunks, the scimitar which Captain 
TETt had given to our Captain, chanced to be taken forth 
in Pedro's sight : which he seeing grew so much in liking 
thereof, that he accounted of nothing else in respect of it, 
and preferred it before all that could be given him. Yet 
imagining that it was no less esteemed of our Captain, 
durst not himself open his mouth to crave or commend it ; 
but made one Francis Tucker to be his mean to break his 
mind, promising to give him a fine quoit of gold, which yet 
he had in store, if he would but move our Captain for it; 
and to our Captain himself, he would give four other great 
quoits which he had hidden, intending to have reserved 
them until another voyage. 

Our Captain being accordingly moved by Francis 
Tucker, could have been content to have made no such 
exchange ; but yet desirous to content him, that had deserved 
so well, he gave it him with many good words : who received 



sirF.^DSki°'V593.] Drake's kindness to his prisoners. 293 

it with no little joy, affirming that if he should give his 
wife and children which he loved dearly in lieu of it, he 
could not sufficient recompense it (for he would present 
his king with it, who he knew would make him a great man, 
even for this very gift's sake); yet in gratuity and stead of 
other requital of this jewel, he desired our Captain to accept 
these four pieces of gold, as a token of his thankfulness to 
him, and a pawn of his faithfulness during life. 

Our Captain received it in most kind sort, but took it not 
to his own benelit, but caused it to be cast into the whole 
Adventure, saying, " If he had not been set forth to that 
place, he had not attained such a commodity, and therefore 
it was just that they which bare part with him of his burden 
in setting him to sea, should enjoy the proportion of his 
benefit whatsoever at his return." 

Thus with good love and liking we took our leave of that 
people, setting over to the islands of [ ? ], whence 

the next day after, we set sail towards Cape St. Antonio ; by 
which we past with a large wind : but presently being to 
stand for the Havana, we were fain to ply to the windward 
some three or four days ; in which plying we fortuned to 
take a small bark, in which were two or three hundred hides, 
and one most necessary thing, which stood us in great stead, 
viz., a pump ! which we set in our frigate.* Their bark 
because it was nothing fit for our service, our Captain gave 
them to carry them home. 

And so returning to Cape St. Antonio, and landing there, 
we refreshed ourselves, and beside great store of turtle 
eggs, found by day in the [sandj, we took 250 turtles by 
night. We powdered [salted] and dried some of them, which 
did us good service. The rest continued but a small time. 

There were, at this time, belonging to Cartagena, 
Nombre de Dios, Rio Grande, Santa Marta, Rio de la Hacha, 
Venta Cruz, Veragua, Nicaragua, the Honduras, Jamaica, 
&c., above 200 frigates ; some of a 120 tons, others but of 10 
or 12 tons, but the most of 30 or 40 tons, which all had 

* Apparently Drake and his company, now reduced to 31 men out of 
the original 73 (p. 228), failing to find a bark at the Magdelena, came 
home in two Spanish frigates ; one of which was taken by Oxenham 
(p. 283). Both the S7aan {pp. 228, 244-6) and the Pasc/ia i^pp. 228, 246, 
290) were left behind in the West Indies. 



294 Plymouth PEOPLE RUN OUT OF CHURCH. [Drak?'iJ< 



1593- 



intercourse between Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. The 
most of which, during our abode in those parts, we took; and 
some of them, twice or thrice each: yet never burnt nor 
sunk any, unless they were made out Men-of-war against 
us, or laid as stales to entrap us. 

And of all the men taken in these several vessels, we 
never offered any kind of violence to any, after they were 
once come under our power ; but either presently dismissed 
them in safety, or keeping them with us some longer time 
(as some of them we did), we always provided for their 
sustenance as for ourselves, and secured them from the rage 
of the Cimaroons against them: till at last, the danger of 
their discovering where our ships lay being over past, for 
which only cause we kept them prisoners, we set them also 
free. 

Many strange birds, beasts, and fishes, besides fruits 
trees, plants, and the like, were seen and observed of us in 
this journey, which willingly we pretermit as hastening to 
the end of our voyage : which from this Cape of St. Antonio, 
we intended to finish by sailing the directest and speediest 
way homeward ; and accordingly, even beyond our own 
expectation, most happily performed. 

For whereas our Captain had purposed to touch at New- 
foundland, and there to have watered ; which would have 
been some let unto us, though we stood in great want of 
water; yet GOD Almighty so provided for us, by giving us 
good store of rain water, that we were sufficiently furnished : 
and, within twenty-three days, we passed from the Cape of 
Florida, to the Isles of Scilly, and so arrived at Plymouth, 
on Sunday, about sermon time, August the 9th, 1573. 

At what time, the news of our Captain's return brought 
unto his, did so speedily pass over all the church, and surpass 
their minds with desire and delight to see him, that very 
few or none remained with the Preacher. All hastening to 
see the evidence of GOD's love and blessing towards our 
Gracious Queen and country, by the fruit of our Captain's 
labour and success. 

Soli DEO -Gloria, 
FINIS. 



NINETEEN YEARS' 



CAPTIVITY 



IN THE 



Kingdom of Conde Uda 



IN THE 



i^iSl)lantis of Ceplon, 



SUSTAINED BY 



Captain ROBERT KNOXj 



BETWEEN 



March 1660 (feP October 1679: 
%Si^iX\zi to It!) 1)10 

SINGULAR DELIVERANCE 



FROM THAT 



STRANGE AND PAGAN LAND. 

[From An Historical Relation i^c, 168 1, fol.] 



297 




To the Right Worshipful Sir William Thomson 

Thomas Papillon Esquire, 

24 " Committees " of the 

India Company hereunder 



Knight, Governor ; 
Deputy ; and the 
Honourable East 
specified, viz : — 

The Rt. Hon. George, Earl 

of Berkley. 
The Rt. Hon. James, Lord 

Chandos. 
Sir Matthew Andrews 

Knight. 
Sir John Banks Baronet. 
Sir Samuel Barnardiston 

Baronet 
Mr, Christopher Boone. 
John Bathurst Esquire. 
Sir JosiAH Child Baronet. 
Mr. Thomas Canham. 
Colonel John Clerk. 
Sir James Edwards Knight. 



Mr. Joseph Herne. 
Richard Hutchinson 

Esquire. 
James Hublon Esquire. 
Sir John Lethieullier 

Knight. 
Mr. Nathaniel Petton. 
Sir John Moor Knight. 
Samuel Mover Esquire. 
Mr. John Morden. 
Mr. John Paige. 
Edward Rudge Esquire. 
Daniel Sheldon Esquire. 
Mr. Jeremy Sambrook. 
Robert Thomson Esquire. 



Right Worshipful, 

INCE my return home to my native country of England, 
after a long and disconsolate captivity ; my friends 
and acquaintance, in our converse together, have been' 
inquisitive into the state of that land in which I was 




298 Dedication of manuscript, p^'li^es^: 

captivated : whose curiosity I endeavoured to satisfy. But my 
relations and accounts of things in those parts were so strange and 
uncouth, and so different from those in the Western nations ; and 
withal, my discourses seeming so delightfid and acceptable unto 
them : they very frequently called upon me to write what I knew of 
that island of Ceylon, and to digest it into a discourse, and 
make it more public. Unto which motion, I was not much un- 
willing ; partly that I might comply with the desires and counsels of 
my friends; and chiefly, that I might publish and declare the great 
mercy of GOD to me, and commemorate, before all men, my singular 
deliverance out of that strange and pagan land : which — as often 
as I think of, or mention — / cannot but admire, and adore the 
goodness of GOD towards me ; there being in it, so many notable 
footsteps of His signal providence. 

I had then by me several papers, which — during my voyage 
homewards from Bantam, at leisure times — I wrote concerning 
the King and the country ; and concerning the English there ; and 
of my escape : which papers I forthwith set myself to peruse and 
draw into a method ; and to add what more might occur to my 
thoughts of these matters. Which, at length, I have finished ; 
contriving what I had to relate, under four heads. The first, 
cojtcerning the country, and products of it. The second, concerning 
the King and his government. The third, concerning the inhabitants, 
and their religion and customs. And the last, coficerning our 
surprise, detainment, and escape. In all which, I take leave to 
declare that I have written nothing but either what I am assured 
(f by my own personal knowledge to be true, and wherein I have 
borne a great, and a sad share : or what I have received from the 
inhabitants themselves, of such things as are commodity known to be 
true among them. 

The book being thus perfected; it required 710 long meditation 
unto whom to present it. It could be to none but yourselves, my 



^March^i68i:] DEDICATION OF MANUSCRIPT. 299 

honoured Masters, by whose wisdom and success the East Indian 

parts of the world are now nearly as well known as the countries 

next adjacent to us. So that by your means, not only the wealth, 

but the knowledge of those Indies is brought home to us. 

Unto your favour and patronage, therefore. Right Worshipful, 

I humbly presume to recommend these papers and the author oj 

them ; who rejoiceth at this opportunity to acknowledge the favours 

you have already conferred on him; and to profess that — next unto 

GOD — on you depend his future hopes and expectations. Being 

Right Worshipfid, 

Your most obliged, and most humble 

and devoted servant to be commanded, 

Robert Knox. 
London. 

iSth March 1681. 



To the Right Worshipful the Governor, the Deputy 
Governor, and Four and Twenty " Committees " 
of the Honourable the East India Company, viz : 

Sir JosiAH Child Baronet, Governor. 
Thomas Papilion Esquire, Deputy. 

The Rt. Hon. George, Earl Colonel John Clerke. 

of Berkley. Mr. John Cudworth. 

Sir Joseph Ashe Baronet. John Dubois Esquire. 

Sir Samuel Barnardiston Sir James Edwards Knight 

Baronet. and Alderman. 

Mr. Christopher Boone. Richard Hutchinson 

Mr. Thomas Canham. Esquire. 



300 



Dedication of printed work. 



rCapt. R. Knox 
L August 1 68 1 



Mr. Joseph Herne. 

Mr. William Hedges. 

Sir John Lawrence Knight 

and Alderman. 
Mr. Nathaniel Letton. 
Sir John Moore Knight and 

Alderman. 
Samuel Mover Esquire. 



Mr. John Morden. 
Mr. John Paige. 
Edward Rudge Esquire. 
Mr. Jeremy Sambrooke. 
Mr. William Sedgwick. 
Robert Thomson Esquire. 
Samuel Thomson Esquire. 
James Ward Esquire. 




Right Worshipful, 

i HA T I formerly presented you in writing, having in 

pursuance of your commands now somewhat dressed by 

the help of the Graver and the Printer ; I a second time 

humbly tender to you. 'Tis, I confess, at best too mean 

a return for your great kindness to me. Yet I hope you will not 

deny it a favourable acceptance ; since it is the whole return I 

made from the Indies after twenty years' stay there : having brought 

home nothing else but 

{who is also wholly at your service and command) 

Robert Knox.- 
London, 

1st of August 1681. 




30I 



Nineteen Years' Captivity 



In the Kingdom of Conde Uda. 




Captain Robert Knox. 

Preliminary Chapter I. 

A general descriptio7i of the Island. 

Ow THIS island lies with respect unto the 
neighbouring coasts, I shall not speak at all, 
that being to be seen in our ordinary sea 
cards [charts^ which describe those parts) ; 
and but little concerning the maritime 
parts of it, now under the jurisdiction of 
the Dutch : my design being to relate such 
things only that are new and unknown unto 
these European nations. It is the inland country therefore 
I chiefly intend to write of: which is yet a hidden land ; 
even to the Dutch themselves that inhabit upon the island. 
For I have seen among them a fair large map of this place ; 
the best I believe extant, yet very faulty. The ordinary 
maps in use among us are much more so. I have procured 
a new one to be drawn with as much truth and exactness as 
I could : and his judgment will not be deemed altogether 
inconsiderable, who had for twenty years travelled about the 
island, and knew almost every step of those parts : especially 
those that most want describing. 

I begin with the sea coasts : of all which the Hollander 
is master. On the north end ; the chief places are Jaffnapatam 
and the island of Manaar. On the east side, Trincomalee 
and Batticalloe. To the south, is the city of Point de 
Galle. On the west, the city of Colombo ; so called from 
a tree, the natives call amho (which bears the mango fruit) 
growing in that place, which never bare fruit but only 
leaves, which in their language is cola\ and hence they 



302 The former Provinces of Ceylon. p^March^iTsi: 

called the tree Colaniho : which the Christians, in honour 
of Columbus, turned to Colombo. It is the chief city on 
the sea coasts, where the Dutch Governor hath his residence. 
On this west side also are Negombo and Calpentyn. All 
these already mentioned are strong fortified places. There 
are besides many other smaller forts and fortifications : all 
which, with considerable territories ; to wit, all round 
bordering upon the sea coasts, belong to the Dutch nation. 

I proceed to the inland country, being that that is now 
under the King of Kandy. It is convenient that we first 
understand that this land is divided into greater or lesser 
shares or parts. The greater divisions give me leave to 
call Provinces, and the lesser, Counties ; as resembling ours 
in England, though not altogether so big. 

On the north parts, lie the Province of Nuwerakalawe, 
consisting of five lesser divisions or counties : the Province 
also of Hotkorle, signifying " Seven Counties ; " it contains 
seven counties. 

On the eastward, is Matella, containing three counties. 
There are also lying on that side Tammaukadua, Bintenne, 
Vellas, Panowa. These are single counties. Oowah also, 
containing three counties : in this province are two and 
thirty of the King's captains dwelling, with their soldiers. 

In the mid-land, within those already mentioned, lie 
Wallaponahoy, it signifies " Fifty holes or vales," which 
describe the nature of it, being nothing but hills and valleys 
— Poncipot, signifying "Five hundred soldiers" — Godda- 
ponahoy, signifying " Fifty pieces of dry land " — Hevoi- 
hattay, signifying " Sixty soldiers" — Kottemalle — Horsepot 
[? Harasia Pattoo], "Four hundred soldiers" — Tunponahoy 
[? Tuuipane], " Three fifties" — Oodanowera, it signifies " The 
Upper City;" where I lived last, and had land — Yattenowera, 
" The Lower Cit}^," in which stands the royal and chief city 
Kandy. 

These two counties I last named, have the pre-eminence 
of all the rest in the land. They are most populous and 
fruitful. The inhabitants thereof are the chief and principal 
men : insomuch that it is a usual saying among them, that 
" if they want a king, they may take any man of either of 
these two counties from the plough, and wash the dirt off 



^^^March^i68i;] Ceylon full of hills, rivers & woods. 303 

him ; and he — by reason of his quality and descent — is fit to 
be a king." And they have this peculiar privilege ; that none 
may be their Governor, but one born in their own country. 

These that follow, lie to the westward. Ooddaboolat — 
Dollosbage — Hotterakorle, containing four counties — Porta- 
loon — Tunkorle, containing three counties — Kottiaar. Which 
last, together with Batticalloe and a part of Tunkorle ; the 
Hollander took from the king, during my being there. 

There are about ten or twelve more unnamed ; next 
bordering on the coast ; which are under the Hollander. 

All these Provinces and Counties, excepting six — Tam- 
mankadua, Vellas, Panowa, Hotterakorle, Hotkorle, and 
Nuwerakalawe — lie upon hills, fruitful and well watered : 
and therefore are they called in one word, Conde Uda; 
which signifies, ** On top of the hills ; " and the king is 
styled, the King of Conde Uda. 

All these counties are divided, each from other, by great 
woods ; which none may fell, being preserved for fortifications. 
In most of them are Watches kept constantly ; but in 
troublesome times, in all. 

The land is full of hills, but exceedingly well watered ; 
there being many pure and clear rivers running through 
them : which falling down about their lands is a very great 
benefit for the country ; in respect to their rice, their chief 
substance. These rivers are generally very rocky, and so 
unnavigable. In them are great quantities of fish ; and the 
greater, for want of skill in the people to catch them. 

The main river of all is called Mahavilla Ganga; which 
proceeds out of the mountain called Adam's Peak (of which 
afterwards). It runs through the whole land northward, and 
falls into the sea at Trincomalee. It may be an arrow's 
flight over in breadth ; but not navigable, by reason of the 
many rocks and great falls in it. Towards the sea, it is full 
of alligators ; but among the mountains there are none at 
all. It is so deep that, except it be mighty dry weather, a 
man cannot wade over it ; unless towards the head of it. 
They use little canoes to pass over it : but there are no 
bridges built over it, it being so broad, and the stream in the 
time of rains — which in this country are very great — runs so 
high ; that they cannot make them ; neither if they could, 
II. U 5 



304 CONDE UdA fortified BY NaTURE. [^^^Ma^ch^X: 

would it be permitted. For the King careth not to make his 
country easy to travel in ; but desires to keep it intricate. 
This river runs within a mile or less of the city of Kandy. 
In some places of it, it is full of rocks ; in others, clear for 
three or four miles. 

There is another large river [Kottemalle Oya] running 
through Kottemalle ; and falls into that before mentioned. 
There are divers other brave rivers that water the country ; 
though none navigable, for the cause above said. 

The land is generally covered with woods ; excepting the 
kingdom of Oowah, and the counties of Ooddaboolat and 
Dollosbage, which are, naturally, somewhat clear of them. 

It is most populous about the middle ; least near about by 
the sea. How it is with those parts under the Hollander, I 
know not. The northern parts are somewhat sickly by 
reason of bad water. The rest are very healthful. 

The valleys between their hills are, many of them, 
quagmires : and most of them full of brave springs of pure 
water : which watery valleys are the best sort of land for 
their corn, as requiring much moisture. 

On the south side of Conde Uda is a hill, supposed to be 
highest on the island, called in the Cingalese language 
Hamalell ; but by the Portuguese and the European nations, 
Adam's Peak. It is sharp like a sugar loaf; and has on the 
top a flat stone with the print of a foot, like a man's but far 
bigger, being about two feet long. The people of the land 
count it meritorious to go and worship this impression : and 
generall}' about their new year, which is in March ; they — 
men, women, and children — go up this vast and high 
mountain to worship. 

Out of this mountain arise many fine rivers, which 
run through the land ; some to the westward, some to the 
southward, and the main river — the Mahavilla Ganga before 
mentioned — to the northward. 

This kingdom of Conde Uda is strongly fortified by nature. 
For which way soever you enter into it ; you must ascend 
vast and high mountains, and descend little or nothing. 
The ways are many ; but very narrow, so that but one can 
go abreast. The hills are covered with woods and great 
rocks, so that it is scarcely possible to get up anywhere, but 
only in the paths. In all of which, there are Gates made of 
thorns — the one at the bottom, the other at the top of the 



*^Kch^8r.] Harvest there all the year round. 305 

hills — and two or three men always set to watch: who are to 
examine all that come and go, and see what they carry ; 
that letters may not be conveyed, nor prisoners or other 
slaves run away. These Watches, in case of opposition, are 
to call out to the towns near ; who are to assist them. They 
oftentimes have no arms, for they are people of the next 
towns : but their weapons to stop people, are to charge 
them in the King's name ; which being disobeyed, is so 
severely punished, that none dare resist. These Watches 
are but as sentinels to give notice ; for in case of war and 
danger, the King sends commanders and soldiers to lie here. 

The one part of this island differs very much from the 
other, both in respect of the seasons and the soil. For 
when the westwardly winds [the S.-W. monsoon] blow, then 
it rains on the west side of the island ; and that is the 
season for them to till their grounds : and at the same time, 
on the east side is very fair and dry weather, and the time 
of their harvest. On the contrary, when the east winds 
[the N.-E. monsoon] blow, it is tilling time for those that 
inhabit the east parts, and harvest to those on the west. 
So harvest is there, in one part or other, all the year long. 
These rains and this dry weather do part themselves about 
the middle of the land ; as oftentimes I have seen : there being 
on the one side of a mountain called Cauragas Hing, rainy 
and wet weather : and as soon as I came on the other side, 
dry and so exceeding hot, that I could scarcely walk on the 
ground ; being — as the manner there is — barefooted. 

It rains far more in the high lands of Conde Uda, than in 
the low lands beneath the hills. The north end of this 
island is much subject to dry weather. I have known it, for 
five or six years together, so dry, having no rain — and there 
is no other means of water but that ; there being but three 
springs of running water there, that I know or ever heard 
of — that they could not plough nor sow, and scarcely could 
dig wells deep enough to get water to drink ; and when they 
got it, its taste was brackish. At which time, in other 
parts, there wanted not rain : whither the northern people 
were forced to come and buy food. 

Let thus much suffice to have spoken of the countries, 
soil, and nature of this island in general. I will proceed to 
speak of the cities and towns in it ; together with some 
other remarkable matters thereunto belonging. 




3o6 The five principal cities. p^laSk^esf. 

Preliminary Chapter II. 
Concerning the chief cities and towns of this Island. 

N THIS island are several places where, they say 
formerly stood cities, and which still retain the 
name ; though little or nothing of building be now 
to be seen : but there are five cities now standing, 
which are the most eminent, and where the King 
hath palaces and goods ; yet even these — all of them, except 
that wherein his person is, — are ruined and fallen to decay. 

The first is the city of Kandy — so generally called by the 
Christians, probably from Conde, which in the Cingalese 
language signifies "hills," for among them it is situated — 
but by the inhabitants called Hingodagul-newera, as much as 
to say, "The City of the Cingalese people; " and Mauneur, 
signifying " The chief or royal city." This is the chief or 
metropolitical city of thewhole island. It is placed in the midst 
of the island, inthe Province of Yattenowera; bravely situated 
for all conveniences, excellently well watered. The King's 
palace stands on the east corner of the city, as is customary 
in this land for the King's palaces to stand. This city is 
three square, like a triangle, but has no artificial strength about 
it: unless on the south side, which is the easiest and openest 
way to it, where they have long since cast up a bank of 
earth across the valley from one hill to another; which 
nevertheless is not so steep but that a man may easily go 
over it anywhere. It may be some twenty feet in height. 
In every way to come to this city, about two or three miles 
off from it, are Thorn Gates and Watches to examine all that 
go and come. It is environed around with hills. The great 
river \tlie Mahavilla Ganga] coming down from Adam's Peak, 
runs within less than a mile of it, on the west side. 

It has oftentimes been burnt by the Portuguese in their 
former invasions of this island; togetherwith the King'spalace 
and the temples. Insomuch that the King has been fain to pay 
them a tribute of three elephants per annum. The King left 
this city, about twenty years ago [i.e. about 1660], and never 
since has come to it. So that it is now quite gone to decay. 



^^M:^ch?68i:] Kandy, Nellembe, Alloot, Badoolla. ^oy 

A second city is Nellembe Newera, lying in Ooddaboollat, 
south of Kandy, some twelve miles distant. Unto this, the 
King retired and here kept his Court, when he forsook Kandy. 
Thirdly. The cityAlloot Newera, on thenorth-east of Kandy. 
Here this King was born. Here also he keeps a great store 
of corn and salt, &c., against time of war or trouble. This 
is situated in the country of Bintenne ; which land I have 
never been at, but have taken a view of it from the top of 
a mountain. It seems to be a smooth land, and not much 
hilly. The great river [the Mahavilla Ganga] runneth through 
the midst of it. It is all over covered with mighty woods and 
abundance of deer : but much subject to dry weather and 
sickness. In these woods are a sort of wild people [The 
Veddahs, sttpposed to be the original race inhabiting Ceylon] 
inhabiting. 

Fourthly, Badoolla, eastward from Kandy, some two days' 
journey : the second city in this land. The Portuguese, in 
time of war, burnt it down to the ground. The palace here 
is quite ruined : the pagodas only remain in good repair. 

This city stands in the kingdom or province of Oowah, which 
is a country well watered ; the land not smooth, neither the 
hills very high. Wood very scarce, but what they plant about 
their houses : but great plenty of cattle ; their land, void of 
wood, being the more apt for grazing. If these cattle be carried 
to any other parts in this island, they will commonly die. 
The reason whereof no man can tell. Only they conjecture 
it is occasioned by a kind of small tree or shrub that grows 
in all countries but in Oowah, the touch or scent of which 
may be poison to the Oowah cattle, though it is not so to 
other. The tree hath a pretty physical smell like an 
apothecary's shop ; but no sort of cattle will eat it. In this 
country grows the best tobacco that is on the land. Rice 
is more in plenty here than most other things. 

The fifth city is Digligy Newera, towards the east of Kandy, 
lying in the country of Hevahatt : where the King — ever 
since he was routed from Nellembe, in the rebellion, Anno 
1664 — hath held his Court. The situation of this place is 
very rocky and mountainous, the land is barren : so that 
hardly a worse place could be found out in the whole island. 
Yet the King chose it, partly because it lies about the middle 
of his kingdom, but chiefly for his safety : having the great 



3o8 Anuradhapoora, cradle of Buddhism. P^M^ch^ies^ 

mountain Gauluda behind his palace, unto which he fled for 
safety in the rebellion — being not only high, but on the top of 
it lie three towns, and corn fields, whence he may have 
necessary supplies. And it is so fenced with steep cliffs, 
rocks, and woods; that a few men here will be able to defend 
themselves against a great army. 

There are, besides these already mentioned, several other 
ruinous places that do still retain the name of cities ; where 
kings have reigned, though now there are little footsteps 
remaining of them. 

At the north end of this King's dominions is one of these 
ruinous cities, called Anuradhapoora, where they say ninety 
kings have reigned; the spirits of whom they hold now to be 
saints in glory, having merited it by making pagodas, and 
stone pillars and images to the honour of their gods : whereof 
there are many yet remaining, which the Cingalese count very 
meritorious to worship, and the next way to heaven. Near 
by is a river by which we came, when we made our escape : 
all along which there is an abundance of hewn stones ; some 
long for pillars, some broad for paving. Over this river, 
there have been three stone bridges, built upon stone pillars; 
but now are fallen down ; and the country is all desolate, 
without inhabitants. 

At this city of Anuradhapoora is a Watch kept ; be3'ond 
which are no more people that yield obedience to the King of 
Kandy. This place is above ninety miles to the northward 
of the city of Kandy. In these northern parts there are no 
hills, nor but two or three springs of running water ; so that 
their corn ripeneth with the help of rain. 

There is a port in the country of Portaloon, on the west 
side of this island, whence part of the King's country is 
supplied with salt and fish : where they have some small trade 
with the Dutch ; who have a fort on the point to prevent 
boats from coming. But the eastern parts being too far and 
too hilly, to drive cattle thither for salt ; GOD's providence 
hath provided them a place on the east side, nearer to them, 
which in their language they called Leawava : where, the 
eastwardly winds blowing, the sea beats in ; and in westerly 
winds — being then fair weather there — it becomes salt ; and 
that in such abundance, that they have as much as they 
please to fetch. 



^'^M^ch^iS The towns of Conde Uda. 309 

This place of Leawava is so contrived by the Providence 

of the Almighty Creator, that neither the Portuguese nor 
Dutch, in all the time of their wars, could ever prevent this 
people from having the benefit of this salt : which is the 
principal thing that they esteem in time of trouble or war ; 
and most of them do keep by them, a store of salt against 
such times. It is, as I have heard, environed with hills on 
the land side, and by sea not convenient for ships to ride : 
and very sickly — which they do impute to the power of a 
great god, who dwelleth near by in a town called Cotteragom, 
standing in the road ; to whom all that go to fetch salt, both 
small and great, must give an offering. The name and power 
of this god striketh such terror into the Cingalese, that those 
who otherwise are enemies to this King, and have served 
both Portuguese and Dutch against him ; yet, would never 
assist to make invasions this way. 

Having said thus much concerning the cities and other 
eminent places of this kingdom ; I will now add a little 
concerning their towns. The best are those that do belong 
to their idols, wherein stand their Dewals or temples. They 
do not care to make streets by building their houses together 
in rows, but each man lives by himself in his own plantation ; 
having a hedge, it may be, and a ditch round about him to 
keep out cattle. Their towns are always placed some distance 
from the highways : for they care not that their towns should 
be a thoroughfare for all people; but only for those that have 
business with them. The towns are not very big : in some 
may be forty, and in some fifty houses ; and in some, above 
an hundred : and in some again, not above eight or ten. 

As I said before of their cities, so I must of their towns; 
that there are many of them here and there lying desolate : 
occasioned by their voluntarily forsaking them ; which they 
often do, in case many of them fall sick, and two or three die 
soon after one another. For this, they conclude to happen 
from the hand of the devil ; whereupon, they all leave their 
town, and go to another, thinking thereby to avoid him : 
thus relinquishing both their houses and lands too. Yet 
afterwards, when they think the devil hath departed the 
place : some will sometimes come back, and reassume their 
lands again. 



"•^T^ 



310 Cingalese Character AND Proverbs. [^^TiaSk^sT 



Preliminary Chapter III. 

General character of the Cingalese^ with 
some of their proverbs. 

Erc are iron and crystal in great plenty. Saltpetre 
they can make. Brimstone, some say, is here; but 
the King will not have it discovered. Steel they can 
make of their iron. Ebony is in great abundance, 
with choice of tall and large timber. Cardamoms, 
jaggory, arrack, oil, black-lead, turmeric, salt, rice, betel nuts, 
musk, wax, pepper — which grows here very well, and might be 
had in great plenty, if it had any vent ^sa/g] — and the peculiar 
commodity of the island, cinnamon. Wild cattle also, and 
wild honey in great plenty in the woods : it lies in holes or 
hollow trees, free for any that will take the pains to get it. 
Elephants' teeth. Cotton, of which there is good plenty, 
growing in their own grounds : sufficient to make them good 
and strong cloth for their own use, and also to sell to the 
people of the uplands, where cotton is not so plentiful. 

All these things the land affords, and might do it in 
much greater quantity; if the people were but laborious and 
industrious. But that, they are not. For the Cingalese are 
naturally a people given to sloth and laziness. If they can 
but any ways live, they abhor to work. Only what their 
necessities force them to do, they do: that is, to get food and 
raiment. 

Yet in this I must a little vindicate them. For what 
indeed should they do with more than food and raiment ; 
seeing that, as their estates increase, so do their taxes also ? 
And although the people be generally covetous, spending 
but little, scraping together what they can : yet such is the 
government they are under; that they are afraid to be known 
to have anything, lest it be taken away from them. Neither 
have they any encouragement for their industr}', having no 
vent by traffic and commerce for what they have got. 



*' I have given pepper, and got ginger." Spoken when a 



*^^ March^s^:] Fables. Noya and Polonga. 311 

man makes a bad exchange: and they use it in reference to 
the Dutch succeeding the Portuguese in their island. 

"Pick your teeth, to fill your belly." Spoken of stingy 
niggardly people. 

"To eat before you go forth, is handsome and convenient." 
Which they therefore ever do. 

" As the saying is, If I come to beg buttermilk, why 
should I hide my pan." Which is ordinarily spoken to 
introduce the business that one man comes to speak to 
another about. 

"A beggar and a trader cannot be lost." Because they 
are never out of their way. 

"To lend to another, makes him become an enemy." For 
he will hate you, if you ask him for it again. 

"Go not with a slave in one boat." It signifies to have no 
dealing nor correspondence with any one's slave : for if any 
damage should happen, it would fall upon your head ; and, 
by their law, you must make it good. 

" First look into the hand, afterwards open the mouth." 
Spoken of a judge ; who first must have a bribe, before 
he will pronounce on their side. 

" Take a ploughman from the plough, and wash off his 
dirt : and he is fit to rule a kingdom." Spoken of the people 
of Conde Uda, where there are such eminent persons of the 
"Hondrew" rank: and because of the civility, understanding, 
and gravity of the poorest men among them. 

" Nobody can reproach the King and the beggar." Because 
the former is above the slander of the people, and nothing 
can be said bad enough of the latter. 

" Like Noya and Polonga." Denoting irreconcilable 
enemies. 

If the Polonga and the Noya meet together, they cease 
not fighting till one hath killed the other. 

The reason and original of this fatal enmity is this ; 
according to a fable among the Cingalese. 

These two chanced to meet in a dry season, when water 
was scarce. The Polonga being almost famished for thirst; 
asked the Noya, where he might go to find a little water. 
The Noya, a little before, had met with a bowl of water in 
which a child lay playing : as it is usual among this people, 
to wash their children in a bowl of water, and there leave 



312 More Proverbs and Fables. [^^^M^ch^esi! 

them, to tumble and play in it. Here the Noya had quenched 
his thirst, but, as he was drinking, the child that lay in the 
bowl, out of his innocency and play, hit him on the head, 
with his hand; which the Noya made no matter of, but bare 
patiently, knowing it was not done out of any malice, and 
having drunk as much as sufficed him, went away, without 
doing the child any harm. 

Being minded to direct the Polonga to this bowl, but 
desirous withal to preserve the child : he told him, " That he 
knew of water ; but he was such a surly hasty creature, that 
he was fearful to let him know where it was, lest he might 
do some mischief." Making him therefore promise that he 
would not : he then told him, that at such a place there was 
a bowl of water with a child playing in it; and that probably 
the child might, as he was tumbling, give him a pat on 
the head — as he had done to him before — but charged him 
nevertheless, not to hurt the child. Which the Polonga 
having promised ; went his way towards the water, as the 
Noya had directed him. 

The Noya, knowing his touchy disposition, went after 
him : fearing that he might do the child a mischief; and that 
thereby he himself might be deprived of the like benefit 
afterwards. It fell out as he feared. For as the Polonga 
drank, the child patted him on the head : and he, in his 
hasty humour, bit him on the hand, and killed him. The 
Noya seeing this, was resolved to be revenged : and so, 
reproaching him for his baseness, fought him so long till 
he killed him ; and after that, devoured him. Which to this 
day they ever do ; and always fight, when they meet : 
and the conqueror eats the body of the vanquished. Hence 
the proverb. 

" He that hath money to give to his judge, needs not fear; 
be his cause right or wrong." Because of the corruption of 
the great men, and their greediness for bribes. 

" If our fortune [gerehah] be bad, what can god do against 
it ? " Reckoning that none of their gods have power to reverse 
the fate of an ill planet. 

" The ague is nothing, but the headache is all." That 
country is very subject to agues, which do especially afflict 
the heads of those who have them. 

They have certain words of form and civility that they use 



^%arch^i68i.] General character of the Cingalese. 3 1 3 

upon occasion. When they come to another man's house; he 
asks them "What they come for?" which is his civiHty. 
And they answer, "I come for nothing;" which is their 
ordinary reply; though they do come for something. 

And upon this they have a fable. A god came down upon 
earth one day, and bade all his creatures come before him ; 
and demanded, " What they would have, and it should be 
granted them." So all the beasts and other creatures 
came : and one desired strength, another legs, and another 
wings, &c. ; and it was bestowed on them. Then came the 
white men. The god asked them, " What they came for ? " 
And they said, "They desired Beauty, Valour, and Riches." 
It was granted them. At last, came the Cingalese. The 
god required of them " What they came for ? " They 
answered, " I come for nothing." Then replied he again, 
" Do you come for nothing : then go away with nothing ! " 
And so they for their compliment, fared worse than all the 
rest. 

I might multiply many more of their proverbial sayings : 
but let these sufBce. 

The worst words they use to whites and Christians, is to 
call them " Beef-eating slaves." 

When they travel together, a great many of them, the 
roads are so narrow that but one can go abreast. And if 
there be twenty of them, there is but one argument or matter 
discoursed among them all from the first to the last. And so 
they go talking along, all together ; and every one carrieth 
his provisions on his back, for his whole journey. 

In short. In carriage and behaviour, they are very grave 
and stately, like unto Portuguese ; in understanding, quick 
and apprehensive; in design, subtle and crafty; in discourse, 
courteous but full of flatteries; naturally inclined to temper- 
ance both in meat and drink, but not to chastity ; near and 
provident in their families, commending good husbandry. 
In their dispositions, not passionate ; neither hard to be 
reconciled again when angry. In their promises, very 
unfaithful ; approving lying in themselves, but misliking it 
in others : delighting in sloth, deferring labour till urgent 
necessity constrain them. Neat in apparel, nice in eating, 
and not given to much sleep. 




314 Clay seals for all travellers. p^M^'h^iX. 

Preliminary Chapter IV. 

The TJiorn Gates. 

Here are constant Watches set in convenient places 
in all parts of the country, and Thorn Gates : but 
in time of danger, besides the ordinary Watches in 
all towns, they are in all places and at every cross 
road, exceedingly thick : so that it is not possible 
for any to pass unobserved. 

These Thorn Gates which I here mention, and have done 
before, are made of a sort of thorn bush or thorn tree ; each 
stick or branch whereof thrusts out on all sides round about, 
sharp prickles like iron nails, of three or four inches long. 
One of these very thorns, I have lately seen in the Repository 
at Gresham College. These sticks or branches being as big 
as a good cane, are plaited one very close to another, and so 
being fastened or tied to three or four upright spars, are 
made in the fashion of a door. 

This is hung upon a door case some ten or twelve feet 
high (so that they may, and do ride through upon elephants) 
made of three pieces of timber like a gallows, after this 
manner (~I : the thorn door hanging upon the transverse piece 
like a shop window. So they lift it up or clap it down ; as 
there is occasion : and tie it with rope to a cross bar. 

But especially in all roads and passes from the city \pigligy\ 
where the King now inhabits, are very strict Watches set : 
which will suffer none to pass, not having a passport ; which 
is the print of a seal in clay. 

It is given at the Court to them that have license to go 
through the Watches. The seals are different, according to 
the profession of the party. As to a soldier, the print of a 
man with a pike on his shoulder ; or, to a labourer, of a man 
with two bags hanging at each end of a pole upon his 
shoulder; which is the manner they commonly carry their 
loads : and to a white man, the passport is the print of a 
man with a sword by his side and his hat on his head. And 
as many men as there are in the company ; so many prints 
there must be in the clay. 

There is not half the examination for those that come into 
the city, as for those that go out ; whom they usually search 
to see what thev carry with them. 



\(D \SJ\] (TX^ \DJ\} [TQJ \3^^ \F^ y 



Nineteen Years' Captivity 



In the Kingdom of Conde Uda. 



BY 



Captain Robert Knox. 

C H AFTER I. 

O/ the reason of otir going to Ceylon, and 
detainment there. 




N THIS fourth and last part, I purpose to speak 
concerning our captivity in this island ; and 
during which, in what condition the English 
have lived there ; and the eminent providence 
of GOD in my escape thence : together with 
other matters relating to the Dutch and other 
European nations that dwell, and are kept 
there. All which will afford so much variety 
and new matter, that I doubt not but the readers will be 
entertained with as much delight in perusing these things, 
as in any else that have been already related. 

I begin with the unhappy occasion of our going to this 
country. 

Anno 1657, the Anne frigate of London, Captain Robert 
Knox Commander, on the 21st day of January; set sail 
out of the Downs in the service of the Honourable the 
English East India Company, bound for Fort St. George 
{hladras] on the coast of Coromandel, to trade one year from 
port to port in India. Which we having performed, as we 
were lading goods to return for England, being on the road 



3i6 The ^iviv£ REFITTING AT Trincomalee. pPM^ch^X 

of Malipatam,onthe 19th of November, 1659, there happened 
such a mighty storm, that in it several ships were cast 
awa}^: and we were forced to cut our mainmast by the board; 
which so disabled the ship that she could not proceed in her 
voyage. Whereupon Kottiaar in the island of Ceylon, being 
a very commodious bay, fit for our present distress ; Thomas 
Chambers, Esq., since Sir Thomas Chambers, the Agent at 
Fort St. George, ordered that the ship should take in some 
cloth, and go to Kottiaar Bay [i.e. the Bay of Trincomalee], 
there to trade ; while she lay, to set her mast. Where 
being arrived, according to the appointment of those Indian 
merchants of Porto Nova we carried with us, they were 
put ashore ; and we minded our business to set another 
mainmast, and repair our other damages that we had 
sustained by the late storm. 

At our first coming hither, we were shy and jealous of the 
people of the place ; by reason our nation never had any 
commerce or dealing with them. But now having been there 
some twenty days, and going ashore and coming on board at 
our pleasure, without any molestation ; the Governor of the 
place also telling us that we were welcome, as we seemed 
to ourselves to be : we began to lay aside all suspicious 
thoughts of the people dwelling thereabouts, who had very 
kindly entertained us for our money with such provisions 
and refreshings as those parts afforded. 

By this time, the King of the country had notice of our 
being there, and, as I suppose, grew suspicious of us ; not 
having all that while by any message, made him acquainted 
with our intent and purpose in coming. Thereupon he 
despatched down a Dissauva or general with his army to us. 
Who immediately sent a messenger on board to acquaint the 
Captain with his coming and desired him to come ashore to 
him ; pretending to have a letter to him from the King. We 
saluted the message with the firing of guns, and my father the 
Captain, ordered me with Master John Loveland, merchant 
[supercargo] of the ship, to go on shore and wait upon him. 

When we were come before him ; he demanded " Who we 
were ? " and " How long we should stay ?" We told him, 
'• We were English," and " Not to stay above twenty or 
thirty days :" and desired permission to trade in his Majesty's 
port. His answer was, *' The King was glad to hear that the 



^'^March^iX.] The Captain is made prisoner. 317 

English were come to his country, and had commanded him 
to assist us as we should desire ; and had sent a letter to be 
delivered to none but to the Captain himself." 

We were then some twelve miles from the seaside. Our 
reply was, ** That the Captain could not leave his ship to 
come so far ; but if he pleased to come down to the seaside 
himself, the Captain would immediately wait upon him to 
receive the letter." Upon which, the Dissauva desired us to 
stay that day ; and on the morrow, he would go down with 
us : which being a small request ; we, unwilling to displease 
him, consented to. 

The same day at evening, the Dissauva sent two of his 
chief captains to the house where we lay, to tell us " That 
he was sending a present to the Captain, and if we pleased 
we might send a letter to him : that he would send the 
present in the night ; and himself, with us, follow the next 
morning." At which, we began to suspect, and accordingly 
concluded to write and advise the Captain not to adventure 
himself nor any other on shore, till he saw us. We having 
written a letter to this purpose, they took it and went away; 
but never delivered it. 

The next morning, the present (which was cattle, fruit, &c.) 
was brought to the seaside and delivered to the Captain ; the 
messengers telling him withal, that we were upon the way 
coming down with the Dissauva, who desired his company 
on shore, against his coming; having a letter from the 
King to deliver into his own hand. Hereupon the Captain 
mistrusting nothing, came up with his boat into a small river ; 
and being come ashore, sat down under a tamarind tree,* 
waiting for the Dissauva and us. In which time, the native 
soldiers privately surrounded him and his men having no 
arms with them : and so he was seized on, and seven men 
with him ; yet without any violence or plundering them of 



* Sir James Emerson Tennent, 
K.C.G., in a tour through the northern 
forests of Ceylon in February 1848, 
thus — 

" At Cottiar, ... we halted by the 
identical tamarind tree, under which, 
two centuries before, Captain Robert 
Knox — the gentlest of historians, and 
the meekest of captives — was betrayed bv 



the Kandyans ; and thence carried into 
their hills : to be detained an inoffensive 
prisoner, from boyhood to grey hairs. 
But to that captivity, we are indebted 
for the most faithful and life-like 
portraiture that was ever drawn of a 
semi -civilised, but remarkable people." 
— Ceylon, ii. 478. Ed. 1859. 



3i8 The long boat's crew also taken, [^''M^ch^i^s^: 

anything. And then they brought them up unto us, carrying 
the Captain in a hammock upon their shoulders. 

The next da}^ after, the long boat's crew not knowing what 
had happened, came ashore to cut a tree to make cheeks for 
the mainmast ; and were made prisoners after the same 
manner, though with more violence. For they being rough 
and making resistance, were bound with withes ; and so were 
led away till they came where the people got ropes. Which 
when our men saw brought to them, they were not a little 
affrighted ; for being already bound, they concluded there 
could be no other use for those ropes but to hang them. But 
the true use of them was to bind them faster, fearing lest the 
withes might break ; and so they were brought up farther 
into the country ; but afterwards being become more tame, 
they were loosed. They would not adventure to bring them 
to us, but quartered them in another house, though in the 
same town: where without leave, we could not see one another. 
The house where they kept the Captain and us, was all 
hanged with white calico ; which is the greatest honour they 
can show to any : but the house wherein the other men were, 
that were brought up after us, was not. They gave us also 
as good entertainment as the countr}^ afforded. 

Having thus taken both our boats and eighteen men of us; 
their next care was, fearing lest the ship should be gone, to 
secure her. Therefore to bring this about, the Dissauva told 
the Captain that the reason of this their detainment was that 
the King intended to send letters and a present to the English 
nation by him ; and therefore that the ship must not go away 
till the King was ready to send his messenger and message : 
and thereupon desired the Captain to send on board to order 
her stay, and — it being not safe for her to ride in the bay, lest 
the Dutch might come and fire her — that he should take 
order for her bringing up into the river. Which advice of 
his, the Captain approved not of; but concealing his dislike 
to it, replied " that unless he could send two of his own men 
on board with his letter and order, those in the ship would 
not obey him, but speedily would be gone with the ship." 
Which he, rather than he would run the hazard of the ship's 
departing, granted : imagining that the Captain would order 
the ship to be brought up into the river, as he had advised ; 
though the Captain intended to make another use of this 
messa.2:e. 



^*M^ch^i68ij The Captain sends the ship away. 519 

Upon which, the Captain sent two of his men, some 
Indians accompanying them, in a canoe to the ship; the 
Captain ordering them, when they were aboard not to abuse 
the Indians, but to entertain them very kindly : and 
afterwards that, setting them ashore, they should keep the 
canoe to themselves, instead of our two boats which they had 
gotten from us ; and to secure the ship, and wait till further 
orders. 

These two men stayed on board, and came not back again. 
This, together with the ship's not coming up, displeased the 
Dissauva ; and he demanded of the Captain the reason 
thereof. His answer was, " That being detained on shore, 
the men on board would not obey his command." 

Upon this, some days after, the Dissauva bid the Captain 
send his son with orders to those aboard that the ship might 
be brought into the river; but provided that he would be 
security for my return: which he promised he would. His order 
to me was, "to see the top chains put upon the cables, and 
the guns shotted [loaded] ; and to tell Master John Burford 
Chief Mate, and all the rest, as they valued their lives and 
liberties, to keep a watch ; and not to suffer any boat to come 
near, after it was dark : and charged me upon his blessing, 
and as I should answer it at the Great Day, not to leave him 
in this condition ; but to return to him again." Upon which I 
solemnly vowed, according to my duty, to be his obedient 
son. 

So, having seen all done according to his appointment, I 
wrote a letter in the name of the company to clear my father 
and myself, to this effect, " That they would not obey the 
Captain, nor any other in this matter ; but were resolved to 
stand upon their own defence." To which they all set their 
hands. Which done, according to my promise and duty, I 
returned again ; and delivered the letter to the Dissauva, 
who was thereby answered: and afterwards urged the Captain 
no more in that matter, but gave him leave at his pleasure 
to write for what he pleased to have brought to him from the 
ship ; still pretending the King's order to release us was not 
yet, but would suddenly come. 

And so we remained expecting it, about two months ; being 
entertained, as formerly, with the best diet and accommoda- 
tion of the country. 

II- X 5 



320 The reason of their capture. p^Ma^ch^issi: 

Havins^ continued thus long in suspense, and the time and 
the year spending [passing away] for the ship to proceed on 
her voyage to some other place ; and our condition being, as 
we feared and afterwards found to be, the beginning of a sad 
captivity : the Captain sent orders to Master John Burford 
to take the charge of the ship upon him, and to set sail for 
Porto Nova, whence we came ; and there to follow the 
[Madras] Agent's order. 

If any inquire what became of the cloth of our lading, 
which we brought thither ; they only took an account to see 
what it was, and so left it where and as it was before : and 
there it remained until both house and goods rotted away, 
as the people of the same town informed me afterwards. 

I impute the mam reason of our surprise to our neglect, 
viz., in not sending a letter and present to the King at our 
first coming : who looking upon himself as a great monarch, 
as he is indeed, requires to be treated with suitable state. 

Thus were sixteen of us left to the mercy of those 
barbarians : the names of which are as follows. The Captain, 
Master John Loveland, John Gregory, Charles Beard, 
Roger Gold, Stephen Rutland, Nicholas Mullins, 
Francis Crutch, John Berry, Ralph Knight, Peter 
Winn, William Hubbard, Antony Emery, Richard 
Varnham, George Smith, and myself. Though our hearts 
were very heavy, seeing ourselves betrayed into so sad a 
condition, to be forced to dwell among those that knew not 
GOD nor His laws : yet so great was the mercy of our 
gracious GOD, that He gave us favour in the sight of this 
people: insomuch that we lived far better than we could 
have expected, being prisoners or rather captives in the 
hands of the heathen; from whom we could have looked for 
nothing but very severe usage. 

The ship being gone, the King sent to call the Dissauva 
speedily to him ; who, upon this order, immediately marched 
away with his army ; leaving us where we were. But 
concerning us, there was no order at all. 




^""Mich^iS I^HE CAPTIVES ARE MOVED INLAND. 32 1 



Chapter II. 

How we were carried up into the country, and 

disposed of there : and of the sickiiess, 

sorrow and death of the Captain. 

He Dissauva with his men, being gone; the people 
of the town were appointed to guard and secure 
us until further orders. But they carried us some 
six miles higher into the country ; and would not 
yet adventure to bring the long boat's crew unto 
us, but kept them by themselves in another town : fearing 
lest we might make an escape ; as certainly we would have 
attempted it, had they not removed us. 

There was a small Moor's vessel, which lay in the river ; 
which they had seized on about this time, as we supposed 
they would have done by our ship, if they could have caught 
her there. This vessel had some forty men belonging to her; 
who were not made prisoners as we were, but yet lay in the 
same town. With those, we had concluded that they should 
furnish us with arms: and, in the night, all together to march 
down and get on board their vessel ; and so make our escape. 
But being prevented in this design by our departure, we were 
fain to lie at their mercy. 

In our new quarters, our entertainment proved as good as 
formerly: and indeed there was this to mitigate our misery; 
that the people were courteous to us, and seemed to pity us. 
For there is a great difference between the people inhabiting 
the high lands or mountains of Kandy, and those of the low 
lands where we now were placed; who are of a kinder nature 
by far, than the other. For these countries beneath the 
mountains formerly were in subjection to the Portuguese ; 
whereby they have been exercised and acquainted with the 
customs and manners of Christian people : which pleasing 
them far better than their own, have begot and bred in them 
a kind of love and aftection towards strangers ; being apt to 
show pity and compassion on them in their distress. And 



322 They are marched up the country. p^M^ch^esT. 

you shall hear them oftentimes upbraiding the highlanders 
for their insolent and rude behaviour. 

It was a very sad condition whilst we w^ere all together ; 
yet hitherto each other's company lessened our sufferings, 
and was some comfort, that we might condole one another. 
But now it came to pass that we must be separated and 
placed asunder, one in a village ; where we could have none 
to confer withal or look upon, but the horrible black faces of 
our heathen enemies, and not understand one word of their 
language neither. This was a great addition to our grief. 
Yet GOD was so merciful to us, as not to suffer them to part 
my father and I. 

For it was some sixteen days after our last remove, the 
King was pleased to send a captain with soldiers to bring us 
up into the country ; who brought us and the other men 
taken in the long boat together : which was a heavy meeting ; 
being then, as we well saw, to be carried captives into the 
mountains. That night we supped together ; and the next 
morning changed our condition into real captivity. Howbeit 
they gave us many comfortable promises, which we believed 
not ; as " That the King's intent was not to keep us any 
longer than till another ship came to carry us away." 
Although we had but very little to carry, GOD knows; yet 
they appointed men to carry the clothes that belonged to the 
Captain and Officers. We still expected they would plunder 
us of our clothes, having nothing else to be plundered of : 
but the Cingalese captain told us, that the King had given 
order that none should take the value of a thread from us; 
which indeed they did not. 

As they brought us up, they were very tender of us ; as 
not to tire us with travelling, bidding us go no faster than we 
would ourselves. This kindness did somewhat comfort us. 
The way was plain and easy to travel, through great woods, 
so that we walked as in an arbour ; but desolate of 
inhabitants : so that for four or five nights we lay on the 
ground, with boughs of trees only over our heads. And of 
victuals, twice a day they gave us as much as we could eat ; 
that is, of rice, salt fish, dried flesh : and sometimes they 
would shoot deer, and find honey in the trees ; a good part 
of which they always brought unto us. And drink we could 
not want ; there being rivers and puddles full of water, as we 
travelled along. 



^^March'^X."] Kept near the Court, at first. 323 

But when we came out of the woods amongst inhabitants, 
and were led into their towns ; they brought us victuals 
ready dressed after their fashion, viz. : rice boiled in water, 
and three other sorts of food, whereof one was flesh and the 
other two herbs or such like things that grow in their 
country ; and all kinds of ripe fruit : which we liked very well 
and fed heartily upon. Our entertainment all along was at 
the charge of the country, so we fed like soldiers upon free 
quarters. Yet I think we gave them good content for all 
the charge we put them to ; which was to have the satisfac- 
tion of seeing us eat, sitting on mats upon the ground in their 
yards to the public view of all beholders : who greatly 
admired us ; having never seen, nor scarce heard of English- 
men before. It was also great entertainment to them to 
observe our manner of eating with spoons, which some of us 
had ; and that we could not take the rice up in our hands and 
put it to our mouths without spilling, as they do ; nor gaped 
and poured the water into our mouths out of pots, according 
to their country's fashion. Thus at every town where we 
came ; they used both young and old in great companies, 
to stare upon us. 

Being thus brought up altogether somewhat near to the 
city of Kandy ; now came an order from the King to separate 
us, and to place us one in a town. Which then seemed to us 
to be very hard ; but it was for the convenience of getting 
food, being quartered upon the country at their charge. 

The Captain, Master John Loveland, myself and John 
Gregory were parted from the rest, and brought nearer to the 
city; to be ready when the King should send for us : all the 
rest were placed one in a town, according to the aforesaid 
order. Special command also was given from the King that 
we all should be well entertained ; and according to the 
country's fare, we had no cause to complain. We four were 
thus kept together some two months, faring well all the 
while. 

But the King minding us not, order came from the great 
men in court to place us in towns, as the rest were ; only 
my father and 1 were still permitted to be together : and a 
great charge given to use us well. And indeed twice a day, 
we had brought unto us as good fare as the country afforded. 
All the rest had not their provisions brought to them, as we 



324 Author settled at Bonder Coswat. P^lil^ch^X. 

had ; but went to eat from house to house, each house taking 
its turn. 

On the i6th of September 1660, my father and I were 
placed in a town called Bonder Coswat. The situation 
was very pleasing and commodious, lying about thirty 
miles to the northward of the city of Kandy, in the country 
called Hotkorle [? Hewarrisse Korle], and distant from the 
rest of our people a full day's journey. We were removed 
hither from another town nearer to the city of Kandy, where 
the nobles at Court supposing that the King would call for 
us, had placed us to have us ready. 

Being thus brought to Bonder Coswat ; the people put it 
to our choice, which house we would have to reside in. The 
country being hot, and their houses dark and dirty ; my 
father chose an open house ; having only a roof, but no walls : 
wherein they placed a cot or bedstead with a mat only upon 
it for him, which in their account is an extraordinary 
lodging ; and for me, a mat on the ground. 

Money at that time was very low with us. For although 
we wanted not for opportunity to send for what we would 
have brought unto us from the ship ; yet fearing we should 
be plundered of it, we sent not for anything save a pillow 
for my father. For we held it a point without dispute, that 
they that made prisoners of our bodies would not spare to 
take our goods : my father also alleging that he had rather 
his children at home should enjoy them. 

But to make amends for that ; we had our provisions 
brought us without money, and that twice a day, so much as 
we could eat and as good as their country yielded. To wit, 
a pot of good rice, and three dishes of such things as with 
them are accounted good cheer ; one always either flesh, fish 
or eggs, but not overmuch of this dish ; the other dishes, 
herbs, pumpkins or such like, one of which was always made 
sour. 

The first year that we were brought to this town ; this part 
of the land was extraordinarily sickly with agues and fevers, 
whereof many people died: insomuch that many times we 
were forced to remain an hungry; there being none well 
enough either to boil or bring victuals unto us. 

We had with us a Practice of Piety, and Master Roger's 
Seven Treatises called The Practice 0/ Christianity. With which 



^^^ch^esT.] He and his father ill of the ague. 325 

companions we did frequently discourse ; and in the cool of 
the evening walked abroad in the field for a refreshing, being 
tired with being all day in our house or prison. 

This course lasted until GOD was pleased to visit us both 
with the country's sickness, ague and fever. The sight 
of my father's misery was far more grievous unto me 
than the sense of my own; that I must be a spectator of his 
affliction, and not in any way able to help him. And the 
sight of me so far augmented his grief, that he would often 
say " What have I done, when I charged you to come ashore 
to me again ? Your dutifulness to me hath brought you to 
be a captive. I am old and cannot long hold out, but you 
may live to see many days of sorrow ; if the mercy of GOD 
do not prevent it. But my prayers to GOD for you shall not 
be wanting ; that for this cause, he would visit you with his 
mercy and bestow on you a blessing." 

My father's ague lasted not long ; but deep grief daily 
more and more increased upon him ; which so overwhelmed 
even his very heart, that with many a bitter sigh, he used to 
utter these words, " These many years, even from my youth, 
have I used the seas ; in Vv^hich time the Lord GOD hath 
delivered me from a multitude of dangers " — rehearsing to 
me what great dangers he had been in in the Straits of 
Gibraltar by the Turks and by other enemies, and also in 
many other places too large here to insert ; and always how 
merciful GOD was to him in delivering him out of them all 
— " so that he never knew what it was to be in the hands of 
an enemy : but now, in his old age, when his head was grown 
grey, to be a captive to the heathen, and to leave his bones 
in the eastern parts of the world : when it was his hope and 
intention, if GOD had permitted him to finish this voyage, 
to spend and end the residue of his days at home with his 
children in his native country ; and so to settle me in the 
ship in his stead. The thoughts of these things did even 
break his heart." 

Upwards of three months, my father lay in this manner 
upon his bed ; having only under him a mat and the carpet 
he sat upon in the boat when he came ashore, and a small 
quilt I had to cover him withal. And I had only a mat upon 
the ground, and a pillow to lay on ; and nothing to cover me 
but the clothes on my back: but when I was cold and that 



326 His father's dying speeches. p^M^ch^esi: 

my ague came upon me, I used to make a fire ; wood costing 
nothing but the fetching. 

We had a black boy [? a Madrassee] that my father 
brought from Porto Nova to attend upon him : who seeing 
his master to be a prisoner in the hands of the people of his 
complexion, would not now obey his command further than 
what agreed unto his own humour: neither was it then, as 
we thought, in our power to compel or make him ; but that 
was our ignorance. 

As for me, my ague now came to a settled course, that is, 
once in three days, and so continued for sixteen months' time. 

There appearing now to us no probability, whereupon to 
build an}^ hopes of liberty : the sense of it struck m}- father 
into such an agony and strong passion of grief that once, I 
well remember, in nine days' time nothing came into his 
mouth but cold water ; neither did he in three months 
together, ever rise up out of his bed but when the course of 
nature required it : always groaning and sighing in a most 
piteous manner, which for me to hear and see come from my 
dear father, myself also in the same condition, did almost 
break my heart. But then I felt that doctrine most true, 
which I had read out of Master Rogers's book, " That GOD 
is most sweet ; when the world is most bitter." 

In this manner my father lay until the gth of February 
1661 : by which time he was consumed to an anatomy 
[reduced to a skeleton], having nothing left but skin to cover 
his bones. Yet he would often say, "that the very sound of 
liberty would so revive him, that it would put strength into 
his limbs." But it was not the will of Him, to whom we say 
" Thy will be done " to have it so. 

The evening before his death, he called me to come near 
his bedside, and to sit down by him ; at which time I had 
also a strong fever upon me. This done, he told me, " That 
he sensibly felt his life departing from him, and was assured 
that this night GOD would deliver him out of his captivity: 
and that he never thought, in all his lifetime, that death 
could be so easy and v.-elcome to any man as GOD had made 
it to be to him, and the joys he now felt in himself he wanted 
utterance to express to me." He told me " These were the 
last words that ever he should speak to me, and bade me well 
to regard and to be sure to remember them, and tell them to my 



^^PMarch^i68i.] ThE DEATH OF HIS FATHER. 327 

brother and sister, if it pleased GOD, as he hoped it would, 
to bring us together in England, where I should find all 
things settled to my contentation : " relating unto me after 
what manner he had settled his estate by letters, which he 
sent from Kottiaar. 

**In the first place, and above all; he charged me to serve 
GOD, and with a circumspect care to walk in His ways ; and 
then," he said, "GOD would bless me and prosper me." And 
next, he bade me, *' have a care of my brother and sister." 
And lastly, he gave me "a special charge to beware of strong 
drink and lewd company; which, as by experience many had 
found, would change me into another man, so that I should 
not be myself." " It deeply grieved him," he said, " to see me 
in captivity in the prime of my years, and so much the more 
because I had chosen rather to suffer captivity with him 
than to disobey his command ; which now he was heartily 
sorry for, that he had so commanded me : but bade me not 
repent of obeying the command of my father, seeing for this 
very thing," he said, "GOD would bless me," and bade me "be 
assured of it, which he doubted not of, namely, that GOD 
Almighty would deliver me." Which, at that time, I could 
not tell how to conceive of, seeing but little sign of any such 
matter. But blessed be the Name of my most precious GOD, 
who hath so bountifully sustained me ever since in the land 
of my captivity, and preserved me alike to see my deceased 
father's word fulfilled ! And truly I was so far from repenting 
that I had obeyed the command of my father, and performed 
the oath and promise I made unto him upon it ; that it 
rather rejoiced me to see that GOD had given me so much 
grace. 

But though it was a trouble to him, that by his means, I 
was thus made a captive ; yet " it was a great comfort to 
him," he said, "to have his own son sit by him on his death- 
bed, and by his hands to be buried; whereas otherwise he 
could expect no other but to be eaten by dogs or wild beasts." 
Then he gave me order concerning his burial, "That having 
no winding sheet, I should pull his shirt over his head and 
slip his breeches over his feet, and so wrap him up in the 
mat he laid upon." And then he ceased speaking, and fell 
into a slumber. This was about eight or nine o'clock in the 
evening : and about two or three in the morning he gave up 



328 He buries his father. P^Ma^ch^6°8t. 

the ghost, February 9th 1660 ; being very sensible unto the 
very instant of his departure. 

According to his own appointment ; with my own hands, I 
wrapped him up ready for the grave : myself being very sick 
and weak; and, as I thought, ready to follow after him. 

Having none but the black boy, I bade him ask the people 
of the town for help to carry my father to the grave ; because 
I could not understand their language : who immediately 
brought forth a great rope they used to tie their cattle 
withal, therewith to drag him by the neck into the woods ; 
saying " that they could afford me no other help, unless I 
would pay for it." This insolency of the heathen grieved me 
much to see; neither could I, with the boy alone, do what 
was necessary for his burial, though we had been able to 
carry the corpse : having not wherewithal to dig a grave, and 
the ground being very dry and hard. Yet it was some 
comfort to me, that I had so much ability as to hire one to 
help ; which at first I would not have spared to have done, 
had I known their meaning. 

By this means, I thank God, in so decent a manner as 
our present condition would permit, I laid my father's body 
in the grave ; most of which I digged with my own hands : 
the place being in a wood on the north side of a corn field, 
where heretofore we had used often to walk, going up to 
Handapoul [? Handepoli]. That division, as I have said, being 
called Bonder Coswat, because formerly it had belonged to 
the revenues or jointure of the Queen : Bonder implying 
something relating to the King. It lies towards the north- 
west of the middle of the island, in the county of Hotkorle. 

Thus was I left desolate, sick, and in captivity ; having no 
earthly comforter ; none but only He who looks down from 
heaven to hear the groaning of the prisoners ; and to show 
himself a Father to the fatherless, and a present help to 
them that have no helper. 

The news of my father's death being carried to Court ; 
presently two messengers were sent from tlience to see me, 
and to know of me how and in what manner my father died ; 
and what he had left ? Which was a gold ring, a pagoda 
[= 6s. in present value], some two or three dollars, and a few 
old clothes ; GOD knows but a very little : yet it scared me 
not a little, fearing they would take it away from me, and 



^^'M^ch^esiG The order for food renewed. 329 

my want being so great : but they had no such order or 
intent. But the chief occasion of their coming was to renew 
the former order unto the people of that town: that tliey 
should be kind to me ; and give me good victuals, lest I 
might die also, as my father had done. So for a while I 
had better entertainment than formerly. 





After i6 months, the ague goes. P^M^ch^xTsi: 



Chapter III. 

How I lived after my father s death : and of the 

condition of the rest of the English, a7id how it 

fared with them. And of our interview. 

Still remained where I was before ; having none 
but the black boy and my ague to bear me company. 
Never found I more pleasure in reading, meditating 
and praying than now : for there was nothing else 
could administer to me any comfort ; neither had I 
any other business to be occupied about. I had read my two 
books so often over, that I had them almost by heart. For 
my custom was after dinner, to take a book and go into the 
fields and sit under a tree ; reading and meditating until 
evening : except the day when my ague came, for then I 
could scarce hold up my head. Often have I prayed as 
Elijah under the juniper tree, that GOD would take away 
my life ; for it was a burden to me. 

At length it pleased GOD that my ague began to be a 
little moderate ; and so, by degrees, it wore away : after it 
had held me sixteen months. 

Provisions falling short with me, though rice, I thank 
GOD, I never wanted, and money also growing low : as 
well to help out a meal as for recreation ; sometimes I went 
with an angle to catch small fish in the brooks, the aforesaid 
boy being with me. 

It chanced, as I was fishing, an old man passed by; and 
seeing me, asked of my boy, " if I could read in a book ? " He 
answered *' Yes." "The reason I ask," said the old man, 
" is because I have one I got when the Portuguese lost 
Colombo ; and if your master please to buy it, I will sell it 
him." Which when I heard of, I bade my boy go to his 
house with him, which was not far off, and bring it to me to 
see it ; making no great account of the matter, supposing 
it might be some Portuguese book. 

The boy having formerly served the English, knew the 



' ■''March^i68i.] TheAuTHOR MEETS WITH A BiBLE. 331 

book ; and as soon as he had got it in his hand, came running 
with it, calling out to me " It is a Bible." It startled me 
to hear him mention the name of a " Bible : " for I neither had 
one, nor scarcely could ever think to see one. Upon which, 
I flung down my angle, and went to meet him. The first 
place the book opened in, after I took it in my hand, was the 
sixteenth chapter of the Acts, and the first place my eye 
pitched on, was the 30th and 31st verses, where the gaoler 
asked St. Paul " What must I do to be saved ? And he 
answered saying, Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou 
shalt be saved and thine house." 

The sight of this book so rejoiced me, and affrighted me 
together ; that I cannot say which passion was greater, the 
Joy for that I had got sight of a Bible, or the Fear that I had 
not enough to buy it, having then but one pagoda in the 
world : which I willingly would have given for it, but my boy 
dissuaded me from giving so much, alleging my necessity 
for money many other ways, and undertaking to procure the 
book for a far meaner price ; provided I would seem to 
slight it in the sight of the old man. This counsel after I 
considered, I approved of, my urgent necessities earnestly 
craving, and my ability bemg but very small to relieve the 
same : and however, I thought, I could give my piece of gold 
at the last cast, if other means should fail. 

I hope the readers will excuse me, that I hold them so 
long upon this single passage ; for it did so affect me then, 
that I cannot lightly pass it over as often as I think of it, or 
have occasion to mention it. The sight indeed of this Bible 
so overjoyed me, as if an angel had spoken to me from 
heaven. To see that my gracious GOD had prepared such 
an extraordinary blessing for me> which I did, and ever shall 
look upon as miraculous : to bring unto me a Bible in my own 
native language ; and that in such a remote part of the world 
where His name was not so much as known, and where any 
Englishman was never known to have been before. I looked 
upon it as somewhat of the same nature with the Ten 
Commandments He had given the Israelites out of heaven. 
It being the thing for want whereof I had so often mourned, 
nay and shed tears too ; and than the enjoyment whereof, 
there could be no greater joy in the world to me. 

Upon the sight of it I left off fishing ; GOD having brought 



332 They are given food but not clothes. P^March^esi. 

a fish to me that I longed for : and now how to get it and 
enjoy the same, all the powers of my soul were employed. I 
gave GOD hearty thanks that He had brought it so near me, 
and most earnestly prayed that He would bestow it on me. 
Now it being well towards evening, and not having wherewithal 
to buy it about me, I departed home ; telling the old man 
that in the morning I would send my boy to buy it of him. 

All that night I could take no rest for thinking on it, fearing 
lest I might be disappointed of it. In the morning, as soon 
as it was day, I sent the boy with a knit cap he had made 
for me to buy the book, praying in my heart for good success ; 
which it pleased GOD to grant. For that cap purchased it, 
and the boy brought it to me to my great joy ; which did not 
a little comfort me in all my afflictions. 

Having said all this concerning my father and myself, it 
will now be time to think of the rest of our poor countrymen, 
and to see what is become of them. 

They were carried into the county of Hotterakorle, westward 
from the city of Kandy ; and placed singly according to the 
King's order aforesaid, some four, some six miles distant one 
from the other. It was the King's command concerning 
them that the people should give them victuals, and look after 
them : so they carried each man from house to house to eat, 
as their turns came to give them victuals : and where they 
supped, there they lodged that night. Their bedding was 
only a mat upon the ground. 

They knew not that they were so near to one another a 
great while, till at length Almighty GOD was pleased by their 
grief and heaviness to move those heathen to pity and take 
compassion on them ; so that they did bring some of them 
to one another. Which joy was but abortive, for no sooner 
did they begin to feel the comfort of one another's company; 
but immediately their keepers called upon them to go from 
whence they came, fearing they might consult and run away, 
although Colombo, the nearest port they could fly to, was 
above two days' journey from them. But as it is with wild 
beasts beginning to grow tame, their liberty increaseth ; so 
it happened to our men. So that at length, they might go 
and see one another at their pleasures; and were less and less 
watched and regarded : and seeing they did not attempt to 



'^^PM5ch?6°8i:] They eat their food uncooked. $^s 

run away ; they made no matter of it, if they stayed two or 
three days one with the other. 

They all wondered much to see themselves in this condition, 
to be kept only to eat ; and the people of the country giving it 
unto them, daily expecting when they would put them to 
work, which they never did nor dared to do. For the King's 
order was to feed them well only, and to look after them ; 
until he pleased to send for them. 

This, after some time, made the Englishmen change their 
minds, and not to think themselves slaves any more ; but the 
inhabitants of the land to be their servants, in that they 
laboured to sustain them : which made them to begin to 
domineer, and would not be content, unless they had such 
victuals as pleased them ; and oftentimes used to throw the 
pots victuals and all, at their heads that brought them, which 
they patiently would bear. 

And as they lived here longer, they knew better what 
privileges they had in belonging unto the King ; and being 
maintained by virtue of his command. And their privileges 
they made use of to no purpose, as I shall relate an instance 
or two by and by, and showed their English metal. 

Victuals were the only thing allowed to them, but no 
clothes. By this time the clothes they had were almost 
worn out. This put them to a study what course to take to 
procure more, when those on their backs were gone. The 
readiest way that they could devise was this, that whereas 
they used to take their victuals brought to them ready 
dressed, they should now take them raw ; and so to pinch 
somewhat out of their bellies to save to buy clothes for their 
backs. And so accordingly they concluded to do, and by the 
favour that GOD gave them in the sight of the people, by 
alleging the innocency of their cause and the extremity of 
their present condition, having not the least ability to help or 
relieve themselves ; they consented to give them two measures 
of rice a day each man, one of which is as much as any man 
can eat in a day, so that the other was to serve for advance 
towards clothes. For besides rice, they gave them to eat 
with it, salt, pepper, limes, herbs, pumpkins, cocoa nuts, 
flesh (a little) : these, and such like things, were their 
constant fare. 

And thus they made a shift to live for some years, until 



334 The Englishman & Cingalese POTTER. pPMa^'h'^esT. 

some of them had an insight in knitting caps, by whom all 
afterwards learned : and it proved to be the chief means and 
help we all had to relieve our wants. The ordinary price 
we sold these caps for was ninepence apiece, in value of 
English money ; the thread standing us in about three 
pence. But at length — we plying hard our new learned 
trade — caps began to abound, and trading grew dead, so that 
we could not sell them at the former price ; which brought 
several of our nation to great want. 

The English began now to pluck up their hearts ; and 
though they were entered into a new condition, they kept 
their old spirits : especially considering they were the King's 
men, and quartered by his special order, upon the people. 

When they had obtained to have their allowance raw, if 
any brought them not their full due, they would go in and 
plunder their houses of such goods as they found there : and 
keep them until they came and brought them their complete 
allowance to redeem their goods back again. 

Some of our Englishmen have proceeded further yet. 
One, for example, went to buy pots of a potter ; who, 
because he [the potter] would not let him have them at his 
own price, fell to a quarrel ; in which the Englishman met 
with some blows : which he complained of to the magistrate, 
as being a person that belonged unto the King, and therefore 
claimed better usage. And the magistrate condemned the 
potter as guilty in lifting up his hand against him ; and 
sent some of his soldiers to bind him, and then bade the 
Englishman go and content himself by paying him in the 
same coin again as he had served our countryman, which he 
did until he was satisfied : and moreover, ordered him to 
take the pots he came to buy and pay nothing. But the 
law was not so satisfied neither : for the soldiers lay on 
many blows besides. 

Another time, at a certain feast, as they were drinking and 
wanting wine, they sent money to buy more; but the seller 
refused to give it them for their money : which they took so 
heinously, that they unanimously concluded to go and take 
it by force. Away they went, each man with a staff in his 
hand, and entered the house and began to drink : which the 
people, not liking of, gathered their forces together, and by 
blows began to resist them. But the Englishmen bravely 



^''^M^ch^i'esi'.l Author first meets his countrymen. 335 

behaved themselves, and broke several of their pates : who, 
with the blood about their ears, went to the city of Kandy 
to complain to the great men. They demanded of them, " if 
they had ever sold them wine before." They answered 
" Yes." They asked them again, " Why then did they 
refuse to sell to them now ? " and that they were well 
served by the English for denying them drink for their 
money : and so sent them away, laughing at them. Our 
men got two or three black and blue blows ; but they came 
home with their bellies full of drink for their pains. 

But to return unto myself. It was a full year after my father 
died, before I had sight of any of my countrymen and fellow 
prisoners. Then John Gregory, with much ado, obtained 
leave to come and see me ; which did exceedingly rejoice me. 
For a great satisfaction it was, both to see a countryman, 
and also to hear of the welfare of the rest. But he could 
not be permitted to stay with me above one day. Until 
then, I knew not punctually [exactly] where the rest of my 
countrymen were : but having heard that they were within 
a day's journey of me, I never ceased importuning the people 
of the town where I dwelt, to let me go and see them : 
which though very loth, yet at last the}^ granted. 

Being arrived at the nearest Englishman's house, I was 
joyfully received ; and the next day, he went and called some 
of the rest of our countrymen that were near. So that there 
were some seven or eight of us met together. 

We gave GOD thanks for His great mercies towards us; 
being then, as we did confess, in a far better condition than 
we could have expected. They were now no more like the 
prisoners I left them : but were become housekeepers and 
knitters of caps; and had changed their habit from breeches 
to clouts [clothes] like the Cingalese. They entertained me 
with very good cheer in their houses, beyond what I did 
expect. 

My money, at the same time, being almost gone ; and 
clothes in the same condition : it was high time for me now 
to take some course in hand to get more. Therefore I took 
some advice with them about knitting, my boy having skill 
therein. Likewise they advised me to take my victuals raw 
wherein they found great profit. For all this while there 
11. Y 5 



336 He learns Cingalese. L^%2ch^68i: 

being no signs of releasing us, it concerned me now to 
bethink myself how I should live for the future. For neither 
had I any more than my countrymen any allowance for 
clothes, but for victuals only. 

Having stayed here some two or three days ; we did take 
leave of one another, hoping to see one another oftener : 
since we now knew each other's habitations : and I departed 
to my house, having a keeper with me. 

By this time, I began to speak the language of the country, 
whereby I was enabled the better to speak my mind unto the 
people that brought me my victuals ; which was, henceforth 
not to boil my rice but to bring it raw, according to the 
quantity that the other Englishmen had. This occasioned 
a great deal of disputing and reasoning between us. They 
alleged "that I was not as they, being the Captain's son and 
they but his servants : and therefore that it was ordered by 
the great men at Court that my victuals should be daily 
brought unto me ; whereas they went always from house to 
house for theirs. Neither was it fitting for me," they said, " to 
employ myself in such an inferior office as to dress my own 
meat, being a man that the King had notice of by name; and 
very suddenly before I should be aware of it, would send 
for me into his presence ; where I should be highly promoted 
to some place of honour. In the mean time," they told me, 
as pretending to give me good counsel, " that it was more for 
my credit and reputation to have my provisions brought unto 
me ready dressed as they were before." 

Although I was yet but a novice in the country, and knew 
not much of the people; yet plain reason told me that it was 
not so much for my good and credit that they pleaded, as for 
their own benefit : wherefore I returned them this answer, 
" That if, as they said, I was greater in quality than the rest, 
and so held in their estimation ; it would be but reason to 
demand a greater allowance ; whereas I desired no more than 
the other Englishmen had: and as for the toil and trouble in 
dressing of it, that would be none to me, for my boy had nothing 
else to do." And then I alleged several inconveniences in 
bringing my victuals ready boiled : as first, that it was not 
dressed according to my diet ; and many times not brought 
in due season, so that I could not eat when I was an hungry; 
and the last and chief reason was, that I might save a little 



^^'fti^esi.] The Author builds a house. 337 

to serve my necessity for clothing; and rather than want 
clothes for my back, I must pinch a little out of my belly; 
and so both go share and share alike. 

And so at length, thanks be to GOD, I obtained, though 
with much ado, to get two measures of rice per diem for 
myself, and one for my boy ; also cocoa nuts, pumpkins, herbs, 
limes, and such like enough; besides pepper and salt; and 
sometimes hens, eggs, or flesh : rice being the main thing 
they stand upon, for of other things they refuse not to give 
what they have. 

Now having settled all business about my allowance, my 
next concern was to look after a house more convenient ; for 
my present one was too small to dress my victuals in and 
sleep in too. Thereabouts was a garden of cocoa-nut trees 
belonging to the King, and a pleasant situation. This place 
I made choice of to build me a house in : and discovering my 
desire to the people ; they consented, and came and built it 
for me. But before it was finished, their occasions called 
them away ; but my boy and I made an end of it, and 
whitened [whitewashed] the walls with lime, according to 
my own country's fashion. But in doing this, I committed 
a capital offence : for none may white [wash] their houses 
with lime, that being peculiar to the royal, houses and 
temples : but, being a stranger, nothing was made of it, 
because I did it in ignorance. Had it been a native that 
had so done, it is most probable that it would have cost 
him his head, or at the least a great fine. 

Being settled in my new house, I began to keep hogs and 
hens ; which, by GOD's blessing, throve very well with me, 
and were a great help unto me. I had also a great benefit 
by living in this garden. For all the cocoa nuts that fell 
down, they gave me; which afforded me oil to burn in the 
lamp, and also to fry my meat in : which oil being new, is but 
little inferior to this country's butter. Now I learned to 
knit caps, which skill I quickly attained unto ; and, by GOD's 
blessing upon the same, I obtained great help and relief 
thereby. 

In this manner we all lived : seeing but very little sign 
that we might build upon, to look for liberty. The chief of 
our hopes of it was that in process of time, when we were 



SS^ Cingalese punishment of runaways. p'^Ma^ch^iesi.' 

better acquainted, we might run away : wliich some of our 
people attempted to do too soon, before they knew well 
which way to go, and were taken by the inhabitants. For 
it is the custom of the Cingalese to suspect all white people 
they meet travelling in the country to be runaways, and to 
examine them : and if they cannot give satisfactory answers, 
they will lay hold of them and carry them back unto the city 
[of Kandy] ; where they will keep them prisoners under a 
guard of soldiers, in an open house like a barn, with a little 
victuals sometimes, and sometimes with none at all. Where 
they have no other remedy to help themselves but begging : 
and in this condition, they may lie perhaps for their lifetime ; 
being so kept for a spectacle unto the people. 

Though the common way whereby the King gratifies such 
as catch runaways and bring them up [to the city], is not 
over acceptable. For they are appointed to feed and watch 
them, until he calls for them to be brought before him ; at 
which time, his promise is bountifully to reward them. But 
these promises I never knew performed : neither doth he 
perhaps ever think of it after. For when the King is made 
acquainted with the matter, the men that have brought up 
the prisoner are in a manner as bad prisoners themselves ; 
not daring to go home to their houses, without his leave : 
but there they must remain. After some years' stay, the 
common manner is for them to give a fee unto the governor 
of the country, and he will license them to go home; which 
they must be contented with, instead of the promised reward. 




^^M^ch^iesi.] The Persia Merchant men. 339 




Chapter IV. 

Concerning some other Englishmen detained 
in that country. 

N the same captivity with ourselves on this island 
was another company of Englishmen, who were 
taken about a year and a half before us, viz.: in the 
year 1658. They were thirteen in number, whose 
names were as follows, viz.: — Master William 
Vassal, John Merginson, Thomas March, Thomas Kirby, 
Richard Jelf, Gamaliel Gardner, William Day, Thomas 
Stapleton, Henry Man, Hugh Smart, Daniel Holstein 
an Hamburgher, James Gony and Henry Bingham. 

The occasion of their seizure was thus. The ship these 
men belonged to, was the Persia Merchant, Captain Francis 
Johnson Commander ; which was lost upon the Maldive 
islands: but they escaped in their boats, and passing along by 
this land went on shore to recruit and buy provisions ; and so 
were taken. The Cingalese that took them, plundered them 
of what they had, except their clothes. Yet one of them, 
John Merginson by name, having cunningly hid his money 
about him, saved it from the heathen : but from his own 
countrj'men he could not ; some of them knowing of it, set 
upon him and robbed him of it. But it did them little good, 
for the King hearing of it, sent and robbed the robbers. 

These men thus seized, were carried up before the King, of 
whom he demanded, " whether the English had wars with the 
Hollanders?" They answered, "No." " Or if the English 
could beat them?" They answered, "They could, and had done 
it lately." Then he gave order to give them all some clothes ; 
and to Master William Vassal, being the chief of them, a 
double portion. And out of them, he made choice of two 
lads, whom afterwards he sent and took into his Court. Their 
honours and their ends we shall see by and by. 

They were all placed in the city of Kandy, and each of 



340 Vergonse, the Portuguese priest. p^M^ch^si'. 

them had a new mat given them to sleep on, and their diet 
was victuals dressed and brought them, twice a day, from the 
King's own palace. They had clothes also distributed to them 
at another time. So that these men had the advantage of 
us : for we neither had mats nor clothes, nor had the honour 
of being ever brought into the King's presence. 

This civil reception upon their first coming up into the city 
put the Persia Slerchant men in hope that the King would 
give them their libert}-. There was at that time an old 
Portuguese father, Padre Vergonse by name, living in the 
city. With him they discoursed concerning the probability 
of their liberty, and that the favours the King had shown them 
seemed to be good signs of it : but he told them the plain 
truth, that it was not customary there to release white men. 
For saying which, they railed on him; calling him " Popish 
dog " and "Jesuitical rogue," supposing he spoke as he wished 
it might be : but afterwards, to their grief, they found it to be 
true as he told them. 

Their entertainment was excellently good according to the 
poor condition of the country : but they thought it otherwise, 
very mean ; and not according to the King's order. Therefore 
that the King might be informed how they were abused, each 
man took the limb of a hen in his hand, and they marched 
rank and file, in order, through the streets, with it in their 
hands to the Court; as a sign to the great men, whereby 
they might see how illy [badly] they were serv^ed : thinking 
hereby the King might come to hear of their misusage, and 
so they might have orders to be fed better afterwards. But 
this proved sport to the noblemen who knew well the fare of 
the country : they laughing at their ignorance, to complain 
where they had so little cause. And indeed afterwards, they 
themselves laughed at this action of theirs, and were half 
ashamed of it ; when they came to a better understanding of 
the nature of the country's diet. 

Yet notwithstanding, being not used to such short commons 
of flesh, though they had rice in abundance, and having no 
money to buy more; they had a desire to kill some cows, 
that they might eat their bellies full of beef : but made it 
somewhat a point of conscience, whether it might be lawful 
or not to take them without leave. Upon which they applied 
themselves to the old father aforesaid, desirins: him to solve 



^^^MSch^X:] Hugh Smart taken to Court. 341 

this case of conscience : who was very ready to give them a 
dispensation ; and told them, "that forasmuch as the Cingalese 
were their enemies and had taken their bodies, it was very 
lawful for them to satisfy their bodies with their goods." 
And the better to animate them in this design, he bade them 
bring him a piece that he might partake with them. So being 
encouraged by the old father, they went on boldly in their 
intended business. 

Now if you would have an account of the mettle and 
manfulness of these men, as you have already had a taste of 
those of ours ; take this passage. The Jak fruit the King's 
officers often gather wheresoever it grows, and give it to the 
King's elephants ; and they may gather it in any man's 
grounds without the owner's leave, being for the King's 
use. Now these Englishmen were appointed to dwell in a 
house that formerly belonged unto a nobleman, whom the 
King had cut off, and seized upon it. In the ground 
belonging to this house stood a Jak tree full of fruit. Some 
of the King's men came thither to gather some to feed 
the elephants : but although the English had free liberty to 
gather what they could eat or desire ; yet they would permit 
none but themselves to meddle with them, but took the officers 
by the shoulders and turned them out of the garden ; 
although there were a great many more fruits than they 
could tell what to do with. The great men were so civil that 
notwithstanding this affront, they had no punishment upon 
them. But the event of this was, that a few days after, they 
were removed from this house to another where was a 
garden, but no trees in it. And because they would not allow 
the King a few, they lost all themselves. 

I mentioned before two lads of this company, whom the 
King chose out for his own service. Their names were Hugh 
Smart and Henry Man. These being taken into his Court, 
obtained great favour and honour from him, as to be always 
in his presence, and very often he would kindly and familiarly 
talk with them, concerning their country, what it afforded, 
and of their King, and his strength for war. 

Till at length Hugh Smart having a desire to hear news 
concerning England, privately got to the speech of a Dutch 
Ambassador. Of which the King had notice, but would not 



342 Henry Man set over the servants. p^Ma^ciSi: 

believe it, supposing the information was given him out of 
envy to his favourite ; but commanded privately to watch him, 
and if he went again to catch him there: which he not being 
aware of, went again and was caught. At which the King 
was very angry : for he allows none to come to the speech of 
Ambassadors ; much less one that served in his presence and 
heard and saw all that passed in Court. Yet the King dealt 
very favourably with him. For had it been a Cingalese, 
there is nothing more sure than that he should have died for 
it ; but this Englishman's punishment was only to be sent 
away, and kept a prisoner in the mountains without chains : 
and the King ordered him to be well used there ; where indeed 
he lived in better content than in the King's palace. He 
took a wife there, and had one son by her ; and afterwards 
died by a mischance, which was thus : as he was gathering 
a Jak from the tree by a crook, it [? the tree] fell down upon 
his side, and bruised him ; so that it killed him. 

Henry Man, the other Englishman, yet remained in 
favour ; and was promoted to be chief over all the King's 
servants that attended on him in his palace. It happened 
one day that he broke one of the King's china dishes: which 
made him so sore afraid, that he fled for sanctuary into a 
vehar, a temple where the chief priests always dwell and 
hold the consultations. This did not a little displease the 
King, this act of his supposing him to be of opinion that 
those priests were able to secure him against the King's 
displeasure. However he, showing reverence to their order, 
would not violently fetch him from thence ; but sent a kind 
message to the Englishman, bidding him "not to be afraid for 
so small a matter as a dish " — and it is probable, had he not 
added this fault, he might have escaped without punishment 
— ** and that he should come, and act in his place as formerly." 
At which message, he came forth; and immediately, as the King 
had given orders, they took hold of him, and bound his arms 
above the elbows behind ; which is their fashion of binding 
men. In which manner, he lay all that night, being bound 
so hard that his arms swelled, and the ropes cut through the 
flesh into the bones. The next day the King commanded a 
nobleman to loose the ropes off his arms, and to put chains 
on his legs; and to keep him in his house, and there feed 
him and cure him. Thus he lay some six months, and was 



"^^■^M^ch^iesi:] Henry Man torn by elephants. 343 

cured ; but had no strength in his arms : and then was taken 
into his office again, and had as much favour from the King, 
as before ; who seemed much to lament him for his folly, 
thus to procure his own ruin. 

Not long after, he again offended the King; which, as it is 
reported, was thus. A Portuguese had been sent for to the 
city [of Kandy] to be employed in the King's service; to which 
service he had no stomach at all, and was greatly afraid 
thereof, as he justly might be. For the avoiding thereof, 
he sends a letter to this English courtier; wherein he entreated 
him to use his interest to excuse him to the King. The 
Englishman could not read the letter, it being written in 
the Portuguese tongue, but gave it to another to read : which 
when he knew the contents thereof, he thought it not safe 
for him to meddle in that business, and so concealed the 
letter. The person to whom the Englishman had given it to 
read, some time after informed the King thereof. Whereupon 
both the Portuguese that sent the letter, and the Englishman 
to whom it was sent, and the third person that read it (because 
he informed not sooner) were all three, at one time and in 
one place, torn in pieces by elephants. 

After this execution ; the King supposing that we might 
be either discontented in ourselves or discountenanced by 
the people of the land : sent special orders to all parts where 
we dwelt, that we should be of good cheer; and not be 
discouraged, neither abused by the natives. 

Thus jealous is the King of letters, and allows none to 
come or go. 

We have seen how dear it cost poor Henry Man. Master 
William Vassal, another of the Persia Merchant men, was 
therefore more war}' of some letters he had ; and came off 
better. This man had received several letters, as it was 
known abroad that he had ; which he, fearing lest the King 
should hear of, thought it most convenient and safe to go to 
the Court and present them himself; that so he might plead 
in his own defence to the King. Which he did. He acknow- 
ledged to him that he had received letters, and that they 
came to his hands, a pretty while ago ; but withal pretended 
excuses and reasons to clear himself; as that, " when he 
received them, he knew not that it was against the law and 



344 Vassal's news of an English Victory. p^MaJih^iesi; 

manner of the country ; and when he did know, he took 
counsel of a Portuguese priest," who was now dead, " being 
old and, as he thought, well experienced in the country : but 
he advised him to defer awhile the carrying them unto the King 
until a more convenient season. After this, he did attempt," 
he said, " to bring them unto the King; but could not be 
permitted to have entrance through the Watches ; so that 
until now, he could not have opportunity to present them." 

The King at the hearing thereof, seemed not to be displeased 
in the least, but bade him read them : which he did in the 
English language, as they were written ; and the King sat 
very attentive, as if he had understood every word. After 
they were read, the King gave Vassal a letter he had inter- 
cepted, sent to us from Sir Edward Winter, then Agent 
at Fort St. George [Madras], and asked the news and contents 
thereof: which Mr. Vassal informed him of, at large. It was 
concerning the victory [on 3rd June 1665] we had gained over 
the Dutch ; when Opdam, Admiral of Holland, was slain ; and 
concerning the number of our ships in that fight: being there 
specified to be an 150 sail. The King inquired much after the 
number of guns and men they carried. The number of men, 
he [Master Vassal] computed to be, one ship with another, 
about 300 per ship. At which rate, the King demanded of him, 
how many that was in all ? Which Mr. Vassal went about 
to cast up in the sand, with his finger : but before he had 
made his figures, the King had done it by head, and bade him 
desist ; saying it was 45,000. 

This news of the Hollanders' overthrow, and the English 
victory much delighted the King; and he inquired into it very 
particularly. Then the King pretended that he would send a 
letter to the English nation, and bade Master Vassal inform 
him of a trusty bearer : which he was very forward to do, 
and named one of the best of those which he had made 
trial of. One of the great men there present, objected against 
him ; saying, he was insufficient, and asked him if he knew 
no other. At which. Vassal suspected their design, which 
was to learn who had brought those letters : and so framed 
his answer accordingly, which was, that he knew no other. 

There was much other discourse passed between the King 
and him at this time, in the Portuguese tongue ; which, what 
it was, I could never get out of him, the King having com- 



*^^p^iarcifiX:] The King's jealousy of letters. 345 

manded him to keep it secret : and he saith, he hath sworn 
to himself not to divulge it, till he is out of the King's hands. 
At parting, the King told him that for secrecy, he would 
send him home privately, or otherwise he would have 
dismissed him with drums and honour : but after this, the 
King never sent for him again. And the man that he named 
as fit and able to carry the King's letter, was sent away 
prisoner to be kept in chains in the country. It is supposed 
that they concluded him to have been the man that brought 
Vassal his letters. 

And thus much of the captivity and condition of the Persia 
Merchant men. 




346 The English summoned to Nillembe. p'^Ma^ch^X: 




Chapter V. 

Concernhig the means that were used for our deliver- 
ance : and what happened to us in the rebellion ; 
a7id how we were settled afterwards. 

Ll of us, in this manner, remained until the year 
1664. At whicli time arrived a letter on our behalf 
to the King from the Right Worshipful Sir Edward 
Winter, Governor of Fort George, and Agent 
there. The Dutch Ambassador also at that time, 
by a commission from the Governor of Colombo, treated with 
the King for us. With Sir Edward's message the King was 
much pleased, and with the Dutch Ambassador's mediation 
so prevailed with ; that he promised he would send us away. 
Upon this, he commanded us all to be brought to the city 
of Nillembe. Whither, when we came, we were very joyful, 
not only upon the hopes of our liberty; but also upon the 
sight of one another. For several of us had not seen the 
others, since we were first parted [in 1660]. Here also we 
met with the Persia Merchant men; whom, until this time, we 
had not seen. So that we were [originally] nine and twenty 
English in all. 

Some few days after our arrival at the city, we were all called 
to Court. At which time, standing all of us in one of the palace 
courtyards, the nobles by command from the King, came 
forth and told us, "that it was His Majesty's pleasure to grant 
unto us our liberty and to send us home to our country ; and 
that we should not any more look upon ourselves as prisoners 
or detained men." At which, we bowed our heads and thanked 
His Majesty. They told us moreover, "that the King was 
intending to send us either with the Dutch Ambassador or by 
the boat which Sir Edward Winter had sent : and that it 
was His Majesty's goodwill to grant us our choice." We 
humbly referred it to His Majesty's pleasure. They answered, 
'* His Majesty could and would do his pleasure, but his will 



*^^^Ma^ch'^i6Si.] Tempted to enter the King's service. 347 

was to know our minds." After a short consultation we 
answered, *' Since it was his Majesty's pleasure to grant us 
our choice" — with many thanks and obeisance — "we chose to 
go with the Dutch Ambassador, fearing the boat's insuffi- 
ciency." She having, as we were well sensible, laid there a 
great while. And if we had chosen the boat, the danger of 
going that way, might have served them for a put off to us; 
and a plea to detain us still, out of care of us : and again, had 
we refused the Ambassador's kindness at this time ; for the 
future, if these things succeeded not with us now, we could 
never have expected any more aid or friendship from that 
nation. In the next place, they told us, " It was the King's 
pleasure to let us understand, that all those that were willing 
to stay and serve His Majesty ; should have very great 
rewards, as towns, money, slaves, and places of honour 
conferred upon them." Which all in general refused. 

Then we were bidden to absent ourselves, while they 
returned our answers to the King. By and bye, there came 
an order to call us in, one at a time, when the former 
promises were repeated to every one of us ; of great favours, 
honours and rewards from the King to those that were 
willing to stay with him : and after each one had given his 
answer, he was sent into a corner of the courtyard, and then 
another called ; and so all round, one after another : they 
inquiring particularly concerning each man's trade and 
office ; handicraftsmen and trumpeters being most desired by 
the King. We being thus particularly examined again; there 
was not one of us that was tempted by the King's rewards : 
but all in general refused the King's honourable employment, 
choosing rather to go to our native country. By which we 
purchased the King's displeasure. 

After this, they told us, that we must wait at the palace 
gate daily : it being the King's pleasure that we should make 
our personal appearance before him. In this manner, we 
waited many days. 

At length happened a thing which he least suspected, viz., 
a general rebellion of his people against him ; who assaulted 
his palace in the night, but their hearts failed them, daring 
not to enter the apartment where his person was. For 
if they had had courage enough, they might have taken 
him there : for he stayed in his palace until the morning, 




348 A REBELLION BREAKS OUT AT NiLLEMBE. P^M^ch^eSi. 

and then fled into the mountains and escaped their hands ; 
but more through their cowardliness than his valour. 

This rebellion I have related at large in the Second Part 
[of this book] ; whither he that desires to know more of it, 
may have recourse. Only I shall mention here a few things 
concerning ourselves, who were gotten [had got] into the 
midst of these broils and combustions ; being all of us now 
waiting upon the King in the city of Nillembe. 

We here break off Captain Knox's narrative, to give his account of this 
rising, from the Second Part referred to. 

A relation of the rebellion made against the King. 

T HAPPENED in the year 1664 a.d. About which 
time appeared a fearful blazing star [a comet]. Just 
at the instant of the rebellion, the star was right 
over our heads. And one thing I very much 
wondered at was, that whereas before this rebellion, 
the tail stood away towards the westward ; from which side 
the rebellion sprang: the very night after — for I well observed 
it — the tail turned, and stood away toward the eastward; and 
by degrees it diminished quite away. 

At this time, I say, the people of this land, having been 
long and sore oppressed by this King's unreasonable and cruel 
government, had contrived a plot against him : which was to 
assault the King's Court in the night, and slay him ; and to 
make the Prince his son, king — he being then some twelve or 
fifteen years of age — who was then with his mother the Queen 
in the city of Kandy. 

At this time the King held his Court in a city called 
Nillembe : the situation of which is far inferior to that of 
Kandy ; and as far beyond that of Digligy where he now is. 
Nillembe lieth some fourteen miles southward of the city of 
Kandy. In the place where this city stands, it is reported by 
tradition that an hare gave chase after a dog ; upon which it 
was concluded that that place was fortunate : and so indeed 
it proved to the King. It is environed with hills and woods. 
The time appointed to put their design in action was the 
2ist of December 1664, about twelve in the night. Having 
got a select company of men — how many I know not well, 



^"^Ma^ch^esT.] The King escapes to Digligy. 349 

but as it is supposed not above 200 ; neither needed they 
many here, having so many confederates in the Court — in 
the dead of the night, they came marching into the city. 

The Watch w^as thought to be of their confederacy : but if 
he were not ; it was not in his power to resist them. 
Howbeit afterwards, whether he were or not, he was executed 
for it. 

The said men being thus in the city, hastened and came 
down to the Court ; and fell upon the great men [nobles] 
which then lay without the palace upon watch — since which 
time, by the King's order, they lie always within the palace — 
for they were well informed beforehand, who were for them 
and who not. Many who before were not intrusted to know 
of their design, were killed and wounded : and those that 
could, seeing the slaughter of others, got in unto the King ; 
who was walled about with a clay wall, thatched. That was 
all his strength. Yet these people feared to assault him ; 
lying still until the morning. 

At which time, the King made way to flee — fearing to stay 
in his palace — endeavouring to get unto the mountains. He 
had not with him above fifty persons. There went with him 
horses ; but the ways were so bad, that he could not ride : 
they were fain to drive an elephant before him, to break the 
way through the woods ; that the King with his followers 
might pass. 

As he fled, they pursued him ; but at a great distance, 
fearing to approach within shot of him : for he wanted not 
excellent fowling pieces ; which are made there. So he got 
safe upon a mountain called Gauluda, some fifteen miles 
distant ; where many of the inhabitants that were near, 
resorted to him. Howbeit had the people of the rebel party 
been resolute — who were the major part and almost of all the 
land — this hill could not have secured him, but they might 
have driven him from thence ; there being many ways by 
which they might have ascended. 

There is not far from thence, a high and peaked hill called 
Mondamounour ; where there is but one way to get up, and 
that VQvy steep : at the top are great stones hanging in 
chains to let fall when need requireth. Had he fled thither, 
there had been no way to come at him : but he never will 
adventure to go, where he may be stopped in. 



350 The King's sister brings the Prince. [^'"'^Ma^jh^s^ 

The people having thus driven away the old King, marched 
away to the city of Kandy, and proclaimed the Prince, king; 
giving out to us English who were there, that what the\' had 
done they had not done rashly, but upon good consideration 
and with good advice : the King by his evil government 
having occasioned it ; who went about to destroy them and 
their country — as in keeping Ambassadors, disannulling of 
trade, detaining all people that came upon his land, killing 
his subjects and their children, and not suffering them to 
enjoy nor to see their wives. All this was contrary to reason ; 
and as they were informed, to the government of other 
countries. 

The Prince being 5'oung and tender, and having never been 
out of the palace, nor ever seen any but those that attended 
on his person ; was — as it seemed afterwards — scared to see 
so many coming and bowing down to him, and telling him 
that he was King; and that his father was fled into the 
mountains. Neither did he say or act anything; as not 
owning the business or else not knowing what to say or do. 
This much discouraged the rebels, to see they had no more 
thanks for their pains. And so all things stood until the 
25th of December, at which time they intended to march and 
fall upon the old King. 

But in the interim, the King's sister flies away with the 
Prince from the Court into the country near unto the King : 
which so amazed the rebels, that they scattered about the 
money, cloth and plunder which they had taken, and were 
going to distribute to the strangers to gain their goodwill 
and assistance ; and fled. Others of their company seeing 
the business was overthrown ; to make amends for their 
former fact, turned and fell on their consorts [confederates], 
killing and taking prisoners all they could. The people were 
now all up in arms one against another : killing whom they 
pleased, only saying they w-ere rebels ; and taking their 
goods. 

By this time, a great man [nobleman] had drawn out his 
men, and stood in the field : and there turned, and publicly 
declared for the old King ; and so went to catch the rebels 
that were scattered abroad: who —when he understood that 
they were all fled, and no whole party or body left to resist 
him — marched into the city killing all he could catch. 



'^^'^Ma^ch^ies'l:] The rebels kill one another. 351 

And so all revolted, and came back to the King again : 
whilst he only lay still upon his mountain. The King needed 
not to take care to catch or execute the rebels, for they 
themselves out of their zeal to him and to make amends for 
what was past ; imprisoned and killed all they met, the 
plunder being their own. This continued for eight or ten 
days. 

Which the King hearing of, commanded to kill no more : 
but that whom they took, they should imprison until 
examination was passed : which was not so much to save 
innocent persons from violence as that he might have the 
rebels ; to torment them and make them confess their 
confederates. For he spared none that appeared guilty. 
Some to this day lie chained in prison ; being sequestered 
from all their estates, and beg for their living. 

One of the most notable rebels, called Ambom Wellaraul; 
he sent to Colombo to the Dutch to execute ; supposing 
they would invent new tortures for him, beyond what he 
knew of: but they — instead of executing him — cut off his 
chains, and entertained him kindly ; and there he is still in 
the city of Colombo, they reserving him for some designs 
they may hereafter have against that country. 

The King could not but be sensible but that it was his 
rigorous government that had occasioned this rebellion : 
yet he amended it not in the least ; but on the contrary, like 
to Rehoboam, added yet more to the people's yoke. 

And being thus safely reinstated in his kingdom again : 
and observing that the life of his son gave encouragement to 
the rebellion ; he resolved to prevent it for the future by 
taking him away : which upon the next opportunity he did 
by poisoning him [pretending to send physic to cure him, 
when he was sick]. 

But one thing there is, that argues him guilty of imprudence 
and horrible ingratitude : that most of those that went along 
with him when he fled, of whose loyalty he had such ample 
experience, he has since cut off; and that with extreme 
cruelty too. 

In the month of February, 1666 ; there appeared in this 

country another comet or stream in the west ; the head end 

under the horizon, much resembling that which was seen in 

England in December, 16S0. The sight of this did much 

n. z 5 



352 The English are carried to Kandy. pPMarch^iesI: 

daunt both King and people : having but a year or two before 
felt the sad event of a blazing star in this rebellion which I 
have now related. The King sent men upon the highest 
mountains in the land to look if they could perceive the head 
of it : which they could not, it being still under the horizon. 
This continued visible about the space of one month : and by 
that time it was so diminished that it could not be seen. 

But there were no remarkable passages that ensued 
upon it. 

We now resume our Author's narration. 

It was a great and marvellous mercy of Almighty GOD 
to bring us safe through these dangers ; for it so happened 
all along, that we were in the very midst of them. Before 
they gave the assault on the King's palace ; they were con- 
sulting to lay hands on us : fearing lest we might be prejudicial 
to their business in joining to the help and assistance of the 
King against them. For though we were but few in com- 
parison ; yet the name of white men was somewhat dreadful 
to them : whereupon, at first, their counsels were to cut us 
off. But others among them advised, that it would be better to 
let us alone, "for that we, being ignorant of their designs" — 
as indeed we were — "and quiet in our several lodgings ; could 
not be provided to hurt or endanger them : but otherwise, if 
they should lay hands on us, it would certainly come to the 
King's ears, and alarm him; and then all would be frustrated 
and overthrown." This, some of their own party have related 
to us since. These counsels were not given out of any secret 
goodwill any of them bore to us, as I believe : but proceeded 
from the overruling hand of GOD, who put those things into 
their hearts for our safety and preservation. 

The people of the city of Nillembe, whence the King fled, 
ran away also ; leaving their houses and goods behind them: 
where we found good prey and plunder, being permitted to 
ransack the houses of all such as were fled away with the 
King. 

The rebels having driven away the King, and marching to 
the city of Kandy to the Prince, carried us along with them ; 
the chief of their party telling us that we should now be of 
good cheer, for what they had done they had done upon very 
good advisement; the King's ill-government having given an 



^^M^ch^iesi.'] They attempt their Christmas dinner. 353 

occasion to it : who went about to destroy them and their 
country : and particularly insisted upon such things as might 
be plausible to strangers, such as keeping the Ambassadors, 
discouraging trade, detaining of foreigners that came upon 
his land, besides his cruelties towards themselves that were 
his natural people. All which, they told us, they had been 
informed was contrary to the government of other countries; 
and now so soon as their business was settled, they assured 
us, they would detain none that were minded to go to their 
own country. 

Being now at Kandy, on Christmas Day, of all the days 
in the year ; they sent to call us to the Court, and gave us 
some money and clothes first, to make us the more willing 
to take up arms ; which they intended then to deliver unto 
us, and to go with them upon a design to fall upon the old 
King in the palace whither he was fled. But in the very 
interim of time, GOD being merciful unto us ; the Prince 
with his aunt fled : which so amazed and discouraged them, 
that the money and clothes which they were distributing to 
us and other strangers, to gain us over to them, they 
scattered about the courtyard; and fled themselves. And 
now followed nothing but the cutting of one another's throats, 
to make themselves appear the more loyal subjects and 
make amends for their former rebellion. 

We, for our parts, little thinking in what danger we were, 
fell into a scramble among the rest, to get what we could of 
the money that was strewed about ; being then in great 
necessity and want. For the allowance which formerly we 
had, was in this disturbance lost ; and so we remained 
without it for some three months ; the want of which, this 
money did help to supply. 

Having gotten what we could at the Court, we made our 
way to get out of the hurly-burly, to our lodgings : intending, 
as we were strangers and prisoners, neither to meddle nor to 
make on the one side or the other ; being well satisfied, if 
GOD would but permit us quietly to sit and eat such a 
Christmas dinner together, as He had prepared for us. 

For our parts, we had no other dealings with the rebels, 
than to desire them to permit us to go to our native country ; 
which liberty they promised we should not want long. 
But being sent for by them to the Court, we durst not but go ; 



354 They are called away by a Nobleman. [^^M^chSsi! 

and they giving us such things as we wanted, we could 
not refuse to take them. But the day being turned, put us 
into great fear ; doubting how the King would take it at our 
hands, from whom, we knew, this could not be hid. 

Into our houses, we got safely : but no sooner were we 
there ; but immediately we were called again by a great man, 
who had drawn out his men, and stood in the field. This 
man, we thought, had been one of the rebels who to secure 
himself upon this change, had intended to run away down to 
Colombo to the Dutch ; which made us repair to him the 
more cheerfully, leaving our meat a roasting on the spit : but 
it proved otherwise. For no sooner had he gotten us unto 
him, but he proclaimed himself for the old King; and 
forthwith he and his company, taking us with him, marched 
away to fight or seize the rebels ; but meeting none, went 
into the city of Kandy and there dismissed us, saying, " he 
would acquaint the King how willing and ready we were to 
fight for him, if need had required." Although, GOD knows, 
it was the least of our thoughts and intents : yet GOD 
brought it to pass for our good. For when the King was 
informed of what we had received of the rebels : this piece of 
good service that we had done or rather were supposed to 
have done, was also told him. At the hearing of which, he 
himself justified us to be innocent, saying, " Since my absence, 
who was there that would give them victuals? " and, "It was 
mere want that made them to take what they did." Thus 
the words of the King's own mouth acquitted us : and when 
the sword devoured on every side ; yet by the Providence of 
GOD, not one hair of our heads perished. 

The tumults being appeased and the rebellion vanquished; 
the king was settled in his throne again. And all this 
happened in five days. 

We were now greatly necessitated for food, and wanted 
some fresh orders from the King's mouth for our future 
subsistence. So that having no other remedy, we were fain 
to go and lay in the highway that leads to the city of 
Kandy a begging : for the people would not let us go any 
nearer towards the King, as we would have done. There 
therefore we lay, that the King might come to a knowledge of 
us; and give command for our allowance again. By which 
means, we obtained our purpose. For having lain there some 



^^^MaSh^S They are distributed, one in a town. 355 

two months, the King was pleased to appoint our quarters in 
the country as formerly ; not mentioning a word of sending 
us away, as he had made us believe before the rebellion. 

Now we were all sent away indeed, not into our own 
country districts, but into new quarters : which being such 
as GOD would have to be no better, we were glad it was so 
well ; being sore a weary of lying in this manner. We were 
all now placed one in a town, as formerly; together with the 
Persia Merchant men also, who hitherto had lived in the city 
of Kandy, and had their provisions brought them out of the 
King's palace ready dressed. These were now sent away with 
us into the country : and as strict charge was given for our 
good entertainment, as before. 

We were thus dispersed about the towns, here one and there 
another, for the more convenient receiving of our allowance, 
and for the greater ease of the people. And now we were far 
better to pass [in a far better pass] than heretofore ; having 
the language and being acquainted with the manners and 
customs of the people; and we had the same proportion of 
victuals and the like respect as formerly. 

And now they fell into employments as they pleased, 
either husbandry or merchandizing or knitting caps ; being 
altogether free to do what they will themselves, and to go 
where they will, except running away : and for that end, we 
were not permitted to go down to the sea; but we might 
travel all about the country, and no man regarded us. For 
though the people, some of the first years of our captivity, 
would scarcely let us go any whither, and had an eye upon 
us afterwards ; yet in process of time, all their suspicions 
of our going away wore off : especially when several of the 
English had built them houses ; and others had taken them 
wives, by whom they had children, to the number of eighteen 
living, when I came away. 

Having said all this in general of the English people there, 
I will now continue a further account of myself. 




;^^6 Author settles at Handapondoun. [^""^mSck^X; 



Chapter VI. 

A conti7iuation of the Author s particular condition 
after rebellion. He purchaseth a piece of land. 

Y HAP was to be quartered in a country called 
Handapondoun, lying to the westward of the city of 
Kandy ; which place liked [phased] me very well, 
being much nearer to the sea than where I dwelt 
before ; which gave me some probable hopes, that 
in time I might chance to make an escape. But in the mean 
time, to free myself from the suspicion of the people — who 
watched me by night, and by day had an eye to all my 
actions — I went to work, with the help of some of my neigh- 
bours to build me another house, upon the bank of a river; 
and intrenched it round with a ditch, and planted an hedge : 
and so began to settle myself, and followed my business of 
knitting, and going about the country a trading ; seeming to 
be very well contented in this condition. 

Lying so long at the city [of Kandy] without allowance, I had 
spent all to some seven shillings ; which served me for a stock 
to set up again in these new quarters : and — by the blessing 
of my most gracious GOD, which never failed me in all my 
undertakings — I soon came to be well furnished with what that 
country afforded. Insomuch that my neighbours and towns- 
men no more suspected my running away ; but earnestly 
advised me to marry, saying '* it would be an ease and help to 
me:" knowing that I then dressed my victuals myself; having 
turned my boy to seek his fortune, when we were at the city 
of Kandy. They urged also, "that it was not convenient for 
a young m.an as I was to live so solitarily alone in a house ; 
and if it should so come to pass that the King should send 
me hereafter to my country, their manner of marriage," they 
said, " was not like ours, and I might without any offence, 
discharge my wife, and go away." 

I seemed not altogether to slight their counsel, that they 
might the less suspect that I had any thoughts of mine 
own country; but told them, that, "as yet, I was not 



^^Mr^ch^iosi'.] Afterwards is moved to Lagoondenia. 357 

sufficiently stocked," and also, " that I would look for one that 
I could love," though in my heart I never purposed any 
such matter ; but on the contrary, did heartily abhor all 
thoughts tending that vi^ay. 

In this place I lived two years and all that time, could 
not get one likely occasion of running for it ; for I thought it 
better to forbear running too great a hazard, by being over 
hasty to escape; than to deprive myself of all hopes for the 
future, when time and experience would be a great help to me. 

In the year 1666, the Hollanders came up and built a fort 
just below me ; there being but a ridge of mountains between 
them and me ; but though so near, I could not come to them, 
a Watch being kept at every passage. The King sent down 
against them two great commanders with their armies ; but 
being not strong enough to expel them ; they lay in these 
Watches to stop them from coming up higher. The name 
of this fort was called Arranderre : which although they could 
not prevent the Dutch from building at that time ; yet some 
years after, when they were not aware, they fell upon it and 
took it ; and brought all the people of it up to Kandy, where 
those that remained alive were, when I came from thence. 

In this country [county] of Hotterakorle where the Dutch 
had built this fort ; were four Englishmen placed, whereof I 
was one. Respecting all of whom, the King immediately upon 
the news of the Dutch invasion, sent orders to bring up out 
of the danger of the war into Conde Uda ; fearing that 
which we were intending to do, viz. — to run away. 

This invasion happening so unexpectedly, and our remove 
being so sudden : I was forced to leave behind me that 
little estate which GOD had given me, being scattered 
abroad in betel nuts, the great commodity of that country; 
which I was then in parting from. Much ado I had to get 
my clothes brought along with me ; the enemies, as they 
called them (but my friends) being so near. And thus I was 
carried out of this county as poor as I came into it, leaving 
all the fruits of my labour and industry behind me : which 
called to my remembrance the words of Job, " Naked came I 
into this world, and naked shall I return. GOD gave and 
GOD hath taken away. Blessed be the name of the Lord." 

We all four were brought together up into a town on the top 
of a mountain, called Lagoondenia: where I and my dear friend 



358 Their good entertainment ordered. [^^^Mareh^xTsi: 

and fellow-prisoner Master John Loveland, lived together in 
one house. For by this time, not many of our people were 
as we were, that is, single men : but seeing so little hope, 
despaired of their liberty; and had taken wives or bedfellows. 

At our first coming into this town, we were very much 
dismayed: it being one of the most dismal places that I have 
seen upon that land. It stands alone upon the top of a 
mountain and no other town near it, and has not above 
four or five houses in it. And oftentimes into this town, did 
the King use to send such malefactors as he was minded 
suddenly to cut off. Upon these accounts, our being brought 
to this place, could not but scare us; and the more because it 
was the King's special order and command to place us in this 
very town. 

But this our trouble and dejection, thanks be to GOD ! 
lasted but a day ; for the King seemed to apprehend into 
what a fit of fear and sorrow, this our remove would cast us; 
and to be sensible, how sadly we must needs take it to 
change a sweet and pleasant country such as Handapondoun 
and the country adjacent was, for this most sad and dismal 
mountain. And therefore the next day came a comfortable 
message from the King's own mouth, sent by no less a man 
than he who had the chief power and command over those 
people, who were appointed to give us our victuals, where 
we were. This message which, as he said himself, he was 
ordered by the King to deliver to the people in our hearing, 
was this, *' That they should not think that we were male- 
factors, that is, such, who having incurred the King's 
displeasure, were sent to be kept prisoners there ; but men 
whom his Majesty did highly esteem and meant to promote 
to great honour in his service ; and that they should respect 
us as such, and entertain us accordingly. And if their ability 
would not reach thereunto, it was the King's order," he said, 
" to bid them sell their cattle and goods, and when that was 
done, their wives and children : rather than we should want 
of our due allowance," which he ordered should be as formerly 
ive used to have : '* and if we had not houses thatched and 
sufficient for us to dwell in," he said, "we should change 
and take theirs." 

This kind order from the King coming so suddenly, did not 
a little comfort and encourage us : for then we did perceive 



*^^Ma^ch^i68i:] Three years at Lagoondenia. 359 

the King's purpose and intent in placing us in those remote 
parts, was not to punish us, but there that we might be his 
instruments to plague and take revenge of that people ; who 
it seems had plundered the King's palace in the time of the 
late rebellion, when he left it and fled, for this town lies near 
unto the same [i.e. Nillembe]. And their office lying about 
the Court, they had the fairer opportunity of plundering it : 
for the service they have to perform to the King is to carry 
his palanquin, when he pleaseth to ride therein ; and also 
to bring milk every morning to the Court, they being keepers 
of the King's cattle. 

In this town we remained some three years, by which time 
we were grown quite weary of the place ; and the place and 
people also grown weary of us, who were but troublesome 
guests to them; for having such great authority given us over 
them, we would not lose it ; and being four of us in call one 
of another, we would not permit or suffer them to domineer 
over us. Being thus tired with one another's company, and 
the King's order being of an old date, we used all the means 
we could to clear ourselves of one another ; often repairing 
unto the Court to seek to obtain a license that we might be 
removed and placed anywhere else ; but there was none that 
durst grant it, because it was the King's peculiar command 
and special appointment that we must abide in that very 
town. 

During the time of our stay here, we had our victuals 
brought us in good order and due season, the inhabitants 
having such a charge given them by their Governor, and he 
from the King; durst not do otherwise : so that we had but 
little to do ; only to dress and eat, and sit down to knit. 

I had used the utmost of my skill and endeavour to get a 
license to go down to my former quarters, all things being 
now pretty well settled ; hoping that I might recover some of 
my old debts: but by no means could I obtain it. The denial 
of so reasonable a desire, put me upon taking leave. I was 
well acquainted with the way, but yet I hired a man to 
go with me; without which I could not get through the 
Watches : for although I was the master and he the man ; 
yet when we came into the Watches ; he was the keeper and 
I the prisoner. And by this means we passed without being 
suspected. 



360 He returns to his former residence. p^Mj^h^esi". 

Being come into my old quarters, by pretending that this 
man was sent down from the magistrate to see that my debts 
and demands might be dul3'paid and discharged, I chanced to 
recover some of them; and the rest I gave over for lost: for 
I never more looked after them. And so I began the world 
anew ; and, by the blessing of GOD, was again pretty well 
recruited, before I left this town. 

In the time of my residence here [at Lagoondenia], I 
chanced to hear of a small piece of land that was to be sold ; 
about which I made very diligent inquiry : for although I 
was sore a weary of living in this town, yet I could not get 
out of it ; not having other new quarters appointed me, unless 
I could provide a place for myself to remove to ; which now 
GOD had put into my hand. As for the King's command I 
dreaded it not much, having found by observation that the 
King's orders wore away by time, and that the neglect of 
them comes at last to be unregarded. However I was resolved 
to put it to the hazard, come what would. 

Although I had been now some seven or eight years in this 
land, and by this time came to know pretty well the customs 
and constitutions of the nation, yet I would not trust my 
own knowledge ; but to prevent the worst, I went to the 
Governor of that same country where the land lay, to desire 
his advice, whether or not I might lawfully buy that small 
piece of land. He inquired "whose, and what land it was ?" I 
informed him "that it had been formerly dedicated to a priest, 
and he at his death had left it to his grandson ; who for want, 
was forced to sell it." Understanding this, the Governor 
approved of the business, and encouraged me to buy it ; 
saying " that such kind of lands only, were lawful here to be 
bought and sold, and that this was not in the least litigious." 

Having gotten both his consent and advice, I went on 
cheerfully with my purchase. The place also liked [pleased] 
me wondrously well : it being a point of land, standing into 
a cornfield ; so that cornfields were on three sides of it, and 
just before my door, a little corn ground belonging thereto 
and very well watered. In the ground besides eight cocoa- 
nut trees, there were all sorts of fruit trees that the 
country afforded. But it had been so long desolate that it 
was all overgrown with bushes, and had no sign of a house 
therein. 



^""Ma^ch^rsi:] He buys land at Elledat. 361 

The price of this land was five and twenty larees, that is, 
five dollars, a great sum of money in the account of this 
country: yet — thanks be to GOD ! who had so far enabled me 
after my late and great loss — I was strong enough to lay this 
down. The terms of purchase being concluded on between 
us, a writing was made upon a leaf after that country's 
manner, witnessed by seven or eight men of the best quality 
in the town, which was delivered to me ; and I paid the 
money, and then took possession of the land. It lies some 
ten miles to the southward of the city of Kandy in the county 
of Oodanowera, in the town of Elledat. 

Now I went about building a house upon my land, and 
was assisted by three of my countrymen that dwelt near by ; 
Roger Gold, Ralph Knight, and Stephen Rutland : and 
in a short time, we finished it. The country people were all 
well pleased to see us thus busy ourselves about buying of 
land, and building of houses ; thinking it would tie our minds 
the faster to their country, and make us think the less upon 
our own. 

Though I had built my new house, yet durst I not yet 
leave my old quarters in Lagoondenia, but waited until a 
more convenient time fell out for that purpose. I went away 
therefore to my old home; and left my aforesaid three English 
neighbours to inhabit it in my absence. 

Not long after, I found a fit season to begone to my estate 
at Elledat : and upon my going the rest [of the four] left the 
town [of Lagoondenia] also, and went and dwelt elsewhere ; 
each one lived where he best liked. But by this means, we 
all lost a privilege which we had before ; which was, that our 
victuals were brought unto us: and now we were forced to 
go and fetch them ourselves ; the people alleging, truly 
enough, that they were not bound to carry our provisions 
about the country after us. 

Being settled in my new house, I began to plant ground 
full of all sorts of fruit trees, which, by the blessing of GOD, 
all grew and prospered, and yielded me plenty and good 
increase ; sufficient both for me and those that dwelt with 
me : for the three Englishmen I left at my house when I 
departed back to Lagoondenia, still lived with me. 

We were all single men, and we agreed very well together, 



362 Lives there, with three Englishmen. P'^Mareh^iesi: 

and were helpful to one another. And for their help and 
assistance, I freely granted them liberty to use and enjoy 
whatsoever the ground afforded, as much as myself. And, 
with a joint consent, it was concluded amongst us, "that only 
single men and bachelors should dwell there; and that such 
as would not be conformable to this present agreement, 
should depart and absent himself from our society ; and also 
forfeit his right and claim to the forementioned privilege, 
that is, to be cut off from all benefit of whatsoever the trees 
and ground afforded." 

I thought fit to make such a covenant, to exclude women 
from coming in among us, to prevent all strife and dissension, 
and to make all possible provision for the keeping up of love 
and quietness among ourselves. 

In this manner, we four lived together some two years 
very lovingly and contentedly ; not an ill word passing 
between us. We used to take turns in keeping at home, 
while the rest went forth about their business. For our 
house stood alone, and had no neighbour near it : therefore 
we always left one within. The rest of the Englishmen 
lived round about us ; some four or five miles distant, and 
some more : so that we were, as it were, within reach one of 
another, which made us like our present situation the more. 

Thus we lived upon the mountains, being beset round about 
us with Watches, most of our people being now married: 
so that now all talk and suspicion of our running away was 
laid aside; neither indeed was it scarcely possible. The 
effect of which was that now we could walk from one to the 
other, or where we would upon the mountains; no man 
molesting or disturbing us in the least : so that we began to 
go about a pedling and trading in the country further towards 
the northward, carrying our caps about to sell. 

By this time, two of our company [Roger Gold and 
Ralph Knight] seeing but little hopes of liberty, thought it 
too hard a task thus to lead a single life ; and married : 
which when they had done, according to the former agreement, 
they departed from us. 

So that our company was now reduced to two, namely, 
myself and Stephen Rutland ; whose inclination and 
resolution was as steadfast as mine against marriage. And 
we parted not to the last, but came away together. 



Capt. R. Knox 




Mi^zesi.'] As TO MARRIAGES WITH CINGALESE. :^6^ 



ChapterVII. 

A return to the rest of the English, with some further 

accotmts of them. And some further discourse 

of the Authors course of life. 

Et us now make a visit to the rest of our country- 
men ; and see how they do. 

They reckoning themselves in for their lives, in 
order to their future settlement, were generally 
disposed to marry ; concerning which we have 
had many and sundry disputes among ourselves: as particu- 
larly, concerning the lawfulness of matching with heathens 
and idolaters, and whether the Cingalese marriage were any 
better than living in whoredom, there being no Christian 
priests to join them together ; and it being allowed by their 
laws, to change their wives and take others, as often as they 
pleased. 

But these cases we solved for our own advantage, after 
this manner, "that we were but flesh and blood;" and that it 
is said " it is better to marry than to burn ; " and that, '* as 
far as we could see, we were cut off from all marriages 
anywhere else, even for our lifetime, and therefore that we 
must marry with these or with none at all : and when the 
people in Scripture were forbidden to take wives of strangers, 
it was then when they might intermarry with their own 
people, and so no necessity lay on them ; and that when 
they could not, there are examples in the Old Testament 
upon record, that they took wives of the daughters of the 
land, wherein they dwelt." 

These reasons being urged, there were none among us, 
that could object ought against them: especially if those that 
were minded to marry women here did take them for their 
wives during their lives ; as some of them say they do, and 
most of the women they marry are such as do profess 
themselves to be Christians. 



364 The English in a flourishing state. ['^"'^M^ch^M^ 

As for mine own part, however lawful these marriages 
might be, yet I judged it far more convenient for me to 
abstain, and that it more redounded to my good, having 
always a reviving hope in me that my GOD had not for- 
saken me, but that according to his gracious promise to 
the Jews in the 30th chapter of Deuteronomy, and the 
beginning, "would turn my captivity, and bring me into the 
land of my fathers." These and such like meditations, 
together with my prayers to GOD, kept me from that unequal 
yoke of unbelievers; which several of my countrymen and 
fellow-prisoners put themselves under. 

By this time, our people, having plied their business hard, 
had almost knit themselves out of work ; and now caps were 
become a very dead commodity, which were the chief stay 
they had heretofore to trust to. So that now, most of them 
betook themselves to other employments : some to husbandry, 
ploughing ground, and sowing rice and keeping cattle ; others 
distilled arrack to sell : others went about the country a 
trading. For that which one part of the land affords is a 
good commodity to carry to another that wants it. And thus, 
with the help of a little allowance, they make a shift to 
subsist. Most of their wives spin cotton yarn ; which is a 
great help to them for clothing; and, at spare times, also knit. 

After this manner, by the blessing of GOD, our nation hath 
lived and still doth, in as good a fashion as any other people 
or 'nation whatsoever that are strangers there, or as any of the 
natives themselves : the grandees and courtiers only excepted. 
This I speak to the praise and glory of our GOD, who loves 
the stranger in giving him food and raiment ; and that hath 
been pleased to give us favour and a good repute in the sight 
of our enemies. We cannot complain for want of justice in 
any wrongs we have sustained by the people, or that our 
cause hath been discountenanced : but rather that we have 
been favoured above the natives themselves. 

One of our men happened to be beaten by a neighbour. At 
which, we were very much concerned, taking it as a reproach 
to our nation ; and fearing that it might embolden others to 
do the like by the rest of us : therefore, with joint consent, 
we all concluded to go to the Court to complain, and to desire 
satisfaction from the Adigar. Which we did. Upon this, 
the man who had beaten the Englishman was summoned 



^^M^h^i68i:] Varnham in charge of the artillery. 365 

in, to appear before him : who, seeing so many of us there 
and fearing the cause would go very hard with him, to make 
the judge his friend, gave him a bribe. He having received 
it, would have shifted off the punishment from the malefactor: 
but we, day after day, followed him from house to Court and 
from place to place, wherever he went ; demanding justice 
and satisfaction for the wrong we had received, and showing 
the black and blue blows upon the Englishman's shoulders 
to all the rest of the noblemen at Court. He, fearing therefore 
lest the King might be made acquainted therewith, was forced 
— though much against his will — to clap the Cingalese in 
chains. In which condition, after he had got him ; he 
released him not, till besides the former fee, he had given 
him another. 

Lately [i.e. about 1678], was Richard Varnham taken into 
the King's servdce, and held as honourable employment as 
ever any Christian had, in my time ; being Commander of 
970 soldiers, and set over all the great guns; and besides this 
several towns were put under him. A place of no less profit 
than honour. The King gave him an excellent silver sword 
and halbert, the like to which the King never gave to any 
white man in my time. But he had the good luck to die a 
natural death : for had not that prevented, in all probability 
he should have followed the two Englishmen spoken of before, 
that served him. 

Some years since, some of our nation took up arms under 
the King : which happened on this occasion. The Hollanders 
had a small fort in the King's country, called Bibligom fort. 
This the King minding to take and demolish, sent his army 
to besiege it ; but it was pretty strong : for there were about 
ninety Dutchmen in it besides a good number of black 
soldiers; and it had four guns, on each point of the compass 
one. Being in this condition, it held out. 

Some of the great men informed the King of several Dutch 
runaways in his land that might be trusted, as not daring to 
turn again, for fear of the gallows ; who might help to reduce 
the fort : and that also there were white men of other nations 
that had wives and children from whom they would not run ; 
and that these might do him good service. Unto this advice 
the King inclined. Whereupon the King made a declaration 
to invite the foreign nations into his service against 



vD 



66 The King enlists strangers. L^^M^ch^iX, 



Bibligom fort, that he would compel none, but that such as 
were willing of their own free accord, the King would take it 
kindly, and they should be well rewarded. 

Now there entered into the King's service upon this 
expedition, some of all nations ; both Portuguese, Dutch, and 
English ; about the number of thirty. To all that took arms, 
he gave the value of twenty shillings in money, and three 
pieces of calico for clothes: and commanded them to wear 
breeches, hats, and doublets; a great honour there. The King 
intended a Dutchman, who had been an old servant to him, 
to be captain over them all : but the Portuguese not caring to 
be under the command of a Dutchman, desired a captain of 
their own nation ; which the King granted, studying to please 
them at this time. But the English, being but six, were too 
few to have a captain over them ; and so were forced some 
to serve under the Dutch, and some under the Portuguese 
captain. There were no more of the English, because being 
left at their liberty, they thought it safest to dwell at home ; 
and cared not much to take arms under a heathen against 
Christians. 

They were all ready to go, their arms and amunition ready, 
with guns prepared to send down ; but before they went, 
tidings came that the fort yielded at the King's mercy. After 
this, the whites thought they had got an advantage of the 
King, in having these gifts for nothing : but the King did not 
intend to part with them so, but kept them to watch at his 
gate ; and now they are reduced to great poverty and 
necessity. 

For since the King's first gift, they have never received 
any pay or allowance : though they have often made their 
addresses to him to supply their wants ; signifying their 
forwardness to serve him faithfully. He speaks them fair, 
and tells them he will consider them ; but does not in the 
least regard them. Many of them since, after three or four 
years' service, have been glad to get other poor runaway 
Dutchmen to serve in their steads ; giving them as much 
money and clothes as they received from the King before, 
that so they might get free to come home to their wives 
and children. 

The Dutch captain would afterwards have forced the rest 
of the English to have come under him, and called them 



^^M^ch^S The Author begins to lend out corn. 367 

"traitors," because they would not; and threatened them : but 
they scorned him and bid him do his worst, and would never 
be persuaded to be soldiers under him ; saying, that " it was 
not so much his zeal to the King's service, as his own pride 
to make himself greater, by having more men under him." 

I will now turn to the progress of my own story. 

It was now about the year 1672. I related before, that my 
family was reduced to two, myself and one honest man more. 
We lived solitarily and contented, being well settled in a good 
house of my own. Now we fell to breeding up goats. We 
begun with two, but, by the blessing of GOD, they soon came 
to a good many ; and their flesh served us instead of mutton. 
We kept hens and hogs also. And seeing no sudden likelihood 
of liberty, we went about to make all things handsome and 
convenient about us ; which might be serviceable to us while 
we lived there, and might further our liberty, whensoever we 
should see an occasion to attempt it : which it did, in taking 
away all suspicion from the people concerning us ; who — not 
having wives as the others had — they might well think, lay 
the readier to take any advantage to make an escape. Which 
indeed we two did plot and consult about between ourselves, 
with all imaginable privacy, long before we could go away : 
and therefore we laboured, by all means, to hide our designs, 
and to free them from so much as suspicion. 

We had now brought our house and ground to such a 
perfection, that few noblemen's seats in the land could excel 
us. On each side was a great thorn gate for entrance, which 
is the manner of that country. The gates of the city are of 
the same. We built also another house in the yard, all open 
for air ; for ourselves to sit in, or any neighbours that came to 
talk with us. For seldom should we be alone; our neighbours 
oftener frequenting our house than we desired : out of whom 
to be sure, we could pick no profit ; for their coming was 
always either to beg or to borrow. For although we were 
strangers and prisoners in their land, yet they would confess 
that Almighty GOD had dealt far more bountifully with us 
than with them, in that we had a far greater plenty of all 
things than they. 

I now began to set up a new trade. For the trade of 
knitting was grown dead : and husbandry I could not follow, 
n. 2 A 5 



368 He becomes prosperous at Elledat. [^^^laSk^iX. 

not having a wife to help and assist me therein ; a great part 
of husbandry properly belonging to the woman to manage. 
Whereupon I perceived a trade in use among them, which 
was to lend out corn : the benefit of which was fifty per cent, 
per annum. This I saw to be the easiest and most profitable 
way of living : whereupon I took in hand to follow it ; and 
what stock I had, I converted into corn or rice in the husk. 
And now as customers came for corn, I let them have it; to 
receive back at their next harvest, when their own corn was 
ripe, the same quantity I had lent them, and half as much 
more. But as the profit is great, so is the trouble of getting 
it in also. For he that useth this trade must watch when 
the debtor's field is ripe and claim his due in time ; otherwise 
other creditors coming before him, will seize all upon the 
account of their debts, and leave no corn at all for those that 
come later. For these that come thus a borrowing, generally 
carry none of their corn home when it is ripe : for their 
creditors ease them of that labour, by coming into their fields 
and taking it ; and commonly they have not half enough to 
pay what they owe. So that they that miss getting their 
debts this year, must stay till the next; when it will be 
doubled, two measures for one ; but the interest never runs 
up higher, though the debt lies seven years unpaid. By means 
thereof I was put to a great deal of trouble ; and was forced 
to watch early and late to get in my debts, and many times 
missed of them after all my pains. Howbeit when my stock 
did increase so that I had deahngs with many ; it mattered 
not if I lost in some places ; the profit of the rest was 
sufficient to bear that out. 

And thus, by the blessing of GOD, my little was increased 
to a great deal. For He had blessed me so, that I was able 
to lend to my enemies ; and had no need to borrow of them : 
so that I might use the words of Jacob, not out of pride 
of myself, but thankfulness to GOD, "that He brought me 
hither with my staff, and blessed me so here, that I became 
two bands." 

For some years together after I had removed to my own 
house from Lagoondenia, the people from whence I came 
continued my allowance, that I had when I lived among 
them ; but now in plain terms, they told me " they could give 
it to me no more; and that I was better able to live without 



Capt. R. Knox.1 
March 1681. J 



Allowance now given at Digligy. 369 



it, than they to give it me : " which though I knew to be true, 
yet I thought not fit to lose that portion of allowance, which 
the King was pleased to allow me. Therefore I went to Court 
and appealed to the Adigar, to whom such matters did 
belong: who upon consideration of the people's poor condition, 
appointed me monthly to come to him at the King's 
palace for a ticket to receive my allowance out of the King's 
storehouses. 

Hereby I was brought into a great danger ; out of which 
I had much ado to escape, and that with the loss of my 
allowance for ever after. I shall relate the manner of it in 
the next chapter. 





370 Narrow escape of promotion. ["^""Mich^si.' 



Chapter VIII 

Hoiu the AtdJior had like to have been received into 

the Kings service^ and what means he used 

to avoid it. He meditates and attempts 

an escape ; bnt is of ten prevented. 

His frequent appearance at the Court, and waiting 
there for my tickets; brought me to be taken notice 
of by the great men, insomuch "that they wondered 
I had been all this while forgotten, and neverbeen 
brought before the King; being so fit, as they would 
suppose me, for his use and service; "saying, "that from hence- 
forward I should fare better than that allowance amounted 
to ; as soon as the King was made acquainted with me." 
Which words of theirs served instead of a ticket. Whereupon 
fearing that I should suddenly be brought in to the King, 
which thing I most of all feared and least desired; and 
hoping that out of sight might prove out of mind, I resolved 
to forsake the Court, and never more to ask for tickets : 
especially seeing GOD had dealt so bountifully with me as to 
give me ability to live well enough without them : as when 
Israel had eaten of the corn of the land of Canaan, the 
manna ceased ; so when I was driven to forego my allowance 
that had all this while sustained me in this wilderness, GOD 
in other ways provided for me. 

From this time fonvard to the time of my flight out of the 
land, which was five years ; I neither had nor demanded 
any more allowance : and glad I was that I could escape so. 

But I must have more trouble first. For, some four or five 
days after my last coming from Court, there came a soldier to 
me, sent from the Adigar, with an order in writing under his 
hand, " that upon sight thereof, I should immediately dispatch 
and come to the Court, to make my personal appearance 
before the King : and that in case of any delay, the officers 
of the country were thereby authorized and commanded to 



'^"'Kch^iesi;] OWA MaTTERAL's WELL-MEANT DESIGNS. 37 1 

assist the bearer, and to see the same order speedily 
performed." 

The chief occasion of this, had been a person, not long 
before my near neighbour and acquaintance, OwA Matteral 
by name, who knew my manner of life, and had often been 
at my house ; but now was taken in and employed at Court : 
and he out of friendship and goodwill to me, was one of the 
chief actors in this business, that he might bring me to 
preferment at Court. 

Upon the abovesaid summons, there was no remedy, 
but to Court I must go. Where I first applied myself to my 
said old neighbour, Owa Matteral, who was the occasion of 
sending for me. I signified to him "that I was come in 
obedience to the warrant, and I desired to know the reason 
why I was sent for." To which he answered, " Here is good 
news for you. Your are to appear in the King's presence, 
where you will find great favour and honourable entertainment; 
far more than any of your countrymen yet have found." 
Which the great man thought would be a strong inducement 
to persuade me joyfully to accept of the King's employments. 
But this was the thing I always most dreaded, and endeavoured 
to shun ; knowing that being taken into Court would be a 
means to cut off all hopes of liberty from me ; which was 
the thing that I esteemed as equal unto life itself. 

Seeing myself brought into this pass, wherein I had no 
earthly helper, I recommended my cause to GOD ; desiring 
Him in whose hands are the hearts of kings and princes, to 
divert the business : and my cause being just and right, I 
was resolved to persist in a denial. My case seemed to me 
to be like that of the four lepers at the gate of Samaria. No 
avoiding of death for me. If out of ambition and honour, 
I should have embraced the King's service; besides the 
depriving myself of all hopes of liberty, in the end I must be 
put to death, as happens to all that serve him : and to deny his 
service, could be but death ; and it seemed to me, to be the 
better death of the two. For if I should be put to death, 
only because I refused his service ; I should be pitied as one 
that died innocently : but if I should be executed in his 
service, however innocent I was, I should be certainly 
reckoned a rebel and a traitor; as they all are, whom he 
commands to be cut off. 



372 Author declines the King's service. pPMa^'h^zesi. 

Upon these considerations, having thus set my resolutions, 
as GOD enabled me, I returned him this answer. " First, 
that the English nation to whom I belonged, had never done 
any violence or wrong to their King, either in word or deed. 
Secondly, that the causes of my coming on their land was 
not like that of other nations, who were either enemies taken 
in war; or such as by reason of poverty or distress, were driven 
to sue for relief, out of the King's bountiful liberality; or such 
as fled for the fear of deserved punishment : whereas, as they 
all well knew, I came not upon any of these causes, but on 
account of trade; and came ashore to receive the King's orders, 
which by notice we understood were come concerning us, 
and to render an account to the Dissauva of the reasons and 
occasions of our coming into the King's port. And that by 
the grief and sorrow I had undergone, by being so long 
detained from my native country — but, for which I thanked 
the King's majesty, without want of anything — I scarcely 
enjoyed myself: for my heart was always absent from my 
body." Hereunto adding, my insufficiency and inability for 
such honourable employment ; being subject to many in- 
firmities and diseases of body. 

To this he replied, " Cannot you read and write English ? 
servile labour the King requireth not of you." 

I answered, " When I came ashore I was but young, and 
that which I then knew, now I had forgotten for want of 
practice; having had neither ink nor paper ever since I came 
ashore." I urged moreover " that it was contrary to the 
custom and practice of all kings and princes upon the earth, 
to keep and detain men that came into their countries upon 
such peaceable accounts as we did; much less to compel 
them to serve them, beyond their power and ability." 

At my first coming before him, he looked very pleasingly, and 
spake with a smiling countenance to me ; but now his smiles 
were turned into frowns, and his pleasing looks into bended 
brows: and in rough language, he bade me begone, and tell 
my tale to the Adigar. Which immediately I did ; but he 
being busy, did not much regard me : and I was glad of it, 
that I might absent myself from the Court ; but I durst not 
go out of the city [of Digligy] . Sore afraid I was, that evil 
would befall me ; and the best I could expect, was to be put 
in chains. All my refuge was in prayer to GOD, "whose 



^""M^ch^Xj Is FOR A TIME IN GREAT DREAD. 2)72, 

hand was not shortened that it could not save: " and "would 
make all things work together for good to them that trust in 
Him." From Him only did I expect help and deliverance in 
that time of need. 

In this manner, I lodgedin an Englishman's housethat dwelt 
in the city, ten days : maintaining myself at my own charge, 
waiting with a sorrowful heart and daily expecting to hear 
my doom. In the meantime my countrymen and acquaintance : 
some of them hlamed me for refusing so fair a proffer, whereby 
I might not only have lived well myself, but also have been 
helpful unto my poor countrymen and friends ; others of them 
pitying me, suspecting, as I did, nothing but a wrathful 
sentence from so cruel a tyrant, if GOD did not prevent it. 
And Richard Varnham — who was, at this time, a great man 
about the King — was not a little scared to see me run the 
hazard of what might ensue ; rather than be partaker with 
him in the felicities of the Court. 

It being chargeable thus to lie at the city, and hearing 
nothing more of my business ; I took leave without asking, 
and went home to my house, which was but a day's distance 
to get some victuals to carry with me, and to return again. 
But soon after I came home, I was sent for again ; so I took 
my load of victuals with me, and arrived at the city : but 
went not to the Court but to my former lodging ; where I 
stayed as formerly, until I had spent all my provisions. And 
by the good hand of my GOD upon me ; I never heard any 
more of that matter. Neither came I any more into the 
presence of the great men at Court ; but dwelt in my own 
plantation, upon what GOD provided for me by my labour 
and industry. 

For now I returned to my former course of life : dressing 
my victuals daily with my own hands, and fetching both 
wood and water upon mine own back. And this, for ought I 
could see to the contrary, I was Hkely to continue for my 
lifetime. This I could do for the present ; but I began to 
consider how helpless I should be, if it should please GOD 
that I should live till I grew old and feeble. So I entered 
upon a consultation with myself for the providing against 
this. One way was, the getting of me a wife ; but that I 
was resolved never to do. Then I began to inquire for some 
poor body to live with me ; to dress my victuals for me, that 



374 Makes preparations for escape. P^Mafch^X' 

I might live at a little more ease : but could not find any to 
my mind. Whereupon I considered that there was no better 
way, than to take one of my poor countrymen's children, 
whom I might bring up to learn both my own language and 
religion : and this might be not only charity to the child ; 
but a kindness to myself also afterwards. And several there 
were that would be glad so to be eased of their charge, having 
more than they could well maintain. A child therefore I took, 
by whose aptness, ingenuity and company, as I was much 
delighted at present; so afterwards I hoped to be served. 

It was now about the year 1673. Although I had now 
lived many years in this land, and, GOD be praised ! I wanted 
for nothing the land afforded ; yet I could not forget my 
native country, England, and lamented under the famine of 
GOD's Word and Sacraments : the want whereof I found 
greater than all earthly wants, and my daily and fervent 
prayers to GOD were, in His good time, to restore me to the 
enjoyment of them. 

I and my companion [Stephen Rutland] were still 
meditating upon our escape, and the means to compass it : 
which our pedling about the country did greatly promote. For 
speaking well the language, and going with our commodities 
from place to place ; we used often to entertain discourse 
with the country people, namely, concerning the ways and the 
countries; and where there were most and fewest inhabitants; 
and where and how the Watches laid from one country 
[district] to another; and what commodities were proper to 
carry from one part to the other: pretending we would, from 
time to time, go from one place to another to furnish our- 
selves with the wares that the respective places afforded. None 
doubted but that we had made these inquiries for the sake of 
our trade ; but ourselves had other designs in them : neither 
was there the least suspicion of us, for these our questions ; 
all supposing I would never run away and leave such an 
estate as in their accounts and esteem I had. 

By diligent inquiry, I had come to understand that the 
easiest and most probable way to make an escape, was by 
travelling to the northward: that part of the land being least 
inhabited. Therefore we furnished ourselves with such wares 
as were vendible in those parts, as tobacco, pepper, garlic, 
combs, all sorts of iron ware, &c: and being laden with these 



^^Ma^ch^S They travel about trading. 375 

things; we two set forth, bending our course towards the 
northern parts of the island, knowing very little of the way. 
And the ways of this country generally are intricate and 
difficult, there being no great highways that run through the 
land ; but a multitude of little paths, some from one town to 
another, some into the fields, and some into the woods where 
they sow their corn : and the whole country is covered with 
woods, so that a man cannot see anything but just before 
him. And that which makes them most difficult of all is, 
that the ways shift and alter : new ways being often made 
and old ways stopped up. For they cut down woods, and 
sow the ground : and having got one crop off from it, they 
leave it ; and the wood soon grows over it again. And in 
case a road went through those woods, they stop it, and 
contrive another way ; neither do they regard though it goes 
two or three miles about. And to ask and inquire the way, 
was very dangerous for us white men : it occasioning the 
people to suspect us. And the Cingalese themselves never 
travel in countries [districts] where they are not experienced, 
without a guide, it being so difficult : and there was no 
getting a guide to conduct us down to the sea. 

But we made a shift to travel from Conde Uda downwards 
towards the north, from town to town ; happening at a place, 
at last, which I knew before : having been brought up 
formerly from Coswat that way, to descend the hill called 
Bocaul; where there is no Watch but in time of great dis- 
turbance. Thus, by the providence of God, we passed all 
difficulties until we came into the country of Nuweeracalava ; 
which are the lowest parts that belong to the King ; and 
some three days' journey from the place whence we came 
[viz. Elledat.] 

We were not a little glad that we were gotten so far 
onwards in our way, but yet at this time we could go no 
further; for our wares were all sold, and we could pretend 
no more excuses : and also we had been out so long that it 
might cause our townsmen to come and look after us; it 
being the first time that we had been so long absent from 
home. 

In this manner, we went into these northern parts, eight 
or ten times ; and once got as far as Hourly, a town in the 



376 The lower northern districts. [ ^^SL^ifiTsi: 

extremities of the King's dominions : but yet we could not 
attain our purpose. For this northern country being much 
subject to dry weather, and having no springs ; we were fain 
to drink of the ponds of rain water, wherein the cattle lie 
and tumble : which would be so thick and muddy that the 
very filth of it would hang in our beards when we drank. 
This did not agree with our bodies, we being used to drink 
pure spring water only : by which means, when we first used 
to visit those parts, we used often to be sick of violent 
fevers and agues when we came home. Which diseases 
happened not only to us, but to all other people that dwelt 
upon the mountains, as we did, whensoever they went down 
into those places ; and commonly the major part of those 
that fell sick, died. At which the Cingalese were so scared, 
that it was very seldom that they did adventure their bodies 
down thither. Neither, truly, would I have done it, were it 
not for those future hopes ; which GOD of His mercy, did at 
length accomplish. For both of us smarted sufficiently by 
those severe fevers we got, so that we should both lay sick 
together, and one not able to help the other : insomuch that 
our countrymen and neighbours used to ask us, if we went 
thither purposing to destroy ourselves ; they little thinking, 
and we not daring to tell them of our intent and design. 

At length we learned an antidote and counterpoison 
against the filthy venomous water ; which so operated, by the 
blessing of GOD, that after use thereof, we had no more 
sickness. It is only a dry leaf — they call it in Portuguese 
Banga — beaten to powder with some of the country's ^^^g-^ry. 
And this we ate morning and evening, upon an empty 
stomach. It intoxicates the brain, and makes one giddy; 
without any other operation, either by stool or vomit. 

Thus every voyage [journey] we gathered more experience 
and got lower down ; for this is a large and spacious country. 
We travelled to and fro where the ways led us ; according to 
their own proverb. The beggar and the merchant are never out of 
the way ; because the one begs and the other trades wherever 
they go. Thus we used to ramble until we had sold all our 
wares ; and then went home for more : and by these means, 
we grew acquainted both with the people and the paths. 

In these parts, I met with my black boy, whom I had 
divers years before turned away ; who had now a wife and 



^^March^i68i;] ThEY TRADE FOR EIGHT OR NINE YEARS. Zll 

children. He proved a great help to me in directing me in 
the ways ; for he had lived many years in these parts. 
Perceiving him to be able, and also in a very poor and sad 
condition, not able to maintain his family ; I adventured 
once to ask him if a good reward would not be welcome to 
him, for guiding us two down to the Dutch ; which having 
done, he might return, and nobody be the wiser. At which 
proposition he seemed to be very joyful, and promised to 
undertake the same : only at this time, for reasons he 
alleged, which to me seemed probable, as that it was harvest 
time and many people about ; it could not so safely and 
conveniently be done now, as it might be, some two months 
after. 

The business was concluded upon, and the time appointed 
between us : but it so fell out, that at the very precise time, 
all things being ready to depart on the morrow ; it pleased 
GOD — whose time was not yet come — to strike me with a 
most grievous pain in the hollow on my right side, that for 
five days together I was not able to stir from the fireside ; but 
by warming it and fomenting and chafing it, I got a little ease. 

Afterward, as soon as I was recovered and had got 
strength, we went down, and carried one Englishman more 
with us for company, for our better security ; seeing that we 
must travel by night upon our flight : but though we took him 
with us, we dared not to tell him of our design, because he 
had a wife ; intending not to acquaint him with it, till the 
business was just ready to be put into action. But when we 
came, expecting to meet with our guide ; he was gone into 
another country : and we knew not where to find him or how 
to run away without him. Thus we were disappointed that 
time. 

But, as formerly, we went to and fro, until we had sold 
our ware ; and so returned home again, and delivered the man 
to his wife : but never told him anything of our intended 
design, fearing lest if he knew it he might acquaint her with 
it ; and so all our purposes coming to be revealed, might be 
overthrown for ever afterwards. For we were resolved, by 
GOD's help still to persevere in our design. 

Some eight or nine years, one after another, we followed 
this trade, going into this country on purpose to seek to get 
beyond the inhabitants ; and so to run away through the 



^yS Drought HINDERS THEIR ESCAPE. PPm^ch^X; 

woods to the Hollanders. Three or four years together, the 
weather prevented us, when the country was almost starved 
[parched] for want of rain ; all which time they never tilled 
the ground. The wells also were almost all dry, so that in 
the towns we could scarcely get water to drink or victuals to 
eat ; which affrighted us, at those times, from running into 
the woods, lest we might perish for thirst. All this while 
upon the mountains, where our dwelling was, there was no 
want of rain. 

We found it an inconvenience when we came three of us 
down together ; reckoning it might give occasion to the people 
to suspect our design, and so to prevent us from going thither 
again. Some of the English as followed such a trade as we 
did, had been down that way with their commodities : but 
having felt the smart of that country's sickness, would go 
there no more ; finding as much profit in nearer and easier 
journeys. But we still persisted in our courses this way, 
having some greater matter to do here than to sell wares, 
viz. to find out this Northern Discovery: which, in GOD'S 
good time, we did effect. 





'^'^Ma^ch'^iesi:] They start on their final attempt. 379 



Ch after I X . 

How the Author began his escape, and got onward 
of his way, about an hundred miles. 

Aving often gone this way to seek for liberty, but 
could not yet find it ; we again set forth, to try 
what success GOD Almighty would now give us, 
in the year 1679, on the 22nd of September; 
furnished with such arms as we could well carry 
with safety and secrecy, which were knives and small axes : 
we carried also several sorts of ware to sell as formerly. The 
moon being seven and twenty days old ; which we had so 
contrived, that we might have a light moon, to see the better 
to run away by: having left an old man at home, whom I had 
hired to live with me, to look after my house and goats. 

We went down at the hill Bocaul, where there was now no 
Watch ; and but seldom any. From thence, down to the town 
of Bonder Coswat, where my father died. And by the town 
of Nicavar, which is the last town belonging to Hotkorle in 
that road. From thenceforward, the towns stand thin : for it 
was sixteen miles to the next town, called Parroah, which lay 
in the country of Nuwerakalawe ; and all the way through a 
wilderness called Parroah Mocolane, full of wild elephants 
tigers and bears. 

Now we set our design for Anuradhapoora, which is the 
lowest place inhabited belonging to the kingdom of Kandy; 
where there is a Watch always kept: and nearer than twelve 
or fourteen miles of this town, as yet, we had never been. 

When we came into the midst of this country, we heard 
that the Governor thereof had sent officers from the Court to 
dispatch away the King's revenues and duties to the city [of 
Digligy], and that they were now come into the country: which 
put us into no small fear, lest if they saw us, they should send 
us back again. Wherefore we edged away into the western- 
most parts of Ecpoulpot, being a remote part of that country, 
wherein we now were : and there we sat knitting, until we 



380 They reach Colli willa. [^''^m^ciS'^; 

heard they were gone. But this caused us to overshoot our 
time, the moon spending so fast. As soon as we heard that 
they were departed out of the country, we went onwards of 
our journey, having kept most of our wares for a pretence 
to have an occasion to go further; and having bought a good 
parcel of cotton yarn to knit caps withal : the rest of our wares, 
we gave out, was to buy dried flesh with, which only in those 
lower parts is to be sold. 

Our way now lay, necessarily, through the chief Governor's 
yard at Colliwilla [? Kalliivilla] ; who dwells there purposely to 
see and examine all that go and come. This greatly distressed 
us. First, because he was a stranger to us and one whom we 
had never seen : and secondly, because there was no other 
way to escape him ; and plain reason would tell him that we, 
being prisoners, were without our bounds. Whereupon we 
concluded that our best way would be, to go boldly and 
resolutely to his house ; and not to seem daunted in the least 
or to look as if we did distrust him to disallow our journey : 
but to show such a behaviour, as if we had authority to travel 
where we would. 

So we went forward, and were forced to inquire and ask the 
way to his house, having never been so far this way before. I 
brought from home with me, knives with fine carved handles 
and a red Tunis cap, purposely to sell or give to him if 
occasion required : knowing before, that we must pass by 
him. And all along as we went, that we might be the less 
suspected, we sold caps and other wares ; to be paid for at 
our return homewards. 

There were many cross paths to and fro, to his house ; 
yet by GOD's providence, we happened in the right road. 
And having reached his house, according to the country's 
manner, we went and sat down in the open house ; which 
kind of houses are built on purpose for the reception of 
strangers. Whither, not long after, the great man himself 
came and sat down by us ; to whom we presented a small 
parcel of tobacco, and some betel. And before he asked us the 
cause of our coming; we showed him the wares we brought 
for him, and the cotton yarn we had trucked about the 
country, telling him withal, how the case stood with us, viz : 
" That we had a charge greater than the King's allowance 
would maintain, and that because dried flesh was the chief 



^^^mSch^X.] Talk with Governor of Colliwilla. 381 

commodity of that part ;" we told him " that missing of the 
lading which we used to carry back, we were glad to come 
thither to see if we could make it up with dried flesh : and 
therefore if he would please to supply us — either for such 
wares as we had brought or else for our money — it would be 
a great favour ; the which would oblige us for the future to 
bring him any necessaries that he should name unto us, 
when we should come again into those parts, as we used to 
do very often ; and that we could furnish him, having 
dealings and being acquainted with the best artificers in 
Kandy." 

At which he replied, ** That he was sorry we were come at 
such a dry time, when they could not catch deer; but if some 
rain fell, he would soon dispatch us with some ladings of 
flesh : but however he bade us go about the towns and see 
whether there might be any or not, though he thought there 
was none." This answer of his pleased us wondrously 
well ; both because by this we saw he suspected us not, and 
because he told us there was no dried flesh to be got. For it 
was one of our greatest fears that we should get our lading 
too soon ; for then we could not have had an excuse to go 
further : and as yet we could not possibly fly ; having still 
six miles further to the northward to go, before we could 
attempt it, that is, to Anuradhapoora. 

From Anuradhapoora, it is two days' journey further through 
a desolate wilderness, before there ara any more inhabitants : 
and these inhabitants are neither under this King nor the 
Dutch ; but are Malabars, and are under a Prince of their 
own. This people we were sorely afraid of, lest they might 
seize us and send us back: there being a correspondence 
between this Prince and the King of Kandy: wherefore it was 
our endeavour by all means to shun them, lest, according to 
the old proverb, we might leap out of the fryingpan into the 
fire. 

But we must take care of that as well as we could, when 
we came among them ; for as yet our care was to get to 
Anuradhapoora, where although it was our desire to get, yet 
we would not seem to be too hasty, lest it might occasion 
suspicion, but lay where we were two or three days : and one 
stayed at the Governor's house a knitting ; whilst the other 
went about among the towns to see for flesh. The ponds in 



J) 



82 Last messages to their countrymen. P^Mi^esi: 



the country being now dry, there was fish everywhere in 
abundance ; which they dry like red herrings over a fire. 
They offered to sell us a store of them ; " but they," we told 
them, "would not turn to so good profit as flesh." "The 
which," we said, " we would have, though we stayed ten days 
longer for it. For here we could live as cheap, and earn as 
much as if we were at home, by our knitting." So we seemed 
to them as if we were not in any haste. 

In the meantime happened an accident which put us 
to a great fright. For the King, having newly clapped up 
several persons of quality (whereof my old neighbour Owa 
MoTTERAL that sent for me to Court, was one) sent down 
soldiers to this High Sheriff or Governor at whose house we 
now were, to give him order to set a secure guard at the 
Watches that no suspicious persons might pass. This he 
did to prevent the relations of these imprisoned persons from 
making an escape ; who — through fear of the King — might 
attempt it. This always is the King's custom to do. But it 
put us into an exceeding fear lest it might beget an admira- 
tion \ii'onderment\ in these soldiers to see white men so low 
down the country ; which indeed is not customary nor 
allowed of; and so they might send us up again. Which 
doubtless they would have done ; had it not been of GOD by 
this means and after this manner to deliver us. Especially 
considering that the King's command came just at that time, 
and so expressly to keep a secure guard at the Watches, and 
that in that very way that always we purposed to go in ; so 
that it seemed scarcely possible for us to pass afterwards : 
though we should get off fairly at present with the soldiers. 
Which we did. For they having delivered their message, 
departed ; showing themselves very kind and civil unto us : 
and we seemed to lament for our hard fortune, that we were 
not ready to go upwards with them, in their good company : 
for we were neighbours dwelling in one and the same country. 
However we bade them carry our commendations to our 
countrymen the English — with whom they were acquainted 
at the city — and so bade them farewell. And glad we were 
when they were gone from us : and we resolved, GOD willing, 
to set forward the next day in the morning. 

But we thought not fit to tell our host, the Governor, of it, 
till the very instant of our departure; that he might not have 



^"^^M^ch^Tsi;] They journey to Anuradhapoora. ^8^ 

any time to deliberate concerning us. That night, he, being 
disposed to be merry, sent for people whose trade it is to 
dance and show tricks, to come to his house, to entertain 
him with their sports. The beholding of them spent most 
part of the night : which we merely called our old host's 
civility to us at our last parting ; as it proved indeed, though 
he, honest man, then little dreamed of any such thing. 

The morning being come, we first took care to fill our 
bellies; then we packed up those things which were neces- 
sary for our journey to carry with us ; and the rest of our 
goods — cotton yarn, cloth, and other things — that we would 
not incumber ourselves withal, we bound up in a bundle, 
intending to leave them behind us. This being done, I went 
to the Governor, and carried to him four or five charges of 
gunpowder, a thing somewhat scarce with them; intreating 
him rather than that we should be disappointed of flesh ; to 
make use of that and shoot some deer — which he was very 
willing to accept of; and to us it could be no ways profit- 
able, not having a gun — while we, we told him, " would 
make a step to Anuradhapoora to see what flesh we could 
procure there." In the meantime, according as we had before 
laid the business, came Stephen Rutland with the bundle 
of goods, desiring to leave them in his house, till we came 
back : which he was very ready to grant us leave to do. And 
seeing us leave such a parcel of goods — though, GOD knows, 
but of little account in themselves, yet of considerable value 
in that land — he could not suppose otherwise but that we 
were intending to return again. Thus we took our leave and 
immediately departed, not giving him time again to consider 
with himself, or to consult with others about us : and he, like 
a good-natured man, bade us heartily farewell. 

Although we knew not the way to this town — having never 
been there in all our lives ; and durst not ask, lest it might 
breed suspicion — yet we went on confidently through a 
desolate wood ; and happened to go very right, and came out 
directly at the place. 

But in our way, before we arrived thither, we came up 
with a small river, which ran through the woods, called by 
the Cingalese, Malwatta Oya : the which we viewed well and 
judged it might be a probable guide to carry us down to the 
sea; if a better did not present itself. However we thought 
n. 2B 5 



384 Astonishment there, at seeing them, p'^u^ch'mi'. 

good to try first the way we were taking, and to go onwards 
towards Anuradhapoora, that being the shortest and easiest 
way to get to the coast, and this river, being as under our 
lee, ready to serve and assist us, if other means failed. 

To Anuradhapoora, called also Neur Wang, therefore we 
came ; which is not so much a particular single town, as a 
territory. It is a vast great plain — the like of which I never 
saw in all that island — in the midst whereof is a lake, which 
may be a mile over; not natural, but made by art as are the 
other ponds in the countr}', to serve them to water their corn 
grounds. This plain is encompassed round with woods, and 
small towns among them on every side inhabited by Malabars, 
a distinct race from the Cingalese : but these towns we could 
not see, till we came in among them. 

Being come through the woods into this plain, we stood 
looking and staring round about us : but knew not where nor 
which way to go. At length, we heard a cock crow, which 
was a sure sign to us that there was a town hard by ; into 
which we were resolved to enter. For standing thus amazed 
was the ready way to be taken up for suspicious persons ; 
especially because white men never came down so low. 

Being entered into the town, we sat ourselves under a tree, 
and proclaimed our wares : for we feared to rush into their 
yards as we used to do in other places, lest we should scare 
them. The people stood amazed, as soon as they saw us ; 
being originally Malabars, though subjects of Kandy : nor 
could they understand the Cingalese language in which we 
spake to them. And we stood looking one upon another, 
until there came one that could speak the Cingalese tongue, 
who asked us, " From whence we came ? " We told him from 
Conde Uda : but they believed us not, supposing that we 
came up from the Dutch, from Manaar. So they brought us 
before their Governor. He not speaking Cingalese, spake to 
us by an interpreter ; and to know the truth whether we 
came from the place we pretended, he inquired about the 
news at Court : and demanded " who were Governors of such 
and such countries ? " and "What was become of some certain 
noblemen?" (whomthe King had lately cut off) and also "What 
the common people were employed about at Court?" for it is 
seldom that they are idle. To all which, we gave satisfactory 
answers. Then he inquired of us "Who gave us leave to 



^^M^ch^i68i.] Stay three days at Anuradhapoora. 385 

come down so low?" We told him, "That privilege was 
given to us by the King himself full fifteen years since at his 
palace at Nellembe; when he caused it to be declared unto 
us that we were no longer prisoners, and," which indeed was 
our own addition, " that we were free to enjoy the benefit of 
trade in all his dominions." 

To prove and confirm the truth of which, we alleged the 
distance of the way that we were now come from home, being 
nearly an hundred miles, passing through several counties, 
where we met with several Governors and Officers in their 
respective jurisdictions ; who, had they not been well sensible 
of these privileges granted to us, would not have allowed us 
to pass through their countries [districts]. All which Officers 
we described to them by name. And also that now we came 
from the High Sheriff's house at Colliwilla, where we had 
been these three days, and there heard of the order that was 
come to secure the Watches ; which was not for fear of the 
running away of white men, but of the Cingalese. These 
reasons gave him full satisfaction, that we were innocent 
traders : seeing also the commodities that we had brought 
with us ; this further confirmed his opinion concerning us. 

The people were very glad of our coming, and gave us an 
end of an open house to lie in : but at present they had no 
dried flesh, but desired us to stay two or three days, and we 
should not fail : which we were very ready to consent to, 
hoping by that time to come to the knowledge of the way, and 
to learn where about the Watch was placed. To prevent the 
least surmise that we were plotting to run away ; we agreed 
that Stephen Rutland should stay in the house by the 
things; while I, with some few of them, went abroad, 
pretending to inquire for dried flesh to carry back with us to 
Kandy, but intending to make discoveries of the way, and 
to provide necessaries for our flight, as rice, a brass pot to 
boil our rice in, a little dried flesh to eat, and a deerskin to 
make us shoes of. And by the providence of my gracious 
GOD, all these things I happened upon, and bought : but, as 
our good hap was, of deer's flesh we could meet with none. 
So that we had time enough to fit ourselves ; all people 
thinking that we stayed only to buy flesh. 

Here we stayed three days. During which, we had found 
the great road that runs down towards Jaffnapatam, one of 



l86 They reject the Jaffnapatam road. [^""^M^ch^i 



Knox. 

68i. 



the northern ports belonging to the Dutch : which road, we 
judged led also towards Manaar, a Dutch northern port also, 
which was the place that we endeavoured to get to ; it lying 
about two or three days' journey distant from us. But in this 
road there was a Watch laid which must be passed. Where 
this Watch was placed, it was necessary for us punctually 
[precisely] to know, and to endeavour to get a sight of it : 
and if we could do this, our intent was to go unseen by night 
— the people being then afraid to travel — and being come up 
to the Watch; to slip aside into the woods, and so go on 
until we were passed it ; and then to strike into the road again. 
But this project came to nothing, because I could not 
without suspicion and danger, go and view this Watch; which 
lay some four or five miles below this plain : and so far I 
could not frame any business to go. 

But several inconveniences we saw here, insomuch that 
we found it would not be safe for us to go down in this road. 
For if we should have slipped away from them by night ; in 
the morning, we should be missed : and then most surely, 
they would go that way to chase us ; and, ten to one, overtake 
us, being but one night before them. Also we knew not 
whether or not, it might lead us into the country of the 
Malabar Prince ; of whom we were much afraid. 

Then resolving to let the great road alone, we thought of 
going right down through the woods, and steer our course by 
the sun and moon ; but the ground being so dry, we feared 
we should not meet with water. So we declined that counsel 
also. 

Thus being in doubt, we prayed to GOD to direct us, and to 
put it into our heads which way to take. Then, after a 
consultation between ourselves, all things considered, we 
concluded it to be the best course to go back to Malwatta 
Oya; the river that we had well viewed, and that lay in our 
way as we came hither. 





^^^'MaKosi;] Ostensibly returning, they escape. 387 



C hapter X. 

The Atdkors progress in his flight frojn Anura- 

dhapooi'a into the woods ; until their 

arrival in the Malabars country. 

3w GOD, of His mercy, having prospered our 
design hitherto, for which we blessed His holy- 
name; our next care was how to come off clear 
from the people of Anuradhapoora, that they might 
not presently miss us, and so pursue after us : 
which if they should do, there would have been no escaping 
them. For from this town to Colliwilla — where the Sheriff 
lived, with whom we left our goods — they were as well 
acquainted in the woods as in the paths : and when we came 
away, we must tell the people that we were going thither; 
because there was no other way but that. Now our fear was 
lest upon some occasion or other, any men might chance to 
travel that way soon after we were gone; and not finding us 
at Colliwilla might conclude, as they could do no otherwise, 
that we were run into the woods. Therefore to avoid this 
danger, we stayed in the town till it was so late that we 
knew that none durst venture to travel afterwards, for fear of 
wild beasts. By which means we were sure to gain a night's 
travel, at least : if they should chance to pursue us. 

So we took our leaves of the Governor, who kindly gave 
us a pot of milk to drink, for a farewell : we telling him, "Wc 
were returning back to the Sheriff at Colliwilla, to whom we 
had given some gunpowder when we came from him, to shoot 
us some deer: and we doubted not but by that time we should 
get to him, he would have provided flesh enough for our lading 
home." Thus bidding him and the rest of the neighbours 
farewell, we departed : they giving us the civility of their 
accustomed prayers ; Diahac, that is, "God bless or keep you." 
It was now the 12th day of October on a Sunday, the moon 
eighteen days old. We were well furnished with all things 
needful, which we could get, viz. — ten days' provisions, rice, 



388 Strike down the Malwatta Oya. p^MaKX: 

flesh, fish, pepper, salt ; a basin to boil our victuals in ; 
two calabashes to fetch water; two great Tallipat [leaves] 
for tents, big enough to sleep under, if it should rain ; 
Jciggery and sweetmeats, which we brought from home 
with us ; tobacco also and betel ; tinder boxes, two or three 
for fear of failing ; and a deer's skin to make us shoes, to 
prevent any thorns running into our feet as we travelled 
through the woods, for our greatest trust, under GOD, was 
to our feet. Our weapons were, to each man a small axe 
fastened to a long staff in our hands, and a good knife by our 
sides: which were sufficient, with GOD's help, to defend us 
from the assaults of either tiger or bear; and as for elephants, 
there is no standing against them, but the best defence is to 
fly from them. 

In this posture and equipage we marched forward. When 
we were come within a mile of this river, it being about four 
in the evening, we began to fear lest any of the people of 
Anuradhapoora from whence we came, should follow us to 
Colliwilla ; which place we never intended to come at more : 
the river along which we intended to go, laying on this side 
of it. That we might be secure therefore, that no people came 
after us ; we sat down upon a rock by a hole that was full of 
water in the highway, until it was so late that we were sure no 
people durst travel. In case any had come after us, and seen 
us sitting there, and gotten no further; we intended to tell 
them that one of us was taken sick by the way, and therefore 
was not able to go on. But it was our happy chance, that 
there came none. 

So about sundown, we took up our sacks of provisions, and 
marched forward for the river; which, under GOD, we had 
pitched upon to be our guide down to the sea. 

Being come at the river; we left the road, and struck into 
the woods by the river side. We were exceedingly careful not 
to tread on the sand or soft ground, lest our footsteps should 
be seen : and where it could not be avoided, we went 
backwards ; so that by the print of our feet it seemed as if we 
had gone the contrary way. We had now got a good way 
into the wood, when it grew dark and began to rain; so that 
we thought it best to pitch our tents, and get wood for firing 
before it was all wet, and too dark to find it : which we did, 
and kindled a fire. 



^^V^cifiTsT.] They are stopped by an elephant. 389 

Then we began to fit ourselves for our journey, against the 
moon rose. All our sale-wares which we had left, we cast 
away, for we had taken care not to sell too much ; keeping 
only provisions, and what was very necessary for our journey. 
About our feet we tied pieces of deer's-hide, to prevent thorns 
and stumps annoying our feet. We always used to travel 
barefoot, but now being to travel by night and in the woods, 
we feared to do so : for if our feet should fail us now, we 
were quite undone. 

And by the time we had well fitted ourselves, and were 
refreshed with a morsel of Portuguese sweetmeats; the moon 
began to shine. So having commended ourselves into the 
hands of the Almighty, we took up our provisions upon our 
shoulders and set foi-ward, and travelled some three or four 
hours, but with a great deal of difficulty. For the trees 
being thick, the moon gave us but little light through : but 
our resolution was, to keep going. 

Now it was our chance to meet with an elephant in our 
way, just before us ; which we tried to, but could not scare 
away : so he forced us to stay. We kindled a fire and sat 
down; and took a pipe of tobacco, waiting till morning. 
Then we looked round about us, and it appeared all like a 
wilderness, and no signs that people ever had been there ; 
which put us in great hopes that we had gained our passage, 
and were past all the inhabitants. Whereupon we concluded 
that we were now in no danger of being seen, and might 
travel in the day securely. 

There was only one great road in our way, which led to 
Portaloon from the towns which by and by we fell into. 
This road therefore we were shy of ; lest when we passed it 
over, some passengers travelling on it, might see us. And 
this road we were in expectance about this time, to meet 
withal, feeling secure, as I said before, of all other danger 
of people : but the river winding about to the northward, 
brought us into the midst of a parcel of towns, called Tissea 
Wava, before we were aware of it. For the country being 
all woods, we could not discern where there were towns until 
we came within the hearing of them. That which betrayed 
us into this danger was, that meeting with a path which 
only led from one town to another, we concluded it to be 
that great road above mentioned, and so having passed it over; 



390 They hide in a hollow tree. [^^^M^ch^iX. 

we supposed the danger we might encounter in being seen 
was also passed over with it: but we were mistaken, for going 
further we still met with other paths, which we crossed over, 
still hoping one or other of them was that great road ; but 
at last we perceived our error, namely, that they were only 
paths that went from one town to another. 

And so while we were avoiding men and towns, we ran 
into the midst of them. This was a great trouble to us ; 
hearing the noise of people round about us, and not knowing 
how to avoid them : into whose hands we knew if we should 
have fallen ; they would have carried us up to the King, 
besides beating and plundering us to boot. 

We knew before, that these towns were here away : but 
had we known that this river turned and ran in among them; 
we should never have undertaken the enterprise. But now 
to go back, after we had newly passed so many paths, and 
fields, and places, where people did resort : we thought it 
not advisable, and that the danger in so doing might be 
greater than in going for%vard. And had we known so much 
then as afterwards did appear to us ; it had been safer for us 
to have gone on, than to have hid as we did : which we then 
thought the best course we could take for the present 
extremity, viz. — ^to secure ourselves in secret until night, and 
then to run through, in the dark. All that we wanted was a 
hole to creep in, to lie close : for the woods thereabouts were 
thin, and there were no shrubs or bushes, under which we 
might be concealed. 

We heard the noise of people on every side, and expected 
every moment to see some of them : to our great terror. And 
it is not easy to say, in what danger ; and in what apprehension 
of it we were. It was not safe for us to stir backwards or 
forwards, for fearing of running among the people ; and it 
was as unsafe to stand still, where we were, lest somebody 
might spy us : and where to find covert, we could not tell. 

Looking about us, in these straits, we spied a great tree 
by us, which for the bigness thereof 'twas probable might be 
hollow. To which we went, and found it so. It was like a 
tub, some three feet high. Into it, immediately we both 
crept, and made a shift to sit there for several hours, 
though very uneasily, and all in mud and wet. But however it 
did great comfort us, in the fright and amazement we were in. 



^""^Ma^ch^iesi:] Protected by a herd of elephants. 391 

So soon as it began to grow dark, we came creeping out of 
our hollow tree; and put for it, as fast as our legs could carry 
us. And then we crossed that great road, which all the day 
before we did expect to come up with; keeping close by the 
river side ; and going so long, till dark night stopped us. 

We kept going the longer, because we heard the voice of 
men holloaing towards evening ; which created in us a fresh 
disturbance: thinking them to be people that were coming 
to chase us. But at length ; we heard elephants behind us, 
between us and the voice, which we knew by the noise of 
the cracking of the boughs and small trees which they brake 
down and ate. These elephants were a very good guard 
behind us ; and were, methought, like the darkness that came 
between Israel and the Egyptians. For the people, we 
knew, would not dare to go forwards ; hearing elephants 
before them. 

In this security, we pitched our tents by the river side, and 
boiled rice and roasted flesh for our supper : for we were very 
hungry ; and so, commending ourselves to GOD's keeping, 
we lay down to sleep. The voice which we heard still 
continued ; which lasting so long, we knew what it meant. 
It was nothing but the holloaing of people that lay to watch 
the cornfields; to scare away the wild beasts out of their 
corn. 

Thus we passed Monday. 

But nevertheless the next morning, so soon as the moon 
shone out bright; to prevent the worst, we took up our packs, 
and were gone : being past all the tame inhabitants, with 
whom we had no more trouble. 

But the next day, we feared we should come among the 
wild ones : for these woods are full of them. Of these, we 
were as much afraid as of the other : for they [the tame 
inhabitants] would have carried us back to the King, where 
we should have been kept prisoners ; but these, we feared, 
would have shot us, not standing to hear us plead for 
ourselves. 

And indeed all along as we went, by the sides of the river, 
till we came to the Malabar inhabitants ; there had been the 
tents of wild men, made only of boughs of trees. But GOD 
be praised, they were all gone : though but very lately before 
we came ; as we perceived by the bones of cattle and shells 



392 The river is full of Alligators. [^^'^iSa?ch^i68^ 

of fruit, which lay scattered about. We supposed that want 
of water had driven them out of the country down to the 
river side ; but that since it had rained a shower or two, 
they were gone again. 

Once, about noon, sitting down upon a rock by the river 
side to take a pipe of tobacco and rest ourselves ; we had 
almost been discovered by the women of these wild people : 
coming down, as I suppose, to wash themselves in the river; 
who, being many of them, came talking and laughing 
together. At the first hearing of the noise, being at a 
good distance, we marvelled what it was. Sitting still and 
listening ; it came a little above where we sat : and at last, 
we could plainly distinguish it to be the voices of women and 
children. Whereupon we thought it no boot to sit longer, 
since we could escape unobserved ; and so took up our bags, 
and fled as fast as we could. 

Thus we kept travelling every day, from morning till night, 
still along by the river side, which turned and wound very 
crookedly. In some places, it would be pretty good travel- 
ling and but few bushes and thorns ; in others, a great many : 
so that our shoulders and arms were all of a gore, being 
grievously torn and scratched. For we had nothing on us, 
but a clout round about our middles, and our victuals on our 
shoulders ; and in our hands, a tallipat [palm leaf] and an axe. 

The lower we came down this river, the less water; so 
that sometimes we could go a mile or two upon the sand. 
And in some places, three or four rivers would all meet 
together. When this happened so, and was noon — the sun over 
our head, and the water not running — we could not tell which 
to follow ; but were forced to stay till the sun was fallen, 
thereby to judge our course. 

We often met with bears, hogs, deer and wild buffaloes ; 
but they all ran, so soon as they saw us : but elephants we 
met with no more than that I have mentioned before. The 
river is exceeding full of alligators all along as we went : 
and the upper part of it is nothing but rocks. 

Here and there, by the side of this river, there is a world of 
hewn stone pillars, standing upright ; and other heaps of hewn 
stones, which I suppose formerly were buildings. And in 
three or four places, are the ruins of bridges, built of stone ; 
some remains of them yet standing upon stone pillars. In 



^^^'Sch^X;] They get into the Malabar country. 393 

many places are points built out into the river, like wharves ; 
all of hewn stone: which I suppose have been built for 
kings to sit upon for pleasure ; for I cannot think they ever 
were employed for traffic by water, the river being so full of 
rocks that boats could never come up into it. 

The woods in all these northern parts are short and 
shrubbed ; and so they are here by the river's side : and the 
lower down the river, the worse ; and the grounds so also. 

In the evenings we used to pitch our tent, and make a 
great fire, both before and behind us ; that the wild beasts 
might have notice where we lay : and we used to hear the 
voices of all sorts of them ; but, thanks be to GOD ! none 
ever came near to hurt us. 

Yet we were the more wary of them ; because once a tiger 
showed us a cheat. For having bought a deer (and having 
nothing to salt it up in) we packed it up in the hide thereof 
salted, and laid it under a bench in an open house, on which 
bench I lay that night ; and Stephen lay just by it on the 
ground ; and some three people more lay then in the same 
house ; and in the said house there was a great fire ; and 
another in the yard : yet a tiger came in the night, and 
carried deer and hide and all away. But we missing it ; 
concluded that it was a thief that had done it. We called 
up the people that lay by us ; and told them what had 
happened ; who informed us that it was a tiger ; and with 
a torch, they went to see which way he had gone, and 
presently found some of it, which he had let drop by the 
way. When it was day, we went further; and picked up 
more, which was scattered ; till we came to the hide itself, 
which remained uneaten. 

We had now travelled till Thursday afternoon, when we 
crossed the rrver called Coronda Oya [? Kannadera Oya], which 
was then quite dry. This parts the King's country from that 
of the Malabars. We saw no sign of inhabitants here. The 
woods began to be very full of thorns and shrubby bushes, 
with cliffs and broken land; so that we could not possibly go 
in the woods. But now the river grew better, being clear 
of rocks ; and dry, water only standing in holes. So we 
marched along in the river bed upon the sand. Hereabouts 
are far more elephants than higher up. By day, we saw none ; 
but by night, the river was full of them. 



394- They still keep on down the river, pp' 



ain R. Knox, 
March x68i. 



On Friday, about nine or ten in the morning, we came 
among the inhabitants : for then we saw the footing 
[^footprints] of people on the sand; and tame cattle with bells 
about their necks. Yet we kept on our way right down the 
river; knowing no other course to take, to shun the people. 
And as we went still forwards, we saw coracan corn sown in 
the woods ; but neither town, nor people, nor so much as the 
voice of man : yet we were somewhat dismayed ; knowing 
that we were now in a country inhabited by Malabars. 

The Wanniounay or Prince of this people for fear, pays 
tribute to the Dutch ; but stands far more affected towards 
the King of Kandy : which made our care the greater to 
keep ourselves out of his hands; fearing lest if he did not 
keep us himself, he might send us up to our old master. So 
that great was our terror again, lest meeting with people we 
might be discovered. 

Yet there was no means now left us how to avoid the 
danger of being seen. The woods were so bad that we could 
not possibly travel in them for thorns ; and to travel by night 
was impossible, it being a dark moon; and the river at night 
so full of elephants and other wild beasts coming to drink, 
as we did both hear and see, lying upon the banks with a fire 
by us. They came in such numbers, because there was 
water for them nowhere else to be had : the ponds and holes 
of water ; nay the river itself, in many places being dry. 
There was therefore no other way to be taken, but to travel 
on in the river. 

So down we went into the sand and put on as fast as we 
could set our legs to the ground : seeing no people, nor, I 
think, nobody us ; but only buffaloes in abundance in the 
svater. 





^*^'l"ia^ch^i68i;] They meet with two Brahmins. 395 



Chapter XI. 

Being in the Malabar territories ; how they encountered 
two 7nen, and what passed between them. And of 
their getting safe unto the Dutch fort ; and 
their reception there, and at the Island 
of Manaar ; until their em- 
barking for Colombo. 

Hus we went on till about three o'clock in the 
afternoon. At which time, coming about a point, 
we came up with two Brahmins on a sudden ; who 
were sitting under a tree, boiling rice. We were 
within forty paces of them. When they saw us they 
were amazed at us ; and as much afraid of us, as we were of 
them. Now we thought it better policy to treat with them, 
than to fly from them : fearing they might have bows and 
arrows, whereas we were armed only with axes in our hands, 
and knives by our sides ; or else that they might raise the 
country and pursue us. So we made a stand, and in the 
Cingalese language, asked their leave to come near and treat 
with them, but they did not understand it : but being risen 
up, spake to us in the Malabar tongue, which we could not 
understand. Then, still standing at a distance, we intimated 
our minds to them by signs, beckoning with our hand : which 
they answered in the same language. 

Then offering to go towards them, and seeing them to be 
naked men, and no arms near them ; we laid our axes upon 
the ground with our bags : lest we might scare them, if we had 
come up to them with those weapons in our hands ; and so 
went towards them with only our knives by our sides. 

By signs with our hands, showing them our bloody backs ; 
we made understand whence we came, and whither we 
were going: which when they perceived, they seemed to 
commiserate our condition, and greatly to admire at such a 
miracle which GOD had brought to pass ; and as they talked 
one to another, they lifted up their hands and faces towards 



396 Flinging firebrands at Elephants. ["^^'iTia^ch^ies? 

heaven, after repeating Tombrane, which is God in the 
Malabar tongue. 

And by their signs, we understood they would have us 
bring our bags and axes nearer : which we had no sooner 
done ; but they brought the rice and herbs which they had 
boiled for themselves to us, and bade us eat ; which we were 
not fitted to do, having not long before eaten a hearty 
dinner of better fare. Yet we could not but thankfully 
accept of their compassion and kindness, and eat as much as 
we could ; and in requital of their courtesy, we gave them 
some of our tobacco : which, after much entreating, they did 
receive, and it pleased them exceedingly. 

After these civilities passed on either side; we began by 
signs to desire them to go with us, and show us the way to 
the Dutch fort : which they were very unwilling to do, saying — 
as by signs and some few words which we could understand 
—that our greatest danger was past ; and that by night, we 
might get into the Hollanders' dominions. 

Yet we being weary with our tedious journey, and desirous 
to have a guide ; showed them money to the value of five 
shillings, being all I had, and offered it to them, to go with 
us. Which together with our great importunity, so prevailed, 
that one of them took it ; and leaving his fellow to carry 
their baggage, he went with us about one mile, and then 
began to take his leave of us and to return : which we 
supposed was to get more from us. Having therefore no 
more money, we gave him a red Tunis cap and a knife ; for 
which he went a mile further, and then as before would leave 
us, signifying to us, " that we were out of danger, and he 
could go no farther." 

Now we had no more left to give him ; but began to 
perceive that what we had parted withal to him was but 
flung away. And although we might have taken all from 
him again, being alone in the wood ; yet we feared to do it, 
lest thereby we might exasperate him, and so he might give 
notice of us to the people : but bade him farewell ; after he 
had conducted us four or five miles. 

We kept on our journey down the river as before, until it 
was night ; and lodged upon a bank under a tree : but were 
in the way of the elephants ; for in the night they came and 
had like to have disturbed us ; so that for our preservation 



*^^^'''Mi^6°8T.] They reach the Dutch territory. 397 

we were forced to fling firebrands at them to scare them 
away. 

The next morning, being Saturday, as soon as it was light, 
having eaten to strengthen us (as horses do oats before they 
travel), we set forth, going still down. The sand was dry 
and loose and so very tedious to go upon, by the side of the 
river we could not go, it being all overgrown with bushes. 
The land hereabouts was as smooth as a bowling green ; but 
the grass clean burnt up for want of rain. 

Having travelled about two hours, we saw a man walking 
in the river before, whom we would gladly have shunned, but 
well could not : for he walked down the river as we did : but 
at a very slow rate, which much hindered us. But considering 
upon the distance we had come since we left the Brahmin 
and comparing with what he told us, we concluded we were 
in the Hollanders' jurisdiction ; and so amended our pace to 
overtake the man before us : whom we perceiving to be 
free from timorousness at the sight of us, concluded he had 
been used to see white men. 

Whereupon, we asked him, " to whom he belonged ? " He, 
speaking the Cingalese language, answered, "to the Dutch;" 
and also "that all the country was under their command, and 
that we were out of danger, and that the fort of Aripo was 
but some six miles off." Which did not a little rejoice us. 
We told him, " we were of that nation, and had made our 
escape from Kandy, where we had been many years kept in 
captivity : " and — having nothing to give him ourselves — we 
told him, "that it was not to be doubted, but that the chief 
Commander at the fort would bountifully reward him if he 
would go with us, and direct us thither." But whether he 
doubted of that or not, or whether he expected something in 
hand ; he excused himself, pretending earnest and urgent 
occasions that he could not defer. But he advised us to 
leave the river, because it winds so much about, and to turn 
up without fear to the towns ; where the people would direct 
us the way to the fort. 

Upon his advice, we struck up a path that came down to 
the river, intending to go to a town, but could find none : and 
there were so many cross paths that we could not tell which 
way to go ; and the land here was so exceedingly low and 
level, that we could see no other thing but trees. For 



398 And arrive at Aripo fort. [^''^'ll^ch^xesi; 

although I got up a tree to look if I could see the Dutch 
fort or discern any houses ; yet I could not : and the sun 
being right over our heads, neither could that direct us. 
Insomuch that we wished ourselves again in our old friend, 
the river. So after much wandering up and down ; we sat 
down under a tree, waiting until the sun was fallen or some 
people came by. 

Which not long after, three or four Malabars did. We 
told these men that we were Hollanders : supposing they 
would be the more willing to go with us ; but they proved of 
the same temper with the rest before mentioned. For until 
I gave one of them a small knife to cut betel nuts, he would 
not go with us ; but for the lucre of that, he conducted us to 
a town. From whence, they sent a man with us to the next. 
And so we were passed from town to town, until we arrived 
at the fort called Aripo. It being about four o'clock on 
Saturday afternoon, October the i8th, 1679. 

Which day, GOD grant us grace that we may never forget: 
when He was pleased to give us so great a deliverance from 
such a long captivity of nineteen years, and six months, and 
odd days; I being taken prisoner when I was nineteen years 
old ; and continued upon the mountains among the heathen 
till I attained to eight and thirty. 

In this flight through the woods ; I cannot but take notice 
with some wonder and great thankfulness, that this travel- 
ling by night in a desolate wilderness was little or nothing 
dreadful to me; whereas formerly the very thoughts of it 
would seem to dread me. And in the night, when I lay 
down to rest, with wild beasts round me ; I slept as soundly 
and securely as ever I did at home in my own house. Which 
courage and peace, I look upon to be the immediate gift of 
GOD to me, upon my earnest prayers ,' which at that time he 
poured into my heart in great measure and fervency. After 
which I found myself freed from those frights and fears, 
which usually possessed my heart at other times. 

In short, I look upon the whole business as a miraculous 
providence; and that the hand of GOD did eminently appear 
to me as it did of old to his people Israel in the like cir- 
cumstances ; in leading and conducting me through this 
dreadful wilderness, and not to suffer any evil to approach 
nigh unto me. 



^^^'Iia^ch^i68i:] Hospitably entertained at Manaar. 399 

The Hollanders much wondered at our arrival — it being so 
strange that any should escape from Kandy — and entertained 
us very kindly that night. 

And the next morning, being Sunday ; they sent a Corporal 
with us to Manaar, and a black man to carry our few things. 

At Manaar, we were brought before the Captain of the 
castle, the Chief Governor being absent ; who, when we 
came in, was just risen from dinner. He received us with a 
great deal of kindness, and bade us sit down to eat. 

It seemed not a little strange to us, who had dwelt so long 
in straw cottages among the black heathen, and used to sit 
on the ground, and eat our meat on leaves; now to sit on 
chairs, and eat out of china dishes at a table ; where 
there were great varieties, and a fair and sumptuous house 
inhabited by white and Christian people : we being then in 
such habit and guise (our natural colour excepted) that we 
seemed not fit to eat with his servants, no, nor his slaves. 

After dinner, the Captain inquired concerning the affairs 
of the King and country, and the condition of their Ambassa- 
dors and people there. To all which, we gave them true and 
satisfactory answers. Then he told us "that to-morrow, there 
was a sloop to sail to Jaffnapatam, in which he would send us 
to the Commander and Governor; from whence we might 
have a passage to Fort Saint George [Madras] or any other 
place on that coast, according to our desire." After this, he 
gave us some money ; bidding us go to the Castle to drink, 
and be merry with our countrymen there. For all which 
kindness, giving him many thanks in the Portuguese language; 
we took our leaves of him. 

When we came to the court of guard at the Castle ; we 
asked the soldiers if there were no Englishmen among them. 
Immediately there came forth two men to us, the one a 
Scotchman named Andrew Brown ; the other an Irishman, 
whose name was Francis Hodges : who, after very kind 
salutes, carried us unto their lodgings in the castle; and 
entertained us very nobly, according to their ability, with 
arrack and tobacco. 

The news of our arrival being spread in the town, the 
people came flocking to see us as a strange and wonderful 
sight : and some to inquire about their husbands, sons and 
relations which were prisoners at Kandy. 

II. 2C 5 



400 Go IN Governor's ship to Colombo. [^^^'''M^ch^xesi; 

In the evening a gentlemen of the town sent to invite us 
to his house ; where we were gallantly entertained both with 
victuals and lodging. 

The next day, being Monday, while ready to embark for 
Jaffnapatam; there came an order from the Captain and 
Council that we must stay until the Commander of 
Jaffnapatam, who was daily expected, came thither: which 
we could not deny to do ; and order was given to the 
Victuallers of the soldiers to provide for us. The Scotch- 
man and Irishman were very glad of this order, that they 
might have our company longer : and would not suffer us to 
spend the Captain's benevolence in their company, but spent 
freely upon us at their own charges. 

Thanks be to GOD, we both continued in health all the 
time of our escape ; but within three days after we came to 
Manaar, my companion fell very sick; so that I thought I 
should have lost him. 

Thus we remained some ten days. At which time the 
expected Commander arrived, and was received with great 
ceremonies of state. The next day we went before him, to 
receive his orders concerning us : which were to be ready to 
go with him on the morrow to Colombo ; there being a ship, 
that had long waited in that road to carry him. In which, 
we embark with him for Colombo. 

At our coming on board to go to sea, we could not expect 
but to be seasick ; being now as fresh men having so long 
disused the sea : but it proved otherwise, and we were not in 
the least stirred. 





^''^'^Ma^ch^iTsz:] Make a sensation at Colombo. 401 



C HA PT ER XII. 

Their arrival at Colombo and entertainment 

there. Their departure thence to Batavia ; 

and from thence to Bantam : whence 

they set sail for England. 

EiNG safely arrived at Colombo, before the ship 
came to an anchor ; there came a barge on board to 
carry the Commander ashore. But it being late 
in the evening, and my consort being sick of an 
ague and fever; we thought it better for us to stay 
on board until the morning, so as to have a day before us. 

The next morning, we bade the skipper farewell, and 
went ashore in the first boat : going straight to the Court 
of Guard ; where all the soldiers came staring upon us, 
wondering to see white men in Cingalese habits. We asked 
them, if "there were no Englishmen among them." They told 
us, "there were none, but that in the city there were several." 
A trumpeter being hard by who had formerly sailed in 
English ships ; hearing of us, came and invited us to his 
chamber: and entertained my consort being sick of his 
ague, in his own bed. 

The strange news of our arrival from Kandy was presently 
spread all about the city, and all the Englishmen that were 
there immediately came to bid us welcome out of our long 
captivity : with whom we consulted how to come to speech 
of the Governor. Upon which, one of them went and 
acquainted the Captain of the Guard of our being on shore ; 
which the Captain understanding, went and informed the 
Governor thereof. Who sent us answer that to-morrow we 
should come before him. 

After my consort's fit was over ; our countrymen and their 
friends invited us abroad to walk and see the city. We 
being barefooted and in Cingalese habit with great long 
beards ; the people much wondered at us, and came flocking 
to see who and what we were ; so that we had a great train 
of people about us, as we walked in the streets. And after 



402 Interview with Governor van Gons. [^^'^Mi^ies^. 

we had walked to and fro, and had seen the city ; they 
carried us to their landlady's house, where we were kindly 
treated both with victuals and drink; and returned to the 
trumpeter's house as he had desired us when we went out. 
In the evening, came a boy from the Governor's house to tell 
us, that the Governor invited us to come to supper at his 
house : but we — having dined lately with our countrymen 
and their friends — had no room to receive the Governor's 
kindness ; and so lodged that night, at the trumpeter's. 

The next morning, the Governor — whose name wasRiCKLOF 
VAN Gons, son of Ricklof van Gons the General of 
Batavia — sent for us to his house. Whom we found standing 
in a large and stately room, paved with black and white 
stones : and only the Commander of Jaffnapatam, who 
brought us from Manaar, standing by him ; who was to 
succeed him in the government of that place. On the 
further side of the room, stood three of the chief Captains 
bareheaded. 

First, " he bade us welcome out of our long captivity," and 
told us "That we were free men: and that he should have 
been glad if he could have been an instrument to redeem us 
sooner ; having endeavoured as much for us as for his own 
people." For all which, we thanked him heartily: telling him, 
" We knew it to be true." 

The Governor perceiving I could speak the Portuguese 
tongue, began to inquire concerning the affairs of the King 
and country very particularly ; and oftentimes asked about 
such matters as he himself knew better than I. To all his 
questions, my too much experience enabled me to give a 
satisfactory reply. Some of the most remarkable matters he 
demanded of me, were these. 

First, they inquired much about the reason and intent of 
our coming to Kottiaar : to which, I answered them at 
large. 

Then they asked, "If the King of Kandy had any issue ? " I 
told them, " As report went, he had none." 

And, " Who were the greatest in the realm, next to him? " 
I answered, " There were none of renown left, the King had 
destroyed them all." 

'*How the hearts of the people stood affected ? " I answered, 
'* Much against their King : he being so cruel." 



^''^'^Ma^ch^iesT.] Conversation with Dutch Governor. 403 

'* If we had never been brought into his presence ? " I told 
them, " No, nor never had had a near sight of him." 

" What strength he had for war ? " I answered, " Not well 
able to assault them, by reason that the hearts of his people 
were not true to him : but that the strength of his country 
consisted in mountains and woods, as much as in the people." 

" What army could he raise upon occasion ? " I answered, 
" I knew not well ; but, as I thought, about thirty thousand 
men." 

"Why would he not make peace with them: they so 
much suing for it, and sending presents to please him ? " 
I answered, " I was not one of his Council, and knew not his 
meaning." 

But they demanded of me, " What I thought might be 
the reason or occasion of it ? " I answered, " Living securely 
in the mountains, he feareth none; and for traffic, he 
regardeth it not." 

** Which way was best and most secure to send spies or 
intelligence to Kandy ? " I told them, " By the way that goeth 
to Jaffnapatam ; and by some of that country's people, who 
have great correspondence with the people of Nuwerakalawe, 
one of the King's countries." 

*'What I thought would become of that land after the King's 
decease ? " I told them, " I thought, he having no issue ; it 
might fall into their hands." 

" How many Englishmen had served the King, and what 
became of them ? " Which I gave them an account of. 

" Whether I had an acquaintance or discourse with the 
great men at Court ? " I answered, " That I was too small 
to have any friendship or intimacy or hold discourse with 
them." 

" How the common people used to talk concerning them 
[the Dutch] ? " I answered, " They used much to commend 
their justice and good government in the territories and over 
the people belonging unto them." 

" Whether the King did take counsel of any, or rule and act 
only by his own will and pleasure ? " I answered, " I was a 
stranger at Court, and how could I know that ?" 

" But," they asked further, " what was my opinion ? " I 
replied, " He is so great, that there is none great enough to 
give him counsel." 



404 The conversation continued. [^p'^mS-c&i'. 

Concerning the French : " if the King knew not of their 
coming, before they came ? " I answered, " I thought not, 
because their coming seemed strange and wonderful unto the 
people." 

" How they had proceeded in treating with the King? " I 
answered as shall be related hereafter, when I come to speak 
of the French detained in this land. 

" If I knew any way or means to be used, whereby the 
prisoners in Kandy might be set free ? " I told them, " Means 
I knew none, unless they could do it by war." 

Also they inquired about the manner of executing those 
whom the King commands to be put to death. They inquired 
also very curiously concerning the manner of our surprisal, 
and entertainment or usage among them ; and in what 
parts of the land, we had our residence : and particularly 
concerning myself, in what parts of the land, and how long 
in each, I had dwelt ; and after what manner I lived there ; 
and of my age; and in what part or place when GOD sent 
me home, I should take up my abode ? To all which, I 
gave answers. 

They desired to know also, how many Englishmen there 
were yet remaining behind. I gave them an account of 
sixteen men, and also of eighteen children born there. 

They much inquiredconcerning their Ambassadors detained 
there, and of their behaviour and manner of living ; also 
what the King allowed them for maintenance ; and concerning 
several officers of quality, prisoners there ; and in general, 
about all the rest of their nation. 

And what " countenance the King showed to those 
Dutchmen that came running away to him ? " I answered, 
" The Dutch runaways, the King looks upon as rogues." 

And concerning the Portuguese, they inquired also. I told 
them, *' The Portuguese were about some fifty or threescore 
persons : and six or seven of those, were European born." 

They asked moreover, ** How we had made our escape ? and 
which way ? and by what towns we passed ? and how long 
we were in our journey ?" To all which I answered at large. 
Then the Governor asked me " What was my intent and 
desire ? " I told him, " To have passage to our own nation 
at Fort Saint George." 

To which he answered, "That suddenly [immediately] there 



^^^^'^iSi^iX:] Rutland recovers from the ague. 405 

would be no convenient opportunity : but his desire was that 
we would go with him to Batavia ; where the General his 
father, would be very glad to see us." Which it was not in 
our power to deny. 

Then he commanded to call a Dutch Captain ; who was 
over the countries adjacent, subject to their jurisdiction. To 
whom he gave orders to take us home to his house, and 
there well to entertain us, and also to send for a tailor to 
make us clothes. 

Upon which I told him : " That his kindness shown us 
already, was more than we could have desired. It would be 
a sufficient favour now to supply us with a little money upon 
a bill to be paid at Fort Saint George, that we might 
therewith clothe ourselves." 

To which he answered, " That he would not deny me any 
sum I should demand, and clothe us upon his own account 
besides." For which, we humbly thanked his Lordship : and 
so took our leave of him ; and went home with the aforesaid 
Captain. 

The Governor presently sent me money by his steward 
for expenses when we walked abroad in the city. 

We were nobly entertained without lack of anything all 
the time we stayed at Colombo. My consort's ague 
increased, and grew very bad ; but the Chief Surgeon, by 
order, daily came to see him ; and gave him such potions of 
physic, that by GOD's blessing, he soon after recovered. 

During my being here, I wrote a letter to my fellow- 
prisoners that I left behind me in Kandy: wherein I 
described, at large, the way we went, so that they might 
plainly understand the same ; which I finding to be safe and 
secure, advised them when GOD permitted, to steer the 
same course. This letter I left with the new Governor of 
Colombo and desired him, when opportunity presented, to 
send it to them : who said he would have it copied out into 
Dutch, for the benefit of their prisoners there ; and promised 
to send both together. 

The Governor seemed to be pleased with my aforesaid 
relations and replies to his demands ; insomuch that he 
afterwards appointed one that well understood Portuguese to 
write down all the former particulars. Which being done ; 
for further satisfaction, they brought me pen and paper, 



4o6 TheysailtoBatavia. [^"P'^JSich^er. 

desiring me to write the same, that I had related to them, 
in English and to sign it with my hand : which I was not 
unwilling to do. 

Upon the Governor's departure, there were great and 
royal feasts made : to which he always sent for me. Here 
were exceeding great varieties of food, wine and sweetmeats ; 
and music. 

Some two and twenty days after our arrival at Colombo, 
the Governor went on board ship to sail to Batavia ; and 
took us with him. At which time there were many scores 
of ordnance fired. 

We sailed all the day with flag and pennant under it ; 
being out both day and night ; in a ship of about 800 tons 
burden ; and a soldier standing armed as a sentinel at the 
cabin door, both night and day. The Governor so far 
favoured me that I was in his own mess, and eat at his 
table ; where every meal, we had ten or twelve dishes of 
meat, with variety of wine. 

We set sail from Colombo the 24th of November ; and the 
5th of January [1680] anchored in Batavia road. 

As we came to greater men, so we found greater kindness : 
for the General of Batavia's reception of us and favours to 
us, exceeded if possible, those of the Governor his son. As 
soon as we came before him ; seeming to be very glad, he took 
me by the hand and bade me " heartily welcome, thanking 
GOD on our behalf, that had appeared so miraculously in 
our deliverance ; " telling us withal, " that he had omitted no 
means for our redemption ; and that if it had been in his 
power, we should long before have had our liberty." 

I humbly thanked his Excellency, and said, " That I knew 
it to be true ; and that though it missed of an effect, yet his 
good will was not the less, neither were our obligations ; 
being ever bound to thank and pray for him." 

Then his own tailor was ordered to take measure of us, 
and to furnish us with two suits of apparel. He gave us 
also money for tobacco and betel, and to spend in the city. 
All the time we stayed there, our quarters were in the 
Captain of the Castle's house. And oftentimes the General 
would send for me to his own table, at which sat only 
himself and his lady who was all bespangled wdth diamonds 
and pearls. Sometimes his sons and daughters-in-law, with 



^^'^Ma^ch^iX:] At length, come home to England. 407 

some other strangers did eat with him : the trumpets sounding 
all the while. 

We finding ourselves thus kindly entertained, and our 
habits changed ; saw that we were no more captives in 
Kandy, nor yet prisoners elsewhere : therefore we cut off 
our beards which we had brought with us out of our 
captivity (for until then, we cut them not) ; GOD having 
rolled away the reproach of Kandy from us. 

Here also, they did examine me again, concerning the 
passages of Kandy ; causing all to be written down which I 
said, and requiring my hand to the same : which I refused 
as I had done before, and upon the same account — because 
I understood not the Dutch language. Whereupon they 
persuaded me to write a certificate upon another paper 
under my hand, that what I had informed them of was true. 
Which I did. This examination was taken by two secretaries, 
who were appointed to demand answers of me concerning 
the King of Ceylon and his country : which they committed 
to writing from my mouth. 

The General's youngest son being to go home Admiral of 
the ships this year, the General kindly offered us passage 
upon their ships ; promising me entertainment at his son's 
own table, as the Governor of Colombo had given me in 
my voyage thither : which offer he made me, he said, " that I 
might better satisfy their Company in Holland concerning 
the affairs of Ceylon ; which they would be very glad to know." 

At this time came two English m.erchants hither from 
Bantam : with whom the General was pleased to permit us 
to go. 

But when we came to Bantam, the English Agent [of the 
English East India Company] very kindly entertained us ; 
and being not willing that we should go to the Dutch for a 
passage, since GOD had brought us to our own nation, 
ordered our passage in the good ship CcBsar lying then in the 
road, for England the land of our nativity and our long 
wished for port. Where by the good providence of GOD, 
we arrived safe in the month of September [1680]. 




4o8 The Malabars in the north pakts. p^^'i^Jch^X: 



Chapter XIII. 

Concerning some other nations, and chiefly 

European that now live in the island. 

The Portuguese and Dutch. 

AviNG SAID all this concerning the English people, 
it may not be unacceptable to give some account of 
otherwhiteSjWho either voluntarily orby constraint 
inhabit there : and they are besides the English 
already spoken of; Portuguese, Dutch and French. 
But before I enter upon a discourse of any of these, I 
shall detain my readers a little with another nation inhabiting 
this land, I mean the Malabars : both because they are 
strangers and derive themselves from another country ; and 
also because I have had occasion to mention them sometimes 
in this book. 

These Malabars, then, are voluntary inhabitants of the 
island ; and have a country here, though the limits of it are 
but small. It lies to the northward of the King's coasts, 
betwixt him and the Hollanders. Corunda Oya parts it 
from the King's territories. Through this country we passed, 
when we made our escape. The language they speak is 
peculiar to themselves; so that a Cingalese cannot understand 
t'iCm, nor they a Cingalese. 

They have a Prince over them, called Coilat Wannea, that 
is independent both of the King of Kandy on the one hand, 
and of the Dutch on the other : only that he pays an acknow- 
ledgment to the Hollanders, who have endeavoured to subdue 
him by wars, but they cannot yet do it. Yet they have 
brought him to be a tributary to them, viz. : to pay a certain 
rate of elephants per annum. The King and this Prince 
maintain a friendship and correspondence together : and 
when the King lately sent an army against the Hollanders, 
this Prince let them pass through his country; and went 
himself in person, to direct the King's people; whe« they 
took one or two forts from them. 



^^^'Ma^ch^iesi.'] The King tributary to Portuguese. 409 

The people are in great subjection under him. They pay 
him rather greater taxes than the Cingalese do to their 
King : but he is nothing so cruel. He victuallethhis soldiers 
during the time they are upon the guard, either about the 
palace or abroad in the wars : whereas it is the contrary in 
the King's country ; for the Cingalese soldiers bear their own 
expenses. He hath a certain rate out of every land that is 
sown ; which is to maintain his charge. 

The commodities of this country are elephants, honey, 
butter, milk, wax, cows, wild cattle ; of the last three, a 
great abundance. As for corn, it is more scarce than in the 
Cingalese country ; neither have they any cotton : but they 
come up into Nuwerakalawe yearly, with great droves of 
cattle ; and lade back both corn and cotton. And to buy 
these they bring up cloth made of the same cotton, which 
they can make better than the Cingalese ; also they bring 
salt, and salt fish, brass basins, and other commodities ; which 
they get of the Hollander. Because the King permits not his 
people to have any manner of trade with the Hollander; so 
they receive the Dutch commodities at second hand. 

We will now proceed unto the European nations : and we 
will begin with the Portuguese; who deserve the first place; 
being the oldest standers there. 

The sea-coasts round about the island were formerly under 
their power and government : and so held for many years. 
In which time, many of the natives became Christians, and 
learned the Portuguese tongue ; which to this day is much 
spoken in that land, for even the King himself understands 
and speaks it excellently well. 

The Portuguese have often made invasions throughout 
the whole land, even to Kandy the metropolis of the island ; 
which they have burnt more than once with the palace and 
the temples. And so formidable have they been that the 
King hath been forced to turn tributary to them, paying them 
three elephants per annum. However the middle of the 
island, viz., Conde Uda, standing upon mountains, and so 
strongly fortified by nature ; could never be brought into 
subjection by them, much less by any other: but hath 
always been under the power of their own kings. 

There were great and long wars between the King of 



4IO C. Sa, a Portuguese General. p^'^MaSh^iX. 

Ceylon and the Portuguese ; and many of the brave 
Portuguese generals are still in memory among them : of 
whom I shall relate some passages presently. Great 
vexation they gave the King by their irruptions into his 
dominions, and the mischiefs they did him ; though often- 
times with great loss on their side. Great battles have been 
lost and won between them ; with great destruction of men 
on both parts. But being greatly distressed at last ; he sent 
and called in the Hollander to his aid : by whose seasonable 
assistance, together with his own arms ; the King totally 
dispossessed the Portuguese and routed them out of the 
land. Whose room the Dutch now occupy; paying 
themselves for their pains. 

At the surrender of Colombo, which was the last place the 
Portuguese held, the King made a proclamation, that all 
Portuguese which would come unto him, should be well 
entertained : which accordingly many did, with their whole 
families, wives, children and servants ; choosing rather to 
be under him than the Dutch. And divers of them are alive 
to this day, living in Conde Uda ; and others are born 
there. To all of whom, he alloweth monthly maintenance, 
yea also and provisions for their slaves and servants which 
they brought up with them. These people are privileged to 
travel the countries above all other whites, as knowing they 
will not run away. Also when there was a trade at the sea- 
ports ; they were permitted to go down with commodities, 
clear from all customs and duties. 

Besides those who came voluntarily to live under the King : 
there are others whom he took prisoners. The Portuguese 
of the best quality, the King took into his service : who have 
been, most of them, since cut off; according to his kind 
custom towards his courtiers. The rest of them have an 
allowance from the King; and follow husbandry, trading 
about the country, distilling arrack, keeping taverns ; or the 
women sew women's waistcoats, and the men sew men's 
doublets for sale. 

I shall now mention some of the last Portuguese generals, 
all within the present King's reign ; with some passages 
concerning them. 

CoNSTANTiNE Sa, General of the Portuguese army in 
Ceylon when the Portuguese had footing in this land, was 



'^''^'^Mi^ieSi'jGASPAR FiGART, A BRAVE GENERAL. 4II 

very successful against this present King. He ran quite 
through the island unto the royal city itself; which he set 
on fire, with the temples therein. Insomuch that the King 
sent a message to him signifying that he was willing to 
become his tributary. But he proudly sent him word back 
again, " That that would not serve his turn : he should not 
only be tributary but slave to his master, the King of 
Portugal." This, the King of Kandy could not brook, being 
of an high stomach ; and said, " He would fight to the last 
drop of blood, rather than stoop to that." 

There were at this time, many commanders in the General's 
army, who were natural Cingalese : with these, the King 
dealt secretly ; assuring them that if they would turn on 
his side, he would gratify them with very ample rewards. 
The King's promises took effect ; and they all revolted from 
the General. The King now — not daring to trust the 
revolted to make trial of their truth and fidelity — put them in 
the forefront of his battle ; and commanded them to give 
the first onset. The King at that time, might have had 20,000 
or 30,000 men in the field : who, taking their opportunity, 
set upon the Portuguese army and gave them such a total 
overthrow ; that, as they report in that country, not one of 
them escaped. The General seeing his defeat, and himself 
likely to be taken ; called his black boy to give him water 
to drink ; and snatching the knife that stuck by his boy's 
side, stabbed himself with it. 

Another General after him, was Lewis Tiss:6ra. He swore 
that he would make the King eat coracan tallipa, that is, a 
kind of hasty pudding made of water and the coracan flour, 
which is reckoned the worst fare of that island. The King 
afterwards took this Lewis Tiss^ra ; and put him in chains 
in the common gaol, and made him eat of the same fare. 
And there is a ballad of this man and this passage, sung 
much among the common people there to this day. 

Their next General was Simon Caree, a natural Cingalese, 
but baptized. He is said to have been a great commander. 
When he had got any victory over the Cmgalese, he did 
exercise great cruelty. He would make the women beat their 
own children to pieces in their mortars; wherein they used to 
beat their corn. 

Gaspar Figari had a Portuguese father and a Cingalese 



412 " Brother, Stay! I would speak." p^'-Mafc/xX. 

mother. He was the last general they had in this country, 
and a brave soldier : but degenerated not from his pre- 
decessors in cruelty. He would hang up the people by the 
heels, and split them down the middle. He had his axe 
wrapped in a white cloth, which he carried with him into the 
field, to execute those he suspected to be false to him or 
that attempted to run away. Smaller malefactors he was 
merciful to, cutting off only their right hands. Several 
whom he hath so served are yet living, whom I have seen. 

This Gaspar came up one day to fight against the King : 
and the King resolved to fight him. The General fixed his 
camp at Motaupul in Hotterakorle. And in order to the 
King's coming down to meet the Portuguese, preparation 
was made for him at a place called Catta coppul, which might 
be ten or twelve miles distant from the Portuguese army. 
Gaspar knew of the place by some spies, but of the time of 
the King's coming he was informed that it was a day sooner 
than really it happened. According to this information, he 
resolved privately to march thither; and come upon him in 
the night unawares. And because he knew the King was a 
politician, and would have his spies abroad to watch the 
General's motion ; the General sent for all the drummers and 
pipers to play and dance in his camp that thereby the King's 
spies might not suspect that he was upon the march, but 
merry and secure in his camp. 

In the meantime, having set his people all to their dancing 
and drumming, he left a small party there to secure the 
baggage ; and away he goes in the night with his army, and 
arrives at Catta coppul, intending to fall upon the King. But 
when he came thither, he found the King was not yet come ; 
but into the King's tent he went, and sate him down in the 
seat appointed for the King. Here he heard where the King 
was with his camp ; which being not far off, he marched 
thither in the morning, and fell upon him ; and gave him one 
of the greatest routs that ever he had. 

The King himself had a narrow escape. For had it not 
been for a Dutch company, which the Dutch had sent a little 
before for his guard : who, after his own army fled, turned 
head and stopped the Portuguese for a while ; he had been 
seized. The Portuguese General was so near the King, that 
he called after him, Houre, that ia. " JSrother, Stay ! I would 



^^^'MaSh^si.'] Dutch get Colombo by treachery. 4 1 3 

speak with you !" But the King having got atop of the hills, 
was safe : and so Gaspar retired to his quarters. 

This gallant expert Commander, that had so often 
vanquished the Cingalese ; could not cope with another 
European nation. For when the Hollanders came to besiege 
Colombo, he was sent against them with his army. They 
told him before he went, that now he must look to himself: 
for he was not now to fight against Cingalese ; but against 
soldiers that would look him in the face. But he made 
nothing of them, and said that he would serve them as he 
had served the Cingalese. The Hollanders met him, and 
they fought ; but they had before contrived a stratagem, 
which he was not aware of. They had placed some field- 
pieces in the rear of their army ; and after a small skirmish, 
they retreated as if they had been worsted, which was only 
to draw the Portuguese nearer upon their guns: which, when 
they had brought them in shot of, they opened on a sudden 
to the right and left, and fired upon them ; and so routed 
them, and drove them into Colombo. 

This Gaspar was in the city, when it was taken ; and was 
himself taken prisoner : who was afterwards sent to Goa ; 
where he died. 

And so much of the Portuguese. 

The Dutch succeeded the Portuguese. The first occasion 
of whose coming into this land was that the present King, 
being wearied and overmatched with the Portuguese, sent for 
them into his aid long ago from Batavia. And they did 
him good service; but they feathered their own nests by the 
means ; and are now possessed of all the sea-coasts, and 
considerable territories thereunto adjoining. 

The King of the country keeps up an irreconcilable war 
against them : the occasion of which is said to have been this. 

Upon the besieging of Colombo, which was about the year 
1655 : it was concluded upon between the King and the 
Dutch, that their enemies the Portuguese being expelled 
thence ; the city was to be delivered up by the Dutch into 
the King's hands. Whereupon the King himself in person, 
with all his power ; went down to this war, to assist and 
and join with the Hollanders : without whose help, as it is 
generally reported, the Dutch could not have taken the city. 



414 King and Dutch at constant war. [Capuin r. Knox. 



March 1681. 



But being surrendered to them, and they gotten into it ; the 
King lay looking for when they would come, according 
to their former articles, and put him into possession of 
it. Meanwhile they turned on a sudden, and fell upon him, 
contrary to his expectation — whether the King had first broke 
ivord with them is not known — and took bag and baggage 
from him. Which provoked him in so high a manner, that 
he maintains a constant hostility against them; detains their 
Ambassadors ; and forbids his people, upon pain of death, to 
hold commerce with them. 

So that the Dutch have enough to do to maintain those 
places which they have. Oftentimes the King, at unawares 
falls upon them and does them great spoil : sometimes 
giving no quarter, but cutting off the heads of whomsoever 
he catches : which are brought up and hung upon trees near 
the city ; many of which I have seen. Sometimes he brings 
up his prisoners alive and keeps them by the highway sides, a 
spectacle to the people in memory of his victories over them. 
Many of these are now living there in a most miserable 
condition, having but a very small allowance from him ; so 
that they are forced to beg, and it is a favour when they can 
|et leave to go abroad and do it. 

The Dutch, therefore, not being able to deal with him by 
the sword, being unacquainted with the woods and the 
Cingalese manner of fighting; do endeavour for peace with 
him all they can : dispatching divers Ambassadors to him, 
Rnd sending great presents ; by carrying letters to him in 
great state, wrapped up in silks wrought with gold and silver ; 
bearing them all the way upon their heads, in token of great 
honour ; honouring him with great and high titles ; subscribing 
themselves his subjects and servants ; telling him that the 
forts they build, are out of loyalty to him, to secure His 
Majesty's country from foreign enemies ; and that when they 
came up into his country, it was to seek maintenance. 

And by these flatteries and submissions, they sometimes 
obtain to keep what they have gotten from him; and 
sometimes nothing will prevail : he, neither regarding their 
Ambassadors nor receiving the presents; but taking his 
opportunity upon a sudden, of setting on them with his forces. 

His craft and success in taking Belligam fort, in the county 
l>f Habberagon ; may deserve to be mentioned. The Cingalese 



^^^'^Li'^X:] Cingalese CAPTURE Belligam Fort. 415 

had besieged the fort, and knowing the Dutch had no water 
there, but that all they had was conveyed through a trench 
wrought under ground from a river near by : they besieged 
them so closely and planted so many guns towards the mouth 
of this trench ; that they could not come out to fetch water. 
They cut down wood also, and made bundles of faggots 
therewith : which they piled up around about the fort at some 
distance ; and every night removed them nearer and nearer : 
so their works became higher than the fort. Their main 
intent by these faggot-works, was to have brought them just 
under the fort, and then to have set it on fire : the walls of 
the fort being for the most part of wood. There was also a 
boabab tree growing just by the fort; on which they planted 
guns, and shot right down into them. The houses in the 
fort being thatched ; they shot also fire arrows among them : 
so that the besieged were forced to pull off the straw from their 
houses, which proved a great inconvenience to them, it being 
a rainy season ; so that they lay open to the weather and cold. 

The Dutch finding themselves in this extremity, desired 
quarter : which was granted them at the King's mercy. 
They came out and laid down their arms ; all but the officers, 
who still wore theirs. None were plundered of anything 
they had about them. The fort, the Cingalese demolished 
to the ground ; and brought up the four guns to the King's 
palace : where they, among others, stand ; mounted on broad 
carriages, before his gate. 

The Dutch were brought two or three days' journey from 
the fort into the country they called Oowah ; and there 
were placed with a guard about them : having but a small 
allowance appointed them ; insomuch that afterwards having 
spent what they had ; they perished for hunger. So that of 
about ninety Hollanders taken prisoners ; there were not 
above five and twenty living when I came away. 

There are several white Ambassadors, besides other 
Cingalese people, by whom the Dutch have sent letters 
and presents to the King : whom he keeps from returning 
back again. They are all bestowed in several houses, with 
soldiers to guard them. And though they are not in chains ; 
yet none is permitted to come to them or speak with them. 
It not being the custom of that land for any to come to the 
speech of Ambassadors. Their allowance is brought them 

II. 2D 5 



4i6 The first Dutch Ambassador seduced. p^'tFaSh^X 

ready dressed out of the King's palace ; being of all sorts 
and varieties that the land affords. 

After they have remained in this condition some years, the 
guards are somewhat slackened and the soldiers that are to 
watch them grow remiss in their duty ; so that now the 
Ambassadors walk about the streets, and anybody goes to 
their houses and talks with them: that is after they have been 
so long in the country, that all their news is stale and grown 
out of date. But this liberty is only winked at, not allowed- 

When they have been there a great while, the King usually 
gives them slaves, both men and women : the more to 
alienate their minds from their own country ; and that they 
may stay with him, with the more willingness and content. 
For his design is to make them, if he can, inclinable to 
serve him : as he prevailed with one of these Ambassadors 
to do for the love of a woman. The manner of it I shall 
relate immediately. 

There were five Ambassadors whom he hath thus detained, 
since my coming there ; of each of whom, I shall speak a 
little : besides two, whom he sent away voluntarily. 

The first of these was sent up by the Hollanders, some 
time before the rebellion against the King [in 1664] ; who 
detained him in the city. After the rebellion, the King sent 
for him to him to the mountain of Gauluda ; whither he had 
retreated from the rebels. The King not long after removed 
to Digligy, where he now keeps his Court : but left the 
Ambassador at Gauluda remaining by himself, with a guard 
of soldiers. In this uncomfortable condition, upon a dismal 
mountain, void of all society; he continued many days. 
During which time, a Cingalese and his wife fell out, and 
she being discontented with her husband, to escape from him 
flies to this Ambassador's house for shelter. The woman 
being somewhat beautiful ; he fell greatly in love with her : 
and to obtain her, he sent to the King and proffered him his 
service if he would permit him to enjoy her company. 
Which the King was very willing and glad to do, having now 
obtained that which he had long aimed at, to get him into 
his service. 

Hereupon the King sent him word that he granted his 
desire, and withal sent to both of them rich apparel ; and to 
her, many jewels and bracelets of gold and silver. 



^^^'Riareh^i6Si.] The SECOND DuTCH Ambassador dies. 417 

Suddenly afterwards there was a great house prepared 
for them in the city, furnished with all kind of furniture 
out of the King's treasure, and at his proper cost and charges. 
Which being finished, he was brought away from his moun- 
tain, into it : but from thenceforward he never saw his 
wife more, according to the custom of the Court. And he was 
entertained in the King's service, and made Courtalbad, which 
is Chief over all the smiths and carpenters in Conde Uda. 

Some short time after, the King about to send his forces 
against a fort of the Hollanders called Arranderre, built by 
them in the year 1666 ; he, though in the King's service, yet 
being a well-wisher to his country, had privately sent a 
letter of advice to the Dutch concerning the King's intention 
and purpose ; an answer to which was intercepted, and 
brought to the King; wherein '* thanks were returned to him 
from the Dutch for his loyalty to his own nation, and that 
they would accordingly prepare for the King's assault." 

The King having read this letter, sent for him, and bade 
him read it ; which he excused, pretending it was so written 
that he could not. Whereupon immediately another 
Dutchman was sent for; who read it before the King, and 
told him the contents of it. At which it is reported that the 
King said Beia pas mettandi hitta pas ettandi, that is, "He 
serves me for fear, and them for love," or *' His fear is here, 
and his love there : " and forthwith commanded to carry 
him forth to execution ; which was accordingly done upon 
him. It is generally said that this letter was framed by 
somebody on purpose to ruin him. 

The next Ambassador after him was Hendrick Draak, a 
fine gentleman, and a good friend of the English. This 
was he who was commissioned in the year 1664 to intercede 
with the King on behalf of the English, that they might have 
liberty to go home; and with him they were made to believe 
they should return : which happened at the same time that 
Sir Edward Winter sent his letters to the King for us; 
which I have already spoken of in the Fifth Chapter of this 
Fourth Part. 

This Ambassador was much in the King's favour, with 
whom he was detained till he died. And then the King sent 
his body down to Colombo, carried in a palankin with great 
state and lamentation; and accompanied with his great 
commanders and many soldiers. 



41 8 The third will "die like a man." pP'^i?aS:h^68*: 

Some time after the loss of the fort of Arranderre, which 
was about the year 1670 : the Dutch sent up another 
Ambassador to see if he could obtain peace : which was the 
first time their Ambassadors began to bring up letters upon 
their heads in token of extraordinary reverence. This man 
was much favoured by the King, and was entertained with 
great ceremony and honour : he clothing him in Cingalese 
habit, which I never knew done before nor since. But being 
weary of his long stay, and of the delays that were made ; 
having often made motions to go down to the coast and 
still he was deferred from day to day : at length he made a 
resolution, that if he had not leave by such a day, he would 
go without it; saying "the former ambassador [H. Draak], 
who died there, died like a woman ; but it should be seen 
that he would die like a man." 

At the appointed day, he girt on his sword, and repaired to 
the gates of the King's palace ; pulling off his hat, and 
making his obeisance, as if the King were present before 
him : and thanking him for the favours and honours he had 
done him; and so took his leave. And there being some 
Englishmen present, he generously gave them some money 
to drink his health : and in this resolute manner departed, 
with some two or three black servants that attended on him. 
The upshot of which was, that the King, not being willing 
to prevent his resolution by violence, sent one of his 
noblemen to conduct him down : and so he had the good 
fortune to get home safely to Colombo. 

The next Ambassador after him, was John Baptista : a 
man of a milder spirit than the former ; endeavouring to 
please and show compliance with the King. He obtained 
many favours of the King, and several slaves, both men and 
women : and living well, with servants about him ; is the 
more patient in waiting the King's leisure, till he pleaseth to 
send him home. 

The last Ambassador that came up while I was there, 
brought up a lion ; which the Dutch thought would be the 
most acceptable present that they could send to the King; 
as indeed did all others. It was but a whelp. But the 
King did never receive it, supposing it not so famous as he 
had heard by report lions were. This man with his lion was 
brought up and kept in the county of Ooddaboolat, nearly 



^^'"^[afch^iesi:] Two OTHER AMBASSADORS DETAINED. 419 

twenty miles from the King's Court : where he remained 
about a year; in the which time the lion died. 

The Ambassador, being weary of living thus like a prisoner, 
with a guard always upon him, often attempted to go back ; 
seeing the King would not permit him audience : but the 
guards would not let him. Having divers times made 
disturbances in this manner to get away home ; the King 
commanded to bring him up into the city to an house that 
was prepared for him, standing some distance from the 
Court. Where having waited many days, and seeing no 
signs of audience ; he resolved to make his appearance before 
the King by force : which he attempted to do ; when the King 
was abroad taking his pleasure. The soldiers of his guard 
immediately ran, and acquainted the noblemen at Court of 
his coming; who delayed not to acquaint the King thereof. 
Whereupon the King gave order forthwith to meet him ; and 
where they met him in that same place to stop him till 
further orders. And there they kept him, not letting him go 
either forward or backward. In this manner and place, he 
remained for three days : till the King sent orders that he 
might return to his house whence he came. This the King 
did to tame him. But afterwards he was pleased to call him 
before him. And there he remained when I left the country; 
maintained with plenty of provisions at the King's charge. 

The number of Dutch now living there may be about fifty 
or sixty. Some whereof are Ambassadors ; some prisoners 
of war ; some runaways and malefactors that have escaped 
the hand of justice, and got away from the Dutch quarters. 
To all of whom, are allotted respective allowances ; but the 
runaways have the least, the King not loving such, though 
giving them entertainment. 

The Dutch here love drink, and so practise their proper 
vice in this country. One who was a great man in the Court, 
would sometime come into the King's presence, half disguised 
with drink; which the King often passed over: but once 
asked him, " Why do you thus disorder yourself that when 
I send for you about my business, you are not in a capacity 
to serve me ? " He boldly replied, " That as soon as his 
mother took away her milk from him ; she supplied it with 
wine : and ever since," saith he, " I have used myself to it," 
With this answer, the King seemed to be pleased. And indeed 



420 The Dutch disregard castes. [^""^'iLrch^iX 

the rest of the white men are generally of the same temper; 
insomuch that the Cingalese have a saying, "That wine is as 
natural to white men as milk to children." 

All differences of ranks and qualities are disregarded 
among those Cingalese people that are under the Dutch. 
Neither do the Dutch make any distinction between the 
" Hondrews," and the low and inferior castes of men ; and 
permit them to go in the same habit, and sit upon stools, as 
well as the best Hondrews : and the lower ranks may eat and 
intermarry with the higher without any punishment or any 
cognizance taken of it. Which is a matter that the Cingalese 
in Conde Uda are much offended with the Dutch for; and 
makes them think, that they themselves are sprung from some 
mean rank or extract. And this prejudiceth this people against 
them ; that they have not such an esteem for them. For 
to a Cingalese, his rank and honour is as dear as his life, 

And thus much of the Dutch. 





^""^'liarch^iesij French fleet arrives at Kottiaar. 421 



Chapter XIV. 

Concerning the French. With some inquiries zuhat 

shottld make the King detain white men as he does. 

And how the Christian religion is maintained 

among the Christians there. 

Bout the year 1672 or 1673 ; there came fourteen 
sail of great ships from the King of France to settle 
a trade here. Monsieur De la Have the Admiral, 
put in with his fleet into the port of Kottiaar. From 
whence, he sent up three men by way of embassy, to 
the King of Kandy : whom he entertained very nobly, and gave 
every one of them a chain of gold about their necks, and a 
sword all inlaid with silver, and a gun. And afterwards he 
sent one of them down to the Admiral with his answer which 
encouraged him to send up others, that is, an Ambassador, 
and six more, who were to reside there, till the return of the 
fleet back again ; the fleet being about to sail to the coast 
of Coromandel. 

To the fleet, the King sent all manner of provisions, as 
much as his ability could afford ; and not only permitted 
but assisted them to build a fort in the bay : which they 
manned, partly with their own people and partly with 
Cingalese, whom the king sent and lent to the French. But 
the Admiral finding that the King's provisions, and what else 
could be brought in the island, would not suffice for so great 
a fleet : was forced to depart for the coast of Coromandel, 
promising the King by the Ambassador aforementioned, 
speedily to return again. So leaving some of his men with 
the King's supplies [auxiliaries] to keep the fort till his return : 
he weighed anchor and set sail. But never came back again. 
Some reported they were destroyed by a storm ; others by the 
Dutch. The Admiral had sent up to the King great presents, 
but he would not presently receive them ; that it might not 
seem as if he wanted anvthing or were greedy of things 



42 2 The French Ambassador captive. P^'llarch^X: 

brought to him : but since the French returned not according 
to their promise ; he scorned ever after to receive them. At 
first, he neglected the present out of State ; and ever since 
out of anger and indignation. The French fort at Kottiaar 
was a httle after, easily taken by the Dutch. 

But to return to the Ambassador and his retinue. He 
rode up from Kottiaar on horseback ; which was very grand in 
that country : and being, with his company, gotten somewhat 
short of the city [of Digligy], was appointed there to 
stay until an house should be prepared in the city for their 
entertainment. When it was signified to him that their 
house was ready for their reception ; they were conducted 
forward by certain nobleman sent by the King, carrying with 
them a present for his majesty. The Ambassador came 
riding on horseback into the city, which the noblemen 
observing, dissuaded him from, and advised him to walk on 
foot ; telling him it was not allowable nor the custom : but 
he, regarding them not, rode by the palace gate. It offended 
the King ; but he took not much notice of it for the present. 

The Ambassador alighted at his lodgings, where he and 
his companions were nobly entertained ; and provisions sent 
them ready dressed out of the King's palace three times a 
day. Great plenty they had of all things the country 
afforded. 

After some time, the King sent to him to come to his 
audience. In great state, he was conducted to the Court ; 
accompanied with several of the nobles that were sent to 
him. Coming — thus to the Court in the night — as it is the 
King's usual manner at that season [time] to send for foreign 
ministers, and give them audience — he waited there some 
small time about two hours or less, the King not yet 
admitting him. Which he took in such great disdain, and 
for such an affront that he was made to stay at all ; much 
more so long : that he would tarry no longer but went 
towards his lodgings. Some about the Court observing this, 
would have stopped him by elephants that stood in the court, 
turning them before the gate, through which he was to pass : 
but he would not so be stopped, but laid his hand upon his 
sword, as if he meant to make his way by the elephants. 
The people seeing his resolution, called away the elephants, 
and let him pass. 



^^^^Ma^ch^X.] Discord among the Frenchmen. 423 

As soon as the King heard of it, he was highly displeased ; 
insomuch that he commanded some of his officers, that they 
should go, and beat them and clap them in chains : which 
was immediately done to all ; excepting the two gentlemen 
that were first sent up by the Admiral. (For these were not 
touched, the King reckoning they did not belong unto this 
Ambassador : neither were they now in his company ; 
excepting that one of them in the combustion got a few 
blows.) They were likewise disarmed, and so have con- 
tinued ever since. Upon this the gentlemen, attendants 
upon the Ambassador, made their complaints to the captain 
of their guards ; excusing themselves and laying all the 
blame upon their Ambassador : urging " that they were his 
attendants, and a soldier must obey his commander, and go 
where he appoints him." Which sayings being told the King, 
he approved thereof, and commanded them out of chains : 
the Ambassador still remaining in them, and so continued 
for six months. After which, he was released from his 
chains, by means of the entreaties his own men made to the 
great men in his behalf. 

The rest of the Frenchmen, seeing how the Ambassador's 
imprudent carriage had brought him to this misery, refused 
any longer to dwell with him : and each of them by the 
King's permission dwells by himself in the city ; being 
maintained at the King's charge. Three of these — whose 
names were Monsieur Du Plessy, son to a gentleman of note 
in France; and Jean Bloom; the third — whose name I cannot 
tell, but he was the Ambassador's boy — the King appointed 
to look to his best horse kept in the palace. This horse 
some time after died, as it is supposed of old age : which 
extremely troubled the King. And imagining they had been 
instrumental in hisdeath,bytheir carelessness: hecommanded 
two of them, Monsieur Du Plessy and Jean Bloom, to be 
carried away into the mountains, and kept prisoners in chains. 
Where they remained when I came thence. 

The rest of them follow employments: some whereof distil 
arrack, and keep the greatest taverns in the city. 

Lately — a little before I came from the island — the King 
understanding the disagreements and differences that were 
still kept on foot betwixt the Ambassador and the rest of his 
company, disliked it ; and used these means to make them 



424 The King tries to make peace. P^^Ma^ch^iTs*; 

friends. He sent for them all, the Ambassador and the 
rest; and told them, "that it was not seemly for persons as 
they were, at such a distance from their own country, to 
quarrel and fall out ; and that if they had any love for GOD 
or the King of France or himself ; they should go home with 
the Ambassador and agree and live together." They went 
back together not daring to disobey the King : and as soon 
as they were at home, the King sent a banquet after them of 
sweetmeats and fruits to eat together. They did eat the 
King's banquet ; but it would not make the reconcilement. 
For after they had done, each man went home ; and dwelt in 
their own houses, as they did before. It was thought that 
this carriage would offend the King, and that he would, 
at least, take away their allowance : and it is probable, 
before this time the King hath taken vengeance on them. 
But the Ambassador's carriage is so imperious, that they 
would rather venture whatsoever might follow than be 
subject to him. And in this case I left them. 

Since my return to England; I presumed by a letter to 
inform the French Ambassador then in London of the 
aforesaid matters : thinking myself bound in conscience and 
Christian charity to do my endeavour ; that their friends 
knowing their condition, may use means for their deliverance. 
The letter ran thus. 

" These may acquaint your Excellency, that having been a 
prisoner in the island of Ceylon, under the King of that country 
nearly twenty years : by means of this my long detainment there, 
I became acquainted with the French Ambassador and the other 
gentlemen of his retinue, being in all eight persons ; who were 
sent to treat with the said King in the year 1672, by Monsieur 
De la Ha ye ; who came with a fleet to the port of Kottiaar or 
Trincomalee, from whence he sent these gentlemen. And knowing 
that from thence it is scarcely possible to send any letters or notice 
to other parts — for in all the time of my captivity, I could never 
send one word whereby my friends here might come to hear of my 
condition; until with one more, I made an escape, leaving sixteen 
Englishmen yet there — the kindness I have received from those 
French gentlemen, as also my compassion for them being detained 
in the same place with me : have obliged and constrained me to 



^^^'^M^h^estJ Reasons for detaining white men. 425 

h'esiime to trouble your Lordship with this paper; not knowing 
any other means whereby I might convey notice to their friends and 
relations, which is all the service I am able to perform for them. 

'^ The Anibassador^s name I know not. There is a kinsman of 
his, called Monsieur Le Serle, and a young gentleman called 
Monsieur Du Plessy, and another named Monsieur La Roche. 
The rest, by name I know not." 

And then an account of them is given, according to what I 
have mentioned above. 

" I shall not presume to be further tedious to your Honour. 
Craving pardon for my boldness, which an affection to those 
gentlemen, being in the same land with me, hath occasioned ; 
concerning whom if your Lordship be pleased further to be 
informed, I shall be both willing and ready to be. 

" Yours, &c" 

The Ambassador upon the receipt of this, desired to speak 
with me. Upon whom I waited, and he, after some speech 
with me ; told me he would send word into France of it, and 
gave me thanks for this my kindness to his countrymen. 

It may be worth some inquiry, what the reason might be, 
that the King detains the European people as he does. It 
cannot be out of hope of profit or advantage, for they are so 
far from bringing him any, that they are a very great 
charge ; being all maintained either by him or his people. 
Neither is it in the power of money to redeem any one ; for 
that he neither needs nor values. Which makes me 
conclude it is not out of profit or envy or ill-will, but out of 
love and favour, that he keeps them ; delighting in their 
company, and to have them ready at his command. 

For he is very ambitious of the service of these men ; and 
winks at many of their failings, more than he uses to do 
towards his natural subjects. 

As may appear from a Company of white soldiers he hath, 
who upon their watch used to be very negligent ; one lying 
drunk here, and another there: which remissness in his own 
soldiers, he would scarcely have endured, but it would have 
cost their lives ; but with these, he useth more craft than 
severity to make them more watchful. 



426 The King's European guard, p^'liafch'^iesi: 

These soldiers are under two Captains, the one a Dutchman 
and the other a Portuguese. They are appointed to guard 
one of the King's magazines ; where they always keep 
sentinel, both by day and night. This is a pretty good 
distance from the Court, and here it was the King contrived 
their station, that they might swear and swagger out of his 
hearing, and that nobody might disturb them nor they 
nobody. The Dutch captain lies at one side of the gate, 
and the Portuguese at the other. 

Once the King, to employ these his white soldiers, and to 
honour them, by letting them see what an assurance he 
reposed in them ; sent one of his boys thither to be kept 
prisoner, which they were very proud of. They kept him 
two years in which time he had learnt both the Dutch and 
Portuguese language. Afterwards the King retook the boy 
into his service; and within a short time after, executed him. 

But the King's reason in sending this boy to be kept by these 
soldiers was probably, not as they supposed and as the king 
himself outwardly pretended, viz.: — to show how much he 
confided in them, but out of design to make them look the 
better to their watch, which their debauchery made them 
very remiss in. For the prisoner's hands only were in chains, 
and not his legs. So that his possibility of running away, 
having his legs at liberty; concerned them to be circumspect 
and wakeful : and they knew if he had escaped it were as 
much as their lives were worth. By this crafty and kind 
way did the king correct the negligence of his white soldiers. 

Indeed his inclinations are much towards the Europeans, 
making them his great officers; accounting them more 
faithful and trusty than his own people. With these he 
often discourses concerning the affairs of their countries, and 
promotes to places far above their ability and sometimes 
their degree or desert. And indeed all over the land they do 
bear, as it were, a natural respect and reverence to white 
men ; inasmuch as black, they hold to be inferior to white : 
and they say the gods are white, and that the souls of the 
blessed after the resurrection will be white ; and therefore 
that black is a rejected and accursed colour. 

And as further signs of the King's favour to them, there are 
many privileges which the white men have and enjoy, as 
tolerated or allowed them from the King, which I suppose 



^''^'li^ch'^iX.] White men a tax on the Cingalese. 427 

may proceed from the aforesaid consideration : as, to wear 
any manner of apparel, either gold, silver or silk, shoes and 
stockings, a shoulder belt and sword ; their houses may be 
whitened with lime; and many such things: all which the 
Cingalese are not permitted to do. 

He will also sometimes send for them into his presence, 
and discourse familiarly with them, and entertain them with 
great civilities ; especially white Ambassadors. They are 
greatly chargeable unto his country, but he regards it not in 
the least. So that the people are more like slaves unto us, 
than we to the King : inasmuch as they are enforced by his 
command to bring us maintenance. Whose poverty is 
so great oftentimes, that for want of what they supply us 
with ; themselves, their wives and children are forced to 
suffer hunger. This being as a due tax imposed upon them 
to pay unto us. Neither can they by any power or authority 
refuse the payment thereof to us. For in my own hearing, 
the people once complaining of their poverty and inability to 
give us any longer our allowance, the magistrate or governor 
replied, " It was the King's special command, and who durst 
disannul it ? And if otherwise they could not supply us with 
our maintenance; he bade them sell their wives and children, 
rather than we should want of our due." Such is the favour 
that Almighty GOD hath given Christian people in the sight 
of this heathen King; whose entertainment and usage of them 
is thus favourable. 



If any inquire into the religious exercise and worship 
practised among the Christians there : I am sorry I must 
say it ; I can give but a slender account. For they have no 
churches, nor no priests; and so no meetings together on the 
Lord's days for Divine Worship; but each one reads and 
prays at his own house, as he is disposed. They sanctify the 
day chiefly by refraining work, and meeting together at 
drinking houses. They continue the practice of baptism. 
And there being no priests, they baptize their children them- 
selves with water, and use the words " In the name of the 
FATHER, and of the SON, and of the HOLY GHOST;" and 
give them Christian names. They have their friends about 
them at such a time, and make a small feast, according to 



428 Religious life of the Christians. p^'^Kch'^iX. 

their ability : and some teach their children to say their 
prayers, and to read ; and some do not. 

Indeed their religion, at the best, is but negative, that is, 
they are not heathen ; they do not comply with the idolatry 
here practised : and they profess themselves Christians in a 
general maimer; which appears by their names, and by their 
beads and crosses, that some of them wear about their necks. 

Nor indeed can I wholly clear them from compliance with 
the religion of the country. For some of them, when they 
are sick do use the ceremonies which the heathen do in the 
like case : as in making idols of clay, and setting them up in 
their houses, and offering rice to them ; and having weavers 
to dance before them. But they are ashamed to be known 
to do this : and I have known none to do it, but such as are 
Indian born. Yet I never knew any of them, that do 
inwardly in heart and conscience incline to the ways of the 
heathen ; but perfectly abhor them. Nor have there been 
any, I ever heard of, that came to their temples, upon any 
religious account ; but only would stand by and look on : 
without it were one old priest, named Padre Vergonse, a 
Genoese born and of the Jesuit's order; who would go to the 
temples and eat with the weavers and other ordinary people, 
of the sacrifices offered to the idols. But with this apology 
for himself ; "That he ate it as common meat and as GOD's 
creature; and that it was never the worse for the superstition 
that had passed upon it." 

But however this may reflect upon the Father, another 
thing may be related for his honour. There happened two 
priests to fall into the hands of the King, on whom he conferred 
great honours. For having laid aside their habits, they kept 
about his person ; and were the greatest favourites at Court. 
The King, one day, sent for Vergonse, and asked him if it 
would not be better for him to lay aside his old coat and cap ; 
and to do as the other two priests had done, and receive 
honour from him. He replied to the King, "That he boasted 
more in that old habit, and in the name of Jesus; than in 
all the honour that he could do him." And so refused the 
King's honour. The King valued the Father for this saying. 

He had a pretty library about him, and died in his bed of 
old age : whereas the two other priests in the King's service, 
died miserably ; one of a cancer, and the other was slain. 



^'"tia^ch'^iX:] We usually say, "We Christians." 429 

The old priest had about thirty or forty books ; which the 
king, they say, seized on after his death, and keeps. 

These priests and more, lived there ; but were all deceased, 
excepting Vergonse, before my time. The King allowed them 
to build a church. Which they did, and the Portuguese 
assembled there. But they made no better than a bawdy 
house of it. For which cause, the King commanded to pull 
it down. 

Although here be Protestants and Papists, yet here are 
no differences kept up among them ; but they are as good 
friends as if there were no such parties : and there is no other 
distinction of religion there, but only heathens and Christians ; 
and we usually say, *' We Christians." 

FINIS. 




Curiously enough, the name of this native King does not transpire in 
the above narrative. It was Rajah SiNGHA the Second. He lived till 
1687. 

The names of places in the original work have been corrected by those 
in that most valuable Map of Ceylon, by Major-General John Fraser. 



A 

RELATION 

Of the Retaking of the 

ISLAND 

OF 

S^^ HELENA, 

And Three 

Dutch East-India 
SHIPS. 



jBubli6l)eti bp :autI)ontp. 

In the Savoy, 

Printed by Thomas Newcomb, 
M. DC. LXXIII. 

II. 2 E 5 



433 



4>4-4^^-4^4"4^4"4^4"4^4"4^4"4^^4^4"4^4' 




A Relation of the Retaking of the Island 

of Saint a Helena ; and three Dutch 

East India ships. 

|N THE 4th of May [1673] last, in the morning, we 
came in sight of the isle of Saint Helena. In two 
hours afterwards ;"'we had concluded what to do 
for the retaking of the island : and ordered 200 
men with field colours and officers, who were 
appointed to be put on board a vessel, out of which they 
might be landed ; whilst we attacked the ships in the road, 
in case there should be any there. 

About eleven in the forenoon, the Assistance frigate made 
sail, that we might be near in the night, to discover the 
strength of the road : the rest of our ships having furled all 
their sails, lay so till the evening, and came in to us in the 
night. 

The next morning, about seven o'clock, all our ships 
being to the windward of the isle about five miles : our boat 
came on board, and told us that the road was clear. So we 
immediately put 200 men more, on board the Castle fireship ; 
and left her and the other vessel to land our 400 men to the 
windward of the island, in Prosperous Bay. 

The four Men of War made sail for the forts, against which 
we anchored about one in the afternoon ; and after four hours' 
dispute [firing], went to the westward, and there let go our 
anchor again : being confident our men must have landed 
and gained the hills before that time ; and that by the next 
morning, we might expect them on the back of the forts, 
against which time it was resolved to have the William 
and Thomas and one ship more, close under the fort. The 



434THE ISLAND SURRENDERED WITHOUT A STRUGGLE. [J^^^ 

Dutch no sooner saw us come up again, and that we did 
not intend to leave them : but they came off, and yielded 
the island upon condition that they might not be stripped ; 
which we accepted. They not yet knowing of any army that 
we had landed. 

At sunset we took possession of James' Fort, and 
despatched a trumpeter to Captain Keigwin, commander 
of our land force, to acquaint him with what had passed; 
and to prevent any injury that might be done to the isle by 
our men in their march to the fort. 

On the nth, between seven and eight in the evening, a 
ship appeared in sight with a flag aloft ; which we cut after, 
and by eleven at night came up with her, and took her : 
which proved to be one of the Dutch East India fleet, sent 
before [in advance] with the new Governor for Saint Helena. 

On the 26th, early in the morning, we saw our flags on the 
mount hoisted; which gave us an account that there were 
six sail in sight. About ten in the forenoon, wehad advice 
that four were coming one way and two the other : who 
immediately appeared in sight at both ends of the island. 
They no sooner saw us ; but they clapped by a wind, and we 
after them : the Assistance, the William and Thomas, and the 
Castle fireship, with one Merchantman to the eastward, after 
four: the Mary and Martha, with two other Merchantmen, 
to the westward, after two ; but it being a very hard gale, 
we could do nothing on them. 

At night tht Assistance got up with their Vice-Admiral, and 
the William and Thomas with their Admiral ; with whom they 
kept company all night : and the 27th in the morning, took 
them ; but not in company one with the other, every ship 
steering his own course, believing by that to lose us. 

The said four Men of War, fireship, and three Dutch East 
India prizes; together with five English East India ships who 
came in company with the Men of War ; are since safely 
arrived. 



FINIS. 



INDEX 



Abbesse, The, ii. 173-174. 

Abex, II. 43-44. 

Acapulco, I. xxi, xxiv, 206, 268, 287. 

Achen, King of, II. 42, 46-48. 

Ackbar, Emperor, i. xxvii, 301, 303- 

304, 330. 
Acklow, II. 173. 
Adam's Peak, 11. 304. 
Adams, Robert, 11. 144, 
Africa, Early Portuguese knowledge 

of, II. xiii, n. 
Agra, I. 330. 
Agua Secura, I. 288. 
Albergaria, Lopo Soares de, li. xxiii. 
Albertus, Don, il. 6. 
Albuquerque, Alfonso de, il. xxiii, 
Matthias de, I. 316-319, 325; li. 

37,49-50, 114. 
Alcantraz Island, I. 38. 
Alen9on, Duke of, ll. 29. 
Aleppo, I. xix, 135, 139 sqq. ; II. 28. 
Alexandria, I. 135, 12,9 sqq. 
Alfhuisen, Gerrard Van, I. 331 ; II. 

83-84, no. 
Algiers, li. 154-15$, 178-180. 
Allahabad, i. 330. 
Allen, Richard, 11. 262. 
Alligator, i. 226. 
Alloot Newera, II. 307. 
Alva, Don Lorenzo de, I. 177. 

Duke of, I. xvi, 129-130; ii. 3-4. 

Ambassador, The French, ll. 424. 
Ambassadors in Ceylon, II. 415, 427; 

Dutch, 416-418, 346-347 ; French, 

421-425. 
America, Description of North, I. 162 

sqq. 
Angel, The, I. xv, 113, 118 sqq., 174, 

222 sqq. 
Angola, II. 136, 145-146, 149. 
Angra, l. 23 ; II. 93 sqq. ; description 

of, 98-99 ; W. I. Fleet there, 197- 

ig8. 



Anne of Austria, 11. 3. 

Anthonie, William, 11. 145, 147. 

Antonio, Don, i. 215-216, 313, 316- 
317 ; II. 3, 6, 92, 187, 189, 196. 

Antony, William, 11. 207-208 

Aquilhas Cape das, 11. 79-80. 

Arabs, i. 298-302, 309-311 ; II. xxii. 

Arctic voyages, li. xi. 

Argire, see Algiers. 

Arica, i. 284-285. 

Aripo Fort, ii. 398. 

Armada, Spanish, il. 92, 108, 160. 

Arreliqias, II. 39-42. 

Ascension, II. 88. 

Aucher, Sir Anthony, I. 1,2, 4. 

Augsburg, II, 55. 

Auto da Fe, i. 21. 

Aviles, Pero Menendez de, II. xix. 

Azavedo, Jerome, il. xxiv. 

Azores, i. 22, 154; li. 6; Linschoten 
there, 90 sqq. ; description, 97 sqq. ; 
earthquake there, 115; cyclone there, 
121 ; Sir John Borrough there, 133 
sqq. ; the Earl of Cumberland there, 
186 sqq. 

Aztecs, I. xxiv. 

Babylon, see Bagdad. 

Badajos, II. 3-4. 

Badoola, II. 307. 

Bagdad, I. xxvii, 229-300, 310-31 1 ; II, 

28. 
Bahamas, I. 281. 
Baker, Matthew, I. 5. 
Ballads, i. 294. 
Balma, i. 162. 
Balsora, see Bussorah. 
Baltic, I. ix. 
Bantam, II. 407. 
Barbary, II. 6, 28, 40, 170. 
Bardes, II. 19-20, 38, 48. 
Barley, William, 11. 151. 
Barrutti, li. 182. 

436 



436 



Voyages and Travels 



Bartandono, II. iiS-lig. 

Bartholomew Island, I. 283. 

Bassan, Don Alonso de, II. 113, I17, 

I33> 144- 
Bassas da India, see India, Shoals of. 
Bastimentos Island, 11. 239-240. 
Barret, Robert, I. 181, 196-19S, 22S, 

2T,6 sqq., 302, 30S-309. 

William, I. 302, 308-309. 

Batticalloe, I. 331 ; 11. 301, 303. 

Batticola, Queen of, II. 57. 

Batuta, John, 11. xxii. 

Bedford, Earl of, I. 256, 261. 

Bedonne, Thomas, li. 137. 

Belligam, li. 414. 

Benares, I. 330. 

Benin, I. x. 

Be3Tout, II. 182. 

Bhar, li. 58-59. 

Bible, Geneva, 11. 330-332. 

Bimba, Village of, I. 43. 

Bintenne, il. 302, 307. 

Bir, I. 230, 297-298. 

Biscay, New, I. 267, 2S8. 

Bitumen, i. 302. 

Blake, Thomas, i. ix, 7, 18. 

Blanco, Cape, I. 37. 

Bland, Captain, I. 184, 222, 230. 

Bodenham, Roger, I. viii, 1-5, 26-28. 

Bonder, Coswat, 11. 324 sqq. 

Boswell, Captain, II. 186. 

Bourne, Nicholas, ll. 221. 

Bowyer, Sir William, II. 182. 1S4. 

Braintree, II. 152. 

Brava, II. 43. 

Brazil, i. xi, 282 ; li. xvi «., 12-13, 98' 

100, 107, 112, 201-220. 
Bresil, 11. 98, lOO, 105, 195. 

Castle, II. 198. 

Breton, Cape, I. xvii, 161 sqq., 31S. 
Bristol, I. 8. 

Broecke, Bernard Ten, II. ix. 
Browne, Richard, I. 161 sqq., 1S7, 198. 
Btienjesiis, The, II. 136. 
Burboroata, I. xiv, 50-55, 225. 
Burborough Water, see Burboroata. 
Burcherts, Bernard, il. viii, 28. 
Burleigh, Lord, see Cecil, Sir William. 
Burrough, Sir John, II. 129-141. 
Bussorah, I. xxvii, 300-301, 311 ; II. 

35- 

Cadiz, i. i, 8, 10; 11. 132, 264. 
Cagliari, li. 216, 220. 
Calicut, II. 24, 60. 



California, see Biscay, New. 

Calpentyn, II. 302. 

Camara, Ruy Gonsalves de, II. 34, 43. 

Cambaia, I. 314; li. 23. 

Camels, I. 35. 

Campeche, see Yucatan. 

Campion, Jasper, i. xix, 132-138. 

Canaries, I. ix-x, 9, 153, 174, 264, 

281-282 ; II. 229. 
Candia, I. 2, 5, 148, 182-183. 
Cao, Diego, 11. xxii. 
Cape of Good Hope, I. 289-290; 11. 

12-14, 29, 33, 38, 63, 68-69, 7Sj 81- 

83, no, 149. 
Capling, William, II. 182. 
Capul, I. XXV, 289. 

Carania, The Do7?i Jesus de, 11. 27, 39. 
Careless, Edward, see Wright, Edward. 
Carmosel, Greek, i. 252. 
Carrack, Internal economy of a, ll. 

8-II. 
Carreiro, Bras, II. 149. 
Cartagena, I. 95-96, 176, 227 ; II. 242, 

254, 257. 
Carvalho, Bernadine de, 11. 45. 
Castelin, Edward, I. 10. 
Castro, Don Pedro de, lI. 18. 
Cativaas, II. 252. 
Caulfield, Captain, II. 134. 
Cavallios, I. 214, 270. 
Cave, George, 11. 145-147. 
Cavendish, Thomas, I. xxii, xxiv ; 

Voyage round world, 281 sqq. ; letter 

of, 291 ; II. 77, 83, no. 
Cecil, Sir W^illiam, Lord Burleigh, I. 

vii, xiii, 83, 87, 89, 127. 
Ceely, Christopher, II. 221. 
Cephalonia, I. 260. 
Ceylon, i. 332 ; 11. xx-xxiv, 45, 295 

sqq. description, 301 sqq. ; provinces 

of, 302-303; Thorn Gates, 314; 

ambassadors, 415-425 ; rebellion in, 

348-352. 
Chagres, river of, II. 241-242, 272. 
Chamberlayne, John, I. 260. 
Champaigne, Monsieur, I. 163, 171, 
Chancellor, Richard, I. ix, 5. 
Charles v., I. x. 
Chaul, I. 314-315 ; II- 34, 45- 
Cheripa, i. 285. 
Chiapa, i. 284, 292. 
Chichemics, I. 1S5, 232, 274-276. 
Chili, I. 284, 292. 

Chilton, John, i. xviii, xxi, 263 sqq. 
Leonard, I. ID. 



Index 



437 



China, I. 290; 11. viii, xxi-xxii, 39, 42, 

55, 83, 94, 268, 304-305. 
Cholula, I. 266. 

Cimaroons, II. xviii, 85 sqq., 232 sqq. 
Cingalese, character, etc., Ii. 310- 

313- 

marriages, 11. 363. 

practice of detaining white men, 

II. xxiv. 
Cintra, 11. 2. 

Ciudad Real, see Zacatlan. 
Claesz, Cornelius, li. xi. 
Clarke, William, I. 108-109. 
Clifford, George, see Cumberland, Earl 

of. 
Cochin, I. 332; II. viii, 14-15, 21, 26- 

29, 38-41, 44-45, 56, 60, 62-63, 68. 
Cochineal, i. 28, 208. 
Cockle, Abraham, 11. 136. 
Coligny, 11. xvi n, xix. 
Collier, James, i. 232. 
CoUivvilla, 11. 380. 
Colombo, II. xxiii, 45, 301-302, 351, 

401-406, 413-414. 
Colonna, Prince Vespasian Gonzago, 

I. 151. 
Comoro Islands, II. 19. 
Compass, Variation of the, I. 154. 
Compostella, I. 287. 
Conde, Uda, 11. 295 sqq. 
Conde, 11. xxiii. 
Constantinople, I. 256. 
Content, The, I. xxiv, 281 sqq, 
Cookooe, see Kabyles. 
Coromandel, II. xxiv, 315. 
Cormorin, Cape, I. 332. 
Coron, I. 135. 
Corrientes, Cape, 11. 14. 
Cortes, Hernando, I. 16, 267, 269. 
Corunna, II. ill, 113. 
Corvo, 

Costa Rica, I. 270. 
Cotteragom, 11. 309. 
Cotton wool, I. 134, 273-277. 
Coutinho, Antonio d'Azevedo, II. 37. 

Manuel de Sousa, li. 45, 50. 

Covilhao, Pero de, 11. xxiv. 

Crosse, Sir Robert, II. 132, 137-139. 

Cuama, river, il. xiii n. 

Cuba, I. 65, 66, 96, 270-271. 

Cumana, i. 48. 

Cumberland, Earl of, i. viii ; 11. xiv, 

93, 96, loo-ioi, 103-105, 136, 145, 

186-212. 
Cumina, i. 161. 



Cura9ao, i. 55-56, 172, 225. 
Cyprus, II. 182. 

Dainty, The, II. 137-138. 

Darien, Gulf of, li. xvi. 

Davis, John, 11. 190, 197, 200. 

Deccan, 11. xxiv, 47. 

Depositions in Admiralty Court, I. 
104-126. 

Desire, The, I. xxiv-xxv, 281 sqq. ; II. 
xxiv, 47, 77, 82. 

Desmund, Earl of, 11. 209. 

Detavora, Ruy Lorenzo, II. 20. 

Diaz, Bartholomew, 

Dickenson, Miles, i. 246. 

Diego, Don, 11. 5. 

Dier, Andrew, 249-251. 

Digligly, Newera, 11. 307, 349. 

Dingle, ll. 209-211. 

Disdain, The, il. 130. 

Dog, The, II. 127. 

DoUosbage, II. 303. 

Dolphin, The, I. viii ; II. xiv, 213. 

Dominica, I. 46-47, 176, 281 ; il. 229. 

Doria, Juanette, I. 133. 

Pedro, I. 133. 

Derives, Juan, Ii. 103. 

Downton, Nicholas, II. 136, 145. 

Draak, Hendrick, II. 417. 

Dragon, The, II. 228. 

' Dragontea,' II. xv, xix. 

Drake, Sir Francis, i. viii, xvi, xxi, 85, 
87 ; his first command, 222, 224 ; at 
Acapulco, 206-208, 268 ; his alleged 
desertion of Hawkins, 230 ; at the 
Moluccas, I. 317; revived, il. xv-xx, 
221 sqq. 

(nephew), il. 221, 223. 

John, II. 262. 

Joseph, II. 263. 

Ducket, Lionel, i, xi-xv, 29. 

Dudley, Captain, I. 222, 224. 

Dupleix, II. xxiv. 

Eddystone, II. 212. 

Eldred, John, I. xx, xxvi-xxviii, 295 

55^^., 312-314. 
Elizabeth, Queen, I. x, xiii, xix, 84-88, 

220, 256, 292, 303-305 ; II. 143, 224- 

225. 
EUedat, li. 361-362, 346, 368. 
Elmo, St., I. 14 ; II, 71. 
Elvas, II. 4. 
Embden, II. 187. 



438 



Voyages and Travels 



Enkhuizen, II. vii-viii, xi, i, 53, 55, 
126. 

Zeekaeitbock, 11. xxii. 

Essex, Walter, Earl of, II. 226. 
Ethiopia, i. xxi, 289. 
Euphrates, I. 297-298, 332. 
Evinquez, Martin, I. xviii. 
Exchange, The Royal, II. 145-150. 
Eyrus, William, 11. 184-185. 

Fa Hien, ii. xxi-xxii, 

Fayal, 11, 91, loi, 103, lio-lli, 146, 

149, 190-194. 
Felugia, 297-298. 

Fereia, Duke and Duchess of, I. 128- 

129. 
Ferrol, II. 116. 
Field, John, i. 7-15. 
Figari, Gasnar, 411. 
Finisterre, Cape, i. 174 ; li. 2. 
Fitch, Ralph, I. xx, xxvi, xxviii, 295 

sqq., 318 ; II. vii-viii. 
Fitzwilliams, i. 127-130. 
Flamingo, I. 169. 
Flemish Isles, see Azores. 
Florida, i. 65 sqq. ; description, 74-79, 

161, 281 ; II. xiv, xvi, xix, 106. 
Floves, Alvar de Quintones, II. 104. 

Alvaro de, II, 107, 109. 

Island of, II. 90, lOI, 134, 136, 

150, 156, 188-189. 
Flying Fish, i. 156. 
Fones, Humphrey, I. 113. 
Fonseca, Archbishop Vincente de, I. 

317 ; II. 6-7, 13, 20-21, 28. 
Foresight, The, 11. 130, 132, 137-139. 
Formentera, Island of, II. 155. 
Forrest, George, II. 184. 
Foukers, II. 55. 
Foves, I. 291. 

Fowler, William, I. 104, io6-io8. 
Fox, I. xix-xx. 

John, I. \-y)sqq. 

France, Isle de, II. xxiv. 

Francisco, Rio, il. 233. 

Frobisher, Sir Martin, 11. iii, 130-133, 

212. 

Galle, Point de, ii. xxiii-xxiv, 301. 
Gallipoli, I. 149-150. 
Ganges, II. xxi. 
Garland, The, II. 130-131. 
Garrard, Sir William, i. xv, xxiii «., 
108-109, 115 ^11- 



Garrett, John, il. xvii, 230-231. 
Gata, Cabo de, il. 153. 
Gauluda Mountains, 11. 308. 
Genoa, II. 155-156. 
Gerritzs, Dirck, II. viii, 55. 
Giffard, George, II. 131. 
Goa, II. vii, xxi, I, 14, 15, 18-24. 
Goddard, Anthony, I. 186 sqq., 232. 
Goddaponahoy, 11. 302. 
Godolphin, Sir Francis, II. 212. 
Golden Dragon, The, 11. 136, 138. 
Gomeral, Isle of, i. 222. 
Gomez, Diego, il. 193. 
Gons, Riklof van. Governor of Col- 
ombo, II. 402-404. 
Gonsalves, Antam, i. x. 

Peter, ll. 71. 

Gonson, Matthew, I. x. 
Richard, II. 183. 

William, 11. 183-184. 

The Matthew, i. 136-139; II. 184. 

Gosson, Henry, 11. 212. 

Grace, Fran9oise de, 11. xix. 

Grace of God, The, I. 119, 222, 230. 

Graciosa, li. 91, loi, 103, 121, 195- 

197. 
Grant, Captain, 11. 146-148. 
Gray, Richard, il. 184. 
Gregory, John, li. 323, 335. 
Grenada, i. 47. 
Grenville, Sir Richard, I. xxii, 281 ; 

death, li. 116-118, 189. 
Gresham, John, II. 182. 

William, II. 182. 

Grimvaldo, Cyprian, li. 31. 

Guatemala, i. 213, 268-270, 272, 286. 

Guadeloupe, 11. 229. 

Guascaca, i. 268. 

Guayaquil, i. xxiv. 

Guayra, La, i. 50. 

Guinea, I. 91, 94, 174-175. 219 sqq., 

282 ; II. 98, 107. 
Guinea, Coast of, I. x, xiii ; II. II. 
Gulf Stream, I. 67-68. 
Gunson, William, il. 182. 
Gunston, i. 29, 

Haarlem, ii. vii. 

Hakluyt, Rev. Richard, I. vii, ix, xiv ;/., 

29, 161, 306-307; II. xiv, 127, 142, 

181-184. 
Hamburg, il. viii, 28, 54. 
Hammah, I. 296. 
Hampton, John, I. 184. 
Thomas, I. 105. 



Index 



439 



Handapondown, ll. 356. 

Handapoul, II. 328. 

Hanse, Traders, I. ix, xiii. 

Hartop, Job, i. xvi, xvii, 219 sqq. 

Hastleton, Richard, i. viii ; li. xiii, 
152-180. 

Havanna, i. 66, 214, 270-271 ; II. xv, 
xix, 102, 107, 112, 123. 

Havre, 11. xvii, xix, 186. 

Hawkins, Sir John, i. vii-xix, xxi ; 
first voyage, ix-xii, 29-30; second 
voyage, xiii, xv, 31-80 ; third voyage, 
xv-xx, 81-130, 161-242; deposition, 
109-113 ; pretended treachery, 127- 
130 ; II. iii, xviii ; attempted assassi- 
nation, I. 228. 

William (Senr. ), I. vii, ix, x. 

(Junr.), I. 83-90. 

Haye, De la. Admiral, 11. 421. 

Hell Gate, 11. 212. 

Henriquez, Don Martin de, see Indies, 
Viceroy of. 

Henry, Don, King of Portugal, II, 3. 

Herbeistein, Sigismund von, I. ix. 

Hevahatt, ll. 307. 

Hevoihattay, II. 302. 

Hickman, Anthony, I. 10. 

Hioiien, Thsang, 11. xxii. 

Hippopotamus, i. 222. 

Hispaniola, see San Domingo. 

Hixom, Ellis, li. 221, 241, 264, 279. 

Holstocke, William, 11. 183-184. 

Holy Cross, The, 11. 183. 

Honawur, 11. 56-57. 

Honduras, i. 268, 270, 271. 

Hooghly, I. 331. 

Hooke, Robert, 11. xx. 

Hooper, John, i. 186-187. 

Hotkorle, ll. 302, 324. 

Hotterakorle, 11. 303, 357, 412. 

Howard, Lord Thomas, il. 116, 130, 
232. 

Huescotzinco, I. 266. 

Huguenots, i. xiv, 69-74 > ll* xvi, xix. 

Hunsdon, Lord, i. 291. 



India Company, ii. xiv, xxviii, 142 ; 

Committees of, 297-300, 407. 

Overland route to, i. 295 sqq. 

Shoals of, II. 40. 

Indias, Historia Natural y Moral de 

las. II. xi. 
Indies, Archbishop of, sen Fonseca 

Vincente de. 



Indies, Viceroy of the, I. xviii, iio-iii, 

178 sqq. ; funeral of, ii. 18 sqq., 48; 

election of, 49. 
West, I. 82, 176 sqq. ; II. 131- 

132; value of money there, I. 105. 
Ingram, David, I. xvi-xvii, 186-187. 
Inquisition, The, I. 23, 197 sqq., 216, 

240; II. 156 sqq. 
Itine^ario (Linschoten's), I. viii ; II. 

vii-xii. 
Ivan, the Terrible, I. ix. 

Jaffnapatam, II. 301. 

Jaguars, i. 225. 

Jalapa, I. 213. 

Jamaica, I. 62-64, 270. 

Janissaries, i. 247-248, 296-297. 

Japan, II. viii, 22, 39, 42, 54-55, 94. 

Japanese Princes, 11. 22-23. 

Java, I. xxvi, 289-290 ; II. 83. 

Jenkinson, Anthony, I. xxvii. 

Jesuits, I. 317-318, 326-329 ; II. 22-23. 

Jesus of Lubeck, The, I. xiii, xv, xviii, 

115 sqq., 173 sqq., 222 sqq. 
Joosten, Hugghen, II. 29. 
Jor, II. 42, 46. 

Judith, The, i. xv-xvi, 85, 174, 222, 
Junk, Chinese, I. 290 ; li. 83. 

Kabyles, The, ii. 170-179. 

Kaffirs, II. 33, 86. 

Kalliwilla, see CoUiwilla. 

Kandy, II. xxiii, xiv, 4, 5, 8, 41-43, 

55, 58, 306, 409. 
King of, II. 2,02 sqq. ; his jealousy 

of letters, 343-345 ; his European 

guard, 426. 
Kaufmann, Gerard, II. xiv. 
Kelley, Captain, 11. 217-219. 
Khi-nie, 11. xxi. 
Knox, Robert (Senr.), 11. xx, 295, 315- 

326, 
(Junr.), I. viii ; II. xx, xxi, 

xxiv, 295-429. 
Kottemalle Oya, River, II. 304. 
Kottiar, Fort, li. 422. 

LaDRGNES, I. XXV, 28S. 
Lagoondenia, 11. 357-360. 
Laguna La, i. 10. 
Land's End, i. i. 
Lanka, 11. xxi. 
Las Casas, I. x. 
Laudonniere, I. xiv, 71, 
Lauren50, II. xxiii. 



440 



Voyages and Travels 



La wrence, Island of St., j^g Madagascar. 

Leaguers, ii. i86, 197. 

Leauava, II. 308-309. 

Lebanon, Mount, I. 296. 

Leedes, William, I. 305, 318, 330; il. 

vii, viii. 
Lepanto, Gulf of, 11. xiv, 153. 
Levant, Antiquity of English trade in, 

II. xiv. 

trade with the, II. 182. 

Limehouse, II. 153. 

Lingua Franca, 11. 171. 

Linschoten, Jan Huggen van, I. viii, 

290, 318, 324; II. vii-viii, xxiii-xxiv, 

I, 129, 148, 190. 
Linschoten's Itinerario, I. viii ; il. vii- 

X. 

Linschoten, Village of, II. vii. 

Lion, The, 264, 285. 

Lisbon, I. 152 ; II. vii, 2-7, 23, 92, 1 13, 

124. 

River of, II. 90, 124. 

Lister, Captain Christopher, II. 186, 

191, 195-196, 199-200, 212. 
Llagas, Las Cinque, 11. 27, 145-150. 
Lock, Michael, i. 136. 

Sir William, II. 182. 

Lodge, Sir Thomas, I. 29. 
Longe, Henry, 11. 186. 
Loveland, John, II. 316, 323. 
Lovell, Captain, i. xv, 95, 228. 
Lu^on, I. 227, 236. 
Luxan, Francisco de, I. xviii. 

Mace, William, ii. 127-128. 
Madagascar, I. xxi, 15, 17 ; II. xxiv, 

14, 15, 27, 29, 68. 
Madeira. I. 153; li. 7, II, 228. 
Madras, II. 315. 

Madre de Dios, II. 129, 136, 137-144. 
Magdalena, 11. 246-248, 291 ; i. 224. 
Magellan's Straits, I. xxii, in, 282, 

292 ; II. 3, 22, '83. 
Mahavilla Ganga, 11. 303-304. 
MarignoUi, Bishop John de, II. xxii. 
Majorca, I. I ; il. 156-157. 
Malabar, il. viii, 21, 23, 24, 39, 54, 56, 

no, 393-395, 408. 
Malacca, i. 331 ; li. 15, 38, 42, 43, 46- 

48, 68, 70, 82-83, 93-94, no, 113, 

116, 123. 
Maldive, II. 68, 339. 
Malo, St., II. 186, 197. 
Malta, I. 2, 133. 
Man, Henry, 11. 342, 343. 



Manaar, Isle of, 11. 301, 399. 

Mangate River, II. 63. 

Manilla, I. xxv. 

Maps, II. X. 

Marco Polo, II. xxii. 

Margaret, The, \l. 186, 197, 201. 

Margarita, i. xviii, 47, 95, 176, 225. 

Marksbury, Captain, 11. 190. 

Martenson, Cornelius, II. 120. 

Mary Marten, The, II. 153, 154. 

Queen of Scots, i. 127-130. 

Mary's, St., Island, 11. 199-200. 

Mascharhenas, i. 314; 11. 20, 25, 26. 

Matella, 11. 302. 

Maximilian, Emperor, il. 4, 5. 

May Flower, The, ll. 145-147. 

May, River of, I. 69, 70, 166. 

Mecameca, i. 208. 

Medina, Duke of. i. 129, 130. 

Meg, The, 11. 1S6. 

Mello, Martin Alonzo, 11. 43, 44. 

Mendoza, Fernando de, il. 31, 140. 

Meneses, Don Duarte, li. 27-28, 48. 

Mervin, Captain, ll. 186. 

Messina, I. I, 2, 5 ; li. 184. 

Mesticlan, i. 192. 

Mexico, I. viii-ix, 7-23, 26-28, i?>z sqq., 

194, 234, 263, 266, 2S6-288, 292; II. 

106, 127, 132. 
Meztitlan, I. 273. 
Michaelson, William, II. 127. 
Mina, El, I. 94. 
Minion, The, I. x «., xiii w. , xv-xvi, 

32 sqq., 89, 222 sqq. ; II. 281-282. 
Modon, I. 135. 

Moluccas, I. xxvi, 270-289, 292 ; II. 94. 
Money, Values of, I. 320. 
Monomotapa, 11. 17. 
Monson, Sir William, II. 186, 191. 
Montezuma, i. 16. 
Moore, Thomas, Ii. 244. 
Mosquitos, I. II, 817. 
Mounts Bay, i. 89. 
Mozambique, I. 15, 17. 
Munday, Anthony, i. 139. 
Muscovy, I. ix, xi-xii. 

Natal, ii. 14, 73. 

Nautilus, I. 153. 

Navarre, I. 88; II. Ill, 284. 

Navidad, I. 268, 287. 

Navigation, Certain Errors in, II. xiv. 

Navigations, Principal, Hakluyt's, I. 

vii, viii. 
Needles, Cape of, 11. 79-80. 



Index 



441 



Negombo, II. 302. 

Negroes, I. 38-44, 174-175; their 

commercial value, 106-107. 
Nellembe, Newera, li. 307, 348. 
New Spain, 11. 122, see Mexico. 
Newberie, John, i. viii, xxvi, 295, 301, 

303 sqq. ; II. vii-viii. 
Newcomb, Thomas (printer), 11. 433. 
Newfoundland, II. 80-187, I97' 
Newport, Christopher, ir. 136-137. 
Nicaragua, l. 270. 
Nichols, Philip, ll. 215-219, 221. 
Nicolu, II. 35. 
Niger, li. xiii n. 
Nilus, river, 11. xiii n. 
Nombre de Dios, i. 272 ; II. xvi, xviii, 

221, 232, 272, 276. 
Norado, Patrone, I. 247. 
Norfolk, Duke of, il. 1S4. 
Norris, Sir John, li. 92. 
Norton, Captain, 11. 136, 139. 
Nwerakalowe, 11. 302, 409. 

OcHON, Fernando, i. xi, 

Oodanowera, 11. 61, 302. 

Ooddaboolat, 11. 303, 307. 

Oovvah, II. 302, 307. 

Opdam, Admiral, il. 344. 

Orange, Prince of, 11. 29. 

Oristano, II. 220. 

Ormus, I. 1-27, 290-300, 312, 314-316, 

319 sqq. ; II. 27 sqq., 82. 

Queen of, 11. 37. 

Osborne, Sir Edward, i. 305-313. 

Ostuage, II. 184. 

Overy, John, 11. 232. 

Oxenham, John, II. 235, 237-238, 250, 

272, 290. 

Pachuca, I. 192. 

Pacific, I. 264, 268, 284 sqq. 

Drake's first sight of, II. 269. 

Pagoda, II. 58-59. 

Palaesimundus, il. xxi. 

Palibothra, Ii. xxi. 

Palma, II. 1 56- 1 70. 

Palmas, I. 34. 

Paludanus, 11. ix, xii. 

Panama, i. 272 ; 11. xv, 264, 270. 

Panane, II. 24, 60. 

Pangiin, II. 20. 

Pannco, I. 186, 188, 231-233, 273-274. 

Panowa, II. 302. 

Pascha, The, 11. 22S, 246, 290. 

Pate, II. 43. 



Patna, i. 331. 

Patras, 11. 153. 

Pay of Mariners, II. 9-10. 

Pearls, I. 95, 162-163, 176. 

Pedro, Chief of Cimaroons, II. 274, 

292-293. 
Pegu, I. 331. 
Pelican, The, II. 77. 
Pembroke, Earl of, I. xiii. 
Penedo de San Pedro, ll. 89. 
Penguin Island, i. 283. 
Pepper, 11. 54-55, 57, 60. 
Pereira, Don Paula de Lima, II. 45-46, 

70. 

Pedro Homen, II. 35-37. 

Nuno Velio, li. 18, 148. 

Pernambuco, il. 112, 202. 

Perota, I. 265. 

Persia, i. 306-307 ; II. 23, 44 

Shah of, 34-35, 39. 

Persia Aferckant, The, II. 339-345. 
Peru, I. 264, 272, 285, 292 ; 11. xv. 
Pezoro, Signior, U. 281-283. 
Pheasant, Port, li. xvi, 229-230, 232. 
Philip II., I. xvi, 7, 129, 151 ; II. xii, 

xvii, xix, 3, 5-6, 59, 191. 
Philip, Don, Prince of Spain, il. 5. 
Phillipines, i. 268, 288; 11. 83. 
Phillips, Miles, l. xvi, 173 sqq. 
Phoenix, The, li. 134. 
Pichet, John, II. 184. 
Pico, II. 121, 134, 149, 191-192. 
Pines, Isle of, i. 64. 
Placentia, i. xvii, 225. 
Plummer, Thomas, il. 184. 
Poncipot, II. 302. 
Ponte, Pedro de, I. xii-xiii, 34-35. 
Poove, Leonard, i. 316-324. 
Pope, The, i. 268 ; 11. 7, 22, 29. 
Popocatapetl, i. 266. 
Portaloon, li. 308. 
Porto Nova, ll. 316. 
Porto Rico, I. 281. 
Porto Santo, i. 153; 11, 11, 229. 
Potatoes, I. 48. 
Prester, John, li. xxiv. 
Preston, Sir Amyas, 11. 199, 212. 
Puebla de los Angeles, i. 27-28, 208, 

265-266. 
Puerta Escondido, li. xvi. 
Pula, Cape, li. 216. 
Puna, Island of, i, xxiv, 286. 

QuiNAL, II. 58, 59. 
Quintera, Bay of, I. 284. 



442 



Voyages and Travels 



Quittimane, II. xiii, n. 
Quoglilican, i. 193. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, ii. 129-133, 

137, 190- 
Raunce, James, I. 174; ll. xvii, 232- 

233, 242. 
Red Sea, 11. 34-35, 43, no. 
Revenge, The, 11. 116, 120. 
Re vera, Don Pedro, i. 177. 
Ribero, Bernardine, II. 1 12. 
Rio de la Hacha, I. xv, xvii, 57-62, 

95, 176, 225 ; II. XV. 
Rio de la Plata, II. 13. 
Rio Diego, 11. 250-251. 
Rio Francisco, II. 285-286, 288, 289. 
Rio Grande, see Magdalena. 
Roca, Cape, II. 2. 
Rochelle, li. 187. 
Roebuck, The, 11. 132, 137. 
Rome, II. 184. 

Bishop of, I. 130. 

Rotterdam, il. 187. 
Russia, I. ix. 

Sa, Constantine, II. 410. 

St. Antonio, Cape, II. xx, 293. 

St. Bernard's, Island of, 11. 253. 

St. Helena, i. 290; 11. 43, 44, 63, 81, 

83-84, 90, 112, 136. 
St. George's Island, il. 91, 121, 134, 

194, 200. 
St. George Ford, see Madras. 
St. Lucas, Cape, i. 288. 
St. Michael, li. 115. 
St. Vincent, Cape, II. 2, 109, in- 1 12. 
Salamanca, II. 3. 
Salinas, I. 188-189. 
Sambos, The, a Tribe, I. 39-40. 
Samorin, II. 23-24. 
Sampson, Captain, il. 219. 
Sampson, The, 11. 139, 145-147. 
San Benito, i. 21, 202, 204. 
San Bernardo, il. 242. 
San Bernardo, The, il. 136. 
San Christophero, li. 136. 
San Domingo, il. xv. 
San Felipe, The, I. xyviii ; II. 7, 12, 

15, 20, 23, 39, 43. 
San Felipe (Town of), I. xxiii. 
San Francisco, II. 7, 12, 13, 15, 19-20, 

29. 
San Jago, 11. 7, 15, 19, 20, 29, 40. 
Sanjago, The, 11. 140. 



San Juan d'Ulloa, see Ulua. 

San Lucar, il. vii. 

San Lorenza, II. 7, 15, 20, 23, 29, 43. 

San Paulo, The, II. 117. 

San Philip, see San Felipe. 

San Salvador, i. 270; 11. 7, 29, 39, 

44, 82, 97. 
San Thomas, The, ll. 33, 39, 51, 68, 

71, 73. 77- 
Sanders, Thomas, i. 241 sqq, 
Sanguisceu, 11. 24-25. 
Santa Anna, The, i. xxiv, 288. 
Santa Clara, The, 11. 129, 132. 
Santa Cruz, I. 64 ; li. 94, 97, 134. 

Marquis of, II. 5, 6. 

Santa Cruz, The, II. 55 sqq., 91, 129, 

134-136- . 
Santo Domingo, see San Domingo. 
Santa Maria, l. 191 ; II. 87-88, lOO. 
Santa Marta, I. 226, 229, 259. 
Santiago de Cuba, I. 271. 
Sapies, The, I. 38, 40. 
Sardinia, li. 216. 
Sargasso Sea, li. 89-90. 
Sarmiento, Pedro, i. xxiii, 283. 
Sarre, Ralph, I. 10. 
Sattee, 11. 213, 216. 
Saucy Jack, The, 11. 190, 195. 
Scilly Isles, II. xx. 
Scio, I. viii, xix, 1-5, 132-138; II. 182- 

185. 
Seaman'' s Triumph, The, li. 138, 139, 

141-142. 
Sebastian, King of Portugal, II. 6, 28, 

Serendib, II. xxii. 
Serizo, Gonzalo, I. 18. 
Setubal, II. 54, 105, 119, 124. 
Seville, I. 23, 27, 106, 217, 239; il. 

vii, 2-3, 103, 107. 
Seyllan, 11. xxii. 

Shales, William, I. 301-302, 312-314, 
Sharks, i. 155. 
Sicily, II. 102. 
Sierra Leone, I. 39, 45-46, 223-224, 

282. 
Silva, Don Diego Guzman de, I. xv. 
Singha 11., Raja, II. xxi. See also 

Kandy, King of. 
Slave Trade, I. x-xiii, 29 sqq. 
Smart, Hugh, 11. 341-342. 
Socotra, i. 158. 
Soffala, II. 115, 140, 148. 

Fort, II. 17, 27, 33. 

Sonnings, Romaine, i. 244, sqq. 



Index 



443 



Sonsonate, Province of, i. 268, 270. 
Spacke, Jolm, i. 32. 
Spinola, Benedick, i. 83, 84. 
Stapar, Richard, II. 151, 180, 308. 
Stapars, Richard, i. 244, 305, 313. 
Starkey, John, il. 184. 
Stars, II. 13. 

Stefano, Girolamo di S., Ii. xxii. 
Stevens Thomas, I. xx, xxi, xxvii, 152- 

159. 301, 306, 318, 322. 
Storey, James, il. vii-viii. 
Story, James, l. 318, 324, 
Strabo, ll. xxi. 

Stropene, Michael, l. 21, 316-317. 
Strozzi, Phillipo, ll. xix, 6, 284. 
Suez, II. 33. 

Swallow, The, I. xv, 113-114, 174, 222. 
Swan, The, II. xx, 228, 445. 
Sweeting, John, i. 10. 

Robert, i. 195, 199. 

Sumatra, I. 291 ; il. xxi, 42, 46, 83. 
Sunda, Straits of, I. 289-290; 11. 83. 

Taggarin, I. 44-5. 

Tagus, II. 2. 

Tamachos, I. 190. 

Tamalscaltepec, Mines, I. 267. 

Tamiago, i. 190. 

Tammarkadua, li. 302. 

Tampico,l. 163, 186, 189-191, 233, 373. 

Tangier, II. 28. 

Taprobane, II. xxi. 

Tarento, i. 149-151. 

Tehuantepec, i. 269. 

Teneriffe, I. xii, xiii, 10, 34, 153, 222. 

Tepeaca, i. 266. 

Terceira, i. 23 ; 11. 46, 9092, 96-97, 

100-116, 118-120, 188-190, 195, 197- 

198. 
Tescuco, I. 195, 235, 267. 
Testigos, I. 47. 

Tetu, Captain, II. xix, 284-285, 290. 
Texel, II. vii, i, 126. 
Thin, Captain Henry, II. 131. 
Thomson, Sir William, 11. 297. 

Captain, II. 132, 136-138. 

Tigelli, II. 170. 
Tiger, The, i. 295 ; 11. 139. 
Tigris, The, I. 300, 332. 
Tin, William, li. vii, 54. 
Tissera, Louis, il. 411. 
Tlascala, I. 265. 
Tobacco, I. 74-75; II. 307. 
Tolou, II. 230, 249, 281. 
Tom», Hernandez, I. xxiv. 



Tomson, Robert, I. viii, ix, xvii, 7-23. 
Tortuga, i. 49, 65. 

Trincomali, li. xxiv, 301, 303, 316-220. 
Tripoli, I. 2, 241 sqq., 295-296 ; II. 28, 
182. 

in Syria, I. 305 sqq. 

Tunkorle, 11. 303. 

Turren, Jean, i. 114. 

Turtles, I. 65. 

Twide, Richard, I. 161 sqq., 187. 

Ulua, San Juan d', i. 14 ; 11. xv, xvii; 

description, i. 97 ; the disaster there, 

vii, xvi-xvii, 81 sqq,, 269. 
Unticaro, I. 143-145. 
Usliant, II. 125. 

Valdez, Diego Flores de, i. xxiii, 

I, 237 sqq. 

Varre, Don Juan de Velasco de Varre, 

II. 236, 237. 

Vasco da Gama, II. xxii. 

Vassal, William, il. 343-344, 

Veddaks, The, 11. 307. 

Vela, Cape de la, I. 176. 

Vellas, II. 302. 

Velsares, II. 55. 

Venetians, I. 135, 322. 

Venice, i. 5, 260 ; il. 22, 28. 

Venta Cruz, 11. 241-242, 271-273, 278. 

Ventry Haven, 11. 208. 

Vera Cruz, I. 15, 27-28 ; current prices, 

106-108, 209 sqq., 264-275. 
Veragua, 11. xix, 280-283. 
Verde, Cape de, i. 37, 94, 153, 174, 

222-223 ; II. 89. 
Vergonse, Padre, II. 340, 428. 

Victory, The, II. 187, 190, 193, 197- 

199. 
Vijaya, II. xxi. 
Villa Dorta, II. lOl. 

Neuva, Augustine de, I. 227-229. 

de Praya, il. 102. 

del Rey, II. 249. 

Framca, II. 116, 198. 

Violet, The, 11. 145. 
Virginia, I. 281. 
Vrient, J. Bapt, II. x. 

Waghenaer, Lucas Jansz, Thresooi 
der Zeevaert, 11. viii. 

II. xii. 

Wallaponahoy, II. 302. 
Walsingham, Captain, II. 217, 219. 

Sir Francis, I. 161, 293. 

Welsh Language, I. 169. 



444 



Voyages and Travels 



Whitcombe, Roger, ii. 182, 
IVhiie Dove, The, II. 120. 
White Sea, I. ix. 
Winter, Sir Edward, 11. 344, 346. 

Sir William, I. 29. 

William, I. 83, 132, 166. 

William and John, The, I. xv, 105, 

108, 174-175, 222 sqq. 
Wilfrid, William and Nicholas, II. 184- 

185. 
Williamson, John, 183, 184. 
Willoughby, I. ix. 
Wotmds, The Five, 11. 146-150. 
Wright, Edward, li. xiv, 1S6. 
Wynter, ll, xviii. 



Xalapa, I. 265. 
Xalisco, I. 268. 
Xatamas, 11. 34, 35, 38. 

Yattenowera, II. 302, 306. 
Yucatan, i. 277. 

Zacatecas Silver Mines, i. 271, 

277- . 
Zambesi, li. xiii n. 
Zante, l. 259-260; il. 215. 
Zanzibar, li. 44, 82. 
Zapatecos, i. 269. 
Zeevaert, Thresoor der, 11. viii. 



^ 

^ 



I- 



• / 



THE LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 

Santa Barbara 



THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
STAMPED BELOW. 



Series 9482 



3 1205 03058 0656 



UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 



AA 001 360 683 5